Urban Design Lab Handbook: Dialogue-oriented urban transformation processes and practical approaches from Latin America and the Caribbean 9783986120177, 9783868595628

Table of contents :
Contents
Introduction
Preface
Introducing the Urban Design Lab
The Need for an Urban Laboratory
Emerging Topics in Latin American and Caribbean Cities
Photoessay 1
A Evolution
Community, Participation and Urban Transformation
Habitat and Social Inclusion in Urban Planning: Participation and Investigation in the Urban Design Lab Methodology
The Urban Design Lab in Latin American Cities: A View from Academia
Diagrams of Participatory Urbanism
Tailor-Made Urbanism: Urban Design Lab in Panama City
Ultra-Light Metropolis: The Ephemeral Megacity of the Kumbh Mela
Culture as an Incubator for Urban Transformation
The City at Eye Level: Focusing on the Plinth
Towards a Human-Scale City in Latin America
Photoessay 2
B Methodology
A Practical Approach to Urban Planning
Research
Stakeholder Dialogue
Project Design
Simple Toolbox for Participative Planning and Design Workshops
Guest Contributors
Medellín—A “City for Life”
Cultivating “Urban Complexity” in Latin America
The Design of Public Policy
In Situ Planning: Moderating Urban Development Processes Locally
C Solutions
Integral Urban Strategies for the Regeneration of Central Areas
Central Nassau Urban Regeneration Plan, Nassau, The Bahamas
Integrated Housing and Mixed-Use Strategy for the Historic Center of Paramaribo, Suriname
Vivimos Juntos: Integration and Densification of the Historic Center of Managua, Nicaragua
Urban Strategies for a Livable Downtown Montego Bay, Jamaica
Volver al Centro: Integrated Urban Revitalization of the Historic City Center of Santiago de los Caballeros, Dominican Republic
Barrio Mercado: Rehabilitation Strategy for Central Market of Monteria, Colombia
Connected City: Pasto River Fluvial Park, Pasto, Colombia
Neighborhood Revitalization and Sub-Centralities
Urban Regeneration Plan of the Calidonia District, Panama City, Panama
Photoessay 3
Urban Renovation Plan of Barrio Infanta, Las Heras, Mendoza, Argentina
Alto Comedero Urban Renovation: A Strategy for Social and Spatial Integration, Jujuy, Argentina
Urban Regeneration Plan of the Eje Pacífico— González Víquez, San José, Costa Rica
Conceptual Design for the Improvement of Barrio Collico, Valdivia, Chile
A New Sub-Center for the East of San Francisco de Campeche, México
La Mariscal: Activation of Borja Yerovi Plaza, Quito, Ecuador
Transformation Strategies for Abandoned Railway Infrastructure
Improvement of Intercultural Center at Former Railway Station, Quetzaltenango, Guatemala
Goya Central Park: Reinterpretation of the Former Railway Station, Goya, Argentina
Nodo Spurr: Integration of Former Railway Station into System of Centralities, Bahia Blanca, Argentina
Connecting Xalapa: Integrated Revitalization of Railway Corridor, Xalapa, Mexico
Integral Strategies for Metropolitan Areas
Five-minute city—Strategy for the territorial integration of Ciudad Juan Bosch, Santo Domingo Este, Dominican Republic
Metropolitan Public Space Integration Plan, Puerto Montt and Puerto Varas, Chile
Metropolitan Landscape and Green Habitat: Rio Elqui and Parque El Culebrón, La Serena and Coquimbo, Chile
Guest Contributors
Community Capital in Action: New Financial Models for Resilient Cities
Digital Strategies for Low-Income Neighborhoods
Photoessay 4
The Immanent Potential of Vacant Spaces
Airport Landscape Initiative
D Outlook
Interview with Jorge Perez Jaramillo
About the Contributors
Urban Design Lab—Project Teams
Imprint

Citation preview

Urban Design Lab Handbook

Panama City, Panama

Mendoza, Argentina

Jujuy, Argentina

Campeche, Mexico

Valdivia, Chile

Quito, Ecuador

Goya, Argentina

Bahia Blanca, Argentina

Quetzaltenango, Guatemala

Xalapa, Mexico

Managua, Nicaragua

Nassau Xalapa Campeche Montego Bay

Santiago de los Caballeros Santo Domingo Quetzaltenango

Managua San Jose Panama City

Monteria Paramaribo

Pasto Quito

Jujuy

La Serena / Coquimbo

Goya Mendoza

Valdivia Puerto Montt / Puerto Varas

Bahia Blanca

Urban Design Lab Handbook Dialogue-oriented urban transformation processes and practical approaches from Latin America and the Caribbean Roland Krebs, Markus Tomaselli (eds.)

Contents

Introduction Preface Andres Blanco, Tatiana Gallego Lizon Introducing the Urban Design Lab Roland Krebs, Markus Tomaselli The Need for an Urban Laboratory Roland Krebs, Daniela Sanjinés Emerging Topics in Latin American and Caribbean Cities Dominique Mashini, Emma Grün Photoessay 1 Ramón Zamora

A Evolution Community, Participation and Urban Transformation Alvaro Ramoneda, Patricio Jerez Habitat and Social Inclusion in Urban Planning: Participation and Investigation in the Urban Design Lab Methodology Alicia Gersovich, Olga Wainstein The Urban Design Lab in Latin American Cities: A View from Academia Andreas Hofer Diagrams of Participatory Urbanism Luis Fernando Castillo Tailor-Made Urbanism: Urban Design Lab in Panama City Guest Contributors Ultra-Light Metropolis: The Ephemeral Megacity of the Kumbh Mela Rahul Mehrotra, Felipe Vera Culture as an Incubator for Urban Transformation Alfredo Brillembourg, Hubert Klumpner, Alexis Kalagas, Diego Ceresuela The City at Eye Level: Focusing on the Plinth Hans Karssenberg, Jeroen Laven, Mattijs van’t Hoff, Meredith Glaser Towards a Human-Scale City in Latin America Mayra Madriz Photoessay 2 Ramón Zamora

B Methodology A Practical Approach to Urban Planning Research Stakeholder Dialogue Project Design Simple Toolbox for Participative Planning and Design Workshops Guest Contributors Medellín—A “City for Life” Jorge Pérez-Jaramillo Cultivating “Urban Complexity” in Latin America José Luis Vallejo, Belinda Tato The Design of Public Policy Fernando de Mello Franco In Situ Planning: Moderating Urban Development Processes Locally Siri Frech

29 30 38 42 49

68 72 74 78 80 82 86 89 93 97

116 120 124 128 132 138 142 146 149

C Solutions Integral Urban Strategies for the Regeneration of Central Areas Central Nassau Urban Regeneration Plan, Nassau, The Bahamas Integrated Housing and Mixed-Use Strategy for the Historic Center of Paramaribo, Suriname Vivimos Juntos: Integration and Densification of the Historic Center of Managua, Nicaragua Urban Strategies for a Livable Downtown Montego Bay, Jamaica Volver al Centro: Integrated Urban Revitalization of the Historic City Center of Santiago de los Caballeros, Dominican Republic Barrio Mercado: Rehabilitation Strategy of the Central Market of Monteria, Colombia Connected City: Pasto River Fluvial Park, Pasto, Colombia

157 158 166 174 178 184 188 194

Neighborhood Revitalization and Sub-Centralities Urban Regeneration Plan of the Calidonia District, Panama City, Panama Photoessay 3 Urban Renovation Plan of Barrio Infanta, Las Heras, Mendoza, Argentina Alto Comedero Urban Renovation: A Strategy for Social and Spatial Integration, Jujuy, Argentina Urban Regeneration Plan of the Eje Pacífico—González Víquez, San José, Costa Rica Conceptual Design for the Improvement of Barrio Collico, Valdivia, Chile A New Sub-Center for the East of San Francisco de Campeche, México La Mariscal: Activation of Borja Yerovi Plaza, Quito, Ecuador

199 200 209 226 232 238 246 254 258

Transformation Strategies for Abandoned Railway Infrastructure Improvement of Intercultural Center at Former Railway Station, Quetzaltenango, Guatemala Goya Central Park: Reinterpretation of the Former Railway Station, Goya, Argentina Nodo Spurr: Integration of Former Railway Station into System of Centralities, Bahia Blanca, Argentina Connecting Xalapa: Integrated Revitalization of Railway Corridor, Xalapa, Mexico

265 266 272 276

Integral Strategies for Metropolitan Areas Five-minute city—Ciudad Juan Bosch Metropolitan Extension Plan, Santo Domingo Este, Dominican Republic Metropolitan Public Space Integration Plan, Puerto Montt and Puerto Varas, Chile Metropolitan Landscape and Green Habitat: Rio Elqui and Parque El Culebrón, La Serena and Coquimbo, Chile Guest Contributors Community Capital in Action: New Financial Models for Resilient Cities Daniela Patti, Levente Polyak Digital Strategies for Low-Income Neighborhoods Katja Schechtner Photoessay 4 Ramón Zamora The Immanent Potential of Vacant Spaces Oliver Hasemann, Daniel Schnier, Anne Angenendt Airport Landscape Initiative Charles Waldheim

287 288

D Outlook Interview with Jorge Perez Jaramillo About the Contributors Urban Design Lab—Project Teams Colophon

282

296 304

312 316 321 338 341

346 350 355 363

Introduction

Preface Andres Blanco, Tatiana Gallego Lizon

Very often we are told that the main problem that cities in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are confronted with is lack of planning. The usual narrative goes like this: in the LAC region, the remarkable pace of urbanization (urban population rising from 25% of the total in 1925 to 75% in 2000) has been coupled with an absence of land-use plans; at the same time, the persistence of informal labor practices has resulted in chaotic urban growth characterized by, among other things, a housing deficit that affects 41 million urban households (32% of the total); four out of five of these households do not have access to any proper infrastructure, or are exposed to inadequate construction materials, overcrowding or insecurity of tenure. Yet there has been no shortage of plans in the region. Some LAC cities are even close to a century of planning efforts. Coincidentally, it was an Austrian planner, Karl Brunner (1887–1960), who introduced planning in Chile, Colombia and Panama. Not only did he direct the creation of some of the first land-use plans, which he preferred to call planes reguladores, but he also played a crucial role in the establishment of urban planning academic programs. Every planning professional doing background research in the LAC region has been much surprised to encounter an impressive stack of old plans or attempts at planning. Indeed, the problem has not been a lack of plans but very weak implementation, which has handed over the role of defining the way in which the built environment is produced to formal developers, pirate subdividers or squatters. Partly, the reason why “lot by lot urbanism” characterizes most LAC cities is the missing piece between land-use plans at city level and real-estate projects at building level. There are some exceptions to this, namely the few areas, usually of formal expansion, that have been regulated by partial or master plans. These areas are easy to pinpoint because they often look out of place compared with the rest of the city—featuring adequate services, good public spaces and suitable connections with the urban fabric. The Urban Design Lab (UDL) bets on this middle level of planning, one that is also people-centered and highly participatory. Thanks to the UDL methodology, communities, academia and practitioners can imagine urban space on a broader scale than the individual parcel. An important feature has been the combination of Austrian experts with local academics as a way to balance technical expertise with place knowledge and to build up local capacities. As with any good method, the UDL has grown by adapting to new contexts and reflecting on lessons learned—the chapters of this book attest to that. The unsettled issue that is still in doubt is actual implementation. The case of Santo Domingo Este shows the latest iteration of the methodology, combining the experimental approach of the newly created Cities LAB at the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) with the UDL’s participatory process. We hope that the introduction of tactical urbanism approaches—as promoted by the Cities LAB—will not only help with design but also increase the likelihood of implementation. This will allow the UDL to continue benefiting both cities and citizens in the LAC region and to make a lasting impact. 29

Introduction

Introducing the Urban Design Lab Roland Krebs, Markus Tomaselli

The Urban Design Lab (UDL) has acted in more than twenty emerging cities in Latin America and the Caribbean as a moderator of dialogue-oriented urban planning, exploring urban imaginaries and collecting creative ideas in order to translate them into design solutions. Each of these processes was unique and unpredictable—enriched by the participation of a diverse group of actors coming together as co-designers within highly complex urban contexts. After working on-site in these cities over the past four years, we are now eager to share our experience and the knowledge that we collectively built up—within a framework allowing for inclusive and innovative urban processes. We would like to encourage the readers of this handbook to make use of our toolbox, tailor it to their needs and start similar processes in their own cities. Thanks to their high degree of flexibility, our tools may be combined in various ways and adjusted to local conditions—thus generating tailor-made planning processes. This publication delves into the UDL methodology—and related projects—in depth. It also paints a broader picture of emerging urban challenges, the ongoing theoretical discourse, and creative solutions to complex problems. To do justice to the variety of possible approaches, we invited colleagues met along the way to contribute articles. Rapid global urbanization and ongoing informal processes are continuously challenging both inhabitants and the authorities in charge of large cities. It would be far-fetched to believe that top-down planning can lead to a sustainable, livable urban environment in the 30

Introduction 21st century. Hence we focus on integration and collaboration between communities and neighborhoods, as well as with entrepreneurs and planning institutions. We are deeply convinced that any urban project needs the support and acceptance of the affected population if it is to improve their quality of life. As a corollary, we will highlight the potential of co-designing to ensure a more sustainable urban transformation. Last but not least, cities have a strong emotional dimension and the Urban Design Lab Handbook reflects this. Beyond evident similarities in the challenges faced by the region’s urban centers, every city we worked in possessed unique features; a particular cultural and social fabric was embedded in every urban landscape. The unique spirit of each of these built environments is depicted in the photo essays scattered throughout the Handbook. The UDL takes a proactive approach to investigating and testing urban planning and design tools. This is achieved by deploying design-based solutions in emerging cities and developing real cases with real people. The most important lesson that the UDL has taught us is the need for adaptable, flexible, non-static planning tools that can catalyze transformative urban processes. It is for this reason that we are presenting our findings in a handbook. This is not a book of recipes for success but rather an invitation to adapt, transform, and enrich our insights through constant dialogue between urban practitioners, academics, public administrators, local stakeholders, and communities across the world. Public spaces have always been at the heart of urban life. We are convinced that, regardless of how design and architecture principles may change over time, improved urban environments will be experienced by both visitors and residents through their public spaces. People have a need for proximity to facilities and services that are found in urban centers, but also crave interaction among themselves. Over the past few years, many projects have showed us that the quality of public space ranks as one of the main issues for residents. Indeed, improvements in the built environment are not enough. We are convinced that a better spatial configuration, higher environmental quality and greater usability of space are among the key factors for successful urban development. We argue that urban planning, urban design, and architecture have to start from a people-centered perspective and fit in with the specific local context. Before the first drop of paint even touches the canvas—before the first line of any architectural sketch is drawn— any urban strategy should be developed through continuous interaction and dialogue with a vast swathe of neighbors and community members. Drawing on thorough on-site research and a plethora of project experience gained during the past four years, we have refined a methodology and compiled a catalog that, hopefully, will provide some inspiration for your urban projects and research. The Urban Design Lab Handbook is not meant to be read from cover to cover—it is a collection of useful tools and case studies. The first chapter of the book, “Evolution”, provides an overview of ongoing urban challenges in the LAC (Latin America and the Caribbean) region and of the development of the UDL. The second chapter, “Methodology”, is the user manual of the UDL planning methodology. In the third chapter, “Solutions”, we describe the outcomes of UDL projects in more than twenty LAC cities. Finally, the last chapter, “Outlook”, presents a vision for contemporary planning and deals with the new role played by architects and urban planners. In between these chapters, you will read about projects and approaches by friends of the UDL who inspired our work; these were used as starting points for the development of our own methodology. This book was made possible by an initiative of the Austrian Ministry of Finance (BMF), which established a collaboration between the Institute of Urban Design and Landscape Architecture at the Vienna University of Technology and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). BMF funding enabled activities in more than a dozen countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. We would also like to thank all our other partners and donors, who made it possible to offer numerous design studios, study trips and seminars, thus enriching the curriculum of TU Wien students, and to draw several urban development experts into higher education over the past years. Special thanks also go to Prof. Dr. Andreas Hofer (TU Wien), who was decisively involved in the development of UDL tools from the very beginning. This research-led teaching enabled us to develop this Handbook, along with contributions by many local and international experts, the work of our consultants, and the financial support of the Austrian government. 31

EUROPE +

Introduction

Summer Workshop St. Ägyd am Neuwalde, Austria (18 to 20 August 2014)

Fast Forward City Symposium Lessons from Latin America’s Urban Growth, Vienna, Austria (23 April 2015)

SOUTH AMERICA

CENTRAL AMERICA / CARRIBEAN

Ars Electronica Festival “Post City”, Linz, Austria (September 2015)

MANAGUA, NICARAGUA Urban Managua/Appear/ÖAD Research Project (October 2012 to September 2014)

MANAGUA, NICARAGUA Action Plan Design (February 2014 to May 2014)

MONTEGO BAY, JAMAICA Action Plan Design (August 2013 to October 2013)

2013

QUETZALTENANGO, GUATEMALA Action Plan Design, first Urban Design Lab December 2012 to February 2014) 2014

PANAMA CITY, PANAMA Urban Design Lab (December 2014 to August 2015) Model Building Workshop and Public Hearing in Panama City (23 to 26 June 2015) 2015

VALDIVIA, CHILE Urban Design Lab (February to March 2015) MONTERIA, COLOMBIA Mercado Central Project (May to October 2014)

XALAPA, MEXICO CAMPECHE, MEXICO QUETZALTENANGO, GUATEMALA MANAGUA, NICARAGUA PASTO, COLOMBIA SANTIAGO DE LOS CABALLEROS, DOMINICAN REP: Urban Design Lab (November 2014 to February 2015)

32

Introduction Lecture and Design Review: Bogotá Urban Laboratory — New Typologies to Reclaim Public Space, ETH Zurich, Urban Think-Tank, Chaired by Brillembourg and Klumpner (11 October 2017)

UN-HABITAT Expert Group Meeting “Urban Labs: A tool for integrated and participative urban planning”, Barcelona, Spain (2 to 3 February 2016)

Mayors Symposium — Strengthening Local Government Capacity in South-East Europe, Vienna (Austria), World Bank Group (26 to 27 February 2018)

Urban Future Conference, Graz, Austria (2 to 3 March 2016) Casablanca Smart City Conference and Expo, Casablanca, Morocco (18 to 19 May 2016)

XIV Bienal Internacional de Arquitectura “Derecho a la Ciudad”, SAN JOSÉ, COSTA RICA (23 to 25 May, 2018)

NASSAU, THE BAHAMAS Urban Design Lab (October 2015 to August 2016)

2016

SANTO DOMINGO, DOMINICAN REPUBLIC Urban Design Lab (May to September 2018)

2018

2017

GOYA, ARGENTINA Urban Design Lab (March to July 2016)

LAS HERS/MENDOZA, ARGENTINA Urban Design Lab (February to June 2017)

BAHIA BLANCA, ARGENTINA Urban Design Lab (March to July 2016)

SAN SALVADOR DE JUJUY, ARGENTINA Urban Design Lab (February to June 2017)

PUERTO MONTT / PUERTO VARAS, CHILE MetroLab (December 2015 to April 2016)

QUITO, ECUADOR PARAMARIBO, SURINAME Habitat III Village and El Cubo: Urban Design Lab Cine Urbano Festival + (June to October 2017) Urban Design Lab Workshop Festival Internacional de Innovación Social (FIIS), Santiago de Chile (5 to 8 December 2017)

COQUIMBO / LA SERENA, CHILE MetroLab (December 2015 to April 2016)

SAN JOSÉ, COSTA RICA Urban Design Lab (November 2016 to October 2017) El Cubo: San Jose Urban Lab Cine Urbano Festival (23 to 25 March 2017)

33

XX Bienal de Arquitectura y Urbanismo “Diálogos Impostergables”, VALPARAISO, CHILE (26 October to 10 November 2017)

Introduction

Xalapa, Mexico Xalapa, officially called Xalapa-Enriquez, is a city located in southeastern Mexico and has a population of 387,879 (2009). Mexico is divided into 32 federal entities and Xalapa is the capital city of Veracruz. The economy of Xalapa is mainly based on the commercial sector, but in cultural terms is also significantly shaped by its main university, Universidad Veracruzana. Besides, there are various other universities that also attract students from around the world.

Campeche, Mexico

o, Guatemala

Francisco Campeche, officially called San southin ted loca city de Campeche, is a ion of ulat pop a has and eastern Mexico peCam y of 220,389 (2010). The econom ture icul agr , che is mainly based on mining is he pec Cam and fishing. Furthermore, pumpkin the nation’s main producer of in 1540. d nde fou was seeds. Campeche walls and city nish Spa nial colo The typical ser pre ved the historical center are well O World and are protected as a UNESC Heritage Site.

Quetzaltenang

la, is a also known as Xe Quetzaltenango, mala te ua uthwestern G city located in so of n tio ated popula and has an estim y ith approximatel w , 3) 152,743 (201 poliro et m g in nd surrou 300,000 in the ci t ty of e second-larges tan area. It is th e Quetthe capital of th Guatemala and altitude an rict. It lies at zaltenango Dist The l. ve le a s above se of 2,330 meter ainly m is o ng tzaltena economy of Que , fruit, ing wheat, maize based on produc s, 90 19 . Since the late and vegetables os pr s ha s economy ore Quetzaltenango’ m en ev ow cted to gr pered; it is expe re. strongly in futu

Managua, Nicaragua Managua is the capital city of Nica ragua and has a population of 1,033,62 2 (2016). It is located on the southern sho re of Lake Managua. Its economy is mai nly based on the financial sector—all of the country’s major banks are located in the city. Managua is also the main poli tical, social, cultural, educational and eco­ nomic center of Nicaragua. The center of Managua was devastated in 197 2 by a deadly earthquake and was nev er fully rebuilt. Since the 1990s, informa l settlements have revived the cen ter of Managua.

Introduction

Nassau, The Baha

mas

Nassau is the ca pital city of the Co mmonwealth of the Ba hamas and has an estimated popula tion of 274,400 (2016). The economy of Nassau is mainly based on tourism, but farming and fishi ng remain important sector s of the econom y even though only a fra ction of the land is arable and nearly all food is imported. Santiago de los Caballeros, Dominican Republic Santiago is the second largest city in the Dominican Republic, and the four th largest in the Caribbean. The populati on is around 500,000 inhabitants. The sett lement was founded by the Spaniards in 1495 and remains to be the cultural, political, industrial and financial centers in the Caribbean. Santiago has over 300 man ufacturing companies, which employ more than 14,000 people or 12% of the labo r of Dominican Republic.

ca

mai Montego Bay, Ja

northa city located in Montego Bay is n of with a populatio western Jamaica ativetr is maica is admin 110,115 (2011). Ja d an s he urteen paris rish ly divided into fo pa e th of l the capita on, Montego Bay is st ng Ki l ta pi ter the ca ci of St. James. Af hone ty -largest anglop it is the second is a pop. Montego Bay in the Caribbean invests ination that ha ular holiday dest ars. ye st pa tion in the ed in moderniza of e at st a , ary 2018 However, in Janu ga clared—followin de as w y emergenc an — d is gs and murders spate of shootin still in force. San José, Costa Ri

ca

San José is the capit al, as well as the largest city, of Cost a Rica and has a population of 33 3,288 (2015), with almost 2.1 million in the surrounding metropolitan area. The city lies at an altitude of 1,170 m eters above sea lev el. Costa Rica has deve loped into an impo rtant location in the field of education and San José, in pa rticular, hosts many different unive rsities.

Santo Domingo

, Dominican Repu

blic Santo Domingo, officially Santo Do mingo de Guzmán, is th e capital and larg est city of the Dominican Republic. Its met ropolitan area is the larges t in the Caribbean by population, with 2,908,607 (2010) , while the capital city its elf counts around a million inhabitants. Sant o Domingo is the cultural, financial, politic al, commercial an d industrial center of the Dominican Republic.

Panama City, Pana

ma

Panama City is the capital city of Panama and has a population of 880,691 (2010), wi th over 1.5 million in the surrounding metropolitan area. As the political and administrative center of the coun try, the economy of Panama City is m ainly based on the commercial and fin ancial sectors. It is highly dependen t on trade activities associated with th e Panama Canal. The historical city center is a UNESCO World Heritage Sit e.

Introduction Pasto, Colombia

Goya, Argentina

de called San Juan Pasto, officially estern hw ut so cated in Pasto, is a city lo pulapo ed at tim s an es Columbia and ha is a (2018). Columbi tion of 500,000 da an s on gi re o tw ydivided into thirt l city ta pi ca sto is the capital district; Pa an at s lie ty ci on. The of the Nariño regi vel. le a se e ov ab s meter altitude of 2,897 d se Pasto is mainly ba The economy of t bu ice industries, on trade and serv . a significant role s tourism also play

Goya is a city in northeastern Argentina and has a population of 77,349 (2010). It is located on the eastern shore of the Parana River. Goya offers some touristic activities, such as visiting tobacco and rice mills or sport fishing, and tourism has become its most important economic sector. The city also has a small inland port.

ina Mendoza, Argent

Quito, Ecuador

gentiin the west of Ar Mendoza is a city lation of 115,041 na and has a popu re million in the su on (2010), with over e th is It . litan area rounding metropo za. ovince of Mendo pr e th of capital city e ainly based on th Its economy is m are ds ar ey vin l ra seve export of wine— the e, or gion. Furtherm located in the re s ga l, oi petroleum, city also exports g with al products, alon ic em and petroch . es vegetabl olives, fruit and

Quito is the capital city of Ecuador an d has a population of 2,6 71,191 (2011). It lies at an altitude of 2,850 m eters above sea lev el, which makes it the second-highest ca pital city in the world. Th e economy of Quito is mainly based on te xtiles, metals and ag riculture. Quito is at the heart of the mos t important econom ic region in the coun try.

Valdivia, Chile

La Serena, Chile La Serena is the capital city of the Coquimbo region in the north of Chile and has a population of 198,163 (2012), with over 400,000 in the surrounding metropolitan region. The economy of La Serena is mainly based on tourism. In the summer months, the population doubles as a result of the many people coming to visit the city’s attractions—mainly the beaches. La Serena shares a common metropolitan area with Coquimbo.

Valdivia is a city in southern Chile with a population of 154,432 (2012). The economy of Valdivia is mainly based on forestry-related activities, as well as the metallurgical industry, naval construc tion, agriculture, cattle breeding, aqua culture and food processing. Tourism also plays an important role, and ther e are several universities and schools, both public and private.

Coquimbo, Chile Coquimbo is a city with more than 20 0,117 (2012) inhabitants; it is located on the Pan-American High way. The gold and copper industries led to the city’s importanc e in the middle of th e eighteenth centur y. Today, the city is an industrial and shipp ing center undergoing rapid economic an d population growth . Coquimbo shares its metropolitan area with La Serena.

Puerto Montt,

Chile

ty of the is the capital ci Puerto Montt Chile rn he on in sout Los Lagos regi 8 (2012). 85 8, 21 of lation and has a popu the most lcano—one of The Calbuco vo ted ca in Chile—is lo active volcanos e city; th of st s to the ea er et m lo ki y irt th onomy in 2015. The ec it last erupted d on tt is mainly base of Puerto Mon ell as w as , es iti tiv ac forestry-related tourism. d ttle breeding an agriculture, ca metroon m shares a com tt on M to er Pu Puerto Varas. politan area with

Introduction Monteria, Colombia

Paramaribo, Suriname

Monteria is a city located in the north of Colombia and has a population of 454,032 (2015). Colombia is administ ratively divided into thirty-two districts and Monteria is the capital of the district of Córdoba. The city is located along the Sinú River, which connects its inland seaport to the Caribbean Sea. The economy of Monteria is mainly based on cattle farming and a relatively strong, boom ing commercial district.

est city Paramaribo is the capital and larg of the th of Suriname. Located in the nor ,924 240 of ion country, it has a populat long km 480 the on (2012). It is situated the ss acro s flow ch whi r, Suriname Rive is ribo ama Par of y nom eco country. The ncial fina mainly based on the business and grow y ingl eas sectors, but tourism is incr city r inne oric hist ing in importance. The World of Paramaribo has been a UNESCO 2. 200 e sinc Heritage Site

Jujuy, Argentina Jujuy, officially calle d San Salvador de Jujuy, is a city in no rthern Argentina and has a population of 257,970 (2010). Argentina is divide d into 23 provinces and one autonomou s city: Buenos Aire s. Jujuy is the capital of Jujuy Province. It is located near the A ndes at the junction of the Xibi River and the Río Grande de Jujuy at 1,238 meter s above sea level.  Goya, Argentina Goya is a city in northeastern Argentina and has a population of 77,349 (2010). It is located on the eastern shore of the Parana River. Goya offers some touristic activities, such as visiting tobacco and rice mills or sport fishing, and tourism has become its most important economic sector. The city also has a small inland port.

Puerto Varas, Ch

ile

Puerto Varas is a city in southern Chile with a populatio n of 41,255 (201 2). The city is located on the southern shor e of the Llanquihue Lake, which is th e second-largest la ke in Chile. Vario us activities related to the Llanquihue Lake attract tourists th us the economy of Puerto Varas is m ainly based on to urism. Puerto Varas shar es its metropolit an area with Puerto Montt.

Bahia Blanca, Argentina Bahia Blanca is a city in southea stern Argentina and has a population of 301,572 (2010). Argentina is divi ded into 23 provinces and one autonomous city: Buenos Aires. Bahia Blanca is loca ted in the province of Buenos Aires. Its seaports are among the most imp ortant in Argentina, with an average natu ral depth of 15 meters. As a result, the economy of Bahia Blanca is mai nly based on industries related to the ports.

Introduction

The Need for an Urban Laboratory Roland Krebs, Daniela Sanjinés

The work we do as urbanists, architects, or planners, is all about people. People are at the center of all we do. As Jan Gehl (2010), the renowned urban designer and architect, observed, “For decades, the human dimension has been an overlooked and haphazardly addressed urban planning topic” and “Only architecture that considers human scale and interaction is successful architecture.” People-centered planning and design, from process to product, is the crux of what we do in the Urban Design Lab (UDL). We improve the lives of city dwellers in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) through transformative urban design; the city is our canvas, the people are the paint, and the UDL is the brush. Without the paint, i. e. the people, we have nothing, and nothing we do will last or be sustainable. Because cities are continuing to grow, and some are breaking at the seams, human-focused planning and design is more important than ever. Today, LAC makes up the second most urbanized region on the planet—there eight out of ten people live in cities (United Nations, 2014). Over the past two decades, the region’s urban population and economic growth have increasingly taken place in intermediate-sized cities, which are expanding exponentially. Today, approximately 260 million people live in 198 LAC cities counting more than 200,000 inhabitants and generate sixty percent of Latin America’s GDP. UN-Habitat predicts that Latin American cities will include ninety percent of the region’s population by 2050. This phenomenon has left LAC cities struggling to respond adequately with long-term, context-specific, strategic city planning. Emerging cities continue to face growing challenges calling for innovative approaches. The reclamation of the public realm has proven to be an effective avenue, not only towards more sustainable urban environments but also towards the integration of marginalized communities into the urban fabric. The debate about the state of urban areas, deficient planning, and flawed management strategies is not confined to the developing world. In the northern hemisphere these are relevant issues as well: How can we manage the city’s spatial growth along with its social, natural, cultural and economic challenges? How do we effectively plan for an emerging city without neglecting “urbanity” and “humanity”? Before diving into these important issues, we wish to quickly look back on past developments, starting with the early days of modern urban planning and design in Latin America and the Caribbean—for the region has been a veritable laboratory for several international, innovative planning theories. Urban Laboratories of the Twentieth Century Urban population growth, incremental processes of industrialization and the arrival of automobiles initially led to the expansion of urban centers during the first decades of the twentieth century (Almandoz, 2007). Between 1850 and 1930, Latin American and Caribbean cities began institutionalizing urban agendas inspired by European conceptions. Urban ideas from France derived from “Haussmannian surgery” and the Beaux-Arts tradition (Almandoz, 2002) were especially influential, on the one hand in responding to unsanitary living conditions in working class quarters, and on the other hand in the design of residential suburbs for the bourgeoisie. 38

Introduction Le Corbusier’s visit to Argentina and Brazil in 1929 had a strong impact on city development in the region. For instance, the Regulatory Plan for the City of Buenos Aires (1947–49) was prepared by Juan Kurchan and Jorge Ferrari Hardoy in collaboration with Le Corbusier (Sennott, 2004). Also, his influence on Brazilian architecture and planning was evident, as shown by the 1938 commissioning of the new Ministry of Education and Health building (MES) in Rio de Janeiro, where Le Corbusier, Lucio Costa and Oscar Niemeyer served as principal architects and Roberto Burle Marx as a landscape designer. The latter three were also put in charge of the urban planning, architectural design, and landscape design of Brasília, the new Brazilian modernist capital city, in 1956 (Segre, 2007). These two projects exemplify the influence of the Swiss-French architect and planner on Brazil’s foremost planners and designers during the twentieth century (Irazábal, 2009). Urban conceptions—from Camillo Sitte’s to Ebenezer Howard’s—began permeating the local planning agenda in the region. By the 1930s, more precisely from 1929 until 1948, European planners such as the Austrian architect and urban planner Karl Brunner were invited to establish public institutions and formal plans, and to engage in urban academic discourse in cities like Santiago de Chile, Bogotá, and Panama City (Hofer, 2009). By the 1950s, following several visits by representatives of CIAM (International Congresses of Modern Architecture)—including Le Corbusier and a planning and architec­ tural duo, the Town Planning Associates of Paul Lester Wiener and José Lluis Sert (1957)— the urban principles of the modern movement had become part of the local discourse and materialized as master plans for several cities (Havana, Chimbote and Bogotá, among others) from 1939 until 1957 (Mumford, 2008). Simultaneously, architecture schools and planning institutes were set up, consolidating a growing local culture of urban planning throughout the continent. However, starting in the second half of the twentieth century, accelerated urban growth and increasing rural exodus led to the arrival of impoverished families. These set up house in informal settlements on the urban fringes far beyond the reach of administrative bodies, public services and planning strategies. In the 1960s Latin America, which was suffering from a growing housing shortage, became a testing ground for urban ideas again. In Lima in 1969, research by John Turner and architectural theorist Christopher Alexander resulted in the experimental social housing project PREVI. By the 1980s, after the fall of military regimes throughout the region, processes of re-democratization and the implementation of neoliberal policies had an impact on the social configuration and spatial structure of sprawling LAC cities (Hall, 1988). Furthermore, decentralization processes transferred territorial planning responsibilities to unprepared municipalities; often lacking resources and qualified staff, these municipalities were overwhelmed with the task of properly addressing urgent urban challenges. Today, cities throughout the LAC region are continuing to develop in a generally informal, haphazard manner; indeed approximately one in every five urban inhabitants resides in a slum (UN-HABITAT, 2015). This clearly highlights the failure of these cities to respond adequately to urban growth; it is an urgent call for changes to the status quo of planning procedures. An important step towards a paradigm shift was the Favela-Bairro; started in 1993, this slum-upgrading program in Rio de Janeiro was led by Argentinian architect Jorge Mario Jauregui and financed by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). Favela-Bairro converted favelas (slums or informal settlements) into regular neighborhoods by applying dialogue-­oriented planning techniques. This program and its successor (since 2010) Morar Carioca are considered pioneers of the new paradigm for the improvement of emerging cities in developing countries, i. e. renovating neighborhoods with very poor living conditions instead of relocating their inhabitants (Jauregui, 2014). From early 2000, another particular case of experimental urban planning and design emerged from the crime-ridden city of Medellín. Thanks to the design and implementation of a comprehensive territorial development plan, strategic projects were set up in cooperation with architecture schools in urban laboratories; these tested innovative solutions to Medellín’s social problems, serving as catalysts for urban transformation (McGuirk, 2014). Today Medellín’s urban projects—calling for a new, people-centered urban planning paradigm for the region—are an inspiration to a new generation of architects and urban planners.

39

Introduction Need for a New Planning Paradigm New planning tools, in contrast with traditional, often static instruments such as zoning or master plans, have proven to be capable of providing sustainable, inclusive mechanisms for urban transformation that acknowledge a multiplicity of actors and contemporary urban challenges. We may just be witnessing the death of the Plan; but long live the planning process: a constant negotiation of interests. Aware that traditional tools are not solving short and medium-term problems, we are looking for new mechanisms to tackle complex problems in urban contexts. This applies to strategic planning on the urban scale, but also to small-scale interventions involving private sector initiatives. Indeed, any innovative tools that stimulate comprehensive actions—whether short, medium, or long term—can foster dialogue between those affected and those who plan and (co-)finance, including the city administration. The main challenge is to design projects that are underpinned by a clear vision and a concrete urban strategy. The vision must be multi­ dimensional in order to tackle the intertwined problems of urban development holistically— including poverty, inequality, mobility, growth of the urban footprint, and environmental and social impacts. An Urban Laboratory Testing Innovative Planning Tools The Urban Design Lab is an experimental design methodology combining people-centered planning, participatory planning tools, urban strategies, and urban design. The rational insertion of ideas and projects into an urban context, the identification of emerging topics, and the formulation of urban strategies are all part of the approach that the UDL co-created with local actors across the LAC region. This innovative, pilot planning technique was established as an experimental laboratory with the financial support of the Austrian Ministry of Finance (BMF). The team from the School of Architecture and Urban Planning at the University of Technology in Vienna has joined forces with the IDB (Inter-American Development Bank) to contribute to the body of research on, and innovative approaches to urban planning. In the past four years, we intensively tested our methods in over twenty partner cities of the Emerging and Sustainable Cities Program (ESC) in the LAC region. The ESC is the IDB’s nonreimburs­able technical assistance program; it provides direct support to national and sub­ national governments in the elaboration and execution of Action Plans for sustainable urban development in LAC cities. Within the framework of this program we set up an experimental research group involving local universities and research institutions that were already in­­ vestigating how to include people in urban project planning processes. UDL staff engaged with communities, made mistakes, improved the rules and tried out new ways to work with stakeholders.

Bibliography · Almandoz, A. (2002) Planning Latin America’s Capital Cities 1850–1950, Routledge, p. 2. · Almandoz, A. (2007) Modernización urbanística en América Latina. Luminarias extranjeras y cambios disciplinares, 1900–1960, Revista Iberoamericana, VII, 27 (2007), p. 64. · Borsdorf, A., Hidalgo, R. (2010) From Polarization to Fragmentation. Recent Changes in Latin American Urbanization. In: Lindert, P. & Verkoren O., Decentralized Development in Latin America,

Vol. 97, Dordrecht, Springer Netherlands (GeoJournal Library), p. 24. · Gehl, J. (2010) Cities for People, Island Press, London. · Hall, P. (1988) Cities of Tomorrow— Third Edition, Blackwell Publishing, p. 10. · Hofer, A. (2009) The Latin American City and its Viennese Planning Approach: Karl Brunner in Chile and Colombia (1929–1948). In: Bohl, C. & Lejeune J., eds., Sitte, Hegemann and the Metropolis: Modern Civic Art and International Exchanges, Routledge. · Irazábal, C. (2009) Revisiting

Urban Planning in Latin America and the Caribbean. Report on Human Settlements 2009. · Jauregui, J. (2014) Keine Alternative zur Urbanisierung der Favelas. Interview by Ole Schulz. Bauwelt 23, 2014, pp. 6–8. · McGuirk, J. (2014) Radical Cities: across Latin America in search of a new architecture, Verso, p. 236. · Mumford, E., Sarkis, H. (2008) Josep Lluis Sert: the Architect of Urban Design, 1953–1969. · Sennott, S. (2004) Encyclopedia of Twentieth Century Architecture,

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Taylor & Francis, p. 186. · UN-Habitat (2015) Global Urban Observatory Urban Indicators Database, accessed January 15, 2018 http://urbandata.unhabitat. org. · United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2014) World Urbanization Prospects: The 2014 Revision, Highlights (ST/ESA/ SER.A/352). · Wiener, P., Sert, J. (1957) Work of Town Planning Associates in Latin America 1945–1956; Architectural design, Vol. 27:6, pp. 190–213.

JAMAICA

CUBA 8.85 million

GUATEMALA MEXICO

80%

55%

77%

1.58 million HAITI

52%

8.62 million

60%

PANAMA

6.48 million

67%

101.4 million

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC

55%

8.5 million

2.69 million PUERTO RICO

COSTA RICA

TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO

8%

114 million

94%

78%

3.19 million

3.77 million

VENEZUELA

89%

28.1 million HONDURAS

55%

5.04 million

BRASIL

86%

EL SALVADOR

178.44 million

67%

4.26 million NICARAGUA

59%

3.63 million COLOMBIA

77%

37.32 million

ECUADOR

64%

10.48 million PERU

79%

BOLIVIA

69%

25.07 million

7.5 million

LATIN AMERICA

80%

510 million

CHILE

PARAGUAY

16.06 million

4.03 million

60%

90%

URUGUAY

95%

3.28 million > 70 %

ARGENTINA

92%

50 % - 70 %

40.29 million

< 50 % 41

Introduction

Emerging Topics in Latin American and Caribbean Cities Dominique Mashini, Emma Grün

Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) has become the second most urbanized region on the planet, with an urban population concentration swelling from 49.3% in 1960 to 80.1% in 2016 (World Bank, 2016). This concentration is an incremental process that has been occurring since the second half of the last century, when cities were consolidated as the nerve centers of accumulation and growth in the region (de Mattos, 2001). Thereupon, metropolitan areas and megacities became the centers of economic competitiveness; they were also the places where conflicts around greater levels of equity and quality of urban life were played out. Currently, the focus of the discussion is on intermediate cities, which have grown at rates considerably higher than many metropolitan areas, leading to new opportunities and territorial challenges in Latin America and the Caribbean. Among the most relevant issues that have arisen in urban-territorial development processes that generate more accessible, equitable, resilient cities, we can find: land-use planning, heritage, mobility and connectivity, security, the environment in the context of climate change, and the articulation of urban centers. Within the Urban Design Lab (UDL) methodology, urban issues are pinpointed and described by the “users” of cities—an approach that is complementary to the study of cities based on the economics, geography, and politics of land-use planning. These issues come to light during the civic engagement and dialogue process; then the findings are selected, grouped, and qualified as “Emerging Topics”. Facilitating civic dialogue The UDL method promotes the interpretative analysis of qualitative data because this provides valuable information on the ways in which we, as inhabitants, perceive transformation in LAC cities. This allows the identification of challenges, which are then used as the basis for strategies that favor greater social and urban-environmental sustainability. The structural urban issues identified during UDL participatory processes have all had a direct impact on the daily lives of citizens. In the twenty cities where the Urban Design Lab was implemented, communities showed concern about several topics that were evident in other cities as well. The ways in which citizens perceive the impacts of new urban challenges have been classified in this chapter into four main groups of Emerging Topics: the way we work or access the labor market; the way we move in the city; the way we interact with each other; and the way we relate to the urban space. These four main perceptions of the impacts of urban transformation reflect how we, as citizens, have to deal with the symptoms of accelerated urban growth, which directly influences the way we live. 42

Introduction The way we live The most recognizable urban phenomena in LAC cities stem from the rapid widening of the urban footprint, which leads to an accelerated (and mostly unplanned) expansion of urban systems, generating considerable imbalances with respect to central areas. Urban expansion has been characterized by a pattern of scattered occupation across rural and natural areas, leading to: a pronounced separation of basic urban functions, such as housing and workplaces; the concentration of the tertiary sector in the city center; the peripheralization and dispersion of residential and industrial functions and, finally, the segregation of housing according to social class (Blumenfeld, 1972, in Hidalgo et al, 2009). “A lot of young Bahamians are looking for affordable housing right now which would bring people back Downtown. A lot of hotels are being developed, but nothing for the residents. I would also love to live Downtown”. Amanda Coulson, inhabitant of the city of Nassau. Within these dynamics, urban centers have been affected by processes of decay and abandonment, evident in the current quality of the built environment and public spaces. Centers in most LAC emerging cities have completely lost their residential meaning or are facing rapidly decreasing population in spite of high overall population growth. Sometimes residential use is concentrated in informal settlements (or slums) as is the case in Managua and Montego Bay. Low-income groups are forced out of the formal city into social housing projects built in peri-urban areas, where households have to spend a lot of money on public transportation to reach central areas—which is where the jobs are (Magalhaes 2016). This spatial segregation results in monofunctional neighborhoods: these are disconnected from the public transportation system and do not provide any social infrastructure. Such phenomena result—as in any other part of the world—in a high level of car dependency and urban sprawl. In general terms, UN-Habitat (2012) estimates the housing deficit in LAC at 50% for Nicaragua and Honduras, and approximately 30% in Argentina, Bolivia and El Salvador, stating that without any profound change this trend will continue to be one of the greatest challenges in the region. As for trends regarding informal housing (both on the urban fringe and close to urban centers), the average proportion of the urban population living in slums in 2005 was around 25%, with almost 60% in Jamaica, around 50% in Nicaragua, 10% in Costa Rica, and less than 10% in Chile and Suriname. Thus, providing affordable housing within consolidated urban areas is a necessary strategy to reduce inequality as well as to improve the quality of urban life. “I think the population should be stimulated to live again in the city. But which segment of the society would be able to afford it?”. Lloyd Kotzebue, inhabitant of the city of Paramaribo. The way we move How people make use of all the types of transportation available at the local, metropolitan, and regional levels is an emerging issue of high relevance for the communities in UDL projects. Every discussion showed that the purpose of mobility was to gain access to destinations, activities, and services in other urban areas. Consequently, urban planning and design should focus on how to bring people and places together by creating cities that focus on accessibility, rather than by increasing the length of the transportation infrastructure (UN-Habitat, 2013). Two priority topics emerged from the UDL participatory events: first, as mentioned above, the capacity of transportation to provide greater access to facilities, services, and opportunities under the principles of urban equity; second, the challenges in the experience of daily mobility as an approach to assess urban social relations (Jiron et al, 2010). Over the past thirty years, there has been a marked tendency towards suburbanization— resulting in a diffuse, fragmented peri-urban formation. The UDL team has intervened in cities that display high levels of residential segregation. In some cases (Montego Bay, Nassau, Managua and Xalapa), peripheral areas are composed of homogeneous neighborhoods without any efficient public transportation to access opportunities in other parts of the city. Public transportation has a direct impact not only on the level of inequality as regards accessibility, 43

Introduction but also on the quality of the experience of urban mobility. Based on different visions formulated during participatory events, a consensus was reached on the importance of providing a range of transportation options to people giving greater priority to pedestrian modes and other non-motorized ones. But it is also important to mention that the challenges of mass transportation on a metropolitan planning scale in LAC cities, for example in Managua, San José or Puerto Montt-Puerto Varas, have not yet been addressed in an integrated manner by the administration. “It is essential to attend to the forms of mobility within the neighborhood and to recognize the potential of the train track as an interesting space for pedestrian traffic.” Resident from Valdivia. During the participatory workshops, the pedestrian was the main protagonist, since the quality of urban spaces and their capacity to express a sense of identity is observed and evaluated from the pedestrian’s point of view. Therefore, sidewalks were often analyzed in relation to vegetative cover, because the latter offers shaded space both for walking and sitting. Likewise, mixed uses in ground floor zones were valued for their benefits and greater potential for economic activity, as well as job opportunities for those who move around the city on foot. “The construction line of the lots needs to be set back towards the inside to give more space to pedestrians and green areas.” Eduardo Brenes, inhabitant of the city of San Jose. Besides considerations concerning pedestrians, opportunities for cyclists—guaranteeing at least minimum safety standards—increased. Bikeways have become fundamental travel corridors to be considered during the reformulation of urban profiles. Participatory processes pointed the opportunity to reinvent the way in which modes of transportation, intermodality, and accessibility are distributed. The projected scenarios within the UDL workshops show that communities tend to favor non-motorized journeys and demand greater road safety in the design of mobility structures. Modes of transportation have been prioritized in the Emerging Topics because of their capacity to transform the way in which the territory is inhabited when attempting to reclaim the human scale in the making of the city. In order to bring people and places together, we must pay attention to the way we move, understanding that this affects the functionality of cities and human settlements. The way we work Cities generate economic wealth and therefore their employment opportunities attract large parts of a country’s job-seeking population (United Nations, 2017). The way in which citizens access the labor market primarily has a social dimension, but also entails a physical dimension, because socio-economic inequalities are reflected in urban space. Thus, this group of Emerging Topics (“the way we work”) mainly deals with the need to catalyze several socio-­spatial transformations that take into consideration the potential to generate a range of functional spaces for different uses as well as facilities that promote cultural, touristic, economic, and social inclusion. Additionally, there is a need to provide new spaces of support, i. e. infrastructure for technical and professional training, to reverse trends of social and urban vulnerability. “Not modifying and not interrupting the history of the railroad, I think it could be used as a cultural center, adding a commercial sector around it for micro-entrepreneurs, which can also serve as a tourist spot.” Walter, technician, inhabitant of the city of Goya. However, today a number of spatial transformations lack diversity and generate monofunctional spaces, thus excluding the community from the benefits of urban development. This is the case of cities such as Nassau, where the central public market for perishable goods and local products was replaced by a market focused on tourists, thereby erasing the connection with local communities and losing its “Caribbean feel", which had given the city center its local identity. In Goya, participating citizens are aware that they live in areas of low access to 44

Introduction socio-cultural capital and that current conditions preclude them from being included in cultural, social, and local economic development. In Bahía Blanca, the lack of employment prospects is recognized as problematic. Job opportunities are limited to the fruit market and railway workshops, which implies more daily trips to cover the distance between housing and workplaces, further limiting the inhabitants’ ability to access the formal labor market (Hidalgo, 2011). In several participatory processes there was a concern to achieve equal access to several economic, productive resources and opportunities. In addition, some ideas were highlighted, such as: the promotion of cultural and creative economies, sustainable tourism, heritage conservation, and the provision of a mix of jobs and services. Thus, citizens recognize the need to diversify the local economy, tapping into new ideas and innovation (such as supporting small businesses) for local economic development. There is great potential for generating labor opportunities by rethinking industrial production in the digital age, such as urban manufacturing and creative industries. The desired objective is to achieve greater interaction among inhabitants through the promotion of education and local economic activity. This can be carried out, as pointed out in Valdivia, through interventions that promote social integration (such as urban gardens) or take into consideration the ability of educational spaces and community meetings to reverse trends of social and urban vulnerability. The way we interact The search for an impulse to social integration shapes new types of interaction and socio-spatial links, having an impact on the way we interact with each other in public urban spaces. Public open spaces have become identity settings that communities inhabit, and where they interact and transform themselves. At the same time, open green spaces have become central in the citizen discourse, because they provide public space for recreation and perform multiple ecosystem services. During the participatory processes implemented in UDL cities, two fundamental topics concerning open space and citizenship were highlighted: (i) the relevance of the quality of public space with opportunities for all, taking into consideration principles of universal accessibility, identity, and security, and (ii) the opportunities provided by landscape elements and open green spaces to improve the quality of urban life. These ideas have been addressed through projects in the fields of: the natural environment, open spaces, green corridors, cultural areas, large parks and recreational spaces, and green infrastructure. Sennet (2002) defined the city as that human establishment in which an encounter with strangers is most likely to occur. In this context, public spaces are the setting for public life and interactions between a diverse range of people. This is why the UDL design exercise requires that the space under discussion should give rise not only to spaces of circulation, but also permanence, in order to encourage social exchange and its spatial links. The quality of spaces plays a central role when it comes to improving the quality of human relations and the urban habitat. The social and environmental functions of the landscape were valued by communities in various cities where the UDL method was implemented, such as Jujuy, San José, and the metropolitan area of La ​​ Serena-Coquimbo. On a neighborhood scale, the potential of the social function of the landscape to consolidate squares and green areas has been largely recognized. Such areas facilitate citizen encounters across all socio-economic classes, genders, and abilities. This has been addressed in joint work with communities through strategies such as the recovery of elements of the landscape. In the cases of Pasto, La Serena, San José, and Jujuy, opportunities to recover riverbanks that were not essential parts of urban development processes were explored. To this end, ecological diagnoses were carried out together with sector specialists and civil society organizations. In La Serena, the Center for Advanced Studies in Arid Zones (CEAZA), in conjunction with the UDL team, conducted an exhaustive diagnosis of the vegetation, fragmentation of ecosystems, and dynamics of migratory birds along the Elqui River. “The natural elements are highly relevant for preserving ecological values and ​​ improving the quality of life for the inhabitants of Collico.” Resident of Valdivia. 45

Introduction The results have led to restoration and recovery strategies aiming to conserve ecological value. Likewise, they have allowed the designation of environmentally-degraded areas that may receive higher levels of intervention, making their use more compatible with the desires of the communities. This has allowed an increase in the amount of green space per inhabitant and, in many cases, a more equitable distribution. “Create a space that can serve as a reservoir of water and that at the same time has a public entertainment use in Goya.” Iris Mussio, Goya. The way we relate The way we relate and associate in the space we inhabit, as well as the way in which we influence the territory, is based on an understanding of cities’ dynamic cultural processes and of how spaces, facilities, and infrastructure should be designed to cater for the needs of different segments of society. In the planning field, culture, identity, and heritage should be considered as prime interactive elements that allow the integration of communities into their environment. The goal is to encourage communities to agree on a common vision, based on the recognition of the potential of community organizations to manage more attractive, inclusive, safe spaces. The UDL method encourages the involvement of citizens in the urban development process. Participants must be residents, neighbors, or stakeholders who manage change in their neighborhoods. Thanks to empowered citizens, more sustainable, successful projects can be achieved, because people identify with the changes and appropriate the development that is happening in their city. For example, in Grant’s Town, Nassau, successful community outreach is led by local grassroots organizations; community activists have become role models for “kids” by providing a positive option for after-school activities. However, it is not uncommon to come across inhabitants who lack interest and organization. In the case of Panama City, it is unclear whether this less intensive involvement of direct stakeholders from the neighborhood is related to the fact that the old center has ceased to be one with which citizens can identify, or because of a lack of cohesion in the neighborhoods.

TOOLS

SWOT ANALYSIS

DIMENSIONS + EMERGING TOPICS

INFRASTRUCTURE

OBJECTIVES

TOPIC 1

OBJECTIVE 1

INTEGRATED PROJECTS

PROJECT MANAGEMENT

PROJECT 1

TOPIC 2 PROJECT 2

TOPIC 3 SOCIO ENVIRONMENTAL

TOPIC 4

LOCAL ECONOMY

TOPIC 5

ECOSYSTEM

TOPIC 7

+

ROLE PLAY

OTHER TOOLS

INTERVIEWS + WORKSHOP

DIMENSION n

OBJECTIVE 2

TOPIC 6

PROJECT 3

PROJECT 4

TOPIC 8

OBJECTIVE 3

TOPIC n

OBJECTIVE n

PARTICIPATORY ANALYSIS THEMATIZATION + PRIORITIZATION

46

CO-DESIGN

PROJECT n

MANAGEMENT PLAN

SCENARIOS

Introduction Community organizations can actively transform neighborhoods, but it is important for them to be supported and incorporated into the larger urban renovation process. Hence difficulties in the local management of urban projects are reinforced by the limitations of local regulations and territorial planning instruments, i. e. the inability to steer a comprehensive, harmonious development of buildings and public spaces in line with people’s needs. In the case of Panama City, for example, the municipality guides its urban development through zoning mechanisms with no height limits or design criteria for real estate projects; neither does it take into account the ideas and opinions of stakeholders about the development of adjacent public space, resulting in its fragmentation. As in the city of Nassau, several private and public initiatives are running in Xalapa. In both cases, it was necessary to combine efforts to achieve more inclusive urban development— that is, to connect institutions with each other to achieve successful, sustainable projects to­gether. In order to fulfil urban potential, the various actors (public, academic, and civil society organizations) need to define and establish a joint vision. This approach can combat local lack of interest and distrust in community management processes through collaborative efforts with schools, organizations, and existing parents’ associations, for instance by means of inclusive courses, community integration and interaction, or community dialogue and campaigns. In Bahía Blanca and Panama City, culture was identified as an emerging topic. Within this topic, structures and functions that configure identity, promote exchange, and generate added value within urban development processes were defined. Thus, the cultural development of neighborhoods serves as an anchor to strengthen ownership by the neighbors with respect to their environment and the construction of a collective identity. In Coquimbo and La Serena, identity elements are evident—the Elqui River and the El Culebrón Park. Indeed, natural heritage offers an opportunity for social appropriation by boosting citizens’ interest in preserving streams and wetlands, by providing potential meeting spaces, and also promoting citizen culture. Citizens as the protagonists of urban transformation In conclusion, the human element is the key to the Urban Design Lab. The ways in which we work, interact, see each other, and live in and relate to the urban space, expose the Emerging Topics that are the center of the design process of every UDL. Through the definition of each group of citizens’ Emerging Topics, it is possible to communicate key concepts to different actors based on a common understanding, which supports better planning interventions in urban space. Some of these emerging issues have cast light on project opportunities dealing with the consolidation of sub-centers, human scale mobility, intermodal spaces in which to develop cultural nodes, a local economy geared to the regeneration of mixed neighborhoods, and open spaces for habitat improvement in cities. Moreover, the urban planning approach needs to expand further and focus on residents—after all, they are the people who can take advantage of the opportunities and benefits being generated. In the UDL, the interpretative analysis of the study area is a participatory process involving a diagnosis phase, scenario modeling, workshops, as well as participant observations and interviews (this is described in detail in 8.2 The Urban Design Lab Process). These exercises bring to light the Emerging Topics that are relevant to the study area, representing conceptions that allow the UDL team to identify priority areas of action, and advance to the design phase. In-depth learning about the dynamics and nuances of urban processes and development in LAC cities, their neighborhoods and their residents took place in these discussion spaces thanks to the implementation of the UDL, and greatly enlightened the research process.

Bibliography · de Mattos, Carlos A. (2001). Metropolización y suburbanización. EURE (Santiago), 27(80), 5 – 8. https://dx.doi.org/10.4067/S025071612001008000001. · Jiron M., P., Lange V., C., & Bertrand S., M. (2010). Exclusion y desigualdad espacial: retrato desde la movilidad cotidiana.

Revista INVI, 25(68) · Jiron M., P., Lange V., C., & Bertrand S., M. (2010). Exclusión y desigualdad espacial: retrato desde la movilidad cotidiana. · Magalhaes, F. (ed.) (2016) Slum upgrading and housing in Latin America, Inter-American Development Bank, Washington, DC. · UN-Habitat (2012). The State of

Latin American and Caribbean Cities 2012, United Nations Human Settlements Programme, Nairobi. · UN-Habitat (2013). Planning and Design for Sustainable Urban Mobility: Global Report on Human Settlements 2013, United Nations Human Settlements Programme. · United Nations (2017). New Urban Agenda.

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· Sennet, R. (2002). The decline of public man. A suggestive essay on the current crisis in urban life and how intimate society has deprived man of his public space. Editorial Peninsula, Barcelona. · World Bank (2016). World Bank Indicators, Urban population (% of total), United Nations, prospects for global urbanization.

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Photographs: Ramón Zamora Social housing, Panama City Downtown, Nassau Informal Settlements, San Jose Central bus station, Quetzaltenango Informal Settlements, Santiago de los Caballeros Streets, San Jose Waterfront, Paramaribo Urban Decay in Grant’s Town, Nassau Historic center, Quetzaltenango Historic center, San Jose Dump site, Montego Bay Beaches, Montego Bay Street life, Quetzaltenango

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Community, Participation and Urban Transformation Habitat and Social Inclusion in Urban Planning: Participation and Investigation in the Urban Design Lab Methodology The Urban Design Lab in Latin American Cities: A View from Academia Diagrams of Participatory Urbanism Tailor-Made Urbanism: Urban Design Lab in Panama City Guest Contributors Ultra-Light Metropolis: The Ephemeral Megacity of the Kumbh Mela Culture as an Incubator for Urban Transformation The City at Eye Level: Focusing on the Plinth Towards a Human-Scale City in Latin America Photoessay 2

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Community, Participation and Urban Transformation Alvaro Ramoneda, Patricio Jerez

urban territory. This change of perspective, together with commitment to democratic principles, is key in participatory processes for urban transformation.

Community and participation seem to be simple concepts that describe a complex reality. Although this terminology is presented as common sense, in reality it refers to diverse, multi-level, complex phenomena. The specific characteristics of a place and its involved people, groups, or communities demand social responsibility in order to encourage a dialogue and the inclusion of people in the development, execution, and evaluation of any urban project. In this sense, when designing and establishing a dialogue within urban development projects, we recommend keeping in mind some general analytical rules, such as: 1. community and participation are a question rather than an answer; 2. there is not only one community or only one form of participation.

The rise of participation If we think of urban transformations as instances of which the local community is a part of, we must undoubtedly refer to processes of participation. Although it was in 1969 that participation first took a prominent position in academic discourse, with Sherry Arnstein’s classic, “A Ladder of Citizen Participation”, this was not the moment when communities began to “participate”. For example, in Latin America we can find evidence of people participating in various processes during the 1960s, i. e. long before that time. One of the main concerns addressed by Arnstein (1969) was power and its distribution. When power lies in the hands of excluded citizens, it can bring about social reforms and inclusion. However, the author pointed out that “participation” is often used by those in power to claim the inclusion of different social actors, whereas in reality their opinions have no impact on final decision-making. In this way, the status quo is maintained and the participation of the excluded does not lead to a redistribution of power. Hence Arnstein did not recognize these types of processes as genuine participation. Arnstein’s ladder of participation is made up of eight levels, starting with ① Manipulation and ② Therapy, in both of which participation is non-existent. These are followed by three levels: ③ Informing, ④ Consultation and ⑤ Placation, where participation

Thus, dialogue between the different actors involved in an urban intervention will be initially based on two elementary questions: who are the participating communities, people, actors or citizens? What type and degree of participation will be considered adequate to achieve urban transformation? That said, it should also be noted that participation enables the articulation of urban problems and challenges. This means that participatory processes are spaces and mechanisms allowing us to view rationally, and analyze, the complexity of interactions between people and the structures that make up the city. To unmask complex challenges, it is important to take some distance from maps and actually visit the 68

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is quite symbolic and there is no guarantee that the opinions of participants will actually have an impact on final decisions. Lastly, the most influential processes, where participating actors enjoy the highest capacity to be in control, are found at the last three levels: ⑥ Partnership, ⑦ Delegation Power, and ⑧ Citizen Control. According to Vidal (2008, p. 41) there is a close relationship “between the political context in which participation takes place and its relation to the construction of urban spaces”. This relationship, he points out, is heightened by the demand for par­ ticipation that arises along with democracy and its response to a crisis of traditional politics. Furthermore, as stated by Ganzua, E., Olivari, L., Paño, P., Buitrago, L. & Lorenzana, C. (2010, p. 13), “if we talk about demo­cracy we inevitably have to talk about parti­c­ ipation”. Vidal (2008) understands that participation is the means through which people have the opportunity to control both their personal circumstances and their psychosocial development. Ganuza et al. (2010) add that through participation citizens can defend their interests, exercise some control over public authorities, and guarantee that their rights are enforced and their needs fulfilled. Nevertheless, having argued that participation can be the means by which the interests of citizens may be guaranteed, Ganuza et al. (2010) also recognize that participation methods hardly overcome negotiation and protest, which are events engrained in current “participation” processes.

Participatory Action Research (PAR) Investigación-Acción Participativa, or Participatory Action Research (PAR), was developed and incorporated in community action methods, in particular in Latin America. PAR introduced the following concept: when working with communities, the subjects active in the research process are not only those traditionally called “researchers” but also the community itself (Girardi, 1997 in Montero, 2006). The main characteristic of PAR is its participatory nature. Therefore, the people whose situation it investigates and seeks to improve are essential in the process, so much so that without their presence and collaboration, it cannot take place. In addition, during the development of PAR the transformational nature of the process is essential, since its objective is to bring about change to social situations. This change is achieved through reflection, permanent examination, and evaluation, seeking to transform theory into practice and vice versa. Thanks to reflection, awareness-raising is reinforced, giving way to a process of action-reflection-action (Montero, 2006). It is the individual members of the community themselves who, through their own work, transform their context—and themselves. Self-transformation is generated within the critical framework of PAR: what is presented as given and essential is submitted to judgment, which allows learning and social responsibility to develop (Montero, 2006). Traditional research usually consists of a researcher and a researched subject or community. 69

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Evolution physical and social environments. Through participatory processes a rapid transfer of information relevant to the project can take place, allowing the community to provide details regarding current dynamics, spatial characteristics, local needs, the social fabric, as well as existing and desired uses. On the other hand, there should always be a transfer of knowledge from actors who are external to the resident community in terms of information, technical aspects, financial capacities, etc.; professionals have a role to play as mediators and as regards the empowerment of communities. On some occasions, a community may consider an intervention to be alien to its territory. It may think that some projects are not necessary or that the most important needs are not being addressed. In short, in many cases projects are initially conceived in a way that is detached from their social and territorial contexts. Community participatory processes can then not only contextualize the intervention, but also generate new perspectives and ideas, which arise from the community itself. Through participation, socio-spatial dynamics (Berroeta, Ramoneda & Opazo, 2015; Berroeta, Ramoneda, Rodriguez, Di Masso & Vidal, 2015; Berroeta, Carvalho & Di Masso, 2016) are transformed, resulting in a greater level of appropriation and attachment on the part of those who attend and are part of the process (Cuba & Hummon, 1993; Moreno & Pol, 1999; Pol, 2002; Vidal & Pol, 2005; Ramoneda & Sánchez, 2012). We understand that this transformation of socio-spatial dynamics is achieved because participation allows people to get involved and gain an understanding of their environment, as well as being direct agents of change. But it is not only at a personal level that transformations take place. As stated by Vidal (2008), when an urban intervention is designed together with the affected community through participatory mechanisms, it can lead to the generation of social welfare, as well as producing psychosocial effects such as place attachment, identity, and a sense of community, among others. Furthermore, we believe that at the social level, participatory processes, by generating spaces of encounter, foster community cohesion. Participation involves the sharing of decisions, both internally within the community, as well as with external actors, thus leading to a sharing of responsibilities, both regarding the process and operational aspects of the project.

Repercussions of participatory processes Different types and processes of participation are valuable by themselves. As we have seen, participation and dialogue can generate changes in communities and individuals. They are actions aligned with citizens’ rights and enable conflicts to be solved. Nevertheless, the following questions, posed by Vidal (2008, p. 41), are valid: “What does participation then contribute to the design of public space? Why is it ‘needed’? To what extent can participation add ‘quality’ to public spaces?” Although the literature points out different reasons for advocating the incorporation of participatory mechanisms within the planning and transformation of cities, the experience we gained within several participatory processes shows that there are substantive differences—given each particular context—with respect to who participates and how. However, there is a consensus that if participation did not take place, urban transformation would be more difficult to accomplish. Given the growing demand of citizens for better spaces or mechanisms to participate in decisions that affect them, citizen participation is considered as a minimum standard leading to: better design and greater viability of projects, conflict resolution, timely delivery of information, legitimacy of planning and project decisions, accountability, transparency, and sustainability. For example, if local government or an external actor plans to develop a project, participation allows for a “practical” perception of the place. For the communities that participate generally have more in-depth knowledge than someone outside the community can ever hope to have. They are the experts regarding their

The context: community and participation By applying PAR we could see that each space has its own particular characteristics and also that actors contribute a story, a strategy or a particular problem (Montero, 2006). For example, as Vidal (2008, p. 44) points out, “the public space of a neighborhood has different characteristics than a public space in the center of the city”. These particularities must be taken 70

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In contrast, within PAR knowledge is co-produced by different participating subjects—including the re­ searcher. Owing to PAR’s participatory nature, knowledge is considered a product created both by those who approach the group and those who are part of it. These two producing subjects then unite, forming a third form of knowledge which, in turn, will feed the knowledge contributed by both parties, ultimately generating new knowledge (Montero, 2006). Within PAR, knowledge is generated out of a horizontal relationship. This relationship and the participatory nature of PAR are determined by a process in which the actions carried out are not defined, decided or guided by those from outside the group. On the contrary, these actions are produced, agreed upon and implemented within the dialogue phases, which are central to PAR. Finally, it is important to point out that PAR does not only aspire to knowledge production, but also to transformation through an ethically and socially committed method (Montero, 2006).

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into consideration in order to develop a community design process according to the specificities of the spatial and social contexts. It is thus important to understand community participation not as a static model—with the same methodology being implemented exactly in the same way in all cases—but rather as something that must be designed and incorporated according to the specificities of a particular urban intervention. What is particular to each case must then be reflected in a tailor-made process. The complementation and synchronization between the particularity of each intervention and that of the people or communities will enrich the process. In summary, actors in charge of urban transformation, be they private, community or public, should incorporate more strategic ethical principles, such as: social or political legitimacy, transparency in project development and decision-making, and shared sustainability. One of the best, most natural paths to demonstrate these principles is dialogue and participation. Participation with whom, and for whom, are some of the complex analytical questions that will determine the nature and social impact of urban transformation. These questions encompass two initial commitments that will highlight the importance of the position of the actors in charge of developing projects: on the one hand, the value given to the rights of citizens and, on the other hand, the investment in ensuring comprehensive capabilities so that the chosen model of dialogue and participation does justice to urban complexities. These questions, and the answers given to them, express the democratic, political, and social scientific reasoning that underlies any participation process during the development of urban transformation projects. Improving and deepening participation thus follows two main routes: the first is related to the degree of incidence, control and incorporation granted to opinions and contributions of neighbors, organizations, and participating citizens; and the second concerns the technique and opportunities through which project developers approach, include and work with individuals and groups. The degree of incidence and the co-producing relationship between agents and citizens is not limited to whether people can vote decisively, either on aspects or on the totality of any project. There are method­ ologies that incorporate the community from the start, with initial questions such as: how do they want to participate? In what way do we conduct a dialogue? To what end? What and how much can each party yield? What perceptions and knowledge do they want to share? These participatory models, which determine project design and the depth of participation from the very beginning, allow a better inclusion of, and appropriation by the community in the planning and implementation of urban transformation projects. However, in our experience, this is precisely one of the greatest

challenges when implementing genuine participatory processes, since institutions are not used to working on projects that do not have a clear objective or planned output beforehand. Arriving with a blank canvas seems like an improbable challenge, but the invitation is at least to continue experimenting and perfecting these visions and models, to think with communities and citizens before defining projects, to think from the beginning of the planning process, acknowledging that before planning there is real life moving incessantly within thecity. The most daring invitation is to listen to, and share in close proximity people’s everyday life, to be able to capture visions and plans for the city from reality itself.

Bibliography · Berroeta & Vidal (2012). Una propuesta Multimétodo para un Abordaje Transaccional del Espacio Público en la Escala de Barrio. Athenea Digital—12(1): pp. 209 – 237 (marzo 2012). · Berroeta, H., Ramoneda, A. & Opazo, L. (2015a) Sentido de comunidad, participación y apego al lugar en comunidades desplazadas y no desplazadas post desastres: Chaitén y Constitución. Universitas Psychologica. 14(4): 15 – 27, octubre 2015. DOI 10.11144/Javeriana. up14 – 4.scpa. · Berroeta, H., Ramoneda, A., Rodriguez, V., Di Masso, A. & Vidal, T. (2015b) Apego de lugar, identidad de lugar, sentido de comunidad y participación cívica en personas desplazadas de la ciudad de Chaitén. Magallania (Punta Arenas), 43(3), pp. 51 – 63. · Berroeta, H., Carvalho, L. & Di Masso, A. (2016). Significados del espacio público en contextos de transformación por desastres socionaturales. Revista INVI, 31(87), pp. 143 – 170. · Cuba, L. & Hummon, D. (1993). A place to call home: identification with dwelling, community, region. The Sociological Quarterly, 34, pp. 111 – 131. · Delgado, M. (1999). El animal público: hacia una antropología de los espacios urbanos. Anagrama. · Ganuza, E., Olivari, L., Paño, P.,

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Buitrago, L. & Lorenzana, C. (2010) La democracia en acción. Una visión desde las metodologías participativas. · Montero, M. (2004) Introducción a la psicología comunitaria. Desarrollo, conceptos y procesos. · Montero, M. (2006) Hacer para transformar. El método en la psicología comunitaria. Paidos. · Moreno, E. & Pol, E. (1999) Nociones psicosociales para la intervención y la gestión ambiental. Universitat de Barcelona. · Pol, E. (2002). El modelo dual de la apropiación del espacio. En R. García Mira, J. M. Sabucedo & J. Romay (Eds.), Psicología y Medio Ambiente. Aspectos psicosociales, educativos y metodológicos (pp. 123 – 132). A Coruña: Asociación galega de estudios e investigación psicosocial. · Ramoneda, A. & Sánchez, R. (2012) Del no-lugar al cronotopos, pasando por el vestíbulo de la estación de Atocha. Athenea Digital—12(1): pp. 109 – 128 (marzo 2012). · Vidal, T. & Pol, E. (2005). La apropiación del espacio: Una propuesta teórica para comprender la vinculación entre las personas y los lugares. Anuario de Psicología, 36(3), pp. 281 – 297. · Vidal, T. (2008) Participación y diseño del espacio público. En Fernández, B. & Vidal, T. (editores) Psicología de la ciudad. Debates sobre el espacio urbano. UOC.

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Habitat and Social Inclusion in Urban Planning: Participation and Investigation in the Urban Design Lab Methodology Alicia Gersovich, Olga Wainstein

Another form of participation is one in which pressure from citizens (usually a specific social group) succeeds in creating a conflict that leads to the development of a participatory process, which can later be institutionalized by the public administration—or not. These processes exert considerable influence over decision-making. Other processes may be promoted by the public administration, the intention being to collectively identify challenges, reflect on their validity and relevance, and propose solutions. These are processes that require more in-depth participation and a certain influence on decision-making. Fundamental questions, such as why, for what purpose, and for whom, must be present throughout the participatory process. Collectively raising questions and formulating answers promotes cooperative learning and an opportunity to exercise critical thinking. The aim is to create transformation, in line with a specific objective, as a group. This requires great flexibility and transversality between concurrent methodologies from different scientific disciplines; these must be combined with the ethics of participatory processes where, in any case, there are neutral positions. If we consider participation as a process in which communities should play a central role as regards reflection and decision-making around what affects them in their daily life, it will be essential to move from the conceptual sphere to that of action. Participation should not be seen as a phenomenon but as a process or a series of steps strategically delimited and dimensioned to achieve an objective—a process that can be reproduced and recreated to adapt to each situation. In summary, it means that participation needs to be elevated to the level of a methodology of action.

The inherent complexity of social exclusion processes in deprived neighborhoods and urban areas demands integral policies that derive from a holistic vision of social and territorial issues. Such a vision can integrate resources and services, and provide an articulation of different responses. These are the recurrent themes in the cases analyzed by the Urban Design Lab. The aim is to overcome compartmentalization between different agencies that work with citizens by acknowledging their interdependence, their capacity to influence one another and their relational power. Working on-site is considered a key factor when it comes to responding to the diversity of identified urban challenges in a flexible way. The participation of different social agents, professionals, and individuals from civil society highlights the importance of citizen involvement in political action—it is crucial to an inclusive society. When referring to participatory processes, we must distinguish between consultative or deliberative processes and participatory decision-making, because their influence on the type of procedure followed, its duration and results will differ. There are participatory processes promoted by public authorities intending to consult citizens and gather opinions, perceptions, and expectations on a specific topic. These are active consultations, which may include group and deliberative phases; but as they are non-binding, citizens are kept out of the final decision-making. Other consultative or deliberative participatory processes are generated on the initiative of specific social groups that have sufficient capacity to deal with them, and their objective is to generate knowledge about the perceptions, experiences, and expectations of a particular social group. 72

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The participation of citizens in the management of their habitat does not occur automatically. It requires a process of maturation and awareness of what responsible, participatory citizenship means. Most citizens have been absent from overall urban development decision-making, especially at the neighborhood level. In many cases, this is because it is considered to fall under the responsibility of the authorities or technical professionals. There is a lack of information, a failure by the authorities to listen and acknowledge territorial conflicts, a lack of opportunities and mechanisms to participate. It may also be because citizens have not felt personally affected, have adopted a very passive, individualistic way of exercising citizenship, among other reasons. The Urban Design Lab fosters an interactive, dynamic work group where identified needs are linked to solutions incorporating input from citizens. The group then discusses ways to design and apply participation and communication tools. One of the objectives is to create innovative forms of participation by promoting a culture of commitment and action, deepening local democracy, and searching for mechanisms to strengthen a sense of belonging, and creating networks of trust. This approach acknowledges the participation of the community as a strategic element and a priority in development processes. So far, the Urban Design Lab methodology has proven to be effective: planning alternatives and scenarios are developed during a consensual co-creation process with the community—with

the support of local government. In this sense, projects can adjust to reality better because they aim to make interventions more durable. Furthermore, the participatory process enhances awareness, promotes social skills, fosters relationships among different actors, and allows for greater integration and social cohesion. In short, it democratizes society. The active participation of decision-makers provides the connection between needs and their implementation. Therefore, it is important to develop schemes that express a common interest in order to achieve not only a temporary consensus but to guarantee the long-term commitment required from all actors to be able to carry out specific interventions. As technicians involved in projects that seek to improve the quality of life, we must interpret and translate citizens’ needs into viable proposals for the community. For this reason, we believe in development processes that are based on a differentiated collective effort. This is then adjusted according to power relations between actors involved in the development of the territory, the amount of citizen commitment, and the sense of public responsibility with a deep participatory and democratic engagement. Thus what is important is not only the result, but also the means and the way in which it is produced. Participatory dynamics are a tool for consensus, for developing longterm visions for the design of urban policies, and for strategic thinking viewed as a key resource for local development planning.

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The Urban Design Lab in Latin American Cities: A View from Academia Andreas Hofer

Latin America. The Austrian architect and urban designer, Karl Brunner, and his contemporaries Alfred Agache, Werner Hegemann or Le Corbusier are syn­ onymous with the intercontinental exchange of knowledge about urban design between Latin America and Europe at that time. Brunner introduced practical urban design solutions for rising metropolises such as Bogotá, Santiago de Chile and Panamá in the 1930s and 1940s (Hofer, 2003), gaining worldwide reputation with his Manual de Urbanismo (Brunner, 1940). Since then, research on his accomplishments has led to several academic partnerships and cooperation projects between the TU Wien on the one hand, and individuals and institutions in several regions of Latin America on the other hand. A constantly growing network of research and teaching—combining theory and practice—has been emerging from this during thelast two decades.

Joining contemporary global discussions on key topics such as “how to organize the living environment in urban agglomerations” is a central element within the study of architecture at the Vienna University of Technology. Since we would like our students to actively join this global discourse on urban issues, we also aim to equip them—besides the formal, conceptual and functional part of their education—with social skills to interact and engage with “the people out there”. This is why the educational mandate of our large school of architecture (we host more than 6,000 students in a small country like Austria, with a population of eight million inhabitants) is based on growing international networks, partnerships, and cooperation programs with research and teaching institutions across the globe. At the same time, the city of Vienna, with its long urban history based on inclusive social development, constitutes an informative laboratory “outside the classroom” that skillfully interconnects urban design, architecture and social demands in all its urban development processes. This interface between global and local approaches to research and teaching inspired the creation of the Urban Design Lab within our academic environment. The second central element behind the creation of the Urban Design Lab was influenced by early twentieth century pioneer work by European architects in

The academic roots of the Urban Design Lab The Urban Design Lab is a methodology aiming to trigger the urban transformation of a neighborhood or district. Based on a participatory approach involving the local community, the Urban Design Lab entails various methodological steps towards a general urban development strategy and specific design projects. As a staff member of the Department of Urban Design 74

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Evolution Following the guidelines of the ESCI program to develop an innovative urban transformation process we created the term Urban Design Lab during a kickoff workshop in the Austrian village of St. Aegyd in August 2014. There, we also developed the conceptual framework and defined the specific methodological steps and corresponding tools needed to implement such a laboratory approach. Our choice of tools was strongly influenced by our first work experience within the program in July 2014, when we developed an urban transformation strategy for the market district in Montería (Colombia). There, under the lead of Colombian urban designer Fernando Cortés, we tried out and modified several methods and tools used in urban sociology to accompany the process. The term “laboratory” already indicates the experimental, flexible nature of such an approach: goals are defined and the focus is directed towards results— but the process of how to get there needs to be flexible enough to respond to local needs, interests, and demands along the way. This academic approach innately reflects the contemporary global trends of urban design, which are increasingly taking into account social inclusion, human scale, and energy-­saving guidelines. The Urban Design Lab therefore stands for an open-minded working environment as opposed to a closed space inside academia where experiments are conducted without any reference to reality.

and Landscape Architecture of the TU Wien I joined the Inter-American Development Bank’s (IDB) Emerging and Sustainable Cities Initiative (ESCI) program from 2014 to 2016. Given the growing interest of our students and the transdisciplinary requirements that surfaced along the work process, we invited two more departments of the TU Wien (i.e. the Department of Housing with Helmut Schramm and the Department of Land Use and Land Management with Arthur Kanonier) to join the ESCI program. We decided to join the program mainly for two reasons: firstly, we already had an established academic network in Latin America to rely on and, secondly we could build on two recent experiences of academic cooperation projects with Latin American universities. The first project, “Urban Managua” (2012 – 2014), was developed in partnership with the Universidad Centro­ americana (UCA) in Nicaragua to upgrade an informal settlement in the center of Managua. Within the framework of the second project, “Urban Voids. Practice of Social Inclusion: Vienna-Buenos Aires” (Gerscovich, 2015) we researched the practical implications of brownfield developments in both cities in partnership with the Universidad de Buenos Aires. The strong community-based design processes in both these projects left a profound impact not only in terms of the project results but also owing to direct interaction with the local community—this made a lasting impression on many of the participating students.

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The demands of the Genius Loci The main challenges for the practical application of the Urban Design Lab in medium-sized LAC (Latin America and the Caribbean) cities may be summarized as follows: • These cities are generally experiencing strong urban population growth rates, while some inner-city districts are witnessing a decrease in population and economic prosperity; • Land consumption and the growth of surface areas along the peripheries go hand in hand with a growing stock of brownfield sites and urban voids in central areas; • Social inequality is rising faster compared to previous decades, whereas social infrastructure and leisure elements are growing much more slowly than the average urban growth rate; • Affordable housing and affordable mobility remain unsolved challenges in many Latin American cities. Adding to these more general challenges are several specific conditions in each urban environment, such as the local climate, topography, the economy and living traditions, all of which have a considerable influence on the search for solutions: no case is the same, no city compares to another. Listening to the voice of the Genius Loci before taking action in a city was not just Lewis Mumford’s (1961) recommendation in the 1960s; the work of the Austrian architect Roland Rainer (1995) also teaches us to critically reflect on the local morphologic and social context before acting. With this in mind, the local community has thus become a key partner for our urban interventions

The Urban Design Lab’s high academic value through community dialogue The experience of the Urban Design Lab—whose experimental character is embedded in a real urban environment—constitutes a perfect addition to the existing academic curriculum. Architecture and Planning students as well as recent graduates of TU Wien have been given the opportunity to assume the role of an activist or urban connector, thereby becoming key 76

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with the Urban Design Lab. Who else than the local community would be able to fully understand the specific challenges of a particular context? Involving the local community is also in line with Jorge Mario Jauregui’s (2012) experience in neighborhood upgrading: he points out the crucial role of the community for successful urban design processes, stating that “architects should create an atmosphere in which the non-acknowledged desires of the local population are given the chance to surface”. Within this community-based urban design process, the architect needs to assume a leading role. In close cooperation with an interdisciplinary expert team, the architect needs to systematically guide the community through this process: this involves analyzing the urban context, pinpointing challenges, defining goals, creating strategies for change, and designing possible future scenarios for the neighborhood or district. Each decision taken along the way must be participatory, reflecting the views and interests of the community representatives involved in the planning process. The architect, therefore, must assume the role of an “activist” (McGuirk, 2014) or, even better, of an “urban connector” (Gouvernor and Grauer, 2008). A further important reference point for the Urban Design Lab is the recent experience of Medellín’s urban transformation. The holistic approach embraced by the PUIs (Integral Urban Projects) strategy entailed the creation and improvement of public spaces, social infrastructures, and public transport, leading to a substantially higher affordability of public services for the community. The involvement of the community played a crucial role in the development of these projects. According to Jorge Perez-Jaramillo (2015), the former director of Medellín’s urban planning department, the “zones for strategic intervention” were essential for the recent success of the city’s urban development. The definition of community-based design processes and their inherent connection to academic activities therefore constitutes the overarching theme throughout the Urban Design Lab. This entails the application of a range of methodological tools and case study approaches—as well as simple trial and error. The students and graduates involved in the Urban Design Lab learn to switch between several roles: from being an academic researcher to becoming a social communicator, organizer, creator, mediator, constructor, and designer.

“... the local community has thus become a key partner for our urban interventions with the Urban Design Lab. Who else than the local community would be able to fully understand the specific challenges of a particular context?”

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with the intensity and guidance of the participatory process, or with the creativity and commitment of the designer team. To conclude, the experience provided by the integration of the Urban Design Lab in our academic curriculum has been highly valuable. First, the Lab has given our students and graduates the opportunity to directly confront contemporary urban needs and requirements. At the same time, the Lab has opened up access to local communities and provided the opportunity to work with a huge potential of community knowledge and skills. Neither of these aspects could properly be simulated during academic lectures or within classroom settings. Such academic cooperation, involving both institutional (i.e. city administration) and community collaboration, is undoubtedly a highly valuable component of every academic career path within architectural studies.

protagonists of the Urban Design Lab. They have been exposed to, and confronted with the concrete challenges presented by the local population of a Latin American city. Being a key protagonist “in-situ” during a four to five-month urban design process means a substantial amount of responsibility, and strong commitment to the local community as well as to the city administration in charge. In fact, students and recent graduates were exposed to the whole genesis of a real urban development project before the actual design process started (and also had to develop the design projects). They first had to localize the urban environment and define the primary stakeholders in order to analyze their roles in the local economy and society; subsequently they had to organize several community workshops and discussions to explore local potential, barriers, and urgent needs, discuss good practice examples, and define goals as well as an urban change strategy. Each step within this process was accompanied by feedback loops from the community, thus their responses needed to be systematically incorporated in the design process. Given the singularity of each intervention, the predefined methodological tools of the Urban Design Lab constantly had to be adjusted and improved. The ultimate aim of the Urban Design Lab is not merely to guide such a participatory urban design process (with all the challenges involved), but also to produce concrete urban intervention proposals. These urban design projects are the last stage of the Urban Design Lab methodology. We can already present the results of these projects in all the Latin American cities where we have worked so far, displaying a wide range of proposed urban interventions—each with their own merits and levels of accomplishment. The quality of these final projects may have less to do with the size of the territory or the frequency of tutorship, and more

Bibliography · Brunner, K. (1940) Manual de Urbanismo, Imprenta Municipal, Tomo I y II, Bogotá. · Gerscovich A., Hofer A., Lehner J. & Schramm H. (2015) Stadtbrachen. Vacíos Urbanos. Werkzeuge zur Sozialen Inklusion: Buenos Aires— Wien. Prácticas de inclusión social: Buenos Aires—Vienna. Wien. · Gouverneur, D. & Grauer, O. (2008) Urban Connectors. Fostering a Non-Hierarchical Integration of Formal and Informal Settlements, in Can Designers Improve Life in Non-Formal Cities? Harvard Design Magazine, No. 28. · Hofer, A. (2003) Karl Brunner y el Urbanismo Europeo en America Latina, El Ancora Editores, Corpo-

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ración de la Candelaria, Bogotá. · Jauregui, J. (2012) Estrategias de Articulación Urbana, Nobuko Editores, Buenos Aires. · McGuirk, J. (2014) Radical Cities. Across Latin America in Search of a New Architecture, Verso Books, New York. · Mumford, L. (1961) The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects, Harcourt, Brace & World. · Perez-Jaramillo, J. (2015) Medellín, Ciudad para la vida, Facultad de Arquitectura, Universidad de la República, Montevideo. · Rainer, R. (1995) Vitale Urbanität, Wohnkultur und Stadtentwicklung, Böhlau Verlag, Wien.

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Diagrams of Participatory Urbanism Luis Fernando Castillo

where it is used by teachers, students and local municipal planners as an open-source tool to influence planning and participation. Flowing from this experience and from criticism about local planning deficits, numerous new local planning and design proposals emerged, and also some initiatives. These activities can be understood as “diagrams of a participatory urbanism”. The participatory “diagrams” helped, on the one hand, to understand how to approach reality and, on the other hand, how we can use it as a creation and design instrument. The Urban Design Lab’s powerful tools can be used to examine and enhance socio-cultural and discursive aspects in architectural practice. Xela runs the risk of being locked up in its own nostalgia, jeopardizing its ability to become an intermediate, emerging sustainable city. For this reason, action will give meaning to an existence where collective work as a city is what counts, not the protagonism of architects.

In October 2016 Quito hosted Habitat III, the United Nations’ conference on housing and sustainable urban development. The conference was a call to reinforce global commitment to urban sustainability and to focus on the implementation of a new urban agenda. It was also an opportunity to rethink urban policies and for governments to respond with an urban development model that would integrate all facets of sustainability. During Habitat III, the Urban Design Lab, an experimental design methodology that stems from the Emerging and Sustainable Cities Initiative of the Inter-American Development Bank, was presented at the “Habitat III Village”. Thus in Quito’s central neighborhood, La Mariscal, a real-time laboratory of ideas was developed at the “Village” during a two-week planning process. The Urban Design Lab consists of both permanent and temporary initiatives that support municipalities wishing to develop multi-sectorial design solutions for the complex, dynamic world we live in. It is set up as a series of urban workshops that provide assistance to municipal planning departments and contribute rapid solutions to rapid-urbanization issues. The laboratories facilitate dialogue between different actors, increasing a project’s probability of success. One of the first Urban Design Labs was organized in Quetzaltenango (or Xela / Xelajú, as locals call it, Guatemala) in mid-2014 as part of ESCI’s efforts towards the development of the Action Plan “Xelajú Sostenible”. Together with local decision-makers, municipal planners, and architects, students and professors from all local universities were invited to co-design an urban vision for the city. Ten key projects were identified, worked out, and turned into urban design projects in the following months. As a result of this initial dialogue, the Urban Design Lab methodology has become part of the architecture and urbanism curriculum in several universities in Quetzaltenango,

The meaning of the Urban Design Lab for Quetzaltenango The Urban Design Lab has a very special meaning for Quetzaltenango; it is a synonym for opportunity, for “learning by doing” in a place where the capacity to explore participatory methodologies was non-existent. It has become an instrument to approach knowledge about reality and has served to understand the municipal and territorial context—with its urban, rural and metropolitan dynamics. The Lab has worked as an experimental, intuitive tool, enabling the construction of a vision of a desired reality in several municipalities of the Guatemalan highlands. Owing to its transparency, accessibility and versatility, the Urban Design Lab has had a significant impact on many Latin American and Caribbean cities, creating a network of specialists, students, and local actors. 78

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Thanks to the lessons learned and experience gained through the Urban Design Lab in Quetzaltenango, we understand that, firstly, projects and inter­ ventions seeking to transform the built environment should take into account natural assets and risks in order to prevent or mitigate disaster risks. Secondly, it is essential to define urban boundaries—a clear limit between urban and rural areas. Both tasks are achievable through researching and “diagnosing” urban phenomena and the tensions with rurality that they generate. This leads to an interpretation of reality, trends, opportunities, and citizens’ expectations; it is an instrument to examine and enhance social, environmental, and discursive aspects of current urbanism practice in Latin America. The UDL experience in Xela has had a special impact on university students from different disciplines. The results include: prioritization of urban projects for the ESCI Action Plan “Xelajú Sostenible”; the validation of prototypes and scenarios for the municipality’s Territorial Development Plan (Plan the Ordenamiento Territorial); the organization of the Urban Design Lab “Estación Central” as a catalyst project located in “Zona 3”, which has achieved synergies and is already showing tangible results; laboratories carried out by architecture students for local plans; and strategies for urban projects and social infrastructure. Throughout this process, UDL’s efforts in opening a window and extending invitations to participate in various architecture and urban design competitions have been noteworthy, providing a space and a network that is valued in Quetzaltenango and has been welcomed by local actors.

This connection between Xela and other cities has given birth to the city’s first “Fab Lab”. Fabrication Laboratories are a global network seeking a paradigm change in the field of production through the use of innovation. FAB CITY is part of these Fab Labs and promotes “Productive Cities”—locally self-sustaining and globally connected. These think tanks are composed of community leaders, makers, urban planners, and innovators, all working together to shift the paradigm of the current industrial economy. Today, Fab Labs have become connected to the urban needs of Quetzaltenango by creating a link between urban design, planning instruments, and the activation of the city. They promote a dialogue about the construction of a strategy for urban projects aiming to improve habitability and are constantly teaching us how to rethink our cities in a participatory way. The laboratories have also enhanced the capacities of designers, developers, and activists—promoting a more active role for local actors. It is important to strengthen a critical culture with new narratives; to kick-start a new way of thinking and developing the city: more activist, imaginative, critical, collective; without any domineering personalities; and anticipating a critical approach in favor of experience and the call to “city making”. However, these abstract planning elements are not enough. As mentioned by Josep Maria Montaner, it is important to introduce the architect’s tangible experience as well. It is crucial to include subjective, perceptive, or sensory elements, and to strengthen the character of contemporary architectural design as a social construction. 79

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Tailor-Made Urbanism: Urban Design Lab in Panama City Interview with José Isabel Blandón, Mayor of Panama City

Between November 2014 and September 2015, a team from the Urban Design Lab (UDL) worked with the Municipality of Panama in the neighborhood of Calidonia as part of the Emerging and Sustainable Cities Initiative (ESCI) of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). We conducted an interview with Mayor Blandon after the UDL was concluded to discuss his thoughts on the UDL, its impact on the city, and the success of the implementation of the urban strategy designed collaboratively by the teams from the University of Panama and the Vienna University of Technology.

Urban Lab” report: Urban Renewal Plan of the Calidonia Jurisdiction. An innovative component that gave great strength to this initiative was the alliance between the local government (Municipality of Panama) and academia (University of Panama) through the students and professors of the Architecture School and the international exchange with the Vienna University of Technology. It was also the first experience of the DUP in organizing a citizen participation workshop where the community and the neighborhood were invited to help in the construction of a joint vision. The collaboration was very useful in terms of metho­­d­ ology and approach to prepare the diagnosis and road­map for the analysis and proposals. The workshops established a methodology in terms of the integration of the various sectors and components such as academia, the private sector, local government, and professional associations in the construction of acommon vision for the neighborhood. The entire process of involvement and participation of these various sectors helped identify specific issues and opportunities that have been the guiding principles for the Municipality of Panama in terms of strategic planning and investment. In planning matters, sometimes what is desired, planned or projected does not correspond 100% with reality for different reasons: financial capacity, structure of local government for project execution, support from other central government institutions in aligning with what is proposed. How­ ever, it is definitely a guiding vision on that path.

UDL: What impressions did the UDL process make on you? JIB: The experience with the Urban Design Lab was a dynamic, concrete and multi-disciplinary experience to address planning and urban design issues. During the first meeting, an array of projects was identified, which coincided with the start of the 2014–2019 municipal administration. From the beginning there was a lot of enthusiasm and synergy between the teams, and an ambitious vision to address many issues and projects. We were not totally sure where to start. In conjunction with the Department of Urban Planning (DUP), we chose the neighborhood of Calidonia due to its urban characteristics: a neighborhood designed around 1915 in the center of the city, with a singular urban grid, near the sea, with transport infrastructure, mixed uses and architectural heritage. That way, there was a specific focus in that neighborhood and the final product was the “Panama 80

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facilities as a vehicle for its revitalization, has been key to this process. [The UDL] has served to guide investment for concrete projects such as the regeneration of the Ecuador Avenue and Plaza Porras corridor; the remodeling of the Francisco Arias Paredes Park that includes underground parking; [and] the renovation of the Justo Arosemena Avenue. Regarding the El Marañón Plan and its strategy for urban redensification, the Municipality of Panama seeks financing for the possible purchase of public lands to build social housing projects specified in the plan. Progress has been made in the negotiation of a possible cultural facility—the Museum of the City—within the building of an old government body with modern characteristics. There are also major efforts in the reorganization of the businesses that are on the sidewalks and public roads in the area around Central Calidonia Avenue; which means a reorganization and potential for a prosperous revitalization of that area.

Has the approach to urban projects in Panama changed? Yes. Urban Design Lab is an integrative and imaginative tool that seeks to create consensus among different sectors. We have learned from the collaboration how to integrate citizen participation with workshops in other projects that the Municipality of Panama is doing, for example the urban design projects in Vía Argentina and Calle Uruguay. Also, the Department of Citizen Participation has implemented a strategy at the level of each jurisdiction to identify projects, so then the Department of Urban Planning can study their feasibility and then make proposals back to the community. What was the result of the UDL process? Was an investment made afterwards? Yes, the identification of the projects and needs of the Calidonia neighborhood, with respect to services and 81

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Ultra-Light Metropolis: The Ephemeral Megacity of the Kumbh Mela Rahul Mehrotra, Felipe Vera

Looking at the contemporary landscape of cities, one could argue that today’s urbanism is a negotiation between two contrasting, critical forces that drive the construction of cities around the globe. The first is anxiety, fueled by an understanding of development as accumulation; the city is driven by “impatient capitalism” producing in many parts of the world something we could denominate as “hyper-city”—or a series of settlements that exacerbate the attributes of the urban. In this context, architecture and urban design emerge as an almost purely material exercise, often disconnected from a more profound understanding of their social implications. Architecture, the basic unit of urbanism, here appears to be obsessed with making history or putting on shows that might resonate globally. The assumption is that value is based on the ability to generate aesthetic revolutions or build works that transcend time and defeat weathering—sustaina-

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bility in this context literally means “to sustain”, to persist: to be able to continue indefinitely. The second force driving urban construction is a more nuanced, negotiated approach leading to a completely different city: the Kinetic City. This is the product of an urbanism that responds to accepted constant change. Incomprehensible as a two-dimensional entity, it is perceived as a city in motion—a three-dimensional construct of incremental development. The “Kinetic City” was born as a reaction to an urbanism proper to post-liberalized economies in the emerging world, where cities and their burgeoning peripheries had become sites characterized by the shifting of responsibilities and abdication of accountability; at the same time, the relationship between the private and the public spheres was reconfigured. This stemmed from the acknowledgment that private capital chooses to build environments that are insulated from their contexts, i.e. without the burden of facilitating citizenship or place-making, which are necessary in a real city. The Kinetic City was therefore proposed as an alternative conceptualization of an “elastic” condition within the urban; it could be described as a surrogate city, one that overlaps with the “static” because it is temporary in nature. However, the Kinetic City, as a mode of understanding and operating in the contemporary urban condition, is also very specific to certain contexts of rapid growth, for instance in cities like Mumbai or Lagos. Contextualizing this problem more broadly to many other urban conditions outside the megacities, which are in flux, it is then more constructive to extend this category to that of the “Ephemeral”—and from “City” to “Urbanism”. It is almost as if, in their more accelerated condition, the pace of the Kinetic were meant to become self-consuming and, as a more extended condition, the unit of analysis rather than the material unit of the city could become an instrument of agency, a paradigm of space production, in other words: a more robust category for a form of urbanism. There are some extreme cases of this form of urbanism that challenge many of the values that underpin what we, today, consider a city. Many of these are actually profoundly driven by spiritual practice. One of these fascinating cases is the Kumbh Mela which, along with several other cases, illustrates an extreme condition of the Kinetic City. The Kumbh Mela is a legendary Hindu festival that occurs every twelve years in four Indian cities: Haridwar, Allahabad, Nashik, and Ujjain. Holy men and women, devotees, pilgrims, foreigners, and every other kind of human being come together in the world’s largest public gathering to partake in its sacred benefits.

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If one has not seen any images of the Kumbh Mela, one can hardly believe that a complex megacity on such an extensive scale could even be set up within such a short time span. In a matter of weeks, a city designed to host the largest public gathering in the world deploys its own roads, pontoon bridges, canvas tents serving as residences and venues for spiritual meetings, and a spectrum of social infrastructure—all replicating the functions of an actual city. This “pop-up” megacity serves five to seven million people who gather for fifty-five days, and an additional influx of ten to twenty million people who come for twenty-four-hour cycles on the five main bathing dates. Once the festival is over, the whole city is disassembled as quickly as it was deployed, reversing the constructional operation, dismantling the settlement and recycling a majority of the material used. This is the largest impermanent megacity in the world. During the festival, in terms of its institutional framework the area of the Kumbh Mela becomes an autonomous city managed by several temporary governmental agencies that have jurisdiction over the site—the governance dimension here is also strongly characterized by its ephemeral quality. The city is administered by an organizational structure that is not only impermanent—which is something one would expect given the temporal nature of the city—but also flexible, allowing the progressive appearance of transversal links of communication across diverse hierarchies. Over time, when the implementation stage begins, the governance system becomes more dynamic, articulating constituencies at different levels that are represented on-site. At this stage, diverse feedback mechanisms are set up among different levels within the hierarchies in order to deal with the need for quick decisions regarding adjustments to the materialization of the plan. The dynamism of the structure reaches its climax while the city is in operation. During this time, authority shifts from the high echelons of the pyramid that operate at the state and regional levels to the administration of the Kumbh on the ground. Reversibility is an attribute of every physical and relational structure built for the city. In fact, it is the main attribute; it supports the physical deployment of the city, enabling the settlement to be ephemeral. The implementation strategy is generic and employs low-tech construction technique, which allow the most amazing buildings and morphologies to be shaped, leaving open the possibility of reversing such operations once the festival is over—thus allowing the materials to be reincorporated into regional economies and local industries.

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The Kumbh Nagri started to be dismantled after the last major bathing date, which was February 17th, 2012. A major part of the infrastructure is disassembled once the Kumbh is over. For instance, by digging up wastewater and water supply pipes, contractors for Jal Nigam (the government’s water supply department) remove all the tap connections. In the same way that tents are deconstructed, and separated according to type of material to be returned to their original supplier, tap connections, motors, and pipes return to the Jal Nigam store from which they were ordered. Once there, the material is reused on different locations of Uttar Pradesh for other Jal Nigam projects. The tube wells were welded to a meter-long pipe in order to extend their height and prevent the river from filling them up. What is most remarkable about the Kumbh is not that it is constructed in such a short period of time but also that it can be disassembled just as quickly. Multiple highly heterogeneous structures are organized around a combinatory system that relies on minimal building strategies. The construction techniques used also allow greater degrees of flexibility. The generic condition of basic elements such as sticks connected by rope or simple nails in both orthogonal and diagonal relationships offer infinite possibilities of recombination. Strength lies in the capacity to achieve specific, determinate forms with a couple of indeterminate solutions that are applicable in different contexts and re-adjustable at any moment. We could view cases such as the Kumbh Mela as opportunities to reflect on scenarios in which cities are perceived as incomplete, open systems, and also accommodate diverse temporalities, which are organized and included in their own material discourse.

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Culture as an Incubator for Urban Transformation Alfredo Brillembourg, Hubert Klumpner, Alexis Kalagas, Diego Ceresuela

In November 2016, the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) announced a peace agreement that brought an official end to the country’s fifty-year armed conflict. Decades of war, kidnapping, and sexual violence had resulted in the forced internal displacement of more than 7.5 million people, equivalent to 15 percent of the entire population. Although the Colombian Congress subsequently ratified the deal, a previous version of the agreement had been rejected by more than 50 percent of voters in a national referendum held only six weeks earlier. In short, the nation remains divided on the way forward. But even as it is faced with the serious challenge of reintegrating former combatants and finding a lasting solution for los desplazados, Colombians can begin to look ahead to a new era of peace and inclusive development.

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These are not just social and economic challenges—they are also urban challenges. Much of the displacement in Colombia has been from rural to urban areas, transforming what was a predominantly agrarian so­­ ciety into one of the most urbanized countries in Latin America. Informal settlements expanded swiftly during this period, the legacy of successive waves of desplazados seeking shelter and security on the edge of major cities and of deep-rooted inequalities. But after years of decay, Barranquilla, an important port and industrial hub on the Caribbean coast, is experiencing a revival, following an overhaul of local finances and public policy, and an infusion of international development assistance. In the midst of a period of unprecedented growth, the city’s task is to develop integrated, sustainable forms of infrastructure that will benefit all while acting as catalysts for broader regeneration processes. Urban-Think Tank has been active in Barranquilla since 2013, a fiveyear period of engagement that will soon culminate in the realization of the “Fábrica de Cultura: BAQ” project. Developed within the framework of the Inter-American Development Bank’s (IDB) “Emerging and Sustainable Cities Initiative” and supported by the Swiss State Secretariat for Economic Affairs (SECO), this project will provide a new home for the Escuela Distrital de Arte y Tradiciones Populares (EDA). The current EDA program widens access to cultural education throughout the city and the new facility has the potential to become a catalyst for change in an impoverished neighborhood, Barrio Abajo. The design, which utilizes local materials and pre-fabrication processes, has adopted open building principles to establish a framework that can be modified and reprogrammed by users over time. It has prioritized open, versatile spaces that not only respond to a fluid mode of development, but also constitute a flexible, sustainable building prototype that can be replicated throughout the region. Culture and the arts represent far more than an aesthetic encounter. Home to a World Heritage-listed carnival, Barranquilla already enjoys a rich cultural heritage. But enhanced networks and systems of cultural production have the potential to play both a social and economic role. Looking to the future, cultural education and activity can contribute to community-based processes of integration and reconciliation. Similarly, a chance exists to leverage the city’s creative and cultural assets in order to boost a range of opportunities within the “orange economy”. According to the IDB, this undervalued sector has the ability to create new jobs with relatively low levels of investment, as well as bridge deep social divides. Offering a dedicated facility for the teaching of marketable skills, Fábrica de Cultura: BAQ will ultimately cater to 1,000 students annually through the EDA program.

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Situated on the urban boundary between rich and poor, like Carnival, the complex will act as a social condenser by providing enhanced public spaces for interaction and community appropriation. This inclusive spirit extends to the plaza and atrium, which have been designed as a large-scale canvas for a participatory art installation. Embracing the idea of a constituency comprised of producers, not just consumers, the building will cater to the specialized needs of technical students, but also serve and anticipate the evolving needs of the wider community. More broadly, the project is embedded in, and sensitive to, the local spatial context, combining new sustainable construction with the adaptive reuse of the existing Coltabaco factory complex. Supported by the Colombian Territorial Development Financial Entity (FINDETER) and Universidad del Norte, Fábrica de Cultura: BAQ is intended to be the centerpiece of a wider urban strategy to revitalize Barranquilla’s historic center. In preference to quixotic master plans, Urban-Think Tank has always believed in the need for agile, targeted interventions that transform the wider urban environment. Designed effectively and placed strategically, a set of intelligent projects can not only zero in on immediate needs, but also generate positive ripple effects. From our series of vertical gyms in Caracas (Venezuela), to a music and dance school in Paraisópolis (Brazil), we have always embraced ideas of hybridity and versatility, as well as an understanding of sustainability that extends beyond the economic and environmental to the social. In a period of hard-won, but fragile, peace, culture is an essential tool for civil participation in Colombia. Within a planned network of similar facilities to support the citywide reach of the EDA program, Fábrica de Cultura: BAQ will play an important role in this culture-led recovery.

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The City at Eye Level: Focusing on the Plinth Hans Karssenberg, Jeroen Laven, Mattijs van’t Hoff, Meredith Glaser

The City at Eye Level is an online platform dealing with the experience of public space. Indeed, public space quality is the backbone of a sustainable city. Great streets, places where you intuitively feel like staying longer, human-scale interaction between buildings and streets, ownership by users, placemaking, good “plinths” (meaning the ground floors that negotiate between the inside and the outside, between the public and the private), and a people-centered approach based on the user’s experience—this is what The City at Eye Level is all about. An international, open-source platform, it is active in cities all over the world, offering tools for action and knowledge sharing. It is an initiative of Stipo, an interdisciplinary team for urban development. Examining the experience of public space, we will focus on what we call the “plinth”. By plinth, we refer to the ground floor of a building, its façade, what lays

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behind it, and the relationship between its inside and outside. The plinth may only constitute 10% of the building, but it determines 90% of the experience. To achieve better streets, the plinth is the building’s most crucial part.

Criteria for plinths What makes a good or a bad plinth? We developed a set of criteria that should be part of every analysis and plinth strategy. The criteria include three categories: building, street, and context. Buildings should be composed of small-scale units, fulfil a variety of functions, exude a “veranda feeling”, display a special architectural character, offer richness in material, a more vertical orientation of the façade, a well-functioning “hybrid zone”, appropriate signage, and flexibility as regards height (4 meters) and the land use plan (zoning); they should not use too much glass. Units should ideally be between 4–10 meters wide in order to ensure variety. The street, our second criteria, should be a pleasure to walk along, with physical comfort (as regards wind, noise, sun, shade, maintenance), “definition” (the height should at least be half the width), variation in buildings (with quality that locks the eye) and a good tree canopy. There needs to be some balance between pedestrians and cars, sit-down opportunities, great places, clear wayfinding (naturally accentuated building entrances

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Private buildings, public realm We experience the environment from the “public realm”. This term has a broader meaning than just “public space”; it includes façades of buildings and everything we see. However, what we experience at eye level is the most decisive for how we experience our surroundings. A building may be ugly, yet with an active plinth, the street level experience can still be positive. A building can be very beautiful, but if the ground floor is a blank wall, the street is dead. The orange part in the figure illustrates the plinth concept. It includes the façade, what happens behind it, its connection with the street and the hybrid zone. The latter is the transition zone from private to public and it is crucial for the human scale and experience. If, for instance, you allow residents to remove the first paving tile of the sidewalk in front of their house and create a small garden, they will develop a sense of ownership, take care of the sidewalk and keep an eye on their street. This helps to create social contact between residents, generates a greater sense of pride and a feeling of safety, resulting in pleasant streets where people like to spend time, both as residents and passers-by.

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and good information), a clearly-defined beginning and end of the street, and help for local coalitions in charge of street and place management. Context, the third criteria, is harder to influence but equally crucial to understand, since there are no standard formulas for streets. Who are the people living in the area? Are there pedestrian streams day and night? A street feels comfortable if it can accommodate between 5–20 passers-by per width meter per minute. Is there a special cluster of economic or cultural functions? How is it positioned within the urban fabric and the city’s walking and cycling routes? Is it finely meshed, are there good connections to the network of squares and parks? Is there a long-term strategy and are there any active partners who take responsibility? Each of these three dimensions provides “buttons to push” for a plinth strategy. They cannot be viewed in isolation: without enough people living in the area, for instance, a shop can have a fantastic plinth, but will still find it hard to survive. A single building may be well-designed (from a street perspective), but if the rest of the street has blank façades it will not function on its own. A street may look great, but if it is not connected to the main streams of pedestrians in the city center, it will be inconvenient. By analyzing the plinths along these dimensions you can develop a joint vision, which is then supported by, and implemented with the help of various partners (owners, renters, government)—including temporary and new street concepts. Not self-evident We all feel it when a street is great, yet many streets do not offer good plinths. Why? Through our project work, we found many reasons for this. There is a tendency to “draw people inside” in shopping malls, leisure complexes, care clusters, and campuses. Mono-functional areas with a primary focus on car use, such as single-use office complexes, worsen the situation. Developers may see the plinth as a part of their building, rather than as a part of a street. Architects, and the people commissioning them, often focus on designing buildings rather than creating great streets. Cities usually focus only on the pavement instead of including the plinth. Besides, in the design of public space all kinds of interests, such as traffic, play a role; user experience and residential quality do not necessarily come first. And, last but not least, there are the private users who sometimes prefer (and are allowed) to close their street-side shutters. Only if we understand and acknowledge these forces can we develop meaningful strategies for the city at eye level. Achieving good plinths requires an active government and an active market. A strategy is needed

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in which government, developers, designers, owners, and users each play their own parts. And as each neighborhood and street is different, each requires a different strategy. Get involved! The momentum for better streets is building up and interesting tools are being invented all around the world. They show that it is possible to design the urban environment from the perspectives of its users. We would like to invite city makers to learn from each other’s practices in various cities. Sharing experiences and open-source knowledge will ensure that we continue to learn how to create and enjoy great street plinths. We hope you will join us and share your stories, methods, and tools.

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Towards a Human-Scale City in Latin America Mayra Madriz

There is a struggle going on amongst urban practitioners in Latin America. Planners, architects, engineers, and policy makers are clashing with each other over what it means to bring about development in a region beset by contradictions and disparity. On the one side, some continue to push through the same development agenda as in the 1950s: urban expansion, segregation of land uses, and investment in infrastructure for the private automobile. In this camp, you may find transportation engineers who insist on fighting congestion by expanding the highway network, planners who eagerly approve single-family housing developments in peri-urban areas, and economic development strategists who seek to attract foreign investors to open an indoor shopping mall. On the other side, some urban practitioners understand the social, environmental, and health consequences of designing cities around the

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automobile, and are pushing for a new urban paradigm that places people at the center of urban decisions. Gehl’s work in the region is helping to drive a wide range of urban actors towards a common vision of making cities for people. Through projects at different scales—from capacity-building workshops and small pilot projects, to masterplanning frameworks and city-wide policy strategies— we have inspired citizens, planners, developers, and politicians to commit to the vision of delivering a better everyday life. This change of mindset is possible if we relate large-scale infrastructure and policy decisions to our own individual experiences as human beings. Through our workshops we encourage people to focus on what they have in common, regardless of culture or condition: our physical experience as human beings. We dissect how we walk, the speed at which we move, and our sight lines as we take a stroll. We explore how our senses mediate our experience of place, what stimulates our sight, how sounds and smells may attract or repel us, and how we seek comfort and protection from the elements. We reflect on the social nature of human beings, how we desire to be among others and thrive by living in communities. Recognizing that human nature creates a common language, we use this to study urban settings and determine the extent to which they provide a safe, welcoming environment for people. By systematically analyzing how people use public space—observing and measuring—we provide tangible, quantifiable evidence of the impact of urban design on human behavior, connecting global best practice with data from the local context. We trained local groups in each city where we worked, providing them with tools to observe and analyze the built environment so that they could monitor changes and test the impact of urban projects on people. For instance, our work in Villa 31, an emblematic informal settlement in Buenos Aires, used public life data to analyze the vibrancy of this community relative to other neighborhoods in the city. The study evidenced that the slow, narrow streets of the barrio, which are lined with homes and small shops, are a welcoming environment for children to play, and that people of all ages gather there to socialize. These insights were used to design schemes for replacement housing for families being relocated from the Villa, so that the new neighborhood will raise living standards while maintaining the positive qualities of the Villa. Analysis of public life through direct observation is a step in the process of incremental design. Rather than attempting to transform cities through large-scale, one-shot urban renewal efforts, we believe that better outcomes can be achieved through a series of strategic but gradual inter-

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ventions that enable a wider range of actors to participate and that build on what has been learnt during prior phases. An incremental design approach starts with a clear vision of the direction in which the community is to be steered and an inclusive people-first vision that recognizes the social value of public space. This two-fold vision is tested through a series of gradual interventions or pilots that allow people to experience the direction the city is moving towards. The pilots provide an opportunity to measure the impact of the strategy and to adjust the course if it fails to meet the objectives. The Chilean Ministry of Housing and Urban Development (MINVU), which was in charge of incorporating this approach into a government process, published “La Dimension Humana en el Espacio Público”, a set of guidelines to incorporate people-centered principles in the analysis and design of public spaces. We need a gradual approach to urban renovation that is rooted in the life of the community and is respectful of human nature if we wish to address the critical social and environmental questions of our time. At the head of the most urbanized region in the world, and with high levels of in­­ equality, Latin American governments face the challenge of bridging the extreme social disparities that define our cities. The value that the public realm is endowed with and the principles that guide investment in public infrastructure will determine whether current inequalities are reduced or worsened. Streets, civic spaces, and public transportation networks are the spaces where people from all walks of life can come together as citizens; this makes urban design a determinant factor in inhibiting or enabling social cohesion. By improving the quality of public spaces through an evidence-­ based, inclusive process, we can start to heal the wounds of social exclusion.

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Photoessay 2 Photographs: Ramón Zamora Prince George Wharf, Nassau Historic center, Panama City Dense center, Xalapa Historic center, Panama City Railway infrastructure, San Jose Skyline, Panama City City fringe, Panama City Informal settlements, Montego Bay Historic center, Quetzaltenango The Hill, Nassau El Pacífico railway station, San Jose Suriname River, Paramaribo

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B Methodology A Practical Approach to Urban Planning Research Stakeholder Dialogue Project Design Simple Toolbox for Participative Planning and Design Workshops Guest Contributors Medellín—A “City for Life” Cultivating “Urban Complexity” in Latin America The Design of Public Policy In Situ Planning: Moderating Urban Development Processes Locally

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A Practical Approach to Urban Planning To develop collaborative, multisectoral design solutions in the context of urban Latin America and the Caribbean, the Urban Design Lab (UDL) calls for a shift from rigid, conventional planning approaches to more complex, flexible ones. The success of the UDL rests on its foundation: being human-centered in the way it identifies urban problems and solutions. This foundation supports the UDL’s main pillars and design principles, which revolve around elements of: co-design, community ownership and empowerment, creativity, flexibility, a “glocal” approach, in situ activities, empowerment, resiliency, and sustainability. Indeed, people and their personal, native knowledge about specific, complex local situations play the main role in the UDL. While traditionally planners and urban designers devise sustainable neighborhoods, revive abandoned areas, expand cities, and plan urban regeneration projects, the UDL employs community workshops and charrettes as participatory planning tools. During these, local key actors and community members work together to create their own planning visions, scenarios, and urban strategies. The following six design principles reflect the main ideas of the UDL at a glance. The Urban Design Lab makes everyone a co-designer In contrast to top-down planning methods, the Urban Design Lab seeks input from a wide range of stakeholders, including local communities, experts, academic partners, and representatives from the public and private sectors. This fosters a productive dialogue between relevant stakeholders and a team of experts. As a basis for good design, the UDL uses the knowledge of people who actually inhabit the urban spaces in question and local experts. Time-consuming analysis can be shortened by asking people with relevant experience the right questions: what are the strengths or weaknesses of the planning area? How do you envision the planning area in the future? This approach helps people express their ideas and visions, transforming everyone into a co-designer. A crucial part of every UDL process is identifying local key actors within communities related to the planning area and inviting them to participate in the planning process by forming a Local Support Group (LSG). Local key actors may be community leaders, artists, presidents of sports clubs, leaders of micro-societies, directors of cultural associations, local NGOs, or others. Forming these local alliances is vital to connecting with local communities and their stories. These local allies facilitate community meetings and act as multipliers of ideas. The LSG is constantly consulted about the project and its results, building a sense of ownership of the ideas and projects developed throughout the entire four months of the planning process. Involving a wide range of stakeholders at an early stage is essential if a strong foundation for an urban transformation project is to be laid. During this act of social negotiation, the role of the planner is redefined. As a moderator, initiator, activator, communicator, mediator, contextualizer, and a process leader, the planner receives ideas, brings them into the process and then filters, combines, and finally translates them into design solutions. As Krasny (2008) proposes, instead of “sitting up until late at night in narrow office cubicles or in spacious studio lofts, architects and planners could become the ones, who go their way of exploring the city, with an open 116

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ear and insightful eye and accompanied by the urban actors, to let this experience of urban citizen­ship become productive”. The UDL team is a multidisciplinary team of local and international architects, urban planners, and sociologists who lead the process on-site as moderators in the dialogue between experts and users. Experts bring their technical skills, while users contribute their local knowledge about everyday urban life. The UDL team ensures project continuity by coordinating the various phases and communicating with all the involved actors. A local, temporary think tank A central feature of every Urban Design Lab is that it happens on-site. The UDL team stays and works in the partner city for a period of at least four months, cooperating closely with the local planning department. Together, they form a local think tank and jointly develop ideas and solutions. Local professionals support the UDL project team in identifying the planning area, establishing contacts with community members, organizing workshops, and collecting relevant background materials and documents. It is critical that the municipality, or local governing body, is included in the decision-making process. Once the UDL team is gone, the local governing authority will implement these projects. By including academic partners and local students in the process, the city can create opportunities to test ideas, for the students to gain real-world experience and for universities to practice local community engagement. The UDL workspace is typically set up in a local public facility in coordination with the locality. It is located near the planning area since it is important to have easy access to both the planning material and the area of intervention to stay in close contact with the community. Empowering a critical mass A key aspect of the UDL is participation and empowerment of communities. While participation has become the new state-of-the-art methodology in the planning world—or at least the most recent buzzword—there is a difference between participation and empowerment. Often, participation is limited to informing the public about projects without offering them any opportunity to engage in the design process. And yes, communication is essential to ensure that citizens are informed of what is going on in their city; however, by going a step further and involving local actors in a process of co-creation, the result can be a democratic strengthening and empowerment of a community. A fundamental part of this process is to test new ideas, which “pop up” or develop organically within the community. Even what might be considered the most far-fetched (and sometimes quite unrealistic) ideas provoke fruitful discussions and insightful dialogue within the community. By reaching out to, and with the support of a critical mass of local actors, this methodology creates a sense of ownership within the community right from the start. We believe that the concept of empowerment should be an integral part of strategic planning, urban planning, and design. Furthermore, it should be taught as a part of university curricula to make it the new standard for developing urban ideas and visions. 117

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Local meets global During the UDL, global knowledge meets local circumstances. Local actors share their knowledge of in situ experiences, and the UDL team contribute their experiences from other cities. In the region of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC)—as in other emerging cities in the developing world—many cities share similar challenges as regards urban development: rapid population growth, the decay of existing neighborhoods, the revival and regeneration of abandoned central areas, and urban governance and management, among others. Moreover, in many medium-sized cities, social structures and relations between stakeholders are complex and contested. In that sense, the international UDL team acts as a neutral moderator from the outside and as a leader, or facilitator, of the process. Unpredictability in creative processes and flexibility of the methodology Highly complex urban areas confront planning processes with unforeseeable developments regarding time, space, people, and resources. In order to transform these dynamic urban environments, we have to think in terms of responsive, dynamic processes whose flexible rules can react to unanticipated circumstances. Every UDL process is therefore unpredictable and unique, depending as it does on participating stakeholders and local emerging topics. At the beginning, the “where” and the “what” of the issues that the UDL will need to address are unclear. For this reason, it is crucial to have an adaptable agenda, a flexible planning methodology and clear goals; these form a framework that allows for improvisation and creativity. Individual tools in the UDL toolbox can be combined in various ways to react appropriately to the circumstances of each situation. A strong awareness of urban challenges, social networks and urban imaginaries is required. While in twentieth century planning, the notion of innovation meant doing everything radically differently, our conception of innovation is to understand that which exists and combine it with new ideas in a sensible way. Thus innovation is the result of bringing together the existing ideas of different stakeholders in a fresh, surprising manner. Eisinger (2012) describes urban planning creativity as “freeing oneself from common thinking patterns and practices of the discipline and era while remaining attentive to the independencies and conditions of a project”. Creative processes need to challenge taboos, discover blind spots and formulate fundamentally new questions. Beyond the analysis of physical structures, the UDL is interested in individual and collective narrative aspects of urban space; through making, telling, and enacting stories, we learn how human beings inhabit these spaces. The UDL toolbox helps identify these stories and combines them to create entirely new narratives and redefine urban spaces. Creating self-sustaining resilient projects maintained by the community Every urban project results in a space of perpetual social negotiation. A key element of the UDL methodology is the continuous process of conversation, communication, finding solutions, and reformulation. Furthermore, it is a democratic, transparent planning 118

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method that trusts in people’s ability to take ownership of projects. Consequently, the UDL creates dynamic solutions founded on common goals that empower a critical mass of citizens and strengthen social cohesion in the community. Urban transformation is more sustainable in the long term if users identify with, and take care of it, actively contributing through their skills to the constant improvement of the production of urban space. Our cities need passive spaces, where people can be active co-creators—ultimately resulting in communities that manage their own resources. In conclusion, the main ideas that encapsulate the spirit of the UDL include flexibility and a people-centered approach. The design principles center around collaboration, local ownership, empowerment, flexibility, creativity, a perspective that is both global and local, sustainability, and engagement at the local level. The UDL methodology is complex, yet robust and successful inasmuch as it remains a participative planning tool through which citizens are actively engaged: they become change agents themselves and manifest their own destiny in the urban development processes that will affect their quality of life. The Urban Design Lab Process The Urban Design Lab involves a simple, easy-to-implement planning methodology that was tested in several projects throughout Latin American and Caribbean cities. It is important to reiterate that this process has been put into practice, honed, and repeatedly evaluated over the past few years in these cities. It is structured in three phases: the first two display a strong analytical approach, aiming to gather planning material through qualitative research, workshops, and a dialogue-oriented planning process; the third and final phase focuses on the elaboration of an urban strategy including concrete sub-­ projects and the design of an urban management strategy. Throughout the phases of research, stakeholder dialogue, and project design, a variety of tools can be applied. These simple UDL tools are obviously not the only possible methods to engage in participatory planning. They are intended as a launching pad, or starting point, to experiment with other tools—both existing and newly developed by the participants—enabling civic engagement in participatory urban planning and design. Exploring and adjusting new tools feeds the UDL process, strengthens the assessment of potential impacts, and makes the methodology more robust. These tools are explored in the following section, but first, let us dive a little deeper into the UDL process, and explore its phases along with their objectives, suggested activities, and desired outcomes. What follows is the UDL process as we see it today. Right through many successes and mistakes, ultimately it has always maintained a flexible, culturally-sensitive, people-focused, participative approach at its core.

Bibliography ·E  isinger, A. & Seifert, J. (2012). urbanRESET: Freilegen immanenter Potenziale städtischer Räume / How to Activate Immanent Potentials of Urban

Spaces. Basel: Birkhäuser, p. 15.

·K  rasny, E. (2012). Hands-on

Urbanism 1850 – 2012: vom Recht auf Grün. Architektur-­ Zentrum Wien.

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Research During the

initial, preparatory phase, the lab is set up and organized in partnership with the local municipality. The planning team arrives in the city, forms a temporary team with local planners from the municipality and familiarize themselves with the context. Throughout this phase, it is essential for planning topics, perimeter, and scope of the work to be clearly identified jointly with the municipality. Existing material is gathered and various municipal departments share their insights. Ideally, the planning team is seen as a part of the planning department of the municipality, which enables access to information and secures the full participation of local planners in the project. Once a preliminary stakeholder map, including local actors and professionals, has been sketched, interviews are carried out in order to gain a better understanding of the local context from different perspectives and to begin identifying challenges and potentialities. Interviewees are the initial members of the Local Support Group, a group that will sit permanently throughout the duration of the planning process. Quick analysis of the interviews yields a preliminary bunch of emerging topics, which will guide us through the planning process. During this phase, research and analysis of good practices will provide insights into how other cities tackled similar challenges. At the end of the first phase, we have identified the relevant stakeholders, are familiar with the local context and are prepared to carry out the workshops with the communities, academic sector, and other professionals.

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Methodology Activity 2: Stakeholder mapping and the local support group • To-do list: List and regularly update important stakeholders, collect contact information • D  uration: Throughout the whole planning process • S  takeholders: Planning team, Local Support Group • O  utput: List of relevant stakeholders (stakeholder diagram with contact information) 1

Activity 1: Identification of the planning area • To-do list: Set up a process design; set up an agenda for the urban lab; define workshop format; identify planning area • Duration: One week • Stakeholders: Planning team, Local Support Group • Output: Agenda and framework for the stakeholder consultation and planning process, specified planning area, possible venue for workshops The planning team arrives in the partner city and defines the setting for the lab together with the staff of the local municipality. The municipality prepares a temporary office and the team gets installed on site. This will be the local think tank for the next four months. The planning methodology and the planning topic, as well as the agenda and format for the workshops, are jointly discussed, defining the framework for the creative planning process to come. Together with the municipality, the exact planning perimeter is defined. The selection of the planning area is crucial in the initial process of the lab and can range from small areas of 3 hectares to large areas of up to 100 hectares. The scale of the results depends very much on the size of the planning area. The main criteria to define the planning area is the potential social impact, the feasibility of the project and implementation of the strategies and the consistency between the socio-­ environmental interventions in relation to the visions projected by the municipality. In this sense, it is paramount that the expectations of the municipality be articulated. What is the expected result of the lab? What kind of impact would an intervention have on potential planning areas? Is it feasible to implement a strategy in the area considering land use regulations and urban norms? Prepare a work plan for the next four months and seek approval by the municipality.

Together with local planning professionals, a list of important stakeholders and the first members of the Local Support Group is drafted. The Local Support Group, which will accompany the planning process through its entire duration, involves local authorities, a community made up of people who reside, work or use services in the area, NGOs, public agencies, the private sector, civil society, and anyone else who has a stake in the development of the project. This group of actors should be diverse and multidisciplinary, with representatives from the public, private, and academic sectors as well as from civil society. The stakeholders should be organized in thematic groups, such as education (academic sector, schools, etc.), public sector (government, municipality, etc.), private sector, religion, chamber of architects, NGOs, etc. In order to organize the workshops, it is important to work closely with the Local Support Group to inform networks and, most importantly, reach out to the communities. During the planning process, it becomes crucial to contact relevant local experts who can contribute their knowledge to the project. The most important experts are the stakeholders. It is essential to map the stakeholders, to keep a database of contact details handy to easily facilitate information to the Local Support Group, to inform them about the project, the planning process and progress, and to disseminate the results.

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Methodology Activity 4: Collective exploration of planning area • To-do list: Analyze, visit and map the planning area • Duration: Two days • Stakeholders: Planning team, selected local experts, Local Support Group • Output: Maps, notes, and pictures of the planning area 3

Important demographic, social, and geospatial information about the city, the selected neighborhood, the planning area and the communities who live in the area is collected. This information is complemented with documents related to the planning area, such as: the local territorial planning instruments; plans, programs and ongoing projects that affect the area of intervention; and relevant planning material e. g. cadaster, GIS and other planning material (for example, aerial photos of the area). In order to gain a more in-depth understanding of the planning area and of how the neighborhood emerged, during a meeting with city officials, a quick urban morphology study is drawn on a map; it can be supported by an analysis of mobility behavior, social conditions within the neighborhood, density, and real estate costs. Please note that our basic assumption is that information that is not gained through the participatory planning process is considered to be less relevant for the intervention. Acknowledging that this might lead to incomplete or misleading information, we take great precautions when identifying project stakeholders in order to mitigate this risk. It is recommended to conceive a digital 3D planning model of the planning area at an early stage, for this will save time at the end of the project.

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Activity 3: Collection of baseline information • To-do list: Identify existing planning instruments; review existing studies and maps; analyze previous designs and ongoing urban projects; prepare digital 3D model of the planning area • D  uration: One week • S  takeholders: Planning team • O  utput: Baseline information and planning material, digital 3D model

Together with members of the municipality, various stakeholders and the local communities, the planning perimeter is explored by making walking tours. During these “walkshops” we learn about spaces and their stories, historical background, urban morphology, social and cultural significance, and many other hidden aspects that may emerge. In this process, the team actively participates in the everyday life of the neighborhood, which facilitates their understanding of the current day-to-day life in the area. Both tangible and intangible values of the planning area are explored and immediately mapped by the participants. Possible mapping topics can be problem areas, but also potential intervention areas, landmarks and heritage buildings, building ensembles, important streets, economic activities, land uses, ground floor activities, building heights, etc. This information will be relevant for the planning process. Counting trees might not have the same relevance as the mapping of emotions or potential planning interventions, so be clear about the expected result of the activity. These maps express very personal impressions, feelings, thoughts, notes, and qualitative information by the stakeholders. This will help to understand the area better and get closer to the communities.

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Methodology Activity 6: Case studies research • To-do list: Research and analyze good practices • Duration: One week • Stakeholders: Planning team • Output: Posters displaying examples of good practice

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Activity 5: Stakeholder interviews and analysis • To-do list: Conduct interviews and discussions; analyze the interviews; identify preliminary emerging topics • D  uration: Three weeks • S  takeholders: Planning Team, Local Support Group, academic partners, selected local experts, members of the private sector • O  utput: Interview summaries, preliminary list of emerging topics

Based on the list of preliminary emerging topics identified during the interviews, research on designbased solutions is conducted. We investigate inter­ national good practices in order to understand what kind of interventions could be relevant for the local context. The identification of design solutions that address similar issues is an opportunity to expand the range of intervention options in the area of study. They do not necessarily configure the best practices for each context, but they form an exploratory basis for the design phase. Possible topics typically deal with a wide range of urban issues such as: affordable housing, linear parks, waterfronts, commercial districts, densification, urban centralities, inclusionary public space, and urban management, among many others. Select two inter­ national or local projects on each emerging topic and prepare a poster for each project including images of the implemented project. These posters will be discussed with the stakeholders at the workshops and with the Local Support Group in the next project phase and will inspire the workshop participants to develop new, local ideas for the planning area.

Based on the list of Local Support Group members, ten to twenty key stakeholders are selected for interviews. A comprehensive questionnaire—based on collected existing material and previous meetings with the local planning team—is prepared. This questionnaire should be semi-structured and adjusted for different groups of stakeholders, who will be asked about the main problems and their fears, but also about their hopes and the potential of the planning area. How do they envision the neighborhood in the next ten years? Who else should be interviewed or invited to the Local Support Group? These interviews deliver a broader overview of people’s needs within their personal urban environment and of their common knowledge about everyday urban life. The interviews are the most relevant source of information and the basis for the analysis and interpretation of challenges, needs and potentialities for the planned intervention. By systematizing emerging topics, the main findings of the interviews, we get a quick overview of the most relevant topics. This material forms an input for the subsequent planning of the participatory planning and co-creation phase. Keep in mind that questions can be discussed in different formats, such as individual interviews, worktables or open discussions. 123

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Stakeholder Dialogue During this phase, problems and opportunities in the planning area and its surroundings are identified. This is also the start of the public engagement process and stakeholders are invited to participate in the planning dialogue, where common knowledge, perceptions, and local ideas are activated. The local situation is analyzed from various perspectives and mindsets, and a series of workshops with different focus groups are set up. Depending on project complexity, the following workshops are to be organized: a) institutional workshops engaging the Local Support Group, public sector, and private sector, b) community workshops with local key actors and communities, c) creative academic workshops including our academic partners and local key actors and, finally, d) focus groups with local and international experts. The workshops make use of specific methodological tools in keeping with their objectives. For instance, the institutional workshop uses tools to gather information including existing development plans and infrastructure projects; the academic-creative workshop promotes an interdisciplinary space for dialogue and debate around different project scenarios; and the community workshop focuses on the relationship between local inhabitants and their environment, using tools that facilitate collective diagnoses, social cartographies, and the analysis of case studies.

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Activity 7: Workshop preparation • To-do list: Prepare workshop inputs and materials, book and prepare workshop venue, invite stake­holders • D  uration: One week • S  takeholders: Local Support Group, academic partners, local experts, private sector • O  utput: Workshop strategy and detailed agenda

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Local workshops are a key resource and input for the Urban Design Lab. They enable constant communication with various stakeholders to address complex issues that require a comprehensive, integrative, and reflective vision. The workshops are coordinated and moderated by the professional team that act as facilitators of the planning process, and help guide a collective analysis of the local situation, the strategies, and the vision that sustains them. At the local level, identified challenges are made visible and ways to deal with them through a project approach are explored. The main objective of the workshops is to define an urban strategy along with associated projects that respond to participatory processes. At the same time, the workshops are an opportunity to engage with various actors who directly affect the territory in order to generate a greater sense of ownership in the regeneration of their environment. Prepare guidelines and a script for the workshops, choose among the participatory workshop toolbox, with a maximum of two tools per workshop day, not exceeding three hours of workshop time in total.

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Activity 8: Institutional workshop • To-do list: Moderate workshops, explain exercises • Duration: Two or three days • Stakeholders: Planning team, Local Support Team, academic partners, local experts, private sector • Output: Workshop report, inputs for further planning / design process The institutional workshop is a key step in identifying and analyzing the challenges and potentialities of different elements that make up the urban landscape from the perspective of the municipality and public sector. During this activity, a common vision originating from the public sector for the future development of the territory is collectively defined. Throughout the workshop, collective diagnoses and prospective scenarios are designed and evaluated for the planning area, based on the emerging topics identified during the initial phase. In parallel, existing public initiatives, projects, programs, and ideas are recognized and mapped, further developed and included in the proposal. As a result, not only is there a greater engagement of technical and institutional teams with the planning process, but we are able to identify themes of interest aligned with urban policy and local planning instruments. Furthermore, diagnoses and key sce­ narios for the subsequent development of the urban strategy will emerge. You can expect public servants (and generally the public sector) to have more time to participate in workshops, therefore intensive workshop sessions lasting two to three days are possible.

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Methodology Activity 10: Creative academic workshop • To-do list: Moderate workshops, explain exercises • Duration: One week • Stakeholders: Planning team, Local Support Team, academic partners, local experts, private sector • Output: Workshop report, inputs for further planning / design process

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The community workshop is considered the most important space to inspire reflection and promote action among local actors. In accordance with its relevance within the methodology, its purpose is for local residents and communities to define and present a common vision for the area of intervention. The vision is the main basis for guiding strategies and subprojects that can be appropriated by communities. Interaction between local actors is facilitated by implementing a series of key tools to obtain ideas in a creative perspective. Within the participatory process, a comprehensive diagnosis of the area of intervention is made, which then acquires a territorial dimension in social cartography. At the same time, existing projects and programs—that can be used as references and are relevant to the emerging topics identified for the area of intervention—are analyzed. The compiled material is then systematized through an interpretative analysis that then results in the vision that will guide the main urban strategies. It is recommended that a member of the community, ideally a community leader or a recognized representative of the community, should support your workshop, be involved in its planning and running, helping to explain and “translate” assignments and goals. Do not underestimate the potential of local knowledge during this co-creation process and keep in mind that local actors know the planning area the best.

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Activity 9: Local community workshop • To-do list: Moderate workshops, explain exercises • Duration: One or two days • Stakeholders: Planning team, Local Support Team, academic partners, local experts, private sector • Output: Workshop report, inputs for further planning / design process

After the institutional and community workshops, the creative academic workshop takes place and contributes to the definition of the urban strategy and its projects from a creative perspective. Among the inputs to start the workshop, we bring forward: previous participation processes, the interpretative analysis, and an approximation of possible project scenarios. The workshop is organized in such a way that it promotes a strongly creative approach and a critical vision regarding the various project scenarios. It aims to further develop urban design interventions included in the agreed urban strategies by integrating diverse territorial perspectives; these will facilitate spaces for debate on the improvement of urban life quality for the inhabitants of the territory concerned. By integrating local and international academic teams with academic exchange programs, thus bridging interdisciplinary and international perspectives, a space for reflection is generated. These groups are extremely enriching; they can bring together more than forty highly-qualified, diverse, local or international academic guests. Keep in mind that in these workshops, contributions usually transcend the design of strategies to also include the prioritization of actions, as well as the assessment of mechanisms for project management and implementation strategies. Plan ahead to be able to collect these insightful ideas to assist future phases.

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Methodology In order to keep things manageable, the number of project goals should not exceed eight. However, it might be useful to define sub-goals in order to specify the goals. Once completed, the lists of emerging topics and project goals will provide the basis for the planning steps outlined in the next phase.

Activity 11: Development of a logical framework • To-do list: Systematize information; review and sharpen emerging topics; identify immanent potentialities; formulate transversal goals • D  uration: One week • S  takeholders: Planning team • O  utput: Final list of emerging topics, preliminary list of project goals, sub-projects Following the participatory workshops, all collected material has to be reviewed, sorted, filtered, and analyzed. The preliminary list of emerging topics derived from the stakeholder interviews in Phase 1 has to be supplemented with the new inputs from the workshops. This happens with the help of a streamlined procedure in which collected statements are listed and grouped systematically according to their relevance (as communicated by the stakeholders) and subject area. Experience from past projects has shown that five to maximum ten emerging topics is an ideal number, both to summarize and work with at subsequent stages. In the next step, project goals are identified. These goals address the emerging topics and reflect the visions and scenarios developed during the workshops. They provide useful guidance for the development of the urban strategy, constantly keeping in mind what needs to be achieved through the strategy.

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Project Design Now we leave our role of planning process moderators and propose some concrete ideas—by means of drawings and designs—for the planning area concerned. Based on the common vision created during the workshops, design-based solutions are developed by the planning team. Depending on the agreed scope, the projects can be very conceptual: even simple sketches are sometimes sufficient to present an idea to the municipality and the Local Support Group. The more precise the definition of the scope, the more precise and detailed the design will be. In some situations it is better to work out different scales, and decide together with the municipality which project should be moved forward in greater detail. It is important to include the Local Support Group in the planning process and share information about how the design is evolving. For this purpose, the proposed strategies and designs are reviewed during stakeholder feedback workshops. Feedback is essential to instill confidence in all involved stakeholders. During one or two days, the preliminary sketches and designs can be tested and improved by the inputs of the Local Support Group. The workshop can be organized in an institutional setting, including private-sector meetings, and also in a public setting. Final results are presented in a design-based report, which summarizes the outcomes of all planning activities. The report is published in print and is also digitally available on the website of the municipality. The project findings are also shared and disseminated among the media and social networks.

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Methodology Activity 13: Collective feedback workshop • To-do list: Prepare and run feedback workshop; collect and evaluate feedback on preliminary strategy and sub-projects • Duration: One day • Stakeholders: Planning team, Local Support Group, local key actors, local communities, academic partners, selected local experts, private sector • Output: Feedback on urban strategy and sub-­projects

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Activity 12: Development of an integral urban strategy • To-do list: Draft an urban strategy and define sub-projects • D  uration: One week • S  takeholders: Planning team • O  utput: Final list of emerging topics, list of project goals, sub-projects The first step in the development of an integral urban strategy is to bring together the materials derived from the workshops to formulate specific interventions in the built and social environment. Using the maps produced thanks to the information gathered from the stakeholders, their statements and visions are localized. This is done in a step-by-step process, compiling different layers on one map, which will help to identify specific areas of intervention and activities envisaged by the stakeholders. The main result is an urban strategy that encompasses the urban vision, planning goals, and main activities for the selected areas of intervention. The urban strategy is then broken down into a compact number of sub-projects (ideally not exceeding five) that together will trigger the regeneration of the planning area. Each sub-project has its own character and responds to specific challenges and potentialities of the planning area concerned. These areas of intervention are not isolated within the strategy but interlinked through physical, visual, social, or functional bridges. Detailed designing of the sub-­ projects will be done once the strategy has been approved during the collective feedback workshop (Activity 13). Try to develop the project by telling a story, which should be plausible and easy to tell.

The urban strategy and the relevant sub-projects will be presented during this public workshop session to the Local Support Group, local key actors, local communities, academic partners, selected local experts, and members of the private sector. The sub-projects will not necessarily have been fully developed by the team; in some cases, rough sketches or a few maps are good enough to test the underlying ideas. The urban strategy will be assessed by the participants and they will identify which aspects should be changed or kept.This feedback process can be organized in focus groups or in large, mixed groups. A strengths and weaknesses analysis of the proposal will be conducted according to the following dimensions of sustainability: environmental, social, cultural, economic, and gover­ nance. Another tool suitable for feedback sessions is role play; this can be used to test project ideas within a broader social context. In a group work session, the pros and cons of the strategy will be evaluated. If necessary, more best practice projects will be presented at the workshop and the planned interventions will be considered within the community. Based on all results, a final strategy will be defined and visualized. Work out in real time and draw on poster feedback by participants over possible improvements to the proposal.

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Methodology Activity 15: Design of sub-projects • To-do list: Refine and finalize design of sub-projects • Duration: Six weeks • Stakeholders: Planning team, Local Support Group • Output: Final design of sub-projects

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Projects, strategies, and new ideas need marketing and a communication strategy, which is why we create a temporary local intervention in the planning area. By activating an important plaza or street as a public urban intervention, we seek to enter into a dialogue with the neighbors. The white cube (in Spanish: el cubo) is a 3 × 3 × 3 m simple, low-cost, wooden structure with a white PVC openable covering; it serves as a multi-purpose workshop device. The cube can be opened in any direction, you can hang posters on it, and screen movies on its surface, all at the same time if needed. Organize a public event lasting three to five days—for example an urban film festival with films about your intervention topics—during which you show your drawings, strategies, etc. and organize discussion rounds that deal with the situation found in the planning area. Find local NGOs, cultural centers, bars, and restaurants in the neighborhood that can support your initiative. Organize a reflective dialogue on the results presented by the participatory workshops and the documentaries or movies. Reach out to the media, organize press conferences, throw a wild party, and invite people who have to say something about the place and its importance. The white cube will be an eye catcher and an important element in your project that the neighborhood will not forget.

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Activity 14: Communication and public intervention— el cubo • To-do list: Organize, announce and run a four-day public event • Duration: Two weeks • Stakeholders: Planning team, Local Support Group • Output: Stakeholder activation and information

Now, the actual design of the sub-projects is being carried out. Based on the reviewed urban strategy, the rich planning material, and local inputs and impressions, up to five sub-projects will be designed. Depending on the size of the planning area, a more or less detailed design of concrete proposals and sub-projects will be developed. Besides, depending on the available workforce, not all projects can be worked out to the same depth. Therefore, in accordance with the municipality and the Local Support Group, one emblematic sub-­project—one that spotlights and champions the urban strategy—will be chosen. This can be, for example, a cultural center, a social housing development or a public space intervention. The remaining sub-projects will be designed in less detail— as complementary ideas that the municipality can further develop with local architects in the future. All sub-projects will be included in a digital 3D model visualizing the urban context of the interventions. This helps to better understand the impact of the strategic interventions and how they can contribute to improve quality of life for residents and visitors of the planning area, the affected neighborhood, and the city as a whole. Finally, by using the multisectoral planning approach deployed by the logical framework of the Urban Design Lab, the sub-projects will be described not just as architectural interventions, but in an integral and 15 contextualized manner.

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Methodology

Activity 16: Build a large-scale model • To-do list: Prepare a model of the planning area (e.g. scale 1:500) • D  uration: One week • S  takeholders: Planning team, Local Support Group, local students • O  utput: Large-scale 3D model Towards the end of the lab, build a simple, but large model of your intervention, for example 1:200 to 1:500 depending on the size of the planning area. This will be an opportunity to see the intervention in a different light. Invite the local architectural and planning school to support your efforts and build the model together with local students and professors. It is another way to engage people in the planning process and create ownership among young professionals. In only two or three days you can build one hundred hectares of intervention out of Styrofoam. Use the time to discuss the intervention and its form with your colleagues. This will strengthen the proposed urban strategy and allows you to make last adjustments to the project. A proposal presented by using a physical model is generally easier to understand for non-experts than if it was presented using repre­ sentational drawings. In this sense, a large-scale model can be an interesting contribution to the discussions producing collective feedback. The model will be exhibited together with the final drawings during the final presentation. This serves as a tool to help the general public understand the spatial context of the proposal. Do not forget to take a picture of the mayor pointing at the model.

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17

Activity 17: Development of an urban governance strategy • To-do list: Draft a governance strategy, including how projects can be financed and managed • Duration: One week • Stakeholders: Planning team, Local Support Group • Output: Diagram of implementation As a last step, a strategy dealing with how and when the projects can be implemented will be developed together with the municipality and the Local Support Group. This strategy will identify different sources of finance, ensure that the participatory process enjoys continuity, and that the stakeholders and institutions that participated in the process will be involved in the implementation of the project. To this end, community leaders and specific responsibilities have to be defined. Urban management strategies incorporate key components aiming to ensure the success of interventions. A new form of multisectoral association may be proposed through corporations, cooperatives, consortia, and public-private partnerships. Additionally, master plans and sectoral plans may be designed and when needed, urban planning codes may be added or modified, often demanding adjustments and the updating of land-use plans in order to facilitate project implementation. Within a new framework of urban-territorial planning, projects can be set up in an integrated way. Finally, strategic urban management mechanisms are implemented, including the use of development tools to encourage urban development catering to the principles set out in the strategy. Here, elements of design and territorial planning are geared towards achieving an improved quality of life for neighborhoods and their communities. Keep in mind that engaging local actors in the development of the urban governance strategy will not only guarantee the implementation of the project but its sustainability over time. 131

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Methodology Kapitelname

Simple Toolbox for Participative Planning and Design Workshops

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Unterkapitel

We provide a simple toolbox for participatory planning and design workshops that will allow you to navigate smoothly through the entire planning process. The tools have been tested and refined in many projects and community workshops. They provide solid guidelines for stakeholder consultation in very diverse contexts. The toolbox encompasses seven simple tools that each cover different aspects and phases of the participation process. Some deal with spatial analyses and scenarios, while others focus on the conceptual interpretation of the planning area. While not all tools have to be applied during the same workshop phase, it is possible, or even recommended, to combine several tools (at least two) in one setting. This makes it possible to gain a maximum number of insights, both into the existing situation and the visions developed by stakeholders. It must be clear that participation is not an isolated tool for its own sake but must be directly integrated in the planning process. This makes it necessary to review, summarize, and analyze workshop outcomes carefully. Ideally, the outcomes are processed in a report documenting the main lessons learned from the consultation process. This report will then be used as a framework for further planning.

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Methodology

TOOL 1: COLLECTIVE BRAINSTORMING • • • • •

S  ize of group: 4–8 persons R  equired space: Workspace with tables and walls M  aterial: Post-it notes, flip chart, pens Time frame: 30 min. + 15 min. reflection time O  utputs: List of dreams and visions of a possible future for the planning area

The collaborative brainstorming exercise is a fast and easy tool that helps us identify diverse stakeholders’ visions for a selected planning area. The workshop opens with a simple assignment for the participants: to think about their “dream” for the selected area. This dream does not have to reflect a realistic scenario but triggers creative ideas on what the place might look like in an ideal future. The following questions can be used to guide the assignment: • How do you imagine this place in the future (e.g. ten years from now)? • What would this place look like in your dreams if there were no constraints (such as budgets, regulations, etc.)? • How can we integrate this area into the rest of the city? The participants are given 10 minutes to think about their individual visions for the selected planning area and write down their “dreams” on Post-its. They are then asked to read out their notes to the group. The Post-its are collected on a flip chart and discussed with the whole group. The participants have about 10 more minutes to analyze similarities and differences between the visions and group them into thematic clusters. In the end, selected participants give a brief presentation on the results of each group, which is followed by a final reflection time among the par­ ticipants. The exercise provides clear insights into the expectations and wishes of a diversity of stakeholders. These can be used by the planning team as a framework to develop an inclusive urban strategy based on local knowledge and ideas. TOOL 2: SWOT ANALYSIS • • • • •

Size of group: 4–8 persons Required space: Workspace with tables and walls Material: Post-it notes, flip chart, pens Time frame: 60 min. + 15 min. discussion time O  utputs: Collaborative diagnosis and analysis, list of potentialities/opportunities for the area

The SWOT Analysis (SWOT stands for Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats) is a popular tool for the rapid assessment of a given place or situation. Mostly used in economics, this tool has increas-

ingly received attention in the field of urban planning. It allows participants (mostly residents or local stakeholders who know the selected place well) to reflect on the characteristics of a planning area from their own perspective. In turn, the planning team can work out a quick, well-grounded overview of the planning area and gain important information on local perceptions of the place. Experience has shown that the best way to start a SWOT analysis is to focus only on the Strengths and Weaknesses of a planning area. This avoids confusion among participants—who often participate in this kind of exercise for the first time. A flip chart poster with two columns (Strengths on the left, and Weaknesses on the right) can be used. During a quick brainstorming session, participants list their thoughts and ideas, using Post-its that they pin onto the flip chart. It is only after Strengths and Weaknesses have been brainstormed that participants are asked to reflect on Opportunities and Threats, following the same procedure. At the end of the exercise, which normally takes around 60 minutes to complete, each group presents their posters to the other participants. The workshop ends with collective reflection on the results and a discussion. TOOL 3: SOCIAL CARTOGRAPHY OF PERCEPTION • Size of group: Max. 30 persons • Required space: Workspace with walls • Material: Stickers in four different colors, large-scale satellite image of the planning area • Time frame: 30 min. + 15 min. discussion time • Outputs: Map of potential intervention areas Collaborative mapping is a suitable technique to find out which perceptions different stakeholders have of different places within a city or planning area. The participants work with a large-scale satellite image of the planning area and its surroundings. They are asked to use colored stickers (up to 5 per person and color) to highlight their personal perceptions of places on the satellite image, each perception representing a different color: • Where they feel happy (e.g. green) • Which places make them feel sad (e.g. red) • Which places need interventions to make them more attractive (e.g. yellow) • Which places do not need to change (e.g. blue). Participants are asked to explain their decisions and to indicate what it is exactly that makes them happy/ sad or that needs to be changed (or not) and how. The result of this exercise is a colorful map that displays the subjective impressions of the participants about places they like or dislike.

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The sum of these impressions helps the planning team to identify places that need to be investigated in more detail and gives an indication of where to intervene, improve, and revitalize—and where not to intervene. As regard the analysis of the map, it is important for the planning team to take into consideration the different social backgrounds of the workshop participants. TOOL 4: SITUATION ANALYSIS • S  ize of group: 4–8 persons • Required space: Workspace with tables • Material: Photos of everyday urban situations in the planning area, transparent paper, colored markers • Time frame: 30 min. + 15 min. discussion time • Outputs: List of potentialities and challenges within the planning area

Experience has shown that exposing stakeholders to examples of successful projects from other cities can help to broaden their imagination as regards projects in their own city. A set of 15 to 20 “good practice” examples, selected and visualized by the planning team, is presented to the stakeholders in an exhibition setting. Each project is explained on an individual poster. Participants have time to study the posters, either in groups or alone, and ask questions if needed. They are encouraged to think about similarities between the presented cases and their own city, and find answers to the following questions: • What do you like about this project? • I s the solution suitable for our planning area or not? • What are the strengths/weaknesses of the projects shown? • H  ow could the project be adjusted to fit into our planning area? The answers are noted on Post-its which are pinned onto the posters. A group discussion of the results can help to generate new ideas but also to critically reflect on the transferability and suitability of certain concepts for the selected planning area. The Case Studies Discussion is normally conducted in combination with other tools, for example the Integrated Scenarios method described below. The breaks between workshop sessions can be used to collect statements on the presented case studies. These form an important basis for the collective development of urban scenarios in the next stage.

Participants are asked to explain what it is exactly that makes them happy/sad about the picture or why the situation needs to be changed (or not) and how. This method is easy to manage, which makes it particularly suitable for vulnerable or disadvantaged groups of participants (e.g. children, elderly, analphabets, people who have difficulties reading maps). The results are briefly discussed within the group and presented to the other workshop participants. This exercise provides valuable insights into the aspects of a city or planning area that are most appreciated by a community and into the problems that need to be addressed. As with the map of social perceptions (Tool 3), it is important for the planning team to take into consideration the different social backgrounds of the workshop participants. The outcomes of the workshop can be used as guidance for the design.

TOOL 6: INTEGRAL SCENARIOS • Size of group: 4–8 persons • Required space: Workspace with tables and walls • Material: Maps of planning area and surroundings, posters, sketching paper, material to build models, pens • Time frame: 60 min. + 30 min. discussion time • Outputs: Various urban scenarios

TOOL 5: CASE STUDIES DISCUSSION • S  ize of group: Individual or small groups • Required space: Workspace with walls • Material: Posters of good practice examples, Post-its

The development of scenarios is an important tool to engage the community in the design and decision-­ making process. Involving the community means that the complex planning process has to be to broken down into simple discussions around the needs of local people and ways to address them within the selected planning area. This approach seeks to avoid traditional top-down planning. Instead, it creates a feeling of ownership among participating stakeholders—which has been proved to increase public acceptance of

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Simple Toolbox

Situation Analysis is a tool that uses photos to analyze the perceptions of people from different backgrounds. The participants work with pictures showing everyday urban situations within the planning area. They are asked to use colored markers to highlight the aspects of the situation that they like or dislike. As with the Social Cartography of Perception technique (Tool 3), four different colors are used to express: • What they like about the situation shown on the photo (e.g. green) • What makes them sad about the situation (e.g. red) • What they would change about the situation (e.g. yellow) • What they think must stay as it is (e.g. blue).

• Time frame: Entire workshop + 30 min. discussion time • Outputs: Portfolio of suitable, transferable good practice projects for the planning area

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Methodology

the resulting design significantly. The involvement of stakeholders from diverse backgrounds further reinforces the inclusiveness of the design. The Scenario exercise should be done in combination with at least one of the methods described above. Based on the outcomes of the preceding exercises, participants develop scenarios for the planning area in groups. The following questions can help to guide the discussions: • What kind of elements does our urban scenario have? • How can we respond to trends affecting the planning area? • How can we reverse decline and let potentialities unfold? • What type of intervention is needed to improve the area? • How can we strengthen other dimensions of sustainability (social, economic, cultural, environmental, governmental)?

• H  ow can the strategy be improved to increase its positive impacts on group members and decrease negative ones? • Which other dimensions are missing in the proposal? • Which aspects should be added to the proposal? Maps and a 3D model of the proposed design should be provided during the workshop. The outcomes of the group discussions are summarized on a poster for each group and presented to the other participants. In the subsequent discussion round, the participants can discuss the justification and relevance of the proposed improvements.

Each group presents their scenario briefly and dis­ cusses the results with the other participants. The outcome of the exercise is a scenario that reflects the views of all participating stakeholders and provides the basis for the final urban strategy. TOOL 7: ROLE PLAY • S  ize of group: 4–8 persons • R  equired space: Workspace with tables • M  aterial: Handouts describing roles, maps of the proposed urban strategy and sub-projects, large-scale model, posters, sketching paper, material to build models, pens • Time frame: 90 min. + 30 min. discussion • O  utputs: Poster with feedback from different stakeholders The role play is an interactive tool, thanks to which ideas, visions, perceptions or existing strategies can be discussed from different perspectives. Each participant is assigned the role of a fictive stakeholder (e.g. government officer, entrepreneur, market vendor, resident (from different income groups), old person, youth, etc.) whom they will represent during the workshop. A brief description of the characters can help participants to identify with their assigned role. The exercise can be done either during creative design workshops (e.g. in combination with other tools presented above) or during feedback workshops. It benefits feedback workshops, in that a design can be tested for its suitability for different kinds of actors, and modified according to the outcomes. For this purpose, groups of participants (ideally representing different characters) discuss the following questions: • Are the group’s and its individual members’ interests represented in the proposal? 135

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136 Institutional workshop

RESEARCH

Workshop preparation

Case studies research

Stakeholder interviews and analysis

Collective exploration of planning area

Collection of baseline information

Stakeholder mapping and local support group

1

Identification of planning area

B Methodology

STAKEHOLDER DIALOGUE

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Development of urban governance strategy

Construction of large-scale model

Design of sub-projects

Communication and public intervention—el cubo

Collective feedback workshop

3

Development of integral urban strategy

Development of logical framework

Creative academic workshop

Local community workshop B Methodology

PROJECT DESIGN

B

Methodology

Medellín—A “City for Life” Jorge Pérez-Jaramillo

Medellín, once the most violent city in the world as the result of, amongst other things, decades of uncontrolled immigration, urban expansion, economic crisis, illegal commerce, drug trafficking, and social inequalities, has overcome diverse challenges. Vast informal urban sprawl has resulted in widespread expansion of unofficial settlements; these occupy unsafe areas on the hills along the periphery of the urbanized, characteristically sloping city. Through a wide, complex process of social dialogue, participatory planning, and institutional transformation, Medellín has overcome extreme rates of inequality, brought accessibility to the city for all, and built up civic and public life through innovative projects.

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Guest Contributors

A tradition of long-term planning After difficult times in the early 1990s, and with support from academic and social institutions as well as private stakeholders, Medellín built upon a tradition of planning to become an urban lab fostering a public life whose aim is inclusive, peaceful and sustainable development. The city has come a long way, from the critical years of the Consejería Presidencial (1990–94) and Strategic Plan (1995–97) to the current Territorial Development Plan of Medellín POT (2014–2027), a conceptual land-use plan based on long-term projects discussed and agreed upon with citizens, and approved by eighty percent of the City Council. The plan constitutes a vision for the future, together with strategic redevelopment projects such as the Medellín River Parks and Urban Renewal Masterplans (Macro Proyectos Urbanos del Río) that cover the entire city and help to ensure continuity in the city’s urban transformation despite changes in leadership. In addition, the Metropolitan Green Belt ( Jardín Circunvalar de Me­­ dellín) is an intervention along the urban-rural interface of the city that seeks to simultaneously address several environmental, social, and economic issues that include: controlling urban expansion; mitigating the risk of landslides and damage to groundwater; improving the conditions of settlements; generating new public spaces; and connecting the hillside with the city through multimodal transportation infrastructure, thereby improving accessibility to jobs and education. The chosen “compact city” model prioritizes urban development within the valley that contains the city’s urban fabric by identifying thirty-­ three strategic redevelopment areas close to the Aburrá river. Medellín River Parks aim to promote green urban development, environmental restoration and connectivity throughout the city and the region. The strategic objective is to return the river to the citizens as the main structure of the urban ecosystem by capitalizing on its pollution control program, optimizing its current role as a central corridor for regional and urban multimodal mobility (including non-motorized modes of transportation), and creating quality public spaces and parks. Social innovation and accessibility Medellín strongly believes that equity, inclusion, education, and civic and cultural transformation can bring about positive change to the city. One strategy designed to ensure accessibility and inclusion is a significant investment in multimodal public transportation. This includes the recently inaugurated Ayacucho Tram and two new MetroCables that complement

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Methodology

140

Medellín

railway links run by the Medellín Metro (Metro de Medellín), bus rapid transit (Metroplús), public bike sharing (EnCicla), and a gondola cable car system (MetroCable). The Unidades de Vida Articulada UVAS program (2012–2015) is a project where citizens are invited to co-create community centers. Citizens become involved in the building of cultural, recreational and sports venues, many of which are converted utility water tanks that used to occupy large plots of previously inaccessible, green areas in the middle of precarious neighborhoods. Medellín has come a long way from its past, sending a powerful signal that inclusive, collaborative governance can overturn even the most difficult circumstances. As the wave of positive change that has swept Medellín comes to a rest, the city will have to manage the evolving expectations of its people. It must be noted that key challenges remain, in particular: strengthening the economy and overcoming remaining inequity; public life spaces; social, affordable housing for the underprivileged and those whose existing dwellings cannot be officialized. There is also a need to develop a clearer, cohesive urban plan at the metropolitan level to guide the development of the surrounding region. In addition, the city has to continue tackling the culture of illegality as well as strengthening the State’s territorial control against the persistence of organizations linked to international criminal networks. It is imperative that efforts to fulfil the basic needs of citizens be sustained, for it is the message of hope that has given people an unfettered belief in improvement and galvanized them to come together to steer Medellín in the right direction. Continuity, consistency, appropriate prioritization of the problems to be solved and a high degree of resilience have marked Medellín’s transformation process. Definitive progress will depend to a large extent on our clear, shared determination to value achievements and understand challenges, and on a meaningful, honest approach to managing the problems of renewing civic leadership. Putting the city and the region’s agenda first will breathe new power into accumulated progress, honoring what has been built, and overcoming setbacks, sectoral views, egos, and opportunism. This is the most strategic and responsible path for all. Unfortunately, after recent political changes in 2016, Medellín has come to a time of “rupture”, with demagogic discourses as well as a lack of coherence and continuity in public plans, policies, and programs. The basis of the collective process that supported the city’s success is being forgotten. Medellín River Parks and its Urban Renewal Master Plans (Macro Proyectos

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Guest Contributors

Urbanos del Río), the Metropolitan Green Belt ( Jardín Circunvalar de Medellín), the Unidades de Vida Articulada UVAS, and many other public programs and projects have been suspended. The most valuable achievement over the past twenty-five years has been to honor the civic project without any messiahs but, rather, as a cultural and political monument built by all of us. The way to equity and the other challenges we face commit us all to persist and capitalize on the lessons learned and, as before, everything will depend on our clarity and generosity towards the community. Bibliography · EnCicla (2018), System of Public Bicycles of the Valley of Aburrá (EnCicla), accessed Jan. 15, 2018, http://www.encicla.gov.co. · Tan Chui Hua (2016), Transforming Barrios,

Transforming Medellín (Lee Kuan Yew World City Prize), accessed Jan. 15, 2018, https://www. leekuanyewworldcityprize.com.sg/features_ Transforming-Barrios-Transforming-Medellin.html.

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Methodology

Cultivating “Urban Complexity” in Latin America José Luis Vallejo, Belinda Tato

A city is not just buildings. Neither is it what lies between them. In a historic city center, there are so many overlapping layers, so many undisclosed conditions, and so many ongoing processes that it is difficult to grasp its complexity and understand its opportunities. How can we intervene in these places without altering their unstable equilibrium? How can we try to understand, make space, and enhance the positive dynamics that are already at work? Our recent work on urban regeneration projects in several historic city centers in Latin America has allowed us to recognize similar aspects in all of them. This has helped us create and apply a common methodology.

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Guest Contributors

Historic city centers In many historic centers we have encountered the memory of an urban life that has moved to peripheral areas, following the people who abandoned them. Urban growth dynamics, lack of planning or urban control, and urban policies that favor developments in the periphery eventually turned city centers into declining areas that expelled their residents. In these same spaces, the opportunity of recovery, which is also a threat, brings the bright prospect of a renewed urban life, the shadows of speculation and gentrification, and the challenge of integrating a series of factors difficult to approach separately or from a single point of view. Another recurring theme found in the city centers of Latin America is the seemingly unsurmountable challenge of mobility. The urban traffic system, usually overloaded with private vehicles, leads to urban hearts that fill and empty daily; the population base is hardly stable and land uses only give these centers life during the day. This causes a huge demand for concentrated parking—leaving streets and public spaces deserted during offpeak hours. Complexity A historic center is more than monuments, buildings, and public spaces. It is also the sum and interaction of many other aspects: social activity and cohesion, the economy, mobility, management and public policies, culture, tradition, identity, heritage, legislation, and the environment. Although it is useful to dissect these layers in order to study them, none of them can be approached in isolation if a comprehensive and lasting transformation is to be achieved. It is commonplace to think that the urban revitalization of a historic center means the enhancement of monumental heritage and many cities end up intervening in their historic centers from that limited perspective. Only by approaching these areas of the city in all its complexity, can we address conservationism, predict possible imbalances and ensure a coordinated, sustainable development to create environments that make everyday life possible. Opportunities and challenges In all the cities where we have worked, we have found a vast potential for improvement and useful ingredients conducive to a sustainable urban development of historic city centers.

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Methodology

Pilot projects Through experiences in different Latin American cities, we verified the effectiveness of working with “micro-complexities”, or small portions of the city: limited areas of work, in which we tried to combine different aspects of the most complex urban reality and involve various agents that represent them. The work begins when the team connects with institutional agents and citizens, and public and private actors from a wide range of backgrounds, ages, and capacities. A transformation process is then put in place that initially seeks to excite, empower, train, and connect the various actors to each other, and to generate groups that act as a driving force to favor the implementation and development of this process. As a result, with few resources and in a short time, these “pilot projects” are capable of generating a great deal of complexity around them, and provide to all those involved a tangible, scalable experience of urban transformation. Experiences One such case is that of Asunción, capital of Paraguay, where a series of rapid urban actions, carried out with students within the framework of the Master Plan for the Historic City Center of Asunción, led to projects such as “LatidoAmericano”, an urban arts festival. Enjoying municipal support and with the participation of art collectives from all over Latin America, this

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Cultivating “Urban Complexity” in Latin America

One of the most outstanding assets of many Latin American countries and, therefore, of their cities, is their relatively young population. This presents a unique opportunity to incorporate—through education and innovation—other approaches to urban transformation, only a generational change away. On the other hand, alongside the influence of sizeable private interests, the greatest obstacles to the sustainable development of historic city centers are inertia, immobility, and the exclusion of the most vulnerable groups. We found a large number of studies in all cities, but very few implemented policies—and very few effective, coordinated, transformative projects. The main challenge, almost always, has to do with budget availability, management capacity, and taking action. Hence it was important for us to work with students and young professionals during the implementation of our methodology. Their ability to challenge, encourage, and adopt new approaches makes them the greatest force for change. It is also an opportunity to educate professionals and citizens of the future in the fields of sustainability and social justice.

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Guest Contributors

sent a message of renewal, creativity, and diversity from Asunción’s historic center. In Encarnación, Paraguay’s third largest city, a Sustainable Development Plan was translated into several pilot projects; topics were identified by groups formed by students and a series of key players: local companies, municipal areas, activists, and neighbors. They ranged from the recovery of a traditional festival involving merchants and artists to the materialization of a pilot project for a seven-kilometer bicycle path (with the help of volunteers and municipal actors from the mobility and security sectors). For the historic city center of Tegucigalpa, capital of Honduras, a process of participatory activation was designed to promote urban debate around the importance of public space as a platform for social interaction, and to strengthen connections and communication between different institutions and citizens. This enabled the development and urban transformation of the Central District by providing the necessary participation and creative impulse. The proposed activities sought to define strategies to achieve a more livable, socially integrated, sustainable, and economically active space. The case of Cuenca, World Heritage City in Ecuador, involves an ambitious strategy to create a network of new public spaces inside courtyards of urban blocks occupied by parking lots. Six priority pilot projects have been defined; they combine the recovery of public facilities and spaces for citizen coexistence with the need to attract new residents to a historic center that is undergoing an incipient process of gentrification. All of these interventions fall into the so-called “tactical urbanism” category, which reaches its greatest potential when applied in combination with the strategic validation of more general plans that provide a cross-cutting and holistic vision. In this way, complexity becomes manageable without having to be simplified.

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Methodology

The Design of Public Policy Fernando de Mello Franco

The crisis in Brazilian cities has led to constant reflection on what is conventionally called “urban reform”. This reform is guided by actions that guarantee the “right to the city”, whose original focus was to enable access to decent housing for all. Currently this agenda is expanding. When urbanization was still driven by migratory flows from the countryside, the demand for one’s own home prevailed. However, today demand encompasses even more than that: access to the goods and services that the city can offer. This has become even more important for younger generations that were born within a context of urban culture. These growing demands lead us to ask how a sustainable development model may be structured from the environmental and social points of view. Environment and society are not separate entities; indeed, it is the perverse framework of social inequality that has the strongest impact on the serious environmental imbalances of Latin American cities. Therefore, the process of urban transformation, especially in complex metropolitan contexts, requires in-depth reflection on both the concepts of design and politics. The English language, unlike Portuguese and Spanish, offers variations for the word “politics” that enrich its meaning. “Politics” itself can be

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Guest Contributors

understood as the activities related to the political game. “Polity” represents the form of organization of this game, or the political machinery. Finally, “policy” is made up of proposals for defined actions in the political process. The reduction of inequalities and the improvement of urban life will only be achieved if the purpose of the actions, the machinery that supports them, and the political process that validates them are structured in a cohesive, articulated way. Urban transformation will only be consistent if planning, information, and public participation systems and their respective instruments are articulated in the formulation of programs, projects, and actions. Cities are disputed territories. In reality, what is being disputed is the right to be in the city and the value of the location in relation to the supply of urban opportunities, goods, and services. Planning systems arise not only from a necessity to organize the growth of cities, but above all from the need to mediate conflicts between the different stakeholders in urban processes. From the technical point of view, the planning discipline has developed a broad reflection on urban policy instruments. Much progress has been made in the development of specific instruments aimed at controlling land use and occupation, capturing land value, guaranteeing the social function of property, and paying for environmental services, among others. However, these instruments are more often found to be listed among the planning system’s available tools, rather than actively used within regular urban management activities. Typically, lists of guidelines and instruments are not accompanied by instructions on how to use them. Adding to the fact that no planning system is neutral, even fewer operate effectively. Therefore, the development of a planning system that corresponds to the aspirations of the majority of the population presupposes structuring a transparent and participative polity that recognizes citizens as effective actors. And for citizen participation to be effective, incremental processes of training and empowerment must be undertaken. The process of participation requires a concrete object if it is to avoid the pitfalls of producing a mere scenario or an ideological-partisan debate. This object must be the very formulation of public policies, including the definition of their management processes, presented in the form of programs, projects, and actions. Thus, we are compelled to also rethink the practice of urban design. Among architects and urban planners, “design” has always meant formulating the programmatic and physical transformations of a certain spatial area.

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Methodology

148

The Design of Public Policy

A territorial vision of the urban phenomenon is essential. What is particularly interesting in the case of the city is understanding how people, flows, and processes are organized with relation to the way they specifically occupy the urban territory. But these events require the development of economic-financial models to finance proposals, as well as legal frameworks to support and legitimize actions. And since the city is a field of dispute, the political-institutional contexts and management models at the time of action become constitutive parts of the project as much as the spatial modelling. Territory, technique, actors, politics, and time exist in the spaces be­­ tween the various attributes of the project, sometimes as inputs, sometimes as instruments, and sometimes as part of the object itself. The designer, or formulator of public policies, shifts between various levels of commitment and the purposes of the project. The designer moves from a technocratic position to the role of another agent with a stake in claiming its legitimate interests. Between alienation and tension there must be a balance where designers can strengthen their action as agents of mediation between collective and public interests that are territorialized and properly represented in the urban project. The design of urban public policy, in addition to its intrinsic character as a technical instrument, must be understood as a field for conflict settlement that guarantees the best possible forms of coexistence in an increasingly exhausted, unequal environment.

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Guest Contributors

In Situ Planning: Moderating Urban Development Processes Locally Siri Frech

Cities are made by people. They move to cities and start living there, build houses and keep shops, use infrastructures, go to universities or to work, move to different places. This urban metabolism constantly transforms places. However, we have to keep in mind this simple observation while looking at the complexity of cities and the built environment today, for this will determine future developments: planners are envisioning new structures, investors build these spaces to live and work in, and the government tries to direct the transformation by establishing regulations. Today, people are left out of the planning processes and decision-making. Yet there are numerous examples where people are designing and building their own spaces—transforming their cities in powerful and creative ways. After the wall came down, Berlin was such a city, with vibrant urban interventions and endless opportunities for civic engagement. Economic and social change left many urban places unused and vacant. It became very obvious that regular planning and investment tools did not work in this context. Soon people realized that they themselves could

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Methodology

To be present In order to test, discuss, and develop new ways to co-create with the residents we had to be on-site. In our roles of moderators and planners, we used various strategies; one strategy was to organize short events in frequented locations in the area. The project’s kick-off event, for example, was located in the local shopping center, in the middle of a busy passage. Hence the event was highly visible, it was easy to take part, and many people got a first impression about the planning process that was about to begin. A second strategy to be present on-site was to build a “place station” (Platzstation) in one of the three public spaces. It became a place where

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implement their own ideas on how Berlin should develop. As a result, between 1995 and 2005 hundreds of temporary uses were introduced by citizens of Berlin who had ideas, courage, and some money. Where no planning and investing strategies had been successful, they managed to change wastelands into cultural hot spots, sports areas, green zones—and many other things. We, as landscape architects and town planners at the planning office “Urban Catalyst”, were fascinated by these phenomena and started to analyze the power of urban dynamics. The distinctive feature of this power is the culture of testing and the use of small-step developments. A central tenet was people’s creativity and making use of the potential of each specific place. Of course, this situation is quite a rare moment in the life cycle of a city and today most of these spontaneous uses have disappeared. As planners and architects, we soon realized that this power was rarely used in classical planning processes. Therefore, we started to search for tools and methods that integrated this power and creativity. In the past ten years we have continued to create new strategies to establish a method for co-creative urban development. A good example of how to introduce inclusive planning tools is an urban project we developed in 2016 in Cologne in the area of Chorweiler. The goal was to foster a co-productive development process between residents, the interdisciplinary planning team, and the municipality. The task at Chorweiler, a large urban housing estate, was to redesign three central public spaces into lively places for people of all ages. Chorweiler itself has a high population diversity and density. We decided to develop a new design strategy mainly by testing innovative tools and the inclusion of the people living in Chorweiler. The focus was the underutilized public space that people were reclaiming. The most important tools in this project are described below.

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people could meet, work, develop ideas and test them for eight days. The Platzstation was made out of two containers and an eye-catching roof. It contained a kitchen, a workshop, a large information board and a place for discussion. Our team kept the station open from 10 a.m. to 10 p.m.; the whole planning event was framed by a very full program, which included public cooking, concerts by local artists and discussions. During that week more than sixty specific ideas were developed and fifteen of them were also tested on-site. Besides generating ideas and options for the future, a central goal of this event was to build up continuous contact with local activists and multipliers in the area and to recognize their engagement. More testing than talking Due to the cultural diversity of the people living in Chorweiler, who held many different nationalities, and also of the different age groups engaged in the process, we decided to involve them in an interactive development process. Testing ideas became more important than talking. We used tools such as temporary on-site building events—where people could get a feeling of how their ideas would change the space. Another activity was to build a large three-dimensional model of the area, including its three central spaces. It was so vast that people could easily walk around inside it. Inside the model participants could build, see, and discuss their ideas in a new way. The aim of these activities was to make possible modifications to public space visible and to better understand the impact of future designs. Integrating all planning disciplines The interdisciplinary team of planners—such as traffic, landscape and town planners—was part of the co-creation process. In this way, the planning team had the exceptional opportunity to develop a thorough understanding of the site together with local residents. The team participated in all events at the Platzstation and attended all workshops. Thus, the results of the civic engagement process directly influenced their specific planning and design ideas. The entire co-creative process took over seven months and became a part of daily life in Chorweiler. We were able to build up contacts with many active people who cared for the future of Chorweiler. It took many years for such co-creative planning processes to become possible in German cities. Civic resistance and dissatisfaction with urban planning processes helped to open the doors inside municipalities to more integrative, participatory planning strategies. Large-scale development projects such as “Stuttgart21” or “100% Tempelhof” were evident signs of planning failures. Today, many cities request inclusive planning strategies,

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and an increasing number of planners are developing innovative tools for a participatory approach to urban development, i.e. integrating the creativity and knowledge of people living in cities. This is the successful part of the story. The less successful part is that most participatory processes only last a short time and are used for very specific tasks. In Chorweiler, it is still unclear if and how the process will continue. There is a strong risk that the awakened interest of the people, their trust, and their involvement will disappear very quickly. There are no plans for long-term participation. It also proved impossible to integrate all results of the co-productive process with the work of traffic specialists and landscape designers. If you start searching for the reasons behind this, you mainly come across arguments revolving around very limited financial, time, and personnel resources. At first sight this might be true, but looking closer you will understand that something else, something very different, is missing. A certain kind of disposition, or a new planning spirit, is needed to successfully apply all the innovative co-creation planning tools. This inclusive planning spirit allows a redistribution of power; it implies an innovative approach to power and how to amass it. Co-creation is a new way to look at us planners: no longer “masters of space” but catalyzers of a new, creative, open society through the key element—spaces.

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C Solutions Integral Urban Strategies for the Regeneration of Central Areas Neighborhood Revitalization and Sub-Centralities Photoessay 3 Transformation Strategies for Abandoned Railway Infrastructure Integral Strategies for Metropolitan Areas Guest Contributors Community Capital in Action: New Financial Models for Resilient Cities Digital Strategies for Low-Income Neighborhoods Photoessay 4 The Immanent Potential of Vacant Spaces Airport Landscape Initiative

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Until the first half of the twentieth century, the vast majority of Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) cities was made up of historical centers and some planned extensions. At that time, the urbanization rate in the region was below 50% and the expression “urban sprawl” had not yet been invented. Traditionally, central areas had functioned as public gathering spaces—where residents could meet and communicate with one another—and as central marketplaces where you could get everything you needed for everyday life. Today, this traditional mode of functioning has been lost in most of these cities’ centers. Many Latin American and Caribbean cities are devoid of a lively central area with high-quality public spaces, market places, active ground floor areas, etc. Over the past decades, a relentless urbanization process characterized by rapid motorization and social-spatial segregation has left city centers vacant and endowed them with a monofunctional character. Instead of a variety of shops, cafés, ateliers or other facilities attracting pedestrians and enlivening the streets, you will find offices, and government uses and services in these central areas. Facilities like these are not attractive to the public and—if other uses are lacking—create abandoned centers without any significant urban life after office hours. In this way, urban centers lost all their residential functions. This loss of urban life and monofunctionalization of historic centers are well illustrated by the Caribbean cities of Nassau, Paramaribo, Santiago de Caballeros and Montego Bay. It is not only the lack of multifunctional uses in ground floor areas, emptying the streets after office hours, that is currently a challenge for Latin American and Caribbean cities. Rapid urbanization, population growth and absent planning strategies have led to uncontrolled settling not only on the outskirts of cities, but also in central areas. In the centers of Managua and Montego Bay, informal settlements and very bad living conditions for inhabitants are critical issues that need to be set on the agenda. Further challenges have become visible in the centers of the Colombian cities of Monteria and Pasto: they do not offer enough public space and the river has failed to be integrated into the cityscape. All this is the result of unplanned city development. The regeneration of central areas is a very complex issue that embraces many different aspects and has to be considered on different scales. Building attractive public squares is a good start but must go hand in hand with a supply of mixed uses in ground floor areas. Centers should neither be exclusively dedicated to office space, nor to residential areas—a right balance between living and working can create lively streets both during the day and at night-time. Most importantly, a city center should be a place that residents can identify with, where they get the feeling of being active citizens, and can just feel “at home”. 157

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Central Nassau Urban Regeneration Plan, Nassau, The Bahamas The centre of Nassau is made up of two communities: downtown Nassau and Over-the-Hill. Every day, downtown Nassau attracts thousands of visitors who come to shop, dine, sightsee and enjoy the tropical climate of the city. However, locals, particularly young people, tend to avoid the area because they consider that it only caters for tourists. Furthermore, since the old industrial port on East Bay Street was relocated in 2012, many waterfront properties have been left vacant and businesses in the area have been in decline. Over-the-Hill is an area literally located past a natural ridge rising behind the southern edge of downtown Nassau. Mostly a residential area, with Grants Town and Bain Town as its main centrality, Over-the-Hill is home to low-­ income families and is commonly referred to by Nassau people as a “ghetto”. Run-down buildings and a lack of basic infrastructure, like water and sanitation, are accompanied by a shortage of public space.

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EMERGING TOPICS Disconnected public space Nassau is disconnected from the waterfront and lacks a continuous, walkable, enjoyable public space. Although the few existing recreational areas in Central Nassau are well received and actively utilized, there is a shortage of articulated green public spaces, especially for children, in the downtown area and Grants Town. The city lacks a system of interconnection between these public areas, hindering walkability and pedes­trian access. Human scale mobility Owing to a lack of proper public transportation on the island, there is a high dependency on private cars. Traffic congestion was the most frequently-mentioned challenge during the participatory workshops and interviews. If people had access to bicycles and pedestrian paths, these more sustainable means of transportation might be an attractive alternative for Nassauvians. Despite short distances between the traditional neighborhoods of Grants and Bain Town and downtown Nassau, these areas are disconnected from each other.

“Downtown should have more residents. (...) most of the Bahamians are going to the shopping malls Palmdale and Marathon. To revitalize downtown they should build the boardwalk and reclaim the waterfront.”

Urban renewal and affordable housing As in various other historic city centers throughout Latin America and the Caribbean, there are many vacant plots on strategic sites within the city center. Furthermore, in Grants Town there is a shortage of housing opportunities, no affordable rental apartments, and no market for properties due to unresolved land title issues. Nevertheless, downtown’s central location and proximity to workplaces makes it an area with great potential for residential developments that could catalyze the regeneration of the city’s historical neighborhood.

Cultural heritage as an anchor for identity The existing mixture of architecture typologies and styles is representative of local Caribbean identity, making this area a trove of hidden cultural landmarks. Beyond their emblematic architecture, neighborhoods such as Grants Town are an important part of the social and cultural heritage of Nassau. Tourism as an incubator for development Since the early 1950s, The Bahamas has become a popular touristic destination. Unfortunately, uncontrolled mass tourism has had a negative impact on the area, bringing urban decay to downtown Nassau. Stores selling souvenirs and duty-free goods conquered the area and after the public market for vegetables, local produce and fish burned down in 1974, it was replaced in 1983 by the touristic Straw Market. Locals lost their market and the city lost its traditional “Caribbean” feel. Weak urban ecosystem The lack of vegetation and shade, adequate public space, and sustainable mobility solutions, along with dense traffic, have created heat islands in most of downtown and Grants Town, including in connecting urban corridors. Traditional architectural and urban elements such as arcades, porches, the traditional window shutters and clapboard houses have been replaced by glass facades, public spaces without any shade and buildings without cantilevers. Security through activities In the past, the presence of mixed-use buildings and the diversity of uses in the city center kept people on the streets and in the public realm at different hours of the day. Today, poor lighting and the gradual decrease in activities feed a sense of desolation in the downtown area at night. Socio-economic context The services offered in downtown Nassau are limited and cater only to one type of tourist: staying for a short time and spending little money. Downtown, especially 159

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Urban Strategy for the regeneration of downtown Nassau, Grants, and Bain Town

waterfront and boardwalk; and Grants and Bain Town will be regenerated by housing and public space interventions. These areas are only a short walk apart and a regeneration of the green ecosystem and articulation of dense urban arteries will be completed.

GOALS The general objective of the strategy is to create vibrant centralities and a city of short distances. The specific objectives are: • foster tradition and culture as an economic asset • create vibrant centralities and a city of short distances • create a sustainable urban ecosystem • improve urban security and social resilience • enhance local governance and inclusive planning. URBAN STRATEGY The central Area of Nassau will be structured by its main roads: Bluehill Road, Market Street, East Street as vertical collectors from South to North and East Bay Street and Bay Street from East to West. The local regeneration strategies are located in the historic downtown area of Nassau and the two Over-the-Hill communities: Grants and Bain Town, whereas downtown and East Bay Street will be rejuvenated by a new 160

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Bay Street, is a monofunctional area completely taken over by commerce. Food quality is also extremely limited. It is therefore important for Nassau to broaden its vision and transform downtown into a place that is not only more appealing to a wider public but also to its local residents.

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PROJECTS Downtown Nassau regeneration This comprehensive strategy for downtown Nassau not only proposes physical revitalization through concrete urban projects, planning and financial instruments, but also incorporates urban interventions that aim to provide housing and economic opportunities for local residents. Within this framework, downtown Nassau will become an inclusive area for living, working and leisure activities. Thanks to a continuous, publicly-­ accessible boardwalk with commercial activity and a new local market, tourists and residents will be able to access the waterfront, which at last will be integrated into downtown Nassau. The revitalization and densification of the urban fabric will ensure the provision of housing for middle income families, who will also benefit from a more walkable and bicycle-friendly city. Meanwhile, local residents will be able to access Creative Nassau, a business hub for entrepreneurs and artists promoting innovation and research. Finally, the project proposes to define a zoning and form-based code in order to ensure the correct development of this area in future. Grants Town regeneration Combining urban design and architectural solutions with social-economic activities, this strategy tackles the low density and urban decay of Grants Town through a regeneration of its housing stock and the development of new housing projects; the latter may consider communal areas to heighten the existing community engagement in this part of the city.

Moreover, a flexible, easy to implement toolbox seeks to incentivize the creation and activation of public green spaces on vacant plots. Recognizing the importance of community development, this strategy also proposes several projects offering training and support to local entrepreneurs, artists, and residents seeking economic opportunities as well as enhancing community participation. Connecting ecological urban corridors for central Nassau This strategy will restore historical links between Grants Town and downtown Nassau. The strategic urban corridors of Baillou Hill Street, Market Street and East Street will be reactivated through densification and mixed-use developments over shaded walkways and bike paths interconnecting a sequence of public spaces. The vacant plots on these corridors will be activated through tax alleviation and comprehensive design solutions. Urban management strategy The proposed projects will be implemented by an efficient public management agency. Projects have to be organized in a new, innovative way, enabling bottom-­up initiatives within the top-down legislation. At the same time the official Planning and Subdivision Act of 2010 shall be enforced and also updated to meet the current needs of new urban realities. Terri­ torial planning, zoning ordinances, financial resources, institutional coordination, and top-notch urban construction and maintenance are required in order to ensure a sustainable development of Nassau. ②

Master plan for the regeneration of downtown Nassau including the new boardwalk and waterfront

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GRANTS TOWN URBAN REGENERATION PROJECT JUNKANOO SQUARE

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③ T  he new waterfront and boardwalk in downtown Nassau ④ Detail of the waterfront and boardwalk project including marinas and public space interventions ⑤ Incubator and Business Hub project in downtown Nassau ⑥ Recreational and culture space in Grants Town located on East Street ⑦ Densification study with residential use and articulation of the main corridors: Bluehill Road, Market Street, East Street ⑧ Street section in Grants Town with new residential projects with traditional local building patterns (e.g. porches) and community meeting points ⑨ “It takes a village to raise a child”— typology of inner yards of new housing complexes

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“The three local strategies are located in the historic downtown area of Nassau and the two Over-the-Hill communities: Grants and Bain Town.”

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GRANTS TOWN HOUSING PROJECT

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Integrated Housing and Mixed-Use Strategy for the Historic Center of Paramaribo, Suriname Paramaribo’s historic center was designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site (WHS) in 2002 thanks to its wealth of colonial-style wooden buildings erected during the city’s foundation by the Dutch back in the seventeenth century. While the concentration of monuments holds a great potential for the sustainable development of Paramaribo’s historic center, the inner city is in a state of urban decay and neglect. Many buildings are in a poor physical condition. Residential and commercial functions strongly declined over the past decades as people gradually moved to the suburbs. Due to the lack of functional diversity and permanent residents, the historic center turns into a deserted area after office hours. Residents from other neighborhoods do not like to visit the historic center for shopping or recreational purposes. This creates a perception of abandonment and insecurity.

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EMERGING TOPICS Activate heritage monument Many buildings, including protected heritage monuments, are in a very poor physical condition. The renovation and maintenance of historic wooden buildings is very costly and house-owners cannot afford necessary investments. Unclear ownership structures as well as a lack of subsidies and regulations contribute to the situation. Moreover, fire hazard poses a great threat to wooden structures. Arts and culture as a catalyst Paramaribo has a rich cultural heritage and diversity. Culinary events, sports and crafts are very important for the Surinamese population. While some neighborhoods around the historic center are strongly influenced by the cultural background of their residents (shops, restaurants and street markets), Paramaribo’s inner city lacks activities that stand for the country’s rich culture. Stop monofunctionality The historic center lacks diversity as regards functions and activities—most buildings accommodate (government) offices that close in the early afternoon. Many buildings are disused. There is a very limited number of residents in the core zone of the historic center, which is why the inner city turns into a dead place in the afternoons and at night. Life at eye level While there are lively commercial neighborhoods around the historic center and in the suburbs, the inner city itself lacks businesses, shops, restaurants and creative spaces. The ground floor areas are in a state of decline. Shopkeepers find it unattractive to open a business due to high rental costs and a lack of customers. This contributes to the abandoned character of the historic city. Introduce affordable housing The historic center counts only a limited number of residents. Land and rental prices are too high for regular households. People also prefer to live in stand-alone buildings with a garden and parking space. However, the revitalization of the inner city and the creation of new housing typologies could attract certain groups—including tourists, expats, elderly people, or young couples and families—to move to the historic center.

Lack of public space Apart from a few public spaces, there is a clear lack of attractive recreational areas in the historic center. Open spaces within the inner city lack shade, street furniture or facilities for children and youngsters. The absence of trees providing shade make walking and strolling through the city center inconvenient, which is why even short distances are travelled by car. Ineffective mobility During office hours, the historic city faces great traffic problems. The public transportation system is ineffective, and most people rely on their cars. This creates traffic jams, noise and pollution—especially along the main transport corridors, and contributes to the tight parking situation in the inner city. Cars often block sidewalks, which makes walking inconvenient. Security as a concern Public safety is a great concern. Some areas are recognized as “no-go” zones at night time. This is partly related to the high numbers of homeless people, some of whom appear to suffer from drug addiction or mental illness, sleeping on porches or inside vacant buildings. Paramaribo’s red light district is a disreputable place located in the historic center, and people particularly avoid this area at night. GOALS The vision of the project for the historic center of Paramaribo is to create a lively place with sustainable housing projects and interconnected public spaces that facilitate human scale mobility, and to enhance the historic center by activating commercial, cultural and social values that create a vibrant economy. Therefore, population size shall be increased in an attractive urban environment suitable for different target groups by creating more proximity between housing, parks and working places. A system of green, safe public spaces shall be created to provide shade and light in a walkable streetscape, as well as recreational areas for residents, customers, and visitors. Through mixed-use developments, especially in ground-floor zones, job opportunities in the creative and technology sector (start-ups, entrepreneurs, etc.), restaurants, cafés and shops should be created. A community-building process shall be incentivized by creating civic networks to enhance intangible heritage and cultural values, and to manage a process supporting functional diversity and mixed use in the historic center.

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“Just bring more functions to the inner city that would attract people from outside.”

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URBAN STRATEGY Paramaribo will activate vacant assets on three main corridors in its World Heritage Site. The city shall regain its residential character with the typical shops and economic activities in the ground floor zones. Two pedestrian zones will articulate public space. In order to achieve the goals and realize the vision developed for the historic center, the strategy proposes a set of specific projects. The projects cover different areas and aspects of the historic center and aim to make the site attractive for residents, businesses, creatives, and visitors. PROJECTS Watermolenstraat and Kerkplein activation Watermolenstraat holds a great potential as a residential corridor due to its central location and proximity to schools, public transportation and shops. The project intends to activate vacant plots and buildings through new developments and the reconfiguration of existing ones. Kerkplein—which used to be the city’s main square during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries—will be revived by transforming its public space into an attractive urban plaza connected to a network of walking paths and nearby open spaces.

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Historical corridor activation Lim A Postraat has been identified as an important historical corridor with a high number of heritage buildings. The project aims to revive the value of the corridor by creating attractive walking and open spaces, lively ground-floor areas and 24-hour activities; this will make it an economic driver for tourism and local identity. Monseigneur Wulfinghstraat housing development Monseigneur Wulfinghstraat has an important function as an extension corridor of Watermolenstraat towards the northern buffer zone. The project is proposing a new residential complex on a vacant plot at the northern end of the street, and the activation of the surrounding public space. The area was strategically selected for its proximity to schools, doctors and the cathedral, which makes the neighborhood particularly interesting for young families and elderly people. Keizerstraat / Klipstenen Straat mixed-use development Due to its low level of occupation, the block provides considerable potential for housing units (ranging from singles to family units) with shared backyard gardens. Target groups for this development are young couples, families and elderly people; they will benefit from the central location close to schools and shopping opportunities, and the possibility to combine urban living with semi-private recreational facilities. 168

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① U  rban Strategy for residential projects and articulating urban corridors to activate the World Heritage Site ② Logical framework of the integrated and multisectorial regeneration project ③ The activation of vacant lots in Paramaribo will bring new residents and urban life to the World Heritage Site ④ A housing project in downtown Paramaribo with traditional building-materials and shops on the ground floor that will activate public life at the heart of the city

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Vivimos Juntos: Integration and Densification of the Historic Center of Managua, Nicaragua La Candelaria is a traditional neighborhood in the historic city center, located behind the old cathedral of Managua, next to the lake. The area was emblematic—with a vibrant urban life, cinemas, bars—and it was where Managua Central Railway Station was located until 1992. But this prestigious neighborhood was completely destroyed during the 1972 earthquake; it was abandoned and left to decay until the 1990s, when spontaneous settlements brought new life to this area. La Candelaria’s strategic central location is an asset, but the neighborhood sits on two seismic fault lines that, together with the risk of flooding and landslides, makes it extremely vulnerable to disasters. In addition, forty years of urban dereliction have resulted in severe problems that continue to affect the neighborhood’s inhabitants today. An acute housing shortage and insecurity are some of the most pressing issues. La Candelaria is one of the poorest and most unsafe neighborhoods in Nicaragua’s capital city, but the area was profoundly influenced by the transformation of the Paseo Xolotlan, one of Managua’s largest public space interventions.

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EMERGING TOPICS Low density housing Most of the neighborhood has been developed through self-building, which has resulted in precarious low density developments. Throughout the participatory workshops, the possibility of upgrading by densifying the urban fabric and developing multistorey housing was discussed. Disconnected waterfront The workshop participants recognized that the lake was the weakest urban element, thus the need to strengthen its relationship to the neighborhood through landscape and public space design became an evident priority. Furthermore, it would be an opportunity to generate meeting and recreational spaces integrated into La Candelaria’s urban fabric. People feel insecure This area is associated with high crime rates and residents feel unsafe, especially at night. La Candelaria is considered one of the most insecure neighborhoods in the city. The area is heavily affected by drug abuse and prostitution. Environmental risk exposure The homes of the approximately 3,000 inhabitants of La Candelaria are almost 100% informal, i. e. without any land titles. The neighborhood’s precarious constructions, its location on two seismic fault lines and

the propensity to flooding from the lake pose serious risks that need to be mitigated. No public space available Due to overcrowding inside the homes, a large part of everyday life in La Candelaria is spent outside. Thus, the community emphasized the urgent need for high quality public spaces, especially along the neighborhood’s urban borders and in its interior. GOALS The general objective of the project is to regenerate the neighborhood through incremental, secure housing and enliven public space through mixed-use developments. The specific objectives are: • c  reate a seismic fault avoidance zone by generating a green buffer-zone corridor running alongside the active fault line; • r evitalize marginal areas in the neighborhood by promoting mixed-use developments; • s trengthen pedestrian mobility integrated with public transportation systems; • refurbish emblematic historic buildings by including new uses; • introduce collective, incremental housing in the neighborhood; • c  reate new meeting points; and • d  evelop the lake’s waterfront.

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Urban strategy to activate downtown Managua with four articulation-corridors and the regeneration of the traditional neighborhoods of San Sebastian, La Candelaria, Santo Domingo and San Jose de Boér

The urban revitalization strategy for La Candelaria is structured into three projects of different scales. The conceptual design suggests reviving the neighborhood through housing projects that respect the historic urban grid and streetscape. The strategy seeks to strengthen sustainable mobility through public transportation, cycling, and pedestrian-friendly solutions. Furthermore, new centralities will emerge as an urban ecosystem made up of connected green spaces and corridors that is integrated into an urban fabric offering a diversity of uses and high density housing. PROJECTS Active urban corridors ① Four cultural, commercial and mixed-use corridors, proposed in the historic city center, will connect the neighborhood’s main points of interest and improve pedestrian mobility. It is recommended to clear all buildings on the active seismic fault lines in order to create a green corridor that serves ecological functions and offers recreational activities. Furthermore,

heritage buildings of high architectural value will be recovered as touristic sites for visitors and emblematic meeting points for local citizens. New centrality La Candelaria ② In order to strengthen the neighborhood’s public life, this project proposes the revitalization of an existing park and the creation of two new plazas. Each one of these public spaces will have a different vocation. While the Parque la Candelaria has a historic importance, the Parque Central will center around a dining district and Parque Cultural will provide spaces to host diverse public events. Densification project La Candelaria ③ A series of recommendations have been made to densify the traditional neighborhood’s urban fabric through the construction of high density, mixed-­ use developments with housing on upper floors, and commercial uses and services on ground floors. For this purpose, a study on densification was carried out, proposing urban norms and presenting pilot projects with possible scenarios for six urban blocks in La Candelaria.

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URBAN STRATEGY

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“We dream of a Barrio Candelaria with better streets and sidewalks, where each person has his own home … and yes, it can be made possible with high-density housing!”

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② T  ransformation of the traditional neighborhood of La Candelaria as a residential and mixed-use pilot project to bring life back to downtown Managua ③ The urban strategy following the five dimensions of sustainability: cultural, economic, social, ecological and governance-related.

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Urban Strategies for a Livable Downtown Montego Bay, Jamaica Montego Bay is composed of 38 neighborhoods, with a combined population of 110,115. An absence of regulation and urban growth management has led to large, widespread, unplanned new developments in areas unfit for urban­ ization, such as areas exposed to natural hazards (e.g. flooding and land­ slides). Today, the historic city center of Montego Bay suffers from a housing shortage and high road congestion, mainly caused by vehicular traffic and an inefficient public transportation system. The downtown area has become a central business district with banks, services, a public library, markets, schools, hospitals, and clinics, fulfilling many important functions and uses. However, the commercialization of the downtown area has resulted in a decline of its importance as a hospitality center and residential area.

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The existing stock of housing in Montego Bay is in decay and urgently needs investment to keep its local, traditional charm

EMERGING TOPICS Lack of public space At the moment there are only 2.7 m2 of open space per inhabitant in Montego Bay. Downtown Montego Bay has much underutilized or vacant land that is not suit­ able for any type of construction due to its exposure to natural hazards. This includes the waterfront, which is disconnected from the city, and the heavily polluted, vacant former railway site, situated next to the Transportation Center. Urban regeneration through affordable housing The leftovers of residential use downtown are mostly informal settlements. A previous attempt to relocate the inhabitants of an informal settlement close to the former railway station was unsuccessful. Although living conditions were better in the new homes, transportation costs associated with the new location were higher and residents lost the social support they had in their original surroundings. Lack of human scale mobility Among critical mobility issues are the lack of both a public bus transportation network and adequate pedestrian spaces. The local public transportation system consists of route-taxis only, some of which are run illegally. A formal local bus system does not exist. Pedestrians in downtown Montego Bay lack open public spaces in which they can move efficiently.

Exploring cultural heritage The Jamaican National Heritage Trust lists 22 buildings in the St. James Parish, of which 10 are located in downtown Montego Bay. An example of fine Jamaican architecture is Fort Montego Bay, built in 1750 by the British. Monuments are protected by Jamaican law; however, their potential as monuments is not being fully exploited. Some buildings are used as office space, tourist shops or are vacant. GOALS The general objective of the strategy is to start a comprehensive upgrade of Downtown. The specific objectives are to: • identify and promote specific opportunities for collaboration with the private sector on a housing program; • e  xpand the Urban Renewal Act to provide fiscal incentives for private developers to build housing in the downtown area, either in partnership with the National Housing Trust as public-private partnerships (PPPs) or by purely private undertakings, by designating the area bound by the St. James Development Order as a Special Development Area; • launch a program to promote downtown Montego Bay as a “place to live,” • identify and include an inventory of all buildings and sites of historic, scenic, architectural, or cultural 179

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importance that should be preserved and/or rehabilitated as landmarks. URBAN STRATEGY To achieve the general planning goals, strategic activities shall be undertaken that will be addressed in integrated projects. The three local projects are: • New Waterfront; • Integral Neighborhood Upgrading Strategy and Pilot Downtown Housing Project; and • Revitalization of the Charles Gordon Market.

Other recommended actions as part of the urban strategy are • the Downtown Walkability Project, a pedestrian-­ friendly corridor between the most important spots in the city center; • the Rehabilitation Project of Historic Landmarks aims to preserve landmarks and proposes the revitalization of heritage sites in order to support the local identity and create new sources of income for the people of Montego Bay; • the Sustainable Mobility Program proposes a properly designed public transportation system and the introduction of bus routes to efficiently serve the communities—this will meaningfully improve 180

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Solutions the quality of life of residents by contributing to public order and reducing congestion in the city.

PROJECTS New Waterfront To connect the city of Montego Bay with the sea while helping protect it from coastal hazards, the strategy will develop the area along the approximately twokilometer stretch of coast from the Old Hospital Park to the River Bay Fishing Village into a boardwalk park

including public beaches and seaside recreational facilities, such as cafes, beach volleyball, etc. This project will include activities for: (I) beach enhan­ cement to improve the amenity value of beaches; (II) shoreline stabilization and erosion control works to protect against storm surge and coastal erosion; and (III) coastal access works to provide continuous safe public access along the shoreline. The waterfront park, which is susceptible to storm surge, will act as a buffer zone between the sea and the constructed city. In addition to increasing the quality of life for residents by providing them with a pleasant place for recreation

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9,173 m²

419

housing units

total public space

12,267 m² built area

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0.4

FAR 1.0

plot occupation

$

building costs: basic 10 M extended 16.7 M

⑤ and beach access, it will act as a pull factor to incentivize denser development around downtown Montego Bay, away from the periphery.

400 residential units of affordable housing with shops and common areas of the community in the groundfloor zones.

Integral Neighborhood Upgrading Strategy and Pilot Downtown Housing Project This project aims to increase the resident population in the city center by changing the existing zoning from commercial to a mixed-use zone in order to provide a legal basis for residential use in the city center and encourage higher density developments in already developed areas. As a first pilot project, the National Housing Trust (NHT), in cooperation with the Urban Development Corporation (UDC), will upgrade the informal settlement at Barnett and Railway Lane in downtown Montego Bay. The conceptual master plan proposes the construction of approximately

Revitalization of the Charles Gordon Market The main market, the Charles Gordon Market, is a very well-visited market facility and, with its 2.2 hectares, is the largest market in the area. The streets around the market get really busy, especially on weekends. The Charles Gordon Market is the traditional market of Montego Bay, which is divided into three sectors: the market hall, the open-air market and the wholesale market. However, the market needs revitalization and an upgrade, with better infrastructure for both sellers and customers, including better facilities and necessary amenities such as toilets and washrooms.

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“Currently, there are only a few people living in formal homes in the downtown area of Montego Bay while urban sprawl is rapidly growing past the city’s fringes. The new Development Order should promote a significant population increase in the city center”

① T  he urban strategy for Montego Bay proposes the activation of urban elements along a connecting walkable corridor ② The planning principles to connect the waterfront with downtown Montego Bay ③ The activation of the waterfront as an economically feasible project with new plazas, beaches and green area for all Jamaicans ④ Master plan for 400 residential units in downtown Montego Bay and the rejuvenation of the local market building and its public space ⑤ Elevation of the residential building with economically active ground floor zones for shops ⑥ My “growing home” typologies for the expansion of the housing projects ⑦ How to include the community in the planning process

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Volver al Centro: Integrated Urban Revitalization of the Historic City Center of Santiago de los Caballeros, Dominican Republic The traditional city center of Santiago de los Caballeros in the Dominican Republic has shared the same fate as many other historic areas in Latin America and the Caribbean. Once the most significant areas of urban life, traditional city centers have often been abandoned; they deteriorated as a result of rapid urban growth, decentralization, and urban sprawl. In the 1970s residents of Santiago de los Caballeros began to move to new neigh­ borhoods, commercial activity was transferred to modern shopping malls and industrial production shifted to upcoming free trade zones. Today, the historic city center has been left behind as a monofunctional area of commercial use, thus leading to empty streets in the evening and at the weekend, when the area is considered dangerous.

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EMERGING TOPICS Lack of affordable housing opportunities During the participatory workshops, the absence of a permanent resident population was identified as the key challenge in the revitalization of the historic city center. Most residents have moved away and the remaining population is aging. The supply of green space for residents in the downtown area is insufficient.

“Today residents of Santiago perceive their historic city center as a degraded and insecure space.”

Lack of human scale mobility Another highlighted issue during the workshop was traffic congestion and inadequate urban mobility solutions for the city center. The narrow historical streets are not suited for the amount of motorized traffic that circulates in the city center today, and there is a lack of pedestrian-friendly streets and quality public spaces. Human scale-oriented solutions to mobility problems are needed.

Lack of public space Another challenge is the lack of high quality public space. Except for the three historical parks in the historical city center, there are no public spaces in the city center and most open spaces have been taken over by motorized traffic and parking lots.

GOALS

Insecurity through monofunctionality Since there is a lack of a permanent resident population in the city center and shops close at seven in the evening, the area is perceived as highly insecure, especially at night and on the weekends. Walking in the city center is not recommended after business hours and on weekends.

• p  romote public life, social interaction and cultural heritage; • s timulate the local economy; • m  aintain the human scale of the local urban environment; • p  rovide secure public spaces, also at nighttime; and • r educe traffic congestion and create pedestrian-­ friendly environments.

Cultural heritage buildings as incubator projects Property owners see no incentives to invest in renovation and upkeep, therefore many heritage buildings have also fallen into disrepair. Incubator projects cofinanced through public-private-partnership projects (PPP) could be useful to start the transformation of downtown Santiago.

The main goal of the strategy is to recover the historic city center, with mixed-use developments attracting a new permanent resident population and retaining the existing one. Further goals are:

URBAN STRATEGY In order to initiate the regeneration of the historic city center, a network of public spaces of cultural importance has been proposed. During the participatory 185

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workshops, we identified Benito Monción as the area with the highest density of cultural heritage buildings, and formulated an integral urban regeneration strategy for this particular site. Once the Benito Monción street has been transformed into a pedestrian-only corridor, it will become the main axis of activity crossing the area from north to south and connect the two most important bus stations. In the long term, the strategy seeks to densify the northern blocks through additional housing, create new public spaces within each superblock, and revitalize buildings and spaces of historical importance. Five concrete interventions have been proposed to catalyze the rehabilitation of the historic city center. PROJECTS Central Mixed Use Housing This project aims to recover the housing function in the city center and bring a diversity of new residents. Existing built structures will be densified with in-fill housing on vacant lots, and ground floors will offer semi-public uses. For larger empty spaces at the periphery of the center, densification through social housing projects has been proposed. As a tool to find new uses for vacant historic buildings in the short and long terms, this project also proposes a “Bolsa de

Casas Vacias”, an inventory of vacant buildings, as a platform to communicate between owners, potential users, and the public sector. Benito Monción Pedestrian Zone The pedestrianization of Benito Monción Street, one of the oldest streets in the city, will highlight the highest concentration of architectural heritage and cultural institutions. A new pavement, places to sit in the shadow, plantation of native trees, adequate public lighting and dedicated spaces for street vendors will transform this street into a lively hub of public life. Additionally, by encouraging open public spaces to become places for social interaction, a network of plazas will be created in the city center. For example, Plaza Pantalón, currently used as a parking lot, can be transformed in the short term into a space programmed with a diversity of activities during day and night. Inclusive Transportation Hubs The existing transport hubs in the area have been developed informally and have become nodes of congestion and insecurity. This project proposes to restructure them, designating zones for transit, parking, waiting, economic activities, and infrastructure. Since the frequency of people in the area is quite high, the planning site could convert into an economically attractive zone.

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BOLSA DE DE BOLSA CASAS VACÍAS CASAS VACÍAS

FESTIVAL CULTURAL FESTIVAL CULTURAL “BENITO MONCIÓN” “BENITO MONCIÓN”

SUPERMANZANA SUPERMANZANA RECREACIONAL RECREACIONAL

2014 2014

iniciar el iniciar festivalelcultural festival cultural „Benito Monción“ como como „Benito Monción“ intervención temporaltemporal intervención

establecer un programa establecer un programa para reanimar casas y casas y para reanimar lugares desocupados con lugares desocupados con usos temporales usos temporales

SUPERMANZANA SUPERMANZANA CULTURAL CULTURAL

animación cultural de animación cultural de la zona con actores la zona con actores culturalesculturales que se que se encuentran en la zona encuentran en la zona organizarorganizar conciertos, conciertos, cine al aire libre, cine al aire libre, teatro, lecturas, teatro, lecturas, comidas,... comidas,...

VIVIENDAS VIVIENDAS mapear ymapear identificar los y identificar los espaciosespacios potenciales potenciales RELLENAS RELLENAS

mediación entre usuarios mediación entre usuarios potenciales y propietarios potenciales y propietarios

establecer el boulevard establecer el boulevard peatonalpeatonal en la C/ Benito en la C/ Benito MonciónMonción (catedral(catedral hasta hasta C/ Restauración) C/ Restauración) establecer Plaza Pantalón establecer Plaza Pantalón como nuevo subcentro como nuevo subcentro

descubrirdescubrir el potencial de el potencial de lugares olvidados (solares (solares lugares olvidados baldíos, baldíos, parqueos, …) parqueos, …)

prolongar boulevard peatonalpeatonal prolongar boulevard

establecer un programa de establecer un programa de animación permanente para animación permanente para dar vida dar a losvida espacios a los espacios públicos públicos

RÍO RÍO YAQUE YAQUE

establecer biblioteca establecer biblioteca pública pública construirconstruir primerasprimeras viviendasviviendas rellenas en la rellenas en la supermanzana cultural cultural supermanzana

ventajas ventajas para propietarios: para propietarios: alguien cuida loscuida inmuebles, alguien los inmuebles, revalorización de su propiedad revalorización de su propiedad ventajas ventajas para usuarios: para usuarios: gastos bajos, pocos riesgos, gastos bajos, pocos riesgos, temporaltemporal

mudar parada guaguas mudarde parada de guaguas

nuevos habitantes nuevos habitantes vienen vienen

construirconstruir garage garage establecer el parqueelyparque y establecer edificiosde las manzanas edificiosde las manzanas abiertas abiertas

crear mezcla crearsocial mezcla social

usos posibles: creativos,creativos, usos posibles: gastronomía, hostales,hostales, … gastronomía, …

crear acceso crearalacceso al río Yaquerío Yaque conectarconectar bulevar bulevar peatonalpeatonal con un con un parque lineal y lineal y parque ciclovía ciclovía

basketbol tenis

jardin de recreación

colegio parque centro vecinos

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GU

huertos

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parque infantil

UA

tenis de mesa

AG

voleibol

huertos

AD

LA H

PA R

OYA

gimnasio aire libre

parque infantil

parque infantil

gimnasio aire libre parque infantil parque infantil

GAR

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URA

CEN

TRO

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calle peatonal CEN

TRO

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ESTA

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acceso garaje

parque ancianos

biblioteca

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① T  oolbox for the revitalization of downtown Santiago de Caballeros ② Visualization of all projects in overview plan of downtown Santiago ③ Projects for the activation of downtown Santiago ④ Axonometric drawing of downtown with activation of the main corridor

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Barrio Mercado: Rehabilitation Strategy for Central Market of Monteria, Colombia Today, with markets increasingly being replaced by supermarkets and shopping centers, it is essential to strengthen the role of these iconic spaces. The Central Market, which is located in the historical center of Montería, is not only an emblematic node where city meets country, but is also a space where regional cultural identity is present through the intangible heritage of culinary enjoyment and sensory experience. The marketplace is an historical building in the popular art deco style. Today, the area is characterized by lively activity outside the market hall on the informal market; inside, however, the building has been abandoned and is heavily underused for storage purposes. The second floor of the market hall is empty as well. It is an important meeting place, which has a structuring role for the city—bringing commu­ nities together. Hence the importance of the recovery of the market as a vital point of convergence for the city.

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EMERGING TOPICS

Waterfront as a central element for development Workshop participants also emphasized the importance of consolidating the river’s waterfront as a quality green space through landscape design, generating meeting and recreational spaces, and ensuring its integration into the surrounding urban setting of the Barrio Mercado.

Public space improvements The first theme raised in the participatory workshops was public spaces; the need to improve public lighting, implement a garbage collection system, create points of interest and recover green areas, was addressed. It was also stressed that activities around the market have made it a meeting and information area both for the local and rural population. Socio-economic context The sector is characterized by a large amount of informal commerce; not only does it not comply with sanitary conditions for the sale of products and food, but it also does not offer any basic social security guarantees to sellers. Hundreds of informal vendors occupy the streets in terribly unhygienic conditions. Cultural heritage enhancing identity The market and its neighboring setting contain several landmarks that are part of the city’s urban memory, such as the river, the marketplace, the historical street grid and several specific buildings. The Río Sinú, a large river, is an important element of Montería’s identity and of the market.

Smart mobility as an attractor of customers Currently, ferries are used to transport people from one side of the river to the other. They use the river’s current to move and do not use any type of fuel. The ferries are part of the city’s cultural heritage and with some support could become an attraction. GOALS The general objective is to create a network of public spaces made up of a series of squares, pathways, and parks that will become integration spaces for all social groups, regardless of their age, gender or economic status. The specific objectives are: • to consolidate a sector with pedestrian mobility integrated into the public and river transport systems; • to preserve urban memory by protecting the city’s natural and cultural heritage;

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URBAN STRATEGY The urban strategy for the rehabilitation of the Central Market and its surrounding neighborhood is based on three strategic public space projects that will be developed in stages. Through these projects we seek to increase the appropriation by citizens and visitors alike of all public spaces throughout the day and also at night. During the day, the marketplace functions as a commercial center ensuring the area’s vitality. During the night, the Cultural Plaza del Río will be the main meeting place where citizens can gather under the proposed canopies; special events will be held and spaces will be available to promote regional gastronomy.

PROJECTS El Mercado de los Cuatro Patios By separating the semi-detached market stands from the facade of the building, the image, access, and connectivity to the surrounding setting of the Central Market will be improved. Openings in the facade will also allow better permeability and the four internal courtyards will be transformed into green oases inside the building, reinstating the natural ventilation system and thus generating a pleasant internal microclimate. The project will restore the fruit and vegetable market, offer typical restaurants from the region and provide services such as toilets, tourist information points, recycling sites, storage areas, and administrative offices. La Plaza Cultural del Rio This project is composed of three public spaces, each with different functional and environmental characteristics: the cultural square organized around canopies under which cultural events can take place; the park providing a green environment with abundant vegetation and some service points; and a culinary plaza as an extension of the fish market. A boardwalk covering the existing retaining walls running alongside the river has been proposed. Equipped with adequate 190

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• t o construct a series of urban spaces that allow for several cultural and social events; and • to strengthen the landscape and environmental conditions of the Ronda Sinú Park and the Central Market area, and consolidate an environmental corridor that will increase the city’s biodiversity.

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① F  unctional plan for the market building with the main focus on activation of the patios ② The market building with potential openings of the roof ③ Section of the market building showing potential greenery in the courtyards

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public lighting, benches, vegetation and signage, the pathway will integrate with the river and the existing landscape. El Paseo del Parque de los Libros This space has been proposed as an articulating axis of the Central Market and its surrounding area, integrating the proposed Plaza Cultural del Río with the existing park, where today a book market is located. It will be a continuous urban corridor for pedestrians that will allow restricted access to vehicles in case of emergency. Its six-meter-wide canopy will not only generate shade, but will also create an environmental corridor composed of a system of vegetation and niches for the different species endemic to this area (iguanas, monkeys, birds, etc.). The canopy will be supported by a system of metal poles to which

elements of urban furniture such as street lamps, signage, and garbage bins, will be attached. Recovering Urban Blocks In order to consolidate the proposed urban square as well as the river’s waterfront, a series of recommen­ dations for buildings adjacent to this area have been made: • a  structure designed to house the fish market, which opens onto the adjacent urban space; • a  set of three blocks of buildings with the same height, which internally consolidate a system of pedestrian corridors; and • a three-storey block—matching the height of the current Central Market—containing the Plaza Artesanal. It is recommended to hold an architectural design competition for the design of these new buildings. 192

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“The Montería Central Market should be converted into a place of permanence and the public space around it should be designed so that it can be used by the citizens.”

④ T  he functional layers of the market building including the four courtyards ⑤ Activation of Calle 36 connecting the market building and the river with the Montería Moderna Park ⑥ Facade color concept for Calle 36

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Situación actual:

⑥ Actual limpia

Carrera 3ra

Carrera 2da

Carrera 1A

Carrera 1era

Concepto frutal

Carrera 3ra

Carrera 2da

Carrera 1A

Carrera 1era

Concepto Naturaleza

Carrera 3ra

Carrera 2da

Carrera 1A

Carrera 1era

Concepto Tierra

Carrera 3ra

Carrera 2da

Carrera 1A

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Connected City: Pasto River Fluvial Park, Pasto, Colombia Urban green spaces fulfill important environmental functions, improve urban conditions, capture atmospheric pollutants and serve as places of recreation for the population. Pasto presents a high quantitative and qualitative deficit of public space and green areas, associated with the informal occupation of public space in the traditional center and the riparian buffer zones of rivers and streams, especially the Pasto river. The river plays an important role within the city’s public space network—the historic bridges from colonial times are still used as regular infrastructure in the city. However, the river and the historical city center today are disconnected. The Dos Puentes Market is a well working market in the city, however, due to the widening of Calle 22 to provide more spaces for cars, the market and some valuable building blocks in the southern part of the historical city will be demolished and the Parque de Toledo extended.

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“Integrated into the urban development of Pasto, creating a park on the edge of the river will transform this area into an iconic landscape for the city. A social bridge that will link the center with a large sector of the urban periphery.”

GOALS The urban strategy for the Pasto River Fluvial Park— projected as a linear park—is defined by the following intervention guidelines: • s timulate activities in the environmental axis of the Pasto river through a network of educational, recreational, administrative and environmental institutional facilities that promote social appropriation through an ecological approach; • integrate urban dynamics by establishing the Pasto river as an axis for urban, environmental, recreational, cultural and social interaction; and • r ecover the Pasto river basin and tributaries through environmental interventions securing the preservation of water resources.

EMERGING TOPICS Absence of public space The first topic raised during the workshops addressed the absence of quality public spaces in Pasto, especially in informal settlements located to the north-east of the city. The historic city center is joined to the river with the Parque de Toledo, which is partly in decay. Invisible waterfront There is a lack of public access to the waterfront of the Pasto river due to an invasion of the riverfront by residential buildings. The protecting 30 meters of riparian buffer zones on each side of the river being occupied, there is discontinuity of the environmental structure and a high risk of undermining caused by riverbank erosion.

URBAN STRATEGY

Cultural heritage as potential The “Blancos y Negros” carnival is the most important cultural event in Pasto’s cultural calendar. Support of cultural heritage conservation can be achieved by providing spaces for carnival, music and access to heritage buildings. La Milagrosa is one of the most emblematic chapels in the city of Pasto, but today stands abandoned, surrounded by public space in decay. Promotion of social cohesion Adapting public spaces for different social groups and diverse activities will enhance social cohesion amongst the city’s inhabitants. Social groups in Pasto (and in many other Colombian cities) are clearly separated. The Pasto river marks a clear boundary between low income families living in informal settlements and a commercial historic center devoid of any residential character.

The urban strategy for the transformation of the seven kilometers of the Pasto river within the urban footprint is divided into the following four dimensions. Firstly, regarding mobility, the strategy includes the design of a new, continuous network of bicycle paths running alongside the Pasto river. Secondly, the environmental interventions focus on the recovery of the ecological structure of the Pasto river by restoring riparian vegetation. Thirdly, to improve the provision of public spaces, the strategy lays out a network of pedestrian connections that run parallel and transversal to the Pasto River. The adaptation and extension of sidewalks, paths, alleys and boulevards will generate spatial integration between the existing and proposed public space. Finally, the urban strategy also includes residential uses through the provision of affordable and high density housing. Through this approach, the strategy promotes a compact city of mixed-use buildings with active ground floors that support the appropriation of the Pasto river.

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S CONVENCIONES

istentes

Edificios existentes

e patrimonioEdificios de patrimonio Edificios nuevos

uevos

tural

Centro Cultural

B

Mercado (Nuevo)

C

Casa del Carnaval - Casa Ceforja

arnaval - Casa Ceforja Mercado y centro cultural Casa Ceforja

centro cultural

Zonas verdes

a

Zonas verdes privadas Plazas y plazoletas duras

es

Caminos y ciclo-rutas

es privadasPlazas semi-duras

Elementos de espacio público azoletas duras #

ciclo-rutas PROJECTS

Negros has been proposed. The plan includes the revitalization of five urban blocks on three hectares surrounding the park. It includes the renovation of buildings of historical value.

i-durasFluvial Park Pasto

This scheme proposes a wide range of activities along

de espacio público the river Pasto supported by design interventions.

Altogether the new linear park will provide around 2 hectares of plazas and 4 hectares of accessible green areas. The public space around Milagrosa Chapel will be redesigned and articulated to attract more visitors. In the central sector of the proposal, the Parque de Toledo will be extended up to Calle 22 and enhanced with new functions. The urban park will be the new, central, green open space for the historical city center.

Inclusive Urban Heritage Corridor This project links historical buildings and important plazas with a newly developed pedestrian corridor. It begins in the historic city center with the important monuments, reaches the main plaza and crosses the river at La Milagrosa Church, before leading up to the marginalized neighborhoods in the east of Pasto.

New Market Building The second project proposes a new market building as a replacement for the existing Mercado de los Dos Puentes. The new building can be accessed from two levels, the main street and the river. It opens up towards the waterfront with a terrace and market square. For the historical building Casa Ceforja, a museum for Pasto’s famous Carnival de Blancos y

① M  asterplan for the transformation of the Pasto river in downtown Pasto ② Conceptual design for the new park in downtown Pasto ③ Art and culture center in downtown Pasto

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Nuevo)

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“... the strategy lays out a network of pedestrian connections that run parallel and transversal to the Pasto River. The adaptation and extension of sidewalks, paths, alleys and boulevards will generate spatial integration between the existing and proposed public space.” ③

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Neighborhood Revitalization and Sub-Centralities

The rapid and unplanned growth of Latin American and Caribbean cities has led to a spatial extension of the cities without the creation of any new centralities. In an attempt to meet the high demand for housing resulting from ongoing rapid urbanization, new settlements consisting of high-density accommodation structures were built on the fringes of some cities. In other cities, where planning strategies were less regulated, immigrants themselves started to build their own houses informally if there was a lack of (available) accommodation. These new settlements were mostly dedicated to housing, other functions (such as recreation, offices, education, shopping, etc.) were left behind. One of the results of creating monofunctional neighborhoods—whether formal or informal—are very long commuting journeys; this is especially true for the metropolitan cities of Panama City and San José and the Argentine cities of Mendoza and Jujuy. Residents of these cities often work in the city center, where large companies and office buildings are located, but live on the periphery, since no jobs are available in or close to their neighborhoods, and they cannot afford any accommodation in the center. Not only jobs, but also important facilities, such as schools, universities, health care facilities, or shops, which are needed on a daily or weekly basis, are often concentrated in the central areas of the cities. Residential areas on the periphery are often lacking public functions and recreational uses. For example, in Campeche the only centrality is the picturesque but lifeless historic city center, therefore new centralities are needed to create recreational hubs for the people. Every citizen should have access to a public park, public square, or similar free recreational space within walking distance—especially in high-density urban areas without any private gardens or terraces. This can be considered a prerequisite for a certain standard of living. In the case of Quito, a central, former mixed-use neighborhood is now struggling with insecurity issues due to its monofunctional commercial use. This example shows us that only a balanced mix of working, living, commercial uses (shops, restaurants etc.), and public uses (social infrastructure, administration, etc.) in a neighborhood can create a center where different groups of people like to spend their free time and come into contact with each other. Public spaces with a social mix are more likely to be safe. Neighborhoods need to regenerate and rejuvenate, especially in Valdivia, Mendoza, Jujuy and Panama City. Together with renewal of the building stock and the articulation of the public space, these cities will offer more opportunities to their inhabitants. The goal should be to create neighborhoods where residents not only live and spend their leisure time, but are offered more functions than the residential one. It should possible for residents to spend some of their free time and manage their everyday life (provision of basic supplies, primary health care, etc.) in their own neighborhood without being reliant on long commuting distances. 199

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Urban Regeneration Plan of the Calidonia District, Panama City, Panama The territorial development of Panama City has been characterized by an unplanned expansion that has resulted in an unbalanced relationship between the natural and built environments, neighborhoods and the coastline, the depopulation of urban centers, and uncontrolled growth of urban sprawl. How­ever, despite interventions that have seemingly erased the socio-spatial identity of the city, there are neighborhoods that still retain the character and singularities of Panama City. Such is the case of Calidonia, the first and only expansion of the city planned by the government in the early 1900s. With an orthogonal urban grid and a system of tree-lined streets, this particular district still maintains its appeal. Since the 2010s, Panama’s waterfront project Cinta Costera has been one of the few central areas where real estate developers have invested. A series of high density towers, disarticulated from the surrounding sites, are now part of the urban landscape. However, the rest of Calidonia has not been exempt from real estate speculation, which has led to a marked residential segregation and the elimination of land uses that are not considered profitable, including green areas and public infrastructure.

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EMERGING TOPICS

solutions such as bicycle and pedestrian paths, as well as high quality and appropriately equipped public space, including sidewalks.

Absent housing opportunities Despite the amount of vacant land and underutilized space, there is a lack of housing opportunities, accessible public space and social infrastructure. In the past decade, the population of Calidonia dropped from 30,000 to 20,000 inhabitants. By promoting a more efficient use of available space, revitalization efforts could achieve a denser and more active urban environment. Reconnect urban ecosystem Even though there has been a loss of green areas and urban greenery, and a fragmentation of natural habitats, there are several streets and vacant lots that could potentially be transformed into parks and environmental corridors, significantly improving urban quality and local biodiversity. Today, most parts of El Marañón in the western part of Calidonia lack shade, trees and a walkable infrastructure. Most of the area is composed of abandoned warehouses. Make use of sustainable mobility The Calidonia district is well connected, thanks to bus routes and three metro stations of Panama’s metro line 1 inaugurated in April 2014. However, developments in Cinta Costera have not only hindered access to the waterfront, but promoted the use of private vehicles and generated high demand for parking space. There is a need to promote sustainable mobility

Value the sociocultural context Despite the loss of cultural capital in the past, the collective diagnosis revealed an existing sense of value in preserving the city’s urban and architectural heritage. In response to a lack of an adequate inventory of historic buildings and infrastructure, a heritage program has been proposed, highlighting different existing local landmarks as well as generating new cultural spaces and areas for the community to gather. Urban management The difficulty in implementing and managing urban projects, stemming from a lack of regulatory and territorial planning instruments, is one of the most pressing challenges for Panama City. This has hindered the capacity to achieve a more sustainable built environment and highlighted the need for comprehensive urban norms—including building, public space and land-use regulations for future development projects. GOALS Responding to the strategic location of Calidonia, re­­ inforced by the recent construction of metro line 1, the main goal of the project is to consolidate a new centrality that will accentuate the district’s heritage value,

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1

ejes principales Av. Justo Arosemena, Cl. Central, Cl. 50 y Vía España

2 corredores de comunicación y conexión

3 SUB 1

Nueva Centralidad Urbana—regeneración del eje de la Avenida Ecuador y Plaza Porras

SUB 3 Plan El Marañón: estrategia para la re-densificación urbana

introduce a new supply of affordable housing, provide a diversity of uses, and integrate a rich cultural agenda with quality public space and green areas. Specific objectives include: • repopulate the area by increasing the supply of new, diverse housing (from 20,000 to 35,000 inhabitants of different socio-economic backgrounds by 2030); • create a vital creative district with mixed uses through the implementation of urban norms that will ensure diverse residential and public uses, services, and an improved connection with adjacent neighborhoods; • create opportunities for modern sustainable mobility on a human scale by connecting the existing public transportation system with a network of bicycle lanes and wide sidewalks for pedestrians; • establish incentives for the local economy, culture and the arts by introducing an active urban plinth; • rethink urban planning tools from an interdisciplinary and comprehensive approach, incorporating the dynamics of urban transformation in the development of projects. URBAN STRATEGY The integrated urban strategy for Calidonia proposes to consolidate the system of green corridors with the

regional system of urban corridors and boulevards. The area will be densified by providing a large supply of accessible housing with mixed uses in empty and underutilized properties. We will consolidate a system of interconnected public spaces and plazas distributed 200–300 meters within walking distance from each other and integrate sustainable mobility solutions on a human scale between metro stations, bicycle paths, and pedestrian paths. The strategy will be implemen­ ted by a multi-disciplinary team of public managers within the municipality tasked to design and formalize participatory, transparent processes through new cultural programs and include them in an urban management process. PROJECTS Avenida Ecuador activation project This projects brings back the notion of a linear axis by extending the interventions along the urban corridor of Avenida Ecuador and Plaza Porras and Basilica Don Bosco. For the consolidation of the urban corridor, there is a need to increase the neighborhood’s density and diversity of uses in the axis that extends between Plaza Porras and Cinta Costera and, through the revitalization of public space, promote an increase in pedestrian frequency between the district and the coastal border.

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Neighborhood Revitalization and Sub-Centralities

SUB 2 Mejoramiento integral del barrio La Exposición en el sector noroeste

Solutions ②

SUB 3

te

Av .B alb

oa

Plan El Marañón: estrategia para la re-densificación urbana

éxi co

8 Es

Av .M

Cl. 2

Av . Ju sto Aro sem en

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Cl. 25 Es te

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Est e

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Est e

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en

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os Ar sto

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ico éx Cl. 24

.M Av

lbo

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Es

limitación altura de torres (85 m, 105 m, 125 m)

concursos arquitectónicos para torres evaluación de calidad

Av . Ba

generación de plusvalías torres > 25 m de altura

1 5 10

participación urbana en el desarollo de proyectos de torres

25

“In the last decades, urban and territorial development in Panama has in large part been shaped by the automobile, resulting in the loss and deteri­oration of public space in the district of Calidonia.” 50

100

[m]

ancho máx. 25 m

max. 85 m

planta baja torres urbano, abierto, publico

cada 200 m un nuevo espacio público

max. 25 m

max. 15 m

El aumento en las plusvalías se transfieren para el desarrollo de proyectos de interés público

incentivar un identidad para el barrio con símbolos indígenas

max. 21 m

Av. Balboa fachada continua (y cerrada) obligada limitacion construiblidad delantera (20 m)

③ Av. México permeabilidad obligada (mín. 1 vez)

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SUB 1 Nueva Centralidad Urbana – regeneración del eje de la Avenida Ecuador y Plaza Porras Ubicación estratégica de diateca) como centralidad nueva

Crear vínculos con el eje avenida Arosemena

Abrir la Plaza Porras y el Parque Francisco Arias Paredes

Desarrollar proyectos estrategicos en la avenida Ecuador

M

10

100

200

500 [m]

Neighborhood upgrading project The project proposes to regenerate public spaces, creating a network of unique, interconnected landmarks. The proposal focuses on consolidating a central axis in Avenida Justo Arosemena and on transversal corridors that intersect through the different neigh­ borhoods; five urban and environmental corridors are projected in strategically located streets that would provide greater connection and visibility to different neighborhoods. We propose the implementation of strategic pilot projects such as housing projects, street markets, and public swimming pools among others. These would enhance pre-existing urban structures through their articulation with attractive, accessible, active public spaces. El Marañón master plan The project of urban re-densification of the 20 hectares of El Marañón seeks to recover the density and activity of the neighborhood. With the construction of approximately 3,500 homes, the plan will bring close to 15,000 new inhabitants, with projects targeted to

50

young, medium and low income families. The proposal seizes unused and underutilized land through a new architectural, landscape and social intervention of greater density including social infrastructure for the neighborhood. Although the master plan proposed for Calidonia sets a strict regulatory framework, it will allow for greater flexibility in the architectural design process through a set of urban rules that will define quality indicators for the future social, environmental, and economic development of the area. Urban Management Strategy The proposed management plan operates on the one hand through the master plan, regulating uses and incentivizing interventions, and on the other hand through the establishment of an institutional framework with an autonomous new entity, the “Corporación de Desarrollo Urbano de Calidonia” or CDUC, capable of facilitating associations between different local actors and providing the appropriate management tools.

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Neighborhood Revitalization and Sub-Centralities

Incentivar los polos de la iglesia Don Bosco con la Cinta Costera

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Solutions

“The project proposes the regeneration of public spaces, creating a network of unique inter­connected land­marks. (...) These would enhance pre-existing urban structures through their articulation with attractive, accessible, active public spaces.”

⑥

⑦

① T  he urban strategy showing three key projects to activate Calidonia ② Master plan for the El Marañón area ③ Urban rules for the development of El Marañón ④ New parks will support the green character of the city ⑤ Activation of the avenida Ecuador in the central area of Calidonia ⑥ Project for the regeneration of the Olympic pool in Calidonia ⑦ Proposal for a new cultural building on Plaza Porras next to the Town Hall ⑧ Overview picture for the transformation of Calidonia with articulation of the main urban corridors

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Photoessay 3

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C pages 209 210 211 212 213 214–215 216–217 218 219 220–224

Photoessay 3 Photographs Placemaking intervention in Nuevo Renacer, Santo Domingo Este Markus Tomaselli conducting a workshop during Habitat III, Quito Academic workshop with Ulrich Voges, Nassau Mapping the communities, Puerto Montt Community workshop, San Jose Academic workshop at SPIA, Panama City Quetzaltenango municipality Children workshop with Federico Cartín, San Jose Placemaking intervention with children in Nuevo Renacer, Santo Domingo Placemaking intervention in Nuevo Renacer, Santo Domingo Este

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Solutions

Urban Renovation Plan of Barrio Infanta, Las Heras, Mendoza, Argentina The Infanta neighborhood is located in Las Heras, in the northern part of the metropolitan area of Mendoza. Las Heras is a predominantly low density residential area with neighborhoods lacking basic infrastructure and services. Economically, the area is highly dependent on the city center of Mendoza and neighborhoods are strongly fragmented due to a lack of public spaces and social interaction amongst inhabitants. The Barrio was constructed in the 1970s, financially supported by the Inter-American Development Bank, and mutually created by self-organized housing cooperatives. Within these neighborhoods a strong potential for self-organization and identity has existed until today. But Infanta is poorly connected to the city center, hence neigh­bors feel disconnected and isolated from urban life.

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Solutions

EMERGING TOPICS Analyze the fragmented ecosystem Despite the neighborhood’s low density and the abundance of open spaces, urban greenery and natural habitats are fragmented. There are several streets and vacant lots that could potentially be transformed into green areas and environmental corridors; these could significantly improve urban quality and local biodiversity. Cul-de-sacs are a characteristic element of the neighborhood. These are wide, obsolete, open concrete surfaces that add up to much empty space. In addition, broad streets in the neighborhood do not fit in with the small scale and low density of the built structures. Absent urbanity In existing public spaces there is a strong deficit in infrastructure: Infanta does not possess any cultural, sports or recreational facilities. The lack of urbanity and multiple urban functions have turned Infanta into a deserted, empty neighborhood with small attached row houses. The 22 small triangle-shaped plazas that are residual spaces from the neighborhood’s particular urban morphology offer much potential for the area. Need for housing for young families To remedy the area’s low density, there is a need for small-scale densification interventions that promote

urban compactness and mixed uses, including affordable housing. Another important issue is the demographic composition of the neighborhood. Most inhabitants are settlers who lived in the area from the first days of the neighborhood. Therefore, most of the dwellers are elderly people. Young families are hardly to be found due to the lack of housing opportunities. Prioritize sustainable urban mobility In terms of mobility, Infanta does not have an efficient or well-connected street network. Walkability is poor and public transportation is deficient. The neighborhood needs to prioritize integrated sustainable urban mobility solutions and connect to the city center of Mendoza by bicycle or walking. Infanta is like an island in a network of isolated neighborhoods. Aspects of segregation and insecurity Since perceptions of safety and community cohesion are poor in the neighborhood, more common spaces should be created and the local economy strengthened. The urban form and design of the neighborhood do not allow a lot of communication between neighbors. The lack of usable public spaces perpetuates social segregation of the inhabitants. A central square fulfilling community functions is missing, that could help to overcome the segregating aspects of the neighborhood.

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Solutions ①

URBAN STRATEGY

The general objective is to integrate open space, green areas, squares and corridors, complemented with a sustainable, efficient, and economical urban mobility strategy that corresponds to the population growth rate and users’ needs, and promotes the use of the bicycle as a mode of transport. The specific objectives are: • emphasize the creation of spaces of various scales, with a special focus on the distinctive needs of various social groups, tackling the general deficit in spaces for common use and social interaction within the metropolitan area; • create a system of green spaces with a broad range of cultural and sports facilities in order to physically and socially integrate the neighborhood into the city’s urban fabric by improving accessibility and connectivity to the center of Mendoza; • start a gentle densification process; in addition, new multifamily housing will be provided with the possibility for tenants to designate parts of their house for local businesses (workshops, retail, etc.); • support local, socio-economic development and create temporary spaces for commercial activity.

The urban strategy for the Infanta neighborhood proposes the creation of a system of green spaces that will integrate and protect local environmental assets, as well as provide new infrastructure for cultural, sport and recreational activities. It aims to integrate the neighborhood into the rest of the city, improving its accessibility and connectivity for public transportation, cyclists and pedestrians. In addition, new housing developments using mixed-use typologies, spaces for commercial activities and local retail business at the neighborhood scale will be established. PROJECTS Multifamily housing project New multifamily housing on the triangular lots on the edges of the neighborhood will be erected, with optional mixed-use facilities on ground floors. This will increase density and rejuvenate the neighborhood. The social housing units will be designated for young families and starters. Through the densification process, newly designed, additional public space will

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Neighborhood Revitalization and Sub-Centralities

GOALS

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Solutions

②

“The inhabitants of Barrio Infanta feel insecure to move around in their neighborhood and to make use of the existing public spaces due to crime in and around the area. How can we create a secure environment and achieve a shift in the inhabitant’s perception by using the tools of qualitative and integrated urban design?”

③

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Solutions ④

'Quiero una cancha de padel'

'Yo prefiero un comedor comunitario para niños y ancianos'

Cursos de computa Zumba

'Quiero un lugar para clases de baile y artesanía'

Taekwondo Zumba 'Que haya un lugar de niños para jugar'

Taekwondo

Cancha de

Gimnasio púb Cancha bolos Cancha dede basquet

Gimnasio público

①

be provided, offering recreational and leisure areas adjacent to the housing units.

Cancha de basquet

Hándbol Zona wifi

Parque de Supermercado diversiones Zona Hockeywifi

Supermercado Hockey

n 0.2.100.100

A new central neighborhood square The revitalization of the existing central square will be achieved by adding new functions, which will serve as main attractions for the neighborhood and its surrounding area: • a children’s playground; • extension of the center for elderly people; • extension of the sport’s club with new sport facilities; • skate park; • amphitheater; • youth center offering social programs that focus on teenagers with addiction problems; • establishment of various commercial facilities; • health center; • workshops for dancing lessons, arts & crafts and the organization of seminars, festivals and concerts; • multifunctional, green recreational zones with free Wi-Fi, flexible spaces for temporary use, such as mobile libraries, food trucks, flea markets, etc. Connectivity and accessibility This project constitutes a system of sustainable, pedestrian-friendly and bicycle-friendly connections throughout the neighborhood. Priority is given to

pedestrians and cyclists and to guaranteeing safe crossings. Adequate lighting, continuous accessibility throughout the neighborhood and its connection to the surrounding area will increase security. Existing main streets will be transformed into green corridors and planted with new trees that serve as a green lung. Furthermore, existing public spaces will be redesigned and improved—responding to the neighborhood’s human scale. URBAN MANAGEMENT In order to implement the project, co-management by public and private agents is required. The multi-­ family and collective housing units should be executed by private investors, the central plaza should be implemented by the public. Residential densification will improve the quality of life due to the creation of new networks of proximity and identity in the neighborhood. As a public-private partnership, the new centralplaza has to be co-designed and implemented by the neighbors, the neighborhood associations and companies together with the Municipality of Las Heras.

230

Há

Parque de diversiones

Policía Policía

Neighborhood Revitalization and Sub-Centralities

'Me gustaría tener una Cancha de futbol para todos en la manzana central'

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Solutions

“The revitalization of the existing central square will be achieved by adding new functions, which will serve as main attractions for the neighborhood and the surrounding area.”

⑤

⑥

① U  rban strategy plan for Infanta showing the new main plaza and residential projects ② Proposal for a residential building with potential use of public space for doing business ③ Floor plan for new residential buildings ④ A new cultural center will bring life to the new plaza ⑤ Overview plan of the main plaza with sport facilities and meeting places ⑥ Conceptual design for the surface

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Solutions

Alto Comedero Urban Renovation: A Strategy for Social and Spatial Integration, Jujuy, Argentina San Salvador de Jujuy has been experiencing continued urban expansion in the past four decades. Between 1970–1980 the population increased by around fifty percent, resulting in unplanned rapid urban growth and an escalating housing shortage. Housing policies targeted middle-income households, thus lower-income families were left behind without any alternatives. This resulted in the common practice of squatting private and public lots. In this context, Alto Comedero emerged as a government plan to relocate people living in informal settlements on the riverbank, south of the city. However, the new area, located on the outskirts of the city, was designated mostly for housing, often with new developments lacking basic infrastructure, public space, and services. The expansion of the new district through low-­ density housing and its segregated location has meant a greater dependency on services provided by the city center. This has led to masses of residents commuting every day and leaving the neighborhood empty. The absence of a sustainable urban planning approach has resulted in a monofunctional neighborhood where plots were assigned only for residential use.

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Solutions

EMERGING TOPICS Identity crisis Although neighbors view themselves as an engaged, organized community—especially the women—there is a latent lack of neighborhood identity. Inhabitants do not identify enough with the urban environment and awareness about garbage management is nonexistent. This has resulted in a degradation of the public space. Unconnected urban ecosystem The great demand for plazas and parks in the area is evident. Often small vacant plots, even private ones, end up becoming a plaza and although some squares do exist, they lack infrastructure and are poorly equipped. Las Martas creek seems to be the public space with the greatest potential to alleviate the high demand for green areas. This green corridor of exuberant vegetation could generate a system of public spaces offering a diversity of recreational and leisure activities and contributing to a well-functioning urban ecosystem. Lack of public space The lack of places for the community to gather, inadequate urban furniture, and dearth of pathways are recurrent topics. The invasion of public space by informal vendors and people in need of housing is also a pressing issue. In this sense, there is an urgency to intervene in the remaining public areas in order to avoid future invasions.

The specific objectives are: • integrate the neighborhood into the surrounding urban setting by improving accessibility, human scale mobility and walkable connectivity; • p  romote active participation of the stakeholders in a process-oriented planning approach including the local community, local authorities and planning experts.

Sports, culture and leisure as urban catalysts There is a need for more space and infrastructure for sport and recreational activities. Sports play a fundamental role, especially amongst the youth, as a counterbalance to the severe social problems faced by the community. Women and older people also find themselves excluded from life in public space, and there is a general lack of social and cultural activity.

URBAN STRATEGY

Absent urban visions and planning Inadequate urban norms and planning have generated housing with high levels of floor occupancy, a lack of open, green public spaces, insufficient infrastructure, and segregation. The presence of NGOs, a hospital, and numerous schools provide the sector with opportunities for further development. Finally, integrating elements of the landscape (like creeks) and activating the self-organization skills of the people could help to improve living standards and environmental aspects in the neighborhood. GOALS The general objective is to improve the quality of life in the neighborhood through social and environmental inclusion.

“The majority of creeks and brooks, landmarks of San Salvador Jujuy, are either squatted or privately owned and people do not have access to them. Their potential as public spaces has not been taken into consideration.”

To achieve the objectives, an urban strategy based on the following structural elements will be applied in the projects: • c  onsolidate the Avenida Forestal as a hub of public life with a focus on educational activities; • c  reate a network of civic corridors and redesign the most important streets; • strengthen the connection between areas to the north and south of the river Las Martas through bridges; • improve construction quality in the neighborhood and introduce a cooperation of architects to support local families who wish to extend their houses (micro-densification); • g  enerate attractive nodes of neighborhood revitalization as meeting points between local residents and people from other parts of the city; • m  aximize the potential of the river Las Martas and two other small streams as natural elements within the city;

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Solutions ①

AV. FO RE

DEPORTIVO - RECREATIVO

SP01 PASEO DE COMPRAS SNOPEK

EL ARENALLOS ALISOS

SP02 CENTRO CULTURAL INDÍGENA + espacio comunal multiuso

AV. CARAHUA

SI

AV. VALLE GR

O TAD

E PIN

FREIL

ICANEL CHAL CHOS PA LOS LA

MINA 9 DE OCTUBRE

AV. SN VILTE

EL PIQUETETUSAQUILLA

LOS ALAM OSCHORCAN

AV. MARINA

SP04 PARQUE TRANSVERSAL

YUTO

SP03 CORREDOR AMBIENTAL ARROYO LAS MARTAS OP EK

CAIM ANCIT O

STAL

PROYECTO PARQUE URBANO BELGRANO

SISTEMA DE ESPACIOS PÚBLICOS DEL CORREDOR AMBIENTAL

CONSOLIDACIÓN EJES PRINCIPALES

INSTITUCIONES

SUBPROYECTOS

CONSOLIDACIÓN EJES SECUNDARIOS

CRUCES SEGUROS VINCULADOS A NODOS DE REACTIVACIÓN BARRIAL

REVALORIZACIÓN DE PLAZAS Y PLAZOLETAS

ESPACIOS COMPARTIDOS

CURSO HÍDRICO

PUNTOS VERDES

ARBORIZADO PUENTES Y PASARELAS

PROJECTS

A new linear park It will also connect the Las Martas Eco-Corridor and other existing corridors in the neighborhood as a means to strengthen the area’s urban environmental network.

GYM URBANO

ESPACIO DE CONVIVENCIA ESPACIO DE CONVIVENCIA

MESAS DE AJEDREZ

VIVA JUJUY

JUEGO DE BOCHAS TRIPODE PARA APOYAR CAMARA

PORTAL DEL ARROYO

1

ESCALERAS DE BAJADA AL ARROYO

TRAMO PORTAL DEL ARROYO L=480m

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MIRADORES

GYM URBANO

P P

ASADORES CON MESAS MIRADORES BOSQUE NATIVO

ZONA DE ESTAR

GIMNASIO URBANO

CHORCA

Las Martas Eco-Corridor The integration of Las Martas creek into the urban fabric will be achieved by designing a linear park, which will offer attractive and diverse recreational spaces along the riverbank. The park will protect and boost the environmental value of this green corridor by providing conservation measures.

CANCHA VETERANOS

PREDIO CANCHAS DE PROFESIONALES

RUTA 9

Snopek active platform This project proposes to reorganize the street vendors’ stalls in order to create an open air market for food and vegetables along Snopek Avenue, to redefine the urban profile, and reorganize traffic lanes and sidewalks towards a more pedestrian-friendly neighborhood. The project includes the renovation of the vacant square in Snopek, thus generating a new centrality.

Indigenous Culture Center The cultural center will be located at the heart of Las Martas creek and will work as a flexible, semi-open open air extension facility for the neighboring “Centro de Desarrollo Indígena”. The idea is to create a landmark building to attract the community and promote activities that highlight the indigenous heritage.

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• c  onsolidate primary and secondary streets as green environmental corridors; • redesign existing small public spaces as intergenerational meeting points in the neighborhood; • implement “Puntos Verdes” as spaces to raise environmental awareness within the local population. The integrated urban strategy for Alto Comedero has been systematized into four projects.

Neighborhood Revitalization and Sub-Centralities

ANDE

2

PLAZA TORTUGUIT

TRAMO CC INDÍGENA L=300m

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Solutions ②

“The park will incorporate the natural enclave between El Chalicán and García del Río streets as a sports and recreational area, improving the quality of the built environment for the surrounding neighborhoods.”

① U  rban strategy for Alto Comedero activating the river and street system ② Articulate the river basin with sport and recreational functions ③ Master plan for the shores of the Rio Blanco ④ Conceptual design for the avenida Carlos Snopek in the Alto Comedero neighborhood

CO A CAR

HUN

MINA 9 DE OCTUBRE

PASARELA PEATONAL

LOS ALISOS

SN

OP

3

EK

UETE

CANCHITA CHAPARRO

EL PIQ

CAIM

ANC

ITO

③

GRADAS DEL ARROYO

5

BOWL

PLAZOLETA DEL ARROYO

PASARELA PEATONAL

PASARELA PEATONAL

TAS

CANCHITA DE BASKET

4 TRAMO CANCHITA CHAPARRO - PUENTE SNOPEK L=550m

TRAMO CIRCUITO BOSQUE NATIVO L=350m

TRAMO CODO DE ARROYO L=400m

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Urban Regeneration Plan of the Eje Pacífico— González Víquez, San José, Costa Rica In many Latin American and Caribbean cities, a number of trends promoted the growth of “satellite towns” within metropolitan areas: fast expansion of the urban footprint, shift in areas preferred by residents with high income, and displacement of economic activities to the periphery; this was accompanied by an increasing level of abandonment of central urban areas. This trend has also influenced the historic city center of San Jose, which is losing its role as an economic and residential center. Currently it is going through a process of abandonment and depopulation as a result of unplanned, low-density growth. To the south of the historic city center the government of Costa Rica is planning to develop about twenty hectares belonging to the state into a project called “Ciudad Gobierno”—governmental center—including five different ministries; this raises new challenges to the south of the city center. One of them is the demand to establish a new centrality between the Gonzalez Víquez Park and the El Pacífico railway station. Also, traditional lower middle class neighborhoods like San Cayetano and La Dolorosa should be included by emphasizing urban development on a human scale and various forms of mobility.

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Solutions

EMERGING TOPICS Lack of articulated public space During the workshops, a lack of good quality public spaces that would allow a diversity of activities was identified in the city center of San Jose; in particular, green and recreational spaces for young people are missing. In the neighborhoods surrounding the “Ciudad Gobierno” project, the absence of equipment for community activities has been pointed out. These zones only provide monofunctional public spaces that do not allow any activation by diverse groups and users. Furthermore, the absence of interconnected, pedestrian-friendly spaces was mentioned. Necessary environmental thinking The importance of reinforcing a system of open spaces to conserve environmental values and promote spaces for cultural and recreational activities was emphasized during the discussions. Furthermore, the necessity to incorporate into the urban design adaptability to the effects of climate change and environmental risks was mentioned: for example, permeability of street surfaces and green corridors to reduce heat islands.

Lack of contemporary housing The lack of contemporary housing and low population density in the area (approximately ten inhabitants per hectare) was identified as a weakness. While population density is low, building density is high. For this reason, repopulating and rejuvenating the neighborhoods was defined as an important goal, to be based on broad community participation, which enhances social cohesion and neighborhood identity. Connectivity and public transportation The importance of improving the north-south public transportation connection came up during the planning process. Although the urban transportation system works well, some important areas are not connected. Recognizing the necessity for urban planning to be more integral will help to solve problems of traffic congestion and pollution caused by buses circulating in the area. Recognize cultural heritage The traditional neighborhoods in the area have maintained their human scale and specific qualities. During the workshops, the importance of valorizing architectural and urbanistic heritage was recognized, the aim 239

PLAN MAESTRO

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Solutions

PROYECTO URBANO INTEGRAL CIUDAD GOBIERNO ①

A1 35m

A2 16m

A

residential

residential

A 3.250m2 GFA 19.380m2 FAR 6,0

B3 16m

residential

B2 16m

B1 84m

office

J2 16m

office

J3 21m

I1 40m

B7 16m

A 7.760m2 GFA 43.700m2 FAR 5,6

C4 16m

B6 35m

residential

residential

residential

residential

I

A 11.540m2 GFA 40.420m2 FAR 3,5

Centro Nacional de Capacitación

inec

H3 50m

MOPT

G1 85m

G2 16m M.G.B.

MOPT

G5 16m

H4 16m MOPT

H7 12m

residential conference center

H

A 13.170m2 GFA 50.400m2 FAR 3,8

M.G.B.

MOPT

H5 26m

H6 16m

G4 16m

residential

G

G3 21m

A 9.890m2 GFA 45.410m2 FAR 4,6

residential

F

A 9.050m2 GFA 9.490m2 FAR 1,0

residential

residential

residential

being to create new opportunities through patrimonial heritage. Historic industrial infrastructure, like the El Pacífico railway station or the disused surrounding ware­houses, could be retrofitted as new cultural spaces, social services, or spaces for citizens’ appropriation. GOALS The general objective of the project is to create a new centrality to the south of the historic center by connecting the nearby public spaces and giving priority to pedestrians and mixed-use developments. Specific objectives of the project are: to revitalize residential neighborhoods through mixed use, based on principles of social inclusion and the preservation of urbanistic heritage; to develop a system of green spaces with cultural equipment, which combines environmental values with spaces for recreation, sports and culture; to integrate the neighborhoods of the planning area with the public transportation system by improving northsouth connectivity and intermodal accessibility. URBAN STRATEGY The urban strategy proposes to contextualize the urban project “Ciudad Gobierno” within its direct urban surroundings, mostly through the creation of a

Neighborhood Revitalization and Sub-Centralities

residential

E

inec

H1 40m

I3 65m

D

inec

C2 75m

C3 16m

J4 16m

J5 16m

residential

A 8.270m2 GFA 42.150m2 FAR 5,1

H2 16m

I2 16m

C1 16m

C5 26m

C

residential

A 10.130m2 GFA 54.050m2 FAR 5,3

residential

J

B5 16m

residential

B

office

office

J1 55m

B4 21m

new centrality in the area of the Gonzales-Víquez Park ESCALA 1:1000 JUNIO 2017 and the El Pacífico railway station. Within an area of around 20 hectares, the integral plan for “Ciudad Gobierno” will act as a catalyzer and driver of redevelopment. Under the plan, more than half of the area will be dedicated to office, commercial and housing uses, including social equipment such as schools and rehabilitation of patrimonial buildings. The largest part of the remaining area, around forty percent in total, is projected as zones without any construction where open, green and recreational public spaces can be created. 0m

50m

100m

PROJECTS Master plan Ciudad Gobierno The master plan for Ciudad Gobierno envisions the construction of five ministerial buildings and additional offices, as well as 1,500 residential units, totaling around 300,000 m2 gross floor area of mixed-use development. The new neighborhood places great emphasis on commercial use such as shops and services on avenida 22—the main axis of development. Five towers up to 80 meters high will mark the centrality and importance of the place. The whole project is car-free and oriented towards a human scale, with a four-storey high urban plinth along the main axis and higher construction inside the blocks.

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Calle 9

Calle 5

Calle 4

“The area Pacífico—González Víquez is a new centrality in the Costa Rican capital, connecting the historic city center of San Jose with its surrounding public spaces by giving priority to pedestrians, applying principles of human scale mobility and enhancing mixed-use activities to strengthen neighborhood identity.”

Calle 10

②

Av. 10

Av. 14

Distrito Hospitales

La Dolorosa

Av. 18

Av. 20

Estación del Pacífico

Ciudad Gobierno Av. 22

Av. 24 Av. 24

Calle 1

Cristo Rey

San Cayetano

La Cruz

Av. 28

91Espacio Público(bordes)

Corredores de conexión

Ciclovia

Espacio Público(patios internos)

Rio Maria Aguilar

Corredores Aborizados

Ejes Principales

Eje de Activación Urbana Ciudad Gobierno

(cultural, recreativo, Puntos de Interes. civico,proudctivo)

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Neighborhood revitalization program A program for neighborhood regeneration has been proposed, comprising specific projects that address challenges in the neighborhoods of La Dolorosa, San Cayetano, La Cruz, and Cristo Rey. Generally, the program seeks to reproduce processes of repopulation and densification while avoiding gentrification in historic neighborhoods. A system of public spaces in the neighborhoods of San Cayetano and La Cruz will be articulated and densities adjusted through projects of urban acupuncture. The neighborhood of Cristo Rey will be connected to the urban fabric thanks to a new plaza, along with community services and equipment for the neighborhood.

Urban governance strategy The urban regeneration strategy is expected to engage governmental institutions through a governance program that moderates a process of civic participation by communities, connected to the institutional development of the project “Ciudad Gobierno”. Attention will be focused on fiscal planning and the capture of added value in order to generate institutional agreements with the private sector for the implementation of the proposed urban interventions. ④

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“The general objective of the project is to create a new centrality to the south of the historic center by connecting the nearby public spaces and giving priority to pedestrians and mixed-use developments.”

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Network of green spaces The green ecosystem on a planning area of 144 hectares will be rehabilitated with open green spaces on articulating urban corridors. Furthermore the Maria Aguilar river will be included into a network of green spaces and parks—following the strategy of the “Rutas Naturbanas” green space program. With this project a connection between historical center and planning area will be established.

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① M  aster plan for Ciudad Gobierno ② Urban strategy for the connection of the planning area with downtown San José ③ Ciudad Gobierno will be a dense mixed-use neighborhood with offices and residential functions ④ A new park and plaza will activate the Cristo Rey community ⑤ The Dolorosa neighborhood has potential to densify its urban fabric ⑥ Proposal for the transformation of the South fringe of downtown San José

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ancho max. 21 m

ancho ideal. 14 m

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Conceptual Design for the Improvement of Barrio Collico, Valdivia, Chile When we entered the neighborhood of Collico in Valdivia for the first time, we encountered a particular urban fabric characterized by its industrial past. Collico is part of the city of Valdivia, but possesses an independent identity, urban typology and social structure. The neighborhood was founded in the middle of the nineteenth century by German migrants as an industrial quarter strategically located next to the river Calle and the city’s railway station (now abandoned). Over the past decades, Collico has suffered from several natural disasters that have threatened its unique local character. The 1960 earth­ quake caused major damage to the neighborhood and industrial production was shut down. Collico is poorly connected to the rest of the city and hence still follows the social dynamics of a village. Along the river Calle, we are confronted with the reality of gated communities that disregard any attempt to be connected to the traditional neighborhood.

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“Today public life in Collico is concentrated on a 200-meter long beach. What would happen if the waterfront was accessible in its entire extension?”

EMERGING TOPICS Consolidation of public spaces The first topic that emerged during the workshops was the consolidation of the waterfront and abandoned railway track, the two linear elements running through the neighborhood, as local centralities. The neighborhood claimed that these elements could be used in a better way and more actively as pedestrian and recreational areas. One of these elements is the urban beach of Collico, the only public beach in the city of Collico; it is very popular during summer. Acknowledge cultural heritage of industrial buildings Another topic was the importance of recognizing and protecting the neighborhood’s post-industrial cultural heritage. The first families in Collico were German settlers who built the foundation of the city’s industrial heritage. The large flour mill is still located in the neighborhood. The owners erected homes for their workers at the beginning of the twentieth century next to their own mansions. This is the reason why Collico is a trove of heritage buildings. Make use of vacant spaces Stakeholders mentioned the numerous vacant industrial buildings and places as having potential for bringing new uses to the neighborhood. One of these places is a silo, located on a property between the waterfront and the railway tracks. This area has been identified as a potential area for an urban intervention that could have a strong impact on the development of the neighborhood. Land use and gated communities There is a need to involve traditional neighborhoods in Valdivia with urban growth trends, in order to control and regulate urban real estate development while preserving the human scale and social cohesion of traditional neighborhoods. The erection of gated communities with detached family houses right next to the traditional settlement is harming the social structure of the area. GOALS The principal objective of the strategy is to strengthen social capital as a driver for urban development. Further specific objectives are: • capitalize on main historic-patrimonial values associated with housing and industrial infrastructure;

• e  mphasize landscape elements associated with the river, streams and wetlands; • p  rovide public spaces as points of social interaction in the neighborhood. In order to reinforce the different layers that make up this socio-environmental landscape, it is necessary to work with participative methodologies that empower the community as carriers of common memories. URBAN STRATEGY The urban strategy proposes the consolidation of two principal linear centralities. It promotes the development of a human-scale neighborhood and the recovery of both its tangible and intangible heritage. Furthermore, the strategy reconciles the traditional natural and urban attributes of the neighborhood with urban growth and emerging urban dynamics. It comprises five projects defined in participatory workshops with the local community. PROJECTS The Collico Waterfront Development This series of interventions will reestablish the connection of the neighborhood with the river Calle. Several

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Recommissioning of former railway tracks Another important landmark, which is part of the collective memory of Collicanos, is the railway track laid across the neighborhood. We propose the temporary activation of the track as a hub for social connection within the neighborhood, with opportunities for urban gardening activities, while reserving the possibility to revive the railroad function in the future. Collico Heritage Walking Trail In response to the need to value and protect the neighborhood’s post-industrial heritage, we identified the most relevant historic points of interest and developed

City extension project It is crucial for urban growth to focus on a form of development that opposes real estate pressure and, instead, seeks to harmonize different urban typologies in the city. We claim that new real estate projects must bring additional value to existing neighborhoods. Therefore, we established a set of urban rules for the development of new residential sites: • s treets must be continuous and without any interruption all the way to the historic neighborhood, • they must contribute and offer common infrastructure and, • they must create a system of public plazas and green areas along the network of creeks and canals.

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a walkable route across these sites. Each building is equipped with an information board explaining the history of the heritage site. The heritage route is an attractor for visitors and locals, enabling them to appreciate the rich past of Collico. The fluvial taxi, a river service, will add a station to the trail and bring visitors from Valdivias’ city center to Collico.

points of interest are to be activated along the entire length of the neighborhood’s waterfront: public marina, beach facilities and services, children’s pool, floating platform, swimming pool, kayak rental and the redesign of the Avenida Balmaceda. Furthermore, the former silo and its adjacent area are an ideal space to enhance patrimonial heritage and create a meeting point promoting social interaction for the whole city.

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“This series of inter­ ventions will reestablish the connection of the neighborhood with the river Calle. Several points of interest are to be activated along the entire length of the neighborhood’s waterfront.”

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① U  rban strategy for the development of Collico with five key projects ② Transformation of the river bank into an active zone for neighbors and visitors

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③④⑤ The Silo Park project as a part of   the waterfront transformation ⑥ The Silo Park where “rural” meets “urban” ⑦ The transformation of the avenida Balmaceda in Collico with bike lanes and boardwalk ⑧ Overview of potential urban projects in Collico

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A New Sub-Center for the East of San Francisco de Campeche, México The historic city center of Campeche—a UNESCO World Heritage Site (WHS)—remains its only urban center, having the highest concentration of economic activities, public services, cultural heritage, tourist attractions and spaces for social interaction. However, after its designation as a WHS, the historic core of Campeche lost almost all residential functions and most administrative offices are now located downtown. As a result, the center is abandoned after 5 pm and left over to tourists. The center exercises a magnetic function on its surroundings and the periphery. Thus, the rest of the urban fabric is underserved and suffers from a lack of public spaces, infrastructure, and adequate transport connectivity.

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EMERGING TOPICS

adding the feeling of insecurity, especially at night time, means that part of Campeche is insulated; many people there have serious mobility issues.

Low-quality public spaces The social cartography of perception revealed that the public spaces most appreciated by citizens were those located along the waterfront and in the historic city center, while spaces that are perceived negatively are concentrated in the eastern part of the city. Urban system of centralities Campeche’s historic city center is overcrowded with day visitors, locals and tourists, while the rest of the city lacks centralities bundling economic activities, public services and spaces for social interaction. Public services are only found in the city center. In particular, the eastern part of the city, where the highest population density is found, is craving for public space, i. e. shared spaces where people can meet and interact, rather than yet another supermarket with a huge car park. Lacking 24 h security The lack of public spaces for the densely populated eastern part of Campeche leads to unconsolidated open spaces, which are perceived as insecure, especially at night time. People avoid walking in certain areas, which in turn leads to empty unsecure spaces. A critical mass of dedicated public space is needed to provide a feeling of security. Low-quality public transportation The eastern part of the city lacks a good connection to public transport; for instance, a bus ride to the city center takes more than 45 minutes. Walkability is poor due to a lack of sidewalks, lighting, or to poor road conditions. For the same reasons, riding a bike means taking a risk. Taking all this into consideration and

Critical social cohesion Since there are no meeting points, communication and interaction between neighbors is very low. “Public space” in the eastern part of Campeche means roads in bad condition, parking lots or leftover green spaces, neither of them providing space for social encounters. Monofunctional settlements provide private properties but exclude the sense of community and shared appropriation. Some parts of the settlements are made up of former informal housing, generating unsolved issues regarding ownership, acceptance, and responsibility. URBAN STRATEGY The network of centralities seeks to regenerate the urban fabric by creating spaces that encourage people to communicate, interact and walk. During Campeche Lab we formulated an integral urban strategy for the eastern part of the city concentrating on areas with the highest population density and most vulnerable neighborhoods. The proposed project site is a social focal point because it lies between informal settlement areas and the monofunctional car-friendly developer projects. On this particular site, four interventions have been proposed to create an “axis of confluence” by facilitating social infrastructure and services as incubators for the regeneration of the neighborhood. In the long term, the strategy seeks to densify the neighboring areas while preserving the local human scale, ensuring street continuity and generating pedestrian-­friendly environments.

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PROJECTS Mixed-use and densification project This emblematic building proposes mixed-use activities, housing, public services and shops on the ground floor, serving as an activator of the new centrality. Public space will host food fairs selling products from different regions to boost local trade, and will be properly equipped with urban furniture and shaded areas—where games such as the “loteria campechana” can be played. Vertical gym The vertical gym will serve as an architectural landmark for the city—a connecting element between the developer area and informal areas through sport programs and schools. Offering space for sporting activity may also attract people from other parts of the city, thus improving social cohesion. Recreational zone and park This project will create a recreational zone in the neighborhood with a broad range of activities: • Arte Vecinal, a space dedicated to artistic activities,

for example painting workshops and temporary exhibitions; • O  utdoor Sports, an open-air sports facility for cultural and social exchange between kids, teen­ agers and grown-ups of the neighborhood; • P  layground, spatial connection between the kindergarten in Calle Circuito Constitucion on the opposite side and the neighborhood through the construction of a park with playgrounds for kids and leisure areas for grown-ups; • P  erforming Arts, whereby taking advantage of the difference in elevation, an open-air amphitheater has been proposed, creating a space for local theater groups, dance performances, concerts or other performing arts. Observation pavilions The eastern walking route along the “axis of confluence” takes advantage of the local topography of the site: panoramic views accompanied with observation pavilions and decks that work as landmarks and at the same time improve the sense of security in the neighborhood.

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“Campeche needs open spaces where all citizens can meet and interact.”

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① U  rban strategy showing the articulation of new centralities in Campeche ② The articulation of the new centrality in “Circuito” with recreational facilities ③ Activity zones in the new centrality of Campeche

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La Mariscal: Activation of Borja Yerovi Plaza, Quito, Ecuador The Habitat III conference was organized in Quito in 2016 by the United Nations General Assembly to enact a New Urban Agenda. For this occasion, the Urban Design Lab was invited to contribute a project to the Habitat Village, an initiative displaying innovative urban projects in the streets of Quito during the event. We decided to exhibit our hands-on methodology by implementing a concise version of the Urban Design Lab in the neighborhood of La Mariscal. This neighborhood was once one of Quito’s traditional residential districts bordering the historic city center. Over the past decades, it has been affected by what locals define as “tourism gentrification”, a process during which residential uses have been displaced by commercial activities catering to tourism. The Urban Design Lab was set up in “El Cubo”, a temporary project space intended to activate the Plaza Borja Yerovi. During Habitat III we organized a series of activities that provided insights into the current situation of the neighborhood. These activities included interviews, community and creative workshops, a market with local products, a neighborhood party and an urban film festival showcasing international movies about urbanism.

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EMERGING TOPICS Security during the night and weekends During the community workshops, neighbors identified insecurity in public space as their main concern, leading many to avoid going out on the street at night. The area is known for drug trafficking and prostitution. Even a redesign of the plaza has been unable to change that. The area is deserted after office hours due to the monofunctionality of the neighborhood. Lack in neighborhood communication Many residents have moved away over the past decades, hence the remaining shop owners are not organized amongst themselves and lack spaces for communication, both with each other and with other actors. At the UDL neighbors came together for the first time and decided to continue communicating after our activities had ended. Passive public space Public spaces are poorly activated in the neighborhood and residents are demanding quality public meeting points, cultural activities, and a family-friendly environment, as well as a more diversified commercial offer. The shops and restaurants around Plaza Borja Yerovi close in the evening and on weekends. Vacancy and monofunctionality La Mariscal was originally a residential district. But today, ground floors are occupied by commercial and

tourism-oriented activities while upper floors are left vacant or used for storage purposes. These vacant spaces have the potential to be re-inhabited, bringing back residential uses to the neighborhood. Large parking areas that occupy valuable land could be turned into residential use. GOALS The main goal of the strategy is to create a secure neighborhood through an increase in the permanent resident population and an activation of the ground floor zones (shops and other commercial use). Further goals of the proposal are: • use cultural life to make public spaces more animated; • s trengthen the neighborhood’s identity, internal organization, and communication; • focus on economic diversity; • m  aintain the local human scale of the neighborhood. URBAN STRATEGY The strategy proposes five interventions on different urban scales, both at the spatial and organizational levels, and integrating different stakeholders in the process of revitalization. Short-term interventions seek to animate public space, promote cultural activities and enhance social cohesion while long-term strategies will address the need to bring residential uses back to the

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Solutions The cube as a transformation hub, communicator, cinema and workshop space in Quito.

PROJECTS Inclusive Housing Project This project focuses on the rehabilitation of vacant buildings and promotes residential use on upper floors. This residential use will revitalize the neighborhood, adding extra floors to existing buildings and constructing affordable housing projects on empty lots. The proposed mixed-housing strategy involves thirty percent of affordable housing and typologies for a diversified residential offer, including one that appeals to social groups who appreciate living in a central location, such as students and young professionals. Ground floors are intended for community or commercial activities. Barrio Cultural The creation of cultural corridors connecting La Mariscal’s main public spaces will allow for an active, inclusive, diversified public space capable of hosting a variety of cultural activities in the neighborhood. In order to establish a visual identity, the facades along

Activated Urban Spaces This project includes the following elements: conversion of underused parking lots into cultural venues and markets during the evening; transformation of certain streets into shared spaces or pedestrian-only corridors in the evenings; and the improvement of public space quality by providing shaded streets and squares. For an animated public life it is essential to provide adequate street furniture that allows different activities to happen and protects pedestrians from Quito’s changeable weather, from strong sun to heavy rainfall. Connected Neighborhood This project promotes community engagement and enables communication between inhabitants and shop owners. A neighborhood agency similar to a Business Improvement District will be established to communicate interests internally among the neighbors and externally with the municipality. Furthermore, this agency will serve as a platform to support the local economy and social exchange by organizing events and opening interaction spaces.

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these cultural corridors are going to be painted by local artists. Additionally, a street festival with different events taking place throughout the year will be established and will keep the process of transfor­ mation alive.

neighborhood, create affordable housing options and diversify the commercial offer. As a short-term action plan, the “Cube” was a test to activate the Borja Yerovi Plaza by means of a market, night activities, public screenings and so on. It brought neighbors together, enabling them to organize themselves in a better way.

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① D  etailed plan for el cubo in Quito ② Final presentation in Quito during the Habitat III conference in 2016

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Transformation Strategies for Abandoned Railway Infrastructure

During the 1990s, trains in Latin America and the Caribbean almost disappeared owing to neo-liberalism. Today, passenger trains only run in some parts of the region. Only a few cities, such as San José in Costa Rica, have managed to bring back the commuter train. After decades of shutting down passenger train services, the city put the railway to work again. However, the few remaining railway lines are mostly used for private freight trains. Following the near-disappearance of the railway in the past decades, a high number of vacant spaces have cropped up alongside decommissioned railway lines and stations. The transformation of Latin America’s abandoned infrastructure thus holds an immense potential for urban development. Unused railway lines and stations are highly suitable for transformation into new mixed-used urban neighborhoods—and not only because of their central location. Mostly, they also constitute a relatively large, connected empty space, which is a rarity in dense urban areas. Of course, this is not limited to rail infrastructure, but also applies to former airports, abandoned industrial parks, old factories, etc.; all of these have the potential to be transformed. Moreover, if they were formerly used as public (state) infrastructure, the whole area may still be owned by a single company, which may simplify development. One example of the transformation of abandoned infrastructure is the railway station of Quetzaltenango—one of those large structures in the middle of the city that has the potential to be converted into a cultural place by local activists and artists. There are many examples in Latin American cities of such success stories. One of these projects is the Centro Metropolitano de Diseño (CMD) in the Barracas district in Buenos Aires. A former fish market was developed into a creative hub attracting hundreds of entrepreneurs. This project—along with many others in the region—is a great example of how to transform obsolete infrastructure into vibrant urban space. Goya’s British style brick buildings are a solid basis for the development of new creative uses close to the historical center. These heritage buildings are architectural icons and ought to be brought back to life through new uses. Large rail infrastructure yards, such as those in Bahia Blanca and Xalapa, have great potential for the urbanization of new central locations close to existing infrastructure. Even these cities retained their rail infrastructure for freight; most of the infrastructural areas that are not used anymore could be converted into parks and inclusive housing projects—who knows who will bring back much-needed passenger trains to the cities. 265

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Improvement of Intercultural Center at Former Railway Station, Quetzaltenango, Guatemala The Intercultural Center of Quetzaltenango, a site covering 2.5 hectares, is strategically located at the heart of the “La Democracia” district. In 1930 the station and railway infrastructure were inaugurated; unfortunately in 1933 a very powerful storm destroyed the railroad tracks, which were subsequently dismantled by the government, and the station was abandoned. By 2004 the property was vacated and gifted to the Municipality of Quetzaltenango, which in turn ceded it to the Intercultural and Sports Council in 2005. Among the current uses of the Intercultural Center are the headquarters of the Autonomous Sports Confederation of Guatemala, the Mayan Costume Museum, the Octavio Ciani Railway Museum, and the Humberto Garavito Art School. In addition, there is a library specialized in history, and the Museum of Painting, currently in very poor condition.

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EMERGING TOPICS

GOALS

Lack of public space Quetzaltenango has very little public space to offer its citizens. Its central area does contain a few parks and open spaces, but these do not fully satisfy the need for public spaces. Additionally, recreational and sport facilities are needed, but are not available. Once a month, one of the main arteries in the neighborhood is partially closed for cycling and walking.

The general objective is to improve the Intercultural Center as a cultural hub in Quetzaltenango characterized by a diversity of activities and accessibility for all. The Center will be transformed into a new centrality, a place for identity-building and exchange for citizens. Specific objectives include the integration of the Intercultural Center into the public transportation system, and the enhancement of, and connection to public spaces. Furthermore, new social infrastructure shall be provided by revitalizing and providing new uses for heritage buildings—creating a permeable and acces­ sible urban space for all. The stock of housing in the central area has to be renewed by upgrading existing buildings and erecting new multifamily homes.

Potential of art and culture The Intercultural Center has already positioned itself as an incubator for museums, galleries, art schools, etc. However, the poor condition of the buildings and lack of maintenance are affecting the quality of the displays. The current exhibition program is hosted in a very small part of the Intercultural Center, leaving most of it abandoned or underused.

URBAN STRATEGY

Creative industries as an economic catalyst During the workshops that were held in the Intercul­ tural Center many participants claimed that arts and crafts could be a potential engine for local economic development in the city, especially as regards the Intercultural Center. As most of the area is underused, a temporary use program could be developed to test new ideas: creative industries in the context of rural hubs. Affordable housing in the central area Quetzaltenango has a spatial growth rate of approximately nine percent per year, i. e. some 60 hectares of land are being urbanized on the urban fringe annually. People claim that the housing market is under a certain amount of pressure because there are no housing developments for apartment buildings in the central area. The district is losing its inhabitants and the housing stock is not undergoing renewal. Weak connectivity and accessibility Quetzaltenango is a trove of heritage buildings, mostly dating back to the prosperous times of coffee export. Hence there are historical parks and plazas that attract thousands of locals every day. However, the added value of frequented public spaces is not used to de­­ velop socio-economic hubs. The Intercultural Center has the potential to combine quality public spaces, a public transportation hub, and socio-economic attractors. A diverse, accessible cultural space for all will serve as an emblematic meeting place both at the local and city levels.

The Intercultural Center constitutes an emblematic, diverse, accessible, active renovation project for the city of Quetzaltenango. It has the potential to become an integral model of economic revitalization by enhancing the role of culture as a public and economic good. This can be achieved through the commercialization of creative industries, with the support of the visual arts, crafts, audiovisuals, design, and new media. The Center can also offer creative services such as architecture, culture and recreation, and the promotion of research and development. Heritage buildings will be rehabilitated, non-historical and culturally irrelevant buildings will be demolished. New uses—such as technology, cultural activities, sport and residential uses— will be introduced into the Intercultural Center. PROJECTS Revitalization of heritage buildings The proposal seeks to revitalize and adapt two heritage buildings inside the former central railway station, and to implement new uses for them within a future art and culture hub. Inside the first building, refurbished spaces for new and existing museums and commercial art galleries will be provided. The second building will house an extension to the existing art school. Both spaces will integrate their program into the city’s cultural agenda. Technology and knowledge hub Through strategic alliances with the academic sector, spaces for the development of technology, innovation,

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Furthermore, in some of the spaces allocated to local commerce within the urban blocks, the project will promote eating-and-drinking places. The area has the potential to develop more than 350 residential units for Quetzaltenango families.

Vertical gym and recreational center The project proposes the transformation of current sports facilities into a vertical gym. This building will include recreational spaces such as basketball courts, a gym, and an athletics track in a flexible multistorey building. The function of sport will be “verticalized” and valuable land will thus be saved for other important uses in the area.

Regeneration of neighborhood Interventions in public space around the Intercultural Center will not only enhance the heritage structures and proposed new buildings but will also integrate them into the surrounding urban fabric. These series of spaces will be: access plazas where bus stops and bicycle racks will be located; a central plaza for events; an open air theatre for artistic performances; room for recreational activities; a reading space; and several green areas including a “sound garden” that will provide a passive rest zone linked to the commercial and restaurant area.

Housing, commercial and office space Buildings for uses such as student residences, housing, office space and creative industries are also included.

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and knowledge will be developed. The first module will provide digital support for innovation. The second module will be an interactive library with services for the public providing documentation and commu­ nication devices for interactive learning.

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“Investing resources ② into the renewal, valorization and commercial revital­ ization of the center can serve as a trigger for a true cultural revolution not only with local impact but also of regional and national importance.”

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① M  aster plan for the transformation of the former railway station into a new centrality in Quetzaltenango ② Perspective drawing showing all projects that will change the neighborhood ③ Strategy for the integration of the project into the existing situation ④ Definition of investment projects for heritage buildings, technology hub, vertical gym, housing and public space ⑤ A new main plaza in the Democracia neighborhood will activate public life on 4th Street

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Goya Central Park: Reinterpretation of the Former Railway Station, Goya, Argentina Goya is a small city in the northeast of Argentina in the close vicinity of Paraguay. A relatively compact city, it has preserved a village-like character, with walking distances to every part of town. The former railway station is situated close to Goya’s main plaza. The railway ceased to exist in the 1970s, leaving behind a myriad of beautiful heritage buildings from the former railway installations. The site spreads across about six hectares; it includes buildings of notable architectural value, and historical and cultural impor­tance. Today, this part of the city looks quite abandoned but has great potential to become emblematic. The area around the railway station is characterized by monofunctional residential uses and has no other estab­lished points of interest than the historical buildings built by the English Railways Corporation.

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“We envision Goya in thirty years as a city that is organized, protects its water resources and has an economic growth centered around tourism, agro-industry, and services.”

EMERGING TOPICS Lack of accessibility and connectivity Currently, the former railway station is an area hindering connectivity because it is a huge physical barrier between the southern area of the city (historic center) and the neighborhoods in the north. There is a huge fence around the perimeter. Sociocultural context There is a lack of community involvement in the cultural development of this area and sociocultural activities are scarce. However, the historical, now abandoned barracks of the railway installations have a great potential to generate a variety of spaces and increase the supply of cultural, touristic, economic, and community services. Preserve cultural heritage The historical importance of the former railway station is recognized in the collective memory. This heritage site, with buildings in the British architectural style, displays the remains of a railway system that in the past connected Goya with other cities. Preserve and use urban ecosystem Urban naturalization is an ecology-based approach that incorporates vegetation into the urban environment in order to mitigate the imbalance between urbanization and the conservation of urban ecosystems. The former station site constitutes one of the largest underused green spaces of the city and this approach provides an opportunity to merge strategic urban planning with the preservation of the city’s natural resources. Community ownership of public space By adapting its green areas and offering frequent and organized recreational, cultural and touristic activities, the former railway station could become an important public space and meeting point for local residents who will, in turn, help preserve and animate this revitalized space. GOALS The general objective of the project is to create a new urban centrality by formulating an urban strategy and designing projects that integrate the structure and function of the urban landscape, promoting social inclusion, cultural development, and urban life. The specific objectives are: • integrate the physical space between the historic center and the area of intervention through sustain­ able mobility; • activate urban life by generating spaces for cultural

activities and community interaction; • g  enerate quality green spaces through new recreational spaces and integrate water sources, thus ensuring environmental sustainability; • r evitalize and adapt the existing landscape and heritage buildings; • s timulate commercial activities and the local economy through the consolidation of the area. URBAN STRATEGY The area covered by the former railway corridor will be opened to public use as a park and other public spaces, allowing people to enjoy Goya’s beautiful landscape. To this end, four action zones were defined: • a  n “urban area” offers services that stimulate an active urban life, and functions as the receiving space of the main “axis of integration”, a proposed corridor connecting it with the historic center. By hosting events such as fairs and markets, the project seeks to generate spaces of encounter around culture and commercial offer; • a  n “area of leisure” will provide a green space for leisure and social exchange; • a  “training area” focuses on education and training; it has been proposed to reuse existing buildings as co-working spaces specialized in the IT sector; • a  “sporting activity area” will offer space for various outdoors sports such as soccer, paddleboarding, athletics, and basketball. 273

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Urban integration axis Through the consolidation of an “axis of integration” this project proposes a corridor that fosters the connection between the historic city center and the former railway station. Urban furniture, vegetation, and landscape elements will complement the consolidation of this new centrality. Additionally, the project aims to generate medium-density mixed-use developments for residential uses and commercial activity on ground floors.

CFTM training center The technological and manufacturing training center (CFTM) responds to the demand for education and training opportunities for young men and women in Goya and neighboring cities. Goya is the main urban center in the region, hence educational facilities should cater to a wider regional population that cannot always access educational opportunities. The Center will be located in an existing building and three heritage sites that will be refurbished and adjusted for this new use without modifying their principal structures.

Goya Railway Park The urban park will respond to the current high demand for quality accessible green spaces in the city. Throughout the workshops, the need to integrate a space that is plural, environmentally-sensitive (following the principles of urban naturalization) and developed within an integral landscape strategy—including recreational, leisure and contemplation activities—was highlighted.

Sports and recreation center The sports and recreation center is conceived as a space that brings together sports (including aerobics) and general physical and recreational activities. Its strategic location—adjacent to main urban corridors— will allow for easy access from different points in the city and will act as a meeting space for the development of sports and recreational events for all.

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PROJECTS

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“Through the con­ solidation of an ‘axis of integration’ this project proposes a corridor that fosters the connection between the historic city center and the former railway station.”

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① U  rban Strategy with five key projects to transform the former railway station into a new park ② Conceptual design for the plaza and park with functions and uses ③ Revitalization of historical buildings with new functions that will form a new centrality in Goya

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Nodo Spurr: Integration of Former Railway Station into System of Centralities, Bahia Blanca, Argentina As a result of Bahia Blanca’s rapid urban growth during the past decades, its connection with the port has been severed, while extensive, dispersed occupation of land has been favored. Many of these dispersed spaces are located in peri-urban areas in the southern sector of the city, resulting in a lack of centralities other than the historical city center. The Spurr neighborhood is located in a strategic area on the southern edge of the city—between the city center and the port. The area is very poor in infrastructure and most of the inhabitants originate from low-income families. Amidst the functional and structural relationship between the port areas, the neighborhood is adjacent to the railway tracks and Spurr station, a former railway station where pas­ senger trains used to call. Only freight trains are still in use; these never-ending freight trains run a few times a week, rolling across the flat, dispersed cityscape of the Bahia Blanca.

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EMERGING TOPICS

on a human scale; • t o create a quality urban and natural environment that provides both physical and social infrastructures, as well as public spaces promoting mixed, inclusive uses that are of territorial, citizen and local relevance; • to stimulate the local economy through education and training—centered on youth and adults— that allow the certification of labor competencies, generating local added value; • to establish inclusive neighborhood appropriation spaces for the strengthening of sociocultural and sporting activities together with the recovery of heritage values that assert the community’s identity; • to strengthen a planning system that integrates the participation of civil society organizations, the academic sector, the productive sector, and public entities—and responds to the needs of the inhabitants.

Poor accessibility and spatial segregation The Spurr Neighborhood lacks a good connection to the city center. As there are no other centralities than the historical center, people feel left behind and segregated from the city. Most people live under very poor conditions in informal settlements without any working public transportation to jobs in the central area. Shortage of affordable housing In an area characterized by low densities and available vacant land, housing and public space are deficient and of poor quality. Most dwellings lack basic public services such as water, sanitation, gas, or electricity. Throughout the workshops, participants highlighted the disarticulation of public spaces and the shortage in the supply of adequately equipped areas. Need for identity through sport Sports emerged as a possible mechanism to improve the inhabitants’ quality of life. Although infrastructure is poor, there are several open spaces that are used informally as football fields and for other sporting activities.

URBAN STRATEGY

No jobs in the area During the discussions, community members reiterated the lack of local jobs, limited to the fruit market and the railway sector. The generation of skills and opportunities to achieve sustainable social and economic development thus becomes paramount for the area’s revitalization. Technical vocational training will give inhabitants greater access to jobs and facilitate more stable incomes. Lack of urban management At the local level, there is a need for a more comprehensive approach to project and program implementation. It is also necessary to generate mechanisms for the articulation and coordination of relevant stakeholders, encouraging the participation of local communities. People feel unheard and are demanding participatory planning mechanisms. GOALS The general objective is to consolidate a centrality that provides both social infrastructure and quality public spaces, and values heritage through its activation as a community space along with its social and environmental integration. The specific objectives are • to achieve greater integration of the neighborhoods through improved access to the urban fabric and the provision of intermodal infrastructure and mobility

The complexity of catalyzing urban development generating long-term housing units for over 12,000 new inhabitants calls for the design of a master plan. Considering that the projected development also seeks to reverse patterns of urbanization generated along low-­density principles and with important deficits in neighborhood living qualities, it is necessary to design a master plan that can define new criteria and guidelines to organize the territory. The master plan has been broken down into three strategic projects to give an impetus to the neighborhood’s development. The plan is being implemented according to a systemic approach, i. e. taking principles of social integration, community development, and urban renewal into consideration. PROJECTS Master plan for Nodo Spurr New housing schemes have been proposed for the southern peri-urban area of Bahia Blanca. Lots are to be distributed strategically in urban blocks to give rise to three development prototypes. The first is the multipurpose incubator building: multistorey units with residential use on the upper floors and commercial or community spaces on the ground floor. It is the only predesigned type of occupation that will be established in each block and is intended to activate the spaces for public use. The second prototype provides lots for individualized developments—governed by specific, normative regulations—seeking the most sustainable, inclusive and harmonious relationship with the surroundings. The third prototype concerns

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Estación cultural Spurr It has been proposed to turn the Spurr cultural station into: an epicenter of activity within the neighborhood; an intermodal node; an area for heritage visibility; and a community meeting space. This project acknowledges that culture is the main catalyst for urban transformation through the following three project strategies: • conservation of heritage values; • urban plaza, intending to renovate public spaces through intermodal services; and • development of cultural and sports facilities, incorporating a space for urban manufacturing and production, a training center, and a sports center. Urban tramway corridor and people-centered mobility The mobility strategy has been designed according to a systemic approach taking principles of sustainability and mobility on a human scale into consideration. To

Urban Management Strategy In order to implement the master plan, it is necessary to set up a normative and institutional framework. The master plan is to be implemented as a zoning plan, a planning instrument that provides a detailed landuse plan for a specific territory within a municipality. The latter should be able to operate the programs, uses, and morphology proposed in the project. Due to the scale and thematic complexity of the proposal, it has been proposed to create an autonomous entity capable of coordinating the various actors at the national, provincial, and municipal public administration levels, and of integrating the different sectors involved in the development of the master plan.

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this end, a urban tramway corridor will be made operational, connecting Nodo Spurr to the rest of the city; it will be complemented by an intermodal system of bicycle paths, bus routes, and pedestrian pathways. Within these types of walkways, two circuits are directly accessible from the intervention area: • the environmental walk and • the historic walk.

lots for the construction of multistorey housing by private developers—with mechanisms to encourage social integration.

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Solutions ① M  aster plan for a 20-hectare vacant plot on the southern fringe of Bahia Blanca ② Urban strategy with connections to the existing informal settlements in Bahia Blanca ③ Human-scale public space with wide sidewalks and bike lanes ④ Transformation of former SPURR railway station into a cultural center with community functions

③

“Bahia Blanca needs a new centrality that provides social infrastructure, inclusive public spaces, and a valued heritage, promoted by the activation of spaces of community encounter and promotion of local identity and socio-environmental integration.” ④

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Connecting Xalapa: Integrated Revitalization of Railway Corridor, Xalapa, Mexico A 9.78-kilometer railway corridor section has established a barrier across the city of Xalapa that accentuates socio-spatial segregation and hinders the mobility of citizens. The tracks are no longer in use for passenger transport, but have been licensed to a private company, which runs freight trains to the port of Veracruz. Only a few trains per week ride across the city and the old railway station has been abandoned. As the city grew eastward and incor­ porated the railway into its urban area, this infrastructure became an issue both for the city and railway management. For the city, the railway corridor prevents continuity in the mobility of pedestrians and vehicular traffic, but is also an opportunity to transform an underutilized space into a quality public space or a green corridor. Citizens, for their part, feel insecure and try to avoid the area. Crossing the tracks can be dangerous and standing trains serve as hiding places for criminals. When trains also carried passengers, the place used to be lively, but now it is deserted.

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EMERGING TOPICS Abandoned public spaces The railway station and its surrounding area used to bea vibrant public space. During the workshop, the community argued that the condition of public spaces needed to improve. In particular, public lighting has to be addressed because the area is insecure. A garbage collection system is also needed. Once-vibrant public spaces with a strong identity shall be recovered and an extensive open green space added. Deteriorated centralities The old railway station precinct constitutes a central point of importance in Xalapa, integrating public spaces, meeting places, public transportation, and infrastructure for everyday life. However, after the railway station was closed, the area lost its importance as a centrality. Through the reuse of abandoned buildings, for instance the railway station, and the creation of a cultural center and museum, the place’s importance can be restored. Need for people-centered mobility The railway tracks are used only several times a week by freight trains, hence people have “conquered” the tracks, using them as walkways to their destinations. Workshop participants proposed the implementation of an additional bicycle path and claimed that a new, safer pedestrian path would improve the lives of thousands of people living in the neighborhood. People also demanded the creation of a modern public transportation system through recommissioning the tracks for passenger trains and light rail. Strengthening social cohesion The railway tracks undoubtedly constitute a massive barrier in the city of Xalapa that partitions neighborhoods and there is no possibility to cross the railway line. Thus, strengthening social cohesion both at the neighborhood and city levels was an emerging topic. GOALS The general objective of the project is to create a new centrality, reusing abandoned buildings and reconnecting public spaces with new transportation links. The old railway station precinct will become the central point where public spaces and areas for gathering, public transportation and social infrastructure are integrated. The specific objectives include the reactivation of existing green areas through the development of an action plan with the local community, as well as the integration of the two parts of the city that are currently divided by the railway.

“In Xalapa, it is necessary to partially reuse roads and residual spaces if they can be adapted as areas of coexistence.”

URBAN STRATEGY The long-term vision for areas bordering the railway tracks is to become an urban neighborhood that will support the new centrality by providing housing, public spaces and social infrastructure. The urban strategy has been set out in a phased plan containing the proposals that emerged from all participatory workshops. The strategy has been divided into four themes, each of which can advance at its own pace, independently of other projects. This provides a unified vision of an integrated plan varying from very basic short-term interventions to more complex long-term projects. Furthermore, it makes it possible to respond to un­­ expected changes and circumstances without losing the overall focus on the emerging themes. PROJECTS A station for all The old railway station, which occupies a strategic location in the city, will be recommissioned for public use. The currently abandoned buildings have a potential to develop a new centrality integrating public spaces, meeting places, and a new transportation hub for 283

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Crear un programa de nuevas centralidades estratégicas

V ialidades según núme

Lib ramie nto de X alapa V ía del t ren

BANDERILLA

Municipios D elimitación del á

Desarollar un programa de regeneración del MÉXICO espacio público Ade la zona centro

rea

Z ona de lagos PROPUESTA 1 Z ona centro

CHI LTO YA C

Recorrido de intervencion PROPUESTA 2

H itos a lo la rgo de la ví PROPUESTA 3 Av. Lá

zaro

C O L ONIA 6 DE ENE R O

X ALA PA

Cád e

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A SAN ANDRÉS TLALNELH UAY O C AN

D otación de se

rvicios

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BANDERILLA

PROPUESTA 4

Transformation Strategies for Abandoned Railway Infrastructure

UAY O C AN

rales

Zonas con potencial de d

EL C ASTIL L O A EL C ASTIL L O

TLALNELH

L ocalidades ru

Z onas inundables

Impulsar un programa multisectoral de A MÉXICO Convivencia Tren - Ciudad

A menaza por deslizamie

Z onas de bosque

CHI LTO YA C

Área de contención

PROPUESTA 5 uito Circ entes sid Pre Av. Lá

zaro

Vía del tren

C O L ONIA 6 DE ENE R O

X ALA PA

Cád e

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A SAN ANDRÉS TLALNELH UAY O C AN

Propuesta de ciclovías v

Red de transporte públic

EL C ASTIL L O

EMILIANO ZA PA TA

A EL C ASTIL L O

Diseñar un programa de contención del O A TEPEC TLALNELH UAY O C AN crecimiento de la mancha urbana

Propuesta de ciclovías a

A VE R A CRUZ

Actualizar plan de movilidad 360 500m

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A C O A LTEPEC uito Circ entes esid

passenger trains. The proposed new uses for the area, including the station building, are art workshops, galleries, a restaurant and café, and an open plaza for neighbors and visitors.

exhibitions and pavilions for cultural events. An additional cycling path and a new footpath next to the park will improve the security of the area.

Citizens connection To overcome the barrier constituted by the railway corridor, a connection between urban areas is needed. A pedestrian bridge has been designed. It includes activity points, thus providing much more than the option of crossing the railway tracks—it serves as a meeting point as well. Neighboring residents will find attractive playgrounds and meeting places for the elderly. Parque Los Pinos The existing Los Pinos park will be upgraded through the improvement of infrastructure, access points and security. As an element of identity, abandoned train wagons will be converted for community use, e. g. a café. New thematic trails will be laid, with art

My neighborhood In a medium to long term perspective, a new neigh­ borhood containing hundreds of residential units shall be developed. The new neighborhood shall be designed for mixed use: housing, commercial, and social infrastructure, and will be sited on the location of the railway workshops and disused railway tracks. The neighborhood will be equipped with great public spaces, which will endow it with a new character and a more positive identity. ① U  rban strategy for the city of Xalapa ② Local strategy for the former railway station proposing new connections ③ Conceptual design for the pedestrian bridge over the railway corridor

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Zona de influencia de la

Plan de Acc Banco Interamerica

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Solutions Ver las oportunidades de las áreas verdes existentes. Reactivarlas, formando un programa de acción con los vecinos. Proteger las áreas verdes como espacio público.

Crear un nuevo subcentro, reutilizando los edificios abandonados. La zona de la antigua estación del tren constituye el punto central en el que se integran espacios públicos, lugares de encuentro, centro de transporte público y equipamiento.

Conectar las dos partes de la ciudad. Usar el terreno al lado de las vías para un camino peatonal, una ciclovía y (parcialmente) una nueva vialidad.

A largo plazo usar el terreno de las vías para construir un barrio urbano que apoye la zona como un parte del nuevo subcentro, con viviendas, espacios públicos y equipamiento.

Gustavo Díaz Ordaz

Calle 4

Tren 101 Nisperos

Miguel Alemán

Avenida Ferrocarril Interoceanico

②

“To overcome the barrier constituted by the railway corridor, a connection between urban areas is needed.”

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Integral Strategies for Metropolitan Areas In the coming years, one of the most important urban challenges facing Latin American and Caribbean cities will be the management of growth in metropolitan areas. A metro­ politan region can be defined as an area comprising at least one large city of inter­na­ tional or national importance, serving a variety of high-level centralized functions. As a rule, such a region encompasses, in addition to the urban agglomeration, other core settlements as well as rural zones that are closely linked to the regional center, e. g. by commuter traffic flows. As central nuclei of co-operation and competition, metropolitan areas are hubs of international networking. They may be transboundary, are politically defined in a variety of ways and usually lack institutions of their own. The uncontrolled, rapid development of settlements in metropolitan areas has proven that urban growth does not stop at the administrative borders and geographical limits of a city, but spreads along the road infrastructure—where land is cheap and available for either formal or informal urban development. In many cases, two separate cities connected by road infrastructure will gradually merge into one vast metropolitan area, so that their actual borders will disappear more and more. A serious problem associated with such urban development processes can be that “dual cities”, as well as a central core city and its surrounding municipalities, often do not collaborate but instead stand in direct competition for federal funds, investment, and taxpayers. In order to achieve a sustainable future urban development, it is necessary for city authorities of a metropolitan area to collaborate and create a common vision. As a precondition, the area should no longer be perceived as two (or more) single, separate cities, but as a single, connected, interrelated region. Only by ignoring administrative borders and putting aside formal responsibilities will it be possible to perceive all the potential of a metropolitan area. In order to manage urban growth and find sustainable solutions, infrastructure planning (e.g. public transportation, road infrastructure, social facilities, health care, or education), housing development, the protection of nature, etc. must be tackled jointly by the two merging cities, or the core city and its surrounding municipalities. In Chile we had the opportunity to work on two Metrolabs in parallel. The first one was in the cities La Serena and Coquimbo, which have grown together and share much of the same landscape, rivers, and natural resources. The second Metrolab was run in Puerto Montt and Puerto Varas, which are unlike in demographic composition and size. They share a satellite city inhabited by low-income families that were displaced by real-estate mechanisms. A third metropolitan project was conducted in Santo Domingo (Este) in the Dominican Republic, where we worked out a metropolitan development strategy that was linked to a local master plan for housing and mixed use. Without any regulation on the metropolitan scale, housing projects have emerged on the urban fringes, where land costs are low, but no social infrastructure or commercial offer is available. 287

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Five-minute city—Strategy for the territorial integration of Ciudad Juan Bosch, Santo Domingo Este, Dominican Republic The Dominican Republic’s capital city, Santo Domingo, already has some three million inhabitants and is still growing at a rapid pace. As a result of the steady expansion of the metropolitan area, an urban strategy and planning are required, especially in the eastern parts. Ciudad Juan Bosch is one of the few large-scale, planned, urban extension projects of the Dominican Republic’s government. Urban growth in this area is characterized by its informal nature—with very low-density development patterns. Low-income, informal settlements were attracted to areas in the close vicinity of Ciudad Juan Bosch, which is suitable for approx. 100,000 middle-income residents. Ciudad Juan Bosch has not adequately reacted to its low-income surround­ ings and is rather isolated, with no proper connection to public mass transportation. At the local level, weaknesses in infrastructure can be found in all informal residential developments in the surrounding area. The labor market does not provide sufficient opportunities, neither for the local population nor for new residents, and this creates an unstable financial situation.

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“Santo Domingo Este boasts extensive sport facilities and natural areas, but they are not interconnected or acces­sible for pedestrians.” EMERGING TOPICS Lack of basic infrastructure Basic infrastructure is not provided by the municipality. The community has had to install its own power system, water supply and street lighting. Many streets are unpaved or have no sidewalks. As a consequence, dark streets at night create an unsafe environment for the inhabitants. Since there is no school close to the neighborhood, children have to walk a long way to school. Lack of educational opportunities Study results show that a number of residents of Nuevo Renacer require a school or educational center. At the moment, children have to walk long distances on unsafe roads to their school every day. The lack of educational facilities also affects adults, who would like a space for further education and a place to meet inside their own community. Weak public spaces Santo Domingo Este boasts extensive sport facilities and natural areas, but they are not interconnected or accessible for pedestrians. On the neighborhood scale, public space in the master plan of Ciudad Juan Bosch has been reduced to parking lots with very few functional areas for leisure or public activities. In the surrounding informal neighborhoods, it is made up of urban voids or spontaneous social relations. Lack of social housing Some land has been reserved for social housing within the Ciudad Juan Bosch project; however, this has not been developed according to a law or policy that guarantees access to affordable housing. Hence the properties built in Ciudad Juan Bosch do not correspond to the socio-economic level of the surrounding settlements. Other social housing projects have been developed on the periphery of the city, but suffer from weaknesses in terms of connectivity, and lack a comprehensive vision of habitat adaptation.

Inadequate public transportation The roads that connect the sector with the southern part of the city are in poor condition. From the center of the municipality to San Isidro, there is no formal public transportation covering passenger demand, thus car dependency in the area is high. The only means of public transportation are the motoconcho (motorcycles) and informal buses. In the long term, it is planned to extend Line 2 of the subway along Carretera Mella. Lack of suitable local jobs The main economic activity of the population living in the informal settlement of Nuevo Renacer is provided by the nearby military base, a zona franca (free trade zone), and the public transportation center. In addition, an industrial development is emerging near the northsouth connection (Samaná highway). However, these sectors do not fulfil existing demand for jobs and the local population is not considered as a suitable human resource by new industrial companies. Uncoordinated urban development Santo Domingo Este has been developed without any provision for basic infrastructure. The creation of Ciudad Juan Bosch has acted as a magnet for informal settlements, owing to the supply of facilities lacking in the rest of the area; this is reflected in the densification of irregularly occupied lands. Most of the land was owned by the State Council for Sugar (CEA), which granted residential plots to people without any landuse planning. GOALS The strategy seeks to transform the area around Ciudad Juan Bosch into a city on a human scale, with a network of central services and short-distance public spaces that promote an inclusive urban life.

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Leyenda Carretera Mella

“The five-minute city is a metropolitan strategy to include existing informal settlements in the development of Ciudad Juan Bosch. These settlements will be formalized by structuring public space into strategic areas every 300 meters or 5-minute walking distance.”

NUEVO RENACER

Integral Strategies for Metropolitan Areas

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NUEVO JERUSALÉN

LA UREÑA LUZ MARÍA AUTÓDROMO SUNIX

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The specific objectives are: • the integration of surrounding informal settlements into the development of the metropolitan strategy— establishing facilities, public spaces and infrastructure to transform the neighborhood; • the development of urban attractors with different hierarchies at different scales: micro-centralities every 300 meters, neighborhood centers every 600 meters and a metropolitan centrality; • the implementation of economic development corridors; and finally, • the definition of a strategic plan for environmental development and formalization of a master plan. Urban Strategy The strategy proposes to include three existing informal settlements (Nuevo Renacer, Nuevo Jerusalem and La Ureña) into the development of Juan Bosch. These settlements will be formalized by structuring public space into strategic areas every 300 meters or 5-minute walking distance. Catalytic “urban acupuncture” projects will remedy the lack of basic services and integrate the new development with existing, informal settlements. All future informal and formal extension projects shall be developed under this plan.

PROJECTS Master plan for Nuevo Renacer The extension of the village of Nuevo Renacer has to be planned and organized through a master plan that follows the rules, structures, and values of the existing neighborhood, and connects these to a new centrality. The new plan includes various proposals concerning housing, street dimensions and hierarchies, and public spaces and facilities. The goal is to create a gentle transition between organic and planned structure, including an urban catalyzer as a connection point, as well as to provide economic potential in the new expanding area that serves both areas. Plinth strategy for Nuevo Renacer An important aspect of the master plan is the activation of the ground floor and plinth area. A toolbox of development rules and standards involves the creation of an

① M  etropolitan strategy for the area surrounding Ciudad Juan Bosch ② Master plan for Nuevo Renacer neighborhood

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active, lively centrality. The toolbox includes guidelines divided into different steps that can be applied to every other neighborhood. The plinth strategy—supported by a specific urban design—should help develop social interaction between inhabitants.

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Education Center in Nuevo Renacer The Education Center provides a school, kindergarten, library and a community space. The building’s design is defined by its courtyards and open structure. A large jutting roof will project over the sidewalks and provide shade for pedestrians, who are invited to enter and stay, rest, or chat with their neighbors. The Center will be divided into several types of public, open spaces endowed with different qualities. The construction is based on a light structure of wooden columns and a roof that extends over the whole site, which contains three courtyards. All rooms requiring closed construction will make use of clay bricks. Both techniques promote a pleasant room climate and internal ventilation. ②

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Housing projects in Nuevo Renacer The master plan contains three proposals for housing involving different densities and focus points. The first typology creates a transition based on existing buildings. An incremental construction is provided on the site and can be adapted by residents themselves up to a maximum height of two storeys. The house may be modified and expanded depending on the needs and wishes of the owner or their financial capacity. The next typology are apartment buildings up to four storeys high surrounding a central patio. The ground floor is dedicated to commercial use and parking inside the elevated courtyard. The third typology has four to five storeys. Its backyard contains open green spaces, children facilities, and recreational areas—mainly for its inhabitants.

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“An important aspect of the master plan is the activation of the ground floor and plinth area. A toolbox of development rules and standards involves the creation of an active, lively centrality. ”

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 ① The plinth strategy proposes commercial ground floor zones with shops  ② Social housing is equipped with balconies and terraces for semi-private use ③④ Floor plans for the social units, with commercial use and parking at ground­­ floor level, residential use in the upper floors ⑤⑥ Floor plans for the Education Center in Nuevo Renacer  ⑦ Open patios with vegetation create air circulation and shade  ⑧ Open ground floor zones will enable exchange with students, pupils and the community  ⑨ Education Center in Nuevo Renacer

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Metropolitan Public Space Integration Plan, Puerto Montt and Puerto Varas, Chile Urban growth in Puerto Montt and Puerto Varas has been characterized by the expansion of low-density developments over adjacent rural land. This development caters to high-income families seeking a lifestyle away from urban heartlands. In parallel, incentives in the form of state subsidies for the construction of social housing projects have also become an attractive option for developers. The search for cheaper land for high-end housing developments and social housing in rural areas has resulted in the dispersal of residential areas, which have been pushed to the urban fringes. Consequently, this urban expansion model has led to the segregation of residential complexes deprived of quality social infrastructure and public spaces. In Alerce, a satellite city of Puerto Montt, housing policies found that land value provided an opportunity to make the construction of social housing profitable, but without incorporating sufficient consideration for the sustainable development of neighborhoods, their centralities, and infrastructure. The largest percentage of Puerto Varas' most vulnerable population lives in Puerto Chico. There is a significant lack of community infrastructure, a deficit in public spaces, and high-speed vehicular flow fragments the neighborhood and deteriorates its quality.

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EMERGING TOPICS

Sociocultural aspects of the metropolitan area The workshops identified the following emerging themes as pertaining to social and cultural aspects that characterize the metropolitan area: • the sociocultural context and the relationship between the community and its environment; • c  ultural and historical context of Puerto Montt and Puerto Varas; and • s afety on public roads.

Planning a sustainable city The discussion throughout the workshops focused on four topics: • urban development, or challenges to the growth model; • centralities, i. e. the lack of spaces with centric characteristics in areas where there is demand due to high population density; • public spaces, in particular the lack of accessible and quality spaces; and • social infrastructure, i. e. the lack of social facilities adequately responding to community needs. Restoring the urban ecosystem Environmental sustainability is perceived as an opportunity to reverse the negative effects of urban development on the environment. Within the analysis of this dimension, three themes emerged: • green areas and parks, primarily for their recreational functions; • landscape and territory, or the importance of open space planning and the enhancement of landscape elements in order to achieve more sustainable urban ecosystems; and • socio-environmental vulnerability, entailing a scheme for developing adaptive capacities in the context of climate change. Long commuting times During the diagnosis phase, concerns were expressed regarding mobility, in particular the impact of resi­ dential segregation and of the lack of centralities on extended commuting times. Two emerging themes regarding sustainability in mobility were identified: • connectivity; • intermodality and infrastructure.

Managing a sustainable metropolitan area Emerging topics regarding sustainability in urban management are urban planning and the normative framework that determines and constrains urban-­ territorial development. The metropolitan area needs catalytic solutions, for example for Alerce, which belongs to Puerto Montt but has an impact on both cities in the metropolitan area. GOALS The main goal is an urban fabric capable of consolidating new centralities through the redesign of a network of human-scale public spaces, social infrastructure, and mixed uses, all of which respond to landscape conditions, cultural heritage, and local needs. The specific objectives are: • to achieve an intermodal, integrated public trans­ portation system that provides greater accessibility to segregated areas; • integrate the activation of the metropolitan railway through a multimodal approach that takes other public means of transportation into consideration, such as the extension of a functional network of bicycle paths and new pedestrian walkways; • c  onnect a network of corridors and parks that can increase biodiversity and offer new recreational spaces;

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Nueva Braunau Pt. Chico

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Leyenda Centralidades Sub-Centralidad Urbanizaciones

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Centralidad

Movilidad Revitalización de la antigua conexión con enfoque al transporte sostenible

Entorno natural

Cinturones verdes

Norte

Alerce

Ejes verdes

Histórico Sur

Espacios naturales Conexión con área urbanizada

La Vara

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La Paloma Pr. Ibañez Cayenel Pichi Pelluco Melipulli

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NCAVI DE RELO S E N O Oceano Pacifico

• a  dapt urban streetscapes to offer new pedestrian spaces and bicycle paths; and • consolidate centralities through the provision of social facilities and public spaces in two specific areas of intervention. URBAN STRATEGY Urban Strategy for Alerce The urban strategy connects the neighborhoods with a centrality that respects and recognizes the different realities of Alerce by designing public spaces that respond to geographical, climatic and local needs. It complements ongoing projects with new public facilities and activities, and transforms Av. Norte Sur 2 into a corridor that prioritizing pedestrians, cyclists and the use of public transportation. The projects shaped by the strategy are: • a redesign of Plaza Central Llafkelen to consolidate the plaza as a meeting point,

• M  ercado Central Alerce extension project and connection to the Llafkelen Plaza and • P  arque Reloncaví renewal project, involving recreational spaces. Urban Strategy for Puerto Chico The strategy is to strengthen the local identity and sense of belonging; design quality public spaces that respond to geographical and climatic conditions and strengthen existing uses; and consolidate meeting points and common facilities favoring the quality of spaces for pedestrians in Av. Colón. The proposed projects for Puerto Chico are: • E  spacios Vinculados, an interconnected network of quality public spaces that enhance existing uses and create new opportunities for services, facilities, and activities; • P  arque Circuito Deportivo, which offers complementary uses to the existing sport facilities found in this area by providing additional spaces for recreational activities; 298

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Puerto Montt

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“The Llafken Square is a public space in the process of consolidation, which has great potential as an articulator and enhancer of its immediate functional context, composed of health, education, commerce and service infrastructure.”

• P  laza Mirador, that takes advantage of the unique topography of the neighborhood, being located in a public area with a privileged viewpoint over­ looking Lake Llanquihue and the Osorno volcano; and finally, • Parque Quebrada as an urban park of metropolitan scale. URBAN MANAGEMENT STRATEGY The “Convenio de Programación” is a regional management instrument that allows public investment, currently being allocated in a sectoral way, to combine financial efforts towards concrete actions and territorial articulation. The creation of an Agreement for the Los Lagos Region has been proposed; it is based on the emerging topics defined with the community, such as the integration of new centralities through public spaces and facilities that enhance heritage, cultural and landscape values.

① M  etropolitan strategy for Puerto Varas and Puerto Montt focusing on the development of the peripheral areas ② Urban strategy for Alerce, satellite city in Puerto Montt ③ Conceptual design for the central plaza

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“The strategy is to strengthen the local identity and sense of belonging; design quality public spaces that respond to geographical and climatic conditions and strengthen existing uses; and consolidate meeting points and common facilities favoring the quality of spaces for pedestrians in Av. Colón.”

⑥ ④ U  rban strategy for Puerto Varas close to Avenida Colón ⑤ Conceptual project for the development of vacant or underutilized public spaces ⑥ Conceptual study to preserve the “Parque Qubrada” as a natural asset for the city ⑦ Conceptual study for the central market in Alerce as an incubator project in Puerto Montt

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Metropolitan Landscape and Green Habitat: Rio Elqui and Parque El Culebrón, La Serena and Coquimbo, Chile The socio-territorial development of the metropolitan area of Coquimbo and La Serena has been shaped by its accelerated demographic and urban growth. A conurbation has resulted from the densification of urban centers due to an increase in the population and the subsequent expansion of the metropolitan periphery. As a result, residential and employment areas are segregated: the service sector is concentrated in the city center, whereas residential and industrial uses have been pushed to the periphery. However, within the urban system of La Serena and Coquimbo, natural spaces are central to the territorial configuration; hence their protection and revival is an opportunity to revitalize and reconnect fragmented urban areas. At the metropolitan level, special importance has been given to a group of natural landmarks on the coastal border. Although the Rio Elqui is an important component of the natural and urban landscapes of La Serena, it has not been incorporated as a relevant element in its urban development. To the south, El Culebrón enters the city from the west as a stream, extends as an estuary and gives way to a wetland near the littoral.

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EMERGING TOPICS Urban sustainability The first dimension refers to the urban system and the corresponding emerging topics are: • the segregation and fragmentation of the urban fabric; • low connectivity and difficult access to neighborhoods and natural spaces; • deficit in quality public space throughout the region; and • pre-existing social infrastructure in Parque El Culebrón. Recognize environmental values The second dimension focuses on the urban environmental network, which is subdivided mainly into three emerging topics: • conservation of areas of environmental value; • green areas and parks; and • socio-environmental vulnerability of natural spaces in the metropolitan area. Analyze the sociocultural context The social and cultural dimension includes four emerging topics: • the importance of the Rio Elqui and Parque El Culebrón as elements of identity and natural heritage; • lack of education and environmental awareness about the importance of preservation and management of natural areas; • conservation areas as areas of potential touristic value; and • the association of ecological landmarks as pockets of delinquency and insecurity due to the historic neglect of the city towards these areas.

of future projects, considering the association of key actors that perform relevant roles in territorial development. The stakeholders in the metropolitan area are aware that only a joint vision—and also action—can manage the implementation of environmental and social projects. GOALS The general objective of the project phase is to integrate the elements of the urban environmental network into their urban context through the provision of public spaces and facilities, conservation of ecolog­ ical values, and the valorization of cultural elements that the local communities identify with. The specific objectives are to recognize the structure and function of the different elements that make up the urban environmental network in order to: • d  efine processes of ecological recovery, to activate spaces for recreation and public use; • foster interaction between urban and natural spaces through intervention at their edges; • introduce cultural elements in the design of projects promoting the existing community’s identification with the intervened areas; and • e  stablish a planning model of landscape elements incorporating the various actors in the implementation of programs and projects. METROPOLITAN STRATEGY

Shape metropolitan planning The fourth dimension addressed in the workshops was the management and feasibility of the implementation

During the workshops, a territorial network of valuable ecological elements was identified, including the Rio Elqui, the Peñuelas stream, El Culebrón, and the mountain range of Cerro Grande. The recovery of this network, and intervention within it, can have a meaningful impact on the sustainable development of the

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metropolitan region. On the one hand, it can provide public recreational spaces, improving the quality of life for the surrounding neighborhoods—with a special impact on sectors suffering from greater deficiencies. On the other hand, by creating a continuity of open spaces, this network can serve several environmental purposes, such as: the capture of air pollutants, control of surface and underground water flows, improvement of soil fertility, reduction of urban heat islands, and enhancement of biological diversity. The metropolitan strategy emphasizes the importance of the Rio Elqui and Parque El Culebrón to strengthen the urban environmental network, with a special focus on the relationships between the built urban fabric and its natural surroundings. In this respect, it is vital to understand the dynamics in the mobility of both people and species, the ways in which public spaces are inhabited, and the value in the continuity of natural ground cover.

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Urban Strategy for Rio Elqui The proposal is based on the integration of the neighborhoods with the river basin through a regeneration of the urban waterfront, reduction of vehicular traffic, and integration of bicycle paths—running parallel to the river. In the public space adjacent to the river bank, a spacious sidewalk with adequate urban furniture will connect strategically located viewpoints, some with access to the river. In the cultural sphere, an intervention has been designed in Ruinas Lambert and its surroundings, highlighting the relationship between landscape and local heritage. Along the riverbank, an ecological wetland park is projected in order to conserve natural values and consolidate the green metropolitan infrastructure. In the wetland, the design includes interpretive trails and viewpoints, strengthened by an environmental education and ecotourism program.

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Urban Strategy for Rio Elqui The proposal is based on the integration of the neighborhoods with the river basin through a regeneration of the urban waterfront, reduction of vehicular traffic, and integration of bicycle paths—running parallel to the river. In the public space adjacent to the river bank, a spacious sidewalk with adequate urban furniture will connect strategically located viewpoints, some with access to the river. In the cultural sphere, an intervention has been designed in Ruinas Lambert and its surroundings, highlighting the relationship between landscape and local heritage. Along the riverbank, an ecological wetland park is projected in order to conserve natural values and consolidate the green metropolitan infrastructure. In the wetland, the design includes interpretive trails and viewpoints, strengthened by an environmental education and ecotourism program.

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METROPOLITAN MANAGEMENT STRATEGY At the metropolitan level, it is necessary to define an urban environmental network including the Elqui and El Culebrón rivers in a “Plan for the integration of natural elements into the urban fabric of La Serena-­ Coquimbo metropolitan area”. This requires a pro­cess for building knowledge, instruments, and for establishing adequate mechanisms for institutional association and management.

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Urban Strategy for Parque El Culebron This strategy seeks to strengthen the current relationship between Parque El Culebrón and San Juan. It takes into account the different uses that currently converge on the territory, differentiating between areas that are more frequently used and areas of conservation. Parque El Culebrón will be a paleo-ecological park, generating spaces for recreation, sport and culture, and at the same time enhancing its archaeological and natural heritage value. Some of the proposed projects are the paleo-ecological center (a scientific laboratory for ecological and archeological studies), community terraces and a system of four entrance gates to the El Culebron park.

① U  rban-ecological strategy for the Elqui river close to downtown La Serena ② Visualization of a BMX track at the new park in La Serena ③ Vado de Ánimas conceptual design for neighborhood regeneration in La Serena ④ Strategy for creation of the Paleo-Ecologico Park in Coquimbo ⑤ Conceptual design for the “active terraces” project in Coquimbo ⑥ Conceptual design for urban gardening activities and the “community terraces” project in Coquimbo ⑦ Conceptual design for the access points to the Paleo-Ecologico Park in Coquimbo ⑧ Conceptual design for the Paleo-Ecologico Park visitors center in Coquimbo

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Community Capital in Action: New Financial Models for Resilient Cities Daniela Patti, Levente Polyak

Two years ago, the cultural center La Casa Invisible collected over 20,000 euros for the partial renovation of a nineteenth-century building in the center of Málaga, including the installation of fire doors and electric equipment to ensure its safety. A few months later, East London’s Shuffle Festival, operating in a cemetery park at Mile End, collected 60,000 pounds for the renovation and community use of The Lodge, an abandoned building at the corner of the cemetery. In order to implement their campaigns, both initiatives used the online platforms Goteo and Spacehive, which specialize in the financing of community projects. The fact that many of the hundreds of projects supported by civic crowdfunding platforms are community spaces underlines two phenomena: the void left behind by a state that gradually withdrew from certain community services, and the urban impact of community capital created through the aggregation of individual resources.

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European municipalities have responded to the challenge of the economic crisis in a variety of ways. Some cities, like Athens, began to examine how to adjust their regulations to enable the functioning of community organizations, while others created new legal frameworks to share public duties with community organizations in contractual ways, as in Bologna with the Regulation of the Commons. In several other cities, administrations began experimenting with public infrastructure crowdfunding, as in Ghent or Rotterdam (where municipalities offer match funding to support successful campaigns), or with participatory budgeting, as in Paris, Lisbon or Tartu. Alternatively, some cities chose to support the local economy and create more resilient neighborhoods with self-sustaining social services through grant systems. The City of Lisbon, for instance, having identified a number of “priority neighborhoods” that needed specific investments to im­­ ­prove social inclusion and local employment opportunities, launched the BIP/ZIP program, which grants selected civic initiatives up to 40,000 euros. The funded projects, selected through an open call, have to prove their economic sustainability; the full amount must be spent in one year. The BIP/ZIP project, operating since 2010, has given birth to a number of self-sustaining civic initiatives, including social kitchens that offer affordable food and employment to locals, or cooperative hotels that use their income from tourism to support social and cultural projects. In 2015 the BIP/ZIP matured into a Community-Led Local Devel­ opment Network (CLLD), as identified by the European Union’s Cohesion Policy 2014–2020, which will grant the network access to part of the Structural Funds of the City of Lisbon. The CLLD is a unique framework for the democratic distribution of public funds: it provides for the management of the funding to be shared between administration and partners, both private and civic, none of them holding a majority of shares and votes. While, as the previous cases demonstrate, the public sector plays an important role in strengthening civil society in some European cities, many others have witnessed the emergence of new welfare services provided by the civic economy completely outside, or without any help from, the public sector. On some occasions, a community contribution takes the shape of a philanthropic donation to support the construction, renovation, or acquisition of playgrounds, parks, stores, pubs, or community spaces. In others, community members act as creditors or investors in an initiative that needs capital, in exchange for interest, shares or the community ownership of local assets, for instance shops in deprived neighborhoods. Crowdfunding platforms may also help coordinate these processes: the French Bulb in

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Town platform, specialized in community investment, gathered over one million euros for the construction of a small hydroelectric plant in Ariège that brings investors a return of seven percent per year. Besides aggregating resources from individuals to support particular cases, community infrastructure projects are also helped by ethical investors. When two artists mobilized their fellow tenants to save the listed 10,000 m2 Rotaprint in the Berlin district of Wedding, they invited several organizations—working on moving properties off the speculation market and eliminating the debts attached to land—to help them buy the buildings. While the complex was bought and is being renovated with the help of an affordable loan by the CoOpera pension fund, the land itself was bought by the Maryon and Trias Foundations. It is rented to ExRotaprint, a non-profit company, making it impossible to resell the shared property. With its sustainable cooperative ownership model, ExRotaprint provides affordable working space for manufacturers as well as social and cultural initiatives whose rents cover the loans and the land’s rental fee. Creating community ownership of local assets, and retaining profits to benefit local residents and services, is a crucial component of resilient neighborhoods. Challenging notions of material value and money, many local communities have begun to experiment with complementary currencies such as the Brixton or Bristol Pounds. Specific organizational forms, for example Community Land Trusts (CLTs) or cooperatives, have been instrumental in helping residents create inclusive economic ecosystems and sustainable development models. In Liverpool’s Anfield neighborhood, a community bakery is the symbol of economic empowerment: renovated and run by the Homebaked Community Land Trust established in April 2012, the bakery—initially backed by the Liverpool Biennale—offers employment opportunities for locals. It is also a catalyst for local commerce and the center of an affordable housing project that is being developed on adjacent parcels. Similarly, a few kilometers east, local residents established another CLT to save the Toxteth neighborhood from demolition. With the help of social investors and a young collective of architects (who won the prestigious Turner prize), the Granby Four Streets Community Land Trust organized a scheme that includes affordable housing, community-run public facilities, and shops. The economic self-determination of a community has been explored on the scale of an entire neighborhood by the Afrikaanderwijk Cooperative in Southern Rotterdam. The cooperative is an umbrella organization that connects workspaces with shopkeepers, local makers, social foundations, and the local food market. Together, they have developed the following

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activities: an energy collective (in partnership with an energy supplier) that realizes substantial savings for businesses in the neighborhood; a cleaning service that ensures that cleaning work is commissioned locally; and a food delivery service for elderly people in the area. With community organizations and city makers acquiring significant skills to manage welfare services, urban infrastructures, and inclusive urban development processes, it is time for them to be recognized by established actors in the public and private sectors. The EU’s Urban Agenda, that develops guidelines for a more sustainable and inclusive development of European cities, can be a catalyst for this recognition: it can prompt the creation of new instruments and policies to enable this type of community-­ led initiatives. However, while the Cohesion Policy 2014–2020 has developed the CLLD framework, not many Member States have chosen to use this instrument. The Urban Agenda could therefore envision the adoption of additional methods that city administrations could experiment with—allowing for a more sustainable, inclusive allocation of resources. Whether through match funding, grant systems, or by simply removing the legal barriers hindering investment by cooperatives, land trusts, and communities, municipalities could join civil society in developing a more resilient civic economy with accessible jobs, affordable housing, clean energy, and social integration.

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Digital Strategies for Low-Income Neighborhoods Katja Schechtner

People are moving into cities at breakneck speed. Already in 2009 UN-­ Habitat estimated three million new arrivals in global cities per week. The most pressing—and most visible—need for these people is housing. But it is the largely invisible urban infrastructures and public utilities, such as electricity, water, sewers, communication, transport, and public spaces that make the new housing habitable and create livable urban spaces. In order to avoid the generation or further growth of slums, local governments are particularly concerned with the building and maintenance of modern infrastructures and public services. In this context, “Smart City” strategies promise to deliver solutions that bridge the gap between a city council’s budgetary constraints and a citizen’s expectations. Smart City strategies usually focus on the use of digital technologies to plan, build, maintain, and use urban

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infrastructures more efficiently, while at the same time generating new economic opportunities for citizens. One of the underlying promises of Smart City technologies was their potential to “replicate and scale” and “plug and play”, thus saving city administrations money through the quick and easy implementation of already-tested solutions. But as Nagy K. Hanna, a senior consultant on digital transformation for the World Bank and developing countries in Latin America and Asia, points out: “Digital transformation is not a technological fix, a blueprint plan, a one-off event, or a one-size-fits-all strategy. Rather, it is a social learning process, sustained over time, involving diverse stakeholders. Its ultimate objective is to harness the global digital revolution to meet a country’s specific socio-economic priorities. This process is a marathon, not a sprint. It is driven by vision, leadership, innovation, learning, and partnerships among government, business, and civil society.” What is true for countries overall is also true for the development of smart public spaces at the local level. To design and build good public spaces, and benefit from new digital technologies, it is NOT advisable to buy a “plug and play” solution off the shelf of a large technology provider—and this is particularly true for lowincome neighborhoods in the Global South. First and foremost, good practices for the design and implementation of urban infrastructures, public spaces, and services must be emulated. Smart City technologies can then support specific goals, e. g.: providing access to “the Internet” through a public Wi-Fi system that doubles as street furniture (e.g. smart benches); installation of public lighting systems that can be programmed to provide street lighting according to changing neighborhood needs; creation of a tool library/“fab lab” to allow for home/neighborhood improvements through shared resources while providing education and training on modern technologies; or the implementation of a shared transportation system that provides tailored mobility services. There are three main challenges to digital transformation that need to be understood by the city administration, the neighborhood population, and supporting (funding and planning) agencies alike (see Nagy K. Hanna, WB 2017): 1. Digital technologies are highly interdependent and constitute a dynamic ecosystem, which includes: communication infrastructure, digital platforms, digital economy skills, local ICT services and content industries, service transformation for all sectors, cyber policies, and ICT sector leadership and regulatory institutions. Maximizing digital dividends requires

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nurturing this digital ecosystem and tapping into its synergies at the national, local, and sector levels. At a city/neighborhood level, this is both good and bad news: good news, because on the one hand, the planning, building, and maintenance of a digital neighborhood project (e.g. a public Wi-Fi system, a bike-sharing system, smart benches or smart, ecofriendly urban lighting) creates local jobs and local economic benefits over several years. On the other hand, if it is not planned and managed properly, any upfront technological investment quickly ends up on a tech junkyard, derelict and useless for the neighborhood that it was intended for. 2. Leadership and institutional capabilities in the ICT sector to plan and implement digital transformation strategies. These capabilities are increasingly important to engender a shared vision, mobilize long-term commitment, integrate ICT opportunities and investments into development strategies, align complementary policies on competition and skills, and pursue partnerships with civil society and the private sector. At a city/neighborhood level, this requires clear expectations for the smart public space to be developed in collaboration between civil society/ the local population, planning/funding agencies, private vendors and the local administration. To turn a “smart public spaces” plan into success, the following project plan should be adopted: • Scoping Phase: Pair an international, independent urban technology consultant (not a company representative of a smart city vendor) with a local public authority/neighborhood organization representative to sketch out needs, list potential smart public space applications for those needs, and appraise their suitability for the local context on-site (cost/implementation time/implementation risk/level of capacity required/tangential benefits). • Discussion Phase: Select three to five potential smart public space projects out of the initial list, and discuss them in workshops with the affected community and local authority. • Designing Phase: Select one or two projects for detailed planning and bidding. (At this point, funding sources for the project should be clear and committed). • During this planning phase it is paramount to identify the local stakeholders who will provide project support and maintenance during the whole life cycle of the project, e.g.: the operator of the bike-sharing system; the local neighborhood “tech wizard” who will provide maintenance of the public Wi-Fi and serve as the “go-to” guy; or the neighborhood council who can adjust rules governing street lighting or the use of a shared tool library/”fab lab”.

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• Bid, Contract & Building Phase. • Operation & Maintenance Phase: This is the phase during which, after some initial excitement, most projects fail to deliver. Local capacity and an appropriate budget/sensible business model has to be allocated to this phase. Smart Public Spaces projects are not “plug and play”: as with any other community project they need a “caretaker” who maintains and adjusts them according to the community’s needs and constraints. 3. Digital transformation demands substantial investment in organizational capabilities, process innovation, and institutional learning. Best practice suggests that every dollar invested in ICT should be matched with a $4 or $5 investment in process improvement, training, change management, etc. The tangential effects of smart public space investments are of utmost importance, particularly at the city/neighborhood level, and should be included in the project appraisal and funding strategy. The capacity-building component of any selected smart public space implementation project is not an “extra chore”, but a significant benefit of the investment that addresses underlying issues of local know-how generation, local economic advancement, and the improvement of local governance in partnership with neighborhood residents. In a truly successful smart public space project, the money spent on digital infrastructure will generate positive spillover effects on local governance, the economy, and the neighborhood. Based on this strategy, a set of suggestions for smart public space projects and a catalogue of “smart street furniture” was developed in the course of the Urban Design Lab prepared for Jujuy and Mendoza (Argentina) and San José (Costa Rica). By focusing on very visible, tangible objects, i.e. digitally-enhanced street furniture, we ensure that local communities will benefit in two important ways: • The street furniture can be designed/sourced to reflect local cultural practices; • It can be designed to address several complementary goals of the city administration. While globally there might be three million people moving into cities every week, it is nevertheless our goal, as urbanists and planners, to ensure the development of distinct but internally diverse urban communities. Therefore, new Smart City technologies must be tailored to the unique local social-cultural practices and economic backgrounds of each individual city to truly fulfill their potential.

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Photoessay 4 Photographs: Ramón Zamora Democracia Market, Quetzaltenango Montego Bay Historic center, San Jose Downtown, Nassau Grant’s Town, Nassau Transportation center, Montego Bay Historic center, Quetzaltenango Downtown, Paramaribo Plaza Víquez, San Jose Historic center, Quetzaltenango Historic center, Xalapa Democracia Market, Quetzaltenango Quetzaltenango Quetzaltenango Montego Bay

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The Immanent Potential of Vacant Spaces Oliver Hasemann, Daniel Schnier, Anne Angenendt

The term “vacant” often has a negative connotation. It gives the impression that something is lacking, something is not needed anymore, or does not fulfil modern needs; it expresses decay and downfall. In reality, vacant places provide the freedom to “act”. There are few restrictions, the pressure to succeed is low, there are many opportunities to experiment, and the existing place is an inspiration to rethink spaces. Nevertheless, vacant spaces often lack a purpose and are a cause of concern to the community. Unlike the de­­ velopment of green spaces, where protest is directed against construction, objection towards vacancies in cities focuses against the absence of construction and the non-use of space. Since people are usually interested in what is happening in their neighborhood, vacant spaces often receive special attention from the community, setting off public discussion around urban issues. It is precisely this attention that can be used as a potential driving force for the activation of these spaces.

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Often, in our work with urban wastelands, when we first approach a moldy, stinky, dusty vacant place, we cannot even envision a possible re-use. The strong feeling of decay makes it hard to imagine someone joyfully inhabiting this space. But our experience is that there are always uses for nearly every place or room once you provide access to a vacant space. So the first thing to do in order to determine the potential of an empty space is to open it up to the public and invite people to explore something they have always seen from the outside but have never had the opportunity to enter. This inside view allows people to rethink old uses and inspires them to imagine how they would use the space themselves. Opening up vacant spaces conveys two messages: these places can be accessed and the community's input is wanted, needed. Over the past eight years we have approached a range of spaces that included small vacant shops, an empty shopping mall, and abandoned industrial buildings. In many cases the condition and size of the spaces were such that any reasonable use seemed impossible. However, by allowing people to access the vacant spaces and express their ideas, in the end, a variety of uses were proposed. This went beyond common temporary uses for artists, creative classes or events, and even included people seeking long, narrow, dark rooms, or basement rooms without any natural light. The main focus of our work is not the provision of technical services to make places functional (contracts, locking system, basic gas and power supply and, very important, an Internet connection) but the mentoring of the users. It is about translating the ideas of owners and the administration; moderating between users of the same building; and lobbying for users and their projects. Our agency, the ZZZ—Zwischen Zeit Zentrale, empowers temporary users to activate empty spaces, sharing with them the treasure trove of experience and success factors that we have transformed—over the past seven years—into applicable, transferable knowledge. We tell users and activists: “Your collaboration is worth its weight in gold”. People who are involved in a project, whether project initiators, active players, neighbors, visitors or simply citizens, are the focus of any temporary use project. In the beginning, individuals or small groups usually kick-start projects. They already know each other and may have carried out individual projects in the past. When these people dream, think and plan together in a vacant space—be it a brownfield site or a building—the unused space that has been relieved of its previous purpose becomes a temporary laboratory. Both the temporality and locality of temporary use projects provide an

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opportunity to test not only the space, but also the team constellations, collaborations, and role allocation. Honest, open dialogue with contact persons from administrative and political circles, and confident communication with the owners are the starting point for a temporary use project that is satisfactory for everyone involved. The atmosphere in which this kind of active urban design works is marked by openness, acceptance and transparency. This atmosphere must be promoted by all of the actors in­­volved— including the city administration and political actors. Another valuable lesson we have learned from projects in recent years is that an inclusive planning process opens up opportunities for participation. The implementation of a project is only successful if it occurs in harmony with neighbors and local residents—always taking into consideration the impact on its surrounding environment. Visitors and citizens want to know what is happening in their city and immediate vicinity. The more is communicated prior to a project kick-off, the greater the acceptance during the implementation phase. In an ideal situation, during implementation places for contact are made available to the neighborhood. Participation opportunities range from open houses to flea markets, from workshops on the future of the building or site to flyers, or a personal invitation to the opening of the project. For each participative idea that is implemented, the initiators should give due thought to the target group(s) they wish to invite and why they wish to address any particular target group. It is necessary to scrutinize one's own methods with respect to whether they really invite participation. Moreover, those who invite other people to join their project have to consider what that could mean for their project idea: they should be able to take criticism and make compromises. In an ideal, democratically conceived urban design process, openness is taken into consideration in advance so that new interested parties are really able to help shape it. This, for us at ZZZ, is more than theory: we are convinced that urban gaps give citizens the chance to dream, to think about various options for places and to act politically. It is important for citizens and neighbors to fill urban gaps together—in this way they can play a visible role in urban development processes. So we should look at urban void in a different (more positive) light. Maybe every generation needs their own urban wastelands in order to leave their own footprint in the shared public space, to be a temporary part in the ongoing process of transformation.

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Airport Landscape Initiative Charles Waldheim

The Office for Urbanization at Harvard University Graduate School of De­ sign draws upon the School’s history of design innovation to address societal and cultural conditions associated with contemporary urbanization. It develops speculative and projective urban scenarios through sponsored design research projects. The Office imagines alternative and better urban futures through applied design research—aspiring to reduce the distance between design innovation and societal impact. The challenges of contemporary urbanization rarely correspond to discrete professional or disciplinary boundaries, which is why the Office is committed to enabling and accelerating societal impact through collaborative multidisciplinary design projects. It aspires to construct alternatives to present conditions and predictable outcomes with a relevant array of future options. Scenarios are selected in order to insulate individuals and their communities from the most adverse social and environmental impacts

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associated with ongoing processes of urbanization. They are also identified for their potential to contribute to urban life and culture, as well as our knowledge of urban sites and subjects. The Office views design as an activity of collective imagination. The work of the Office can be described under the general rubric of design research. Indeed the Graduate School of Design has a longstanding tradition of pursuing research through a diverse array of methods and media. Our research agendas are closely associated with the humanities on the one hand, or with the natural, social, or political sciences on the other. In addition to those forms of research, faculty at the School pursue design research as its own unique form of knowing in and about the world.

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Why airports? Airports have never been more central to the life of cities, yet they have remained relatively peripheral in design discourse. Despite this, landscape architects in recent decades have reaffirmed their historic assertions about the airfield as a site of design. The Harvard GSD Office for Urbanization’s Airport Landscape Initiative gathers and examines contemporary design proposals for the environmental enhancement of operating airfields and the conversion of abandoned ones. Conveying a variety of disciplinary perspectives via exhibitions, symposia, and publications, the Office for Urbanization examines the airport as a central site and case study for the practice of landscape and environmental urbanism. Over the last hundred years the world has built thousands of airports, with significant impacts in North America and Europe. Given the rapid growth of air travel that came alongside the great expansion of cities, many airports have since become obsolete, underutilized, and have subsequently been abandoned. Reasons for this include insufficient size of facilities, locations that became unfavorable for airport operations, decommissioning of military uses, and the functional obsolescence of buildings. With a database of over 1800 decommissioned airfields around the globe, we claim that the abandonment of airports is a pervasive phenomenon globally, one that is more likely to accelerate before it abates. Within a decade, hundreds of urban airports will cease operations. What will be done with these flat, concrete, highly complex sites—many of them in the center of cities—once they are no longer needed for air travel? Airports tend to be planned for sites far from the cities that they serve, yet they often become the center of the metropolitan areas that they have, in part, created. This fact renders the airport’s engineered emptiness

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central to questions of urban life and spatial experience. Although it may initially appear counterintuitive to read an airport as landscape, a closer look reveals that the contemporary airport site cannot be adequately conceived as either a building or simply urban infrastructure. It may be productive to regard the airport as a work of architecture, or an urban assemblage, yet its relentless horizontality and absence of human occupation resist this interpretation. Considering airfields as enormous horizontal fields of urbanization, landscape offers both medium and model for urban order. The Airport Landscape Initiative understands airports as integral spaces for urban life—critically inquiring and projecting the future of aerial sites. The airport is a unique condition. It is a site of great cultural value, urban significance, economic influence, and environmental impact. When an airport is abandoned, it offers up the raw materials and possibilities for a new urban landscape. As a result of this burgeoning phenomenon, we need to envision, plan, design, and implement these new landscapes—this requires the careful attention and knowledge of many stakeholders and professionals. To enable these to transform decommissioned, abandoned and underutilized airfields into sites of new meaning and value, the Office has translated its precise expertise in the realm of airfield conversion into an Airfield Manual. This step-by-step field guide provides guidance for best practices, strategies, and techniques to those involved in the transformation of airports into new ways of inhabiting the city.

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Interview with Jorge Perez Jaramillo

A city is a long-term project that must involve the diverse actors that inhabit it. Starting from this premise, José Pérez Jaramillo, architect and former director of Urban Planning at the municipality of Medellín (2012–2015), shares his perspective on urban development in Latin America. In the following interview, he reflects on his experience with, and knowledge about the transformation of the metropolitan area of Medellín. What are the sustainable urban development challenges faced by local governments of inter­ mediate cities? JPJ: They can be summarized into four challenges. The first one is the understanding that sustainable urban development is an extremely important priority that cannot be limited to a short-term agenda. In other words, cities are long-term projects. This involves creating planning processes with a high level of community involvement so that there is a shared long-term vision, and so that common leadership and abilities emerge across all sectors of society involved in the project. The second aspect is that urbanization is here to stay, and that the habitat of the future is the urban habitat. Therefore, developing the concept of cities as the scope of human life, as proposed by Aníbal Gaviria in Medellín, is vital. It is understood that “cities for life” are our common challenge. The third aspect is to integrate the idea that cities are not to be understood solely as the urbanized area. Cities are a much more complex territory, which on the one hand is social and on the other hand is

natural. This implies the inclusion of the rural world and all the strategic ecosystems which provide the environmental goods and services that sustain the city. Proper territorial management on multiple scales must therefore be ensured because a municipal district on its own is insufficient to have a future. A fourth relevant aspect is that the city of the twenty-first century is metropolitan in character. Today, the footprint of almost any large urban agglomeration expands beyond its municipal district. This metropolitan phenomenon does not recognize administrative political jurisdictions or lines drawn on maps. Therefore, the metropolitan phenomenon is a challenge we face as a society in the contemporary world. One of the things that we have not developed yet are relevant tools for government and supra-municipal management. We are still organizing the planet with mayors at the municipal level, whereas the dynamics and complexities of urbanization occur on multiple scales. Despite these challenges, there are achievements that show social resilience in times of crisis. For example, the society of the Valley of Aburrá, which includes Medellín and its metropolitan region, once faced an infeasible project, and the reaction was collective. The complexity and magnitude of this crisis was not simply a matter of making joint decisions—a collective self-assessment and an overhaul of many social and institutional structures had to be done; the severity of the crisis provided the framework in which to carry these out. This demonstrates that along with looking at infrastructure and urban design projects, which are more well-known, we must also look at the process

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through which a society ready for change has come about. It is necessary to understand that this process has involved a broad consensus, with an in-depth diagnosis, but above all an agreement on a long-term vision, supported by good leadership. So, in the middle of my complex response, what I’m trying to demonstrate is that the City Project is not simply a problem for urbanists and planners, but it is a political project, a social project and, above all, a collective project. That is the most important thing we have learned in Medellín. In the Latin American context, how can municipalities and local urban planners respond to informal urban growth and the deficit in inclusive public space? JPJ: To be able to respond effectively, it is necessary to work with agendas and long-term visions deliberately. Primarily this has two implications: a structural shift in our understanding of life, and the involvement of a diverse range of actors, in order to come to agreements. Structural change in our understanding of life supposes moving away from our historic dependence on Messianic warlordism, which resolves things with a photo and the personal heroism of the mayor or the governor. Traditionally, this implies that responses to the complex dynamics of urbanization are managed in an absurd, incomplete, and illogical way over periods of a maximum of four or five years. However, the structural problems of social, economic, political, and territorial order which we face—as a phenomenon of urbanization in Latin America—demand shared, co-led, long-term agendas. In other words, agendas with continuity, coherence and harmony covering various periods of government. Establishing agreement requires policies that are built upon an active society and citizenry. Acade­ mia, social sectors, community organizations, and working and business classes need to view the city as a project. Collaboration between society and citizenship produces good results that benefit all: a better, more charitable city for vulnerable communities, as well as for the working and productive classes, and for academia. What are the roles of architecture and real estate development in the sustainable, inclusive, responsible development of the built environment? JPJ: In general, architecture and infrastructure are the special containers of social, political and cultural events in many cities around the world, and throughout history. It is then clear that architecture is the representation of the built environment as an effort towards social and political change. From the experience of Medellín, we learned that infrastructure, urban planning, and architecture are instruments of social change. They are the habitat necessary to regain public and democratic life, social

integration, coexistence—all of this in a society that was the opposite: undemocratic, hardly inclusive, hardly coexisting. However, it is necessary to point out that there are several political, social and institutional processes that must be carried out first, so that architecture, urbanism, and infrastructure can really represent change. It is not the case that one day a mayor can visit a vulnerable community and erect a building, and by doing so, changes society. Selling the idea that a single variable, such as architecture or urban planning or infrastructure, can change a phenomenon as complex and difficult as the current urban crisis in Latin America, is irresponsible. In the case of Medellín, building went hand in hand with democratic change, with a change in the institutional framework, with a decentralization process, and with the generation of local autonomy. This allowed the strengthening of citizen participation and the establishment of shared planning across all sectors. All the catalytic projects in engineering, urban planning, architecture, and the social sciences were together. This meant that we also learned to make projects for communities, as well as construction works and interventions in the area. In conclusion, processes involving planning, urbanism, and architecture projects should be part of an effort that includes institutional strengthening, as well as changes to the constitutional frameworks of local governments as regards planning, local democracy, etc., to achieve what needs to be consoli­ dated in cities. What types of tools and planning strategies are needed to respond appropriately to the complexities of urban development and the lack of economic resources? JPJ: That’s a question I call “define universe and provide three examples,” because it tries to be the synthesis of a large number of problems, but I think we can attempt some answers. The first thing is to agree that the city is a challenge. We live on a continent where more than 80% of the territory is urbanized, and where four out of every five Latin Americans already live in these urban areas. Contemporary society, and Latin American society in particular, has to consider this phenomenon as a priority, and it must be put on the agenda. To this end, development tools must be created at country, region, and municipality levels, along with a more metropolitan understanding, in order to govern, plan and manage. The second thing is that we need projects, real actions. Planning by itself does not solve problems, even though it is a structural component in creating agendas for problem-solving. Therefore, it is necessary to vindicate and revalue a type of planning that allows for the implementation of strategic projects, that

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What is the greatest challenge if you want to engage in transformative urbanism? JPJ: If you want to go for transformative urbanism, you need a combination of mayors, councilors, political parties, urban planners, and technicians that have a transformative momentum. If you want to do a good transformation project, you must have engineering, financing, urbanism but, above all, a prepared, empowered, and engaged community with common projects and institutions and political leadership. It is also necessary to recognize, as in the case of Medellín, that there are good practices, appropriate strategies, and model projects, but an integrated city model is lacking. What some have called the “model” itself is actually the result of many visions and many moments in several stages. For example, a mayor who has 6,000 homicides, 1,500 kidnappings, and 50 car bombs in a year, as was the case in Medellín in 1991,

how is he going to think about developing parks or MetroCables? Or when a community has no access to drinking water, public health, basic education, or other essentials, you will not be thinking about developing museums, but rather about solving other priorities. In other words, it was not until human development indicators such as equity, security, coexistence, and institutional strengthening began to improve that interventions in the urban spaces of the city became possible. It should also be noted that, at the same time, public communication should promote the interest of increasing the skills of professionals. For example, in the transformation process of Medellín, architects and urban planners who contributed were trained, some as experimental teachers, and others as students in the schools of architecture and urban planning of the city. Without that, no large-scale urban intervention can be done, because to design so many projects and works of quality, hundreds of capable architects are required. And this also happened with engineering and social sciences, because a city that does everything Medellín has done needs a diverse range of professionals, capable of intervening in the city. In addition, other fronts need to be strengthened, such as the police, security forces, and military intelligence. If those who lead cities believe that problems of violence and insecurity will be solved by making nice, beautiful buildings, we are lost because the phenomena that feed the urban crisis in Latin America are infinitely larger. Transformative urbanism should use the tools that are provided by planning, urbanism, and land management. With proper planning, proper decentralization, and strong, well-prepared local government, one could use urbanism for more than planning spatial solutions. Land value management strategies could be developed to provide funding for municipalities through land value capture in order to increase the sustainability of the municipality. An urban development process as powerful as that of Latin America, positively intervening in the management of land and its related value instruments, could create virtuous projects with the private sector that would be highly profitable for real estate operations and private investment, and even for average citizens. This would be a win-win for all: everyone bets, everyone wins. Are the political actions of the territory, such as the design of a social housing policy, designed to respond to the periphery or to the center? JPJ: In summary, it can be said that the problem has been, in our country as well as on the rest of the continent and even in the world, that there is a policy of social housing construction rather than a social policy on housing and habitat. A housing policy is: to build housing, deliver it to the communities and give them access to it. The city wins because people are housed, real estate wins because there is work, employment, and productivity, and politics wins because there are

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defines tools and concrete actions, such as financing instruments and active participation processes, with society for the design of projects and strategic actions. Finally, the third level is to contribute to the meaningful political development of a conception of citizenship. Cities in Latin America are the confluence of many visions of the world, almost cosmogonies, which are all different from each other. However, the point is not to make them all the same, but rather to harmonize them so that there is a prospect of longterm agreement about what we want to do, who we want to be, how we want to live, and what we mean by shared urban rights and duties. In Latin America we have a precarious democracy for many reasons, one of which is because our citizenship is also very precarious. It is important to highlight the fact that cities have the ability to make long-term bets, with co-­ leadership and the involvement of all sectors of society. A case that is very close to all of you as a reference point is Vienna. There are few urban societies that are more mature than Viennese society, so much so that you can feel it in the city air. This example gives us the notion that there are some long-term bets in society and that, even if there are short-term political decisions, there are also structural issues—such as building a city—that should be a shared commitment. Specifically, the planning tools and strategies needed to adequately respond to the complexities of urban development and the lack of economic re­ sources should focus on being part of a revalued planning process. In this process, one must ensure that agendas are agreed upon, co-constructed with a long-term vision, and serve as platforms that make it possible for leaders to agree on fundamental issues. When you have both the political sector and the social, academic, and productive sectors together, sharing different roles but making common cause, the capa­city for change is very quick and very strong.

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votes. However, we do not resolve the underlying problem since there is no integrated project for the city, there is no inclusion and there is no integration for all. Although housing is provided to the people, without a policy that manages an agenda to create habitat, they are being denied access to the city. Another model of the twenty-first century city is being created, just as segregated and exclusive as that of the twentieth century, but with public policies, mortgages, and subsidies. With this form of urbanization, large infrastructure demands are made on the periphery, where there are no health services, no safety, no education services, and where there is no access to public transportation or social services. Some Latin American governments and inter­ national agencies are doing good business in terms of providing access to housing, and generating an economic and productive dynamic in the real estate and construction sector. However, they are setting a terrible agenda in terms of creating a viable society in the face of the challenges of Sustainable Development Goals and climate change—to create citizenship and create a sustainable habitat. What we are building, in general, are cities surrounded by precariousness, exclusion, and poverty. We are facing a reverse process, compared to the tradition of the previous century, in the city of Latin America, which was the city of informality that we tried to redevelop and formalize with different methods. Today, with current urban policies, what we are doing is reproducing—from formality— the model of peripheral expansion of precarious communities, which gradually become informal and start decaying. The main objective is to have a city. That is to say, to have full coverage of household public services, education, health, integrated public transport, connectivity, housing, and habitat articulated to public space, to cultural and recreational facilities—in other words, to urban life. In Latin America there are some good aspects, good deeds, good achievements, and a positive agenda, but they are outliers and there is still much to be done. The city of the 21st century is the metropolitan phenomenon, and the great question of the 21th century is urbanization. The climate change agenda and Sustainable Development Goals go hand in hand with urbanization. If we manage to move forward in resolving the challenges posed by the phenomenon of urbanization, progress will be made on the indicators of climate change, sustainability, inequality, urban violence, and terrorism, among other things. However, as long as we live in such a precarious urban world, it will be very difficult. The city is an opportunity; the urban and metropolitan phenomenon of today, although it currently is the problem, is also our greatest opportunity.

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About the Contributors

Sarah Benton Sarah Benton has been an urban planner from the Housing and Urban Development Division of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) since 2015, and supports the new Cities LAB and the Emerging and Sustainable Cities program. Prior to working at the IDB, Sarah obtained a Master’s degree in Urban and Regional Planning and a Master’s degree in Latin American Studies, both from the University of Florida. Her specializations were in sustainable development and planning technologies such as GIS. She received her Bachelor’s degree from the University of Virginia, where she studied Spanish, Latin American Studies, and Urban and Environmental Planning. Andres G Blanco Andres G Blanco is Lead Specialist in Urban Development and Housing at the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). Currently, he is coordinating the implementation of the Cities LAB, a laboratory of Urban Innovation at IDB. Previously, Andres was an Assistant Professor in the Department of Urban and Regional Planning at the University of Florida. His work centers on the economic aspects of planning in areas such as housing, land use, urban and land economics, and local economic development. He received his Bachelor’s degree in Economics in 1999 and his Master’s of Science in Regional Development Planning in 2005 from the Universidad de los Andes in Bogotá. In 2010, he received his doctoral degree in City and Regional Planning from Cornell University.

Alfredo Brillembourg and Hubert Klumpner Alfredo Brillembourg and Hubert Klumpner founded the interdisciplinary design practice Urban-Think Tank (U-TT) in Caracas (Venezuela) in 1998. In 2007, they were appointed as adjunct professors at Columbia University, where they founded the Sustainable Living Urban Model Laboratory (S.L.U.M. Lab). Since 2010, they have held a joint Chair of Architecture and Urban Design at ETH Zürich, where Klumpner also previously served as the Dean of the Department of Architecture. In 2015, Brillembourg and Klumpner co-curated the Bi-City Biennale of Urbanism/Architecture in Shenzhen. As co-principals of U-TT, they received the 2010 Ralph Erskine Award, the 2011 Holcim Gold Award for Latin America, the 2012 Holcim Global Silver Award, and were part of the Golden Lion winning team at the 2012 Venice Biennale of Architecture. Luis Fernando Castillo Luis Fernando is an architect and urbanist who graduated from the University of San Carlos (Guatemala). He holds an MSc from Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya (UPC) in urban development, strategic urban planning and sustainable mobility. Luis Fernando has been a professor of urban planning and architecture since 2009 at the Centro Universitario de Occidente and from 2009 until 2014 at the Mesoamerican University. Luis Fernando served as a consultant for the Inter-American Development Bank in the Emerging and Sustainable Cities Initiative in 2014 and 2015. He is the founder and a collaborator of several student and citizen initiatives.

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Outlook UBA). Alicia is a director of interdisciplinary and international research projects, and has worked as a consultant for IDB and UNDP. She is the author and co-author of several publications, as well as a super­ visor and evaluator of multiple articles and research projects. Alicia has received numerous awards for her research and work on public offices.

Diego Ceresuela Weismann Diego Ceresuela Weismann is a Swiss-Spanish architect and urban designer and leads the Colombian urban design projects at the Urban Think Tank Chair of Architecture and Urban Design, ETH Zürich. His work is focused on iterative design, the integrated infrastructures of the U-space, and drivers for innovative city transformations. With previous experience in Berlin, New York, and Madrid, his work has received a number of awards.

Meredith Glaser Meredith Glaser is an urban planner and mobility expert based in the Netherlands since 2010. She specializes in analyzing urban processes, strategies, and design perspectives that prioritize people and their communities. Currently a PhD candidate at the Urban Cycling Institute at the University of Amsterdam, she is researching how urban mobility policies and practices are learned and transferred from one context to another. Next to her research, Ms. Glaser also hosts international professional delegations during cycling and mobility study tours. She lives in Amsterdam with her husband, daughter, four bikes and no car.

Tamara Egger Tamara Egger is an architect and urban designer who graduated from the Vienna University of Technology. Her focus is on public space design, temporary use, bottom-up initiatives and user-based urbanism. Over the last years she worked on several Urban Design Lab projects on-site in various cities in Latin America and the Caribbean. Currently Tamara is working as a consultant for the Housing and Urban Development Division of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). Siri Frech Siri Frech is a landscape architect and graduate of the Technical University of Berlin (Germany) and the Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule (ETH) Zurich (Switzerland). After several years of working in the fields of landscape architecture and the arts in Germany and Switzerland she became an early member of Urban Catalyst in 2005. Over twelve years, together with the team she developed new planning tools in order to establish a new co-productive planning approach. Today Siri works as a self-employed planner and moderator in the field of urban and rural development; she lectures at international conferences and has published several books. Tatiana Gallego Lizon Tatiana Gallego Lizon became the head of the Housing and Urban Development Division at the Inter-American Development Bank in June 2017. Prior to this, she was Director of the Urban Development and Water Division, in the Southeast Asia Department, at the Asian Development Bank. Between 2002 and 2014, she led policy and strategy, as well as project development and implementation work, in more than 20 countries, selecting strategy and policy development assignments in the areas of subnational lending and disaster risk management at ADB. Prior to 2002, she worked in industry and research. Alicia S. Gerscovich Alicia Gerscovich is an architect specialized in Tech­ nology and Production of Habitat at the Faculty of Architecture, Design and Urbanism, Universidad de Buenos Aires. Alicia is a former fellow at CONICET, and an adjunct professor and principal researcher at the Center of Housing and Habitat Studies (CEHyV-FADU-

Emma Grun Emma Grun is a Nicaraguan-Dutch urbanist with over ten years of experience in the fields of urban design and urban planning in Latin America and the US. She received a Master’s in Architecture, Construction Sciences and Urbanism of the Technological University of Delft (TU Delft) cum laude and holds a Bachelor’s degree in Architecture from the Central American University UCA-Managua, where she is currently teaching the urban design and urban planning courses to fourth-year architecture students. At present, she works as an independent researcher and a consultant for the Housing and Urban Development Division (HUD) of the Inter-American Development Bank, based in Managua (Nicaragua). Oliver Hasemann, Daniel Schnier and Anne Angenendt Oliver Hasemann, graduate engineer in spatial planning and Daniel Schnier, graduate engineer in architecture, founded the AAA (Autonomes Architektur Atelier) in 2006. Since 2015 Anne Angenendt, MA in art and cultural mediation, has been part of the team. Together they initiate and supervise urban walks and temporary projects in Bremen and write reports for other cities on their expertise in the use of vacant spaces. Since 2009 they have been implementing the ZZZ-Zwischen­ ZeitZentrale Bremen, an agency that develops and tests temporary uses and new collaborations in interim uses, which can serve as a test run for the development of long-term projects. Andreas Hofer Born in St. Aegyd (Lower Austria) in 1963, his current position is Assistant Professor at the Department of Urban Design and Landscape Architecture at Vienna University of Technology. He pursued Architectural

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Studies in Vienna and Bogotá, obtained a PhD in in Urbanism in 2000, and an honorary doctorate award at the Faculty of Architecture of Lviv Polytechnic University in 2008. Currently he coordinates academic partnership programs in urban studies of the Vienna University of Technology with the Universidad Nacional de Colombia, as well as with the Lviv Polytechnic University; he also conducts research and consulting activities, especially in the fields of strategic urban development, urban design and urban renewal.

Roland is co-founder and art dirtector of superwien urbanism.

Alexis Kalagas Alexis Kalagas is a writer and urban strategist. He spent four years managing a range of projects at the Urban Think Tank Chair of Architecture and Urban Design, ETH Zürich, including co-editing Reactivate Athens: 101 Ideas (Ruby Press, 2017) and guest editing three editions of SLUM Lab magazine. His writing has appeared in numerous publications, including AD, Perspecta, trans magazin, a+t, and Harvard Design Magazine.

Mayra Madriz Mayra Madriz is an Associate at Gehl, a global leader in people-centric urban design. She has managed mobility and public space projects in more than twenty cities, helping governments, developers and NGOs address the socio-cultural dimension of their projects. Mayra is an urban planner with ten years of expertise in addressing the socio-cultural dimension of urban revitalization projects in the US and Latin America. She is interested in how people experience the public realm, how changes in the built environment affect them, and how to engage a broad range of stake­ holders meaningfully in planning decisions. Dominique Mashini Dominique Mashini is a Chilean architect and urbanist with a Master’s degree from the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. She is a consultant for Urban Design Lab, where she has applied participatory methods to urban design strategies for cities in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica and Panama. She is currently a member of the Housing and Urban Development Division (HUD) at the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), where she has participated in the implementation of the Emergent and Sustainable Cities Methodology and technical cooperation projects with cities across the region.

Hans Karssenberg Hans Karssenberg is a founding partner of Stipo, team for urban strategy and development. He advises cities, housing providers, developers and NGOs in the Netherlands and internationally. Hans works on complex urban (re)development, placemaking, and co-creation processes, and was the project manager for the Rotterdam Plinth Strategy. Roland Krebs Roland Krebs is an Austrian urban planner and urbanist who develops strategic action plans for cities to tackle urban growth. Roland holds an MSc in urban and regional planning from the Vienna University of Technology and received an MBA in strategic management (MBA) from the Universidad de Belgrano (Argentina). Roland is a consultant for the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), World Bank Group (WBG) and Urban Lead Expert for the URBACT III program. Since 2011 Roland has been a lecturer at the Institute of Urban Design and Landscape Architecture at the TU Wien.

Rahul Mehrotra Rahul Mehrotra is a Professor of Urban Design and Planning at the Harvard University Graduate School of Design. He is a practicing architect, urban designer, and educator. His firm, RMA Architects, was founded in 1990 in Mumbai; it has designed and executed projects for clients that include governmental and non-governmental agencies, as well as corporate entities and private individuals and institutions. Rahul is a member of the steering committee of the South Asia Initiative at Harvard, and curates their series on urbanization.

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Patricio Jeréz Patricio is a psychologist who graduated from the Catholic University of Chile with a degree in Government and Public Management, and received a Master’s degree in Political Science from the University of Chile. Patricio worked as a psychoanalytically-oriented clinical psychologist in the public health primary care service. Later he worked as a team leader in the areas of citizen participation and social development in the Municipality of Santiago. Currently he participates in the formulation of public policies in the Under Secretariat for Human Rights of the State of Chile. His areas of study and interest are innovation in citizen participation processes, inequality and local development.

Jeroen Laven Jeroen Laven is a partner at Stipo, a board member of Re:Kreators, Vereniging Verenigd Schouwburgplein, and a founder of the European Placemaking Network. Jeroen works in many countries on co-maker projects focused on making better cities. The focus of his international work is the city at eye level, in particular public space, ground floor schemes and public development. Jeroen combines projects at the international level through Re:Kreators with projects in the Netherlands, where he works on the management of strategic processes—from housing visions to area plans, often for government bodies.

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Fernando de Mello Franco Fernando de Mello Franco holds a PhD in Architecture and Urbanism from the University of São Paulo. He is the director of the Institute of Urbanism and Studies for the Metropolis (URBEM), an NGO focused on structuring urban projects with a social impact. From 2013 to 2016 he served as the secretary of Urban Development at the Municipality of São Paulo and president of SP Urbanismo. Furthermore, Fernando is a founder of MMBB Architects (1990–2012). He was a Visiting Professor for the Post Graduation course at Mackenzie University in São Paulo from 2008 to 2011, a Visiting Professor at Harvard GSD in 2009 and Assistant Professor at the School of Engineering, University of São Paulo, from 1992 to 2004. Daniela Patti Daniela Patti is an Italian-British architect and urban planner. She has studied in Rome, London and Porto, and holds a PhD in urbanism from the Vienna University of Technology. She is a co-founder and director of Eutropian Research & Action both in Rome and Vienna, an organization supporting collaborative planning processes between public administrations and civic groups. She worked for the Rome Municipality in 2014–2015, coordinating European projects such as the URBACT “Temporary Use as a Tool for Urban Regeneration”. Since 2012 she has been a board member of the Wonderland Platform for European Architecture, running its collaborative planning series.

Alvaro Ramoneda Alvaro is a psychologist from the Autonomous University of Madrid and holds a Master’s in Intervention and Environmental Management from the University of Barcelona. Alvaro researches on public space and its relationship with people. He works with municipalities in Chile in the areas of participation and studies, and is the director of the Barrio Franklin Master Plan. His work deals with participation in projects within the city, the development of methodologies for gathering information and promoting participation, good practices within commercial neighborhoods, and the processes of forming socio-spatial links. Daniela Sanjinés Daniela Sanjinés is an architect and urban planner currently member of ETH Zürich-Wohnforum—CASE Centre for Research on Architecture, Society & the Built Environment. She has worked for the city of Bogotá and the government of Colombia on topics ranging from urban renewal strategies and national housing policies to the implementation by Findeter of the IDB’s Emerging and Sustainable Cities Initiative. Additionally, she has worked for the United Nations on the design of urban upgrading strategies for refugee camps on the West Bank.

Jorge Pérez-Jaramillo Jorge Pérez-Jaramillo is based in Medellín (Colombia), practicing as an architect and planner since 1987. Jorge is the former Planning Director of Medellín 2012–15 and Mayor in charge of the city in May 2013. He led the new general plan for the city (POT 2014–2027) and represented Medellín as the awarded city for the Lee Kuan Yew World City Prize Medellín 2016. From 1993 to 2001, he was the Dean of the Facultad de Arquitectura Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana (UPB) Medellín, at a time when FAUPB became an inspiring laboratory addressing Medellín’s urban crisis. Recently he was a Visiting Fellow at King’s College in Cambridge (UK).

Katja Schechtner Katja Schechtner is an urbanist who holds a dual appointment at MIT and the OECD to develop new technologies and shape innovative policies to keep cities on the move. Previously she worked at the Asian Development Bank implementing transport technology projects across Asia; formulated smart public space strategies for the Inter-American Development Bank in Costa Rica and Argentina; advised the European Commission on Smart City programs and ran an applied research laboratory for Dynamic Transportation Systems at the Austrian Institute of Technology. Katja also holds a Visiting Professorship at the TU Wien and curates urban tech exhibitions across the globe. 

Levente Polyak Levente Polyak is an activist, urban planner, researcher and policy adviser. He studied architecture, urbanism and sociology in Budapest and Paris, and holds a PhD in sociology from the Central European University. Levente was a Visiting Lecturer at the Moholy-Nagy University of Art and Design, the Budapest University of Technology, and TU Wien. He was a Visiting Fellow at Columbia University and the École nationale supérieure d’architecture Paris-Malaquais. He is the editor of Cooperative City; a co-founder of Eutropian Research & Action, a collaborative planning research and action agency (Vienna and Rome); and a board

Markus Tomaselli Markus Tomaselli is an Austrian architect and urbanist. He holds the position of Head of Department for Urban Design and Landscape Architecture, TU Wien. He is the founder and owner of BLOK ZT KG and holds a PhD in architecture, entitled: “In-Between Spaces in Architecture and City Planning” (TU Wien, 2001). Markus is coordinator of the “Urbanism” module, which is part of the graduate program for architects at TU Wien. He also coordinates a partnership program between UFRGS, Porto Alegre (Brazil) and TU Wien. Markus has written numerous publications in the field of urban renewal and urban transformation.

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Jose Luis Vallejo and Belinda Tato Jose Luis Vallejo and Belinda Tato are co-founders and directors of the firm ecosistema urbano, established in 2000 in Madrid. They have led workshops, lectured and taught at the most prestigious institutions worldwide. Since 2010 they have been faculty members at Harvard University Graduate School of Design in Cambridge and Columbia University Graduate School of Architecture, Planning and Preservation in New York. The ecosistema urbano office is specialized in urban consultancy projects (architecture and urban design) and public space quality assessment. It leads urban transformation processes (from initial conceptualization to final implementation), working for local authorities, national governments and multilateral agencies.

Olga Wainstein-Krasuk Olga Wainstein-Krasuk studied architecture at Universidad de Buenos Aires; she received a Master’s in Local Economic Development from the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid and a Master’s in Local Development from UNSAM. She currently serves as the Director of the Center of Housing and Habitat Studies (CEHyV-FADUUBA), Director of Interdisciplinary Research Projects and Social Urgency, and Director of National and International Cooperation. She is also the Director, and a Professor, of the postgraduate program on Inclusive Cities at the Universidad de Buenos Aires. She has worked as a consultant for the IDB, UNDP, OAS, Chancellery Argentina, public and private organizations, and Fund.AVINA, amongst others. She is the author and co-author of several publications, and has received numerous awards for her professional and research work. Charles Waldheim Charles Waldheim is a North American architect, urbanist, and educator. Waldheim’s research examines the relations between landscape, ecology, and contemporary urbanism. He coined the term “landscape urbanism” to describe the emergent discourse and practices of landscape in relation to design culture and contemporary urbanization. Waldheim is John E. Irving Professor at Harvard University’s Graduate School of Design, where he directs the School’s Office for Urbanization. He is recipient of the Rome Prize Fellowship from the American Academy in Rome; the Visiting Scholar Research Fellowship at the Study Centre of the Canadian Centre for Architecture; the Cullinan Chair at Rice University; and the Sanders Fellowship at the University of Michigan.

Felipe Vera Felipe Vera is a Chilean architect and urbanist. He is a member of the Housing and Urban Development Division (HUD) at the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB), where he has contributed to the implementation of the Emergent and Sustainable Cities Program. Felipe collaborated in lending operations in the Latin America and non-reimbursable technical cooperation projects with countries across the region. He was trained as an architect and urbanist at Universidad de Chile and holds a Master’s in Design Studies (MDes) in Urbanism, Landscape & Ecology from the Harvard Graduate School of Design.  Lisa Vlasak Lisa Vlasak is an Austrian urban planner who graduated from the TU Wien. Lisa holds an MSc in Global Urban Development and Planning from the University of Manchester. Her focus lies on urban development and regeneration in cities of the global South. Lisa has worked in different international organizations, including the Urban Design Lab within the framework of the Emerging and Sustainable Cities Initiative (ESCI) at the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), for which she developed an Integrated Housing and MixedUse Strategy for the Historic Center of Paramaribo, Suriname.

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Mattijs van ’t Hoff Mattijs van ’t Hoff is an urbanist who graduated from the Delft University of Technology (1998) and there­ after specialized in the field of urban economy at IHS Erasmus University Rotterdam (2013). He has worked for the planning and development department of the municipality of Rotterdam on various projects involving urban design and neighborhood transfor­ mation. Mattijs joined Stipo in 2011 as an associate advisor, besides working as a self-employed urbanist. He is involved in projects relating to urban interaction, business districts and the city at eye level.

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Urban Design Lab—Project Teams

Quetzaltenango, Guatemala December, 2012 to February, 2014 Authors: Johanna Ettl, Roland Krebs, Marco Chavez, Victoria Tiu, Andreas Hofer Contributors: Abraham Petz, Adolfo Quiej Quan, Alba Carrasco, Alvaro Herrera, Ana Marcela Yoc, Ana María González, Anabella Acebedo, Antonio Ramón, Axel Ixquiac, Bequer Ortiz, Brayan Castro, Carlos Lucas, Daniel Sosa, Diego Albizures, Diego Mejía, Donald Urizar, Dora Reyna Zimeri, Edwin Escobar, Edy Nolasco López, Isabel Coxaj, Jeison Argueta, Karla Ruiz, Ligia Ruiz, Luis Fernando Castillo, Luis Fernando Gómez, Manuel Amezquita, Marcela Sandoval, Marco A. Nimatuj, Marcos García, María Nievez Miguez, Maximiliano Florex, Oscar Soto, Patty De Guzmán, Pedro Moreno, Raquel García, Rodrigo Diaz, Rodulfo Palacios, Santiago Argueta, Silvia Rivera

Aquiles Báez Pravia, Emma Grun, Emmanuel Detrinidad, Erick Canales, Ericka Alfaro Cortez, Ericka Lorena Avendaño Benavida, Evelyn Castillo Ramirez, Everet Baltodano U., Fernando Palma, Francisco Gonzalez, Francisco R. Gonzalez, Gilberto Martinez, Harley Daniel Muñoz M., Hector Manuel Flores Díaz, Heiker Palacios Centeno, Heyliz Idania Sáenz Sáenz, Jefferson Silva Rocha, Jeffry Alexander Perez Hernandez, Jelsin-Betania-Valle-Lopez, Jesus Roberto Gonzales Al-mendárez, Johannes Kranz, José Benito Montoya Montoya, Josselin Massiel Darcy Moreno, Judith A. Bolaños Morales, Karen Bonilla, Karina Del Carmen Torrez Monje, Katherine Suazo Montiel, Kevin Torrez Monje, Keyen Pastora Delgadillo González, Leonardo Icaza, Lizayarav. Salgado Trujillo, Manuel Alejandro Echeverria King, Mayerling Delgadillo Gonzalez, Nestor Saul Lopez Irias, Noel Sampson, Nora Argentina Monje Espinoza, Olga Ligia Ruiz Rocha, Pedro Joel Marin, Perla Sánchez Uriarte, Rosa Maria Perez Castillo, Santos Mariano Pinera Alvarez, Tania Monje Martinez, William Montano, Yarling Jesenia Aguirre Rodriguez, Yoel Antonio Espinoza Ramos, Yosi Andreina Sotelo

Managua, Nicaragua February to May, 2014 Authors: Do Huber, Emma Grün, Roland Krebs, Andreas Hofer Contributors: Alvaro Jesus Castañeda Guiterrez, Ana María Castillo Castro, Andrea J. Garcia Perez, Andrea Kamila Belli Reynosa, Andrés Muñoz, Angel Román Espinoza A., Balbina Suazo, Belkis Gadea Gonzalez, Carla Patricia Ruiz Blandon, Carlos Eduardo Linarte Cáliz, Chilo-Maria Auxiliadora Reyes, Cinthya A. Escobar Hernández, Deborah Araixz Martinez, Deylin

Monteria, Colombia May to October, 2014 Authors: Fernando Cortés Larreamendy, Andreas Hofer, Astrid Erhartt-Perez, Claudia Marcela Duque, Roland Krebs, Lina Teresa Buitrago, Sebastian Sattlegger, Nacira Palomo, Duley Meza, Deborath Lucía Gascón Olarte, Valentín Alejandro Urbina Palmera, Marleny Sánchez Contributors: Deley Cristina Meza, Elena Mitrenova, Evamaria Schmidthaler, Lina Buitrago, Marleny Sanchez, Edgar Mauricio Sabogal, Deborath Garzón

Montego Bay, Jamaica August to October, 2013 Authors: Roland Krebs, Sabrina Ehrenhöfer, Klaus Kodydek, Peter Scheibstock Contributors: Trevion Manning, Sean Rowe

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Pasto, Colombia May to October, 2014 Authors: Laura Scharf, Roland Krebs, Edna Escobar, Sebastian Sattlegger, Jafet Garnica, Arturo Bolaños Contributors: Jaime Fonseca and students Xalapa, Mexico May to October, 2014 Authors: Lisa Mittelberger, Roland Krebs, Andreas Hofer Contributors: Acoyani Adame, Alberto Robledo Landero, Angelica Moya, Carlos Dario Arroyo, David Islas Bravo, Fernando Francisco Montiel, Gustavo Bureau Roquet, Heriberto Ponce Miguel, Hugo Vergara León, Isabel Carreras-Baquer, Ivette Olmedo, Javier Gonzalez, Juan Carlos Flores, Ramón Hernández Salas, Raúl Reynoso Rodriguez, Ricardo De Vecchi, Tonantzin Obrador, Wilfrido Estrada, Yeudiel Zabdiel

Santiago de los Caballeros, Dominican Republic May to October, 2014 Authors: Tamara Egger, Andreas Hofer, Roland Krebs Contributors: Carlos Fondeur, César Payamps,

Panama City, Panama June, 2014 to August, 2015 Authors: Roland Krebs, Marco Chávez, Dominique Mashini, Sebastian Sattlegger, Andreas Hofer, Álvaro Uribe, Peter Scheibstock Contributors: Aalia Shalabi, Alessandra Treuherz, Alexander Wild, Alexandra Höbarth, Amy Coronado, Ana Caballero, Andrés Martínez, Ariel Arauz, Carlos Eduardo Rodriguez, Carlos Stomer, Caterina Epiboli, Deika Aguilar, Eduardo Tejeira, Erika Santimateo, Federico Scodelaro Bilbao, Gabriel Rivera, Gianina Rodríguez, Giorgia Pierleoni, Hanna García, Helmut Schramm, Hugo González, Irasema Callejas, Isaac Castillo, Israel Barrios, Jenny Betancourt, Jonathan Batista, José Barber, José Orocu, Josip Dusper, Juan Manuel Leano, Judith Lehner, Julia Puchegger, Kamila Drsata, Katharina Kuchler, Litzy Ruiz, Luis Soto, Madelaine Jaén, Manuel Trute, María Camaño, Maria Myskiw, Marina Violin, Marión Zorilla, Max Barria, Michelle Espino, Milagros Rodríguez, Natalie Milord, Nerys Margarita Gaitan, Olivia Campbell, Prudencia Martínez, Reina Nieto, Renato Niero, Ricardo Ortega, Richard Mendoza, Rita Aichinger, Romina Díaz, Rosalie Exenberger, Rupert Gruber, Shirley Chávez, Stefanie Mras, Valesca Ramos, Wilmer López Valdivia, Chile February to March, 2015 Authors: Dominique Mashini, Roland Krebs, Sebastian Sattlegger, Tamara Egger Contributors: Alejandra Márquez, Álvaro Palacios, Ana Velásquez, Andrea Núñez, Andrea Valenzuela, Antonio Zumelzu, Brenda Riffo, Daniel Cruchet, Enrique Rivera, Felipe Spoerer, Francisca Jara, Francisco Acuña, Javiera Maira, Jose Luis Marcos, Leonardo Sandoval, Martin Soulier, Mauricio Hodges, Mónica Rojas, Pablo Avendaño, Roberto Delgado, Rodrigo Burgos, Rodrigo Cofré, Romina Flores, Sandra Ramírez, Sebastian Lew, Sebastián Navarro, Valeria Hidalgo, Walter Perez Puerto Montt-Puerto Varas, Chile December, 2015 to April, 2016 Authors: Sebastian Sattlegger, Lisa Mittelberger, Dominique Mashini, Guillermo Müller Videla, Andreas Hofer, Roland Krebs Contributors: Alejandra Paineo, Alejandra Pavez, Álvaro Berger Schmidt, Andrea Mades, Andrés

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Urban Design Lab—Project Teams

Campeche, Mexico May to October, 2014 Authors: Kerstin Pluch, Andreas Hofer, Roland Krebs Contributors: Abraham Cruz Gomez, Adán Navarrate Pimentel, Adrian Quej Solis, Aida Amine Casanova, Alejandra Castro Gongora, Alvaro Buenfil Bermudez, Andre Adrian Poor Marin, Andreas Mas Cen, Andrés Poot Marin, Angelica Lara, Berenice Isabel Castillo Can, Bian Lin Wong Cruz, Carlos Abelardo Solis Salgado, Carlos Ivan Cancheve, Christiani Emmanuel Canche Uc, Clarissa De Los Angeles Tejere Sosa, Claudia Valladares, Cristian Acosta Gutierrez, Cristina Barrera Rodriguez, Doreydi Mendoza Caamal, Eduardo Tovar Perez, Esmeralda Concepción Balan Chan, Estephanie Jazmin Mex Can, Eunice Auigai Pech Ucan, Francisco Hipolito Hernandez Juarez, Guadalupe Adelaida Varguez Tuyub, Ikeydi Arayanky Chan Ortiz, Irene Pastrana Pleites, Isabel Carreras-Baquer, Jamile Moguel Coyoc, Jauneth Del Carmen Dzib Yerbes, Javier Alfonso Chan Centella, Javier Del Carmen May Huchin, Jesus Enrique Garcia May, Jonatan Dzib Ucan, José Aldana, Jose Del Jesus Chin Calderon, Jose Isai Medina Esqueda, Josue Martin Uribe Ucan, Juan Antonio Vazquez, Juan Carlos Torres Chavez, Julia Elena Leon Moscoso, Karime Alejandra Clan Chin, Karla Geliste Sanchez Sosa, Librado Miranda M., Manuel Marquez Torres, Mariela Chan Avalos, Martin Antonio Gongora Rodriguez, Masilema Zazueta, Miguel A. Akechable, Napoleon Quime Cex, Nicte-Ha Hernández Kú, Pedro D. Solo Caballero, Pedro Ivan Caamal Quen, Reynaldo Herrera, Ricardo De Vecchi Galindo, Rigel Jair Aranda Montero, Rosario Aracely Cahuich Poat, Sheyla Guadalupe Ramirez Rosado, Vianeq Ruz Quiñones, Victor Guzman Samodio

Christine Larraque, Cuqui Batista, Daniel Cherubin, Daritza Nicodemo, David Prieto, Edwin Espinal, Fausto Ortíz, Grethel Castellanos, Hipólito Gómez, Jochy Sánchez, Juan Almonte, Julio Corral, Marcos Gómez, María Isabel Beltrán Villavicencio, María Ligia Grullón, María Luisa Tavarez, Martina Tolentino, Mauricio Estrella, Michela Da Rodda, Milagros De Jesús De Feliz, Mirtha Saleta, Rafael Almánzar, Rafael Emilio Yunén, Raimundo López, Reynaldo Peguero, Rosemary Franquiz, Tak Kon Ng, Toni Jáquez, Vhanessa Victoria

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Saldivia, Anita Perez, Arturo Sánchez, Bárbara Correa, Benjamín Eyzaguirre Del Real, Carlos Francke, Carlos Moreno Ortiz, Carlos Ojeda, Christian Pavez, Cindy Soto A., Claudia Leyton, Claudia Oyarzún, Clémentine Boy, Colomba Merino, Daniel Reyes, Daniela Bustamante, Edita Sepulveda, Elena Barría M., Eliana Chavez Igor, Eliana Soto Maldonado, Elizabeth Rosas Alvear, Enedina Oyarzo, Enriquo Wellmann, Felix Toledo Vera, Fernando Burgos Gallegos, Francisca Machado, Francisco Barriento, Francisco Orellana, Fredy Barria, Gervoy Paredes Rojas, Gladis Espinoza Mesina, Gloria González Sáez, Haroldt Solervicens, Hector Muñoz, Ibett Baez G., Ingrid Almonacid, Ingrid Ojeda, Ingrid Wetzel Ruiz, Ivo Toledo, Jacqueline Ponce, Javier Soto Villarroel, Jeanette Kinzel, Jimena Cofré Avello, Jorge Cárcamo, Jorge Guzmán, Josefina Gallardo H., Juan Merino, Juan Pablo Edwards, Juan Sebastián Alcayaga Claussen, Julián Mingo, Karina Alvarado, Leidi Uarac, Leonardo De La Prida Sanhueza, Liliane Gallardo F., Luis Felipe Vera Benítez, Luis Urrutia, Madeleine Fagalde Bidart, Manuel Jarpa, Margarita Gallardo M., Margarita Oro, Maria Antonieta Vera Alvear, María Ester Sepúlveda Briceño, Maria Ines Flores Z., María Jose Alcaíno, Maritza Contreras, Martín Nicolás Soulier Faure, Mauricio Soler, Maximo Matamala Almonacid, Mayra Madriz, Miguel Huala, Nelly Jimenez O., Nicolás Solís De Ovando, Noemí Parcet A., Noemí Velásquez, Oscar García, Pablo Toledo, Paola Ducci, Paola Vallejos Ruiz, Patricia Benavides, Paula Diaz Gallardo, Paula Vidal, Pedro C. Andrade, Pia Mancilla, Ricardo Matamala Montiel, Riola Gallardo, Rocío Alejandra Wilhelm Núñez, Rocío Wilhelm Nuñez, Rodrigo Borja, Rodrigo Rivas, Rodrigo Yáñez V., Rosa Manríquez, Rosa Pereira, Rosvita Mancilla, Roxana Asenjo, Santiago Roberto, Sebastián Lew, Solange Pino, Soledad Millas, Tamara Tolora, Tomás Valdivieso, Vanessa Cayo, Yanett Mansilla La Serena-Coquimbo, Chile December, 2015 to April, 2016 Authors: Tamara Egger, Marion Frotzbacher, Dominique Mashini, Andreas Hofer, Roland Krebs, Peter Scheibstock, Tugyan Ertürk Contributors: Alberto Dentice, Aldo Carpanetti, Alejandra Vio G., Alejandra Viogorget, Alejandro Orellana, Alejandro Torrejon, Ana Canihuante, Ana Ordenes, Andrea Alfaro, Andrea Alfaro Muñoz, Andrea Montoya, Angela Gómez, Benjamin Castro, Benjamín Eyzaguirre Del Real, Bernardo Salinas, Bruno Henriquez Barrera, Camilia Valencia, Camilo Miranda, Carlos Galleguillos Castillo, Carlos Guerrero, Carlos Zuleta, Cecilia Cortés, Célica Ramos, Claudia Acciri, Claudia Maturana Pérez, Claudia Villagran Tapia, Claudio Bouchette, Constanza Lagos, Cristian Muñoz, Cristina Palacios F., Cristofher Diaz, Daniela Espoinoza, Daniela Herrera, Daslar Bremer, Diego Morales, Dionisio Cortes, Eduardo Lazo, Elia Iturrieta, Elier Tabilo, Emiliana Flores, Enrique Rojas, Enrique Ulloa,

Eric Troncoso, Erwin Olguín, Eulogio Cortés, Evelyn Ramos, Fabian Tejeda, Fabiola Machuca, Felicida Melendez, Felipe Maldonado R., Felipe Mendez, Felipe Sfeir, Felipe Vera, Fernando Rojas, Flabio Pastín, Francisco Zamora, Frank Vicencio, Freddy Sepulveda, Gemme Vasquez, Gloria Gonzalez, Gonzalo Galleguillos, Hector Navarro, Hugo Barraza, Ignacio Abé, Irene Machuca, Isadora Salas, Isaías Cortés, Isis Sfeir, Jacqueline Ardiles, Jacqueline Ardiles G., Jaime Cuevas, Jaime Jimenez Cortes, Jaime Mopreno, Jaime Rivera, Jaime Villafaña, Jastin Muñoz, Javiera Lara, Jesus Parra, Johan Rojas, Johan Rojas Guerra, Jorge Figueroa, Jorge Ramirez L., Jorge Ramirez Lemus, Juan Carlos Contreras, Juan Carlos Flores, Juan Carlos Rojas, Juan Romero, Juan Sebastián Alcayaga Claussen, Julia Molina, Julia Urbina, Julian Gómez Brizuela, Karina Millán Pérez, Katherine Pasten, Laura Kaikkonen, Luciano Silva, Luis Felipe Vera Benítez, Luis Henriquez Gutierrez, Luis Martinez, Luis Vlada, Lyzette György, Madeleine Fagalde, Marcela Soto, Marcelo Fuenzalida, Marcelo Muñoz, Marcelo Rivadeneira, Maria Godoy Silva, Maria Gomez, Maria Inés Godoy, Maria Muñoz Reyes, Maria Ortiz, Maria Pereira, Mario Neira, Marisol Leiva P., Martin Nicolas Soulier Faure, Mauro López, Monserrat Cordero, Nancy Olivares, Natalia López, Nelson Sepulveda, Norman Letura, Olivia Fox, Pablo A. Oyanedel, Pablo Alcayaga, Paloma Nuñez, Pamela Garay, Paola Santander, Patricia Caceres, Patricia Pereira Céspedes, Patricia Rios F., Patricio Barahona, Patricio Rubio L., Paula Martinez Vega, Pedro Castro, Pedro Pablo Ugalde, Pedro Valencia Cortés, Pedro Zepeda, Ralph Stintz, Raúl Dinamarca, Ricardo Vasquez, Rina Araya, Roberto Geraldo, Rosa Leiva Letura, Rosa Olivares, Rubén Castillo Ortiz, Rubi Manuela Martinez, Salvador Gutierrez, Sebastian Bravo, Sebastián Lew, Sergio Honores, Sergio Rojas, Soledad Garote, Tatiana Cardenas, Utalszka Paleczek, Valeska Plaza Rivera, Victor Bravo, Victor Pastén Marambio, Victor Prado, Wilma Sanchez, Yolanda Rodriguez Nassau, The Bahamas October, 2015 to August, 2016 Authors: Roland Krebs, David Kostenwein, Sarah Benton, Andreas Hofer, Daniela Sanjines, Arthur Kanonier, Valaria Pintard-Flax, Andrés Blanco, Arturo Samper, Peter Scheibstock, Marco Chavez, Vicky Grijalva, Peter Scheibstock, Basilis Neururer, Vlad Popa, Ida Jusic, Marina Mitrovic, Marlies Findening, Philipp Stiassny, Johanna Lindinger, Romina Priesner Contributors: Alina Schönhofer, Annalecia Prinder, Anne-Catherine Kauffman, Anthony Jervis, Ashay Dorsett, Athaliah Rampersaud, Athena Constintakis, Breanne Grant, Brett Lashley, Camille DavisThompson, Danielle Hutchinson, David Steinschaden, Ellis Juan, Emmitt Francis, Errin Francis, Florian Baier, Gilberto Chona, Helmut Schramm, Iva Shokoska, Johnania Gardiner, Jordan Williams, Karin Stiefelmeyer,

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Kendelynn Pennerman, Lafran Smith, Magdalena Süss, Marga Jann, Maria Wasserburger, Matio Cleare, Michelle Bereaux, Monika Eigert, Moritz Grabmayr, Nicola Virgill-Rolle, Omar Adderley, Otis Cooper, Pamela Burnside, Patricia Glinton-Meicholas, Rosemary C. Hanna, Samantha Rolle, Sebastian Hagedorn, Sigrid Ronacher, Stefanie Wagner, Terrinique Bullard, Whitney Sturrup, Winston Von Engel

Bahia Blanca, Argentina March to July, 2016 Authors: Chistof Mathes, Valentin Hofer, Roland Krebs, Dominique Mashini, Markus Tomaselli, David Kostenwein, Emiliano Reale, Arrigo Reale, Isabella Faggiano, Matias Llorens Mazzanti, Marina Taborda, Federico Rudolf, Mariano Rudolf, Olga Wainstein, Alicia Gerscovich Contributors: Bernardo Stortoni, Constanza Rivas Godio, Florencia Bustelo, Ignacio Fermín Caspe, Lucas Tartara, Luis Pites, Martin Nicolas Soulier, Sebastián Lew, Horacio Terraza Mendoza, Argentina February to June, 2017 Authors: Karolina Petz, Chisaki Melissa Guibo, Álvaro De La Iglesia, Roland Krebs, Dominique Mashini, Olga Wainstein, Alicia Gerscovich, Tamara

Jujuy, Argentina February to June, 2017 Authors: Soledad Di Croche, Roland Krebs, Dominique Mashini, Katja Schechtner, Pablo Ávalos, Olga Wainstein, Alicia Gerscovich, Tamara Egger Contributors: Adriana Diaz, Lucía Barreto, Luciano Córdoba, Mariana Poskus, Martin Nicolas Soulier Quito, Ecuador October, 2015 Authors: Roland Krebs, Markus Tomaselli, Christof Mathes, Tamara Egger, Horacio Terraza Contributors: Ana Carolina Mesías, Antonio Báez, Beatriz A. Tazal Papa, Belén Molina, Blanca Rivadeneira Auz, Carlos Balarezo, Catalina Lizarzaburo, Cristina Loya, Dayana Chávez, Edwin Torres, Emily Miranda, Fátima Marcillo, Frank Cortez, Ionana Fierro, Isabel Delgado, Janna Lasso, Jean Pol Armijos, Jean-Pierre Pantoja, José Gavilanes, Joyce Sotalín, Karina Paucar, Karla Lucia Morales, Lorena Torres, Luis Buefe, Flor Clle, Manuel Calle, María Agusta Cajas, Nadyezhol Loza Munuz, Naika Mero Jiménez, Natalia Durán, Pablo Maldonado Bravo, Patricio Zambrano Barragan, Paulo Morales, Rocio Ayala Cevallos, Santiago Del Hierro Kennedy, Sebastián Ricuarte, Sofía Camacho, Sonia Rivadeneira Auz, Valeria Estrella San José, Costa Rica November, 2016 to October, 2017 Authors: Roland Krebs, Dominique Mashini, Emma Grün, Marco Chavez, Teodolinda Molina, Melanie Aichinger, Verena Tochtermann, Anton Falkeis, Katja Schechtner, Federico Cartín, Wendy Molina, Josephine Dusapin, Christof Mathes, Luis Diego Quirós Pacheco, Dana Víquez-Azofeifa, José Vargas Hidalgo, Sabrina Ehrenhöfer, Marina Mitrovic, Peter Scheibstock Contributors: Alison Villalobos, Ana Gabriela Cruz Herrera, Carolina Arias, Danny Araica, Eric Porras, Gean Carlos Cerdas Vega, José Pablo Chavarría González, Marcelo Madrigal, Marcia Garro Rojas, Stefan Snedeker, Arie Itzhacki, Andres Badilla, Maria Valentina Pérez, Yuliana Saavedra Hernández, Juan Diego Castillo Cascante, María Elena Salas Suárez, Valeria María Aragonés Salas, Jossie Aguilar Cameronero, Fabian Antonio Escala Sanchez, Ricardo Cifuentes Chacón, Stephan Reise Yglesias, Aurelia Rodríguez Acuna, Ana Catalina Slon Ramírez, Susana Wu, Carolina Vargas González, Allan Sánchez Urbina, Diego Carrasco Ramírez, María José Chaves López, Ricardo Rojas Paramaribo, Suriname June to October, 2017 Authors: Ida Jusic, Lisa Vlasak, Roland Krebs, Markus

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Goya, Argentina March to July, 2016 Authors: Verena Schaidreiter, Miguel Lopez Solís, Roland Krebs, Mariángeles Cotorruelo, Guillermo Müller Videla, Dominique Mashini, Markus Tomaselli, David Kostenwein Contributors: Aldo Pucheta, Alejandro Fernández, Alejandro Iribarren, Ángela Oviedo, Angélica Segovia, Antonio Díaz, Antonio Rodríguez, Aurora Fernández, Carlos López Soto, Carlos Pintos, Carlos Vázquez, Claudia Ortiz, Daniel Benítez, Diego Núñez Brest, Diego Rolón, Edgardo Insaurralde, Emilio Rodríguez, Erwin Nosmor, Fabián Barrientos, Fabián González, Florencia Bustelo, Francisco Descalzo, Francisco López, Gabriela Ebel, Gabriela González, Gabriela Tomasella, Gerardo Bassi, Gustavo Gabbiasi, Gustavo Paz, Horacio Saucedo, Hugo Molinari, Hugo Pereyra, Idalina Moreira, Iris Mussio, Iván Ramírez, Jorge Sánchez, Jose Monzon, Juan Borghi, Juana Escobar, Karina Ramírez, Luciana Guster, Luis Vicentin, Maira Ruiz, Manuel Fernández, Manuel Fernández Angélica Segovia, María José Pando, María Laura Fernández, María Virginia Coria, Mariano Maciel, Martín Nicolás Soulier Faure, Martin Soulier, Maximiliano Leguiza, Miguel Gracco, Nicolás Villalba, Norma Beatriz Benítez, Norma Benítez, Osvaldo Radío, Pablo Celes, Romina Aparicio, Rosa Aranda, Santiago Grenón, Sebastián Arriola, Sebastián Candia De Biasio, Sebastián Lew, Silvia Fernandez, Soledad Pereto, Victor Arriola, Violeta Sánchez, Walter Arizaga

Egger, Katja Schechtner Contributors: Ana Flores, Mariana Poskus, Martin Nicolas Soulier,

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Tomaselli, Marco Chavez, Tamara Egger Contributors: Johan Martinus, Angelika Namdar, Bibi Mustapha, Marten Schalkwijk, Femia Wesenhagen, Adriana Smets, Chiara Vishnudatt, Dayenne Gesser, Xaviera Vaseur, Dieuwke Cappaert, Dionne Gesser, Doerwishen Gangapersad, Jenny Nizamali, Jiantie Poeran, Karishma Piarisingh, Luciano Doest, Mairah Tirtamenawi, Milton Ferdinand, Naven Ramdat, Nila Autar, Ormildo Velland, Paresh Gena, Priscilla Alendy, Yovanca Adjako, Renisha Ramkhelawan, Rohini Briedjlal, Rugshaar Ishaak, Safoera Mohab-Ali, Vedanta Baldewsingh, Aline De Bruyne, Lisa Molemans, Simone Brunings

García, Juan Elias Rijo, Jasmine Marte, Carla Cabrera, Camila Raful, Andy M. Suazo, Anirelys Rodriguez Vargas, Ambar Mirambeaux, Abigail Alcántara Jimenez, Heidi Gonzalez, Eimi Duarte, Albania Rodriguez, Yennifer Dume, Samantha Fernandez, Hernan Vicco, Isueli Ventura, Yamilet Gomez, Patricia Fadul, Audry Rodriguez, Arabella Michelen, Genesis Javier, Heidi de Moya, Virgilio Veras, Edward Moreta, Paola Luna

Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic February to September, 2018 Authors: Bettina Plainer, Stefan Kasmanhuber, Tamara Egger, Sarah Benton, Sharina Espinal, Roland Krebs, Markus Tomaselli Contributors: Monika Sanchez, Marcelle Martinez Bonetti, Leidy Montero, Sina del Rosario, Annabel Hiraldo, Luichy S. Diaz, Carlos Rolandry Sosa Baez, Mabel de la Cruz Guerrero, Keisy Cid Vasquez, Karen Judith Reyes Casado, Genesis Yudith Rosario Santiago, Elvyn Ramos, Enmanuel Heredia Beard, Luis Rafael Ortiz, Yasser N. Genao A, Sheila de la Rosa, Raul Duluc, Milagros Cabrera, Maria Cabral, María Fernanda Uceta, Lisbette T. Sanchez, Lia Sosa, Jose Enrique Marrero P., Indra Castillo, Gustavo Toribio, Glenmarie Soto, Evely P. Peguero Arcángel, Marco Ant. Gomez, Daritza Nicodemo, Michelle Valdez, Milé González, Teresa Moreno, Gustavo Valdez, Amaya Guzman, Yolenny Reyes Lizardo, Samael Sánchez De León, Scarlet Sanchez, Sandra Medina Sánchez, Rosangélica Valenzuela Olaverría, Rosalí Carmona Reynoso, Mairene Santa Tapia, Mabeli Pujols Lantigua, Leyris S. Ruiz Cuevas, Josue Rodriguez Kelly, Erinelsy Guzman Figuereo, Emely L. Rosario Astacio, Jose Luis Apolinario Moscoso, Hector Castillo, Ruth Meighen Baez, Teofilo Vicente, Mara Jimenez, Sebastian Lithgow, O’Brien Mora Diaz, María T. Méndez, Miguel Santana, Johan Ant. Mejía Peralta, Jeremy Brayan Soto Ferreira, Saulo Herrera Disla, Francina Alt. Castillo Gil, Pavel E Guerrero, Maritza Estrella, Ysidro E. Santana J., Nicole Rijo Castro, Natalia Ulloa, Mayser Reyes Montilla, Luis Rafael Morel, Josué Pimentel M., Katherine R. Ramos Ventura, John Rafael Zorrilla S, Gilselys González Rosa, Genesis Droz, Enmanuel Mota, Francesco Gravina, Belkis Rodriguez, Alejandro Vazquez, Mabel Rivera, Jaxwell Gomez, Viviana Ferraris, Vicmely Santos, Simona Vega, Paola Ayala Camarena, Monserrat Felix, Nicole Herrera, Maria del Pilar Carrasco, Shantal Jerez Cepeda, Elsa Maria Garabito, Francis Frometa, Eduardo Amarante, Daniela Pichardo, Claudia Gomez, Alejandra Rivas, Shaolin Saint-Hilaire, Paloma Castillo, Melvin Martinez, Jose M. Torres C., Laura E. Peña Bonnet, Kuinibel De La Cruz Berroa, Kimberly Reyes G., Gianny Karina, Guerrero 359

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Photo credits

pages 49–64 Ramon Zamora 69 Alvaro Ramoneda 73–77 Roland Krebs 79 Luis Fernando Castillo 81 Roland Krebs 82 Felipe Vera 86 Urban Think Tank 89 Leandro Lima Goncalvez (Stipo) 93 Mayra Madriz 97–112 Ramon Zamora 138 Jorge Perez-Jaramillo 142 Lee Jaruzelski Reyes 149 Siri Frech 158 Ramon Zamora 159 Roland Krebs 168 Ida Jusic 174–175 Silvio Balladares

178–179 Ramon Zamora 184 Tamara Egger 188–195 Roland Krebs 200 Ramon Zamora 201 Roland Krebs 209 Oliver Olivo, Mariel Demorizi 210–211 Roland Krebs 212 Sebastian Sattlegger, Lisa Mittelberger 213 Ericka Mora 214–215 Roland Krebs 216–217 Ramon Zamora 218 Ericka Mora 219–224 Oliver Olivo, Mariel Demorizi 227 Karolina Petz 232 Soledad DiCroche 223 Lucia Barreto 238–39 Ramon Zamora

361

246 Sebastian Sattlegger 247 Roland Krebs 254–255 Kerstin Fluch 258–263 David Pinto, Paulo Morales 268 Ramon Zamora 273 Verena Schaidreiter 276 Valentin Hofer 282 Ramon Zamora 283 Lisa Mittelberger 288 Stefan Kasmanhuber 289 Roland Krebs 296–297 Sebastian Sattlegger 304–305 Tamara Egger 312–315 Eurtropian 316 Adam Jones 321–336 Ramon Zamora 338 Luisa Eugeni 341 Charles Waldheim

Imprint

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in other ways, and storage in data banks. For any kind of use, permission of the copyright holder must be obtained.

Editors Roland Krebs, Markus Tomaselli

Consultants Stefan Mayr, Judith Lehner, Andreas Boden

Book Conception and Direction Roland Krebs

Book Print BOOK Print, Manfred Kleisel, A-3512 Mautern

Handbook Core Team Roland Krebs, Dominique Mashini, Tamara Egger, Emma Grün, Daniela Sanjines

© 2019, 2023 ovis Verlag GmbH Texts by kind permission of the authors. Pictures by kind permission of the photographers/holders of the picture rights.

Research Team Roland Krebs, Daniela Sanjinés, Dominique Mashini, Emma Grun, Tamara Egger, David Kostenwein, Sarah Benton, Marco Chavez, Peter Scheibstock, Sabrina Ehrenhöfer, Marina Mitrovic, Ida Jusic, Lisa Vlasak, Kerstin Pluch, Clara Linsmeier

This publication, and the research project in which it originated, was made possible with the generous support of the Austrian Ministry of Finance (BMF).

All rights reserved. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche National­ bibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de ovis Verlag GmbH Lützowstraße 33 10785 Berlin www.jovis.de ovis books are available worldwide in select bookstores. Please contact your nearest bookseller or visit www.jovis.de for information concerning your local distribution. Printed in the EU ISBN 978-3-86859-562-8 (Softcover) ISBN 978-3-98612-017-7 (PDF)

Academic Team Markus Tomaselli, Andreas Hofer, Helmut Schramm, Arthur Kanonier, Katja Schechtner, Roland Krebs (TU Wien), Anton Falkeis (die Angewandte) Maps Clara Linsmeier, Katharina Deisting, Mara Haas, Tamara Egger Illustrations LWZ Photoessays 1, 2, 4 Ramón Zamora Design and Layout Manuel Radde, Clara Linsmeier Copy-Editing Roxanne Powell Translations Sarah Benton, Daniela Sanjinés Proofreading Roxanne Powell

Special thanks to Harald Waiglein, Elisabeth Gruber, Thomas Bernhardt, Verena Hagg, Veronika Baumgartner, Julia Ulrike Schmid, Markus Rupek, Juan Pablo Bonilla, Tatiana Gallego, Andres G. Blanco, Gilberto Chona, Ellis Juan, Horacio Terraza and Carina Lakovits.

Paramaribo, Suriname

Montego Bay, Jamaica

Nassau, The Bahamas

Santiago de los Caballeros, Dominican Republic

Monteria, Colombia

Pasto, Colombia

San Jose, Costa Rica

La Serena, Coquimbo, Chile

Puerto Montt, Puerto Varas, Chile

Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic

Source of maps: OpenStreetMap.org