Urban Continuity in the Andes: A pre-historical planning tradition 9781407305387, 9781407335278

Table of contents :
Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Contents
Acknowledgments
Figures List
Introduction
Methodology
PART ONE
Chapter One. Geography and Economy
Chapter Two. Urbanism, Civilization and Tradition
Chapter Three. Pre-Urban Cultures
Chapter Four. Urban Cultures
PART TWO
Chapter Five. Design Analysis
Chapter Six. Economic Design
Chapter Seven. Environmental Design
Chapter Eight. Social Design
Chapter Nine. Possible Non-Conforming Cases
Chapter Ten. Conclusion
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

BAR S2002 2009

Urban Continuity in the Andes A pre-historical planning tradition

Lindsay Robert Hasluck HASLUCK URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES

BAR International Series 2002 2009 B A R

Urban Continuity in the Andes A pre-historical planning tradition

Lindsay Robert Hasluck

BAR International Series 2002 2009

ISBN 9781407305387 paperback ISBN 9781407335278 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407305387 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

Contents Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................................. iii Figures List ...............................................................................................................................................iv I : Introduction ......................................................................................................................................... 1 II : Methodology ....................................................................................................................................... 3

Part One Chapter One – Geography and Economy ............................................................................................... 12 Chapter Two – Urbanism, Civilization and Tradition............................................................................. 21 2.1 - Urbanism ......................................................................................................................................................................... 21 2.2 - Civilization ....................................................................................................................................................................... 28 2.3 - Tradition ........................................................................................................................................................................... 31 Chapter Three – Pre-Urban Cultures ..................................................................................................... 33 3.1 - Chavín ................................................................................................................................................................................ 33 3.2 - Cupisnique, Salinar, Gallinazo and Mochica ............................................................................................................ 35 Chapter Four – Urban Cultures .............................................................................................................. 41 4.1 - Supe Valley ........................................................................................................................................................................ 41 4.2 - Casma Valley..................................................................................................................................................................... 45 4.3 - Tiwanaku and Wari Empire ......................................................................................................................................... 46 4.4 - Pachacamac ....................................................................................................................................................................... 56 4.5 - Mochica ............................................................................................................................................................................. 58 4.6 - Chimú Empire.................................................................................................................................................................. 61 4.7 - Regional States Period .................................................................................................................................................... 63 4.8 - Tawantinsuyu Empire .................................................................................................................................................... 64

Part Two Chapter Five - Design Analysis ................................................................................................................ 69 5.1 - Physical Design................................................................................................................................................................. 69 5.2 - Location Choice............................................................................................................................................................... 69 5.3 - Planning ............................................................................................................................................................................ 78 5.4 - Religious Complexes ....................................................................................................................................................... 99 5.5 - Urban Division...............................................................................................................................................................107 5.6 - Thoroughfares, Roads and Stairways .......................................................................................................................122 5.7 - Plazas ................................................................................................................................................................................139 5.8 - Dwellings ........................................................................................................................................................................151 Chapter Six- Economic Design.............................................................................................................. 165 6.1 - Economic Forces ............................................................................................................................................................165 6.2 - Labour Force ...................................................................................................................................................................166 6.3 - Economic Areas .............................................................................................................................................................169 Chapter Seven - Environmental Design ................................................................................................ 175 7.1 - Topographical Adaptation ..........................................................................................................................................175 7.2 - Natural Features.............................................................................................................................................................178 7.3 - Aesthetics .......................................................................................................................................................................189 i

Chapter Eight - Social Design ............................................................................................................... 194 8.1 - Length of Occupation ..................................................................................................................................................194 8.2 - Directional and Astronomical ....................................................................................................................................196 8.3 - Symbolism ......................................................................................................................................................................202 Chapter Nine – Possible Non-Conforming Cases ................................................................................. 223 9.1 - Moche ...............................................................................................................................................................................223 9.2 - Armatambo .....................................................................................................................................................................228 Chapter Ten - Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 232 10.1 - Andean Urban Planning Tradition ..........................................................................................................................232 10.2 - International Comparison .........................................................................................................................................234 Bibliography ....................................................................................................................................... 243 Index

............................................................................................................................................ 256

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Acknowledgments Firstly, I would like to thank Professor William Logan, UNESCO Chair of Heritage and Urbanism & Alfred Deakin Professor, Director of the Cultural Heritage Centre for Asia and the Pacific, School of History, Heritage and Society, Faculty of Arts, Deakin University, for his help in what turned out to be a much longer and more involved investigation than either of us expected. Also Deakin University, and the staff, especially the library staff for their constant support. Especially I would like to acknowledge the help and advice of the people of South America without which this research would have been more difficult. In particular the kind advice of several active archaeologists who were able to spare their time; Dr. Mario Montaño Aragon; Director of Supe-Caral, Dr. Ruth Shady; Director of Cahuachi Excavations, Dr. Giuseppe Orefici; Director of Pachacamac, Luisa Diaz Arriola; Miguel Fiestas Chunga (Moche Excavations); Director of D.I.N.A.R., Bolivia Javier F. Escalante, Director of Tiwanaku, Eduardo Pareja; Director of Machu Picchu, Fernando Astete Victoria; Machupicchu archaeologist, Alfredo Mormontoy; Director of Victorian archaeology, Mark Grist and the eminent Bolivian archaeologist Carlos Ponce Sanginés who unfortunately died during the last part of this research. Also thanks are given to the numerous Museums and Libraries in Bolivia, Peru, Chile, Argentina, Australia and Britain that gave me the personal help to deal with my particular enquiries; Finally I would like to acknowledge the help of those amateur archaeologists and those who took an interest in my research and without whom important connections and opportunities would not have come about; Roberto Sanchez Fernandez, Victor Hugo Bretel, Max Calvert Lee. Also thanks to my wife Jean Antezana de Hasluck and my parents Justice Nickolas and Sally Ann Hasluck, my brother Anthony Hasluck and my believing grandmother Irene Bolton who also died during the course of this investigation. Thanks especially to my grandfather Sir Paul Hasluck who many years ago sparked my interest in the possibility of working in archaeology, anthropology and history outside of Australia. I would finally like to show my appreciation for the people of Bolivia without whose hospitality my years living while researching would have been so much harder to endure. I wish the people of Bolivia a safer and more peaceful future than the bitter times they have suffered in the last seven years. 2008 Lindsay R. Hasluck Perth, Western Australia

Executive Director Heritage Aid Foundation La Paz, Bolivia www.heritageaid.com

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Figures List Tables Table 1: Andean archaeological sites visited for this investigation. Table 2: Cultural epochs and their approximate dates.

Geography Figure 3: Topography and the major geographical divisions in the Andes. Figure 4: Andean vertical resource zones. Figure 5: Six geographical cross-sections of the Andes. Figure 6: Comparison of size of empires between South America and globally. Figure 92: modern geographical model, marking Aymaran territorial boundaries in Bolivia.

Huaca De Los Reyes Figure 67: Plan of Huaca De Los Reyes, Late Archaic Period. Figure 68: The three plazas of the temple ruin. Figure 69: Huaca De Los Reyes temple mound. Figure 70: Model of Huaca De Los Reyes temple.

Chavín De Huantar Figure 300: Diagram of Stone heads on temple wall. Figure 301: Stone head, New Temple, Chavín De Huantar

Cerro Sechín (Casma Valley) Figure 281: Diagram of astronomical wall petroglyph. Figure 282: Astronomical wall petroglyph. Figure 284: Recreation of the Cerro Sechín temple. Figure 285: Present day Cerro Sechín ruin. Figure 296: Recreation of large facial frieze. Figure 297: “God with stick” petroglyph. Figure 298: Intestinal tract wall petroglyph. Figure 299: Body parts wall petroglyph.

Pampa De Llamas Moxeque (Casma Valley) Figure 15: Moxeque huaca pyramid friezes. Figure 16: Plan of Moxeque huaca pyramid. Figure 17: Plan of Huaca A – Pampa De Llamas Moxeque. Figure 18: Recreation of Moxeque huaca pyramid. Figure 19: map of lower Casma Valley – Archaic Period. Figure 20: Central plaza of Pampas De Lamas Moxeque. Figure 21: Moxeque huaca and ‘wattle and daub’ house. Figure 22: Plaza atop Moxeque huaca pyramid. Figure 23: Plan of Pampa De Llamas Moxeque. Figure 25: Map of Casma Valley sites.

Manchan (Casma Valley) Figure 27: Plan of Manchan

El Purgatorio (Casma Valley) Figure 26: Plan of El Purgatorio.

Taukachi-Konkán (Casma Valley) Figure 24: Plan of Taukachi-Konkán.

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Caral (Supe Valley) Figure 11: A view of the ruins of Caral looking north from the hill towards the river. Figure 12: A map of Supe Valley Late Archaic Period settlement sites. Figure 13: A recreation of Caral city. Figure 14: Plan of Caral – Late Archaic Period. Figure 107: Elite housing attached to pyramid. Figure 108: Geographical division of Caral. Figure 175: Central plaza at Caral. Figure 176: La Pirámide del Antifiteatro. Figure 207: The remains of ‘wattle and daub’ housing with stone foundations from central Caral. Figure 208: Close up of ‘watlle and daub’ housing remains. Figure277: A ceremonial astronomical stone in the Grande Plaza of Caral. Figure 291: A recreation of the sacred fire enclosure on a pyramid top.

Pachacamac (Lurin Valley) Figure 34: Model of Pachacamac. Figure 35: Aerial photography of Pachacamac. Figure 36: Tawantinsuyu Sun Temple. Figure 56: Recreation sketch of Pachacamac. Figure 57: View of the sacred islands from the Sun Temple. Figure 93: Model of the Sun Temple. Figure 94: Temple of the Sun ruin. Figure 95: Ramped huaca pyramid – central Pachacamac. Figure 96: Plan of ramped huaca pyramid. Figure 106: The Wari-Tiwanaku Old Pyramid and the Tawantinsuyu Sun Temple. Figure 113: Centre of Pachacamac with dividing wall. Figure 114: Plan of Pachacamac. Figure 115: Model of the centre of Pachacamac. Figure 116: The central Religious Complex at Pachacamac with dividing walls. Figure 117: Excavations in Pilgrims Square. Figure 128: Entrance to Sun Temple. Figure 138: 20th century photograph of North-South street. Figure 139: Present day ruins of North-South street. Figure 140: Main thoroughfare of Pachacamac. Figure 141: Eastward view along main thoroughfare. Figure 142: Amalgamation panoramic photograph of N-S, E-W streets intersection. Figure 191: Recreation sketch of Pachacamac. Figure 210: Construction method used at the Sun Temple. Figure 211: Construction method used at the Sun Temple. Figure 229: Palace Tauri Chumbi. Figure 231: Model of the reconstruction of the House of the Mamacuna. Figure 232: House of the Mamacuna as it stands today. Figure 268: Water system serving the House of the Mamacuna. Figure 289: Decorations on the Sun Temple. Figure 316: Wall niches at the House of the Mamacuna. Figure 329: Painted designs on the Old Pyramid and the Temple of the Sun.

Armatambo (Rimac Valley) Figure 348: Aerial photograph of the urban area of Armatambo. Figure 349: Armatambo ramped huaca pyramid in Pachacamac style. Figure 350: Wall mural from Armatambo. Figure 351: A map of the centre of Armatambo.

Tiwanaku Figure 1: Colonial Church Figure 2: Tiwanaku monoliths in front of Colonial Church.

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Figure 28: Kalasasaya Temple. Figure 30: Map of Tiwanaku expansion routes. Figure 33: map of main Wari-Tiwanaku sites. Figure 55: Map of Tiwanaku and Lake Titicaca surrounds. Figure 62: Reconstruction of Religious Complex at centre of Tiwanaku. Figure 86: Stone Tiwanaku model of Pumapunku Temple. Figure 105: Kalasasaya and Semi-subterranean Temples. Figure 118: A reconstruction of Tiwanaku. Figure180: Semi-subterranean Temple, monoliths, entrance to Kalasasaya. Figure 204: Drawings of Tiwanaku housing styles. Figure 205: Excavations of Tawantinsuyu dwellings beside the Pumapunku Temple at Tiwanaku. Figure 260: Part of the drainage aqueduct system at Pumapunku. Figure 261: Drainage system in the Semi-subterranean Temple. Figure 262: Drainage system at the Kalasasaya Temple. Figure 278: Astronomical alignment of the Kalasasaya Temple and stones at Tiwanaku. Figure 279: The relation of Kalasasaya upright wall stones to calendar months. Figure 280: Markings and divisions of the Tiwanaku 30 day calendar from the Puerta del Sol. Figure 288: Astronomical investigation on one of the monoliths. Figure 292: Remains of the reflecting pool on top of the Akapana Pyramid. Figure 303: Carved sandstone heads in the Semi-subterranean Temple. Figure 332: Carved Cruz-Andina, Kerrikala Palace, Tiwanaku. Figure 333: Relief carvings on a stone in the Religious Complex at Tiwanaku. Figure 334: Stone carved monolith, human figure, Tiwanaku. Figure 335: Stele of bearded human figure, Semi-subterranean Temple. Figure 336: Carved monolith, Kalasasaya Temple. Figure 337: Entrance to Kalasasaya Temple. Figure 338: Puerta del Sol, Kalasasaya Temple. Figure 339: Close up of iconographic designs, Puerta del Sol, Kalasasaya Temple. Figure 340: Rear side of the Puerta de Sol, Kalasasaya Temple.

Pikillacta Figure 65: Plan of Pikillacta Figure 71: Diagram of urban design units, Pikillacta. Figure 72: Plan of a Pikillacta barrio (suburb). Figure 218: Recreation sketch of some types of Wari-Tiwanaku patio housing at Pikillacta. (See also Appendix A).

Viracochapampa Figure 66: Plan of Viracochapampa. Figure 219: Patio house complex from Viracochapampa.

Huari Figure 29: Centre of Huari ruins. Figure 31: Plan of Huari. Figure 32: Outer defensive wall at Huari. Figure 33: Map of main Wari-Tiwanaku sites. Figure 61: Outer defensive wall at Huari. Figure 88: Wari ceramic depicting housing, from Huari. Figure 109: Internal wall separating the Religious Complex from the housing area. Figure 110: Internal wall separating elite residences from the rest of the city. Figure 111: Internal wall divisions in the Huari city centre. Figure 112: Upper dividing wall at Huari. Figure 144: Internal main street at Huari. Figure 145: A wide perimeter street at Huari. Figure 179: Circular plaza at the Vegachayoq Moqo religious complex – Huari. Figure 199: Walled plazas at Huari.

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Figure 238: Plan of Huari. Figure 266: Drainage system uncovered by road works at Huari. Figure 267: Huari reservoir in the city centre. Figure 269: A Huari stone fountain. Figure 274: A Wari drinking vessel (kero). Figure 275: A Wari textile in bright colours and anthropomorphic designs. Figure 302: Stone head from the central plaza at Huari. Figure 323: Wall niches in the main temple, Vegachayoq Moqo, Huari.

Moche (Moche Valley) Figure 7: Chart of North Coast Peru cultural chronology. Figure 8: Map showing the extent of the Moche polity. Figure 9: Plan of Moche Ceremonial Centre, Early and Middle Moche Period. Figure 10: Reconstruction drawing of Huaca de la Luna pyramid at Moche. Figure 58: Location map of Chan Chan, Moche and Galindo. Figure 97: Ramp entrance to Huaca de la Luna, Moche. Figure 221: Salinar elite patio housing, Cerro Arena. Figure 224: An excavated patio house at Moche. Figure 235: Moche drawing depicting a women’s weaving factory. Figure 271: Part of a large wall frieze from Huaca de la Luna, Moche. Figure 324: Western exterior wall, Huaca de la Luna, Moche. Figure 325: Brightly painted designs of God from Huaca de la Luna, Moche. Figure 326: Brightly painted designs of God from Huaca de la Luna, Moche. Figure 327: Brightly painted designs of God from Huaca de la Luna, Moche. Figure 328: Brightly painted designs of God from Huaca de la Luna, Moche. Figure 341: View of the two huacas at Moche. Figure 342: Excavations in the centre of Moche. Figure 343: One of the excavated main streets in the centre of Moche. Figure 344: A detailed plan of the best preserved excavated domestic architecture at Moche. Figure 345: Sketch of a pillar top decoration. Figure 346: Wall relief from a Moche patio. Figure 347: Recreation drawing of the centre of Moche.

Galindo (Moche Valley) Figure 37: Ceremonial platform structure. Figure 38: Ceremonial plaza. Figure 39: Plan of Galindo. Figure 50: Centre of Galindo. Figure 58: Location map of Chan Chan, Moche and Galindo. Figure 119: Division between elite and workers housing areas. Figure 120: The dividing wall. Figure 121: Cercadura (ceremonial platform). Figure 122: Site map of Galindo. Figure 220: Plan of a Lords house in a typical patio style. Figure 222: Plan of workers housing from the hillside in Galindo. Figure 223: Plan of elite housing from the centre of Galindo.

Chan Chan (Moche Valley) Figure 40: The 3 stages of Chimu Expansion. Figure 41: Tschudi citadel, Chan Chan. Figure 42: Basic plan of the citadels of Chan Chan. Figure 43: Recreation of a Chan Chan citadel. Figure 58: Location map of Chan Chan, Moche and Galindo. Figure 73: Plan of Tschudi citadel. Figure 74: Plan of Bandalier citadel. Figure 75: Plan of Uhle citadel.

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Figure 76: Aerial photograph of Labyrinth citadel. Figure 77: Aerial photograph of Rivero citadel. Figure 78: Plan of Rivero citadel. Figure 79: Plan of Chan Chan centre. Figure 87: Ceramic model of a Chan Chan ceremony in a citadel plaza. Figure 124: Outer wall of Bandalier citadel. Figure 125: Eroded outer wall of Bandalier citadel. Figure 129: Perimeter street of Tschudi citadel. Figure 130: Internal street of Tschudi citadel. Figure 131: Internal street of Tschudi citadel. Figure 132: Internal street of Tschudi citadel. Figure 133: Early 20th century photograph of a Tschudi citadel perimeter street. Figure 181: The central plaza of Tschudi citadel. Figure 182: Ceremonial public plaza attached to a weaving centre at Tschudi citadel. Figure 183: Second largest public plaza at Tschudi citadel. Figure 184: ceremonial plazaattached to royal huaca at Tschudi citadel. Figure 185: Walled enclosure plaza at the entrance to the royal huaca, Tschudi citadel. Figure 186: Central plaza at Uhle citadel. Figure 227: View of a patio house at Tschudi citadel. Figure 233: Diagram of North Coast dual moity mitae structure. Figure 263: Large water reservoir at Tschudi citadel. Figure 272: Decorated adobe walls at the Dragon Palace – Chan Chan. Figure 273: Adobe wall frieze at the Dragon Palace. Figure 293: Painted murals of life scenes on the walls of Chan Chan. Figure 294: Painted murals of life scenes on the walls of Chan Chan. Figure 295: Geometric wall designs at Chan Chan. Figure 304: Large wooden statue and wall friezes (skunks), central plaza, Tschudi citadel. Figure 305: decorated entrance and large niches, inner plaza, Tschudi citadel. Figure 306: Wooden idol in niche, inner plaza, Tschudi citadel. Figure 307: Decorated gateway to small plaza, Tschudi citadel. Figure 308: Decorated walls, animal designs in Tschudi citadel. Figure 309: Decorated walls, fish designs in Tschudi citadel. Figure 310: Decorated walls, pelicans in Tschudi citadel. Figure 311: Decorated walls, geometric in Tschudi citadel. Figure 312: Decorated entrance to main plaza, Tschudi citadel. Figure 313: Detail from main plaza wall, Tschudi citadel. Figure 314: Chan Chan wall design. Figure 315: Chan Chan wall design.

La Centilnela Figure 100: Pyramid huaca, city centre. Figure 101: Pyramid huaca, city plaza. Figure 146: Internal street of Centilnela. Figure 147: Internal street of Centilnela. Figure 202: The central plaza at one of the Centilnela citadels. Figure 203: A view across the central plaza at Centilnela.

Cajamarquilla (Rimac Valley) Figure 63: Aerial photograph of Cajamarquilla. Figure 64: Close up aerial photograph of the Cajamarquilla city centre.

Paracas Figure 89: Paracas Cavernas ceramic pot depicting a house. Figure 276: Detail from a Paracas Necropolis textile(Late Formative Period).

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Cajamarca Figure 265: Cambemayo aqueduct at Cajamarca.

Tawantinsu (General) Figure 84: Stone model of a gate tower. Figure 85: Stone model of a house. Figure 91: Ceramic model of a Kancha housing complex. Figure 156: Tawantinsuyu major road system linking together the urban centres. Figure 157: Cincha-suyu road from Vilcas-human to Cuzco. Figure 159: Colla-suyu road from Cuzco to LakeTiticaca. Figure 160: Chilean Coast. Figure161: Conit-suyu road from Pachacamac to Huanchaco. Figure 164: Tiwanaku/Tawantinsuyu road in northern Bolivia, Amaretti. Figure 225: Plan of Tawantinsuyu common patio house or Kancha. Figure 226: Recreative drawing of Tawantinsuyu common patio house or Kancha. Figure 230: Incan reflective pool – Cocho Santar at Yucar palace, Urubamba valley. Figure 234: Tawantinsuyu Quipu counter. Figure 264: Ritual baths at Lago Chillata, Bolivia. Figure 270: A colonial drainage system made using indigenous stone masons.

Tawantinsuyu – Cuzco Figure 44: Plaza de Armas in Cuzco. Figure 45: Koricancha (Santo Domingo Church). Figure 98: Steppd temple/fortress od Sacsawaman. Figure 99: Intiraymi ceremony at Sacsawaman. Figure 126: 17th century plan of Cuzco. Figure 127: 19th century plan of Cuzco. Figure 143: modern street scene in Cuzco. Figure 174: Stairway gate entrance to Sacsawaman. Figure 177: Large circular plaza at Sacsawaman. Figure 178: Central Plaza and tunnels at Sacsawaman. Figure197: Central Plaza de Armas of Cuzco – Aukaipata. Figure 198: Modern Intiraymi ceremony in central Plaza de Armas. Figure 216: Largest single Stone at Sacsawaman. Figure 251: A subterranean temple under Kenko. Figure 252:Part of a system of subterranean tunnels under Sacsawaman. Figure 255: Water system at Tambo Machay temple. Figure 290: A symbolic staircase entry at Kenko.

Tawantinsuyu – Ollantaytambo Figure 59: Map of Ollantaytambo and surrounds. Figure 155: A modern day street scene in Ollantaytambo. Figure 162: Intercity road through Ollantaytambo. Figure 168: Stairway connecting town and Religious Complex. Figure 228: A Tawantinsuyu patio house or Kancha still in use in Ollantaytambo centre. Figure 237: Storage buildings on hill above town.. Figure 239: Plan of Ollantaytambo. Figure 253: Perimeter road, houses and aqueduct. Figure322: Double row of niches in temple complex. Figure 330: Relief of Andean staircase design, Sun Temple. Figure 331: Close up of relief of Andean staircase design, Sun Temple.

Tawantinsuyu – Machu Picchu Figure 46: Cityscape overview of Machu Picchu. Figure 47: Plan of eastern Machu Picchu – Kings Section. Figure 48: Plan of western Machu Picchu.

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Figure 49: Map of Machu Picchu surrounds. Figure 60: Machu Picchu city centre. Figure 81: Ingenuity Group of houses. Figure 82: Sketch of Kings Group of houses. Figure 83: Photograph of Kings Group of houses. Figure 102: Temple of the Sun and elite housing. Figure 103: Temple of the Sun and main plaza. Figure 123: Upper elite barrio. Figure 134: Terrace street in elite housing section. Figure 148: Main street leading into Machu Picchu from Cuzco. Figure 149: Terraced street layout in elite barrio. Figure 165: Staircase hewn from bedrock. Figure 166: Stairway of the fountains. Figure 167: Main outer stairway to city centre. Figure 192: The system of central public plazas. Figure 193: Main ceremonial platform in the central plaza. Figure 194: The central ceremonial plaza. Figure 209: Reconstructed elite housing above the central plaza. Figure 243: Windows in the Kings district housing. Figure 244: Large window in Royal Mausoleum group. Figure 245: Windows in the Temple of the Sun. Figure 246: Windows at Machu Picchu. Figure 250: Hitching Post of the Sun. Figure 254: 13 fountains springs system. Figure 321: Wall niches in the Kings Barrio.

Tawantinsuyu – Písac Figure 53: Písac centre. Figure 54: Agricultural terracing on the side of Písac. Figure 104: Temple of the Sun and gold smelter. Figure 150: Streets in the centre of Písac. Figure 151: Lower Písac. Figure 152: Kálla Kása complex. Figure 153: Písaqa Complex. Figure 169: Stairway entry gate into Písac. Figure 170: Stairway with aqueduct. Figure 171: Stairway from housing to Religious Complex. Figure 172: Stairway into a tunnel passage street. Figure212: Pure adobe structure eroded at highland Písac. Figure 213: Typical highland construction method at Qanchis Raqay, Písac. Figure 214: The front of the P’isaqa Complex. Figure 236: Reconstructed storage facilities. Figure 240: Plan of Písac. Figure 241: View over the P’isaqa barrio. Figure 242: Windows on a Písac watchtower. Figure 256: Ceremonial baths. Figure 257: First in a series of photographs of water system from the Sun Temple to the fields. Figure 258: Second in a series of photographs of water system from the Sun Temple to the fields. Figure 259: Third in a series of photographs of water system from the Sun Temple to the fields. Figure 286: Intihuatana Hitching Post of the Sun at Písac. Figure 287: 19th century sketch of the Intihuatana Hitching Post of the Sun. Figure 317: Wall niches in the Písaqa Complex. Figure 352: Aerial photograph of old and new towns of Písac.

Tawantinsuyu – Tambo Colorado Figure 51: Tambo Colorado situated above the river flats.

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Figure 52: Model of Tambo Colorado. Figure 135: Elite housing barrio. Figure 136: Internal street in elite housing barrio. Figure 188: Platform in main plaza. Figure 189: Complete photograph of Tambo Colorado. Figure 190: Plan of Tambo Colorado. Figure 247: Windows in elite housing complex. Figure 248: Windows in elite housing complex. Figure 318: Wall niches. Figure 319: Double edged wall niches in the elite housing complex. Figure 320: Geometric wall designs.

Tawantinsuyu – Huánuco Viejo Figure 187: Plan of Huánuco Viejo. Figure 217: Plan of Tawantinsuyu Kancha or patio house.

Tawantinsuyu – Incahuasi (Cañete Valley) Figure 80: Plan of Incahuasi. Figure 154: Internal connecting street. Figure 163: Intercity road between Incahuasi and the coast – lower Cañete valley. Figure 201: The central plaza of the Incahuasi palace. Figure 206: A typical coastal Peru wattle and daub house.

Tawantinsuyu – Chinchero Figure 173: Stairway with drainage to terraced fields. Figure 196: Central plaza with large niches.

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Introduction We must face the inevitable. The new civilization is certain to be urban; and the problem of the twentieth [first] century will be the city. Max Weber1 This book will investigate the evolution of urban design in the Andes of South America to ascertain if there existed in pre-Hispanic times a shared Andean tradition of urban planning. Since, in previous research, Andean urban planning has been treated as the product of individual sites or cultures, this study will explore the repeated use of design elements within Andean urban planning, in order to isolate specific elements for individual functional analysis within the context of a cultural tradition. The primary focus will be to demonstrate clearly the urban design connection that forms a coherent Andean urban planning tradition shared between the urban civilizations of the Andes from the inception of urbanism around the beginning of the third millennium BC until the cultural disruption of the Spanish conquest in the mid-sixteenth century AD.1

planned urban design and its function and aesthetics as part of an elevated behavioural creed.

Through the investigation and understanding of the evolving sophistication of the cultures within the Andes cultural, political and geographical region, it will be shown that certain ideas of urban design, from very early times, began to form a coherent planning tradition that was shared by civilizations, cultures and settlements in close and distant contact. Moreover, these ideas for architectural designs and layouts for urban areas were not only shared geographically but also repeated through time.

The principal reason for this investigation is that very little study has been done on urban continuity and design, and their link with cultural traditions in South America. In comparative global studies of urbanism South America is usually omitted, or a particular city (usually Cuzco) or cultural epochs (usually Inca [Tawantinsuyu]) are alluded to only briefly. The urban planning history of the Andes from its inception to the colonial period has never been researched to see if there is a solid encompassing tradition to which cities adhered. The Andean urban situation has always been treated by individual site, culture or epoch, and any unity between city designs that have been alluded to, have been considered as inconsequential or influenced by a variety of sources. The impact of Wari enclosures has had the most profound, yet limited treatment. However, to put into operation the central theme of this investigation, the evolution of an Andean urban planning tradition, the urban tradition itself must be brought under focused attention, proven to exist, and dissected to see its most basic operational parts.

The choice of the Andes as an area of investigation in this field is vindicated as it is an area of the world that because, unless further proof comes to light, it appears to have created the urban principle and worked through the social and design problems in isolation from the rest of the world. India, China and Egypt, by comparison, were part of a network through which ideas and urban principles were diffused, even though they developed their own regional variants. South America adopted the creed of urbanism well before it was established in Mesoamerica, as a response to its own particular pressures and solutions and is perhaps one of the last areas of the world to be thoroughly researched.

The definition of an urban area used in this investigation encompasses not only large cities or towns but also small population agglomerations. An urban area is seen as a place in which a cultural force has brought into existence, along with housing, the use of public space for transport, recreation, religion, political and economic activities, but not for agricultural purposes. The existence of a socially stratified and politically organised society must be explicit in the arrangement of structures. The reasons for the use of this definition, and what separates urban from non-urban culture are discussed in detail in chapter two.

For this reason this study works towards a two-fold conclusion. The main body of the study seeks to identify, describe and analyse those aspects of city design that created an Andean urban planning tradition which, until now, have gone unrecognized. The intention is to demonstrate that, through their persistent use of urban design over long periods of time and despite political changes, the Andean peoples revealed their ability to create a social environment and landscape in which people wanted to dwell and in which they functioned as part of an elevated behavioural creed that set urban civilization apart as something desirable, above and beyond co-habitation enforced by authorities for their own political ends. The secondary conclusion is that some of the Andean urban forms and ideas mirrored or pre-dated those

The city, in both the modern and ancient settings, stands apart from what is nature, from what is wild. In both periods, the perception that the urban world is civilized and therefore apart from what is wild, exists as a testament to the underlying desire and appreciation of what urban living can give to society in terms of variety, safety and comfort. It is important to understand this notion, as this study focuses on

1

Weber, M. The City. Glencoe, Ill., Free Press. 1958: p. 18.

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION also appearing in other parts of the world, in particular those that had been established in Spain, the style of which was subsequently introduced to the Andes.

cultural environments, as part of an agriculturally based empire while still maintaining an urban focus. There are both cultural and design aspects of Andean urbanism that are generally shared with other pre-industrial societies throughout the world. By using general extant global notions of pre-industrial urban communities, some terms of comparison can be drawn for the Andean urban situation with that existing in other areas of the contemporary world.

In order to fully understand the pan-Andean urban tradition, it is necessary to comprehend the controlling factors that allowed an area of diverse geographic, ecological and climatic conditions to be able to form a wide ranging and long standing tradition. This provides reasons why certain techniques of urban design were first used and then persisted with until the modern period; that they were the result of a confluence of geographical, political, and social conditions. It is argued that the fact that these designs were maintained and passed on, to be used by other Andean cultures and civilizations over a period of more than 4000 years, is testimony to their efficacy in maintaining internal social and political cohesion, their ability to resolve geographical and environmental difficulties, and is a reflection of an aesthetic tradition with culturally cohesive forces. This investigation will follow the rise of those planned urban designs that were sustained over a long period, beginning around 2600BC with the first signs of urban planning, and ending with the Spanish invasion in 1532 AD. Naturally, the study also looks at the fall of Andean cultures, and their design differences and alterations due to changing political, social and environmental circumstances. It should not be presumed that all Andean cultures, at all times, subscribed to either urbanism or the same aesthetic traditions, or that all those who lived under the influence of these long-term traditions, did so willingly or freely. The Andean region is a complex of cultures, chiefly inhabiting the valleys of the coast, the highlands, and Puna2 mountain plateau areas. The direction of cultural influence was hugely affected by the geography of the land and the unusual subsistence patterns that Andeans were forced to adopt. Although the exchange of cultural materials had a limited beginning, due to the self-sufficient valley ecologies, it will be clearly seen that the exchange of ideas was bi-directional, along the coast from valley to valley, and in the valleys from the coast or Amazon to the highland communities and vice versa. The epochs of pan-Andean civilizations - Chavín, Wari-Tiwanaku, and Tawantinsuyu (Inca)3 - are the clearest examples of the extent to which single cultures, at different periods, could influence or control a massive area, ultimately comparable with the size of the Roman Empire, at its peak. Also, like the Romans, the Tawantinsuyu applied urban planning techniques to a broad range of geographical and 2

Puna refers to the high elevation plateau grasslands – roughly 4000m to 4800 m of elevation above sea level. Burger, R.L., Chavín and the Origins of Andean Civilization, London, Thames & Hudson, 1992: p. 19. 3 In this study the name Tawantinsuyu is used for the civilization popularly known as Inca. Inca literally means King or Ruler and was misused by the Spanish in its application to the entire people. The use of Tawantinsuyu, meaning the four parts or divisions of the Empire, is also out of recognition of respect for the Andean people who prefer to use the correct signification from pre-Hispanic times.

2

Methodology ‘You are yourselves the town, where ever you choose to settle . . . it is men that make the city, not the walls and ships without them . . .’ Nicias’s speech of inspiration to the Athenian troops on the beach at Syracuse.1

visible in the need to also update more recent studies. This includes Bawden’s numerous publications in the 1990s on the Moche, following the most recent archaeological discoveries which show that urban planning probably existed before the political upheavals that he ascribes as the cause of the creation of urban planning in the Moche valley. However that is not to dismiss other valid areas of Bawden’s analysis. In yet other urban sites no new archaeological investigations have been completed for decades and the information must still be presumed to be correct.

There are many difficulties posed by a study of this kind, not all of which are theoretical. The revealing of a previously unrecognized urban planning tradition through the sum of its key design forms requires the use of vast amounts of comparative information, both between the different Andean cities and between the cities of the Andes and the Old World. There are also comparisons to be made between the sometimes differing theories and conclusions of numerous researchers and authors.1 This primary investigation into the existence of an Andean urban planning tradition has been hampered not only by the lack of investigation of many sites, and their poor condition, but also by the fact that the very process of South American urbanization was late to be recognized and accepted for its primary development role. Such seminal works on world wide urbanism such as Gideon Sjoberg’s The Preindustrial City – Past and Present (1960),2 although recognizing Mesoamerican urbanization, does not acknowledge the earlier Andean form from which it may have been influenced. This is largely because the South American and Mesoamerican cultures lacked early writing systems that might have enabled developments to be documented. Perhaps the lack of investigation of that time also contributed to the formation of this large gap, a problem that continues to affect Andean research. However for the continuance of world analysis and comparison of urbanization, its designs and processes, this gap needs to be filled. Andean urbanization needs to be recognized and analysed as a complete tradition so as to be available for international comparisons.

Individual urban sites have been investigated and reinvestigated over a course of decades, often reaching updated conclusions, however until the research leading to this study no-one has sought to ascertain if it can be said that urban planning in the Andes existed as a pan-Andean tradition in the sense that key ideas of urban planning were consistently used by the majority of urban cultures and settlements before culminating finally in its climax under the pan-Andean empire of Tawantinsuyu. Urban planning in the Andes is a subject that in the past has been treated on a separate site by site or on a cultural epoch basis. Although the fact is that there were cultural influences affecting across both sites and cultural epochs, this approach has led to a situation in which urban planning is seen as a disjointed and separated process of growth. Hardoy4 was able to place much of Andean urban planning into a perspective that allowed for the diffusion of cultural influences between sites. More recently Hyslop in Inka Settlement Planning (1990)5 has analysed the state of settlement planning as it finally existed under the Tawantinsuyu (Inca) Empire. He also notes, as Hardoy before, that these final design solutions were influenced by other cultures and ideas, but does not go on to explore the theme.

Past investigations of urban design in the Andes have always suffered from a lack of clear, published information. This investigation has also had to work around that barrier. Past studies that still have useful aspects, such as Hardoy’s PreColumbian Cities (1973) or Urban Planning in PreColumbian America (1968) ,3 have information which after more recent investigation needs to be updated, and so therefore also some of their underlying theories and conclusions. That the change and growth in information, theories and conclusions for the Andean civilizations and in particularly urban areas is moving at a radical pace is clearly

Most recently Adriana von Hagen and Craig Morris in The Cities of the Ancient Andes (1998)6 have sought to discuss the growth of Andean cities, but not only is their work in the nature of a brief summary, some of their conclusions are questionable. However, since so much information is not referenced but referred to as, ‘archaeologists think’, the source and relevance of their ideas is difficult to trace.

1

Hobbes, T. (trans.), Thucydides, vol. 7, no. 63, (no year given): pp. 308-9. Sjoberg, G., The Preindustrial City: Past and Present, New York, The Free Press, 1960. 3 Hardoy, J. E., Pre-Columbian Cities, London, Allen & Unwin, 1973; Hardoy, J. E., Urban planning in pre-Columbian America, London, Studio Vista, 1968. 2

4

Hardoy (1968); (1973). Hyslop, J., Inka settlement planning, Austin, Uni. of Texas Press, 1990. 6 von Hagan, A. & Morris, C., The Cities of the Ancient Andes, London, Thames and Hudson, 1998. 5

3

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION They dedicate much space to cultures and sites that are not urban when insufficient information exists to continue on the original theme, cities. Although monumental construction in pre-urban times played an important role in the formation of urban planning ideas, von Hagen and Morris’ in depth descriptions of pre-urban ceremonial sites uses as much textual space as the sections on cities to which their book is supposedly dedicated. Since monumental structures have had more archaeological analysis than urban areas, which has also been a difficulty for this investigation, to a certain degree their un-urban focus is understandable. Yet, the problem persists later in the book with large amounts of text devoted to cultural descriptions of peoples that never formed cities, a definition or criteria for which is not given. That the authors chose to include many cultures and sites that are not urban may have been due to a lack of information on city sites and cultures, but their small bibliography may indicate a lack of source material.

continuity of urban organisation ideas that reflected the individuality of the Andean urban and cultural experience. Finally, they do not come to any particular conclusion as the text is descriptive rather analytical and asks no particular question of the information. Once again the discussion of Andean cities fails to realise the existence of an Andean urban planning tradition, which is something this investigation through isolating precise urban forms is able to clearly demonstrate. That some of these aspects of urban design were also used in other parts of the world could also have been noticed by others if they had thought to include South America, as well as the later, and probable, offspring in Mesoamerica. As shall be seen in chapter two, this failure was caused by past definitions and notions of urbanism that did not include the Andes – a failing about which Hardoy, Hyslop, von Hagen and Morris and this book all express regret. Comparisons between Andean and Old World urban design traditions are of great interest, but they are not part of the core subject of this study, although appropriate points for comparison will be noted in the conclusion. It should also be noted that urban design aspects that were shared by both the Spanish and the Andean people continued to be used during the Colonial and Republic periods. This point, however, although not a part of this study also warrants further future investigation.

In the introduction they touch upon some of the ideas that will be more fully explored in this thesis, such as the diversity and sacredness of geography, the inclusion of astronomical alignments and the lack of market economics in cities. But they do not seek to evaluate their importance, nor do they note how particular design aspects were shared, preferring to take a descriptive and in some places imaginative approach. For example, the use of patio houses by the Wari are noted7 but their architectural link to the use of patio houses in other parts of the Andes is not explored. Similarly, the cultural borrowing of ideas such as a road network, the quipu, a system of state installations and forced immigration, of the Tawantinsuyu from the Wari is recognized8 but a search for specific urban design borrowing does not take place. Recognition is made of the fact that in ‘urban organization and city-building – as in agriculture, metallurgy, weaving, road-building and even administration [the Tawantinsuyu civilization excelled] mainly because they took what already existed and incorporated it into a vast new vision of political and economic expansion’.9 However the chain of urban design upon which the Tawantinsuyu were the last link is not recognized, explored or demonstrated.

The aim of the investigation in this book is, therefore, to demonstrate that an Andean urban planning tradition existed – a tradition that began at the outset of planned urbanization and reached its complex maturity under the administration of the Tawantinsuyu who were, in fact, the heirs of over four thousand years of urban tradition. The difficulties of amassing and analysing sufficient data to prove the point has had a number of frustrating aspects. As stated previously the information relating to Andean sites is being constantly updated by new discoveries or more in-depth investigations. Much of the information has been published in Spanish and numerous other languages, leading to the information being spread out around the world. Also many of the past investigations conclusions were presented in small, and often short lived, South American journals and conference papers making them difficult to track down. Many of these lacked the depth of data and analysis that the scholarly devotion leading to a book can provide. The theme of urban planning has also not proven as popular as temples, tombs, treasures and other more romantic subjects.

It is briefly noted that there were ceremonial similarities of urban character in access to city space between Tawantinsuyu (Inca), Wari and Chimú cities, but this important point is not further developed.10 Their analysis of Andean cities is based upon a descriptive cultural outlook rather than a focused analysis of urban design. Although they describe various Andean cities they do not reach the conclusion, as this book does, that there existed an Andean urban planning tradition which links together the majority of Andean cities and settlements into an ancient and geographically dispersed

This author has learnt Spanish and lived in the Andes for the seven year period of this investigation to be able to access as many resources as possible. This has also allowed the clarification of some points and the discovery of past mistakes through personal observation. Libraries in Australia, America, Europe and South America have been accessed in the search. This includes private, public, university and

7

von Hagen & Morris (1998): p. 129 von Hagen & Morris (1998): pp. 137 -138. 9 von Hagen & Morris (1998): p. 165. 10 von Hagen & Morris (1998): p. 168. 8

4

METHODOLOGY institutional libraries. However some have been closed or with limited access due to lack of funding and politics. The internet also has been used to find resources, for both materials and for contact with relevant investigators. As a result, it is unfortunate that despite the best efforts, not all articles and books were able to be located. However sufficient materials were encountered to provide a clear and concise analysis of Andean urban planning, while personal conversations with other archaeologists working in the field have provided clarification.

ethnology, historical-ethnology, history, biography and my own personal field notes and observations. My previous education was in Anthropology, History and Archaeology which has led to this cross-disciplinary approach. Also my research on social effects of urban planning for UNESCO11 culminated in the idea to search for urban design ideas in the pre-historical past. Many of the urban centres, and other religious or military centres, mentioned in this book have been personally visited, photographed and field notes recorded. However, where my personal observations merely validate those made previously by others, both out of respect of precedence and because in the past the archaeological sites were in better condition for observance, the earlier observations will be cited.

On a personal level, the experience of living in the Andes and coming to know intimately not only the cultural and geographic diversity, but also the pace at which Andean life proceeds, and the type of world view and logic employed by the inhabitants, has given me a deeper understanding the role cities and ceremonial centres may have had in the growth of Andean urban society, and how the people and culture reacted to and with these as cultural forces. So too, the chance to see and handle the large range of sophisticated artifacts from adornments and sacred objects in gold, silver and copper, to highly decorated and also mundane ceramics and textiles, to walk down the now abandoned streets and through the deserted buildings and plazas leaves one with the impression of great and sophisticated urbanized civilizations and societies, that at times formed massive cultural, political and economic networks that leave quibbling over definitions of what exactly constitutes an urban society as a merely theoretical decision. The question that struck me most was how Andean urbanism could have been overlooked for so long. When confronted with the barrenness of the Pacific coast or the difficulties of the mountain terrain the achievements of Andean urbanism seem all the more remarkable.

Sites visited in the course of this investigation are shown in Table 1. Both the limits of time and resources have not allowed me to widely excavate, however the results from other archaeological investigations, which do employ these techniques and their peer reviewed published conclusions will be. The other forms of data collection used includes; photography, aerial photography, satellite imagery, topographical maps, global satellite positioning, primary and secondary historical sources, anthropological and ethnological documentation, biographical sources, interviews, archaeological publications, reports and field investigation, re-creational drawings and models, and museum exhibitions. Of course the accidents of archaeological discovery will always shape the possible course and outcomes of analysis, as Dr. Shady’s recent discovery of Caral, setting back by thousands of years the dates of the first planned Andean urbanization, clearly demonstrates.12 Now is obviously an important time for the revision of urban theory not only for South America, but for the affect on American urban development theory of the vastly earlier urban dates in the south, and therefore the Americas as a whole, thus bringing American urbanization into line with its Old World counterparts.

It needs to be mentioned that this study seeks to put into action the idea of cross-cultural as well as an interdisciplinary approach. Where a quotation has originally been in Spanish or another language it is here placed in the text in its original form, while a translation is provided in the footnotes. This is done firstly because sharing ideas does not need to mean that everything is turned into the English language, and that part of the international expansion and sharing of ideas must also be the effort to understand other languages. Secondly, it is because anyone who wants to seriously study, or understand South America, must at least understand Spanish and thus it is represented in the text. For those who already know Spanish it is better to have the possibility of making your own subtle differences in translation, as no two languages are ever completely interchangeable. Hopefully for readers it will also provide a sense of Latin American ambience.

11

Hasluck, L. & Malone, K., ‘Location, leisure and lifestyle: young people’s retreat to home environments’, in Berado, F. (series ed.) & Shehan, C. (vol. ed.), Contemporary Perspectives on Family Research – Through the Eyes of the Child: Revisioning Children As Active Agents of the Family, vol. 1, Stamford, JAI Press, 1999, pp. 177- 156; Malone, K. & Hasluck, L., ‘Geographies of Exclusion: Fear and Flow’, Family Matters Journal, Australian Institute of Family Studies, no. 49, Autumn, 1998, pp. 20- 26; Malone, K. & Hasluck, L. ‘Aliens in the Neighbourhood’, in Chawla, L. (ed.), Growing Up In An Urbanising World, London-Paris, Earthscan UNESCO – MOST, 2002, pp. 81 - 110 12 Pringle, H., ‘The First Urban centre in the Americas’, in Science, vol. 292, 2001, pp. 621-622.

Although this work relies heavily on archaeological information it is not a purely archaeological investigation as it also investigates the planning process and design ideas incorporating information from physical anthropology,

5

URBAN CONT TINUITY IN TH HE ANDES: A PR RE-HISTORICA AL PLANNING TRADITION T

Table 1: And dean Archaeol ological sites viisited for this investigation. i Large-site arcchaeological in nvestigation,13 such as this study could be considered, provvides two maajor contributtions. Bawden, whoo has had to resolve many of the theorretical problems con ncerning large site archaeology in his studiies of the Moche, sttates that primaarily

… it allows acceess to the direcct expression off human sociall life l – the villagges and towns that are planned and shapedd by b the beliefs and customs oof their makerrs. From thesee sources… s [it is i possible too have a good preliminaryy knowledge k of periods]… residential housees, their formss and a contents, the t way in wh hich they differred within thee settlements s an nd changed th hrough time. This in turn n illuminates i the domestic liife of the occcupants, theirr patterns p of social s organizzation, and the t role andd development d o class differences. In th of he domain off

13

Large site arrchaeological invvestigation is thee examination off large archaeological sites in a core area, which is the main m area of a cuultures influence. For exxample for the Tiwanaku, T it woulld be Bolivia, Perru and Chile, while for the t Caral culture itt would be limitedd to the Supe valleyy.

6

METHODOLOGY government, recognition of an overall settlement plan and the nature of its component religious, administrative, craft production, and storage architecture, reflects the character of authority and provides a tangible way of tracing its change through time.14

construction purposes, often in the colonial period before documentation took place.18 Usually animals are grazed and crops raised on any available surface, leading to increased destruction and difficulty of investigation. Often large areas of sites were cleared and leveled for agriculture, while the Pan-American Highway and other roads have been responsible for the destruction of important parts of many large pre-Columbian city sites. This is part of an ongoing lack of respect and/or understanding of the importance of the sites by the both the governments and the local populations.

Secondly, Bawden continues, large-site archaeology provides … information regarding specific organizational and formal dimensions of human settlement. This in turn comprises the data base for accurate comparison of settlements and facilitates the task of discovering meaningful spatial and temporal variation and relation.15

Treasure hunters abound in South America where the fever for buried gold continues unabated since the Spanish conquest. Archaeological sites are regularly looted, with the large-scale digging destroying the lay and visibility of the site, informative artifacts being stolen, and any artifact that may seem common place or of little market value being wantonly destroyed. This leads to a great loss of information, about domestic pursuits in particular, and confuses the levels of stratification. Therefore most of the archaeological sites are in such bad state of repair that it takes an archaeologist armed with the knowledge and maps of previous investigations to make on-site interpretations. My photographs, taken between 2001 and 2004 have been included where they are able to clarify a point, but many of the ruins were in such a bad state that photography is unable to reveal anything of value. Although the book may seem to include a vast amount of photographs this is of necessity for the clear explanation to the reader, who may have no personal Andean experience, the design, condition or location of a site or artifact, and to enhance the written explanations. Many of the sites have either never had photographs published or not in recent years and so the book may serve the future investigator into Andean urbanism as a useful reference book and give useful visual insight.

Modern ethnographic research has shown that in the Andes there is a long continuity of cultural beliefs and structures that allow for comparisons and assumptions between sites and times.16 Bawden makes an important point for Andean pre-historical research, and one that is pertinent to this investigation, when he argues that All such work assumes the existence of persistent cultural traditions and uses both historically documented societies and their modern descendants to detail the nature of shared conception and custom. In this view the social institutions and ideological beliefs of modern indigenous groups represent a pan-Andean pattern of shared physical, social, and ideational structure that transcends immediate historical and spatial boundaries. It is thus valid to interpret cultural traits of a chronologically or spatially remote Andean groups by reference to a betterknown counterpart. While modern studies are increasingly being used to identify such pan-Andean cultural patterns, historically the Inkas [Tawantinsuyu], as the best-documented contact period society, serve this purpose.17 The condition of the archaeological sites also presents problems. On the whole, archaeological sites in South America are in a poor-to-desperate condition. Only those sites that may have a use for tourism are protected or investigated in depth. After a site has been investigated, unless it will be reconstructed or conserved for tourism, it is once more covered over or unmanaged. The cities on the coast were constructed of adobe mud brick, and although the arid climate is generally favourable to their protection, they decay quickly under the onslaught of the periodic intense El Niño rains. The highland cities, although many parts were built in stone, much was also adobe and deteriorates quickly in the wet conditions, and from the common earth tremors.

On the other hand, historical photographs from the twentieth century will be included, sometimes in place of my own, as decades ago the ruins were in a much better and clearer visible state. That is also true for the aerial photographs, where a photograph from the 1940s is clearer than one from the 1960s. More recent aerial photographs have generally not been available, in Peru and Bolivia, due to military restriction of the information, while many of the aerial photographs when not taken specifically of an archaeological site are from too great an altitude to allow the layout to be clearly discerned. 18 Pre-Hispanic cities also demolished earlier phases of building for remodelling projects and re used stone work in the new buildings making it harder to clearly locate the form of the first city stages. Kolata, A., (The Tiwanaku: portrait of an Andean civilization, Cambridge, Mass., Blackwell, 1993: p. 163) and Vranich, A. (‘La pirámide de Akapana: reconsiderando el centro monumental de Tiwanaku’, Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 295- 308: p. 302) demonstrates this for Tiwanaku.

If there is a present-day town near to a site then commonly much of the stonework has been removed for new

14

Bawden, G., The Moche, Cambridge, Mass., Blackwell Publisher, 1996: pp. 28- 29. 15 Bawden (1996): p. 29. 16 Bawden (1996): p. 33. 17 Bawden (1996): p. 33.

7

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 1. The colonial church at Tiwanaku, built entirely of stones salvaged from the Tiwanaku temples and houses. Many other stones went into the construction of local houses and the centre of La Paz. Note in particular the two Tiwanaku statues located at either sides of the gate (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002). When photographs have not been available or sufficiently clear to support the analysis, sketches from earlier periods have often proved useful. Reconstructive drawings and models have been included to give a clearer representation of what the cities may have been like in their operational periods; however many of these do not present the lower class housing areas in as much detail as the monumental and palatial areas, and often not at all. These latter areas are usually in the centres of the cities, where there is a greater amount of information on which to base reconstructive interpretation. One of the largest stumbling blocks for this book, which is not written purely for archaeologists nor solely for urban planners (neither should it be restricted only to academia), but seeks to establish the general state of pre-historic urban planning knowledge, is how to represent the enormous variety of cultures that existed during the Andean prehistorical urban period of over 4000 years. During that time the Andes was full of regional cultures that even under the influence of pan-Andean empires maintained regional variations of the occupying culture. To clarify the Andean pre-history, many of the cultures that existed over long periods of time and which underwent cultural shifts have been represented in pre-historical theory by further divisions into cultural sub epochs.19 This situation of internal cultural sub-division may cause confusion for the researcher as well as the reader.

Figure 2. A detail of the one of the early Tiwanaku statues now placed in front of the church at Tiwanaku (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

19

These sub-divisions are either named or represented by numbers such as I, II, III, IV, etc.

8

METHODOLOGY Since not all areas and cultures of the Andes undertook or maintained urbanization at the same time, or even at all, not all of the Andean cultures need be represented in this investigation. However, even though some cultural pockets remained without urbanization, all of them did play a role in urban society as part of the network of Andean empires and kingdoms through their contribution of resources, products and labour. Without many years of detailed study of the evolution of these adjacent cultures and sub-cultures the field can seem rather confusing and chaotic. Even the most indepth studies are unable to explain the depth of this cultural diversity clearly and concisely. Therefore in this book the information has been simplified in a way that will not adversely affect either the analysis or the conclusions, and which will allow the reader to follow the path of urbanism through the array of cultures, civilizations and the passing millenniums.

has been readdressed numerous times. Each valley also has its own internal cultural divisions based upon ceramic styles that can overly suggest cultural division. This has been the case particularly for the north coast where the naming of the different styles as different cultures hides the accepted fact that there were one people undergoing cultural, political and religious shifts.22 For ease of understanding and applicability, the system of epochal division proposed by Lumbreras23 has been adopted in this book. Under this system, which is very similar to that developed by Thompson24 and accepted by many authors, the names of the epochs generally represent the dominant cultural level of the time. This system also has the advantage of using the common names of the two pan-Andean empires as Periods.25

The first simplification responds to the problem of a system of naming the epochs, those large cultural shifts in time that effect the majority of the cultures in the Andean area. There have been many different systems for naming epochs, some of which for our purposes are far to complicated and couched in archaeological rhetoric, while others have been too simple and do not clearly show the large general cultural shifts that classification into epochs is intended to demonstrate. Before continuing further it is essential to make clear the temporal divisions that will be used for the discussion of epochs within this work. There has been in the Andes a clear cultural continuum for over 35,000 years and probably longer.20 That is not to imply that there has been uninterrupted political unity and progressive technological growth for the entirety of this period. In fact there has been a remarkable array of different cultures and civilizations, birthing and dying, separate and overlapping, regional and united through polity and under dominion. Similar, in that respect, to the Mesopotamian experience. Cultural exchanges between societies and locations, and through time, have made the study of Andean pre-history even more complex, just as the use of nucleated settlements has not followed a steadily progressive history, and the role of high-density settlements has fluxed and waned through different epochs and regions.

Table 2: Cultural epochs and their approximate dates. It should nevertheless be borne in mind that these time periods are based on cultural generalisations and serve as general indicator rather than the rule. Definitions of periods should be thought of as a useful tool, abstract and quite arguable, but contributing effectively to understanding the sequential development of the different pre-Hispanic cultural events.26 Not all areas of the Andes have had continual habitation stretching back to the Lithic Period; however many do. Although this research encompasses the totality of the Andes geographical region, the primary focus will be upon the areas now politically demarcated as Peru and Bolivia. It is in these countries that the nucleus of cultures 22

Archaeologists have forcefully debated the periodization of Andean prehistory. The chronological markers for each period may be defined by means of an economic situation due to ecological conditions that may also affect the cultural development itself.21 This process has been based mainly upon ceramic styles in relation to multi-site stratigraphy, and

Bawden, G., ‘Domestic space and social structure in pre-Columbian northern Peru’, in S. Kent, (ed.), Domestic architecture and the use of space an interdisciplinary cross-cultural study, Norfolk, Cambridge University Press, vol. 1, 1990, pp. 153-171. 23 Lumbreras, L. G., The Peoples and Cultures of Ancient Peru, Washington, Smithsonian Institute Press, 1974c. 24 Thompson, D., ‘Arquitectura y Patrones de Establecimiento en el Valle de Casma’, Revista de Museo Nacional, vol. 40, 1974, pp. 9-29. 25 It has almost become a tradition in Andean studies for each author to create their own system of named division and this has caused much confusion in the field. Some systems such as Rowe’s are overly simplistic and Hardoy’s too shallow for our purposes, while others such as Bawden are too complex. Few bear much relation to the others. Where authors use their own systems I have translated these into Lumbreras’s designations. Sometimes individual cultural periods or areas may be broken down further using the system stated by another author. 26 Rivera (1984): p 145.

20

Petit, C. W., ‘Rediscovering America: the New World may be 20,000 years older than experts thought’, in U.S. News & World Report, Oct 12, vol. 125, no. 14,1998, pp. 56- 8. 21 Rivera, M. A., ‘Altiplano and tropical lowland contacts in northern Chile prehistory: Chinchorro and Alto Ramírez revisited’, in N. Hammond (ed.), 44 International Congress of Americanists: Social and Economic Organization in the Prehispanic Andes, 1982, Manchester, BAR International Series 194, 1984, pp. 143- 160: p. 145.

9

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION and civilizations appeared and spread their influence over both small and extensive ranges of both space and time. The investigations for this study will begin in the middle Archaic Period around 3000 BC with a pre-ceramic culture in the Supe valley on the central west coast and ending with the Spanish conquest in 1532 AD.

Western norms of urban definitions. The culmination of the discussion is a working definition of ‘urban areas’ that is appropriate for this study. A summary of cultural histories will be recounted in Chapter Three – Pre-Urban Cultures and Chapter Four – Urban Cultures for those cultures that were directly involved with urban planning or that had sufficient influence upon the process.

A small mention needs to be made of this books scant use of generally quoting population figures for the various city sites. This has been limited for numerous reasons the main few of which are that very few population studies have been seriously undertaken in the Andes, and most estimates are somewhere between the educated guess and wild speculation. The overall population before Spanish conquest remains hotly debated, and estimates vary by the tens of millions.

For ease of understanding the pre-historical context of Andean urbanism, this study seeks to simplify the cultural interlace by giving a general explanation of the Andean move towards urbanization and its attendant cultural complexity that may be considered a general form applicable to greater or lesser degree throughout the Andes. That there is at present27 no firm data on the functioning of this cultural phase for the Andes also supports the use of this methodology. There is no room in a book of this size to repeat the process for every region.

Even where the size of a site, or number of houses are easily determined, the factor of persons per dwelling, family sizes and economic standing make the variation between estimates enormous. Estimates have been quoted only where they seem to be able help clarify a point, and where there is a rough agreement between different scholars. However, no population figures should be seen to be set in stone. In fact very few authors on the pre-historical Andes venture into this dangerous zone, and it remains an area in desperate need of in depth research.

In these summary histories only sufficient cultural detail will be included to enable the reader to follow the growth of the cultures towards urbanization. However, due to the complexity and disjointed growth towards urbanism in the Andes, these cultural summaries will not be represented in a linear form but in the order they experienced urbanization. That is, the summaries will cover first the relevant pre-urban civilizations of Chavín, Cupisnique, Salinar and Gallinazo, and this will be followed by the earlier, yet urban Supe and Casma valleys, the contemporary and post Tiwanaku, and the later Wari-Tiwanaku, Regional Development, Pachacamac, Moche, Regional States, Chimu and finally the Tawantinsuyu (Inca). By representing the cultures in the chronological order in which they experienced urbanization, and not mixed in among the pre-urban, the reader will find it easier to follow the first movements of urbanization as the idea shifts between the coastal and highland, and northern and southern regions.

Structure of Book This methodology chapter is followed in Chapter One – Geography and Economy by a description of the geographical pressures that affected the creation and growth of Andean urban civilization and determined the ways in which the growth of complex society was steered by the peoples’ relationship with the surrounding varying and extreme environment. Exchange of both resources and ideas was greatly influenced by physical factors that made a system of vertical and horizontal inter-zone reciprocity fundamental in the formation of settlements, states, nations, civilizations and pan-Andean traditions. The flow of shared and adopted ideas is an indispensable part of the Andean urban tradition that can be seen as a strong operating force in Andean preHistory. For ease of understanding the relationship between the different geographical areas, and to follow the rise of urbanism as switches between these, the Andes have been sub-divided into appropriately designated geographical parts.

The final simplification of the data -- and this has presented the most problems and is the hardest decision to defend – is that the cities cited in this study have been limited in number by the application of a set of criteria. From the time of the Wari-Tiwanaku pan-Andean Empire the spread of urbanism became so vast that to use all the cities for the next 1500 years is beyond both the scope of this book in terms of document size and time for gathering data. It is also unnecessary for demonstrating adequately the existence of the Andean urban planning tradition. Although many cities could be mentioned by name and position, for most, in particular the smaller regional centres from the Regional States Period, there is such a lack of data that their use would cloud rather than clarify the history. The urban centres used in this study have been

Chapter Two – Urbanism, Civilization and Tradition further explores urbanization and design through the role of tradition, and the possible causes for the emergence of urbanization among the forces of Andean civilization, geographical, political and cultural influence. A brief comparison with other areas of the world where urbanization first came into existence is needed to understand the creative forces due to the lack of concrete data concerning the Andean situation, which as will be seen is to a degree outside the

27

10

Dr. Shady is due to publish her ideas based on Caral in a few months.

METHODOLOGY chosen because they conform to the definition of urbanism as used for this study and encountered in chapter two. They are also the best representation of the urban culture of the period or place, or serve to clarify or ratify a particular point of the analysis. Also, the sites mentioned are those for which there are sufficient available data to be of valuable use in an analysis. If speculative data has been used to fill an information gap it has been noted as such.

through repetition of design and through time. Secondly, it will suggest that possible similarities exist between the Andean urban planning tradition and those of the invading Spanish, and other Western pre-industrial urban planning traditions, and that some aspects are in tune with general international pre-industrial urban forms and culture as outlined by Sjoberg in The Preindustrial City (1960).

The existence of designs in the sites is of foremost importance, rather than the quantity of each. As will be demonstrated in chapter two, since urban construction does not necessarily imply large amounts of people, or large cities, there will be a difference in urban design and quantity of parts, related to the amount of physical labour that an urban population is able to draw upon to complete public projects. However, as will be seen in the ensuing chapters, in the areas of larger populations (and therefore larger workforces), the designs aspects of the smaller urban centres were also included in those of the greater urban centres. Urban centres not only created large monumental structures, but also created many smaller and more individualised structures, similar to those used in the smaller sites. Often the large urban centre had grown out of a smaller and so both types of construction were present. However, it is true that urban sites which were well planned in advance included monumental public works. In Chapters Five – Design Analysis: Physical Design, Chapter Six – Economic Design, Chapter Seven – Environmental Design and Chapter Eight – Social Design, the character and form of Andean urban planning that is the basis of a tradition will be analysed. For ease of understanding the tradition has been broken into these four parts that are then investigated under different sub-headings that represent those areas for which repetitive design aspects are most common. The use of these four divisions in the urban design represents the four different aspects that have had the largest effect upon planning, procedure and the success of the design. The subheadings have been created to represent those factors of design that were consistently planned into the Andean urban landscape and which therefore represent the skeleton of the Andean urban planning tradition. The analysis of the use of planning in each of these sub-sections demonstrates that tradition at work. Chapter Nine – Possible Non-Conforming Cases is the final chapter of analysis where two example cities that have design aspects that seem not to conform to the tradition – Moche and Armatambo - will be discussed as to why they also should be included within the Andean urban planning tradition. Chapter Ten - Conclusion will firstly reiterate the demonstration that a pan-Andean urban planning tradition existed, the main features of which are clearly traceable 11

PART ONE Chapter One Geography and Economy In South America, it is impossible to speak of man without first considering nature, for she holds sway – she always has done and always will. Nothing here is on our scale. Rivers, mountains, forests – everything is a hindrance, everything is hostile. Man does not seem to have been provided for in the plan of creation of this continent, he is accidental. Louis Baudin1 The1 modern political demarcations in South America bear little resemblance to the cultural divisions of pre-Hispanic times. Instead, it is the geography of the west side of South America that forms the regional boundaries within which this research will operate. In anthropological terms, a culture area is a territory possessing a set of distinctive environmental conditions that have a tendency to produce a cultural conformity.2 This area is consequently that portion of western South America occupied by Andean culture. The term ‘Andean’ is not restricted to the mountainous portion, because the Andean cultural area is larger, embracing both the coastal lowlands and the margin of the vast Amazon jungle.

connection through shared resource zone use, to be discussed in detail below. Archaeologists, geologists and geographers have various ways of sub dividing the complexity of the Andes region. This study will use the generally accepted archaeological divisions, also based upon geography, as used by Lumbreras5 and others such as Hardoy6 and Pulgar.7 In this classification the Andes is formulated into two broad sub-divisions, each of which is in turn sub-divided into further parts, as follows: Highlands:North Highlands (approx. South 10 degrees to South 6 degrees) Central Highlands (approx. South 15 degrees to South 10 degrees) South Highlands (approx. South 12 degrees to South 15 degrees by 72 degrees West) Titicaca Area (approx. South 15 degrees to South 20 degrees by 70 degrees West) Coastal: Far North Coast (approx. South 6 degrees to the Equator). North Coast (approx. South 10 degrees to South 6 degrees). Central Coast (approx. South 13 degrees to South 10 degrees) South Coast (approx. South 16 degrees to South 13 degrees)

This geographical region is equal to the cultural area that was dominated by the Tawantinsuyu Empire at its zenith (1530 – 1532), just prior to the Spanish conquest. It stretched from present day Ecuador in the extreme north to far southern Chile and parts of northern Argentina. The Tawantinsuyu Empire also made inroads into the Amazon basin, but the extremities of this extension remain undetermined, although considered small. However the main part of the Andes cultural area, wherein acted the major players of the urban drama, is represented by the Andes mountain range, including the Alti Plano3 of the Lake Titicaca in Bolivia, and the coastal regions of Peru. The physical area itself covers an amazing contrast of different climatic and geological settings, and a range of environments vast and complex, from the high cold mountains, Puna, Alti Plano plateau and dry barren coastal deserts, to the Yunga4 and tropical jungles of the Amazon. Yet there are good reasons to place all these diverse regions into a single ‘cultural area’ because of their cultural

Hardoy states that in each of these sub-areas, not only was a very high percentage of the pre-Columbian population concentrated, but also each …was an important centre of civilization during the centuries which witnessed the development of preColumbian urban cultures. Not all of them reached similar peaks, nor did they arrive at them simultaneously. During some stage of their development, one or more of

1 Baudin, L., Daily Life of the Incas, New York, Dover Publishing Inc., Original Publication 1961, Unabridged Dover Ed., 2003. 2 Lumbreras, L. G., The Peoples and Cultures of Ancient Peru, Washington, Smithsonian Institute Press, 1974c: p. 3. 3 Alti Plano – large Puna plateau of south Peru and Bolivia covering a system of salt and freshwater lakes, the largest of which is lake Titicaca. 4 Yunga is the mid-valley areas of the Cordillera and exist on both the eastern and western sides. Ranging from around 1800m to 2800m of elevation above sea level, it is a very important agricultural zone.

5

Lumbreras (1974c) Hardoy, J. E., Urban planning in Pre-Columbian America. London, Studio Vista, 1968. 7 Pulgar Vidal, J., Geografía del Perú: Las Ocho Regiones Naturales del Perú, Lima, Editorial Universo, 1981. 6

12

CHAPTER ONE: GEOGRAPHY AND ECONOMY these sub-areas acted as a nuclear area with respect to the rest, … as an area of concentrated economic and demographic power in which a more advanced form of urbanism took place.8

There are two areas that differ slightly but still fit into this dual idea of vertical and horizontal linear repeating and nonrepeating resource zones. The South Highlands zone differs slightly in that its mountains are lower and nearer the Amazon basin into which its valley rivers flow. Secondly the Lake Titicaca zone is a unique occurrence as it is a high plateau surrounded by snow-capped Cordillera mountains and centred around the highest navigable lake in the world, as such it subject to its own unique conditions. However as part of a vertical linear arrangement of resources it is very close to the Amazon basin and coastal Chile and as such equals the Puna lands of the Macneish et al model.13

The Andes region is a mosaic of different environmental zones making it one of the most environmentally diverse regions in the world, where a journey of a few hours may pass through 20 of the world’s 34 life zones.9 This diversity is formed into patterns of which two are of great importance. The primary pattern consists of a series of horizontal environmental zones. In the coastal regions this is represented by fertile river valleys abundant in resources that are separated from each other by stretches of barren hills and desert and, on the west or ocean side of the Andes, repeating every 20 – 30 km. This pattern is repeated in the highlands at varying elevations but the valleys are separated by Puna grasslands and snow bound mountain peaks.10 The coastal regions are in marked contrast to the highlands. The coast is a barren desert interspersed by valley entrances that carry rivers flowing down from the highlands. The highlands themselves are composed of a range of diverse ecological niches from the river valleys at different altitudes to the high mountain peaks and Puna plains.

This vertical and horizontal linear form of the terrain’s ecological resources greatly effected the growth and diffusion of civilization, technology and ideas within the Andean area.14 Furthermore Price concludes that ‘on the basis of present evidence, the evolution of urbanism seems to be associated with environments that are ecologically diverse’.15 Price’s research clearly shows that it was not possible for a kin or cultural group to survive utilizing only one ecological niche in the vertical or horizontal patterns of Andean terrain. Ecological resources had to be shared. This process of vertical and horizontal linear resource use continued up to and beyond the Spanish invasion, with small changes in land ownership due to state controls imposed by the Tawantinsuyu as well as the Spanish.16 Price refers to this process by using Durkheim’s term ‘organic solidarity’ and following Wolf’s conception of a ‘symbiotic pattern [that] is held together on a basis of essentially horizontal coalitions between specialized rural groups in a basically nonhierarchical structure’.17

The second pattern is vertically linear and consists of a series of non-repeating environmental zones that change with the ascending graduations of the valleys. It also is most apparent on the steep elevations on the west side of the Andes, although it too exists on the Amazonian east. At low elevations corn, cotton, and other crops requiring long growing seasons are planted. Potatoes and other root crops are cultivated above 3000 meters, while the grazing lands occur at higher elevations where the number of frost-free days is too small to permit farming.11 In other parts of the highlands this same linear system exists but the variations are due to elevation, as well as other environmental factors such as climate, soils and geological structure.12

According to ethno-historical information these groups differed in size from a few thousand people, in the smaller valleys, to entire kingdoms with populations of over 100,000 people. Since all the resources used by a group did not naturally occur or could not be produced in a single 13

Macneish, et al. (1975) Albarracin-Jordan (1996): p. 61; Burger (1992); Kolata (1993): p. 58; Macneish et al. (1975). ‘Es indudable que el escenario andino está constituido por un complejo mosaico de zonas ecológicas, sin igual en el planeta. También es incuestionable que la sociedad andina prehispánica se desarrolló dentro de este complejo mosaico, no como una condensación de factores determinantes ecológicos sino como resultado del manejo de los múltiples recursos y de la acción recíproca entre unidades sociales’ (Albarracin) 1996: p. 61. 15 Price, B. J., ‘Cause, effect, and the anthropological study of urbanism’, in S. Tax (ed.), Urbanization in the Americas from its Beginnings to the Present, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978. pp. 51-62: p. 57. 16 Farrington (1984); Thompson, D. E., ‘Investigaciones arqueológicas en los Andes Orientales del Norte del Perú’,in Revista de Museo Nacional Lima: Instituto Nacional de Cultura, vol. 39, 1973, pp. 117-125; Thompson, D. E., ‘Ancient highland connections with Selva and Coast: evidence from Uchucmarca, Peru’, in N. Hammond (ed.), 44 International Congress of Americanists: Social and Economic Organization in the Prehispanic Andes, 1982, Manchester, Bar International Series, Bar International Series, vol. 194, 1984, pp. 73- 78. 17 Price (1978): p. 54. 14

8

Hardoy (1968): p. 15. Albarracin-Jordan, J., Tiwanaku - Arqueología Regional y Dinámica Segmentaría, Bolivia, Plural Editors, 1996. p. 61; Brush, S. B., ‘El Lugar del Hombre en el ecosistema andino’, in Revista de Museo Nacional, vol. 40, 1974, pp. 277- 99; Burger, R. L., Chavín and the origins of Andean Civilization, London, Thames & Hudson, 1992: pp. 12-26; Macneish, R. P., Patterson, T. C. & Browman, D. L., ‘The Central Peruvian Prehistoric Interaction Sphere’, in Papers of the Robert S. Peabody Foundation for Archaeology, vol. 7, Andover, Mass., Phillips Academy, 1975: p. 4. 10 Burger (1992): p. 20; Macneish, et al. (1975); Pulgar (1981). 11 Burger (1992): p. 21; Brush (1974); Farrington, I. S., ‘The vertical economy of the Cusichaca Valley (Cuzco, Peru) and its prehistoric implications’, in 44 International Congress of Americanists: Social and Economic Organization in the Prehispanic Andes,1982, Manchester, BAR International Series no. 194, 1984, pp. 97- 115; Macneish, et al. (1975): p. 6; Pulgar (1981). 12 Burger (1992); Kolata, A., The Tiwanaku: portrait of an Andean civilization, Cambridge, Mass., Blackwell, 1993: p. 40; Macneish, et al (1975): p. 6; Pulgar (1981). 9

13

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 3. Topography and major geographical divisions in the Andes, which continue down to southern Chile and northern Argentina. From each of these zones came important influences on the urbanization of the Andes. The row of coastal valleys represent the horizontal resource zones (Source: Lumbreras, 1974: figure 1).

14

CHAPTER ONE: GEOGRAPHY AND ECONOMY

Figure 4. Typical cross section of Andes showing the different vertical resource zones, with Amazon influences reaching as far as the coast (Source: Burger, 1992; p. 21).

Figure 5. Six geographical cross-sections of the Peruvian Andes, that clearly demonstrate the sudden and intense changes in altitude that mark the difficulties of Andean terrain (Source: Pulgar 1981, p. 16). 15

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION environmental zone the members of the group needed to exploit several different environmental zones that were not usually contiguous. The most outstanding fact is that since early times the people completely understood that all these environments located at different altitudes are interconnected, as one geographical framework, and took advantage of all the resources and ecological factors involved at the same time.18

by these considerable distances but bound together by kinship ties and membership in the same social unit or ethnic group, did not use a marketplace economy but instead relied on reciprocity and redistribution as modes of economic integration for most commodities, goods and services. The environment itself was a key factor in the creation of a system of resource control that would lead to the easy diffusion of ideas and methods, between different cultural groups, as they dwelled around each other in different ecological resource zones. This process forced the diffusion of ideas both up the valleys to the highlands as well as across the valleys on the coasts, Puna and Alti Plano

Groups living in the upper parts of the valley used roughly the same subsistence techniques as those in different environmental settings or other valleys, although development of practices such as domestication of plants and animals, ceramics, irrigation and other sedentary ways existed at different stages in different locations.19 Resources that were not available or could not be produced locally had to be sought from amongst the vertical or horizontal arrangement of resource areas. Although market exchange is one way in which this could be facilitated, the Andean people used a distinctive way of coping with the environmental diversity of their region, the ‘ideal of community self sufficiency’.20 Macneish et al. conclude that ‘…what the people are actually trying to do: to have access to all of the resources they needed to sustain themselves throughout the year...’.21

Shady, who specializes in the North Central area, makes a statement that is equally applicable to the rest of the Andes …donde se tendieron redes de conexión interregional, el área norcentral, que facilitó el intercambio de experiencias adaptativas y dinamizó el proceso cultural del conjunto que vivía en el área. Alcanzado la productividad se rompió el aislamiento seguido en el Arcaico Temprano y Medio. Esta conexión a larga distancia debió ser estimulada justamente por la existencia de diversos procesos adaptativos, el interés de acceder a las diferentes expresiones culturales y por la creciente diferenciación social.25

Geography necessitated that different members of a cultural group lived and worked in different localities, often separated by a few days journey, with the result that their landholding patterns resembled a chain of islands of varying sizes, each located in a different environmental zone where certain resources were available but separated from one another by lands belonging to other groups.22 A socio-political and economic system working this way must have been the result of a long experimentation, based on a principle of complementarities.23

Constant contact and exchange was facilitated by regular traffic, sometimes for ceremonial gatherings, between kinrelated aggregates or between different segments of the population.26 This was also reinforced by the redistribution centres in which goods were collected, stored and reapportioned among the various localized segments of the group and augmented by long distance traffic in certain commodities that were processed in specialist centres. Examples of such exchange were the spondylus shells from Ecuador which were desired in Peru, or turquoise ornaments, produced from imported raw materials in, and redistributed from Huari27 the central highland capital city of the WariTiwanaku Empire.

Relying on ethnographic and ethno-historical sources, Macneish et al.24 explain that the Andean people, separated 18

Bawden, G., The Moche, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Blackwell Publisher, 1996: p. 78; Rivera, M.A., ‘Altiplano and tropical lowland contacts in northern Chile prehistory: Chinchorro and Alto Ramírez revisited’, in N. Hammond (ed.), 44 International Congress of Americanists: Social and Economic Organization in the Prehispanic Andes, 1982, Manchester, BAR International Series 194, 1984, pp. 143- 160: p. 144. 19 Shady, R., ‘La neolitizacíon en las Andes Centrales y los orígenes del sedentarismo la domesticación y la distinción social’, in Shady & Leyva (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003f, pp. 37- 50. 20 Bawden (1996): p. 78; Burger (1992): p. 21; Macneish et al. (1975). 21 Macneish et al. (1975): pp. 6-7; Murra, J.V. Formaciones economicas y politicas del mundo andino, Lima, Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1975: p. 60- 61. 22 Macneish, et al. (1975): pp. 6-7; Bawden (1996): p. 78; Katz, F., ‘A comparison of some aspects of the evolution of Cuzco and Tenochtitlan’, in S. Tax (ed.), Urbanization in the Americas from its Beginnings to the Present, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978, pp. 203-14; p. 208. 23 Rivera (1984): p. 144. 24 Macniesh et al. (1975).

25

Shady (2003f): p. 47. The translation reads; …where they had networks of inter-regional connections, in the north central area, this facilitated the exchange of adaptive experiences and dynamic cultural processes of the people living in the area. They reached a level of productivity that broke the isolation that had existed in the Early and Late Archaic Period. This long distance connection was surely stimulated by the existence of diverse adaptive processes, the interest in having access to different cultural expressions and for the growth of social stratification (translation L. Hasluck). 26 Shady, R. ‘El sustento económico del surgimiento de la civilización en el Perú’ in Shady, R. & Leyva, C. (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003e, pp. 101- 105: pp. 101- 102. 27 Baudin, L., Daily Life In Peru: Under the Last Incas, London, George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1961b: p. 41; Baudin (2003): p. 41; Macniesh et al (1975). In 2004 I discovered the remains of a turquoise work site beside a reservoir or pool in the centre of the Huari city, that previously had not been recognised. Other worksites found included semi-precious stones and obsidian, also not mined nearby.

16

CHAPTER ONE: GEOGRAPHY AND ECONOMY Until the rise of hydraulic agriculture,28 which led to a greater dispersion of cultures from the coast upwards in the valleys, location and environment had played the determining role in the placement of settlements. Through most of the Archaic Period the settlements continued to rely upon hunting and collecting subsistence strategies so that they were situated, through necessity, near the mouths of the valleys where the rivers widened over the coastal desert plains and flowed toward the ocean. From these vantage points they were able to make use of varied resources from the rivers, the ocean and the valley interiors.

With the advent of hydraulic agriculture the geographical needs of the settlements changed and the move further up the valleys facilitated easier control and maintenance of the irrigation systems and river flow, while the coastal plains could be used for good irrigated farming land. Small settlements no longer needed to be scattered around to avoid depletion of natural resources, but could cluster together with greater population densities permitted by the reliable food resources and needed for the community effort required by hydraulic agriculture (and infrastructure creation and maintenance), including flood-land farming. Trade with highland peoples continued to introduce a different range of food resources that could be grown in different environmental zones, although agricultural resources continued to be supplemented by hunting, foraging, and trade with ocean peoples.31

Trade, from an early date existed on a small scale, between the coastal areas, valleys and the regions in the highlands.29 Ocean contact between the valleys was maintained but there was little to trade horizontally because each valley was self sustaining and had similar resources. This situation continued until the trade in luxury and specialized items such as ceramics began in the Formative Period.30 For a single society to maintain its dietary variation several vertical environmental zones needed to be utilized, and the settlements spread up the valleys to manage all environmental zones needed, internal exchange facilitated the process.

Irrigation allowed previously unworkable areas in the valleys to be utilized and to accept denser population settlements in which skill specialization developed further exchange between rural and urban peoples.32 The domestication of the llama and use of excess workers for carrying surplus for redistribution meant that finally centres of population density, specialized skills, artistry and religious and civic control could be formed and maintained when a settlements size was beyond that of being able to be supported by the immediately surrounding agricultural area.

28

Wittfogel, K. A., ‘Developmental Aspects of Hydraulic Societies’, in Irrigation civilizations: a comparative study: a symposium on method and result in cross-cultural regularities, Social Science Monograph, no. 1, Westport, Connecticut, Department of Cultural Affairs, Pan American Union, Social Science Section 1955, pp. 43-52. Karl Wittfogel, on page 44, suggests ‘that the term “hydraulic agriculture” be applied to a system of farming which depends on large-scale and government-directed water control. I suggest that the term “hydraulic society” be applied to agrarian societies in which agrohydraulic works and other large hydraulic and non-hydraulic constructions, that tend to develop with them, are managed by an inordinately strong government.’ 29 Cohen, M. N., ‘Population pressure and the origins of agriculture: an archaeological example from the coast of Peru’, in D.L. Browman (ed.), Advances in Andean Archaeology, World Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978, pp. 91-132; Lumbreras, L. G., Los orígenes de la civilización en el Perú, 6th Ed., Lima, Biblioteca Peruana del Siglo XX, Editorial Milla Batre, 1983: p. 58; Shady (2003e); Shady, R. ‘Sustento socioeconómico del estado prístino de Supe-Perú: las evidencias de CaralSupe’, in Shady, R. & Leyva, C. (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003k, pp. 106- 122; Topic, T.L., ‘The Early Intermediate Period and its legacy’, in Moseley, M. & Day, K. (eds.), Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, Albuquerque, Uni. of New Mexico Press, 1982, pp. 255- 284: p. 273. Cohen’s chapter about plant use in the Chillón valley clearly shows that most of the edible varieties were introduced from other areas over the course of thousands of years. This pattern of settlement dispersion, here roughly summarised is also found by Cohen in the Ancón-Chillón Region and is loosely applicable to the coastal regions of the Andes. 30 Hardoy, J. E., Pre-Columbian Cities, London, Allen & Unwin, 1973: p. 300; Matos Mendieta, R., ‘Cultural and ecological context of the Mantaro Valley’, in D.L. Browman (ed.), Advances in Andean Archaeology, World Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978, pp. 307-325. Matos on page 318 states that not all the valleys progressed at the same rate. For example the Montara valley was still in an Archaic mode until MiddleFormative periods, that is the hunter and gatherer semi-nomadic pre-ceramic lifestyle suddenly confronted the ceramic sedentary lifestyle, long after many of the other valleys had settlements.

It is at this point of societal growth that the first glimmerings of urban planning are encountered.33 This process was happening simultaneously, and over long and different time periods, in many of the larger valleys along the north and central coast where they were able to support greater population densities. This process was repeated in the Supe and Moche valleys, the birth places of two of the most important coastal urban cultures, Caral and Chimú. In the highlands the process was also taking place in the single location of Tiwanaku on the shores of Lake Titicaca. On the whole, the environment in the Andes seems to be not naturally favourable to the rise of civilizations and highdensity urbanization. How the pre-irrigation Supe valley culture formed the collective centralized control and social stratification without the force for social change caused by the creation and maintenance of large scale irrigation, as Wittfogel’s theory for the Orient poses, remains speculation. Even in later epochs in the Andes when irrigation systems 31

Cohen (1978); Matos (1978). Cohen’s Chillón valley model is applicable. Matos’ review of the settlement history for the Mantaro valley is slightly different in that its first sedentary agriculturalists are immigrants from other valleys, yet the system of trade and plant introduction mirrors the other valleys in the same period. 32 Price (1978). 33 Shady, R., Dolorier, C., Montesinos, F. & Casa, L., ‘Los orígenes de la civilización en el Perú: el área norcentral y el valle de Supe durante el arcadio tardío’, in Arqueología y Sociedad, vol. 13, Lima, Museo de Arqueología y Antropología, Uni. Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2000, pp. 13 - 48.

17

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION were in wide use, the creation and maintenance of irrigation was managed on a community level and did not require a large centralized bureaucracy.34 But it has been suggested by Shady35 that the management of exchange, large scale transportation and re-distribution may have been responsible and played the part of forcing or allowing specialization and social stratification, the formation of a managerial class and the formation of the state, factors important to the invention of urbanism.

development of ancient Peruvian civilization must be viewed within this dynamic context’.38 There is a third repetitive environmental factor in South America which, although it is a relatively new scientific discovery, has had a destabilizing effect on the growth of the cultures in the Andes region. El Niño, the reversal of the Humboldt current in the Pacific Ocean that recurs in a cyclical fashion after periods of many years, causes drastic and sudden changes in the weather patterns that can last from one year to many. It is an important consideration as the suddenly changing climate appears to have led to the political and social collapse, and drastic change of the societal form of at least one civilization on the north coast, the Mochica, and in response the urban designs used by those people.39

However the Andean environment is prone to periods of rapid environmental stress and this has been a force for change of incredible strength in the Andes region.36 Bawden puts it succinctly when he says that …the Andean physical world is among the most active on earth. The great Pacific ocean plates constantly press upon each other in their quest for stability that comes with geological maturity, prompting responsive movement along the continental ranges of the Andes. This endless process enters the realm of human experience through the primordial media of the earthquake, volcano, tidal wave, and flood. The transcendental forces continually confront people with chaos threatening social life, inspiring rich textures of Andean myth and ritual that orders and makes them comprehensible. These forces enter Andean cultural conception, shaping religious beliefs and the content of artistic imagery through which they are manifest in daily life.37

Aside from the obvious connections brought about by the three pan-Andean civilizations, groups living in each of the seven areas maintained links with each other from the early stages in their evolution, stimulating the adoption of similar techniques and shared knowledge. The importance of these contacts is even greater when we consider that, in spite of geographical semi-isolation, they led to the later stages of an Andean cultural evolution.40 However the Andes region may not have remained completely isolated and in different periods has had varying degrees of cultural contact and diffusion with the neighbouring geographical and cultural region of Mesoamerica. There have been suggested evidence by numerous authors of a cultural diffusion from the earlier developing South America northwards and somewhat less documentation of this diffusion southwards. However a specialist on American interactions, Myers,41 thinks that these direct contacts were rare events.

Although social form and change should not be simplistically ascribed to environmental agency, in the following chapter it will be clear how deliberate cultural control over environmental agency has played a strong role in the development of an urban lifestyle and tradition. As Burger concludes about the Andean environment, the ‘origins and

Despite Myers doubts, there remains possible evidence for cultural dispersion in the southern to northern direction, including Posnansky’s42 claims of stylistic diffusion from the Tiwanaku culture in the form of the ‘Staircase Sign’ motif that spread throughout the Americas in the Wari-Tiwanaku

34

‘Even in the kingdom of Chímor and the Inca Empire, authorities left all but a few canals in community hands. Thus, there was no need for the permanent bureaucracy central to the Wittfogel hypothesis’. However irrigation did remain important for the growth of population and population density, which also played key roles in the creation of urbanism (Burger 1992: p. 222). 35 Shady, R. ‘El sustento económico del surgimiento de la civilización en el Perú’ in Shady, R. & Leyva, C. (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003e, pp. 101- 105; Shady, R. ‘Sustento socioeconómico del estado prístino de Supe-Perú: las evidencias de Caral-Supe’, in Shady, R. & Leyva, C. (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003k, pp. 106- 122. 36 Burger (1992): p. 25; Isbell, W., Burkholder, J. & Albarracin-Jordin, J. (‘Iwawi y Tiwanaku’, in Gaceta Arqueologíca Andina, no. 26, Lima, Instituto Andino de Estudios Arqueológicos, INDEA, Junio, 2002, pp. 139- 170: p. 165) in their investigations near Tiwanaku found that there are signs that the Alti Plano was covered by a layer of fresh volcanic dust at the same time that urbanism was beginning in Tiwanaku. 37 Bawden (1996): p. 264.

38

Burger (1992): p. 25. Bawden (1996); Burger (1992): p. 14; Kolata (1993: p. 298) postulates the collapse of the Tiwanaku culture due to an extensive drought in the Alti plano around 1000 AD that is associated with severe El Niño activity. 40 Hardoy (1973): pp. 294-5, 404; Cavatrunci, C., ‘Cajamarquilla: un centre urbain de la Côte centrale’, in S. Purin (ed.), Inca-Peru, 3000 ans d'histoire, Bruxelles, 1990, pp. 224-234 : p. 229 ; Thompson (1984); Rivera (1984). 41 Myers, T.P., ‘Formative-Period Interaction Spheres in the Intermediate Area: archaeology of Central America and adjacent South America’, in D.L. Browman (ed.), Advances in Andean Archaeology, World Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978, pp. 203- 234. Myers argues that the assertion of Meso-american and South American contacts are one of the truisms of American archaeology, and maintains that despite the cited evidence of the contacts between the cultures in the Middle and Late Formative Periods, and less so in the Classic and Post-Classic Periods, these direct contacts were rare events. 42 Posnansky, A., Tiahuanacu, The Cradle of American Man, New York, J.J.Augustin Inc., 1945. 39

18

CHAPTER ONE: GEOGRAPHY AND ECONOMY and south of the Isthmus of Panama.50 These cultures had a parallel progression, but retained stylistic autonomy, which suggests that frequent contacts, and probably the organized exchange of ideas and luxury goods may have existed between Mesoamerica and South America in the early Formative Period, and maintained and intensified during the later periods, as Hardoy51 suggests for the Tawantinsuyu epoch.52 If we were to take a longer view of the traditions of the Americas it may be possible to place all of the Americas within a larger, yet looser, urban planning and design tradition.53

period ;43 Buck’s44 discovery of the Tiwanaku calendar and inscriptions in Mayan culture; or the use of the same wet mound agricultural technique in Tiwanaku and Teotihuacán in Mexico.45 Perhaps also the startling similarity between the Llamas-Moxeque temple and certain temples built several centuries later by the Mayans, especially those at Piedras Negras and Uaxactún, which also used superimposed platforms with rounded corners and in the construction twin sanctuaries, sunken courtyards and stairways.46 Kubler, who specialized in the study of aesthetic styles and methods in American art, claims that: The Mexican, the Maya, and the Andean peoples probably maintained intermittent contacts by land and sea, but these were certainly much less frequent and much less productive than ancient commerce between Imperial Rome and the Han Dynasty in China.47 This is supported by statements from Hardoy48 and Holstein49 indicating that there were some basic cultural and physical features that were common to both the areas north

The possibility of contact and cultural diffusion from the Old World to the New must also be considered and is a debate which continues. Hein-Geldern in Theoretical Considerations Concerning the Problem of Pre-Columbian Contacts Between the Old World and the New,54 makes a logical case which should still be considered, as to why from a purely theoretical point of view some contact should be presumed to exist. There are possible evidences of contact, and certainly the navigation of the oceans was no great barrier in ancient times. The arguments and evidences are too numerous to attempt a thorough consideration here, but suffice to say that it should be presumed that it is possible that in ancient times sporadic contact between the two worlds may have taken place. Baudin argues that [i]f any influence whatever from the Old World made itself felt in the Americas before their discovery by Columbus, it goes back to times so remote that it can be considered as virtually insignificant. The great civilizations of the Mediterranean all reacted upon one another, but the people of the Andes did not receive the

43

In reference to the Staircase Sign, Posnansky (1945: pp. 103- 4) claims that ‘It can be stated with certainty that this “American Line” and symbol had its origin in Tihuanacu and from there extended over all the continent. We find it in the region of the Amazon, afterwards in the regions of Cuzco, on the coast of the Pacific, in the periods of the cultures of Paracas, Nazca, Pachakama, Chimú, etc., in Mexico on many of the monuments left by the Aztecs and earlier peoples (especially on the vases of the Isla del Sacrificio), in Yucatan, in the ruins of Uxmal and Chichen-Itza, as also on almost all the ancient monuments of Central America (Copan, etc.) and in the north as far as Arizona, in the stages of pre-Columbian culture of the Moqui Indians… Finally, we note the presence of this sign on the monuments of the Incas of the Islands of Lake Titicaca and on the ceramic works of a similar origin. It is also seen in the south, on the terra cottas and other objects of the valleys of Calchaqui and Humahuaka and it appears completely decadent on the ceramics of Maukallatja (Santiago del Estero, Argentina) … The cause for the extraordinary diffusion of the “Staircase Sign” or “American Line” in the arrangement and construction of monuments after the Third Period of Tiahuanacu in the north and south of the American continent, especially on the coast, might perhaps be explained by supposing that all those peoples had a common origin before dispersing. Possibly a great part of those of the Kholla type lived, in very remote times, in the section of mountain ranges and on the inter-Andean upland, then covered with luxuriant vegetation; they would have had Tiahuanacu as a place of worship or some other place which might have been the primitive homeland of the inhabitants of the Third Period of the Andean metropolis.’ 44 Buck, F., El Calendario Maya en la Cultura Tiahuanacu, La Paz, Sociedad Geográfica, 1937. 45 Millon, R., ‘Teotihuacan’, in Scientific American, vol. 216, no. 6, 1967, pp. 38-48; Hardoy (1973) 46 Hardoy (1973): p. 305. 47 Kubler, G. C., The Art And Architecture Of Ancient America: The Mexican/Maya/and Andean Peoples, Harmondsworth, Middlesex, England, Penguin Books Ltd., Pelican History of Art, 1962: p. 2. 48 Hardoy (1973) 49 Holstein, O., in his paper ‘Chan-Chan: capital of the great Chimu’ (in The Geographical Review, vol. 17, no. 1, 1927, pp. 36-61: p. 42) states ‘Anatomical and particularly cranial studies show that the Peruvian coast for a space of about six hundred miles was peopled by a well marked physical type of Indian. Holstein then cites from the work of Aleš Hrdlička (‘The People of the Main American Cultures’, Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc., Vol. 65, 1926, pp.157-160: p. 159), to indicate that ‘[t]he coast population…was, barring some intrusions from the mountains, of the Maya type and same derivation’. Of course these assertations should now be backed by DNA studies.

50

Francis, X. & Grollig, S. J., ‘Cerro Sechín: medical anthropology's inauguration in Peru?’, in D.L. Browman (ed.), Advances in Andean Archaeology, World Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978, pp. 351-369: pp. 360- 362; also in his 1973 unpublished manuscript Cerro Sechín monoliths: Casma, Peru, gives the example of the Cerro Sechín monoliths carved in anatomical designs, that are ‘reminiscent of Mayan carvings – but about 2,000 years older!’. See also (Kauffman, D., Arqueología peruana, Iberia, Lima, 1969, pp. 266) who points out the similarity between the Cerro Sechín dancing figures monoliths and those of Monte Alban in Mexico. 51 Hardoy (1973): p. 404. 52 Hardoy (1973: p. 422) quotes from one of the men who accompanied Pizzaro when he captured the last Inca Atahuallpa: ‘They trade by sea; these people are dedicated to trade. Their boats are made by joining ten or twelve poles of a kind of corklike wood that grows in this land, securing them with ropes and putting sails on them. And so they sail from coast to coast’. Hardoy cites from Ruiz de Arce, J., Advertencia a sus sucesores, Colección Austral, no. 1168, Espasa-Calpe, Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1953. 53 Hardoy (1973) is constantly noticing similarities between South and Meso-america – Moxeque and Akapana pyramid designs being just two examples. 54 Heine-Geldern, R., ‘Theoretical considerations concerning the problem of Pre-Columbian contacts between the Old World and the New’, in A. Wallace (ed.), Men and Cultures - Selected Papers of the Fifth International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, Philadelphia, September 1-9, 1956, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1960, pp. 277281.

19

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION sacred torch from anyone: it was they themselves who had to set it alight.55 He also describes the very real contact between Polynesia and South America, in both directions, although does not see this as influencing the rise of civilization.56 Any influence from the Old World, of which there is mounting evidence,57 will have been a part of the evolving traditions of South America, and only those design aspects which proved a useful adaptation for the region will have been adopted, if any at all, and therefore will not affect the outcome of this investigation. So too, cultural effects from the north will have become absorbed into the local traditions or died away when not proven useful.58 Hein-Geldern agrees when he states, it is a ‘…fact that cultural traits are never borrowed wholesale by one people from another’.59

55

Baudin, L., A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru, in Katherine Woods (trans.), A. Goddard (ed.), Princeton, New Jersey, D. Van Nostrand Company Inc., 1961a. 56 Arnáiz-Villena, A. & Alonso, J., ‘Tiahuanaco: Una colonización polinesia en America’, in Arqueología, no 10, año 11, Barcelona, pp. 30- 39; Baudin (1961b): p. 21; (2003): p. 35. A documented expedition was made by Inca Tupac Yupanqui who sent off 20,000 men on balsa rafts, who returned after a year with foreign artefacts and black men which were stored in the archives in Cuzco and seen by the conquistadors. 57 There have been various artefact finds in South America that point to the possibility of contact between the Old World and the New. These include the stone carving depicting a stone carving of a Phoenician boat housed in the National Museum in Lima; in the Gold Museum in La Paz, Bolivia, is the stone bowl the Fuente Magna, discovered near Lake Titicaca and translated by Dr. Mario Montaño which has early Sumerian cuneiform script from around 4000 BC written on the inside rim; Ares, D., There is also the possibility of later Viking contacts, ‘Vikingos: Los que llegaron 500 años antes que colon’, in Conozco Mas, , No. 7, Año 3, pp. 27- 36; De Mahieu, J. El Gran Viaje Del Dios – Sol: Los vikingos en México y en el Perú (967 – 1532), Argentina, Librería Hachette, 1976; De Mahieu, J., El Rey Vikingo Del Paraguay, Argentina, Librería Hachette, 1979; Fell, B., America B.C.: Ancient Settlers in the New World, London, Wildwood House Ltd., 1976. 58 Smith, G.E., The influence of ancient Egyptian civilization in the East and in America, Victoria, London, Uni. of Manchester Press, 1916. 59 Hein-Geldern (1960): p. 278.

20

Chapter Two Urbanism, Civilization and Tradition …it is not particularly profitable for a social scientist to attempt to discuss the nature, the essential quality, of urbanism. That is a metaphorical question more amenable to philosophical enquiry than to the empirical methods of the social sciences. P. Wheatley1

goods; others as a focus of political or military power. No single criterion or small group of criteria suffice to define a city. Mere size and density of population do not alone distinguish a city from a large village or town, even though generally these physical evidences do correlate with such functional aspects of a city as handicrafts, trade, social classes, or centralized control. Nor do unity of government or the existence of a defensive wall in themselves indicate a city. Industrialization, the concentration of certain crafts, has been a major feature of many modern cities and did appear on a simple scale in some very early ones, but never to the exclusion of similar concentrations of crafts in villages or even on large estates.2

To understand the many unique aspects of Andean urbanization a brief survey of the phenomena of urbanism, civilization and tradition is needed. In the Andes these three aspects were linked by the diffusion of ideas and they existed in overlapping forms and situations. Urbanism cannot exist without some basic cultural, political, economic and social forms. These forms are to be found within civilization, although as will be shown civilization may exist without urbanism. Tradition, in this case urban planning tradition, exists as the particular collection of accepted cultural practices that gives a civilization, society and urban area its own individual formation.1 2.1 Urbanism Urbanism and civilization had a fundamental interrelationship in the Andes. Although attempts at urbanism take place in the periods before and between the pan-Andean Empires, there are a number of political and social criteria that need to be met before an urban society can begin to form, and before planned urban design can be used and maintained.

Hammond continues and arrives at a simplification when he conjectures that; Thus the most that can be said in preliminary definition of the ancient city is that it was a well populated and unified centre, many of whose inhabitants engaged in non-rural occupations, and one which came to control a larger productive area, and hence more wealth, than its subsistence required.3

The definition of urbanism remains debatable, especially with the inclusion of the hitherto ignored Andean realm, which is clearly urban without fitting all generally accepted criteria. Respected authors such as Wheatley and Hammond continue to feel that the definition of urban or city remains elusive. Hammond points out the fundamental difficulties in the search for a decisive definition of the ‘city’, or ‘urban’: No generally satisfactory or agreed-upon definition of the city seems to have been presented in the many books on both the origins of the city and its modern forms. Some hold that the essential characteristic of an emergent city was that it served as a religio-cultural centre; some feel that it represented the transition from the organization of the community along lines of kingship to one along lines of social or economic classes; some find its functional differentiation in its development as an economic centre for the gathering and distribution of

This definition of the ancient city is applicable to the Andean situation, as it is inclusive of administrative centres that would come to form a key part of the urban networks of the Wari-Tiwanaku and Tawantinsuyu empires. Wheatley makes his own generalization to overcome definition problems of ‘urban’ by arguing that Faced with this diversity of phenomena that have at one time or another been designated as ‘urban’, it is, in the present state of knowledge, impossible to do more than characterize the concept of urbanism as compounded of a series of sets of ideal-type social, political, economic and other institutions which have combined in different ways in different cultures and at different times. It is not unlikely that the only feature which such congeries of

1 Wheatley, P., ‘The concept of urbanism’, in P.J. Ucko, R. Tringham & G. Dimbleby (eds.), Man, Settlement and Urbanism: Research Seminar in Archaeology and related Subjects, Institute of Archaeology, London University, Duckworth, 1972, pp. 601- 637: p. 601.

2

Hammond, M., The City in the Ancient World, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Uni. Press, 1972: pp. 6-7. 3 Hammond (1972): p. 8.

21

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION institutions will ultimately prove to have in common is the fact of their aggregation.4

However, although writing is not present in the Andes, similar skills to literacy that created a literati class can be clearly seen in the sophisticated religious symbolism, monumental architecture, imagery, hydraulic and infrastructure engineering, and astronomical and astrological information controlled and taught by the Andean elite.12 In the Casma valley the use of anatomical drawings at Cerro Sechín13 or the complex calendar system used at Tiwanaku,14 demonstrates the sophistication of knowledge which could only be reached by a literati class of full time specialists. The ‘message beans’ used by the Chimú, or the quipu ‘knotted string’ mnemonic device may also be counted as a sophisticated symbolic system which would need a literati and exclusive education system to use and maintain. Since the Supe valley, like later Andean cultures, also possessed well defined social divisions, work specializations, autocratic rule, rigid class structure, increased technology and manipulation of the environment, by the other urban criteria of Sjoberg15 they were urban in nature.

Wheatley, like Hammond, Piggott5 and others, also takes a general and inclusive view to the possible diversity of the phenomenon ‘urban’ and his ideas on the character of ‘urban’ also fit the Andean realm, where settlements that are designated urban in this study indeed display an aggregation of different politico-economic-social institutions. However a brief consideration of some the different ideas that have formed the debate about the nature of urbanism in general, and more specifically for the Americas, will profit this investigation. Gideon Sjoberg’s6 still relevant and seminal work on world wide pre-industrial urban culture includes many aspects that are also found collectively in the Andes region such as a permanent settlement, of greater size and density in comparison to the surrounding rural area, a range of nonagricultural specialists, a well defined and rigid class structure, with a clear cut division of labour by age, sex and occupation, a small privileged upper class whose members occupy the key positions in political, religious and educational structures and reflect the rather autocratic rule within a heterogeneous society.7 Sjoberg, Mumford,8 Morris9 and Childe,10 amongst others, are unable, however, to give the Andes’ settlements or civilizations the title of city or urban due to the lack of literacy on the part of the Andean people. Sjoberg finds literacy a fundamental technological achievement in that it creates a ‘literati’ class that represents the class division, specialization of labour and existence of leisure time. These demonstrate the extraction of surplus for the maintenance of powerful elite, including a group of literati that represents the power and social class structures and education for elite cultural maintenance that are the sign of the existence of an urban society.11

Since Sjoberg wrote his comparative study of the world’s preindustrial urban cultures, there have been a number of works, including Hardoy, Hyslop and von Hagen & Morris, which refer to urbanism in the Andes, although their reasons for including Andean cities in an urban definition vary. Hyslop states that he avoids using the interchangeable words ‘city’ and ‘urban’ if possible because ‘of the diverse meanings that have accrued to them in specialized literature’,16 and uses instead ‘settlements’. Von Hagen and Morris make no mention of an urban definition although they refer to urbanism in the Andes. Hardoy, by contrast, samples various urban definitions from anthropology, archaeology and sociology before finally concluding that all definitions are relevant to the time and outlook of the reviewer17 and lists the ten urban criteria that he argues are best suited to the 12

Shady, R. states (‘La religión como una forma de cohesión social y manejo político en los albores de la civilización en el Perú’, in Shady, R. & Leyva, C. (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003g, pp. 133- 136: p. 133) that the Supe valley culture, the earliest Andean urban civilization clearly had knowledge of astronomy, geometry and mathematical calculation. There also existed a sophisticated use of religious iconography as seen in their religious artefacts (Shady, R., Novoa, P. & Buttrón, D. ‘Artefactos simbólicos de Caral-Supe y su importancia en la tradición cultural andina’, in Shady, R. & Leyva, C. (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003, pp. 281- 288). 13 Kauffman, Doig. F., Manual de Arqueología peruana, Lima, Iberia, 1969: p. 263. 14 Buck, F., El Calendario Maya en la Cultura Tiahuanacu, La Paz, Sociedad Geográfica, 1937. 15 Sjoberg (1960): p. 10. 16 Hyslop, J. Inka settlement planning, Austin, Uni. of Texas press, 1990: p. xii. 17 Hardoy, J. E., (Pre-Columbian Cities, London, Allen & Unwin, 1973: p. xvii) argues that ‘[t]he concept of a city changes with time and place, conditioned by the environment, socioeconomic structure, and technological level of the observer’s own society.’

4

Wheatley (1972): p. 623. The archaeologist Piggott, S., (‘Conclusion’, in P.J. Ucko, R. Tringham & G.W. Dimbbleby (eds.), Man, settlement and urbanism: research seminar in archaeology and related subjects, Institute of Archaeology, London Uni., Duckworth, 1972, pp. 947- 953), sees multiple models having a place in urban theory. When he states: ‘… I believe we should not simply take one particular type of model, but should in fact appreciate that there are alternative ways of attempting to understand the past, provided we can utilize these various approaches within a supra-model, or whatever you like to call it, within which they function satisfactorily. Above all, models must be servants and not masters.’ 6 Sjoberg, G., The Preindustrial City: Past and Present, New York, The Free Press, 1960. 7 Sjoberg (1960). 8 Mumford, Lewis, The City in History: its origins, its transformations, and its prospects, New York, Harcourt, Brace & World, 1961: p. 30. 9 Morris, A.E.G., History of the Urban Form Before the Industrial Revolution, 2nd Ed., New York, Halstead Press, 1979: p. 5. 10 Wheatley (1972): pp. 611 -612. 11 Sjoberg (1960). 5

22

CHAPTER TWO: URBANISM, CIVILIZATION AND TRADITION American pre-historical situation. The list does not include literacy. Hardoy’s criteria are not exclusive, however, in that certain city sites only fulfill some of the requirements, and yet are considered urban.

10. Reflect an urban way of life, as opposed to a rural or semi-rural life, for its time and place.18 A different approach is taken by Mumford, who is much respected for his contribution to the history and definition of cities, and who like Hammond and Wheatley, takes a broad view of the definition of the city when he states that ‘[t]he city in its complete sense, then, is a geographic plexus, an economic organization, an institutional process, a theatre of social action and an aesthetic symbol of collective unity’.19 Like Sjoberg, he sees the cultural and social manifestations of the city as the most important. Mumford further argues that ‘…social facts are primary, and the physical organization of the city, its industries and its markets, its lines of communication and traffic must be subservient to its social needs’.20 By contrast, others, such as Rugg, find economic forms and relations to be of fundamental importance for defining urbanism. According to Rugg the term ‘city’ implies a lack of rural characteristics and the development of a diverse group of interdependent specialists who are engaged in non-agricultural activities’.21

The definitions presented by Sjoberg and Hardoy allow us to find a midway point that represents a theoretical position suitable for South America. Sjoberg offers a definition that is suited for both cross-cultural study and comparison with the industrial city from a cultural view, even though we are unable to accept his ultimate reliance upon literacy as the deciding factor that allows determination of which settlements belong in the category of pre-industrial ‘Feudal’ urban society and which in the ‘Folk’ pre-urban society. However it is clear in the following chapters that the Andes, despite not having true literacy still, if Sjoberg’s criteria are also not treated as exclusive, attained the level of preindustrial urban society. Hardoy, on the other hand, presents us with a view and criteria tailored for the study of the physical design aspects of urban areas in the Americas and as such has much to offer to this investigation, which pushes the search for physical urban planning attributes and their connection through time and cultural context in the Andes further than Hardoy, in his period with the data available, could have ventured.

All these broad definitions are suited to the inclusion of Andean settlements under the categorization of urban. However John Rowe, like Hardoy for the Americas, created a definition of the physical urban settlement specifically for his studies of pre-Hispanic Peru, which reinforces the simple and general form to be used in this book: …an urban settlement is an area of human habitation in which many dwellings are grouped closely together. The dwellings must be close enough together to leave insufficient space between them for subsistence farming, although space for gardens may be present. In the case of a site where the foundations of the dwellings have not been excavated, an extensive area of thick and continuous habitation refuse provides a basis for supposing that the settlement was an urban one.22 Rowe explains the reason for the precision in his definition as; The intent of this definition is to exclude clusters of dwellings so small that they could be interpreted as belonging to the members of a single extended family. Twenty dwellings is perhaps the minimum which would provide this exclusion.23

It is important to consider Hardoy’s American criteria for the existence of urban settlements, quoted below, as until now he has completed the most extensive coverage of general urban planning in the Americas, and specifically for South America. Unlike Hammond and Wheatley he chooses an approach of listed criteria; an urban settlement should be: 1. Large and highly populated for its time and place. 2. A permanent settlement. 3. Having a minimum density for its time and place. 4. Recognizable in terms of its urban structures and layout, including its urban streets and spaces. 5. A place where people lived and worked. 6. A concentration of specifically urban functions, such as a market and/or a political and administrative centre and/or a military centre and/or a religious centre and/or a centre of intellectual activity with the corresponding institutions. 7. A hierarchical heterogeneity of society. Residence of the ruling classes. 8. A centre of urban economy for its time and place, having a population which depended to some extent on the agricultural production of people who lived partially or totally outside the city proper. Part of the labour force was involved in processing raw materials for a market larger than the city itself. 9. A centre of services for neighbouring areas and the nucleus of a progressive pattern of urbanization and diffusion of technical advances.

In this book the definitions of urban presented by Hammond, Wheatley and Mumford, with their broad interpretations that allow the inclusion of Andean 18

Hardoy (1973): pp. xxi –xxii. Mumford, Lewis, 'What is a city?' in The Architectural Record, 1937, republished in Malcolm Miles and Tim Hall (eds), The City Cultures Reader, 2nd Ed., New York, Routledge, 2004, pp. 28-32: p. 29. 20 Mumford (2004): p. 29. 21 Rugg, Dean., Spatial Foundations of Urbanism, Dubuque, WmC. Brown Company Pub., 1972: p. 10. 22 John Rowe in Wheatley (1972): p. 612. 23 John Rowe in Wheatley (1972): p. 613 19

23

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION settlements as urban, are accepted as a guiding philosophy on the general nature of urbanism. By these definitions the settlements discussed in this book, can be included amongst the general diverse urban forms. So, too, the non-exclusive criteria developed for the Americas by Hardoy is still applicable in the Andean context. Sjoberg’s criteria, if not held to be exclusive, also remain useful, as will be seen in the concluding chapter, for international comparisons between the Andes and other pre-industrial urban forms.

internationally. As such it allows for the future comparison of the Andes urban forms with international examples. This definition does not include the many ‘agglutinated settlements’30 and ceremonial centres31 that existed in various epochs prior to, and during, the first pan-Andean WariTiwanaku Period and others that continued to serve important ceremonial roles during the later Regional States and Tawantinsuyu Periods. However, for understanding the complexity of Andean settlement culture they must also be mentioned, as the process of public planning began before the advent of urbanism with the construction of ceremonial centres. In fact this signifies that there existed a coherent planning process for making decisions as a consequence of progressively expanding empirical knowledge that was transmitted through the generations and that made it possible for the future generations to accommodate and resolve particular problems of urban development and to forestall others.32

However, in agreement with Rowe and Reiss,24 and specifically for the classification and inclusion of physical urban areas, this research does not contain a list of variables with which each settlement must be matched, as in the approach of Adams,25 Hardoy,26 Sjoberg,27 Childe, and others. In place of urban areas, Agnew, Mercer and Sopher use the expression ‘Urban Form’ and argue that it can be narrowly conceived as the physical arrangement of structure and open spaces, including streets and other pathways, within some defined area, such as the space enclosed within a wall that is called a town or city. Urban form then becomes synonymous with urban morphology.28

Satellite towns exist in a stratified system that was part of the urbanism of the society and city under whose influence they emerged, and in whose structural form can be seen the social divisions, hierarchies and specializations of the city proper. This network of urban settlements is an important part of urbanization and urban development. Urbanization can be defined as a process33 which includes the diffusion of urban values, migration from the country to the city, and adjustment to urban ways.34 Lewandowski argues that urbanization is a state aspiration, and that ‘…the state consciously manipulates urban features to convey symbolic meaning, to foster identity, and to enhance the political cultural change that is the institutionalization of cultural aspirations’.35 That is, urbanization serves the state’s needs for political and social control, and is therefore enhanced as a cultural aspiration of the society.

‘Urban Form’ may also have a broader interpretation, as the internal structure of a city, wherein are the geographic patterning of activities and social groups.29 This broader meaning serves the Andean ‘wall-less’ situation better. In keeping with the focus of this research, which is to search for a physical planned urban design tradition, the working definition used in this study, and in agreement with many other urban definitions, is that an urban area will signify those areas in which a cultural force has brought into existence, along with housing, the use of public space for transport, recreation, religion, political and economic activities but not for agricultural purposes. The existence of a socially stratified and politically organised society must be explicit in the arrangement of structures.

The independent invention of cities, as in Mesopotamia and South America, may suggest that the emergence of the city is 30

Thompson, D. (‘Postclassic innovations in architecture and settlement patterns in the Casma Valley, Peru’, in Southwestern Journal of Anthropology vol. 20, 1964, pp. 91-105: p. 96), referring to Willey’s (‘Prehistoric settlement patterns in the Viru Valley, Peru’, in Bureau of American Ethnology, bulletin 155, 1953), definition of ‘Agglutinated Village’ from the Virú valley describes it as clustered structures or haphazard contiguous construction. This term is used in this study as it is applied in the majority of Andean investigations. 31 Ceremonial centres in this study indicate religious structures not attached to dwelling areas of the common populace, however they did usually house the religious attendants. 32 Hardoy, J. E., Urban planning in pre-Columbian America, London, Studio Vista, 1968: p. 10. 33 Harvey, D. ‘Contested Cities: social process and spatial form’, in Jewson, N. & Macgregor, S. (ed.), Transforming Cities: contested governance and new spatial divisions, London, Routledge, 1997, pp. 19 -27: pp. 21. 34 Agnew, Mercer & Sopher (1984): p. 20. 35 Lewandowski in Agnew, Mercer & Sopher (1984): p. 24.

This definition of physical urban space has intentionally been reduced to the basic inclusiveness that can be seen in the broad and general definitions outlined above and is suited to the inclusion of urban areas both within the Andes and 24

Reiss, A. J., ‘An analysis of urban phenomenon’, in R.M. Fisher (ed.), The Metropolis in Modern Life, Garden City, N.Y., Doubleday and Co., 1955, pp. 41-49. 25 Adams, R. M., ‘The origin of cities’ in Scientific American, vol. 2002, no. 303-3, 1960, pp. 153-172. 26 Hardoy (1973). 27 Sjoberg (1960). 28 Agnew, J., Mercer, J. & Sopher, D., The City in Cultural Context, Boston, Allen & Unwin, 1984, pp. 1 -28: p. 12. The Andean city and town forms, that are not usually bounded by walls or other man made devices are not completely served by this definition. 29 Agnew, Mercer & Sopher (1984): p. 12.

24

CHAPTER TWO: URBANISM, CIVILIZATION AND TRADITION a natural stage in the evolution of any human society existing under the proper conditions of environment, economy, and culture.36 The exact causes and inspiration of urbanization and city formation remain contested, and new discoveries in Peru and Mesopotamia challenge accepted theories.

Specifically, the growth of cotton required no irrigation on the river flats and when traded with the coastal fishing cultures allowed them to create fishing-nets and increase dramatically their yield and so surplus for trade. The trade between fishermen and agriculturalists lead to the creation of social stratification and a managerial class. The increase in food production was used mainly for the construction of public monuments which maintained an intellectual class and their different and specialized activities, such as astronomy, administration, organization, ceremony and construction. Internal and external commerce and long distance trade increased social stratification. The new elite sought to make contact with other areas that had an elite class and surplus to trade. The new power of the elite and the urban centres, as centre of both religious39 and economic control, took on a new importance expressed in the monumental architecture, iconography and permanency of the residence, with an urban plan maintained over time.

Recent investigations indicate that throughout the world early urbanism grew in areas of difficult but varied environmental zones and resources.37 Also suggested is that this stimulated trade and exchange of ideas over large areas creating an information network that allowed for the consolidation of new adaptive behaviours and technologies, in particular settlements. The concentration and adoption of such adaptive ideas brought about sufficient surplus to allow the development of occupational specialization, social stratification, a settlement hierarchy and centralized state government. Centralization enabled the control of and organization for storage and/or redistribution of foods and goods, and creation of public works such as temples, administrative structures, or irrigation, terracing, roads and other infrastructure. The above aspects were needed for the development of urbanization, and were also all present and active in the Andes at the inception of urbanism, with exception of irrigation which was used in Supe-Caral after the creation of urbanism. However, this centralization of political, economic and manual skills in the Andes was used to control the extraction of surplus from the different vertical and horizontal resource zones.

This process of substantiating the position of the elite and their social and economic power through trade could perhaps be likened to Wittfogel’s idea of centralization of social and political organization for the common economic goals achieved by the creation of large-scale irrigation, which only became a reality after the creation of the first cities in Peru, and so could not have been a part of the creation of the first urbanism. However, Wheatley expresses his doubts about the possibility of ever isolating the exact causes for the emergence of the urban form but sees religion as a primary force: It is doubtful if a single autonomous causative factor will ever be identified in the nexus of social, economic, and political transformations which resulted in the emergence of urban forms, but one activity does seem in a sense to command a sort of priority …This does not mean that religion … was a primary causative factor, but rather that it permeated all activities, all institutional change; and afforded a consensual focus for social life’.40

38

Shady postulates that statehood in the Supe valley, which generated the necessary social and economic conditions for urbanization relied on a number of factors. These include the position of settlements in the mid-valley where connection with highland, jungle and ocean resource zones meant easy exploitation of a variety of products. It also meant connection with neighbouring cultures and the exchange of ideas and ideology in the first inter-regional integration. 36

Hammond (1972): p. 9. Leik, G., Mesopotamia: The invention of the City, London, Penguin Books, 2001; Macneish, R. (P., Patterson T. C. & Browman, D. L., ‘The Central Peruvian Prehistoric Interaction Sphere’, in Papers of the Robert S. Peabody Foundation for Archaeology, vol. 7, Andover, Mass., Phillips Academy, 1975: p. 83) state that ‘[a] further characteristic of these pristine nuclear areas seems to be that these environmental zones ranging from one end of the dichotomy to the other be of such geographical positions so that they are relatively accessible to each other (and so that interaction between them can be accomplished with relative ease).’

37

While Tringham argues that the difficulty in trying to isolate the start of urban forms and ‘…in distinguishing non-urban from urban settlement particularly in the early stages of the “process of urbanization”, is undoubtedly caused by the fact that there is no sharp dividing line in the development from

38

Shady, R. ‘El sustento económico del surgimiento de la civilización en el Perú’ in Shady, R. & Leyva, C. (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003e, pp. 101- 105; Shady, R. ‘Sustento socioeconómico del estado prístino de Supe-Perú: las evidencias de Caral-Supe’, in Shady, R. & Leyva, C. (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003k, pp. 106- 122.

39

‘El rol de la religión en la conformación de Estado en el Perú ha sido crucial, como puede inferirse de la información arqueológica disponible. Si bien la religión no explica el surgimiento estatal, ella tuvo un papel protagónico en el mantenimiento del nuevo sistema político’ (Shady, R. ‘La religión como una forma de cohesión social y manejo político en los albores de la civilización en el Perú’, in Shady, R. & Leyva, C. (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003g, pp. 133- 136: p. 133). 40 Wheatley in Agnew, Mercer & Sopher (1984): p. 11.

25

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION non-urban to urban settlements but rather a continuum’.41 However, the search for causes of the transformation should not stop here.

likely to have been accomplished by a shift in belief systems, symbolism and ritual (the cultural revolution).’47 Sjoberg, Mumford and also Childe, who earlier wrote of this transformation, reject Reader’s theory, with Childe arguing that …the possibility of producing the requisite surplus was inherent in the very nature of the Neolithic economy; its realization, however, required additions to the stock of applied science at the disposal of all barbarians, as well as modification in social and economic relations.48

Reader42 takes the possibility of the creation of the first cities, for which it has traditionally been accepted that an agricultural surplus allowed for the specialization of skills and the creation of a stratified society, and presents an interesting alternative possibility. He argues that The first cities are said to have arisen from rural communities whose intensified farming practices produced surpluses large enough to free craft workers and other specialists from working on the land. But it could have been the other way around. Compelling evidence suggests that the rise of cities actually preceded – and inspired – the intensification of agriculture.43

Mumford also gave primacy to the revolutionary force of the agricultural revolution, arguing that The rise of the city, obscures rather than clarifies what actually occurred. The rise of the city, so far from wiping out earlier elements in the culture, actually brought them together and increased their efficacy and scope. Even the fostering of non-agricultural occupations heightened the demand for food and probably caused villages to multiply, and still more land to be brought under cultivation. Within the city, very little of the old order was at first excluded: agriculture itself in Sumer, for example, continued to be practiced on a large scale by those who lived permanently within the new walled towns.49

That is, Reader maintains that cities came first and advances in farming technology came only as a response to the demands of cities.44 This theory places Sjoberg’s notions of the need for a new technological level for the rise of cities, with new farming techniques being crucial, into doubt. 45 In accordance with this different interpretation, Reader, discussing Çatal Hüyük settlement as representing a preurban evolution in the Neolithic social form, finds that there was little change in technology from the egalitarian preurban Çatal Hüyük46 experience in Anatolia to the later first cities of Sumer. Reader argues that it was a cultural change and not a technological revolution, per se, that accomplished the transformation into city life; ‘This implies that a shift in food acquisition practices (the agricultural revolution) is

That is, although the cities brought about a ‘cultural revolution’ this was preceded by the ‘agricultural revolution’ in large-scale agricultural production. Sophisticated ceramics, which in Mesopotamia, were found to have existed prior to cities and may have been invented in Çatal Hüyük50 is seen by Reader as a cause of accelerated population growth.51 However it can not be claimed as a new technology that created urbanism so much as a cause of cultural changes that aided the creation of urbanism. Reader postulates a theory of itinerant craft specialists, and argues that it is likely that with population increase skilled members of communities left their communities and formed families and clans of skilled itinerant artisan workers traveling between communities exchanging goods for food and habitation. Finally, the farmers freed from the need to create their own wares could specialize in farming practices creating enough surplus to be able to support artisans, merchants and managers on a full time basis, demonstrating that skill specialization possibly preceded cities.52

41

Tringham, R., ‘Introduction: settlement patterns and urbanization’, in P. Ucko, R. Tringham & G. Dimbleby (eds.), Man, Settlement and Urbanism: Research Seminar in Archaeology and Related Subjects, Institute of Archaeology, London University, Duckworth, 1972, pp. xix- xxviii: p. xxv. 42 Jane Jacobs (Economy of Cities: 1969) quoted in Morris (1979: p. 2) made the same assumption from the Çatal Hüyük data when she stated ‘…the dogma of agricultural primacy is as quaint as the theory of spontaneous generation’ and that in reality ‘agriculture and animal husbandry arose in cities …cities must have proceeded agriculture’. 43 Reader, J., Cities, London, William Heinemann, 2004: p.10. On page 24 Reader summarizes his conclusions; ‘The conclusion reached in this scenario is that the first cities did not grow directly from agricultural communities which produced surpluses large enough to support craftworkers and other non-productive individuals. Contrary to this widely held view, although cities have always been sustained by an agricultural surplus from surrounding regions, they were not created by it. In fact, the impetus was reversed: it was the establishment of the cities that stimulated the production of agricultural surpluses. It was not farmers, but relatively egalitarian clans of craftworkers, merchants and managers who laid the foundations of the city and urban life – in terms of both concept and its physical manifestation. Complex agrarian societies and the intensive farming that regularly produces surpluses came later, a consequence rather than a cause of cities’. 44 Reader (2004): p. 15. 45 Sjoberg (1960). 46 Çatal Hüyük was pre-urban living as a collection of tight knit free-standing housing, of farmers assisted by hunting and gathering practices, in an egalitarian organization not under the leadership of an elite sect of the society.

47

Reader (2004): p. 19. Childe, quoted in Morris (1979): p. 5. 49 Mumford (1961): pp. 31 50 Reader (2004): p. 15 -16. 51 Reader (2004): p. 14. 52 Reader (2004): pp. 22 – 24. It could be easily supposed that itinerant artisans must have also increased the rate of exchange and area of spread of new ideas, as mentioned earlier also a possible force in the creation and spread of urbanism. 48

26

CHAPTER TWO: URBANISM, CIVILIZATION AND TRADITION As with Childe’s ‘Urban Revolution’, Mumford argues that many functions that had previously been unorganized and scattered, when these community components were brought together in a limited area they were maintained in a state of interaction and dynamic tension.53 Although unlike Mesopotamia where cities were usually limited by a defensive wall,54 walled towns in the Andes were rare. However the mixture and heightening of the old village elements within the new urban setting was of equal relevance to the Andean situation. Artisans may have been one of the older elements that benefited from the new urban space and organization.

the extent attested by the archaeological record, or second, that it can bring about the institutionalization of such power.58 There is possibly little that can be directly compared between the pre-urban settlement of Çatal Hüyük and later urban settlements and cities. Çatal Hüyük represents the first social evolution towards city life, as it is a ‘move away from the nomadic hunting and gathering lifestyle which had sustained humanity for most of its existence towards the sedentary life that was to be a formative characteristic of cities and civilization’.59 Caral, represents the following evolutionary step, an example of a first city, and its formation at a time of pre-ceramic culture also makes comparisons difficult with Çatal Hüyük. Although in Caral other artisan forms such as textiles and personal adornment were well developed, and skills such as architecture and construction, and knowledge of astronomy and calendar process, means that some specialization was certainly practiced before the city was built.

The primary urban conglomerations probably became desirable, at least in part, not for protection in warfare but because of the possibility of increased access to the production of wares. The settled artisan was also able to produce a greater range and number of stockpiled goods at a better price than the itinerant artisan, and also increased trade of raw material and finished produce, joining the urban areas into an economic network with neighbouring cities.55 Reader argues that people with managerial skills would suggest new ways of organization for the greater benefit of all and ‘[a]dd to this the ever-present requirements of symbolism, belief and ritual, and the sprawling conglomeration of workshops, houses, temples and public buildings would very soon become a city’.56 If the Supe valley culture is also representative of this process then the next stage was to plan an urban capital to serve the socio-politico needs of the society expanding in size and complexity.

It is useful to use information from Caral in Peru, where like Çatal Hüyük in Anatolia, there have been discovered no signs of warfare, one of the conventional causes of human densification of settlement and the emergence of cities.60 The later cities of the Casma valley do show explicit sign of warfare in symbolism and weaponry, indicating that warfare soon became a part of life with the introduction of cities. However, like Çatal Hüyük on the one hand, Caral existed for over a millennium without warfare, but on the other hand unlike Çatal Hüyük, as a city it had a stratified society rather than an egalitarian base. Yet, it is a stratified system that marks cities out from other settlement forms. As Reader states: The point is that for archaeologists and historians the most meaningful difference between a village and a city has nothing to do with its size; it is instead a measure of social and economic differentiation within communities.61

Since cities create an imbalance in societal structure that begins the stratified class systems, so much a part of many urban definitions, urbanization does not benefit all.57 However, those that do benefit from it the most are the managers, merchants and artisans, and so it would be unsurprising if it were those occupation types that laid the foundations for cities from which they were to be the major beneficiaries. However, from a different perspective Wheatley expresses doubt as to the position of economic forces in the creation of the first cities and sees the symbolic integrative functions of early cities as being of first importance. He argues that: Despite the emphasis which has been placed on trade as a primary motivating force in the generation of urban forms, it has not yet been demonstrated clearly and unequivocally first, that a generalized desire for exchange is capable of concentrating political and social power to

The Andes urban cultures clearly demonstrate this aspect in the first urban movement at Supe, and specifically in the plan of Caral which was created to be new capital, the peak of Supe settlement hierarchy and as such a heightened expression of social stratification not seen before in the Americas. Reader recognizes the spontaneous emergence of civilization in Peru, and Caral as the sapling which probably provided the ancestral roots of the Tawantinsuyu.62

53

Mumford (1961): p. 31. Mumford (1961: p. 66) makes the very important observation about city walls that ‘[t]he wall, then, served as both a military device and an agent of effective command over the urban population’. 55 Reader (2004): p. 23. 56 Reader (2004): p. 24. 57 Rugg (1972: p. 28) realises this and parallels can be drawn to the Andean situation despite its more socialist intentions. He states ‘[a] contradiction therefore existed in Mesopotamia in that urban material progress did not necessarily lead to the diffusion of the good life for the collective group – a lesson we see repeated throughout urban history’. 54

The first urbanization in the Supe valley stands out from other areas of the world as it is both pre-ceramic and pre-

58

Wheatley in Agnew, Mercer & Sopher (1984): p. 10 -11. Reader (2204): p. 17. 60 Reader (2004): pp.11 -12. 61 Reader (2004): p. 16. 62 Reader (2204): pp. 10, 12. 59

27

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION metallurgical, and uses a basic system of flood plain farming requiring little infrastructure. It is, however, part of a large network of trade and diffusion of ideas and clearly shows social hierarchy, job specialization, centralized state, sophisticated public planning, able to command a large public workforce, endured through time and had a political organization not solely based on family or clan relations. It also collected and used resources from outside its own hinterland. In terms of the primary state in the Supe valley, Shady says that it is evident that Se hace evidente allí, durante la parte final del Arcaico Tardío, la primera concentración de poder político. La construcción de obras arquitectónicas monumentales, como las de Caral, requirió de una autoridad central para la ingente movilización poblacional. Asimismo, aquélla habría sido necesaria para garantizar el manejo del territorio compartido, el mantenimiento de la economía excedentaria, el intenso intercambio de productos marinos y agrícolas entre comunidades de litoral y del valle y, sobretodo, el acceso diferencial a los beneficios del sistema productivo. Al parecer, la división entre y (elites sacerdotales – administrativas versus agriculturas, pescadores) estaba ya instituida, era el orden establecido.63

Urbanism has been presumed to be one of the criteria for defining ‘civilization’.65 However in the Andes there is clear proof that a large civilization can exist, for a substantial time, without the formation of urbanism. Millon argues that In the Old World the first civilizations were associated with the first cities, but both in Middle America and Peru the rise of civilization does not seem to have occurred in an urban setting.66 The Chavín civilization built agglutinated settlements near religious centres. In Price’s67 analysis this is an evolution of hamlet / minor ceremonial / elite residence centre / major centre, as contrasted with the Old World village / town / city.68 Burger,69 in his research on Chavín, refers to civilization as meaning ‘… a society with a high level of cultural achievement in the arts and sciences, as made visible in the form of material objects’. However, the point in time in an investigation when early societies have transformed into a civilization remains a subjective decision. Urbanization smoothes over, and to some degree obscures a clear demarcation of that transforming event in time.70 In the Andes there was much waxing and waning of the great civilizations – the Chavín, Tiwanaku, Wari and Chimú – with periods in which they flourished followed by periods in which they disintegrated into the ‘dark-ages’ of scattered regional societies before eventually re-forming under the clearly recognizable civilization of Tawantinsuyu.71 To add to

Therefore in Supe can be seen the beginning not only of the first cities in the Americas but also of the first clearly recognizable American civilization.

65

Childe quoted in Rugg (1972: p. 10), states of urbanism and its creation of civilization that the ‘”[u]rban revolution” in Mesopotamia involved the development of a group of people within the city, freed from subsistence agricultural activity, who could interact and create the innovations in engineering, technology, religion, and the arts which we call civilization. Accompanying these urban innovations was progress in the organization of space from a city through a series of political, economic, and social relationships with external areas’. However, Fernández-Armesto (2000: p. 23) in his overview of the definition of civilization makes the point that ‘cities have frequently been thought of as essential to civilized life; but no one has ever established a satisfactory way of distinguishing a city from other ways of organizing space to live in’. 66 Millon, R., ‘Teotihuacan’, in Scientific American, vol. 216, no. 6, 1967, pp. 38-48: p. 38. 67 Price, B. J., ‘Cause, effect, and the anthropological study of urbanism’, in S. Tax (ed.), Urbanization in the Americas from its Beginnings to the Present, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978, pp. 51-62: p. 54. 68 Burger (R. L., Chavín and the origins of Andean civilization, London, Thames and Hudson, 1992: p. 9) agrees with the idea of different methods of urban development between the New and Old Worlds, and he postulates ‘…the data available suggest that the developmental trajectory followed in Peru may represent a pathway dissimilar from those documented elsewhere, and that the organization of early Andean civilization may have been fundamentally different from those civilizations in the Old World and Mesoamerica; Makowski, K. (‘El syndrome de Çatal Hüyük : observaciones sobre las tendencias aglomerativas tempranas’, in Arqueología y Sociedad, vol. 13, Lima, Museo de Arqueología y Antropología, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2000, pp. 99- 118: p. 107) expresses doubt that this sequence can be strictly applied throughout the Andes, but may serve only as a general urban evolutionary guide. 69 Burger (1992): p. 9. 70 Burger (1992): p. 9; Mumford (1961): pp. 32- 33. 71 Morris (1979: p. 1), amongst others, recognizes the age and primary position of Andean civilization. His chart shows the Inca civilization having

2.2 Civilization …the word ‘civilization’ denotes a process of collective selfdifferentiation from a world characterized, implicitly or explicitly, as ‘barbaric’ or ‘savage’ or ‘primitive’. By extension, societies judged to have achieved such selfdifferentiation are called civilized. This usage is obviously unsatisfactory… Felipe Fernández-Armesto64

63

Shady, R., ‘Los orígenes de la civilización y la formación del Estado en el Perú: las evidencias arqueológicas de Caral-Supe’, in Shady & Leyva (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003j, pp. 93- 100: pp. 94- 95. Translated as ‘There is evidence that during the final part of the Late Archaic Period there was a primary concentration of political power. The construction of monumental architectural works, such as those at Caral, required a central authority to motivate the large population. Likewise, they also had the means necessary to manage the shared territory, the maintenance of the surplus economy, the intense trade of marine and agricultural products between the communities of the seashore and the valley, and above all the different access to the benefits of the productive system. There appears a division between the > and the (elite priests and administrators versus farmers and fisher folk) that was instituted and was the established order.’ (translation L.Hasluck). 64 Fernández-Armesto, F., Civilizations, London, Pan Books, 2001: p. 3.

28

CHAPTER TWO: URBANISM, CIVILIZATION AND TRADITION the confusion and obscurity of these transformations is the fact that even in the times between the great civilizations of Chavín, Wari-Tiwanaku and Tawantinsuyu periods, the smaller regional political and cultural units continued to display, as part of the ongoing civilized tradition, many of the classic hallmarks of civilization.

It is in the second general area that we will find some useful hints about the discovery of a working definition of civilization, although it will not allow us to pinpoint accurately the precise moment in a society’s or culture’s existence when the ultimate transformation takes place. Nor will it show a certain linear cultural development towards this ultimate end.This second area is the relationship of a society and its culture to its environment. This is a relationship that can never be escaped. All civilizations are involved in the conscious transformation of their environments, whether that is for the purposes of sustenance, dwelling, politics, religion, and communication, or purely for aesthetics. The final perhaps is the greatest indication of the machinations of a sophisticated civilization at work.

For the purposes of researching within these societies the notion of civilization can be broken down into two main areas, political and environmental. The first is the political aspect that includes labour organization, which in turn involves class and religion. Although a political framework is seen to be necessary for the birth of a civilization, the precise form of the framework is apparently not decisive.72 World history shows that theocratic, democratic, despotic nor feudal political forms have a greater tendency to inspire the birth of civilizations, and although the political framework will affect all other characteristics of the civilization in question, from construction, technology and aesthetics, to agriculture, religion and migration.73 But the type of political framework will ultimately not be important in the defining of civilization as a notion. In the Andes the political framework for all the complex societies, from chieftaincy polities to empires, can be classified as theocratic. That is the political leader (or leaders) was also the religious leader, and usually held a position of direct communication and influence with the gods, in a somewhat shamanic manner. However Brennan74 and Bawden75 both conclude that in the north coast Salinar, Cupisnique and Moche cultures there was a movement towards greater secularization and individualization.

Fernandez-Armesto in his book Civilizations makes a clear argument for a new criterion for characterizing civilizations: All the societies I call civilizations do indeed have something in common: their programs for the systematic refashioning of nature. That does not mean that there are any limits to their possible diversity.78 A civilization can be characterized by its society’s relationship with the natural environment, and especially their ability, and desire, to transform that environment. His statement allows the study of pre-historical Andes cultures under the title of ‘civilization’, without the need to conform to a list of key cultural manifestations.79 All the key characteristics of civilizations involve the transformation of the environment to limit the effects of environmental fluctuations. Therefore to be civilized is to be apart from what is wild. An aspect of urbanism, like largescale or hydraulic agriculture is to civilization, is that it involves a political and cultural unity dedicated to the transformation of the environment for human purposes, and urban areas are perhaps the peak of that transformation. Whether it is the beginnings of civilization, the heights, or the decline, it is the battle of environmental transformation that marks these stages out for consideration.80

It is not until the Tawantinsuyu Empire that a different system can clearly be recognized. Although theocratic, with the Inca as leader holding a shamanic position, it had some features in common with the modern socialist state, as all aspects of life, private property, resources and productivity were controlled by the state. All social life and punishment for transgressions, including adultery were harshly punished by state authority.76 Baudin concludes that … both agrarian collectivism and state socialism existed in Peru; the one dating back to a long time before the Incas, the other established when they conquered the land; one the result of long evolution, the other the creation of the human mind.77

The breadth of a civilization’s influence greatly affected many societies that were both pre-urban and urban under the pan-Andean empires and also the coastal kingdom of Chimor. Even in the periods of decline and demise of these 78

Fernández-Armesto (2001): p. 18. Civilization in South America does not display many of the ‘obvious’ characteristics associated with the theories of Oswald Spengler, A.J. Toynbee, V. Gordon Childe, Lewis Mumford and Elsworth Huntington, who maintain that there are some generally accepted key components of civilizations including monumental architecture, developed literature and the formation of city states. Yet, in their later epochs, the Tiwanaku, Chimú and Tawantinsuyu (Inca) Empires were undoubtedly formidable civilizations, with monumental structures, colonization, centralized politics, record keeping, communication system, immigration, large sphere of cultural influence, artistic traditions, imperialism, state religion, large scale agriculture and of course urbanization. 80 Fernández-Armesto (2001).

its antecedents from about 2000 BC. 72 Fernández-Armesto (2001). 73 Fernández-Armesto (2001). 74 Brennan, C.T., ‘Cerro Arena: origins of the urban tradition on the Peruvian north coast’, in Current Anthropology, vol. 23, no. 3, 1982, pp. 247254: p. 252. 75 Bawden, G., The Moche, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Blackwell Publisher, 1996: pp. 302, 305. 76 Baudin, L., A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru, in Katherine Woods (trans.), Princeton, New Jersey, D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., 1961a: p. xviii. 77 Baudin (1961a): p. xix.

79

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 6. The size of the Tiwanaku and Tawantinsuyu [Inca] Empire in comparison to the other largest empires of world history. The Tawantinsuyu share similarities with the Roman Empire in particular (Source: Escalante, 2001, p. 215).81

81

Escalante Moscoso, J.F., ‘De la caverna a la metrópolis – 5000 años de arquitectura’, 2nd Edición, La Paz, Producciones CIMA, 2001.

30

CHAPTER TWO: URBANISM, CIVILIZATION AND TRADITION civilizations, their civilizing influence remained in regional variations and continued, in many places, the idea of urbanism, thereby later making it far easier for the regional areas to once more be subsumed into an urban network. This re-joining under new imperial influence or domination helped to maintain regional areas within the Andean urban tradition and part of a wide spread and ongoing civilizing influence.

transformed into tradition which embraces living members of a society and their forebears in a temporal unity. Moreover, the concepts that define their cultural tradition limit the possibilities for action and change open to the members of society. While culture is constantly adjusting according to the dictates of history, such change is not random but occurs within the structure of beliefs that are the heritage of all members of a society, past and present. These core principles are, of course, made explicit in the lifeways that comprise the vital living culture of contemporary members of the tradition. Thus the past becomes accessible and understandable in the context of persisting cultural belief. More importantly, the people who created the tradition through the centuries are no longer lost in time but become familiar as the ancestors of vital living cultures.86

2.3 Tradition From its origin onwards, indeed, the city may be described as a structure specifically equipped to store and transmit the goods of civilization, sufficiently condensed to afford the maximum amount of facilities in a minimum space, but also capable of structural enlargement to enable it to find a place for the changing needs and the more complex forms of a growing society and its cumulative social heritage. Lewis Mumford82

The search for the physical roots of an Andean urban planning tradition will inevitably become obscured in the pre-historical, un-recorded past. Tradition is not born fully fledged, nor does it remain changeless through the course of time. The search for an urban tradition is a search through the physical remains of the past, and only those remains that have survived the tests of time, and furthermore those that have been recovered, recorded and studied, and are available to reconstruct the face of a tradition assembled from the available remaining evidence. Much of South American urban pre-history remains to be discovered, researched and written up, while the earliest dates of urban settlement remain contested.87

Wendell Clark Bennett, a noted early twentieth century archaeologist devoted to the Andes, was one of the first to express the interconnectedness of Andean culture. Collier paraphrases Bennett’s ideas when he states that: [t]he various regions of the Central Andes83 have such inter-connected culture histories that the processes of culture development in one region needs to be seen in light of what happened in the others.84 This cultural interconnectedness is the basis of the development and evolution of an Andean tradition of urban planning and design.85

It is for these reasons the re-assemblage of a planned urban design tradition in South America can never be as precise as, for instance, the isolation of a single aspect such as temple architecture or tomb design. All tradition begins fragmented and becomes consolidated through perseverance over time. Tradition being dynamic is also open to change, revision and renewal. In the Andes, newer phases of a tradition frequently reach back into the past and re-use aspects without stepping outside of the boundaries of tradition.88 New aspects may be accepted through force or influence, and through wide acceptance find a place within an ongoing tradition.

Bawden succinctly places the concept of tradition within the boundaries of time and in a context of innovation: … in the broad experience of any distinct human society, time represents an historical continuum within which a culture emerges and develops. Time is thus culturally

82

Mumford (1961): p. 30 Bennett means by Central Andes the areas of Peru and North Bolivia. Collier refers to Wendell Bennett’s article, ‘The Peruvian co-tradition’, in American Antiquity, vol. 13, no. 4, part 2, 1948b. 84 Collier, D., ‘Development of civilization on the coast of Peru’, in J.H. Stewart (ed.), Irrigation civilizations: a comparative study, Social Science Monograph, No. 1, Washington, D.C., Pan American Union, Department of Cultural Affairs, 1955, pp. 19-27: p. 19. 85 Kaulicke, P., (‘Cronologia, identidad, urbanismo y estado en los Andes centrales y surcentrales entre los siglos V a X d.c.: algunos reflexiones finales’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 481- 530: p.516) states of the interconnectedness not only of Tiwanaku and Huari but of all Andean societies; ‘ Con lo que se ha presentado es evidente que existen interrelaciones entre las formaciones políticas, tanto mayores como menores, que señalan contactos sobre distancias muy amplias, los mísmos que escondan mecanismos complejas de interacción. Ni Huari ni Tiwanaku son los únicos centros de innovaciones: ambos se originaron dentro de un panorama complejo en el cual interactuaron.’ 83

Frederick Engel,89 a French anthropologist who has spent decades studying the ancient Andes region and its architecture, finds that tradition in the Andes has played the most important part in the building of pre-Columbian 86

Bawden (1996): p. 13. Reader (2004). 88 Burger (1992): p. 229; Menzel, D., ‘Archaism and revival on the south coast of Peru’, in Men and Cultures - Selected Papers of the Fifth International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, Philadelphia, September 1-9, 1956, Philadelphia, Uni. of Pennsylvania Press, 1960, pp. 596-600. 89 Engel, F., ‘Toward a typology of architecture and urbanism in the PreColumbian Andes’, in D.L. Browman (ed.), Advances in Andean Archaeology, World Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978, pp. 411-441: p. 413. 87

31

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION edifices, far more so than the effect of environment or types of available materials. In every field, the Andean people are marked by their strong attachment to tradition and by their resistance to change. There is a strong sub-stratum of traditional structural principles which embrace all Andean peoples and unite them with their ancestors through the ages. Murdock points out that the diffusion of culture is a partial transmission; A people borrows from its neighbours only what its cultural base is prepared to accept and, among such elements, only what its members have reason to feel will satisfy their wants better than existing practices, and, among such, only the elements which actually prove, after trial, more satisfying under the environing conditions. In actual fact, the presence of other peoples with differing cultures in the vicinity is reacted to as any other aspect of the environment, as a source to be selectively drawn upon for innovations which may bring superior adaptation. 90

time, although there were certainly local differences. Thus while fundamental character persisted through the generations, the material expressions necessarily changed as a function of taste, technological modification, economic contingency, religious or political edict, and so forth. The resulting interaction of the north coast peoples, with their coastal and highland neighbours, through many centuries greatly enriched the regional tradition through its incorporation of important features of material and conceptual culture.91 The roots of the Andean planning tradition go back to before the first attempt at urbanization. It will be shown in the following two chapters that the road to widespread urbanization in the Andes was not smooth, but was interrupted by scattered periods of non-urban settlement. Although the central and north coastal regions developed at a relatively even pace in comparison with the highlands,92 to understand the pattern of planned urban development there must be criterion by which the judgment on where the tradition can be said to begin in earnest, and which of the myriad of settlement sites, large and small, can safely be said to exist within it.

This process is clearly seen in action in the evolution of the pan-Andean urban planning tradition. Within the pan-Andean tradition of planned urban design are other sub traditions that form part of the greater whole. For instance, the Andes have a longer tradition of pre-urban monumental religious structure design, which later came to be a part of the greater urban design. If this study were to investigate solely religious structures then the task would be far simpler. Religious structures when erected remain preserved through time far better than urban developments. This is for some obvious reasons: monumental structures are created by a group workforce and therefore are much larger and more durable in construction and materials; maintenance and renewal happens over a far longer period; and cultural taboos often help to preserve the structures long after there use has discontinued. These factors are generally not so for the dwellings surrounding religious structures or independent of them. However occasionally they are pertinent when looking at urban development built within pre-planned, defensive or administrative locations.

Understanding the growth of urbanism in the Andes is not easily comprehended through a linear time line. The use of urbanism arose, endured and disappeared at different times and in different locations throughout the Andes. The idea traveled over vast regions taking hold in new areas while former areas relapsed into a pre-urban state. Therefore the following summary of the growth of urbanism, as a foreground to the analysis of what specifically formed the Andean urban design tradition, begins with the histories of the major pre-urban states that had influence upon the growth of urbanism. After understanding the construction and role of the main pre-urban civilizations the strand of Andean urbanism will then be clearly traced from its earliest planned inception and its movement throughout the Andes without the confusion of constant explanation of the preurban state for each epoch.

On a regional level there developed in the Formative and Regional Development Periods a north coastal pre-urban tradition of state organization, with individual secular leanings, that began in the northern coastal valleys with the Chavín, and continued with the Cupisnique, Salinar and Gallinazo cultures. The Mochica had an urban centre, without satellite urbanization, by the time the north coast was influenced by the first pan-Andean empire of the WariTiwanaku. The north coast region was the home of people whose archaeological remains similarly suggest general cultural integrity and overall stability of population through 91

Bawden (1996): p. 13; Topic, T.L., (‘The Early Intermediate Period and its legacy’, in Moseley, M. & Day, K. (eds.), Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, Albuquerque, Uni. of New Mexico Press, 1982, pp. 255- 284: p. 281), goes so far as to state ‘[w]e may actually be witnessing an unbroken dynasty from Moche to Pampa Grande to Chan Chan.’ 92 Hardoy (1968): p.18.

90

Murdock, G. P., ‘Typology in the area of social organization’, in Men and Cultures - Selected Papers of the Fifth International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, Philadelphia, September 1-9, 1956, Philadelphia, Uni. of Pennsylvania Press, 1960, pp. 183 – 188: p. 186.

32

CHAPTER THREE: PRE-URBAN CULTURES

Chapter Three Pre-Urban Cultures …the role of the city in ancient history, although of primary significance, was the role of the minority, perhaps as low as 10 per cent of the population. The vast majority of people continued to live on the land as farmers and herdsmen. Mason Hammond1 A brief summary1 follows of the relevant pre-urban cultures, particularly the Chavín from the Middle and Upper Formative Periods and the north coast cultures of Cupisnique, Salinar and Gallinazo from the Regional Development Period that led to the first north coast urban culture of Mochica. Although Chavín existed after the start of Andean urbanism it needs to be discussed as it was such a strong connecting cultural force through its ideological beliefs which spread throughout the Andes. In comparison, other smaller pre-urban societies continued to exist in some regions until finally absorbed into the Tawantinsuyu Empire, but these do not need to be mentioned for this research. Chavín civilization as a cultural and ideological force replaced the primary attempts at urbanism that existed on the coast prior to its domination, and which foreshadowed the type of urban societies that did not return until after its demise.2

‘Pero, si bien en las varias regiones del área norcentral habían culturas peculiares, todas ellas compartían una misma [tradición], como resultado de la interacción sostenida. Esta tradición, denominada [Kotosh], está constituida por creencias, ritos y algunos símbolos, que formaron parte de la ideología asumida por el estado de Supe’.5 Although the Kotosh religious cult formed a system of shared beliefs that facilitated the exchange of ideas throughout the north central region, it does not appear to have advanced any particular technological improvements that led directly to the formation of urbanism, with the possible exception of the practice in planning procedure used for the construction of ceremonial complexes, and the centralization of workforce control and resources needed to complete them. To understand why these urban experiments did not immediately commence widespread cultural evolution towards urbanism, but instead floundered before the rise of the Chavín pre-urban civilization, it is important to know a little of these pre-urban cultures, that would in the future not only adopt urbanism, but give rise to some of its greatest Andean expressions, join with, and influence the urban tradition that began thousands of years before they were to feel its effect. Not all civilization is suited to the adoption of urbanism.

3.1 Chavín Chavín was the most culturally and widely influential of the early civilizations, while its symbolism and system of socioeconomic stratification remained as an important part of Andean culture which brought about fundamental social changes to some pre-urban Andean cultures.3 These changes and the reaction to their failings were to start some societies, particularly on the north coast, on the path towards postChavín urbanism.4 However that is not to say that it was the first sophisticated society or civilization, for urban society flourished in the Supe and Casma valleys prior. Shady, Dolorier, Montesinos & Casa, who are working on the discovery of the earliest American civilization in the Supe valley of Peru, comments on the earlier cultural interaction and fusion of the north/central region;

Chavín civilization, whose precise origin is unknown,6 seems to have arisen out of the interplay between the societies of the coast, highlands, and eastern lowlands or Amazon.7 At its apogee in the last millennium BC (Middle Formative Period), it linked groups from most of the central, northern and southern coast and highland areas.8 Although Chavín 5

Shady, R., Dolorier, C., Montesinos, F. & Casa, L., ‘Los Orígenes de la Civilización en el Perú: el Área Norcentral y el Valle de Supe durante el Arcadio Tardío’, in C.L. Arroyo (ed.), Arqueología y Sociedad 13, Lima, Museo de Arqueología y Antropología - Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, vol. 13, 2000, pp. 13-48: p. 16. ‘But, even though the various regions of the north central area created characteristic cultures, all of these shared the same single tradition, which resulted in their sustained interaction. This tradition, denoted Kotosh, was constituted of beliefs, rituals and some symbols that formed part of the ideology assumed by the Supe state’ (translation L.Hasluck). 6 Hardoy, J. E. (Pre-Columbian Cities, London, Allen & Unwin, 1973: p. 306), suspects that iconographic imagery points to an Amazonian beginning. 7 Burger (1992): p. 12. 8 Burger (1992): p. 12; Kaulicke, P., ‘Perspectives regionales del periodo

1

Hammond, M., The City in the Ancient World, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Uni. Press, 1972: p. 7. 2 Burger, R. L., (Chavín and the origins of Andean Civilization, London, Thames & Hudson, 1992: p. 229) states that ‘…the societies that emerged along the north-central coast in valleys such as Casma and Nepeña at the beginning of the Early Horizon [Lower Formative Period] foreshadowed the kind of societies that came into being elsewhere in the post-Chavín Times’. 3 Burger (1992: pp. 11, 229), cites Tello’s argument that Chavín provided the cultural foundations out of which all later Peruvian civilizations grew. Chavín is frequently presented as the South American counterpart to the Shang civilization in China, the Sumerian civilization in Mesopotamia, and the Olmec civilization in Mesoamerica. 4 Burger (1992): p. 229.

33

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION culture built numerous large temples that served as gathering places for religious rites and pilgrimage, their agglutinated villages, unattached but nearby, lacked any sort of planned layout. The main ceremonial centre, in the north central highlands, was at Chavín de Huantar and probably served as an ideological capital. Nearby are the remains of a village too large to be supported by the valley. The temple constructions of the period followed a plan, both at Chavín de Huantar and the various other ceremonial centres.9

specialised and stratified society that is an integral part of urbanization. In turn stratified societies require a strong centralized state apparatus with coercive power to maintain long-term stability.12 Wittfogel13 explains that a hydraulic culture, such as Chavín, needs a strong centralized government to raise large community workforces for public works and to redistribute food. Chavín power was ideological and economic, based around shared use of iconography, ceremonial centres to which surplus was drawn and the formation of an extensive reciprocal economic network. Polities joined by Chavín ideology were lacking a strong centralized government and well developed state features. The Chavín compensation for this lack of organized unity, as expounded by Burger,14 was the use of ideological and economic devices which in the long term did not serve to hold the civilization together. Possibly the Chavín cult had profited from a perceived crisis brought about by deteriorating social and environmental conditions on the coast, the continuation of fundamental infrastructural deficiencies eventually undermined Chavín civilization itself and led to more radical attempts to resolve these difficulties by basic modifications in the political and social organization of these societies.15

Like all sophisticated Andean societies it was theocratic in its power structure and hydraulic in its agricultural technology. It was also pre-urban in its nature. However the influence of Chavín culture played an important part in the general rise of Andean urbanization. It was with Chavín culture that the cultivation of maize spread and the increased use of irrigation technology allowed a marked growth in the size of settlement populations. The temple or community building acquired new importance, becoming an attraction which drew new agricultural villages nearby. The spread of Chavín culture was very rapid and probably the result of ideological expansion. Burger affirms the importance of inter-regional exchange for the spread of Chavín culture when he states that During the Chavín horizon, the amount of interregional exchange rose sharply and the regions involved in this pan-regional network of reciprocal transactions increased to unprecedented dimensions. In some cases, the social ties underlying these exchanges may have originally been forged by the spread of the Chavín cult; in other instances, exchange links between communities may have served as channels for the spread of Chavín religious ideology and the technological innovations associated with it.10

In the fifth to third centuries BC the influence of the Chavín feline cult declined in all areas, although it continued in pockets evolving towards regionalized styles.16 Burger describes the effect of this decline on the ideological capital, the ceremonial centre of Chavín de Huantar,17 as the breaking of an old cultural pattern: Some time in third century BC, the Chavín sphere of interaction began to disintegrate. A social upheaval occurred in many of the Middle Formative centres throughout the central and northern Peru and, in many cases, construction of public architecture was abruptly halted and never completed. Some sites were completely abandoned while in others the ceremonial architecture was leveled to make way for agglutinated villages. At Chavín de Huantar, for example, a small village was built over the Circular Plaza, and some of the stone carvings were incorporated in the house walls and sculptures collapsed into the rubble of public architecture. Similar

Specifically on the theme of the spread of Chavínism Burger states that the Chavín civilization was not spread by political expansionism, but instead resulted from the extension of a shared cosmology recognizable in ritual objects, and from the growth of a complex web of socioeconomic links made manifest in the surge of interregional exchange.11 In the Alti Plano and highland cultures of Tiwanaku and Wari, many religious motifs maybe of Chavín origin and some of these theological ideas continued after those societies’ demise. Unfortunately Chavín civilization was lacking some of the basic foundations for the formation of an urban society, and for these same reasons was doomed to eventual collapse. Urbanization needs a strong centralized government, and a large agricultural surplus to maintain the

12

Burger (1992): p. 229. Wittfogel, K.A., ‘Developmental Aspects of Hydraulic Societies’, in J.H. Steward (ed.), Irrigation civilizations: a comparative study: a symposium on method and result in cross-cultural regularities, Social Science Monograph, no.1, Westport, Connecticut, Department of Cultural affairs, Pan American Union, Social Science Section, , 1955, pp. 43-52. 14 Burger (1992): p. 229. 15 Burger (1992): p. 229. 16 Burger (1992): p. 229; Hardoy (1973): p. 304-7. 17 Rick, J., Rodríguez Kembel., S., Mendoza Rick, R. & Kembel, J. A., ‘La arquitectura del complejo ceremonial de Chavín de Huantar: documentación tridimensional y sus implicancias’, in P. Kaulicke (ed.), Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, vol. 2 (Perspectivas regionales del periodo formativo en el Perú), 1998, pp. 181-214. 13

formativo en el Perú: una introducción’, in P. Kaulicke (ed.), Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, vol. 2, 1998, pp. 9-13: p. 10. 9 Hardoy (1973: p. 306), mentions other ceremonial centres including Ancón, Cerro Blanco, Punkurí and Pallka, and perhaps Cero Sechín in the Casma valley. Also Kuntar Wasi a few kilometres from Cajamarca. 10 Burger (1992): p. 211. 11 Burger (1992): p. 213.

34

CHAPTER THREE: PRE-URBAN CULTURES patterns have been recorded at Kotosh, Huaricoto, Kuntur Wasi, Pacopampa, and other sites. In all these cases, the traditional use of space was suddenly shifted from public gatherings and religious rituals to mundane domestic activities. This transformation broke a cultural pattern that had existed for centuries, and in some cases millennia.18

regional tradition through its incorporation of important features of material and conceptual culture.25 The Mochica polity at its maximum expansion26 would have had Moche, in the Moche valley, as its cultural centre and urban capital, and complete occupation of the Chicama, Virú, and Santa valleys, as well as strategically located centres in the Nepeña, Jaquetepeque, and Lambayeque valleys;27 and possible outlying centres in the Leche valley.28 In the final days of its era, controlling the entire north coast, a combination of pressures from Wari-Tiwanaku invasion of the south coast and extreme environmentally induced stress caused political upheaval and collapse. The Mochica, already with a single well planned urban capital, transformed into an urban society of distinctive planned design.29

The cultural pattern of a ceremonial centre with nearby agglutinated villages,19 which began before the Chavín, continued after the demise of the Chavín civilization in some coastal and highland areas until the expansion of the WariTiwanaku urban civilization, bringing with it a new form of centralized government and urban organization. Although the socioeconomic stratification and other changes that had appeared under the Chavín ideology persisted and intensified in many areas, the increased militarization probably shows the interests of these new dominant groups. ‘Thus, for most groups, the emergence of Chavín civilization represented a watershed in Peruvian prehistory from which there was no return’.20

Although prior to 500 AD (with the exception of the vastly earlier experiments of the Supe and Casma valleys) it is still generally believed that no true urban settlement existed on the coast, and certainly no planned settlements, a brief account of the glimmerings that paved the way for urban transformation will shed light on the north coasts individual tradition, one of the best researched, that would come to play a large role within the greater pan-Andean tradition.

3.2 Cupisnique, Salinar, Gallinazo and Mochica Lumbreras21 notes that in the Regional Development Period which followed the demise of Chavín influence, there was a general increase in the number of population centres. In this period, prior to the Wari-Tiwanaku influence, the regional north coastal tradition grew of its own accord into the Mochica federation, or polity, with a power structure covering the neighbouring cultures of the valleys of the north and central coast of Peru.22 The Moche were the descendants of the people who first began settlements in the area about 2000 BC and flourished in the area, after Chavín demise, from around 100 AD to roughly 750 AD. They were not ethnically distinct from their coastal predecessors and there is no evidence of them migrating from elsewhere.23

After the demise of the Chavín civilization, their ideas were carried forward on the north coast by the evolving cultures of the Cupisnique, Salinar, then Gallinazo and later, also contemporary, the Mochica. This Regional Development Period is recognized by the steadily increasing size and complexity of social units and the increasing political complexity that was paralleled by growing economic sophistication. All of this laid the organizational foundation of the following periods and, prior to the discovery of Caral and the Supe valley civilization, it was proposed by some Andean scholars as the time of the rise of the first Peruvian cities, artistic presence, population peak, expansion of irrigation systems and the emergence of craft specialization and social stratification.30 Bawden,31 in agreement with

The overall stability of the north coast Andean population through time is now generally accepted.24 The peoples of north coast Peru maintained, with regional differences, a cultural integrity through time, but were also in close cultural contact with coastal and highland neighbours, with the resulting interaction through many centuries enriching the

25

Bawden (1996): pp. 10,13. Bawden (1996: p. 8.) concludes that the geographical area occupied by the Moche-affiliated society is that portion of the North Central coast extending from between 5-10 degrees south of the Equator, or the areas between the Piura valley in the north and the Huarmey valley in the south. This is the system of fertile river valleys dividing the arid coastal desert previously described. 27 Schaedel, R. P., ‘The city and the origin of the state in America’, in R.P. Schaedel, J.E. Hardoy, N.S. Kinzer (ed.), Urbanization in the Americas from its Beginnings to the Present, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978, pp. 31-49: p. 36. Schaedel finds no trace in the intervening valley of Zaña. 28 Schaedel (1978): p. 36. 29 Bawden (1996): p. 27; Holstein, O., ‘Chan-Chan: capital of the great Chimu’, The Geographical Review, vol. 17, no. 1, 1927, pp. 36-61: p. 42. 30 Topic, T.L., ‘The Early Intermediate Period and its legacy’, in Moseley, M. & Day, K. (eds.), Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, Albuquerque, Uni. of New Mexico Press, 1982, pp. 255- 284: p. 255- 256. 31 Bawden, G., ‘Domestic space and social structure in pre-Columbian northern Peru’, in S. Kent (ed.), Domestic architecture and the use of space - an interdisciplinary cross-cultural study, vol. 1, Norfolk, Cambridge Uni. Press, 26

18

Burger (1992): p. 228. Lumbreras, L. G., (The Peoples and Cultures of Ancient Peru, Washington, Smithsonian Institute Press, 1974c, p. 100.) notes that most houses were more or less concentrated in the agglutinated villages to facilitate communal activities and perhaps also for protection. 20 Burger (1992): p. 229. 21 Lumbreras (1974c): p. 84. 22 Bawden, G., The Moche, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Blackwell Publisher, 1996: p. 8. 23 Bawden (1996): pp. 3- 4. 24 Bawden (1996): pp. 7- 8. 19

35

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION Weltfish’s32 ideas on the historical multiple layering of ethnic groupings believes that there was no distinctive Mochica ‘culture’, but that the elaborate art and architecture that comprise the Mochica archaeological record are actually symbols of one particular successful system of power and its accompanying ideology. The Cupisnique, Salinar, Gallinazo, Mochica and Chimú (collectively 500BC-1480AD) phases of the chronological table, can by dissociating these purely stylistic constructions from their connotations of social change, be stripped of their independent lives as ‘archaeological cultures’. They can then be recognised as the arbitrary denominators of a single distinctive cultural tradition created by the structural sub-stratum of Andean social conceptions and by a unique historical course. They were actually specialized and brilliant products of the persistent cultural tradition evolved by the people of the north coast of Peru. This vital tradition and the people who created it both far antedated and outlived the various religious and political systems devised by the Mochica and their counterparts.33 The first phase, Cupisnique (≈ 500 BC – 200 BC), was without residential nucleation, hierarchy of settlements or centralized valley wide political or economic organization, as well represented by the earlier chiefdom society of agglutinated settlements with the shared religious structures of Huaca de los Reyes (1200 BC) with its pre-Chavín and Chavín stylistic attributes.34

Figure 7. This chart is the specific cultural chronology of the North Coast of Perú. Note that the early Intermediate period in this time line roughly equates with the Regional Development Period in the Lumbreras system used in this study (Source: Bawden, 1996, p.23, Figure 1-3).

During the following Salinar phase (≈ 200 BC – 100 AD) came the social movement towards urbanization in the form of nucleated settlements, centralized inter-valley politics and a growing individualized elite able to control the use of surplus wealth. They continued to dwell in agglutinated settlements unattached to ceremonial centres, but there was an increase in public buildings and space for administrative use. However no planning seems to have been present.35 This pattern continues in the following Gallinazo phase but with

inter-valley politics becoming more pronounced.36 Brennan presents evidence that the Salinar phase represented a step forward that spanned the cultural distance between Cupisnique and Mochica cultures. His evidence from Cerro Arena in the lower Moche valley supports indications that ‘the valley’s Salinar phase society was already socially and functionally diverse, economically and politically specialized, and highly centralized’.37

1990, pp. 153-171: p. 154; Bawden (1996): pp. 8, 36. 32 Weltfish, G. (‘The ethnic dimension of human history: pattern or patterns of change?’, in A. Wallace (ed.), Men and Cultures - Selected Papers of the Fifth International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, Philadelphia, September 1-9, 1956, Philadelphia, Uni. of Pennsylvania Press, 1960, pp. 205- 218: p. 216), states that ‘…within the orbit of any dominant system of social controls there are a number of surviving elements of previous ethnic entities which may maintain their identity to a considerable degree. …There was no time in history when an ethnic group did not include a number of ethnic patterns from previous ethnic groupings’. 33 Bawden (1996: p. 11), also remarks on an approach to Mochica culture that forbids universal cultural comparisons of cultural evolution; ‘According to this approach, society of the Moche period was organized and motivated by distinctive structural principles arising from its own long history. It shared these principles only with related societies in the Andean realm rather than obeying the dictates of universal laws and thus cannot be understood by simple comparison with cultures elsewhere in the world’. 34 Pozorski, T., ‘The early horizon sight of Huaca de los Reyes: societal implications’, in American Antiquity, vol. 45, no. 1, 1980, pp. 100-110. 35 Bawden (1990): pp. 155-6; Topic (1982): p. 257.

Cerro Arena’s location astride the valley’s neck pass not only allowed it control of commerce but also had defensive advantages that were important for its growth in a time of increasing warfare. There was a strong hierarchy of settlement size similar to the Gallinazo in the Virú valley and the Moche phases elsewhere on the north coast. Major settlements were located at points dominating the valley’s irrigation, commerce

36

Brennan, C.T., ‘Cerro Arena: origins of the urban tradition on the Peruvian north coast’, in Current Anthropology, vol. 23, no. 3, 1982, pp. 247254: pp. 248, 252. 37 Brennan (1982): p. 252.

36

CHAPTER THREE: PRE-URBAN CULTURES and defense. The Salinar settlement pattern in the Moche and Virú valleys indicates that a pattern of multi-valley integration had begun well before Mochican times,38 but that no true political unity existed.39

The Mochica lived in the lower valley and coastal areas, with a largely pre-urban economy, mainly based on irrigated farming in the plains47 and fishing. In the smaller valleys with their limited productive potential, farming villages were located on the edge of the irrigated zone of the desert so as to maintain the maximum area of cultivation. In larger valleys like the Chicama and Lambayeque such conservation was not necessary, while the greater traveling distances between home and field encouraged the location of villages within the field systems.48

The remarkable quantity and diversity of architecture in design, function, construction quality and fineness of finish indicates a corresponding diversity and specialization in the Salinar economy and social organization, and a complex system of social stratification and a multiplicity of integrated social statuses. These structures, from the simplest crude oneroom hut to elaborately finished houses with twenty or more rooms, clustered together to form settlements of unprecedented size and nucleation. Together with the sites predominantly residential character, they make Cerro Arena by far the earliest large, at least partially nucleated40 residential site in the Moche valley and probably on the entire north coast.41 The new preponderance of large structures devoted to elite residential and administrative functions instead of religious structures is perhaps an indication of the widening of the authority of the elite and its increasing ability to employ the society’s wealth at its own discretion. Some settlement space is devoted to public plazas and buildings of administrative purpose.42

It has been presumed that except for several types of ceremonial centres, the Mochica settlements consisted of isolated buildings, large vacant compounds that may have served as marshalling areas, and defensive constructions in the form of castillo or buttressed hillside redoubts. The interconnecting threads or networks of communication and transportation for the polity were at best cumbersome; however the growing strategic importance of the valley necks is reflected in the location of the secondary centres at or near those points.49 There is no differentiation so far detectable in the settlement pattern to indicate that non-agricultural specialists were permanently concentrated in great numbers in any one centre except the capital Moche. Bawden and Schaedel describe the capital city Moche as an agglutinated settlement between the central religious structures of Huaca del Sol and Huaca del Luna pyramids.50 However recent and ongoing excavations have revealed that not only was Moche an urban site with the necessary social stratification and job specialization, but that the city was planned along a grid formation.51

By the time the following Mochica polity (≈ Early 100 250AD, Middle 250 – 600 AD, Late 600 AD - 700 AD) is at its apex, during the Middle Moche phase, most of the north and central coast are under their influence and military activity is more pronounced, as witnessed by growth for the first time of forts in strategic positions. Yet no real attempt was made to dominate the highland areas.43 The polity is made up of a group of chieftaincies, involved in trade, having regional differences44 but often in warfare over water and land rights.45 Later the Mochica established by force or coercion the polity, which militarily invaded the Virú valley around 400 AD, conquering the neighbouring Gallinazo society.46

47

Kaulicke, P., ‘Cronologia, identidad, urbanismo y estado en los Andes centrales y surcentrales entre los siglos V a X d.c.: algunos reflexiones finales’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 481- 530: p. 511; Topic (1982: p.259) states that ‘[f]rom an early date, a large part of the Moche Valley population was cooperating in the use of a single irrigation system.’ 48 Bawden (1996): pp. 88,89. 49 Schaedel (1978): p. 37. 50 Bawden (1990): pp. 159,160; Schaedel (1978): p. 39. Bawden describes the residential area as originally being extensive and spread across the plain between the huacas and the lowest slopes of (mount) Cerro Blanco. It does appear that the residential occupation at Moche was internally planned by status category to a greater extent than occurred in earlier settlements. 51 Chapdelaine, C., ‘La ciudad de Moche: urbanismo y estado’, in Uceda, s. & Mujica, E. (eds.), Moche hacia el final del milenio, tomo 2, Uni. Nacional de Trujillo, 1999, pp. 247- 278; Uceda, S. & Chapdelaine, C., ‘El centro urbano de las Huacas del Sol y la Luna’, in Arkinka, no. 33, Agosto, Lima, 1998, pp.94- 103; Uceda, S. & Pareda, A., ‘Arquitectura y Función de la Huaca de La Luna’, in MASA, vol. 6, no. 7, 1994, pp. 42- 46; Kaulicke (2001): p. 511.

38

Brennan (1982): p. 252. 39 Topic (1982): p. 258. 40 Brennan (1982: p. 251.) finds that ‘More than half the known Type I structures, including the largest and most elaborate, occur in a tightly nucleated cluster along the crest of the ridge between the two passes’. 41 Again with the exception of the far earlier Pampas de Llamas-Moxeque experiment in the Casma valley. 42 Bawden (1990): pp. 156-7; Brennan (1982): pp. 248, 252. 43 Topic (1982): p. 281. 44 Bawden (1996: pp. 29, 32.), mentions one of the few reliable accounts, of Bishop Bartolomé de las Casas (1555) in which he describes the Mochica period as remembered in the oral history of the Chimú, as a time when the North Coast was divided among a number of independent ‘chieftaincies’, none of them totally dominant over the others, but with exchange and trade between them, while competition over control of land and water often created warfare. 45 Moore, S. F., (Power and Property in Inca Peru, West Port, Connecticut, Greenwood Press, 1958: p. 39), states that water rights must have been closely associated with land rights and virtually as important in those areas that were irrigated. 46 Bawden (1996): p.27; Hardoy (1973): p. 316; Topic (1982): pp. 260, 270.

37

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 8. A map showing the extent of the Mochica culture. Note the coastal position of Huaca del Sol (Cerro Blanco) the early Moche capital, and the mid-valley positions of the later Galindo and Pampa Grande the new capital. The Mochica occupation includes only the coastal plains and valley necks. 1) Pañamarca; 2) Pampa de los Incas; 3) Huancaco; 4) Cerro Blanco site [Moche capital]; 5) Galindo; 6) Huanchaco; 7) Huaca El Brujo Complex; 8) Cerro Mayal/ Mocollope; 9) La Mina; 10) Pacatnamú; 11) San José de Moro; 12) Sipán; 13) Pampa Grande; 14) Huaca Latrada; 15) Huaca Lucía, Batan Grande; 16) Loma Negra; 17) Nima/ Valverde; 18) Vicús (Source: Bawden, 1996, p. 9, Figure 1-1).

38

CHAPTER THREE: PRE-URBAN CULTURES The capital, Moche, was partly abandoned and the population centre moved and reconstituted as a provincial capital, Galindo, further up the valley at a reliable water source.55 The large Huaca del Sol symbolized the Moche power at the time and the primacy of the site, its abandonment suggests a hard fall.56 In the city of Galindo, as well as in the new capital of Pampa Grande in the Lambayeque valley,57 it is possible to see a change in the structure of the Mochica society and politics in the planned design of the hastily constructed cities, made to control the population’s access to the community resources. However Pampa Grande shows, in its design that still incorporates public access to the centre, a greater degree of political stability.58 A combination of the environmental stress and WariTiwanaku Empire political pressure caused the southern part of the Mochica polity to breakaway. It had probably become hostile to its former northern rulers, while refugee pressure and a lesser amount of arable land in the middle valley increased the centralization of power, social stratification and skill specialization, forcing the Mochica to transform their urban society. The disillusionment brought on by the ideological collapse brought about an urban design that existed outside of traditional Andean community structures.59 Bawden concludes that Urbanism in this context must be seen as a radical response to social crisis, not as a result of smooth evolutionary change. The picture suggests that the resulting society existed in a state of instability in which an embattled elite ruled a highly differentiated population largely through coercion detached from Andean structural sanction.60

Figure 9. Plan of Moche, ceremonial centre capital of the Early and Middle Moche Period. The grouped dots indicate nearby agglutinated settlements. However recent investigations have shown that a planned settlement lay between the two huacas (Source: Bawden 1990: p. 159).

Around 600 AD a severe El Niño effect lasting several decades degraded the irrigated fields, causing loss of arable land to desert and floods,52 and undermined the ideological system upon which the individualized theocratic politics of the state were based. Like the Chavín, the Mochica political structure’s lack of complex administrative and coercive infrastructure, and consequent reliance on the ideologically constructed status of ruling individuals was badly prepared to maintain such a large territorial hegemony in the face of extreme pressure.53 The Mochica people’s disillusionment with their leaders management of relations with the gods, led to a rejection of the failed ideology and the political system that sustained it.54

This stray from Andean social structures would bring about new cities that also were more rigid in their planning for social control than Andean society usually permits, and created new urban ideas for the north coast,61 influenced by the Wari-Tiwanaku urban tradition and the force of their planning procedures and Andean-wide influence. Before delving further into the planned designs of the north coast regional tradition, an understanding must be gained of 55

Bawden (1996): pp. 264-7; Holstein (1927): p. 61. Topic (1982): p. 273. 57 Bawden (1996: pp. 296-300) concludes that due to the position of the site San José de Moro, the religious and political capital of the Jaquetepeque valley was little affected by the changes in the ecology and the politics. It remained a religious centre with little residential attachment, and the scattered village settlement pattern of the Early Moche period continued. Unlike Galindo or Pampa Grande they were not forced by the polity collapse to adopt a true urban lifestyle. However they did adopt the iconography of the Wari-Tiwanaku Empire, using the new pan-Andean religion to maintain cultural order and connection after the collapse and reformation under new theology of the northern part of the Moche polity. 58 Bawden (1996): pp. 294- 6. 59 Bawden (1996). 60 Bawden (1996): p. 305. 61 Bawden (1996): pp. 302- 307.

52

56

Burger (1992: p. 25) mentions a further environmental catastrophe for the Moche in this period, called by Michael Moseley “Radical Environmental Alteration Cycles” in which the collision of the tectonic plates raise the coastal plains; ‘…in the 5th century AD, the living surface of a centre of Moche culture was stripped off and lowered 4m, while rich lands nearby were buried beneath newly formed sand dunes’. 53 Bawden (1996): p. 302. 54 Bawden (1996): p. 274. However Bawden (1996: p. 273) notes that there is very little evidence to suggest that environmental disruption by itself has ever caused social collapse in the Andes. However if political and social pressures occur simultaneously, the chances of a society surviving unscathed are much lower. The challenge of combating foreign pressure at a time when economic and communication infrastructure has been severely weakened is one that will tax the resources of even a well-integrated society to the fullest extent and collapse will occur.

39

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 10. A side view of a probable reconstruction of the Moche, Huaca de la Luna, the religious centre and palace of the ruler. Drawing from the Trujillo Museum (Source: L. Hasluck, 2004).

the first sparks of planned urbanism and city design that precedes the Mochica by millennia. This truly begins a path of urbanism that will travel to the highlands and then return to the coast with an organised influence in the form of imperialism. The coast will influence change and in the future re-influence and merge with the highland’s cultures that will create the apogee of a truly pan-Andean tradition, a mixture of all its times and places under the encompassing Tawantinsuyu Empire.

40

Chapter Four Urban Cultures ‘Urbanism’ is one of the most protean of terms. In one or other of its inflections it is customarily used to denote sets of qualities possessed by certain of the larger and more compact clusters of settlement features that at any particular moment in time represent centroids of continuous population movements. It is often held that these larger nodes in the settlement pattern are theatres for the acting out of a distinctive manner of life characterized as “urban”. It is known that nodes of this order of dominance first appeared in the settlement hierarchy some five thousand years ago in the course of the transformation of relatively egalitarian, ascriptive, kin-structured groups into socially stratified, politically organized, territorially based societies, since when they have progressively extended the scope and autonomy of their institutional spheres so that today they mould the actions and aspirations of vastly the larger proportion of mankind. P. Wheatley1

Herein1is a brief outline of the history and cultural influences of urban planning cultures in the pre-Hispanic Andes. Bawden2 has stated the terms for the inclusion of urban sites in his study of north coast Peru which has been adapted for this Andean wide investigation; The settlements to be investigated in this book all share several important features in that they were all relatively large and consisted of dense architectural complexes. They were also cities that were fairly densely populated and, to a significant degree, appear to have involved centralized planning. The sites chosen are stated by relevant Andean experts as being important in their era and exercised what can be generally accepted as the central integrating functions for their respective hinterlands. The residential components associated with these settlements were large relative to the overall size of the occupational area and, by definition in the urban context, and contained the domestic occupation of various socially and functionally differentiated groups.

particular culture’s tradition, and include only those dissident aspects that show a cultural change within a tradition. 4.1 Supe Valley The earliest urbanization and planned urban design in the Americas began in the Supe valley on the central coast in the Middle Archaic Period around 2600 BC and lasted until approximately 1900 BC, where it was the locus of the earliest population concentrations and corporate architecture in the Americas.4 Two millennia before the renowned Chavín civilization influenced the Andes two other smaller, yet sophisticated civilizations, had emerged and flourished in the central and north coast valleys. The Supe valley and to a lesser degree, and later, the Casma valley initiated the planned urban design tradition in the Andes, and foreshadowed the kind of societies that came into being elsewhere in postChavín times.5 Caral is a recent discovery and the research so far completed has been performed by Director of Investigations, Ruth Shady with associates.6 From their

However when studying these different cultural groups or civilizations it should be borne in mind that even though the study of national characters has validity and importance, it can be easily shown that the population in the nation in question does not uniformly conform to the pattern of cultural expectations.3 The national histories below, which are brief due to space limitations and the need for clarity, reveal those aspects that through repetition conform to a

4 Shady, R., Dolorier, C., Montesinos, F. & Casa, L., ‘Los orígenes de la civilización en el Perú: el área norcentral y el Valle de Supe durante el arcadio tardío’, in C.L. Arroyo (ed.), Arqueología y Sociedad 13, Lima, Museo de Arqueología y Antropología, Universidad Nacional Mayor de san Marcos, vol. 13, 2000, pp. 13 – 48; Shady, R., La Ciudad Sagrada de Caral Supe y Los Orígenes de la Civilización Andina, Lima, Museo de Arqueología y Antropología, Universidad Nacional Mayor De San Martín, 2001; Shady, R., Haas, J., Creamer, W., ‘Dating Caral, a preceramic site in the Supe Valley on the central coast of Peru’, in Science, vol. 292, 2001, pp. 723-726. 5 Burger, R. L., Chavin and the origins of Andean Civilization, London, Thames & Hudson, 1992: p. 229. 6 Béarez, P., & Miranda Muroz, L., ‘Analisis arqueo-ictiológico del sector residencial del sitio arqueológico de Caral-Supe, costa central del Perú’, in Revista de Ciencias Sociales: Arqueología y Sociedad, vol. 13, 2000, pp. 67- 78; Shady, Dolorier, Montesinos & Casas ( 2000); Shady, Haas, & Creamer (2001); Shady, R. (2001); Shady, R., ‘Caral-Supe: la civilización mas Antigua de América’, in Shady & Leyva (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003a, pp. 327- 334; Shady, R., ‘Caral-Supe: la civilización mas

1 Wheatley, P., ‘The concept of urbanism’, in P.J. Ucko, R. Tringham & G. Dimbleby (eds.), Man, Settlement and Urbanism: Research Seminar in Archaeology and related Subjects, Institute of Archaeology, London University, Duckworth, 1972, pp. 601- 637: p. 601. 2 Bawden, G., ‘Domestic space and social structure in pre-Columbian northern Peru’, in S. Kent (ed.), Domestic architecture and the use of space - an interdisciplinary cross-cultural study, vol. 1, Norfolk, Cambridge Uni. Press, 1990, pp. 153-171: p. 155. 3 Goldschmidt, W., ‘Culture and human behaviour’, in A. Wallace (ed.), Men and Cultures - Selected Papers of the Fifth International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, Philadelphia, September 1-9, 1956, Philadelphia, Uni. of Pennsylvania Press, 1960, pp. 98-104: p. 102.

41

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION various publications the following history of the culture can be out lined.

platform and plaza, had not been constructed from a preconceived plan, but grew organically based on social needs and topography.

Caral city in the Supe valley was a 50 hectare, pre-planned city, whose mid-valley location and layout in which religious, elite residence and administrative buildings were centrally sited display the centralized, stratified and specialized state of the Supe society. The river plains of Caral provided naturally irrigated farming and a position of easy access to a range of dietary resources from the vertical zones of ocean, highlands and jungle.7 The Supe culture made the move away from coastal and plains settlements and created the new capital of their state in the centre of the valley. With other settlements close by or in the valley neck they could control water supply, communication, highland trade and vertical zone dietary resources.8

The centre of Caral city is a collection of religious buildings, and public and sacred spaces. The pyramid tops represented the most sacred of space to which access was tightly controlled by architectural design. In front of, and around, the pyramids were public plazas, platforms and a circular semi-subterranean amphitheatre to which public thoroughfares gave open access. Attached and also nearby the pyramids were administrative buildings and the housing for the elite, while in the lower parts of the city were the workers’ housing. The political structure is likely to have still been a clan-based chieftaincy, but with centralization of a new sophistication that was necessary to create urbanization and maintain the social stratification, hydraulic economy and administration specialization needed to command a large stable workforce. Clearly theocratic, the ruling elite would also have been the religious leaders controlling the ideological foundation of the society, which must also have included a belief in the benefits of urbanism.

Although Caral was not the most heavily populated city it contained more monumental architecture and required greater labour to construct. Caral was created from a preconceived plan, and maintained overtime to keep its construction in line with the original idea and as such represents the needs of the then ruling elite.9 The other greater and lesser urban settlements (eighteen in all) in the valley with monumental construction, usually pyramid,

Here in the Supe valley was the first urbanization and so by definition the first cities in the Andes, and the first civilization able to maintain a city ethos over an extended period of time. Cities had existed in the Supe valley before the creation of Caral; however, although these satellites contained many of the urban design elements found in Caral, they were not planned from the ground up but grew organically in accordance with the changing needs of the society as it became more complex over time, as for example at Era de Pando, the most populated of the Supe cities. These organically grown cities are an important stage in the growth of urban planning that was used in Caral, as those aspects of design that were deemed most useful in the organic setting were surely included in the pre-planned design of Caral. It is the experiment of systematic planning that makes Caral so important.

Antigua del Perú y América’, in Shady & Leyva (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003b, pp. 335- 342; Shady, R. & Leyva, C. (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003; Shady, R., ‘Caral Supe Perú: La civilización más antigua de América’, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral-Supe, 2nd Ed., 2004. 7 Shady, R. ‘El sustento económico del surgimiento de la civilización en el Perú’ in Shady, R. & Leyva, C. (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003e, pp. 101- 105: pp. 102, 103; Shady, R. ‘Sustento socioeconómico del estado prístino de Supe-Perú: las evidencias de CaralSupe’, in Shady, R. & Leyva, C. (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003k, pp. 106- 122; p. 108. 8 Pringle, H., ‘The first urban centre in the Americas.’ in Science, vol. 292, 2001, pp. 621-622: p. 623; Shady, R. ‘Del Arcaico al Formativo en los Andes centrales’, in Shady & Leyva (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003d, pp. 37- 50; Shady (2003e): pp. 102, 103. Shady, R., ‘Los orígenes de la civilización y la formación del Estado en el Perú: las evidencias arqueológicas de Caral-Supe’, in Shady & Leyva (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003J, pp. 93- 100. 9 Shady, R., ‘Caral-Supe y la costa norcentral del Perú’, in Shady & Leyva (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003c, pp. 139- 146: p.139.

The reason for the collapse of the Supe society remains unknown, but perhaps it had a somewhat similar fate to the fallen Mochica polity, in that the centralized government became too individualized, relied too heavily upon an ideological foundation and collapsed under the pressure of ecological change and/or external political pressure, or like the Tiwanaku was the result of the deterioration and ultimate abandonment of the regional scale agricultural systems.10 The site needs further examination to make firm conclusions.11 10

Kolata, A., The Tiwanaku: portrait of an Andean civilization, Cambridge, Mass., Blackwell, 1993: p. 283. 11 Burger (1992: p. 24) cites evidence by John Hedí that there were significant climate changes that affected the Andes in the periods 2350 – 2000 BC and 1876 – 1700 BC. It is possible that either or both periods had impact upon the Supe civilization.

42

CHAPTEER FOUR: URBA AN CULTURESS

Figure 11. A view of the ruins of Caraal looking norrth from the hills h towards the t river. Thee pyramids alll surround thee central plaza, a, with the majjor pyramid in n the centre off the photo. (So Source: L.Haslluck, 2004).

Figure 12. A map of the 18 archaeologic ical settlementt sites of the Late L Archaic period p identifi fied in the Suppe valley. Notee the central valley va position n of the capitall Caral, that allso places it ceentral to the other o satellite ccities (Sourcee: Ruth Shady, y, 2004, p. 8).

43

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 13. A reconstruction of Caral in the Supe valley (Source: Escobar La Cruz, 2003, p. 58).12 Key: 1). Joined residence; 2). Zones under investigation; 3). Major Pyramid; 4). Minor Pyramid; 5). Gallery Pyramid; 6). Quarry Pyramid; 7). Circular Altar Pyramid; 8). Banquet Temple; 9). Major joined residence; 10). Amphitheatre; 11). Elites residence centre; 12). Huanca Pyramid. Note that the river had a higher water level than exists presently.

Figure 14. A plan of the city of Caral – Late Archaic Period. The central plaza lies between the main religious structures the pyramids in sections C,D,E,G,H,I,L. The river lies to the right of sector E (Source: Shady, Dolorier, Montesinos & Casas, 2000, figure 19).

12

Escobar La Cruz, R., ‘El pais del asombro’, in GEO Magazine, vol. 194, March, 2003, pp. 58-66. Caral Recreation by Solé/ F. del Amo. Documentación: Proyecto Arqueológico Caral, GEO Magazine, March, 2003: p. 58.

44

CHAPTER FOUR: URBAN CULTURES However, the prevalent religious cult Kotosh in the north central region allowed the transmission of these fundamental ideas to the Casma valley on the north coast, where urbanization and urban planning were also adopted.13 4.2 Casma Valley The Supe valley’s primary experiment in urbanization and planning rather than being lost continues on a smaller scale in the not too distant north coastal Casma valley, where the city of Llamas-Moxeque,14 although there were architectural differences, was similar to Caral in many aspects of overall urban planning and design. Llamas-Moxeque and the great religious centre of Sechín Alto, constituted the hub of a system of politics, based on irrigated agriculture and satellite communities, that controlled the valley in the Middle Archaic and Middle Formative Periods (≈2500–1000 BC). Llamas-Moxeque is the earliest pre-planned settlement in the Casma valley, constructed contemporary with half of the Sechín Alto ceremonial centre, and built around two stepped pyramids which faced each other across a central public plaza. It was maintained in later eras according to the original rectangular plan and is renowned for its enormous adobe friezes of anthropomorphic figures, which covered its public buildings.15 Nothing of these now remains to be seen.

Fig. 16. A plan of the Moxeque huaca made by the Peruvian archaeologist Tello in the early part of the 20th century when it was more visibly complete (Source: Kauffman Doig, 1973, p. 259, fig. 345).

Fig. 17. A hypothetical reconstruction of an internal view of Huaca A (opposite side of plaza to the Moxeque Huaca) showing the multitude of close packed rooms, for ceremonial and storage purposes. Note also the early use of wall niches (Source: Cáceres, 2004, p.35, fig. 13).

Figure 15 Some of the enormous adobe friezes adorning the Moxeque huaca (pyramid), still visible in the early part of the 20th century (Source: Kauffman Doig, 1973, p. 259, fig. 346).

13

Shady, et. Al. (2000): p. 16. Also known as Pampas de las Llamas-Moxeque. A modern spelling has it as ‘Moxeke’. Shady’s research has uncovered religious symbolism in the form of geoglyphs that culturally connect the Supe and Casma valleys. Shady, R., Machacuay, M. & Aramburú, R., ‘Un geoglifo de estilo Sechín en el valle de Supe’, in Shady & Leyva (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral-Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003b, pp. 303- 314. 15 Pozorski, S., Pozorski T., ‘La dinámica del valle de Casma durante le periodo inicial’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP , vol. 2 (Perspectivas regionales del Periodo Formativo el Perú), 1998, pp. 83-100; Pozorski, T., Pozorski, S., ‘El desarrollo de la sociedad compleja en el Valle de Casma’, in Revista de Ciencias Sociales: Arqueología y Sociedad, vol. 13, 2000, pp. 79-98 14

Figure 18. A reconstruction of the Moxeque pyramid made by Pedro Rojas (Source: Kauffman Doig, 1973, p. 259, fig. 347).

45

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION was forced upon the population, creating the two largest regular and planned cities of the Casma valley, El Purgatorio and Manchan. This was the period of greatest technological innovation, building activity, renovation and probably of the largest population. After the Wari-Tiwanaku Empire’s collapse these cities continued, with regional variation, through the Casma’s most active urban phase the Regional States Period. The trend started by the Wari-Tiwanaku Period continued with the large towns occupied and expanded, but with most influence in the middle and upper valley. The towns started in the Wari-Tiwanaku Period did not reach their occupation peak until later under Chimú domination, although few new settlements were built. Whether at this time urban growth was a case of increased population or urban intensification remains unknown.17 However it was a trend seen throughout the north and central coast.18 The Tawantinsuyu’s low intensity occupation, of less than a hundred years, changed little in the valley. The same cities remained in use but with Tawantinsuyu religious and administrative centres built nearby and an improvement in the road system.19 4.3 Tiwanaku and Wari Empire With the rise of Chavín influence urbanization and planning leaves the coastal area and becomes apparent again in the construction of Tiwanaku20 on the shores of Lake Titicaca, on the Alti Plano of Bolivia. Tiwanaku begins around 1700 BC in the Early Formative Period, or possibly earlier, as a culturally separate and nucleated settlement.21 It truly became

Figure 19. Map of the lower Casma valley in the Archaic Period. Note the comparative positions of Sechín Alto in the flood plains and pampas de Llamas-Moxeque above the flood plains. The black squar marks the present day town, while the circles mark the locations of the ancient cities of he Archaic Period (Source: Pozorski & Pozorski, 1998, p. 84).

17

Thompson, D., (‘Postclassic innovations in architecture and settlement patterns in the Casma valley, Peru’, in Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, vol. 20, 1964, pp. 91-105: p. 97), notes that there was probably a reduction in population but an intensifying of urban concentration in towns. The Chimú period in the Casma valley began around 1375AD and lasted until Tawantinsuyu domination between 1463 – 1471 AD. This is also mentioned in Thompson, D., ‘Arquitectura y patrones de establecimiento en el Valle de Casma’, in Revista de Museo Nacional, vol. 40, 1974, pp. 9-29. 18 Thompson (1964); Thompson (1974). 19 Lumbreras, L. G., The Peoples and Cultures of Ancient Peru, Washington, Smithsonian Institute Press, 1974c: p. 166; Thompson (1964); (1974). 20 Ibarra Grasso, D., De Mesa, J. & Gisbert, T., ‘Reconstruccion de Taypicala (Tiahuanaco)’, in Cuadernos Americanos, vol. 14, 1955, pp. 149-176: p. 174: They find many similarities between the Cerro Sechín temple in the Casma Valley and Tiwanaku; Kaulicke, P., (‘Cronologia, identidad, urbanismo y estado en los Andes centrales y surcentrales entre los siglos V a X d.c.: algunos reflexiones finales’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 481- 530: pp. 504, 516) states that cultural connection and interchange extisted over vaste distances and that Tiwanaku and Huari were part of this network. On page 504 he raises the possibility that contemporary Pucara society on the north shore of Lake Titicaca may have acted as a staging post for ideas from further north. 21 Lumbreras (1974c): p. 60; Ponce Sangines, C., Panorama de la Arqueología Boliviana, La Paz, Liberia y Editorial Juventud, 1985: p.30; Reinhard, J., ‘Tiwanaku: ensayo sobre su cosmovisión’, Pumapunku, año 1, vol. 2, nuevo época, 1991, pp. 9-66: p.9.

Elite residence and administrative buildings were attached to, part of, or nearby, the pyramids, with artisans and workers dwellings to the side. The Casma valley also had other sites of agglutinated settlements and ceremonial centres, but the design of Llamas-Moxeque, and later Taukachi-Konkán (residential area of Sechín Alto), shows the existence of a hydraulic civilization that had the necessary centralized theocratic government, social division, specialization and control of a large workforce for planning and large-scale construction. These cities were also located in the mid-valley where control of water, communications and multiple vertical zone resource use were easily facilitated.16 The Casma valley continued to harbour urban populations throughout most of its history; however in the period after the demise of Llamas-Moxeque, and under Chavín influence, it returned to agglutinated settlements and ceremonial centres until dominated by the Wari-Tiwanaku Empire (≈ 600 AD). Widespread use of city planning becomes apparent during and after the Wari-Tiwanaku domination, when it 16

Pozorski & Pozorski (1998); (2000).

46

CHAPTER FOUR: URBAN CULTURES

Figure 20. The view across the central plaza of Llamas-Moxeque from the top of the main pyramid. The pyramid (Huaca A) at the other end of the central plaza can be seen right of centre in the photo. Part of the original central plaza is now being used for irrigated farming (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 21. A side view of the main pyramid of Moxeque, situated behind the modern house. Note however that the house is built with the same wattle and daub method that was used at Llamas-Moxeque at the time of the construction of the pyramid (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 22. A view across the small plaza atop the main pyramid at Llamas-Moxeque. Only a few pieces of the walls remain, there has been substantial damage since the early 20th century. The large blocks in the foreground would have been parts of the wall structure (Source: L.Hasluck). 47

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 23. Plan of the ruins of Pampa de Llamas–Moxeque. The shaded areas represent dwellings, with the artisans and workers situated furthest from the huacas and central plaza (Source: Pozorski & Pozorski, 2000, p. 82).

Figure 24. Plan of Taukachi-Konkán, residential area attached to the Cerro Sechín ceremonial complex in the Lower Formative Period. Shaded areas represent dwellings with the artisans and workers situated furthest from the centre. Note the many circular plazas, also found in the earlier Caral (Source: Pozorski & Pozorski, 2000, p. 88). 48

CHAPTEER FOUR: URBA AN CULTURESS

Figure 25. A map from the he Cerro Sechín ín Site Museum m showing the he cluster of th he other nearby by city and cerremonial sitess around Pamp mpa de Llamass Moxeque. Note No also its poosition besidee the river butt not using the he arable river flats (Source:: L.Hasluck, 2004). 2

Figure 26. Pllan of El Purga gatorio city, coomposed of haabitation strucctures it is con nnected to Pam mpa de Llamas as-Moxeque byy a straight roaad and is undo doubtedly part of a single urb ban complex in i the Wari-T Tiwanaku Perio iod. It consistss of a complexx of pyramids and a walled enc nclosures on th hree sides of a natural elevattion. The remaaining side is ooccupied by a cemetery and d 22 in typical Wari Wa design hass few gates of access a (Sourcce: Thompson n, 1974, p. 20, original from m Donald Colllier, The Field d Museum of Natural N Historry). 22

Lumbreras (19974c): pp. 166, 1833.

49

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 27. Plan of Manchan city showing typical Wari design in its use of regular walled enclosures. The dark line through the centre represents the path of the present day Pan-American highway. Very little is now visible beneath the dunes of sand (Source: Thompson, 1974, p.21, original from Donald Collier, The Field Museum of Natural History). necessary social and political conditions for urbanization and urban maintenance.28 Urban planning is clearly used in the Urban Phase and possibly earlier.29 Astronomical, cardinal, calendar and esoteric, much of its iconography is clearly related to Chavín religious notions, with the use of the puma, condor and ‘man-with-stick’.30 Yet Tiwanaku civilization does not use the Chavín idea of the ceremonial centre and agglutinated villages even for its satellite centres and colonial mitmaequna.31 An urban plan is always used as is represented in the mitmaequnas near Lake Titicaca of Wankani, Lucurmata, Ojje and Paqchiri.32

urban during its Urban Phase (0-600 AD), the Regional Development Period, when its temple structures, pyramids, palaces and plazas were created or perhaps re-created.23 The Tiwanaku civilization, a highly centralized and theocratic society24 created the largest city for its time in all of the Americas, and in its central placement of state and elite structures shows the probable influence of the earlier coastal tradition of the Supe and Casma valleys. It may also highlight common organizational principles based on kinship in a panAndean cultural model25 as Tiwanaku grew amongst other farming cultures in the Lake Titicaca area where it eventually gained dominance.26 A brilliant hydraulic, herding and trading society allowed an increase in population27 and the

greater prosperity and it becoming a centre of migration from the declining former important centres; Kolata, A., ‘El papel de la agricultura intensiva en la economía política del estado de Tiwanaku’, in Dialogo Andina, vol. 4, 1985, pp. 11-38; Kolata (1993): p. 246. On page 85 Kolata firmly status that he can see no economic advantage from the site of Tiwanaku, but this in contrast to the close análisis of Bandy (2001) who finds several agricultural and trade advantages. 28 Ponce (1985): pp. 30-38. 29 Portugal Ortix, M. & Portugal Zamora, M., ‘Investigaciones arqueológicas en el Valle de Tiwanaku’, in Jornadas Peruano-Boliviano de Estudio Científico del Altiplano Boliviano y del Sur del Perú, vol. 2, Arqueología en Bolivia y Perú, 1977, pp. 243-283: p. 258. 30 Burger (1992): p. 20; Kaulicke (2001): p. 517; Reinhard, J., ‘Chavín y Tiahuanaco’, in Boletín de Lima, vol. 50, 1987, pp. 29-51. Burger on page 20, actually disputes any direct relationship bbetween Tiwanaku and Chavín icnography, and instead finds the earlier lake side cultural style of Yayamama as providing the link between the two. 31 Kolata (1993): p. 256- 247. Mitmaequna are urban settlements or towns, created by colonists (mitmae) from the Tiwanaku and Wari-Tiwanaku cultures as a matter of imperialist policy. The Tawantinsuyu would also later adopt this policy. 32 Browman, D.L., ‘Toward the development of the Tiahuanaco (Tiwanaku) State’, in D.L. Browman (ed.), Advances in Andean Archaeology, World Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978b, pp. 327-349: p. 340; Browman, D.L., ‘Cultural primacy of Tiwanaku in the development of later

23

Vranich A. (‘La pirámide de Akapana: reconsiderando el centro monumental de Tiwanaku’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 295- 308),makes the point that at this time former constructions were destroyed and their stones re-used in the new constructions. 24 Ponce (1985): pp. 30-38; Schaedel, R.P., ‘Andean world view: hierarchy or reciprocity, regulation or control?’, in Current Anthropology, vol. 29, no. 5, 1988, pp. 768-775: p. 771. 25 Kaulicke (2001): p. 518; Kolata (1993): p. 101. 26 Stanish, C. ‘Formación estatal temprana en la cuenca del lago Titicaca, Andes surcentrales’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 189- 216: pp. 189- 125. 27 Bandy, M. (‘¿Por qué surgió Tiwanaku y no otro centro politico del Formativo Tardio?’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 585- 604) in his fascinating article finds that changing water levels in Lake Titicaca led to interrupted trade routes by-passing previouse important centres but passing through Tiwanaku, this led to its

50

CHAPTER FOUR: URBAN CULTURES ecological exploitation, unseen before.39 It brings with it new ideas of centralized government and urban planning, and designs (also iconography, metal, textile and ceramic work) to suit the needs of the Wari-Tiwanaku system of governance.40

In the period of its greatest influence, (≈ 500–1000 AD), the Tiwanaku civilization is best understood as two distinct sociopolitical entities.33 Around 600 AD the Tiwanaku regional state enters its expansive Wari-Tiwanaku phase and becomes an empire with a second capital in Huari in the central highlands of Peru.34 Tiwanaku spreads in the Lake Titicaca, Chile and southern Bolivian area forming a federation, via commercial missionary conversion,35 following on its long tradition of the authority of Tiwanaku ideology and trade, importing resources from the Amazon and the ocean, and exporting products such as textiles, ceramics and hallucinogenic powders and paraphernalia that were a large part of their religious and ideological life.36 Wari-Tiwanaku domination probably primarily spreads through military force37 later taking, and maintaining through ideological force, the highlands and coastal areas into its centrally administrated multi regional polity38 of organized trade and

Wari-Tiwanaku expansion in the highlands created Huari, a mitmaequna, one of the most extensive central highlands urban areas, which shows several aspects of the urban design tradition and religious architecture from Tiwanaku.41 The capital Huari is constructed in a position of natural defense, but upon difficult terrain and offering little chance for rigid planning. The same central organization is prevalent, with administrative and religious structures located within a large walled enclosure, which is a typical design of WariTiwanaku.42 Spickard maintains that ‘La concepción es de Tiwanaku, pero la forma es de Huari’.43 This supports theory that that the Wari Empire constitutes only one vital head of the expansion of Tiwanaku power.44 Huidobro argues further that ‘Effectivamente, Tiwanaku y otros centros de poder, caso de Wari, centro de poderoso e importante dentro de la administración del Imperio Tiwanaku, se derrumbaron al

Peruvian states’, in Dialogo Andina, vol. 4, 1985, pp. 59-71: p. 66; Lumbreras (1974c): p. 63; Ponce Sangines, C., ‘Tiwanaku: espacio, tiempo y cultura’, in Pumapunku, vol. 4, 1972, pp. 7-24: pp. 11,12. 33 Albarracin Jordan, J., (Tiwanaku - Arqueología Regional y Dinámica Segmentaría, Bolivia, Plural Editors, 1996, pp. 74-77), presents 4 different models of the socio-political construction for Tiwanaku culture for the transformations between the three Tiwanaku epochs: Ancient, Urban/classical and Imperial. 34 Browman (1978b): p. 331; Hardoy, J. E., Pre-Columbian Cities, London, Allen & Unwin, 1973 : p. 319; Huidobro Bellido, J., Tiwanaku y los Orígenes del Cuzco, La Paz, Editorial Gramma Impresión, 1993, p. 59; Kaulicke (2001): pp. 489, 501502, 520- 521; Lumbreras (1974c): p. 165; Schaedel (1988): p. 772; Spickard, L. E., ‘El análisis de la arquitectura de los sitios de Huari y Tiwanaku’, in Dialogo Andina, vol. 4, 1985, pp. 73-88: p. 84. 35 Cook, A. G., (‘The politico-religious implications of the Huari offering tradition’, in Dialogo Andino, vol. 4, 1985, pp. 203-222: p.294), argues that there is no archaeological evidence for the diffusion of Tiwanaku culture via either pilgrimages or itinerant medicine men, but proposes no other explanation. 36 Bandy (2001); Browman, D.L. (1985): p. 64; Ponce (1972): pp. 15,16; Rivera, M. A., ‘Alto Rimirez y Tiwanaku, un caso de interpretación simbólica a través de datos arqueológicos en el área de los valles occidentales S. del Perú y N. de Chile’, in Dialogo Andina, vol. 4, 1985, pp. 39-58: p.40; Kaulicke (2001): pp. 505, 516; Kolata (1993): p. 76, 272; Torres, C. M., ‘Estilo e iconografía Tiwanaku en las tabletas para inhalar substancias psicoactivas’, in Dialogo Andina, vol. 4, 1985, pp. 223-245; Stanish (2001: p. 208) theorises that much of the reason for the rise of Tiwanaku city was for its position near large grazing lands for llama herds. 37 Rapid militaristic expansions may have been, in part, the basis of the Peruvian extension of the Tiwanaku trade network which introduced a new dynamic system of exploitation of various ecological zones and interregional exchange system into the Huari area agree Browman (1978b): p. 331; Hardoy (1973): p. 319; Kolata (1993: p. 85, 243, 250) states that, ‘Originally Tiwanaku’s pre-eminence may have been the product of aggressive raiding in the territories of other villages and towns and the eventual incorporation of these territories into Tiwanaku’s local domain. However, Tiwanaku’s growing power and prestige was most likely not maintained by aggression alone, but by conversion of the emergent capital into a shared centre of moral and cosmological authority, a place of pilgrimage and wonder.’ He sees this change taking place between 100 AD and 300 AD. Other techniques used by the Tiwanaku are suggested by Kolata (1993: p. 243) as direct conquest, administration of strategic regions, large-scale regional colonization or selective enclaving of populations in foreign territory, administered trade, propagation of state cults, and the establishment of clientage relationships between themselves and local elite. 38 Cook (1985): p. 203; Kaulicke (2001): p. 252, 513; Owen, B. & Goldstein,

P. ‘Tiwanaku en Moquegua: interacciones regionales y colapso’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 169- 188. Kolata on page 252 comments that similar to that created by the Tawantinsuyu, some societies may have willingly come under the new administration to enjoy their favours and wealth. 39 Browman (1978b): p. 331; Browman (1985): pp. 64,65; Hardoy (1973): p. 319; Huidobro (1993): p. 59; Kaulicke (2001): p. 513; Schaedel (1988): p. 772. Huidobro (1993: p. 59) cites Ruth Shady’s (REVISTA ANDINA, vol. 6, no. 1) support for the theory that the Wari was an Empire of regional independent states that maintained strong interaction at an interregional level, gathering in one empire various departments of the central Andes under the Wari epoch. 40 Albarracin (1996): pp. 74-77; Browman (1978b): p. 327; Hardoy (1973): p. 337; Uribe, M. & Agüero, C., ‘Alfareria, textiles y la intergración del norte grande de Chile a Tiwanaku’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 397- 426. 41 Makowski, K. ‘Los personajes frontales de báculos en la iconografía tiahuanaco y huari: ¿tema o convención?’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 337- 374; Spickard (1985). Makowski finds that Wari and Tiwanaku employed a conventional repertoire of signs in their religious symbolism. 42 Hardoy (1973): p. 337; Thompson (1964): p. 101. 43 Spickard (1985): p. 84. ‘The conception is Tiwanaku, but the form is Huari’ (translation L.Hasluck). 44 Kaulicke (2001: p. 489) states, ‘En relación con Huari conviene citarlo ‹‹Desde el ángulo cronológico nadie niega que Huari es más reciente que Tiwanaku, con lo que se evidencia su calidad receptora y que el movimiento de transporte partío del altiplano. En cuanto a la superficie de Huari – lugar estudiado por Tello, Bennett y Lumbreras – en rigor y con templos de arquitectura inferior, por lo cual sería difícil que tuviera el rango más elevado, de capital imperial. Resulta más inteligible que fuera un asiento o cabeza virreinal’.

51

URBAN CONT TINUITY IN TH HE ANDES: A PR RE-HISTORICA AL PLANNING TRADITION T

Figure 28. A view of the Kalasasaya Ka Tem mple from the top t of the Aka kapana Pyramid id, the religiouus complex off the t Tiwanakuu city. The tem mple was built lt as an enclossure within an n enclosure an nd probably seerved also as iits principle plaza p (Source:: L.Hasluck,20 2002). finalizar el e Horizonte Medio, M es decirr aproximadam mente entre 1.1000 y el 1200 D.C.’.45

the coast, c first at Cajarmarquillla, and then Pachacamac P on n the central c coast, and a followed bby the north coast c includingg Pacaatnamú in the Jaquetepeque J valley, the moost northern off the Wari-Tiwanak W ku urban settleements and bu uilt on a priorr Mocche site.48

The urban characteristics c nd Wari-Tiwaanaku of Huari, an notions of pree-planning, weere seen as insppiring those of other large towns, coastal c as well as a highland, an nd the concept of an expansionist polity p developped with archittectural and arrtistic traits remainiing as its most obvious materrial residue.46 Itt is in the easier, flatter terrain of o the coast, during the seecond expansion of the empiree, that Wari-Tiwanaku urban u planning tech hniques; the walled w enclosuure, road netw works, central religioous complex, etc. are introoduced and puut to considered usse.47 Greater organization effforts were madde on

o various new w Warri use of mitmaaequnas led to the creation of cities,49 two of the most impportant being the highlandd resid dential, religiouus and admin nistrative citiess of Pikillactaa and Viracochapam mpa50 which weere designed and created forr theirr particular purrpose and are sso precise in their designs in a way never before witnessed w in thee Andes, that th hey seem to bee her. This typee of mitmaequuna created a copies of each oth ural centre witth an exactnesss of urban desiign that wouldd cultu lay the t groundworrk for Tawantiinsuyu plannin ng ideas in thee future.51

45 Huidobro (1993: p. 44). Huidoobro presents an exxcellent summary of the evidence from vaarious authorities that clearly showss the cultural conttinuity of the Tiwanakuu, Wari and Taw wantinsuyu Empirres. That they aree three epochs of the sam me civilization un nder changing political circumstancees. The transcription of this quotation reeads as ‘Effectivelly, Tiwanaku andd other p centre an nd important with hin the centres of power, such as Wari, a powerful o the Tiwanaku Empire, finally collapses c in the Middle M administration of Horizon, that is i to say approxximately between 1100 and 12000 AD’ (translation L.Haasluck). 46 Kolata (1993: p. 281) states that, t ‘[t]he culturral force of Tiwaanaku’s expansion was loong-standing and so intense that it left a heavy imprrint on societies through hout the south-cen ntral Andes. Geneerations after Tiw wanaku itself had fallen in nto ruins and begaan its centuries –loong slide into myth h, local cultures still prodduced ceramics and textiles studded with motifs drawn n from Tiwanaku’s presttige-laden state arrt. Even 400 yearss after the fall, th he Inca avidly sought to identify themselvves with Tiwanakku as a mystical pllace of origin and as a saacred seat of dynasttic power. The endduring impact andd legacy of Tiwanaku’s diistinctive civilizatiion was the produuct of its rare capaacity to bind diverse sociaal groups into longg-term relationships of shared produuction, exchange and bellief’. 47 Bawden, G., The T Moche, Cambrridge, Massachuseetts, Blackwell Pubblisher, 1996: pp. 269-711; Browman (19788b); Hardoy, J. E., Urban plann ning in pre-Coluumbian

The Wari-Tiwanakku influence sttretched from northern Peruu to northern n Chilee and northern n Argentina,52 the first pan-And dean Empire, an nd for the firstt time many sm maller regionall cultu ures felt the eff ffect of a strongg centralized, non-clan-based n d goveernment. The Wari-Tiwanak W ku culture brou ught hydraulicc Amerrica, London, Studdio Vista, 1968: pp. 42; Cáceres (22004); Thompson n (19644): pp. 101-2. 48 Kau ulicke (2001): pp. 500, 501, 512; Lumbreras (1974c): p. p 166. 49 Broowman (1985) 50 MccEwan, G. F., ‘Exxcavaciones en Pikillacta un sitio Wari’, W in Dialogoo Andin na, vol. 4, 1985, pp. p 89-136. Until McEwan’s detaileed investigation off Pikillacta, both Pikillaccta and the replicaated Viracochapam mpa were believedd to be administrative and storage centres, and indeed parts of o them were usedd underr the Tawantinsuyyu domination for that purpose. 51 Harrdoy (1973): p. 3441; Lumbreras (19774c): p. 168. 52 Kau ulicke (2001): pp. 502, 504, 515.

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CHAPTER FOUR: URBAN CULTURES

Figure 29. A view across the Huari plateau and the centre of the city. It is hard to tell its form due to its use as a farm for prickly pear cactus. The main religious structures are in the centre of the photo. The cleared areas were once part of the typical Wari use repetitive enclosures in urban planning (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 30. Probable routes of Tiwanaku expansion. Note the connection with the different ecological zones of Alti Plano, coastal and Amazon regions (Source: Ponce, 1976, p.155).53 53

Ponce sanginés, C. Tiwanaku: Espacio, Tiempo y Cultura, 3rd Edicion, la Paz, Ediciones Pumapunku, 1976.

53

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 31. A simple plan of Huari (Wari) that clearly shows its position and relationship to the surrounding rivers below its steep cliffs (marked line surrounding city). The difficult topography of its position gave it strong natural defenses, but made it difficult for ordered urban planning (Source: Hardoy, 1973, p. 338).

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CHAPTER FOUR: URBAN CULTURES

Figure 32. One of the outer defensive walls on the north of the city. The size of the walls were repeated internally throughout the central area of the city (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

agriculture, sophisticated methods of irrigation, terrace and platform farming throughout their empire.54 After the unexpected collapse of the War-Tiwanaku Empire around 1100 AD, the legacy of its culture continued, although varied by regional cultural interpretations.55 However, many of these regional cultures quickly reverted to their Kingdom and Chieftain ways, as their societies appear not to have been ready to absorb and maintain the fundamental socio-political changes.56 The same probable reason that urbanism did not become widespread from the far earlier Supe and Casma valley urban experiments. From the Wari-Tiwanaku demise, that may have been due to extreme environmental changes around 1000 AD,57 plus 54

Huidobro Bellido, J., El Estado despótico De Tiwanaku, La Paz, Centro de Investigaciones Etnoarqueologicas, 1994. Huidobro stresses this point for the Tiwanaku culture. 55 Bawden (1996): pp. 269-71; Hardoy (1973): p. 337; Ponce Sangínes, C., Nueva Perspectiva Para El Estudio De La Expansión De La Cultura Tiwanaku, La Paz, Instituto Nacional de Arqueología, 1979: pp. 13,14. 56 Hardoy (1973): p. 339. 57 Huidobro (1994: p. 10) maintains that the environment has played roles of destruction in the civilizations of the Andes. Massive and rapid changes in the environment around 1000 A.D. led to the final collapse of the WariTiwanaku Empire and the final destruction of the Moche and later the Galindo culture. This led to the abandonment of many cities and the formation of the Regional States Period that existed for a short period prior to the re-emergence of the Tiwanaku culture under the new Empire of the Tawantinsuyu. In both the Wari-Tiwanaku and the Galindo cases the imposition of tough laws, from powerful centralized hydraulic governments, in a time of water scarcity led to a fracturing of the societies and ideology and the collapse of the elite control and the society itself. Huidobro (1994: p. 10) continues; ‘Siglos atrás, a partes del 1.000 se sucedieron una serie de cambios climáticos que afectaron muy seriamente el desarrollo normal de diferentes

Figure 33. A map of the main Wari-Tiwanaku sites (Source: Escalante, 2001, p. 132).

55

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION inappropriate hydraulic and political response,58 until the rise of Tawantinsuyu around 1450 AD, many cities maintained regional variations of the Wari-Tiwanaku designs and political ideas, as such a new age of urbanism flourished, particularly in the central and north coast regions.59 The greatest of these regional variations became the north coastal Chimú of the Moche valley. However, experts believe Tawantinsuyu could also be called a regional variation from its mother culture of Wari-Tiwanaku (see Tawantinsuyu Empire, below).

emerged with settlements abandoning the agglutinated village life and adopting the urban order of the planned walled enclosure, centralization of services and religion, and the construction of a good system of valley and inter-valley roads. This pattern was also being repeated throughout the north and central coastal valleys, and to a lesser degree, because of their smaller arable size, in the south coast valleys. Some of these new and large urban centres, Cajamarquilla, El Purgatorio and Pachacamac, were to last through the Chimú and Tawantinsuyu domination until the Spanish occupation. In highland areas the creation of the new urban centres, such as Cajamarca, would also continue until the Spanish colonialism and beyond.

Wari-Tiwanaku cultural domination of the central coast created pressure that in turn aided the demise, and reformation of the Mochica urban society. The WariTiwanaku influence in turn stimulated the conditions for the growth of the Chimú civilization out of the Mochica. Chimú was one of the most important urban societies in the Andes, which would prove to have far reaching influence upon the Tawantinsuyu Empire. The Wari-Tiwanaku Empire’s influence in the Moche valley, influenced the creation of Galindo from the collapsed Mochica society as a new provincial capital to give order and direction to the inhabitants suffering both environmental stress and political disillusionment. A whole new valley-wide settlement pattern

4.4 Pachacamac In this Wari-Tiwanaku period Pachacamac came to be the most important religious centre on the coast. From early, around 100 BC, it had been a large settlement, and possibly capital of an independent state in the Lurín valley, central coast. However under the Wari-Tiwanaku Empire a replanning of the settlement took place, displaying obvious ideas from the Wari-Tiwanaku tradition. The centre of the city was reorganized to become a sacred precinct with pyramids, temples, plazas and enclosures existing within a large walled enclosure with the workers’ housing on the exterior.60

culturas, no sólo del área andina sino del trópico y de otras, áreas, caso de mesoamérica. Este “caos” climático que indudablemente debió durar decenas a adaptarse a cambios climáticos severos, produjo el principio de la caída. La civilización de Tiwanaku poseía modos de vida demasiado rígidos (estáticos) como toda sociedad hidráulica, gobernada por grupos cegados por sus propios intereses. La economía de dominio de Tiwanaku, se basó en una producción agrícola de excedentes, destacando los camellones y las andenerías, las cuales eran regadas con aguas del subsuelo y de ríos y riachos. Al cambiar el clima, disminuyó el agua del subsuelo y los terrenos del altiplano se secaron (el clima se empezó a tornar seco en la altiplanicie a partir del 1000 de nuestra era, tal cual lo demuestran las pruebas relazadas en el hielo del glaciar de Quelkaya). En el 1.200 D.C. la jerarquía y las estructuras políticas se desintegraron y las ciudades fueron paulatinamente abandonados. A esta agresión climática habría que agregar las profundas contradicciones que se dan dentro de toda sociedad imperialista, lo que finalmente hizo posible el derrumbe definitivo del poderoso Imperio de Tiwanaku’. 58 Bonavía, D., ‘Ecological factors affecting the urban transformation in the last centuries of the Pre-Columbian era’, in D.L. Browman (ed.), Advances in Andean Archaeology, World Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978a, pp. 393-410: p. 399; Bonavía, D., ‘Ecological Factors Affecting the Urban Transformation in the Last Centuries of the Pre-Columbian Era’, in S. Tax (ed.), Urbanization in the Americas from its Beginnings to the Present, Paris, Mouton Publisher, 1978b, pp. 185-202: p. 191; Huidobro (1994): p. 10; Williams, P.R., ‘The evolution of settlement and agriculture at the Tiwanaku V Site of Chen Chen, Moquegua, Peru’, in The 61st Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, New Orleans, 1996. Bonavía (1978a: p. 399; 1978b:p. 191) cites Lanning, Edward P., (Peru before the Incas, Englewood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice-Hall, 1967: p. 140), when he suggests that one of the basic reasons for the collapse of the first pan-Andean imperial organization of the Wari-Tiwanaku was the lack of experience in organizing an area with such great ecological differences and one which was broken up by natural barriers of formidable dimensions. There is no doubt that the Incas capitalized on this experience of many centuries in their conquest of new territories. Also research by Williams (1996) at Chen Chen in the Moquegua Valley in Peru, suggests a mixture of long-term drought and collapsing state authority through incorrect hydraulic response and overburdened bureaucracy. 59 Browman (1985): p. 67; Hardoy (1968): p. 42.

Pachacamac became prominent as a centre of religious, ritual, pilgrimage and political power61 of more than 66 hectares. It had close associations with Tiwanaku, with whom it shared similar religious beliefs,62 and with whom it maintained contact even after the demise of the Wari part of the empire.63 During the Regional States Period following the Wari-Tiwanaku collapse Pachacamac continued as an independent regional culture and small polity, the Ichma,64 exerting cultural and political influence on the coast without military expansion,65 especially through its role as an 60

Baudin, L., Daily Life In Peru: Under the Last Incas, London, George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1961b: p. 40; Bawden (1996): p. 270-1; Hardoy (1973): p. 350; Lumbreras (1974c): p. 168; Thompson (1964): p. 100. 61 Lumbreras (1974c: p. 165) concludes ‘The eminence of Pachacamac is indicated by glotto-chronological studies, which suggest that it was one of the centres of dispersal of the Quechua language during this time’. This would also show that the Tiwanaku were Quechuan speaking proving another clear cultural continuation between the Tiwanaku, Wari and Tawantinsuyu civilizations. 62 Browman (1978b: pp. 331-2) mentions that the special independent relationships, noted by Menzel, D.A., (‘Style and time in the Middle Horizon’, in Ñawpa Pacha, vol. 2, 1964, pp. 1-106: p. 51), between Tiwanaku and several of the Peruvian prestige centers such as Pachacamac and Atarco, may be best understood as distinct economic interests shared by these respective centers with the highland religious center. The validity of this hypothesis is supported by the continued economic interest of Tiwanaku in the southern Peruvian and northern Chilean coastal areas following the cataclysmic collapse of the Wari state; Lumbreras (1974c): pp. 168, 223. 63 Baudin (1961b): p. 35; Browman (1978b): pp. 331-2. 64 This is a case where the naming of a new people based on a cultural shift can cause some confusion. 65 Bawden (1996): pp. 270-1.

56

CHAPTEER FOUR: URBA AN CULTURESS

Figure 34. A model of Pachacamac P w the majoor constructioons remodeled with d as they prob obably were before be Spanish h conquest, froom the Pachaccamac Site Muuseum. The Temple Te of the Sun S is top cent ntre, while the P Pyramids with h ramps are in n the central coomplex. Notee also that the city c is built on n the hills abovve the arable plains p (Source:: L.Hasluck, 2004). 2

Figure 35. Aerial A photogr graph of Pach hacamac ruinss. Note the ceentral religiouus complexess use of walled ed enclosures, constructed during the Wari-Tiwanaku W ku Period and d maintained by b the later Icchma and Taw wantinsuyu. Pachacamac P iss situated on a low plateau above a the fertil ile river flats (SSource: Ravine nes, pp.6, no yeear given).66 Key: 1). Urpihhuachac lagoon; 2). 2 Mamacunas Palace (Acllahuaasi); 3). Temple of Urpihuachac;; 4). Pilgrim’s sqquare; 5). Templle of the Sun; 6).. Temple of Pachacamac; 7). Old Temple of Pachaacamac; 8). Pyraamids with ramp;; 9). Actual Roadd; 10).Exterior W Wall; 11). Resideential sector; 14). Beach. 66

Ravines, R., Paachacamac, Lima, Editorial E Los Pinoss E.I.R.L., pp.6 [noo year given ]

57

URBAN CONT TINUITY IN TH HE ANDES: A PR RE-HISTORICA AL PLANNING TRADITION T

Figure 36. The Th massive Suun Temple, exppanded underr the Tawantin nsuyu dominat ation, was the sseat of the woo ooden idol and d held comman anding views of o the coast an nd its islands, and also acrooss the city and nd fertile riverr flats. From its it top the cityy Armatambo to the north could c be seen (Source: ( L.Haasluck, 2004).

important orracle. Most off the smaller religious builldings probably date to the Ichm ma phase, usin ng Wari-Tiwaanaku planning ideaas in localized variant. v

centre. These are the t only cut sttone buildings,, as the rest off Pach hacamac was built b with adoobe as is the general g coastall tradiition. Pachacaamac continueed with its sp pecial role in n And dean religious liife.68

Interestingly, recent investiigations have unearthed u eviddence of a nearby sister s city, Arm matambo, in the Rimac vallley.67 Armatambo was w within sigght of Pachacaamac, and probably served as a foood production n, deposit and processing areea for Pachacamac. Created durin ng the Ichma phase p as one of o the few new urbaan centres, it caame to be of in ncreased imporrtance under Tawan ntinsuyu domin nation. Howevver, as some asspects of its design seem s to differ from the Andeean urban plan nning tradition it will w be discusssed at length in chapter niine – Possible Non n-Conforming Cases. Unforttunately its rem mains have been larrgely built overr by encroachiing new suburrbs of Lima, and firm m conclusions difficult to draaw from the lim mited investigationss.

In the t smaller vaalleys of the ssouth coast th here were few w chan nges, but the ceentral and north coast showeed some of thee mostt remarkable urban u cities th hat continued to flourish ass regioonal centres after a the dem mise of the Wari-Tiwanaku W u Emp pire. Adoptin ng regional variations, Chan Chan,, Cajaamarquilla, Pacchacamac, etc, all showed design attributess that place them wiithin a continuuing tradition and influence.. To understand u th he position of Chan Chan, capital of thee Chim mú Empire, wiithin the broadder Andean urbban design andd planning tradition,, a step back is needed to the collapse of thee Mocchica polity andd their reformation under Wari-Tiwanaku W u influ uence. For it is these societal cchanges that sttart the processs wherreby the Chim mú, and in partiicular the city of o Chan Chan,, come to exist witth their uniquue style which h was really a partiicular adaptatiion of the An ndean plannin ng tradition too meett their politicall needs.

After the Taw wantinsuyu invvasion its contiinued existence was permitted on a far more in ndependent bassis than was ussually acceptable. The T Inca Tupaac Yupanqui who w found thaat the Pachacamac religious ideoology stemmed from the older Tiwanaku cullture (as did th heirs), out of reespect and reallizing the importance and power of the religiouus city the Incaa only enhanced the huaca and buiilt some new teemple complexxes to the Sun (Taawantinsuyu sttate religion), within the sacred

4.5 Mochica At th he time of thee Mochica poliity collapse (≈ ≈ 700 AD) thee capittal Moche wass abandoned. T The capital, on nce believed byy archaeologists to have h been only a ceremonial centre c has afterr recen nt investigation ns been acceptted as clearly being b an urban n

67

Diaz, L. & Vaallejo, F., ‘Armataambo y el dominiio Incaico en el valle v de Lima’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUC CP, no. 6, 2002, ppp. 355- 374.

68

58

Bau udin (1961b): p. 688; Lumbreras (19774c): p. 168.

CHAPTER FOUR: URBAN CULTURES

Figure 37. One of the ceremonial structures in the centre of Galindo, based on a platform design rather than a pyramid, reflecting a move away from monumental public architecture, adobe huacas, that had been a large part of north coast religious architectural tradition (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 38. The remains of Galindo are in bad condition. Here one of the ceremonial plazas in the city centre is clearly discerned. The city sits on the rough stony plains and hills above the fertile river flats. This view is taken from the hillside where the lower class dwellings were situated, looking over the elite housing and religious complex of the centre of the city. A wall and now dry moat separates the two (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 39. A plan of Galindo, note the great use of the enclosure, but nothing in the way of a grid layout, the rocky topography may have put limits on the ability to evenly design. W1 is the large wall with moat that separated the workers housing from the elite centre of the city and storage areas (Source: Bawden, 1983, p.219).69 centre. The streets between the two huacas show a clear grid style planning and a separation of areas into elite dwellings, artisan production and resource interchange that represents strong social stratification and work specialization. This design reflects a greater secularity and a strong social order. There remains however certain aspects of its design that may be at variance to some degree with the Andean urban planning tradition (to be demonstrated in the coming chapters), although the major parts of its design are in accordance. Future further excavation may reveal the missing parts, such as a central plaza. However to fully understand Moche’s possible harmony or discord within the Andean planning tradition a detailed discussion is presented in chapter nine – Possible Non-conforming Cases.69

north to Pampa Grande in the Lambayeque valley. Here the city was designed according to an urban plan that reflected the social and political changes caused by the upheaval. Galindo in the Moche valley, which was further south than the Lambayeque valley, and had suffered greater environmental and political stress from El Niño effects and the southern political collapse,71 reflected these changes with greater force in the extreme design for social control and the social hierarchy of the new urban centre. Most of these aspects were also represented in Pampa Grande but to a lesser degree as it retained greater political stability.72 This last phase of the Mochica was contemporary with the significant changes further south caused by the influence of the Wari-

After the capital Moche was abandoned,70 the cultural and political capital moved from the Moche valley mouth further

New Mexico Press, 1982, pp. 255- 284.: p.273), cites evidence that Moche was abandoned by the end of Moche Middle phase from burials within abandoned architecture. 71 Kaulicke (2001): p. 512. 72 Bawden, G., ‘Life in the pre-Columbian town of Galindo’, in Field Museum of Natural History Bulletin, vol. 49, no. 3, 1978, pp. 16-23: p. 16; Bawden, G., ‘Galindo: a study in cultural transition during the Middle Horizon’, in M.E. Moseley & K.C. Day (eds.), Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, Albuquerque, Uni. of New Mexico Press, 1982, pp. 285-320; Bawden (1996): pp. 294-6.

69

Bawden, G. ‘Cultural Reconstitution in the Late Moche Period: A Case Study in Multidimensional Stylistic Analysis’ in Civilization in the Ancient Americas – Essays in Honor of Gordon R. Willey, R.M..Leventhal & A.L.Kolata (Eds.), Uni. of New Mexico Press, 1983, pp. 211- 235. 70 Topic, T.L., (‘The Early Intermediate Period and its legacy’, in Moseley, M. & Day, K. (eds.), Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, Albuquerque, Uni. of

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CHAPTER FOUR: URBAN CULTURES Tiwanaku Empire,73 and is seen in the wide incorporation for the first time in the Moche valley of urban settlements with stone-walled houses and regular compounds.74 The Mochica at Galindo continued the movement towards a more secular government that began in the Salinar phase, and would later find further expression under the Chimú.

that continues on from the planning changes started at Galindo, but which represents further political changes in the area and a reformation under the culture known as Chimú.79 4.6 Chimú Empire For the short period of a hundred years between the 1370s and the 1470s AD the Chimú Empire controlled the north coast and threatened to expand into the adjacent central valleys. Chimú culture, which had direct antecedents with the Mochica state,80 was highly advanced in comparison with the highland peoples. Behind their achievements was the organization of a large population, directed and controlled by an aristocratic minority which had established the royal succession from among its family members.81 As a result of three stages of military conquests and alliances, the kingdom extended across 700 km of coastline desert and irrigated valleys, from Tumbes to the Rio Chillón valley, yet like the Mochica never entered the highlands. The Chimú capital was Chan Chan, over twenty square kilometres it was the largest pre-Hispanic Peruvian city,82 located in the mouth of the Moche valley. However, nearly every valley in the empire had at least one urban centre, sometimes rivalling the capital in size.83 A system of satellite towns of a lesser size supplemented each of these urban centres.84

The design of Pampa Grande reflects the Mochica internal stresses; the division of the city into central elite districts with religious buildings and elite artisans, while the agriculturalists and lower artisans lived on the outskirts. The difference between Pampa Grande and Galindo is that the ideological and political power in Pampas Grande was still strong enough to be able to build the largest huaca pyramid in the Andes. This was achieved quickly in order to represent the power of the new government and to maintain much of the old social organization, while at Galindo society underwent a large transformation. There are strong indications that after settling in Pampa Grande, the Gallinazo culture that had been also living in the Lambayeque valley was conquered, but joined the Pampa Grande city where open access to the centre was maintained.75 Pampa Grande strayed less from the Mochica and coastal traditions than Galindo, while San José de Moro in the extreme northern Jaquetepeque valley, little affected by the El Niño and suffering less social changes, remained a virtually unchanged ceremonial centre with surrounding agglutinated settlements.76 City design and the political situation are so closely interwoven in this period that they will be discussed at length in chapter five - Design Analysis.

Perhaps for political, administrative and technical reasons the Chimú placed great emphasis on cities.85 They located their capital on the edge of an irrigated zone of the Moche valley on a broad plain that descends gently towards the sea, now inside the present-day city of Trujillo. Chan Chan may have been the most extensively planned city of South America

New evidence shows that there is a clear cultural continuity77 between late Mochica (Wari-Tiwanaku influence) and the Chimú Empire, the most important north coastal empire.78 Near or possibly at the demise of the Wari-Tiwanaku Empire, the people of the Moche valley abandoned Galindo, probably due to further political instability and moved their centre back to the coastal plains where they formed the urban city of Chan Chan, an extreme style in the Andean tradition

79

Lumbreras (1974c: p. 181), also on the same page put the Chimú creation myth and history succinctly when he says; ‘Archaeologically, the origin of the Chimú culture can be traced from the dissolution of the Wari Empire and the resulting depopulation of the North coast, which permitted the revival of earlier Moche elements. Although the legends concerning the historical origins of the kingdom and its governing dynasties speak of the arrival of culture bearers from elsewhere, this is not verifiable in the archaeological sequences. Rather, the evidence suggests a gradual amalgamation between Wari and Moche ingredients, crystallizing ultimately in a distinctive style’. 80 Topic (1982): p. 248, 281, 283. On page 283, Topic states as evidence that ‘Moche society invented the centralized expansionist state, experimented with hierarchical secular authority, and formalized the labour tax. In these particulars, Moche was ancestral to Chimú and probably served as a model’. 81 Hardoy cites the research of Rowe, John H., ‘The Kingdom of Chimor’, in Acta Americana, vol. 6, no. 1-2, Mexico, 1948, pp.26-59. Netherly, P. J., (‘Out of many, one: the organization of rule in the north coast polities’, in M.E. Moseley, & A. Cordy-Collins (ed.), The Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, Washington, Dumbarton Oaks, 1990, pp. 461487) finds that the citadel and huaca design represent that co-rulers lived in Chan Chan. 82 Cáceres (2004): p. 108. 83 Hardoy (1973): p. 359; Lumbreras (1974c): p. 180. Hardoy (1973: p. 361) states that the Chimú made the first experiment in South America in administrative and economic planning, despite that most researchers would lay that laurel at the Inca’s (Tawantinsuyu) feet. 84 Lumbreras (1974c): p. 183. 85 Lumbreras (1974c: p. 166), notes that in the neighbouring Chicama valley to the north, the sites of Chicamita and Chiquitoy also have the regular plan of other Wari-Tiwanaku constructions.

73

Bawden (1982): p. 288. Kaulicke (2001): p. 500; Lumbreras (1974c): p. 166. Also Bawden (1990: p. 160) states that there are no clear signs of direct conquest by the WariTiwanaku Empire. 75 Bawden (1996): pp. 294-6. 76 Bawden (1996): p. 296. 77 Bawden (1996: pp. 288-9) finds that ‘One other major architectural innovation appeared at Galindo as a manifestation of the Moche V [Moche Late phase] transition. A complex that may have housed the paramount ruler of Galindo contained not only a large domestic component but also a large burial platform. Both of these units were enclosed within a high wall, pierced by a single elaborate but baffled gateway, whose interior surface was adorned by a polychrome mural. This configuration differs from earlier practice at Sipán, where the burial platform was associated solely with structures of high ceremonial rather than residential status. This complex may be a prototype for the much more elaborate palace structures of the later Chimú leaders. The Chimú capital at Chan Chan contains a number of such structures, each primarily marking a generation of leadership’. 78 Bawden (1982): p. 296; (1996): p. 288. 74

61

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION before the Spanish Conquest.86 The construction of Chan Chan began during the period of Wari-Tiwanaku influence at, or after, the time of the political consolidation of the Moche valley, as indicated by ceramic finds, but its main development occurred coincidently with Chimú expansion87 during the Regional States Period.88 Chan Chan is made up of a series of citadels, inside whose enclosed walls were rigidly designed urban areas based on a series of design repetitions. Outside the massive walls of the various citadels lay the rest of the city, without planning, although containing some design elements. Here also existed a few small huacas to serve the religious needs of the general populace and also to be used as elite burial mounds.89 Inside the citadels lived the elite and their entourages. Each citadel possibly represented a chieftain family or clan, necessary due to their system of split inheritance.90 All appear to have been built at roughly the same time and with the same design repetition although with different percentages of types of area usage. Hardoy91 calculates that the citadels used only a small fraction, about one per cent of the city’s estimated total area. He continues: Much of the central area was occupied by housing units of essentially two types: irregular multiple units and small enclosure units. The difference in their quality and density of occupation reveals the different socioeconomic status of their inhabitants. The former housing units could have been inhabited by the manual workers, the latter, by the lower members of Chan Chan’s administrative group.92

Figure 40. The three stages of Chimú expansion. Note the central location within the empire of capital Chan Chan, also that the boundaries of the empire, like the preceding Mochica, included only the coastal plains and valleys necks. The Chimú Empire’s southern border stops at the area of influence held by Pachacamac in the Lurin and Rimac valleys, but most of the valleys had their own regional capital and system of smaller satellite towns (Source: Netherly, 1990, p. 466).93

The city of Chan Chan with its provincial elite centres and satellite towns in other valleys clearly reflects a heightened differentiation between classes of society. It also implicitly reflects the proliferation of specialized managerial and service

86

Hardoy (1973: pp. 361, 364, 380), also makes interesting and valid comparisons between the Chan Chan design and Chinese provincial cities of the same epoch. 87 Bawden (1982: p. 288) believes that the emergence of the Chimú Empire should be seen as an amalgam of regional traditions with strong Wari influence. 88 Hardoy (1973): pp. 364,365; Lumbreras (1974c): p. 166,183; Thompson (1964): p. 101. 89 Hardoy (1973): pp. 365- 366. 90 Topic (1982: p. 282), explains the effect of the system as; ‘When a king died, his principle heir founded a new lineage and constructed his own ciudadela to be the seat of the new and his eventual tomb. His predecessor’s ciudadela (and perhaps much of its contents) housed and supported the descendants of the dead king’. A similar system was used by the Inca. 91 Hardoy (1973): pp. 379- 380. 92 Hardoy (1973: p. 380), is using information from Day, K. C., ‘Walk in wells and water management at Chan Chan, Peru’, Paper presented at the 39th International Congress of Americanists, Lima, 1970; and West, M., ‘Community settlement patterns at Chan Chan, Peru’, in A.A.T.Q., vol. 35, no. 1, 1970, pp. 74- 86.

occupations.94 The Chimú were notable for their metallurgy, particularly with gold in which they reached the highest standards attained in Peru.95 Although somewhat unique, Chan Chan still shared many planning aspects with other urban centres such as Pikillacta, Viracochapampa and Cuzco in the highlands, and Cajamarquilla and Pachacamac on the coast, especially in the use of walls to restrict access and make private family dwelling

93

Netherly (1990). Schaedel, R. P., ‘The city and the origin of the state in America’, in S. Tax, J. Hardoy & N. Kinzer (eds.), Urbanization in the Americas from its Beginnings to the Present, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978, pp. 31-49: p. 42; Topic (1982): p. 284. 95 Cáceres (2004): p. 111. 94

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CHAPTER FOUR: URBAN CULTURES

Figure 41. This is an amalgamation of four photographs taken from the now defunct tourist viewing tower at the south corner of the Tschudi citadel at Chan Chan. However it does give a good indication of the size and complexity of streets and plazas in just one citadel. Chan Chan is famous for its massive adobe walls, and at its height was the largest city in the Andes (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 43. A reconstruction of a typical daily scene of the inside of one of the citadels. Note the separation of the areas into the formally organized inside the citadel and the haphazard workers dwellings outside the citadel walls (Source: Moseley & Mackey, 1973, pp. 326 -27).98 4.7 Regional States Period In the Regional States Period (≈1100 – 1470 AD), between the collapse of the Wari-Tiwanaku Empire and the rise of the Tawantinsuyu Empire, in coastal valleys and highland areas the legacy of Wari-Tiwanaku influence continued, but with an accelerated adoption of regional variations. Many of the cultures reverted to chiefdom states but most maintained the urban settlements left behind after the empire.99 With the rise of the Chimú polity’s influence urban planning had begun comprehensively in the northern coastal valleys, such as the Virú that previously had done no more than make dense agglutinated settlements within an enclosure. The Chimú Empire, as the largest regional civilization, ruled the north and central coast and coastal valleys during the later part of the Regional States Period until replaced by the advent of the Tawantinsuyu expansion.

Figure 42. Basic plan of the layout of Chan Chan with its citadels and huaca pyramids (Source: Bawden, 1990, p.164). complexes. After the Tawantinsuyu invaded the Moche valley, and after defeating the Chimú’s considerable valley defenses,96 they left Chan Chan standing to continue as a provincial capital. The King was taken to Cuzco for reeducation and his son was made to manage in his place. This was just one political and administrative tactic of many the Tawantinsuyu appear to have adopted from the Chimú and continued to use widely.97

98

96 97

Moseley, M.E. & Mackey, C.J., ‘Chan Chan, Peru’s ancient city of Kings’, in National Geographic, vol. 143, no. 3, March, 1973, pp. 318 – 345. W. Nicholson was the staff artist. 99 Schaedel (1978): p. 44; (1988): p. 773.

Baudin (1961b): p. 61. Lumbreras (1974c): p. 221.

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION This period was one of technological advances that probably led to an advanced quality of life represented by the mass production of ceramics rather than outstanding artistic expression, the introduction of copper and bronze work, and the flowering of such techniques as stone architecture and sculpture. Social differences became emphasized, with people either seeking protection in cities or forced to dwell in them. Societies were well organized, and constructed rapidly for durability infrastructure such as cities, roads, bridges and fortifications. 100

fortifications was generally for the defense of empires, or created by small states in an uncertain stage of growth.106 4.8 Tawantinsuyu Empire Tawantinsuyu culture, and in particular its place in the panAndean tradition, cannot be understood unless it is recognised as the third and final part of the Tiwanaku and later Wari-Tiwanaku civilization, and therefore as the inheritor and holder of their traditions. Although the move to Cuzco and growth of the Tawantinsuyu Empire is a different political expression, as was Wari, Tawantinsuyu direct lineage from the two previous forms is clearly recognised by many authorities on these cultures including Espinoza, Hardoy, Huidobro, Ibarra, Lumbreras, Ponce and Zapata.107 These authorities also agree, on the basis of evidence such as ceramics, architectural and symbolic styles and methods, language and historical accounts, in all probability an aristocratic segment of the Tiwanaku society emigrated and began a new settlement at the site of Cuzco, where they maintained much of their culture and politics while also absorbing aspects from the local Killke culture. The Inca are known to have re-written their national history to suit their political needs and constructed their own creation myth.108 Huidobro in his book Tiwanaku y los Origenes del Cuzco concludes that: Podemos en esta parte del trabajo manifestar de manera segura que existen suficientes pruebas etnoarqueológicas y etnohistóricas para demostrar qui miembros de la sociedad prehistórica de Tiwanaku, se trasladaron al Cuzco (Antigua Acamama) y conjuncionándose con las sociedades primigenias conformaron el embrión del posterior Imperio Inka (Tawantinsuyo).109

Hardoy101 maintains that this epoch was the time of great planned cities, the majority of which were built by confederations, kingdoms or empires. The first true cities appeared along with the general adoption of urbanism in South America, represented by the widespread appearance of cities with temples and religious constructions of an importance unknown before. Hardoy concludes that From an urban point of view, the most significant aspects emerging in those centuries were the progressive regularity in the layout of new cities and a decrease in their general density, although urban population was growing and the urban centres were increasing in size.102 Although there was a wide diffusion and acceptance of urbanization that made the essential characteristic of those cultures in the eight sub-areas of the Andes, the largest and best planned were built on the coast. The coastal valleys have always been the most hospitable to human habitation and in this period they were home to a dense concentration of population that was centred mainly in the middle and lower valleys.103 These collective efforts in the north and central coast and valleys that constructed great urban centres and community works was not repeated in the south coast which never undertook ambitious urban building programs104 and for whom there were no important changes in settlement pattern.105 Hardoy argues that although the south coast reached an urban level, their smaller valleys supported a proportionally lower population. Further, political instability forced them to minimize construction of cities in favour of small defensive forts in strategic places. This use of hill top

106

Hardoy (1973): p. 390; Matos Mendieta, R., ‘Cultural and ecological context in the Mantaro Valley’, in D.L. Browman (ed.), Advances in Andean archaeology, World Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978, pp. 307- 325. 107 Espinoza , H., ‘Evidencia cultural del Horizonte Medio (Wari), Acamoqo, Cusco’, in Arqueología andina, Asociación de arqueología andina, 1983, pp. 16- 22; Hardoy (1973): p. 432; Huidobro (1993); Ibarra Grasso, D., Tiahuanaco, Cochabamba, Bolivia, Editorial Atlantic, 1956, p. 13; Lumbreras (1974c); Lumbreras, L. G., Los orígenes de la civilización en el Perú, Biblioteca Peruana del Siglo XX, Editorial Milla Batre, 6th Ed., Lima, 1983; Ponce Sangines, C., Tiwanaku: descripción sumaria del templete semisubterraneo, La Paz, Los Amigos del Libro, 1969, p. 67; Zapata, J., ‘Los cerros sagrados: panorama del Periodo Formativo en la cuenca del Vilcanota, Cuzco’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, vol. 2, (Perspectivas Regionales del Periodo Formativo en el Perú), 1998, pp. 307-336. 108 Baudin (1961b: p. 28), and others, recognise that all the legends relating to the origin of the Incas were devised so as to create a starting point for the official public history, although the aristocracy remained aware of the truth; Kaulicke (2001): p. 521. 109 Huidobro (1993): p. 57. - ‘We can in this part of the work manifest with sure manner that there exist sufficient ethno-archaeological and ethnohistorical proofs to demonstrate that members of the pre-historical Tiwanaku transferred to Cuzco (Old Acamama) and fused with the original societies that had formed there before the Imperial Inca (Tawantinsuyu)’ (Translation L.Hasluck).

100

Hardoy (1973): pp. 339, 352- 353. Hardoy (1973): pp. 352- 353. 102 Hardoy (1973): pp. 339- 340. 103 Hardoy (1973): p. 352. 104 Hardoy (1973: p. 390), notes that even the adobe architecture of the southern valleys did not reach the monumental character of the north and central valleys. 105 Hardoy (1973: pp. 390-1) notes that in the south, the valleys of Cañete, Chincha, Pisco, Ica, Nazca, Acari and Yauca rivers constituted a predominantly rural zone with different artistic styles, that never contained a large population and political and social organization probably changed from valley to valley. Tambo de Mora was the most important urban centre representative of the Regional States Period, and was characteristic of the principle south coastal centres. Even though it never enjoyed the importance of the northern centres it was built like them in a dense complex of pyramids, platforms, housing groups, and free spaces delimited by adobe walls; Lumbreras (1974c): p. 168. 101

64

CHAPTER FOUR: URBAN CULTURES Cuzco and the Tawantinsuyu are recognized by scholars as beginning around 1200 AD, but remained an agglutinated agricultural settlement for the greater part of their history. It was not until the ninth Inca Pachacuti that, after defeating nearby enemies, they gained control of their water supply, allowing an intensification of agriculture and surplus, after which began their imperialistic ideology and the conquest of the entire Andean region in the 100 years between 1430 and 1524 AD.110

public works throughout the empire and participation in victorious military campaigns. The empires wealth was not only located in Cuzco but was spread throughout the empire in public works and supplies.115 Conditions that made some peoples voluntarily join the empire.116 Cuzco the capital of the Empire, administrative centre, religious heart and Incan throne was re-forged with a plan designed by Inca Pachacuti when the imperial expansion began,117 becoming the grand stone city that the conquistadors later encountered. The palaces of the elite, religious structures and massive plaza were located in the most central position. The inner city was constructed of high, perfectly cut stonewalls, small streets and housing complexes arranged around their own patios. The impressive fortress of Sacsawaman lay on the hill above. However, Cuzco does not represent the height of Tawantinsuyu urban planning and its design is not seen repeated elsewhere in the Empire.118

The apogee of the Empire came under the twelfth Inca Huayna Capac a few decades before the Spanish arrival, when the borders of the Empire had been set and expansion ceased.111 There were a number of political, strategic and economic reasons for the setting of the borders, including the fact that further north, south and east lay only tribes and cultures that had had no urban or civilized culture and their absorption into the empire would have been taxing to the administration. These new areas also did not include any new resources or products that could not already be gained elsewhere with ease. Consideration of the already vast size of the Empire, Ecuador to Argentina (≈ 5400km), obviously played a large part in the decision.112 This is attested to by the fact that Huayna Capac had wanted to divide the Empire into two parts between his two sons, with a second capital at Quito and another important provincial capital at Tomebamba.113 It was this decision that led to the bloody civil war that massively depopulated the Empire,114 leaving it vulnerable to the Spanish who arrived at the time of Athahualpa’s victory over his brother Huascar. Then, using disgruntled segments of the Tawantinsuyu Empire in alliances, the Spanish managed to take control. The murder of Athahualpa left the Incan succession without a named heir, and the resulting confusion allowed a few men to take possession of millions.

The Tawantinsuyu were not great urban builders, perhaps due in part to the short time frame of their Empire, but also due to the amount of effort they put into infrastructure and increased productivity, and expansion of territory, in the form of roads, terracing, irrigation, canalization, warfare, and fortifications. Where possible they preferred to use existing cities and settlements, either altering them to their needs by re-modeling with the addition of administrative and religious buildings and public plazas, or by building administrative and religious centres nearby that would represent and manage the affairs of state.119 In some areas very few changes can be seen in the archaeological record. However Hyslop emphatically states that ‘[t]he imperial activities of the Inkas were shortlived, but during their brief dominion they created planned settlements in a greater region than had any other native American civilization.’120

In exchange for the domination it exercised and the labour and lands it took, the Tawantinsuyu Empire offered some compensation: the protection of subjugated peoples (Pax Incaica), redistribution of goods from other ecological regions, famine assistance, construction of new and large

115 Katz, F., ‘A comparison of some aspects of the evolution of Cuzco and Tenochtitlan’, in S. Tax (ed.), Urbanization in the Americas from its Beginnings to the Present, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978, pp. 203-214: p. 212. 116 Kolata (1993: p. 252) makes the same point in relation to Tiwanaku dominance; Baudin (Daily Life of the Incas, New York, Dover Publishing Inc., Original Publication 1961c, unabridged Dover Ed. 2003: pp. 52-57) cites the examples of the Andahuaylas and Callao, and that the victory over the Inca’s old and powerful enemy the Chancas persuaded many Andean cities to submit of their own free will, for which they received lenient treatment. 117 Arinibar, C., Pachacutec, Lima, Biblioteca hombres Del Perú, 1964; Hardoy (1973). 118 Lumbreras (1974c): p. 219; Hardoy (1973). 119 Hardoy (1973: p. 428) raises the point that ‘[t]he capitals of the Inca Empire were centers of intense political and economic activity, and held the populations of their respective territories. Urbanistically, however, they do not mirror the technological level reached by these people. Perhaps none of the great cities of this Empire provides a satisfactory urban example since, due to the rapid expansion of the state and the need to concentrate the greater part of their resources in political and economic consolidation of conquered territories, existing urban centres were pressed into service as provincial capitals. These were generally a far cry from the type of city the Inca would have built from the ground up’. 120 Hyslop, J. Inka settlement planning, Austin, Uni. of Texas press, 1990: p. 3.

110

Hardoy (1968): p. 45; (1973): p. 397; Lumbreras (1974c): p. 217; Niles, S.A., The shape of Inca history - narrative and architecture in an Andean Empire, Iowa City, Uni. of Iowa Press, 1999: p. 267. 111 Hardoy (1973): p. 402. 112 Hardoy (1973): p. 499. 113 In present day Ecuador. Baudin (1961b): p. 63; Niles (1999): p. 263. 114 Baudin (1961b): p. 27; Thompson (1964): p. 103. On the same page Thompson puts forward other possibilities that may have led to the situation of depopulation; ‘The archaeological record suggests that population decline set in prior to conquest. This evidence may represent a true decline brought about by reduced birth rate or by increased mortality through warfare, disease, or the like. It may, however, be a false picture merely indicating more concentration of the population into urban units. Or finally, the picture may represent migration out of the valleys to the large coastal centers, such as Chan Chan, or to the highlands. Such migration could have been caused by deliberate population relocation, warfare, or reduced productivity of the land because of exhaustion, excessive accumulation of salt, or reduced water supply’.

65

URBAN CONT TINUITY IN TH HE ANDES: A PR RE-HISTORICA AL PLANNING TRADITION T

Figure 44. The T main plazza Armas in Cuzco. C The paart existing tooday was oncee part of the m main plaza und nder the Incas.. Above, left on o the hill sit its the ruins of o Sacsawaman n, a formidab ble fortress an nd temple com mplex, unrivaalled in South h America for its i enormous stone s construc uction (Sourcee: L.Hasluck, 2002). 2

Figurre 46. 46. AA view view w over over Machu Machu Picchu, Picchu, with with h plaza plaza in in the the Figure centr re. The Sun T Temple is on t the left. A city ty adapted to centre. The Sun Temple is on the left. A city adapted to abandoned diffic cult topograp phical terrain in. However difficult topographical terrain. However abandoned beforre the the Spanish Spanish h conquest, conquest, probably pr probably due due to to t dwindling dwindling before water r supply (Sour rce: L.Hasluck k, 2002). water supply (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 45. The T former Inc ncan Temple the th Koricancha ha, the spirituaal heart of thee Tawantinsuyyu empire. Bui uilt over by thee Spanish with h the church of o Santo Dom mingo, it still displays d the Taawantinsuyu building b style iin its base whi hich ends at itss black stone wall. Remain ns of the origginal temple building b can still be seen inside the chhurch compoound (Source:: L.Hasluck, 2001). 2 66

CHAPTER FOUR: URBAN CULTURES

Figure 47. Above, plan of the eastern side of Machu Picchu, showing the Kings section of elite housing. Below, Figure 48, the western side, they join in the middle, showing the long defensive wall and staircase running beside the city (Source: Bingham, 1979, Fig. 219).

Figure 48. 67

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 49. Machu Picchu built between two peaks (centre) atop a steep and cliff sided peninsular of land in the lower Urubamba river. An easily defended position from threats of Amazonian tribal invasions (Source: Bingham, 1979).121 The121great cities of the Tawantinsuyu Empire were Cuzco, the south highlands capital; Quito, in the far north of the empire; Chan Chan, the ancient Chimú capital of the north coast; Túmbez, also on the north coast; Pachacamac, the shrine city of the central coast; Cajamarca, the north highland administrative centre from which Atahuallpa directed military campaigns against his brother Huascar; Tumebamba in Ecuador; Huánuco Viejo; Bonbon, Jauja and Vilcashuaman, in the central highlands; Pucará and Potosí, south of Cuzco; and Písac near Cuzco. Many of these cities were founded, built and inhabited by civilizations that had profoundly influenced the Tawantinsuyu culture and were later absorbed into the empire.122

Písac city almost an equal of Cuzco. The valley holds some of the best examples of Tawantinsuyu urban planning, adapted to the extreme mountainous terrain. Písac, Ollantaytambo and Machu Picchu are excellent localized examples.123 The sites mentioned in this chapter which are representative of Andean urban culture, and which are also some of those that will be analysed for their specific urban design features in the following chapters. This chapter has given the reader a general view of the growth of the Andean urban tradition and its cultural interconnectedness, and serves as a basic understanding of the Andean cultural context before the analysis of the urban planning tradition’s characteristics begins. The importance of understanding the cultural context for Andean cities to aid this books analysis of the urban planning tradition is excellently expressed by Agnew, Mercer & Sopher;

The Tawantinsuyu, like the Tiwanaku and Wari, used a system of mitmaes (colonists) and mitmaequna (colony urban settlements) throughout the empire to spread civilization, urbanization and raise productivity, moving people from urbanized productive areas to un-urbanized low productivity areas, and vice versa. With the help of this system many of the urban centres of the Sacred (Urubamba) Valley were constructed. The Sacred Valley, near Cuzco and connecting to the Amazon Basin via the Urubamba river, was the most heavily populated and urbanized part of the empire, housing

To put the city in cultural context is to view it as a product of both hegemonic and subordinate cultures and, at the same time, as the site of their production. Placing cities in the context of their societies, we are able to see how the cultural motifs of a society are embedded in the form of its cities and the lives of its urban population.124

121 Bingham, H., Machu Picchu - a citadel of the Incas - report of the explorations and excavations made in 1911, 1912 and 1915 under the auspices of Yale University and the National Geographic Society, (1930), New Haven, Hacker Art Books, Inc., New York, re-issued 1979. 122 Hardoy (1973): pp. 428-9; Lumbreras (1974c): p. 221.

123

Baudin (1961b): p. 52; Lumbreras (1974c): p. 219. Agnew, J., Mercer, J. & Sopher, D., The City in Cultural Context, Boston, Allen & Unwin,, 1984: pp. 7 -8.

124

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PART TWO Chapter Five Design Analysis Does not all this indicate a fusion of secular and sacred power, and was it not this fusion process that, as in a nuclear reaction, produced the otherwise unaccountable explosion of human energy? The evidence seems to point that way. … Out of this union, I suggest, came the forces that brought together all the inchoate parts of the city and gave them a fresh form, visibly greater and more awe-inspiring than any other work of man. Lewis Mumford1

There was clearly a tradition of pre-Hispanic planned urban design in the Andes that grew to become a pan-Andean identity. The following chapters five – Physical Design; six – Economic Design; seven – Environmental Design; and eight – Social Design, will demonstrate its particular components; that is those design elements of the tradition that most commonly manifest themselves in urban planning as a sign of the tradition at work. The tradition will be observed, and dissected, through these four major divisions and their subdivisions. This chapter will investigate the physical design elements of that tradition and its sub areas.1

Apart from the prestige of working in cut stone for which Tiwanaku and Tawantinsuyu civilizations are famous, materials were generally decided upon by the availability of resources at each particular city site. In brief, the coast had a tradition of building the huacas and administrative buildings in adobe while the houses were usually built of cane covered in mud. The dry climate required little else. However, possibly to comply with particular building traditions stone work was occasionally used, as in the pyramids of Caral, or the Tawantinsuyu House of the Mamacuna at Pachacamac. In the highland areas, adobe was also used, but usually above a base of stone. Many different methods of stone work were used, most of it uncut stone. However with the Tiwanaku, like the Tawantinsuyu after them (who simulated Tiwanaku work), excellent quality cut stone was used for buildings deemed of sufficient value. The extensive use of adobe and cane plastered with mud is one of the reasons that so little of the urban areas remain to be seen with the naked eye. The exception of course is Chan Chan, but even there it is the colossal citadel walls that remain to be seen.

Through the analysis of the existence of a planning tradition discerned in the cultural interaction and diffusion in the preceding chapters, and through the discussion in the following chapters, it will be demonstrated that certain ideas of urban design were repeatedly used in planning. This repeated use demonstrates manifestations of a deeper substructure of Andean beliefs, which helped maintain the status quo that upheld urbanization, urban life-style and the power structures that relied upon a stable society for existence.

5.2 Location Choice 5.1 Physical Design Location consists of two fundamental elements; a sites inherent characteristics and its proximity to other locations. The geographical location of Caral in the Supe valley, the earliest pre-planned city in the Americas, was specifically chosen for several characteristics. These characteristics or combinations of characteristics had continued use throughout the following ages of Andean planned urbanization. Caral’s position beside an easily useable permanent water source provided the inhabitants with constant nourishment and the possibility of agricultural growth through the further harnessing of the waters by irrigation.2 This early reliance upon a permanent supply of

Although in some way all aspects of urban design may be said to relate to the physical, as all are part of the material construction of a city, this section will analyse those physical aspects of the city that create the main material form or ‘urban form’. These are broken into the sub-sections of; Location Choice; Planning; Religious Complexes; Urban Division; Thoroughfares, Roads and Stairways; Plazas and finally Dwellings. It is from the elements of these sub-sections that the form of the city is created. Nevertheless, there is of course overlap between the chapters which will be referred to rather than information repeated. Although the material used in construction is part of the Andean tradition it has not been included in its own section.

2 Shady, R., ‘Sustento socioeconómico en la sociedad de la Caral-Supe en los orígenes de la civilización en el Perú’, in Arqueología y Sociedad, vol. 13, 2000, pp. 49-66; Shady, R., La ciudad sagrada de Caral Supe y los orígenes de la civilización Andina, Lima, Museo de Arqueología y Antropología, Uni. Nacional Mayor De San Martin, 2001.

11

Mumford, Lewis, The City in History: its origins, its transformations, and its prospects, New York, Harcourt, Brace & World, 1961: p. 38.

69

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 50. The ruins of Galindo are in terrible condition. Here one of the ceremonial plazas in the centre is clearly discerned. The city sits on the rough stony plain and hills above the fertile river flats. This view is taken from the hill-side where the lower class dwellings were situated, looking over the elite housing and religious complex centre of the city. A now dry moat separated the two (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 51. Tambo Colorado also situated on the dry stony land above the arable river flats (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

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CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSIS

Figure 52. A model of Tambo Colorado. This town was built following the form of a peninsular of land over looking the river Pisco, leaving arable land vacant. The large central plaza is a rough trapezoidal shape (Source: Hardoy, 1973, p.470). organization rivers acted as a medial line in land division and confirms the higher ranking of upstream sites relative to those downstream.

water is clearly seen in the example of the northern coastal valleys, Virú, Moche, Lambayeque, Chicama, Leche and Chaclayo which were larger, with perennial water and more favourable to human habitation than the central and south coast valleys. The more regular system of waters explains why most of the very earliest settlements are on the north coast, since water constitutes the principal source of life and is, therefore, the vital factor in human densification.3 The economic importance of water and arable land, and rights to access of them, is clear in Bishop Bartolmé de Las Casas recording that the strife between various Mochica polities was mainly due to the competition for this scarce but vital resource.4 Netherly5 also notes that in Andean spatial

With the commencement of hydraulic agriculture the effective use of all the coastal valley river systems became possible. The pre-planned Llamas-Moxeque city in the Casma valley, and cities of the later Wari-Tiwanaku epoch, were also situated beside a river and its wet lands.6 However unlike its fore-runner ceremonial centre Sechín Alto, LlamasMoxeque was not located within the cultivable land and so did not cover precious agricultural land with urban development. This river plain frontage with un-intrusive positioning was repeated in the large pre-planned settlements, such as Caral, Galindo, Pampa Grande, Tambo Colorado,

3

Hardoy, J.E., Pre-Columbian Cities, London, Allen & Unwin, 1973: pp. 296, 311. 4 Bawden, G., The Moche, Cambridge, Mass., Blackwell Pub., 1996: pp. 32, 64. 5 Netherly, P. J., ‘Out of many, one: the organization of rule in the north coast polities’, in M.E.Moseley, & A. Cordy-Collins (ed.), The Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, Washington, Dumbarton Oaks, 1990, pp. 461-487: p. 469.

6 Thompson, D., ‘Postclassic innovations in architecture and settlement patterns in the Casma valley, Peru’, in Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, vol. 20, 1964, pp. 91-105: p. 97; Thompson, D., ‘Arquitectura y patrones de establecimiento en el valle de Casma’, in Revista de Museo Nacional, vol. 40, Lima, 1974, pp. 9-29: p. 15.

71

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figures 53. Písac, a city of comparable size to Cuzco its neighbour was located on a difficult mountain top, leaving the sides and the valley free for agriculture (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

Figure 54. The lower sides of the mountain at Písac were left free of city constructions for agricultural terracing (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001). 72

CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSISS

Figure 55. Tiwanaku T locat ated in the valle ley beside Lake ke Titicaca (Lag ago Wiñaymark rkã) and a river er, in a central position p in itss valley and too its smaller suurrounding toowns. Its posiition was also close to its saacred mountaains (map botttom) (Source:: Portugal & Portugal P 1975, 5, p. 197).7 7

Ollantaytam mbo,8 Pikillacta, Viracochappampa, Písac and many others.

land d, while controolling the narroow neck of thee valley and itss vital flow of waterss. The exceptioons to this weree cities locatedd with h the primary focus of defeense, such as Huari, H Machuu Picch hu, and Písac so that domesstic water supp plies had to bee chan nneled from sprrings.

The availabiliity of water foor irrigation pllayed a large roole in the location of o Andean citiies. Tiwanaku was located on n the shores of Lakke Titicaca9 andd beside a smaall river from which w the waters foor hydraulic agriculture a playyed a fundam mental part in its urrban growth.100 When the Mochica M transfferred and re-formeed their provvincial capital at Galindo after political collaapse, due in grreat part to en nvironmental stress and lack of water, they chose c a locatioon in a mid-vvalley position besidde the main trunk canal thatt would allow them to harness th he increased perennial p wateer supply and river plain lands foor irrigated agriiculture withouut occupying arable a

he highlands, positions p besidee water and at cross roads forr In th communication routes r becamee important for access too multtiple resources.. Huari, the W Wari capital at th he intersection n of tw wo rivers is a goood example. T Tiwanaku, from m its seeminglyy remoote position11 is i able to main ntain contact and a trade with h high hland, coastal an nd Amazon reggions, which proved p to be an n impoortant aspect in n the rise of th heir civilization n.12 The same iss true of Cuzco. In the coastal arreas contact was w maintainedd with h highland, oceean-side and n neighbouring valleys, v and in n nortthern coastal Peeru with Amazzon regions as well. w 13

7

Portugal Zamorra, M. & Portugal Ortiz, M., ‘Qallam marka, nuevo yacim miento arqueológico desscubierto cerca a Tiwanaku’, T in Artte y Arqueología: Revista R del Instituto de Estudios E Bolivianoss, vol. 3 & 4, Secciión Arte, 1975, ppp. 195216: p. 197. 8 Ollantaytambo is actually situatedd at the junction where w a small perm manent river joins the larrger Urumbamba river. r Although poopularly consideredd to be Inca, its earliest architecture a may bee Tiwanaku. 9 The level of th he lake may have been b higher at thee time, and so Tiw wanaku could have been located l nearer to th he shoreline than it is at present. 10 Stanish, C. ‘F Formación estatal temprana en la cuenca c del lago Tiiticaca, Andes surcentralles’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUC CP, Huari Y Tiwaanaku: Modelos vs. Eviidencias, no. 5, segunde s parte, Lima, L Departamen nto de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqqueología, Pontificcia Universidad Católica C del Peru, 2001, pp. 189- 216.

11

Pon nce Sanginés, C., (‘‘Tiwanaku: espacio, tiempo y cultura’, in Pumapunku,, vol. 4, 4 1972, pp. 7-24: p. 7.), explains th hat Tiwanaku cityy was also situatedd within n a larger plan in that t it was locatedd within a triangle of Tiwanaku sitess that encompasses e a reggion of some 500kkm inclusive of th he Alti Plano andd Lake Titicaca. 12 Broowman, D.L., ‘Tow ward the developm ment of the Tiahuaanaco (Tiwanaku)) state’,, in D.L. Browm man (ed.), Advancces in Andean Arrchaeology, Worldd Anthropology Series, Paaris, Mouton Publlishers, 1978b, pp. 327-349; Hardoyy (19733): p. 328. 13 Thoompson, D.E., ‘Invvestigaciones arqueológicas en los An ndes orientales dell norte del Perú’, in Revvista de Museo Nacional, Lima, Instituto Nacional dee ura, vol. 39, 19733, pp. 117-125; T Thompson, D.E., ‘Ancient highlandd Cultu

73

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION Location of cities was also chosen to take the best advantage of multiple resource zones (both vertical and horizontal), control access to water and to paths for communication and transportation.14 The first urban culture of Supe located Caral in the mid-valley position that allowed it control of water resources, communication routes, access to multipleresource zones, especially the ocean, and paths to neighbouring valleys and the highlands. It also placed it in the centre of its other cities and settlements.15

that it was a provincial centre and not involved in inter-valley political control.18 The ocean front location of Pachacamac and Chan Chan displays a different choice in city location from other contemporaneous urban centres. Pachacamac’s location was guided by three aspects: firstly the geography of the valley made it the best location for a large settlement supported by irrigated lands, as the Lurin valley plains do not extend far inland. This also meant that it had to rely to a greater extent on the ocean as a resource zone; secondly the site has a great religious significance which is intimately associated with the two small islands just off-shore; and thirdly, the coastal location placed it in direct connection, via the coastal roads, with other neighbouring cities, and so able to control a section of the coastal road trade.

For these reasons low land cultures located their early cities in the middle part of the valleys. With the start of valley-wide polities control of the necks of the valleys became important, such as at Caral and Llamas-Moxeque, in order to control the trade between inland agricultural products and coastal marine16 for access to multiple resource zones. This was also the case for the Late Mochica, such as at Galindo, during the Wari-Tiwanaku Period.17

In comparison Chan Chan displays a location choice that reflects its political designs. Like the Mochica capital of Moche before it, the position on the coastal front was chosen to control the large plains for irrigation, permit the size of settlement needed and to control the inter-valley road system, crucial to maintaining a coastal empire. The Chimú use of the highlands was only for limited trade, and in fact the road to the highlands was heavily guarded and fortified.19 Location continued to be of importance during the Regional States Period for established cities. However, there was a movement towards placing new settlements in defensive positions on hill tops which reflected the disunity and lack of security in this period between large Empires, and those areas outside of the Chimú polity.

This is in marked contrast to the earlier periods of agglutinated settlement that grew spontaneously from the needs of small populations increasing over time, as seen generally in the Archaic and Formative Periods. These settlements were located in areas that served their primary village needs, close to water and/or subsistence resources, or nearby religious centres, with no plan for longer term economic or political necessities. They were often located on arable land for close access to agricultural areas. It is during the Upper Formative or Regional Development Period that widespread changes from agglutinated settlements began to occur, first with the Salinar/Gallinazo cultures and in earnest in the Mochica and Wari-Tiwanaku phase. The position of Galindo in the middle valley, and not in the mouth, shows

By the time of the Tawantinsuyu Empire the engineers and planners of new settlements had a long tradition of site location with which to adhere. Tawantinsuyu engineers were clearly aware of these needs, and when creating new settlements and cities always located them close to a water source, and used the un-arable land so as to maximize agricultural production, fitting their designs to the sometimes difficult topography of the land, as seen with Tambo Colorado,20 Písac, Machu Picchu, Ollantaytambo, Incahuasi, etc. All the major cities were located on roads of communications and resource transference and in positions to help maintain political control.21

connections with selva and coast: evidence from Uchucmarca, Peru’, in N. Hammond (ed.), 44 International Congress of Americanists: Social and Economic Organization in the Prehispanic Andes, 1982, Manchester, Bar International Series 194, 1984, pp. 73- 78. 14 Brennan, C. T., ‘Cerro Arena: origins of the urban tradition on the Peruvian north coast’, in Current Anthropology, vol. 23, no. 3, 1982, pp. 247254: p. 251; Hardoy (1973): p. 301. Cerro Arena, Salinar Phase in the Moche valley is an interesting exception to the rule. Although it is only a semi-nucleated settlement it was specifically located to control passage and commerce through its pass, rather than locating on the easier land sites nearer water. 15 Shady, R., Dolorier, C., Montesinos, F. & Casa, L., ‘Los orígenes de la civilización en el Perú: el área norcentral y el valle de Supe durante el Arcadio Tardío’, in Arqueología y Sociedad, Vol. 13, Lima, Museo de Arqueología y Antropología, Uni. Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2000, pp. 13– 48: p. 32; Shady, R., Haas, J. & Creamer, W., ‘Dating Caral, a preceramic site in the Supe valley on the central coast of Peru’, in Science, vol. 292, 2001, pp. 723726: p. 725. 16 Béarez, P., & Miranda Muroz, L., ‘Analisis arqueo-ictiológico del sector residencial del sitio arqueológico de Caral-Supe, costa central del Perú’, in Arqueología y Sociedad, vol. 13, Lima, Museo de Arqueología Y Antropología, Uni. Nacional Mayor De San Marcos, 2000, pp. 67- 78; Pozorski, S., & Pozorski, T., ‘La dinámica del valle de Casma durante le periodo inicial’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, vol. 2 (Perspectivas regionales del Periodo Formativo el Perú), 1998, pp. 83-100: p. 93. 17 Bawden (1996).

18

Bawden, G., ‘Domestic space and social structure in pre-Columbian northern Peru’, in S. Kent (ed.), Domestic architecture and the use of space an interdisciplinary cross-cultural study, vol. 1, Norfolk, Cambridge Uni. Press, 1990, pp. 153- 171: p. 160. 19 Bawden, G., ‘Galindo: a study in cultural transition during the Middle Horizon’, in M.E. Moseley & K.C. Day (eds.), Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, Albuquerque, Uni. of New Mexico Press, 1982, pp. 285-320: p. 319; Bawden (1996). 20 Baudin, L. (Daily Life In Peru: Under the Last Incas, London, George Allen & Unwin Ltd. 1961b: p. 41), states that Tambo Colorado’s location was also useful to the military who used it as a base for acclimatizing highland troops to the tropical climate for work in the lowland coastal areas. 21 Hardoy (1973): p. 408.

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CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSISS

Figure 56. This T sketch off a reconstructiion of Pachacaamac by Luis Ccosi C Salas sho hows Pachacam mac´s position n in relation too the ocean, th he river and th he sacred islan nds. The workkers housing would w have beeen on the san nd dunes in th he foreground d outside the enclosed e religiious complex and a elite housi sing (Source: Koiffman K Doig ig, 1973, p.3699, fig. 606).22

Figure 57. The T view from m the Sun Tem mple at Pacha hacamac, wherre the city waas located to ttake advantagge of multiplee resource zon nes, non-intruusion of river flats, coastall traffic and th he religious connection c off the small isla lands offshoree (Source: L.H Hasluck, 2001)).

22

Kauffmann Dooig, F., Manual de Arqueologia A Peruaana, 5th Edición, Lima, L Ediciones Peeisa, 1973.

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 58. Map showing location of Chan Chan and Moche on the coastal plains and Galindo situated in the valley neck, where it was easier to control water access. Note that the position of the urban centres of Galindo and Chan Chan do not use precious arable land, however the earlier capital of Moche is situated on arable plains, although on the side less usable. Note also the Moro irrigation canal that permitted irrigated farming on the plains around Chan Chan (Source: Bawden, 1990, p. 154).

Figure 59. Ollantaytambo built upon the slopes of the valley and positioned at the intersection of two rivers. Great use was made of terrace farming. Grid width is 1 km. (Source: Bingham, 1979, figure 1.2).23 23

Bingham, H., Machu Picchu - a citadel of the Incas - report of the explorations and excavations made in 1911, 1912 and 1915 under the auspices of Yale University and the National Geographic Society, (1930), New Haven, Hacker Art Books, Inc., New York, re-issued 1979. The map is based on the 1: 25000 map of the Oficina General de Catastrato Rural, 1975; aerial photos nos. 8485- 1023, and 8485- 1024 of June 25, 1956, of the Servicio Aerofotográfico Nacional; and field surveys carried out by Bingham from 1982 to 1989.

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Figure 60. Machu Picchu was also located from a defensive point of view, note the watch tower peak of Huayna Picchu behind the city. Machu Picchu was also located on three major Inca roads that entered the city from one side and left by the other, connecting it with Cuzco24 and a network of other cities (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 61. One of the outer defensive walls on the north of the capital city Huari. The impressive size of the walls were repeated internally throughout the central area of the city (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). 24

Kendall, A., ‘Middle stages of the Cusichaca Archaeological Project’, in Institute of Archaeology Bulletin, no. 20, University of London, 1984, pp. 43- 71.

77

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION 5.3 Planning The second type of planning, widely used throughout the Andes, particularly by the Tawantinsuyu, is that of postplanning or re-modelling. In these cases the city, like most Andean cities, had emerged spontaneously and at a later stage, either due to expansion or foreign domination, an urban plan was introduced to try to bring some order to the agglomeration of buildings, or to organize the urban area with pre-determined land uses, visual sequences and perspectives in accordance with concepts peculiar to each area and in line with the stage of evolution of the occupying culture. This normally was the introduction of a set of buildings with specific administrative or religious functions around a central plaza, to represent the dominant power structure. Such a decision was a demonstration of the planning sense of the elite.32

The phrase ‘urban design’ does not necessarily mean any settlement with an orderly layout. Hardoy25 explains that urban orderliness can be an accident of social organization such as land management and distribution26 or ‘conform to some indefinable natural pattern’.27 A planned urban area must show the intent of the power structure which controlled the decision and which made the plan to guide or correct the physical development of an urban centre.28 In the present the planned process, and the power structure that created it, can be observed from the relationship of the individual parts of the city to the whole and the form in which they were arranged. The layout of the city reveals the social structure and needs of the society or societies that formed it. In the Andes tradition there are two types of planned urban design. Firstly, and of greater rarity, is the city that is built from a preconceived plan. That is, an elite ruling group has sufficient power, means and skill to design a new city and, starting with the location, follow a plan to build a new urban centre that suits their political and cultural needs. There have been few examples of these in the Andes and none became powerful or renowned centres. The greatest examples are Caral, Llamas-Moxeque, Galindo, Pampa Grande, Huari, Pikillacta, Viracochapampa, Ollantaytambo, Huánuco Viejo, and possibly Moche, built in different Andean periods, geographies and civilizations. All these cities show a clear plan representing a design decided for the contemporary needs of the existing power structure. Morris, an expert on the administrative centre of Huánuco Viejo, finds that it was built ‘in accordance to an elaborately pre-conceived plan’.29 Reader states with admiration about the six pyramids around a plaza at Caral, the first planned American city, ‘[a]ll six mounds appeared to have been built in only one or two phases, which indicates an exceptional capacity for complex planning, centralised decision-making and the mobilisation of sizeable labour forces’.30 City remodelling in accordance with the original plan, of both sacred and secular buildings, as at Caral, Llamas Moxeke and Tiwanaku, was also a normal part of city maintenance.31

There are numerous examples of this as re-modelling due to expansion or internal politics33 created some of the most powerful cities in the Andes including Tiwanaku34 and Cuzco.35 Of those that were later re-modelled due to foreign domination the list includes most of the Tawantinsuyu provincial capitals, and most large urban centres from the Upper Formative and Wari-Tiwanaku Period, such as Pachacamac, Cajamarquilla and Cajamarca which were remodelled by both the Wari-Tiwanaku and Tawantinsuyu Empires.36 The Wari-Tiwanaku and Tawantinsuyu also político en los albores de la civilización en el Perú’, in Shady, R. & Leyva, C. (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003g, pp. 133- 136: p. 135; Vranich, A. ‘La pirámide de Akapana: reconsiderando el centro monumental de Tiwanaku’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 295- 308. 32 Hardoy (1968): p. 11; (1973): pp. 462-3; Kaulicke, P., (‘Cronologia, identidad, urbanismo y estado en los Andes centrales y surcentrales entre los siglos V a X d.c.: algunos reflexiones finales’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 481- 530: p. 504) states that ‘Tiwanaku mismo se constituye como capital urbana planificada, con unos 6 km2 de extensión, que sirve como representación arquitectónica del poder estado.’ 33 Kaulicke (2001: p. 491) postulates that changing ceramic styles may represent changing internal politics that are also linked to the different epochs of urban remodelling in Tiwanaku. 34 Kaulicke (2001: p. 515) states that the remodelling in Tiwanaku is far clearer than at the Huari site, probable because Huari was created to a plan to be a city; Vranich (2001: p. 305) finds changes over time in the Tiwanaku planning. He states ‘La forma de la ciudad no es orgánica ni en su hechura ni en su crecimiento; tampoco se trata de un azur, un caos o, al contrario, de un plan con todas sus particularidades especificadas. Las más recientes indagaciones apuntan un proceso urbano de transformaciones sutiles y a veces poco sutiles que se desarrollan en diferentes localidades, a diferentes ritmos y en diferentes ordenes cronológicos.’ 35 Recent discoveries have confirmed that a prior city existed on the Cuzco site. That Cuzco was annexed under Tiwanaku is presented by Menzel, D., ‘The Inca occupation of the south coast of Peru’, in Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, vol. 15, 1959, pp. 125-142. 36 Lumbreras, L.G., The Peoples and Cultures of Ancient Peru, Washington, Smithsonian Institute Press, 1974c: pp. 165, 168, 223.

25

Hardoy, J. E., Urban planning in pre-Columbian America, London, Studio Vista, 1968: p. 9. 26 Hardoy (1968: p. 9), explains that ‘…in early cultures whose economy was based, for example, on very elementary irrigation, the regular layouts developed naturally as a derivation of the system of land subdivision. Likewise the spontaneous settlement of new territory may have produced population clusters exhibiting a regular layout to meet the need for obtaining an equitable distribution of urban as well as rural lands’. 27 Morris, A.E.G., History of the Urban Form Before the Industrial Revolution, 2nd Ed., New York, Halstead Press, 1979: p. 9. 28 Hardoy (1968): p. 8; Haverfield, F., Ancient town-planning, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1913: p. 11; Morris (1979): p. 14. 29 Morris quoted in Hyslop, J. Inka settlement planning, Austin, Uni. of Texas press, 1990: p. 27. 30 Reader, J., Cities, London, William Heinemann, 2004: p. 12. 31 Shady, R. ‘La religión como una forma de cohesión social y manejo

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CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSIS

Figure 62. A reconstruction of the religious complex at the centre of Tiwanaku city. Note the use of the quadrangular planning and enclosures, a sign of Tiwanaku design (Source: Escalante, 1997, p.254). There are some examples which remain obscure as to their place in the first or second of these categories, yet their planned designs remain within the extremities of the Andean tradition: The two best known examples of this are Chan Chan and Machu Picchu, for it is not clear whether they were built preconceived or re-modelled to suit changing needs at later stages in their history. The Chan Chan citadels were clearly built at the same time, to plan, which includes some later expansion. However it is not certain whether the agglutinated city between the citadels existed prior, and was re-modelled with the introduction of the citadels or whether the citadels were created first and the agglutinated settlement grew up between and around them.39 Machu Picchu may have been a settlement to begin with and then with expansion was re-modelled to snugly fit the extreme mountain topography and to include the usual Tawantinsuyu state buildings and spaces, or perhaps it was built to fit the topography from a pre-conceived plan. There are clearly different types of wall construction representing different periods of building activity.40

extended and remodelled existing temples and administrative structures.37 In a process no different to that which affected parts of Europe, Asia, the Middle East and other areas of the world where there were successive waves of invaders, these remodellings in various locations, cultures and periods of the Andes can also be seen to be an aspect of an ongoing planning tradition, and represent the needs of the dominant power structure as expressed through architecture. It would appear that the urban planning of the later periods was either influenced or copied from the original primary examples. The only real changes occurred in form and these were a consequence of the socio-political evolution, which characterized those periods. The fundamental step towards general urbanization taken during the Regional States Period was first embarked upon in the earlier Wari-Tiwanaku Period.38

Part of the reason that this Andean tradition exists is that from early times the leaders of different cultures realised the usefulness of using tried and known solutions to urban problems, even when these came from outside their culture or ecological area. Hardoy41 states that it is evident that pre-

37

Niles, S.A., The shape of Inca history - narrative and architecture in an Andean Empire, Iowa City, Uni. of Iowa Press, 1999: p. 263; Ponce (1972): p. 17; Thompson (1964). 38 Bonavía, D., ‘Ecological factors affecting the urban transformation in the last centuries of the pre-Columbian era’, in D.L. Browman (ed.), Advances in Andean Archaeology, World Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouton Pub., 1978a, pp. 393-410: p. 407; Bonavía, D., ‘Ecological factors affecting the urban transformation in the last centuries of the pre-Columbian era’, in S. Tax (ed.), Urbanization in the Americas from its Beginnings to the Present, Paris, Mouton Pub., 1978b, pp. 185- 202: p. 200; Ponce (1972): p. 17.

39

Netherly (1990). Bingham (1979); personal field notes, 2002. 41 Hardoy (1968): pp. 11- 12. 40

79

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION Columbian rulers understood the importance of adopting approved common practices and standards responsive to the practical necessities faced by repeating situations and in the solution of similar urban problems. Such as the large walled enclosures introduced by the Wari-Tiwanaku expansion, particularly on the north coast, where may be observed the adoption of a series of interconnected elements, originating in the highlands, which were systematically used in the construction of different settlements.

construcciones anteriores, la colocación de espigas, la reorientación de las estructuras, etc. En los asentamientos urbanos se combinaba el segmento habitacional con la porción ceremonial y administrativa, conexas por sistemas de comunicación o por abastecimiento de agua. En fin, recalcar que la modalidad Tiwanaku-Wari, equipolente con la nominación tiwanacoide, de típico mestizaje cultural entre invasores y vencidos, en lo político derivó a la conformación de una urbe virreinal.46

The repetition of uniform criteria reveals a functional sense and the importance attached to the utilization of well-tried solutions. General architectural elements introduced include, large planned settlements composed of houses, plazas, and streets surrounded by very high walls with few entries and no windows.42 This is well expressed in such coastal cities as Pachacamac, Cajarmarquilla and Galindo from the WariTiwanaku Period and Chan Chan from the Regional States Period. The highland examples include Viracochapampa, Pikillacta and Huari from the Wari-Tiwanaku epoch and Ollantaytambo and Cuzco, amongst many from the Tawantinsuyu Period. The adoption of the walled enclosure brought a new measure of planning and organization to cities and settlements that allowed the central authority greater control over the resident population. One of the major effects of the Tiwanaku-Wari expansion was to bring to many regions for the first time the idea of a planned and organised city, with a layout built to serve the needs of an Empire.43 This idea would be one of the persevering effects of the Wari-Tiwanaku Empire.44 The idea of systematic construction and reconstruction based on a plan serving economic, political, social and religious needs would continue and become the formulating and expansive idea for the Tawantinsuyu Empire in a later period.45 Ponce lists some of the numerous ideas they imported: Entre los elementos arquitectónicos significativos enumeró la preferencia por las fachadas revestidas con material lítico, la traza de los edificios con patio en cuyo derredor se reparten las habitaciones, cuartos con tangible amplitud, el empleo de sillares como ornamento, el remodelamiento de

Figure 63. An old aerial photograph from mid 20th century showing the ruins of the city Cajarmarquilla in the Rimac valley, central Peruvian coast, Regional States Period. Much of it is now covered by Lima´s slum housing and rubbish, however the pattern of its layout is clearly visible, as too is its extensive size (Source: Hardoy, 1968, Fig. 52).

42

Lumbreras (1974c): p. 165. Ponce (1972): p. 17; Schaedel, R. P. (‘The city and the origin of the state in America’, in S. Tax, J. Hardoy & N. Kinzer (eds.), Urbanization in the Americas from its Beginnings to the Present, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978, pp. 31-49: p. 33), remarks that the nature of the Wari expansion remains to be elucidated in detail for much of the Central Andes, but that from the presently available evidence none of the Wari-Tiwanacoid coastal or highland sites reflect a different settlement pattern. Like that of the Mochica, the Wari conquest appears to have been directed at the ‘capitals’ of the theocratic polities, aiming at their defeat and re-orientation. Yet he thinks that sometime during this phase of conquest the Wari expansion must have confronted the inefficiency of the expansion as to the problems of territorial control, and as a result developed a bold solution for restructuring the principal settlements in order to encompass the functions, not only of militarily and religious control, but also of economic or resource control. 44 Browman (1978b); Hardoy (1968): p. 42; Kaulicke (2001): p. 513. 45 Browman (1978b). 43

46

Ponce (1972: pp. 17- 18), states that ‘between these architectonic elements is the signification of the enumeration of the preference for walls constructed in lithic material, the style of the buildings with patio, around which were distributed the habitations, rooms with tangible size, that used benches like ornaments, remodelling of the previous constructions, the placement of gables, the orientation of the structures, etc. In the urban situation they combined the living segment with the ceremonial and administrative portion, connected by systems of communication or for supplies of water. Finally, to emphasize the style of Tiwanaku-Wari, equipped with the nomination Tiwanacoid, of a mixed type of culture between invaders and conquered, in the derived politics of the formation of a representative royal capital’ (translation L.Hasluck).

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Figure 64. A close up from the previous aerial photograph of the centre of the extensive ruins of Cajarmarquilla on the central Peruvian coast showing the use of the repetition of walled enclosures from Wari-Tiwanaku planning influence. A large plaza is located at the centre of the city and here in the photograph (Source: Hardoy, 1968, Figure 52). These solutions were largely instrumental in breaking away from the traditional socio-political trend, reflected in the ceremonial centre pattern (serviced by unattached agglutinated villages), to provide a truly urban environment concept for the capital of regional cultures. In the coastal valleys, this involved the integration of the various types of buildings already accumulating at the valley necks into a single large religio-military, hydraulic settlement. The fusing of these functions as reflected in their juxtaposition within a single settlement only became a widespread reality during the Wari-Tiwanaku Period.47

but also that the permanent consolidation of the state was dependant upon the preconditioned forms of the town and city.48 Although urban planning was not widely utilized until well-entrenched elite authority exercised a complete or coercive measure of control over the political, economic, religious and social situation, such as with the WariTiwanaku domination.49 However in some north coastal valleys, such as the Virú, urban planning did not make an appearance until the later Chimú phase in the Regional States Period.50 State buildings such as temples and administration were planned to be centrally located around a plaza for public ceremonies. Access to different parts of the city was controlled by the design and positioning of walled enclosures creating streets that would restrict or allow passage as the elites deemed necessary. Pachacamac, Galindo, Chan Chan, Pikillacta, Viracochapampa and Cuzco are all fine examples from different epochs and geographies that successfully used

These developments began the widespread use of urbanization that paralleled the centralisation of a high level of political integration represented by the theocratical state, 47

Schaedel (1978): pp. 32- 33. Schaedel (1978: p. 40) continues, that in the Peruvian case, the evidence points so far to the pre-existence of a nonmercantile, fairly mobile, predatory inchoate state (or interregional chiefdom) with a massive ceremonial centre at Huari, related to another at Tiwanaku, which imposed itself on similar but more stationary polities. Only after the fusion or conquest did the secular trend toward cities emerge, presumably as a consequence of occupation and control techniques called into being by conquest.

48

Schaedel (1978): p. 31. Hardoy (1968): p. 10. 50 Hardoy (1973): p. 316. 49

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 65. So many similarities in urban form exist between Pikillacta (above) and Viracochapampa (below, Fig. 66) that not only were the built in the same epoch, but they may have been built from the same plan (Source: Hardoy, 1973, p. 342).

Figure 66. The same ideas of urban design through repetition are used here at Viracochapampa as in Pikillacta, particularly that of the high walled enclosure (Source: Hardoy, 1973, p. 347). 82

CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSIS these known solutions. The Tawantinsuyu planned these measures into their administrative centres where strict control of space was a guiding principle.

repetition in design; stepped, ramped, rows of edifices of the same design, and iconography used in repetitive patterns. Tiwanaku was developed with a system of planning.53 Hardoy54 states that the spatial relation between the Tiwanaku temples is one of the ‘great examples of urban planning of Indian America’ and that it was the ‘first large planned complex in South America’.55 He notes that, all the elements that enhance the urban design of any complex appear in Tiwanaku, although in a less evolved form than later periods.56 With the expansion of the Wari-Tiwanaku civilization the idea of repetitive elements in urban design came to be the norm in Andean urban planning.

A further aspect of the tradition that was a known solution for urban planning was the use of repetition in design. This idea of repetition was used in two ways. The first and earliest use was the repeated application of the various parts or elements of a city. For example in Caral it is possible to see represented, design parts of all the other contemporaneous cities in the Supe valley. The plan of Caral uses the types of pyramids, plazas and platforms that are to be found singularly or together in the other cities and settlements in the valley. Shady et al. state that

The new Wari-Tiwanaku urban form of the walled enclosure represented a system of planning that could be used under different geographical and cultural settings, creating order by the multiplication of the idea. This was the town inside a walled enclosure with a regular ground plan that could be adapted to different urban scales.57 The walled enclosure represents a completely different stage from previous ones and was, Hardoy58 thinks, in some ways unexpected in the evolution of human groupings of South American urban cultures. The regular walled enclosure represented an element of order and limitation in the disorderly general layout of the coastal villages by imposing a system of pathways and rectilinear spaces, along which a series of similar contiguous chambers were arranged. Ruins of such walled enclosures have been found, in the Virú valley59 at least, on the coastal plain and in places easily accessible from all parts of the valley. Perhaps the choice of locale was the result of new administrative requirements for the government of the new and different ruling group.60

In view of the abundance of such sunken circular plazas in the Supe Valley, it seems likely that this ancient Andean pattern originated here, [and that] Caral appears to mark the initiation of an architectural complex that combines the platform mound and associated sunken circular plaza. This ceremonial complex is common in the archaeological record of Peru for several thousand years.51 The citadels of Chan Chan also repeat aspects of each others designs, and this practice is common throughout Tiwanaku and Tawantinsuyu planning, such as Pachacamac, Cajarmarquilla, Pikillacta, Viracochapampa, Huari, and others. Secondly, repetition also takes the form of internal replication in which particular design aspects are repeated within a planned urban area to create a certain regularity or homogeneity for the area. This is a very old part of the urban tradition and was first practiced in the design of ceremonial centres, so that the ceremonial centres acted as a model in solving urban design problems and had provided practice of the decision and planning process.52 In the ceremonial centres of Kotosh and Huaca de los Reyes the repetition of ascending platform plazas of different dimensions were to restrict public access to inner sanctums, this idea was used again in cities throughout the Andes.

Although the highland areas also used the walled enclosure design, the difficulties of the uneven terrain limited the regularity of the plan. This regularity was far more obvious in the coastal valleys where the terrain is flatter, such as Pachacamac, Cajamarquilla and the citadels of Chan Chan, although numerous examples not just of cities but of settlements also exist. The highland examples of Viracochapampa and Pikillacta with widely dispersed plans,

In the most basic form of internal repetition Caral displays the repeated use of pyramids, plazas and platforms although not in a rigid layout. The elite housing also shows a certain repetition, which is recognisable in the common inclusion of patios in front of the dwellings. There was a similar level of repetition at play in Llamas-Moxeque where twin pyramids were separated by a plaza which was the centre of the city. In Tiwanaku, Urban Phase, there was the construction of pyramids with sunken plazas, Akapana and Pumapunku, and the repeated use of the enclosure, including semisubterranean. Internally religious edifices displayed much

51 52

53 Portugal Ortix, M. & Portugal Zamora, M., ‘Investigaciones Arqueológicas en el Valle de Tiwanaku’, in Jornadas Peruano-Boliviano de Estudio Científico del Altiplano Boliviano y del Sur del Perú, no. 2- Arqueología en Bolivia y Perú, 1977, pp. 243-283: p. 258. 54 Hardoy (1973): p. 330. 55 Remembering of course that at the time he wrote this Supe Caral was yet to be discovered. 56 Hardoy (1973): p. 332. 57 Hardoy (1968): pp. 38-42; (1973): pp. 325- 356; Bawden (1996): p. 29. 58 Hardoy (1973): p. 340. 59 Hardoy (1973: p. 340) remarks that in the North coast valleys the stages of evolution have been traced from ocean-side semi-subterranean villages, to unplanned inland settlements, followed by villages linked to a fortified hill that gave refuge and sanctuary, then came the period of the great constructions, that may have been palaces which served as sanctuary and housing, until finally the period of walled enclosures. 60 Hardoy (1973): pp. 340-1.

Shady, Haas & Creamer (2001): p. 726. Hardoy (1968): p. 10.

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 67. Plan of Huaca de los Reyes an early ceremonial centre from the Late Archaic Period, with its consecutive diminishing plazas of I, II, III. Note also its East/ West orientation. The river bank edge is marked in the bottom of the plan, but unfortunately the erosion from this is starting to eat away at the ruins (Source: Pozorski, 1980, p. 102).

Figure 68. Huaca de los Reyes taken looking down from the top of the temple over the three ascending plazas (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). 84

CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSISS

Figure 69. Photo taken from the bou oundary of the he first plaza looking l up toowards the teemple mound d. A Peruvian n archaeologist st standing on top gives an indication in of itts size. (Source ce: L. Hasluckk, 2004)

Figure 70. This T model off Huaca del Rey eyes from the Trujillo T Museeum clearly sh hows the largee scale and sopphistication off planning, layyout and consstruction thatt can be difficuult to see in the th ruins as th hey appear in tthe present. The T ascendingg platforms aree clearly notab ble (Source: L.Hasluck, L. 20004). 85

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

McEwan’s62 planning analysis of Pikillacta’s design repetition, and therefore relevant for its associate Viracochapampa, reveals a city that despite undulating topography was created as perfect rectangles, divided into squares. The ingenious design is a simple repetition of three basic design aspects used in different combinations to create five different structures that are repeated throughout Pikillacta’s extensive housing sector (larger than Cuzco). These repetitions of buildings are then arranged in lines and squares so that it is difficult tell one area from another. This simple idea of repetition would have made rapid construction and the use of local labour, unaccustomed to using Wari-Tiwanaku building practices, far easier.63 In Huari the use of the trapezoidal building form is an adaptation to topography, but the same system of basic designs in different combinations is used.64 Another fine example of the application of internal repetition in planning is the citadels of Chan Chan. These citadels show repetition individually, internally, and also amongst themselves. However as an urban design the citadels appear to have no common pre-determined layout as the amount of space given to a particular form changes with each citadel.65 As there are no significant construction variations between the citadels this then would indicate they were all probably built and occupied simultaneously.66

Figure 71. Diagram of the parts used in urban design repetition by the Wari-Tiwanaku at Pikillacta, as seen in Fig. 36 above (Source: McEwan, 1985, p. 96). or the spacious Tiwanaku, are in sharp contrast to the complex, space intensive patterning of the multi-functional architecture of topographically difficult Huari, yet all show that where possible the repetitive enclosure design was applied.61

The standardization of elements themselves and the interrelationships, as well as the similar dimensions of the squares and chambers, provide further proof that Chan Chan was not an urban innovation but a more mature and finished example of centuries of empirical experimentation that grew out of the north coast urban planning experience .67 The rectilinear plan of the citadels was simple and utilitarian, following a layout common to all in its repetition of the same features. This plan of repetition had an organizing element that arranged rooms of equal size in single or parallel rows of up to eleven units, often surrounding a small plaza,68 the division of the sacred precincts from housing and the use of reservoirs and open areas.

This basic planning idea is maintained through the Regional States Period and persists with the Tawantinsuyu as seen in the urban design of walled enclosures that form the royal kancha dwellings of the Incan royal families in Cuzco. It is likely that housing surrounding a central patio, with limited access from the outside and no street windows, is an extension of the walled enclosure idea as a design adaptation to greater urban housing density and the need for privacy. This is so particularly since this patio house design (discussed below in part eight - Dwellings), seen in great repetition within numerous cities, did not make a general appearance until the Wari-Tiwanaku introduction of the walled enclosure. Thereafter it became the dominant form of urban housing design throughout the Andes and into Colonial times.

62

McEwan, G.F., ‘Excavaciones en Pikillacta un sitio Wari’, in Dialogo Andina, no. 4, 1985, pp. 89-136. 63 McEwan (1985). 64 Spickard, L.E., ‘El análisis de la arquitectura de los sitios de Huari y Tiwanaku’, in Dialogo Andina, no. 4, 1985, pp. 73-88. 65 Hardoy (1968): pp. 43, 45; (1973): pp. 365, 376, 368; Holstein, O., ‘Chan-Chan: capital of the great Chimú’, in The Geographical Review, vol. 17, no. 1, pp. 36-61, 1927: p. 51. In all five citadels the ground uses are repeated in varying degrees of intensity. Inside the streets met at right angles, but none were more important than the others and there was no attempt to fit a grid pattern or to create vistas. Chan Chan’s greatness was created by its scale and certain of its construction features, such as the repetitive designs of streets, plazas, dwellings and immense walls. 66 Hardoy (1973): p. 376. 67 Hardoy (1968): p. 43. 68 Hardoy (1973): p. 379.

61

Schaedel R. P., ‘Andean world-view: hierarchy or reciprocity, regulation or control?’, in Current Anthropology, vol. 29, no. 5, 1988, pp. 768-775: p. 773. It is probably for this space intensive and compound design repetition use that Lumbreras (1974: p. 168) finds Pikillacta an ‘elaborate copy of Huari.’ A new site in the Huaro valley near Pikillacta also is a large Wari settlement but there has not been enough systematic planning investigation completed to be included here (Glowacki, M. & McEwan, G. ‘Pikillacta, Huaro y la gran region del Cuzco: nuevas interpretaciones de la ocupación wari de la sierra sur’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001): pp. 31- 50; Kaulicke (2001): p. 514. Kaulicke (2001: p. 520) also finds that the semi-subterranean temple and the statues at Huari can be thought of as imitations of those at Tiwanaku.

86

Figure 72. A ‘barrio’ or suburb of Pikillacta showing the even layout despite topographical difficulties and its use of the above Fig. 40 ingenious repetition in design (Source: McEwan, 1985, p. 99).

CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSIS

87

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 73. Plan of the Chan Chan citadel of Tschudi. It has used two rectangles in its construction. The smaller divided from the larger is the sacred precinct where the ruling family resided and were also buried. Tschudi has been partially restored for tourism (Source: Hardoy, 1973, p. 371)

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Figure 74. Plan of Chan Chan citadel of Bandalier, which had a larger area designated for open space (Source: Hardoy. 1973, p. 373). Tawantinsuyu use of repetition in planning is revealed by Hardoy when he argues that Incahausi, Tambo Colorado, Ollantaytambo, and Huánuco Viejo are all examples of the use of Inca urban concepts. In these cities, the repetition of certain principles of architectural composition probably guided the overall urban organization. Inca engineers leaned toward centralized groupings and massive architecture of stone, or stone and mud if built in the highlands. We see an obvious geometric arrangement of the structural groups and especially of individual edifices. Buildings generally surrounded a small patio or plaza and each of them was formed by a series of chambers or multiples of elements which determined the proportions of the structural group.

Many of the urban and architectural aspects seen in Chan Chan are incorporated into the design of the principle cities of the north coast. Beside the capital Chan Chan, there were four Chimú cities which were the largest on the north coast that have been described as urban centres of the elite in consideration of the role they played in the empire. North in the Jequetepeque valley was the cities of Pacatnamú and Farfán, in the Leche valley was Purgatorio, and Apurlé in the small valley of Motupe. All belong to the Chimú period, having been built between the thirteenth and the fifteenth centuries AD.69

69

Hardoy (1973): pp. 386-7.

89

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 75. Plan of the Chan Chan citadel of Uhle – possibly built at a different period than the others due to its different alignment and layout (Source: Hardoy, 1973, p. 373).

Figure 76. An old aerial photograph of the ruins of Chan Chan citadel of Labyrinth, they are no longer in such fine condition (Source: Hardoy, 1973, p. 374).

90

CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSIS

Figure 77. An old aerial photograph of the Rivero citadel, with its then well preserved system of walls (Source: Hardoy, 1973, fig.61 – Original from The American Geographical Society of New York, new York).

Figure 78. Plan of Chan Chan’s Rivero citadel, note the internal use of repetition in design and the rows of rooms surrounding small plazas. Although streets meet at right-angles no grid system is apparent. The internal wall creates the division between the sacred part of the citadel and the entourage’s dwellings (Source: Hardoy, 1968, Figure 46).

91

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 79. Plan of centre of Chan Chan – principle axis is 19° east of north in line with the summer equinox. Citadels – 2). Gran Chimú; 3). Bandalier; 4). Uhle; 6). Tschudi; 8). Labyrinth. Number 21). is the Huaca (pyramid) de Obispo. Note the similar rectilinear layout of the citadels. The modern road can be seen running through the northern end of the ruins (Source: Hardoy, 1973, p. 367).

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Figure 80. Plan of the pre-planned Incahausi settlement in the Cañete Valley. Note the use of centralization of main buildings, multiple chambers surrounding plazas and geometric arrangement despite difficult topography. The storage building is attached to the main plaza and oration platform (Source: Hardoy, 1973, p. 466 [Original Credit: Belaunde Terry, Fernando: La Conquista del Perú por los peruanos, Ediciones Tawantinsuyu, Lima, 1959]).

housing design, plazas and often in religious and administrative structures, such as platforms. Niles72 remarks on the Tawantinsuyu highly developed use of symmetry and use of successive groups of paired structures. While symmetry and balance characterize standard Tawantinsuyu architecture to a degree, the style used in Huayna Capac’s reign expresses it more than earlier periods.

Multiple elements in Inca construction were more regular and better proportioned than in Chan Chan and other coastal cities. As these elements only appear in Inca urban planning after the Empire’s first contacts with the coastal peoples, their origin may be found in the Chimú influence rather than in the highlands.70 However these same regular multiple elements were earlier represented in the highland cities of Pikillacta and Viracochapampa. In Pachacamac the repetition of plazas, walled enclosures and pyramids creates architecture of spatial control, limiting the pilgrims’ approach to the temples by making them pass through a series of plazas, in each of which they were made to wait for a given fasting time of anything up to a year. Cajarmarquilla is a dense collection of repetitious enclosures around its central religious structures, creating alleyways of blind walls that repeatedly terminate in small plazas.71

The Wari-Tiwanaku Empire also initiated a type of repetition infrequently used. That is the repetition of entire settlement’s design. The clearest example of this is the administrative centres of Viracochapampa and Pikillacta, once thought to be Tawantinsuyu but now known to be Wari-Tiwanaku.73 These two settlements show not only remarkable internal repetition of architectural elements forming a fantastic organized cohesion displaying many aspects of the Andean tradition (central placement of religious, administrative and elite structures and elite

Even those cities with no urban pre-planning, like Cajamarca prior to the Tawantinsuyu domination, have repetition in 70 71

72

Niles (1999): p. 291. This is accepted by Rowe, Menzel, Lanning, Valcárcel and Hardoy. McEwan’s (1985) research demonstrates that Pikillacta was unquestionably Wari-Tiwanaku and was definitely intensively occupied for a considerable duration. It was also later occupied by the Tawantinsuyu as a military and storage depot.

73

Hardoy (1973): p. 480. Hardoy (1973): p. 350.

93

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION Empire and other diverse sources. Hardoy79 states that many of the Tawantinsuyu urban centres have their roots in earlier periods, but that it is also true that many of them are typically Tawantinsuyu and built under the Cuzco reign. For instance, the trapezoidal shape of Tawantinsuyu town planning (which apparently does not exist in Wari-Tiwanaku Period but which predominated over the square or rectangular under the Tawantinsuyu) undoubtedly had its antecedents in the walled retreats of the north coast of the earlier Regional States Period and was probably copied by the Tawantinsuyu.80

housing, internal division by roads, plazas, patio houses, enclosures, etc.), but the entire design layout is nearly identical. They are so similar that it appears that they are not only from similar origins but either one has been copied from the other, or the same design plan was used in both instances.74 Chan Chan’s citadels may also be considered as part of this type of large repetition, as the differences between them are much less than the similarities. The Tawantinsuyu Empire covering an enormous geographical range did not use a systematic plan such as seen in Viracochapampa and Pikillacta, but needing to adapt to different types of terrain, used instead a planning system in which the major elements, temples, plazas, platforms and administration buildings were repeatedly present and in a central position usually around a plaza, although their exact location would change with the needs of the landscape.75 In a similar fashion to Huari difference of form from Tiwanaku due to topography, urban planning was used on several occasions toward the end of the Empire in a series of towns built by order of the Inca for economic, administrative and political purposes. These examples include Tambo Colorado, Ollantaytambo, Incahausi, Tombebamba, Huánuco Viejo and others.76

Bonavía81 explains that, contrary to accepted opinion the Tawantinsuyu were not in fact great builders of cities. Where possible they would always use an existing city from the groups they annexed, re-modelling the centre with a plan to suit their political, economic, social and religious needs, but leaving the rest as it was. Most of the capitals of the Regional States Period became, after alteration, the provincial capitals of the Tawantinsuyu Empire. Where they did not use existing cities they either built administration and religious settlements nearby or in strategic positions. They only built cities, or settlements, when obliged to do so. Particularly to obtain some form of control in strategic locations. These new centres were built by the government under the guidance of imperial architects.82

Bonavía77 presents three reasons why the architects used elements representing basic features of Tawantinsuyu social and political organization: 1. the short duration of the Inca period of expansion did not allow the exercise of true planning in the field, but instead forced them to improvise. 2. many other problems that needed to be resolved during the conquest of the Andean area required preferential attention; and 3. technical limitations and the topography in which they moved played an important role. However there was no guiding plan or specific location for these elements within the cities.78

Archaeologists working on the coast have noticed a lack of typically Tawantinsuyu sites.83 Tawantinsuyu settlements in the Virú and Casma valleys do not display any change or construction of new buildings with respect to earlier periods, people continued to live in the same places. This is explained by the fruition of their wise policy of exercising control through traditional centres of prestige. Thus they camouflaged the fact that Cuzco had also been annexed.84 Bonavía,85 Hardoy86 and Harth-Terré87 note the close similarity from a town planning point of view among Pikillacta, Viracochapampa and Huari in the Ayacucho central sierra, Marca Huamachuco in the northern sierra, Cajamarquilla on the central coast, and Llamas-Moxeque in the Casma valley, and argue that this proves that the Tawantinsuyu had a formal copy of this older planimetry, which they employed with very slight variations. One of these

Many urban elements traditionally considered as Tawantinsuyu are in fact not so, but rather have their antecedents in the Wari-Tiwanaku Empire, the Chimú 74

Hardoy (1973): p. 348. Bonavía (1978a): p. 407; (1978b): p. 200; Browman (1978b): p. 305; Niles (1999): p. 268. Underlying some of the apparent dissimilarities of the architecture of Tawantinsuyu sites, are the differences due to exploitation of different ecological zones and the attendant adaptations to them. Not only could they not maintain the basic features, but they were obliged to make substantial adaptations in form to the point of creating new urban plans. These were completely unlike those of the rest of their organization. In fact, they were so dissimilar that at first they were regarded as a phenomenon apart, having nothing to do with Tawantinsuyu development. 76 Hardoy (1973): p. 464; Niles (1999): p. 264. 77 Bonavía (1978a): p. 394. 78 Hyslop (1990: p. 191), also suggests that ‘[t]he lack of a general pattern throughout Tawantinsuyu suggests that Inka concepts of settlement design concepts were more varied and complex than the one used by the Spanish in the Americas who founded hundreds of towns laid out with one design principle – the grid’. 75

79

Hardoy (1968): p. 46; Bonavía (1978a): p. 398; (1978b): p. 190. 81 Bonavía (1978a): p. 393. 82 Bonavía (1978a: p. 393) cites Rowe, John H., ‘Inca culture at the time of the Spanish Conquest’, in Julian H. Steward (ed.), Handbook of South American Indians, vol. 2, Smithsonian Institution Bulletin, no. 143, Washington D.C., 1946, pp. 183- 330: p. 228. 83 Bonavía (1978a): p. 395. 84 Menzel (1959). 85 Bonavía (1978a): p. 396. 86 Hardoy, Jorge E., Ciudades precolombinas, Buenos Aires, Infinito, 1964. 87 Harth-Terré, Emilio, ‘Piki-Llacta. Ciudad de positos y bastimentos del Imperio Incaico’, in Offprint of the Revista del Museo e Instituto Arqueológico, Uni. del Cuzco, 1959. 80

94

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Figure 81. Plan of Machu Picchu houses east of Ingenuity Group, clearly showing repetition of design over terraced topography (Source: Bingham, 1979, p. 7).

Figure 82. Kings Group of elite housing at Machu Picchu. The topography did not allow room for the use of patiohousing, but design repetition is clearly visible in the terrace groups (Source: Bingham, 1979, Figure 218). 95

URBAN CONT TINUITY IN TH HE ANDES: A PR RE-HISTORICA AL PLANNING TRADITION T

K group of o housing, th he regular layo yout is clearly visible in thee reconstructeed but rooflesss ruins. Thiss Figure 83. Kings photograph is i the central part p of the aboove (Fig. 47) drawing d (Sourcce: L.Hasluck, k, 2002). may have beeen the introoduction of the t trapezoidaal or triangular shaape on the design of plazas (th hough as previiously noted this dooes not seem to be an origginal design of o the Cuzceñans either). e This is in contraast to the prrecise quadrangular Wari-Tiwanaaku designs off the Pikillactaa and 88 Viracochapam mpa, which McCown M agreees was copiedd one from the otheer, in part or completely. c Bellaunde in Bonavía89 defines Viraccochapampa as a an example of ‘a ration nalist architecture of o a planned citty.’ However, Tombebamba T i also is noted for Taw wantinsuyu preecision in ratioonalist planning and use of right an ngles.90

central and only truly urban part, it was not a typicall Taw wantinsuyu cityy.93 Bonavía94 n notes that the Tawantinsuyuu probbably did not think t it the greatest of desiggns as nowheree else in i the empire is i its design reppeated. For insstance, it is nott used d in Incahuasi, one o of the few cities built froom plan, nor in n the second Cuzcoo built to doominate the Guarco G lands.. Furtther to the poin nt, despite the use of the sam me place namess for the t new Cuzcco and surrouunding hills as a the originall Cuzco, a superficiaal examination n reveals nothin ng in common n betw ween the two. However wheen they are red duced to theirr mostt fundamental elements, that is to the typees of buildingss and features presen nt, the two are identical with h the exception n of th heir layout. Th hat is, the cen ntral placemen nt of the state,, religgious and elite structures werre also present in the secondd Cuzco.95

Although Cuuzco is often thought t to be the ideal moddel of 91 Tawantinsuyuu urban plann ning, and it certainly shoows a number of sophisticated plaanning aspects not used elsew where in the empire, such as the 122 districts and the four quarters of 92 the Empire, th he Puma city design d and th he rigid access to t the

Thatt the Tawantin nsuyu used a syystem of elemen nts rather than n layou ut should nott be mistaken for their not being seriouss abou ut planning. In ndeed their seriiousness may be b seen in theirr use of o clay models to guide engin neers in constrruction. Thesee mod dels were usedd to show layoout, structure types, design n stylees, and relativve measuremen nts and proviided a precisee

88

McCowan, Th heodore, ‘Pre-Incaiic Huamachuco; survey and excavatiions in the northern sierrra of Peru’, in Pubblications in Ameriican Archaeology, vol. v 39, no. 4, Berkley, Un ni. of California Press, P 1945. 89 Bonavía (1978a): p. 396. 90 Niles (1999): p. p 290. 91 Bonavía (1978a): p. 396; Hardoyy (1968). 92 Hyslop (1990: p. 51) remarks that t the idea of th he boundaries of Cuzco have been the subject of indiviidual interpretation, so that the Puma attachment to Cuzco may have beeen in a metaphoriccal sense, and thatt this is still a point of disscussion. Howeverr, this author in coonversation with present p

day Cuzceñans C has noteed that for them tthe Puma city design remains a solidd truth.. 93 Lum mbreras (1974c): p. p 219. 94 Bon navía (1978a): p. 397. 3 95 Bon navía (1978b): p. 189. 1

96

CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSIS synthesis of the basic elements needed to direct construction, such as overall size, placement of apertures, fences and walls and the shape of towers.96 These models indicate the weight that Tawantinsuyu technicians gave to planimetric and volumetric studies before undertaking a project. Repetition of rectilinear principles and the inclusion of such standard urban features as plazas and regular-shaped blocks of buildings are further proof that physical planning existed among the Tawantinsuyu.97 Cuzco in the time of Inca Pachacuti was rebuilt from a master plan.98 Clay and stone models were used for the construction of cities, settlements and fortresses alike.99 Although clay representations of houses were found in Tiwanaku and Mochica ceramics these were not used as planning models.100 The exception is a possible stone model of a temple made in Kantatayita, Tiwanaku that represents the design of the Pumapunku temple.101 In early Colonial times Garcilaso de Vega, the mestizo Incan prince, records seeing a model of Cuzco and its surrounds that was probably representative of the modelling and scaling skills used under the Tawantinsuyu. He describes the occasion as follows:

Figure 84. Tawantinsuyu stone model of gate and tower (Source: Niles, 1999, Figure 9-13)

I saw the model of Cuzco and part of the surrounding areas in clay. Pebbles and sticks. It was done to scale with the squares, large and small; the streets broad and narrow; the districts and houses, even the most obscure; and the streams that flow through the city, marvellously executed. The countryside with high hills and low, flats and ravines, rivers and streams with their twists and turns were all wonderfully rendered, and the best cosmographer in the world could not have done it better.102 Garcilaso also claims that the Tawantinsuyu were capable of modelling entire geographical regions.103 Geographical modelling of regional indigenous community boundaries is still a yearly event in the Alti Plano traditions of Bolivia for territorial maintenance.

Figure 85. Tawantinsuyu stone model of a house (Source: Niles, 1999, Fig. 9-18).

96

Hardoy (1973): pp. 437,456. Hardoy (1973): p. 465. 98 Hyslop (1990): p. 27. 99 Lumbreras (1974c): p. 219; Niles (1999: p. 267), cites Betanzos as noting the first case of using a clay model when Pachacutec dreamed the new design of Cuzco, and first modelled it in clay before laying it out on the ground with string. 100 Hardoy (1973): p. 329. ‘A ceramic whistle described by Ponce Sangines (1961) has the form of a house with a steeply gabled roof and a decorated façade’, from (Lumbreras 1974c: p. 84). 101 Lumbreras (1974c): p. 63. 102 Garcilaso (BK 2, chapter 26, 1987, p. 124) translated and quoted in Hyslop (1990): p. 27. 103 Hyslop (1990): p. 27. 97

Figure 86. Stone carved Tiwanaku model of Pumapunku pyramid, found in Kantatayita at Tiwanaku (Source: Photo by L. Hasluck, 2003). 97

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 87. Ceramic model of a Chan Chan ceremony in one of the citadel plazas, on display in the Trujillo Museum (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 90. Ceramic pot in the form of a architectonic structure with platforms, stairs and buildings. Note the painted decoration on the front ‘wall’ (Source: Cáceres, 2004, p. 75 [Original: Wiesse Bank Museum Collection]).104 Figure 88. A Wari ceramic from the capital of Huari depicting housing, from the Huari Site Museum (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 91. Ceramic Tawantinsuyu model of Kancha housing complex (Source: Readers Digest, 1994, p. 60)105

104

Cáceres Macedo, J., Prehispanic cultures of Peru, in Sandweiss, D. & Cáceres, C. (trans.), Guide of Peruvian Archaeology, Lima, 2004. 105 Readers Digest, Life Among the Incas, London, readers Digest Association Ltd., 1994.

Figure 89. A Paracas Cavernas ceramic pot representing a fortified village from the Formative Period (Source: Cáceres, 2004, p. 56). 98

CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSIS necessity where they have obviously played a part in influencing the design of an urban religious complex. The first religious complexes, surrounded by urban habitation, appeared in the Supe valley coastal plain. Caral is the first planned instance of a religious complex being constructed as part of a pre-conceived idea to service an attached pre-planned urban conglomeration. In Caral there was represented all those urban designs, and some new, that were to be found in the other contemporary settlements of the Supe valley,106 such as the religious complex composed of monumental architecture of single and attached structures that will remain the basis of religious complex design until the demise of the Tawantinsuyu. Also to a lesser extent the platform and the circular plaza. On visiting Caral it became apparent that the religious complex, constructed of six stone pyramids surrounding, or in relation with, the central plaza shows one of the finest uses of formal spatial relations of public buildings and area in South America, even though it was the first planned. The frontage of each pyramid, both near and at some distance, is designed so as to make the central plaza the main focus and to always be facing towards at least one other pyramid. The inwardly central focus of the design must have given the plaza and the complex superb physical recognition of the importance of the central state authority. There were in Caral, and other centres of the Supe valley, stepped pyramids, platforms, plazas, semi-subterranean circular plazas and amphitheatres. In Llamas-Moxeque, although the designs of the two monumental temples differ from those of Caral, these were also stepped pyramids attached to a central plaza across which they faced each other, also giving recognition of the importance of the central state authority. Iconography in friezes and paintings occurs in both places. The religious complex of Tiwanaku, arguably the most important and influential in the pre-history of the Americas, also has these basic elements in common with its coastal forebears. Although its iconography is heavily influenced by the Chavín religion, the design of its religious architecture is clearly associated with the earlier ideas of the Supe and Casma valleys, as well as Chavín de Huantar and Kotosh in that it too uses stepped pyramids, sunken and public plazas, but also a new idea of enclosures.

Figure 92. Continuing traditions. Modern day use of a geographical model to depict Aymaran community boundaries, a yearly event in the Alti Plano of Bolivia. Photo taken at Patacamaya (Source: L.Hasluck, 2003).

5.4 Religious Complexes The religious complexes that make up an important and central part of urban design in the Andean urban planning tradition begin their own design tradition with the individual ceremonial centres used to serve the religious and political needs of the agglutinated populations before the widespread growth of urbanism. Once urbanism increased, ceremonial centres lost much of their importance although they continued to serve religious functions at sacred sites throughout the Andes. The centre of religious activity was then relocated into urban areas, making cities the main focus of religious and political power. It should be noted that Pachacamac, and probably Tiwanaku, continued to fulfill the role of a ceremonial centre for pilgrimages on an Andean wide basis.

On the coast in the post-Chavín period, huacas, or adobe stepped pyramids, came to be the predominant monumental religious structure in ceremonial centres. Even with the growth in urbanism during the Wari-Tiwanaku domination, the huaca continued its importance as a coastal religious form but now found itself located in the centre of the new urban setting. Galindo is an exception to this generalization due to the very small size of its huacas, or platforms, and in not

Although the design tradition for ceremonial centres, accompanied by agglutinated villages, begins before urbanism becomes extensive, the analysis in this investigation starts with the beginning of urbanism and its central religious complexes. Ceremonial centres will only be referred to of

106

99

Shady, Doloriers, Montesinos & Casas (2000): p. 21.

URBAN CONT TINUITY IN TH HE ANDES: A PR RE-HISTORICA AL PLANNING TRADITION T

Figure 93. Modern M model el of Pachacam mac´s huaca Temple Te of the Sun S after Taw wantinsuyu rem modeling (Souurce: Ravines,, no year given n, p. 90).107

Figure 94. Pachacamaca´s P s huaca Templ ple of the Sun as a it appears today. to The touurists climbingg the central staircase st give a good indicati tion of its size (Source: ( L.Ha Hasluck, 2001)..

Figure 95. A ramped adob be huaca pyram mid in the cen ntre of Pachaccamac. A desig ign shared with th its sister city ty Armatamboo (Source: L.H Hasluck, 2004) 4).

107

Ravines, R., Paachacamac, Lima, Editorial E los Pinoss E.I.R.L., (No yearr given).

100

CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSIS

Figure 96. The plan of the above ramped pyramid with its sacred plaza in front, drawn by Harth-terré (Source: Koiffman Doig, 1973, p. 447, fig. 734).

Figure 97. The Huaca de la Luna, at Moche, north coast Peru, with its grand ramp entrance (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). repeating their public ceremonial role.108 The huaca plays an important role as a religious complex in conjunction with plazas and enclosures as seen in two leading urban centres, Pachacamac and Pampas Grande. On the south coast monumental architecture was never developed, possibly due to a lack of population for assembling a large public workforce (although the impressive Nazca lines or the ceremonial centre of Cahuachi109 could perhaps be considered an expression of monumental architecture).

With the advent of the Tawantinsuyu Empire the tradition of religious complexes continued, although Cuzco displays no monumental architecture,110 nor the stepped pyramids as they were used elsewhere in the Empire (as noted above Cuzco is not the prime example of Tawantinsuyu urban planning). Perhaps Cuzco shows no monumental architecture because on the hilltop above lay the megalithic fortress of Sacsawaman which, although not a pyramid, used a stepped or terraced design and was massive and remarkable in its singular monumental design, towering over Cuzco. To attempt to equal it in Cuzco’s centre would have meant to build in its shadow. In Pachacamac they reconstructed the huaca Temple of the Sun to grander proportions, and also erected the cut stone Temple of the Mamacuna. In other provincial capitals Pyramids of the Sun were imposed upon the urban centres.

108

Bawden (1978): p. 21. Cahuachi near Nazca is the largest adobe ceremonial centre in the world. However the huacas were made from a natural base of the hills, then covered with adobe. Orefici, G. & Drusini, A., Nasca: Hipótesis y evidencias de su desarrollo cultural, vol. 2 Documentos y Investigaciónes, Lima, Centro Italiano Studi E Ricerche Archeologiche Precolombiane, 2003. 109

110

101

Hardoy (1973): p. 450.

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 98. The grand stepped temple of Sacsawaman sits above Cuzco behind, and served as Cuzco’s largest monumental structure, although the Koricancha in the city centre was religiously more important (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

Figure 99. Sacsawaman is still used as a place of religious gathering today, as can be seen in this picture of the Intiraymi ceremony held at the winter equinox in the central plaza of the complex. The central platform is a temporary construction (Source: L.Hasluck, 2003). the Moche valley (≈1200 BC), which uses a system of three consecutive plazas, decreasing in size, but increasing in sanctity to control public access to inner areas of greater sacredness.112

The construction of the major temples, and therefore loci of governmental and religious control in the centre of the cities was the first part of the deliberate manipulation of population through controlling physical access to the religious complex. This was meant to maintain elite control of the public relations with the supernatural, a control essential for the dominant power structure.111 This idea of control can first be seen in the design of ceremonial centres prior to widespread urbanism, such as Huaca de los Reyes, in

111

The plan for Caral made the central sector of the city the location of the major religious edifices and therefore the central point of its theocratic power. Before this, in the first

112 Pozorski, T., ‘The early horizon sight of Huaca de los Reyes: societal implications’, in American Antiquity, vol. 45, no. 1, 1980, pp. 100-110.

Browman (1978b): pp. 328, 344.

102

CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSIS phases of monumental construction, and again during the Chavín epoch in Middle Formative Period, these structures were located at a distance from the settlements and each religious centre was shared by a region of settlements, as was the labour for their construction and maintenance. By locating the monuments at the heart of the urban development Caral assured that in the future the base of its political and religious power would be urban-focused rather than rural, and inclusive of urban society, outlook and needs. In that way the urban world would become the focus of attention and expression of the culture, point of economic exchange, and control over the regional population. The urban focus of the society would maintain social differentiation and specialization, which in turn would maintain the basic social structures needed for urbanism and centralized politics and administration.

Tiwanaku Period, with a growth in the size of the urban populations, and complexity of monumental structures in religious complexes. This aspect of tradition is clearly demonstrated in Tiwanaku with the central location of Akapana and Pumapunku pyramids. The religious complex was then made to form an island by a surrounding moat that probably represented its relationship with the sacred Island of the Sun in Lake Titicaca.115 The central placement of a temple complex became a characteristic feature of the Tiwanaku mitmaequna, which were part of their project of cultural domination, and can be seen in such satellite towns as Pukuro-uyu, Mocachi, Chiripa, Simillake, Wankini, Santiago de Machaca, and others.116 The elite residential and ceremonial centre of Pikillacata, arranged around the central administrative and religious structures, is described by McEwan as …el sitio Pikillacta representa un producto muy complejo de una sociedad bien orginazada. Fue construido probablemente como residencia de elites políticas y religiosas, quienes administraban una parte de imperio Wari asentada en la sierra sur, y para concentrar en un lugar las funciones políticas y económicas con una población residente para centralizar esta administración provincial.117

Llamas-Moxeque repeated this idea, establishing a city in which the religious complex resided at the centre as the societal focus. This included the attachment of the administrative functions of the government. Later during the Wari-Tiwanaku Period, Pachacamac, although already settled adopted a plan that placed religious buildings and plazas as the central focal point of its sacred city centre. This is repeated by the Mochica, in Moche, Galindo and Pampas Grande, also in a less formal way by the Chimú culture at Chan Chan and Purgatorio. As previously noted the Moche urban form when placed under the socio-political stresses of environmental and social collapse created a change in their traditions, and adopted some Wari-Tiwanaku urban design ideas. The planning of the Mochica’s new southern frontier provincial city Galindo, although placing the religious structure and spaces in a central position used a new walled enclosure design for religious areas rather than the traditional huacas. This design change reflected the new political order and its need to tightly control its population, while the new Mochica capital of Pampa Grande, further north, continued to display its traditional aspects of control and access.113

This arrangement was also present in El Purgatorio, Manchan, Pachacamac, Cajamarquilla, and Cajamarca, to name a few. Cuzco not only had in its centre the Koricancha Temple of the Sun, but was also considered the sacred centre of the Empire. In the Tawantinsuyu provincial capitals, which were usually pre-existing cities, despite the fact that other structures had to be removed, the Temples of the Sun were built in their centres, marking the dominance of the Tawantinsuyu Empire. Such was the force of the Andean tradition that the central location of the religious structures signified the dominating power of the government and of the gods. For thousands of years the central position of religion dominated the urban culture, both in layout and power structure.

Chan Chan, planned as separate citadels, never developed the type of monumental planning that was such a strong part of Andean tradition, and yet its huacas remained in a central but scattered position. At the same time, religious areas and buildings also held a central position within the citadels.114 The Regional States Period generally saw the maintenance of urban design and construction begun during the Wari-

115 Isbell, W. ‘Las islas del Sol de la Luna: ¿fue este importante santuario incaico un centro religioso primario de civilizaciones andinas más antiguas? Una reseña y una critica’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001a, pp. 647- 651: p. 651 116 Browman (1978b): pp. 328, 337, 344; Ponce (1972): pp. 11, 12. 117 McEwan (1985: p. 134) ‘…the site of Pikillacta represented the product of a very complex and well organised society. It was probably constructed for the residences of political and religious elites, who administered one part of the Wari Empire seated in the southern mountains, and to concentrate in one place the political and economic functions with a resident population to centralize the provincial administration’ (translation by L.Hasluck).

113

Bawden (1982; 1996). Hardoy (1973): pp. 364-5. Hardoy (1973: p. 364) states that Chan Chan’s physical characteristics were different from other earlier preColumbian cities. Instead of the centre of the city being marked by a building or a group of buildings, the size and location of which indicated the degree of dominion of that particular religion or minority group held over the population, Chan Chan’s central features are the massive walls of the various citadels, the only features larger are the huaca pyramids (for burial and ceremonial uses) and they are distributed in different locations over the central area but they do not mark the city centre, nor impose their authority over the surrounding area. 114

103

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 100, 101. These two photos of the temple pyramids at La Centilnela demonstrate the position that they held around the main plaza. Like the Inca before them, the Catholic church recognised the importance of culturally controlling such religious sites as can be seen by the maintenance of a cross upon the largest of the pyramids which is still used for certain indigenous ceremonies (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 101. 104

CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSISS

Figure 102 above ab and beloow (Fig 103), these t photos demonstrate d the th central possition of the M Machu Picchuu temple of thee Sun which was w attached to t the central al plaza and near ne the elite housing. h Acceess was restric icted by the small sm staircasee entrance to the t top which h overlooked d the city and d surrounds. It was visible from f most arreas of the city ty (Source: L. Hasluck, 20002).

Figure 103.

105

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 104. The small peak in the background was used for gold smelting, keeping a main economic area of ideological production close to the ruling elite. The valley winds helped to raise the temperature of the furnace. The temple also acted as an astronomical observatory. The Temple of the Sun at Písac not only held the central position in the city, but also the highest vantage point, mixing the symbolic position of central and highest even more effectively than Andean pyramids (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

Figure 105. Two of the main temples, Kalassasaya and the Semi-subterranean temple located in the centre of Tiwanaku, beside the Akapana pyramid from the top of which the photograph is taken (Source: L.Hasluck, 2003 106

CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSIS

Figure 106. Pachacamac - the Old Pyramid in the foreground from Wari-Tiwanaku Period with the Tawantinsuyu Sun Temple pyramid behind. The Sun Temple, expanded under the Tawantinsuyu domination, was the seat of a wooden idol and held commanding views of the coast, its sacred islands, and across the city (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

5.5 Urban Division In the Salinar phase (Middle Formative Period) in the Moche and Virú valleys this hierarchy of settlements represented a step towards the social stratification needed for urbanism,120 while in the earlier Supe and Casma valley’s phase (Late Archaic – Early Formative Periods) the already existing urbanism, social stratification and settlement hierarchy gave rise to the first expression of a capital city, and the strong governmental and cultural centralization that it represented.121 However the creation of a capital city as the apex of settlement hierarchy and the supreme expression of social stratification and the importance and control of the theocratic state also contained these societal divisions represented in the pre-planned design. This is exactly the case in the earliest pre-planned capitals of Caral and LlamasMoxeque. The importance of the location of the cities and of the religious complex within them has been discussed previously. However other buildings such as administrative and dwellings also express by their location and relationship to the central religious complex the societal divisions, power relationships and the control of the elite ruling class.122

Agglutinated settlements were a haphazard collection of dwellings that had grown spontaneously over time and as such were not clearly demarcated. However Andean urbanism did not come into existence until there was a strong centralized theocratical government, social stratification, work specialization and a sense of planning. In the urban society, and in urban planning and design, social division was strongly physically represented. In Caral the societal divisions of this early urbanism were clearly present in the city plan. The building of Caral as a capital showed a clear intention of hierarchical division of the urbanising society, settlement hierarchy, so that contemporaneous cities were visibly divided into the most to least important by the amount effort put into the construction of public structures, both religious and administrative. The next most important cities were also located closest to the new capital; Pueblo Nuevo, Miraya, Era de Pando and Lurihausi.118 Llamas-Moxeque is also the capital of a system of satellite towns clearly in a hierarchical order, with nearby Taukachi-Konkán of a similar but lesser design.119

Caral begins a planning idea that is continued in LlamasMoxeque,123 and foreshadowed the societies to come in later

118 Shady, Dolorier, Montesinos & Casas (2000): fig.1. The criteria of most important are based on the ‘inversion of force of work’ as explained in Shady, Dolorier, Montesinos & Casas (2000): p. 20. 119 Pozorski & Pozorski (1998): pp. 87, 93; Pozorski, T., Pozorski, S., ‘El desarrollo de la sociedad compleja en el valle de Casma’, in Revista de Ciencias Sociales: Arqueología y Sociedad, vol. 13, Lima, Museo de Arqueología y Antropología, Uni. Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2000, pp. 79-98: p. 87.

120

Pozorski (1980). Pozorski & Pozorski (1998); (2000); Shady, Dolorier, Montesinos & Casas (2000): pp. 31- 2; Shady, Haas & Creamer (2001): p. 10. 122 Pozorski & Pozorski (2000); Shady (2000). 123 Llamas-Moxeque being the capital of a culture that also used the similar planning designs for its satellite centres such as Taukachi-Konkan and Manchan. 121

107

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION post-Chavín times.124 The elite housing and administrative buildings are always located as close as possible to the central religious complex and plaza, which divided the city into upper elite and lower workers housing areas.125 These same ideas were used in Tiwanaku and spread by the WariTiwanaku Empire,126 adopted in extreme measure by the late Mochica and Chimú, and became the base directive of the Tawantinsuyu pre-planning and re-modelling of cities.127

elite was responsible for the acquisition, storage, and distribution of valued commodities, as Bawden131 has shown the extreme intent of this planned relationship at Galindo, where storage structures were built on a protective hillside to which access could only be gained from the religious complex and elite housing. The centre of Caral was then primarily the domain of the ruling families. However in front of the pyramid was a public plaza with large public avenues providing access for the general public for religious and/or state occasions.132 It was important for the cohesion of the society that the general population also retained a feeling of connection to the religious, political and ideological centre of the state and society. The short lifespan of Galindo was later to show the importance of maintaining this connection.133

A striking aspect when walking in Caral is that unlike later cities that used internal walls to enforce social division, Caral is divided socially by the physical terrain into upper elite and lower workers. Interestingly this division is enhanced by a wide dry stream bed or corridor which lies as a separator between the two halves of the city, the upper bank of which is formed by the edge of the plaza of the religious complex.

In Caral the housing of the artisan and agricultural classes was located below the central elite district, using the terrain of rougher and lesser quality. Both the design of the elite and worker housing underwent changes over time, usually with the addition of internal divisions,134 representing a growth in population density and concerns for individual privacy which is a common trait with increasing urbanism. The housing of the workers was located so as to give ease of access to the terrain where they worked, and artisans to their periphery workshops, while district streets formed by the array of housing were connected to the centre by large pre-planned avenues, possibly also used for public ceremonies.

This close relationship between the administrative buildings and elite housing represented their social and political relationship to the ideological power of the state and control of access. This idea of control, as previously noted, began with control of access to sanctified areas of ceremonial centres128 and continued in the same form with access to sanctified areas of the urban religious complexes, and extended further to the control of access to the central elite housing and administrative district in cities.129 Elite housing in Caral was built beside the main pyramid and contained private passages and stairways that led directly to the sacred and restricted heart of the pyramid allowing secrete passage to and from the sacred hearth and the houses of the elite. The elite’s housing is identified not only by its proximity, but by its design with a frontal patio, better construction and materials, and by the greater use of all food resources as identified in household remains. The position of the houses is also on the better terrain.130

This form of societal control through the division of urban areas was continued in Llamas-Moxeque with a different design. Here the central plaza in a walled enclosure was faced by the two pyramids. Elite housing was not only built in the area closest and higher on the hills slope, but also directly upon the pyramids, along with administrative and storage buildings.135 This replicates the manner in which the workers’ housing in Caral stands below the central elite district. However there appears not to be the large avenues for public access, and the public access may have been restricted to ceremonial and state gatherings only. The relatively large size of the plaza does, however, indicate use for public assembly. This plan is similarly repeated in nearby Taukachi-Konkán.

The proximity of the elite housing to the administration buildings shows the elite’s concern to maintain close control and surveillance over both the religious and economic functions and resources of the state. It also shows that the

Few remains of housing exist in Tiwanaku, but there are remains of stone dwellings located both close to and directly upon the pyramids.136 The three stone palaces of Kheri-kala, Putuni and the Palace of Multi-coloured Rooms137 are also located nearby the temples and pyramids, and built around a

124

Burger, R.L., Chavin and the origins of Andean civilization, London, Thames and Hudson, 1992: p. 229. 125 Pozorski & Pozorski (2000): pp. 84 -5; Shady (2001); Shady, R., ‘CaralSupe y la costa norcentral del Perú’, in Shady & Leyva (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003c, pp. 139- 146: p. 140. 126 Huidobro Bellido, J., Tiwanaku y los Orígenes del Cuzco, La Paz, Editorial Gramma Impresión, 1993: p. 39; Huidobro Bellido, J., El Estado despótico de Tiwanaku, La Paz, Centro de Investigaciones Etnoarqueologicas, 1994: p. 9; Kaulicke (2001): p. 504. 127 Huidobro (1993): p. 39. 128 Pozorski (1980) 129 Bawden, G., ‘Life in the pre-Columbian town of Galindo’, in Field Museum of Natural History Bulletin, vol. 49, no. 3, 1978, pp. 16-23: p. 17. 130 Shady, Dolorier, Montesinos & Casas (2000): p. 25; Shady, Haas & Creamer (2001): p. 27.

131

Bawden (1978): p. 17; (1996): p. 85. Shady, Dolorier, Montesinos & Casas (2000); Shady (2001). 133 Bawden (1996): p. 288. 134 Shady, Doloerier, Montesinos & Casas (2000); Shady (2001), 135 Pozorski & Pozorski (1998): pp. 88 - 89. 136 Alconini Mujica, S., Rito, símbolo e historia en la pirámide de Akapana, Tiwanaku: un análisis de cerámica ceremonial prehispánica, La Paz, Editorial Acción, 1995; Kolata, A., The Tiwanaku: portrait of an Andean civilization, Cambridge, Mass., Blackwell, 1993: p. 117. 137 Huidobro (1994): p. 9. 132

108

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Figure 107. A Peruvian excavator stands in front of the remains of Elite housing at Supe Caral, built beside one of the main pyramids in the central plaza, to which it had private access via a secrete stairway (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 108. On the left side of this road was lower Caral, the area where workers housing was predominant, on the right the religious complex, plaza and elite housing. The stream bed on which this tourist road is built also formed a natural division between the upper and lower parts of the city (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). 109

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 109. This wall divided the main Huari religious sector from the rest of the city. The main part of the city lies on the hill slope behind. Walls up to three storeys high formed the internal divisions of enclosures and housing, patios and plazas can still be seen in the cleared areas (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 110. Internal wall dividing the elite Huari residences from other parts of the city (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

110

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Figure 111. Internal wall divisions in the Huari city centre, forming streets, plazas and public buildings, some of three storeys or more high (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 112. The upper dividing wall of Huari city that separated the elite area on the front hillside from the worker and artisan area behind. The walls at Huari clearly show the idea of internal division of the city into separate areas and control of access. The size of the wall for internal division are extremely large since they do not serve a military function, but as in Galindo may serve to reinforce a political position (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

111

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION central patio. There also existed large avenues for easy public access to the religious complex.138 The fact that WariTiwanaku houses its elite and administration in the position of central control means that in all probability the rest of the Tiwanaku elite housing was also located centrally.139 Kolata, a Tiwanaku expert, states that there was……a principle of urban order at Tiwanaku that we might describe as a concentric cline of the sacred that diminished in intensity from the city core to its peripheries. Within this framework of urban order keyed to conceptions of the sacred, the inhabitants of Tiwanaku occupied physical space in accordance with their relative social and ritual status. At the highest level, ritual status was identified and partially merged with political authority. The upper echelons of the Tiwanaku elite monopolized for their residences the innermost, and most sacred, core of the artificial island. The notion that there was some image of concentricity in the mind of the people of Tiwanaku which shaped conceptions of proper order within their capital is reinforced by the presence of two additional, although partial moats situated further to the east of the primary moat completely encircling Tiwanaku’s monumental architecture.140

Further, the Tiwanaku society made a differentiation and spatial division between the people who dealt with the relations between gods and men, and those who were consumers and organizers of the production and economy utilized for the religious elite, which also helped to maintain the hierarchy of repression.144 The exporters of the religious ideology used the iconographic symbols of the terrain and of the power of their gods in a despotic manner.145 Baudin states that in Tawantinsuyu ‘[t]his dualism extended to all fields without exception, material as well as spiritual’.146 The use of large avenues to create a further divisive effect probably began in Tiwanaku and was again used by the WariTiwanaku in cities such as Pachacamac and in Pikillacta and Viracochapampa.147 Lumbreras148 describes how Pikillacta was divided into sectors or ‘barrios’ surrounded by walls up to 10m high, and how the residential areas contained, straight, long and narrow streets and several large plazas surrounded by elite houses and administration. Access and internal movement was so strictly controlled that there are few entrances and movement within the city must have been difficult, with direction-finding made even harder by the monotonous repetition of design. 149

Like its coastal predecessors in the Supe and Casma valleys, the Tiwanaku culture used and formalised a dualist or moity system, known as mitad, meaning a division into two sectors.141 This was also used by the Tawantinsuyu where this system divided the city and its residents, by duality and hierarchy, into an upper and lower city, creating separate areas of social hierarchy. The upper city was reserved for the elite while the lower city was for the workers and foreigners.142 Ponce in Huidobro is cited as stating En Tiwanaku estaba vigente la organización social dualista, con la división de dos mitades, por el seccionamiento del ámbito urbano, con las siguientes parcialidades y de modo similar a lo que aconteció en el ulterior Cuzco inkaico. Se deduce por la impugnable existencia de una correlación direccional SO-NE dentro del área citadina, emergente de un eje de 45º con respecto al norte geográfico entre los templos terraplenados de Kalasasaya y Pumapunku, de suerte que el uno y otro habrían pertenecido a cada mitad elucidada.143

Pachacamac and Tiwanaku were the two leading religious cities and the avenues appear not to divide the housing suburbs, as would later be the case in Cuzco. The avenues divided only the central elite district into quarters in which different temples and pyramids stood. In the final phase of Pachacamac the sacred city was constructed of seven major parts which included stepped pyramids, ramped pyramids, courtyards and plazas, lagoon, residential sector, cemetery and the stone Temple of Mamacuna. Pachacamac’s central elite district, after the Wari-Tiwanaku, and then later increased by the Ichma and Tawantinsuyu,150 was enclosed by a large wall with a walkway151 which served to restrict general access to the city centre. Its internal enclosures of temples and plazas formed a complex system of controlled access. The internal design of the walled city was area, appearing as an axis of 45 degrees with respect to the northern geography between the raised temples of Kalasasaya and Pumapunku, by destiny the one and other are made to belong to each mitad mentioned (translation L.Hasluck). 144 Janusek, J. ‘Diversidad residencial y el surgimiento de la complejidad en Tiwanaku’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 251- 294: p. 278. 145 Huidobro (1994): p. 10. 146 Baudin, L., Daily Life of the Incas, New York, Dover Publishing Inc., Original Publication 1961c, unabridged Dover Ed. 2003: p. 50. 147 Hardoy (1973): p. 348; Kauffmann (1973): Figure 732; Lumbreras (1974c): p. 168. 148 Lumbreras (1974c): p. 168. 149 McEwan (1985); Spickard (1985): p. 79. 150 Hyslop (1990): p. 153. 151 There is no evidence to suggest that the wall served a military defensive role.

138

Hardoy (1973): p. 336; Ponce (1972). Hardoy (1973): pp. 338, 343, 348; Ibarra Grasso, D., De Mesa, J. & Gisbert, T., ‘Reconstruccion de Taypicala (Tiahuanaco)’, in Cuadernos Americanos, vol. 14, 1955, pp. 149-176: p. 160; Spickard (1985). This is demonstrated in the plans of Viracochapampa, Pikillacta and Huari. 140 Kolata (1993): p. 93, 94. 141 Kolata (1993): p. 100. Kolata also maintains that Tiwanaku was probably multi-ethnic and plurilinguistic of at least three distinct social groups; Pakina, Uru and Aymara. 142 Huidoboro (1993): p. 39; Albarracin Jordan, J., Tiwanaku - arqueologia regional y dinamica segmentaria, Bolivia, Plural Editors, 1996: p. 83. 143 Huidobro (1993): p. 39. In Tiwanaku there was a valid socially dual organization, with the division into two mitades, for the sectioning of the urban landscape, with these following biases and the manner similar to the occurrence in the subsequent Inca Cuzco. It is possible to deduce the incontestable existence of a directional correlation SW-NE within the city 139

112

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Figure 113. The centre of Pachacamac was a maze of divisions based around the cross roads of the north-south and eastwest thoroughfares. In the centre of this photo can be seen the wall that divided the centre of the city with the elite and religious housing and structures from the workers barrios, which were located below the present day village and to the left of it in the sandy desert (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

Figure 114. Plan of the city of Pachacamac 1). Sun Temple; 2). Temple of the Moon (Mamacona); 3). Pachamama Temple; 4). Urpihuachac Temple; 5). Mamaconas (convent) of the Pachacamac Temple; 6). Pilgrim’s square; 7). Urpihuachac Lagoon; 8). Pyramid with ramp; 9). Site Museum 10). Palace Tauri Chumbi; 11). House of the Quipu; 12). The First Temple (adobe); 13). Elite Resedencial Section; Also note the central area divided by the major avenues. The general housing section of which nothing remains to be seen is the blank area at the bottom of the map, outside of the city centre walls (Source: Kauffman, 1973, p. 447). 113

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 115. This model of the centre of Pachacamac displaying the probable reconstruction of the major buildings, avenues and plazas in the pre-colonial period clearly demonstrates the way the area was divided by avenues and plazas and controlled access to various areas. The plaza ‘Pilgrims Square’ with the two gazebo rows in its centre – (upper left) is where pilgrims waited fasting from months to a year as they waited to visit the Sun Temple above. The use of high internal walls managed the pedestrian flow. The street in the centre joined the religious complex with the outside workers housing. From the Pachacamac Site Museum (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 116. The centre of Pachacamac, on the right can be seen one of the internal dividing walls of the religious centre. The tourist road runs through the centre of Pilgrims Square (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

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Figure 117. Excavations taking place in Pilgrims Square, the rows of pillars that held up the roof of the long pagodas still show above the surface of the sand. Here pilgrims waited, fasting for an interview with the oracle, it was divided from the rest of the city and access severely controlled (Source: l.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 118. A possible reconstruction of Tiwanaku – divided by two main thoroughfares into quarters housing three different temple complexes; 1). Akapana pyramid; 2). Kalasasaya temple; 3). Semi-subterranean temple; 4). Palace; 5) Pumapunku temple; 6). Puerta de la Luna platform. Common housing was located in the area without a number. Lake Titicaca lies over the horizon (Source: Ibarra, Mesa & Gisbert, 1955, p. 165). 115

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION such that access to the seven different parts of the city and temple complexes was under the strictest control and designed in a series of courtyards, plazas and thoroughfares to supervise all movement. This same design also controlled access to water within the city, which used a complex system of reservoirs and canals fed from the Lurin river. The workers housing district was located outside of the walls to the north, with little direct access to water, except the ocean for fishing. However nothing of it remains today.152

government, the rising importance of secular authority over sacred and weak ideological control over the population. They were probably unable to force or coerce a large workforce for monumental constructions.157 In Mochica sites the most elaborate residential structures, the homes of the rulers, were located on or adjacent to the great platforms and compounds that symbolized supreme state authority. In Galindo some of these elite houses were associated with facilities used for bulk storage and corrals where llamas were kept, signifying that the occupants controlled a portion of the communities economic resources and were responsible for the acquisition, storage and distribution of valued commodities.158 In contrast the working classes were permitted access only to the plains workshops for the purposes of labouring.159

Bawden comments on the generally rigid residential access maintained by the late Moche: In the Mochican urban centres the residential access was strictly controlled and limited mainly to administrators and the artisans who created the brilliant inventory of elite items now regarded as Moche art, for this they can be regarded as specialized symbolic centres of ceremony and power. These were occupied by large variegated populations clustered around the most prominent structures.153

In Galindo the new and unstable state with its ideological and increasingly secular basis that was different in some ways from the older Andean traditions, made a complete separation of the elite from the working classes. This was manifest in the physical design of the city and ideologically by the restriction of public access to the religious foundation, the cercaduras, enclosed ceremonial platforms and plazas. This situation of severity was not repeated elsewhere and Galindo did not survive for long - only two centuries. In Pampa Grande, formed at the same time as Galindo, the usual use of a central monumental religious complex and attached elite and administrative buildings is seen. There was no break from the tradition of public access to the religious complex as witnessed by the enormous Huaca Grande a testament to their ability to raise a large workforce and maintain control over the population.160

By contrast Galindo was built as a city in two parts and incorporates several quite distinct topographical areas, each naturally segregated from the others. The lower plains district was divided from the upper hillside district by a massive wall and parallel moat allowing limited access from the one to the other. The elite lived in the lower plains (Fig. 121, Plain A1, A2, B) while the labourers lived on the difficult slopes (Hillside A). 154 The city was further divided internally into walled compounds while the religious structures, now platforms rather than true huacas,155 were in a separate walled compound in the elite plains district on the low slopes (Plain A1, B) where they were visible from the residential area, as were the areas for communal storage, administration and elite artisans.

157

Bawden (1978): pp. 17, 18, 21; (1982): p. 300; (1996): pp. 85, 86, 288. Bawden (1978): pp. 18, 21; (1982): pp. 299- 300, 314; (1996): pp. 8586). 159 Bawden (1982). 160 Bawden (1978): pp. 17- 8; (1996): p. 294- 6. Bawden (1996: pp. 291- 3) states further that, ‘[a]lthough at first glance the magnitude of change in the northern valley of Lambayeque appears to have matched the Moche Valley, deeper examination reveals a substantial degree of continuity. The city of Pampa Grande, like Galindo, was a large urban settlement established over a short period of time at the neck of its valley without any significant local antecedent. Pampa Grande far exceeds Galindo, or any other late Moche settlements, in the density of its residential zones, the size of its monumental architecture, and the formal planning that pervades its huge corporate centre. In fact, it is because of these urban qualities that Pampa Grande has often been regarded as the capital of a reconstituted late Moche state, following the decline of Cerro Blanco [Moche] site and the loss of the southern valleys. The core government at Pampa Grande is a vast corporate precinct which contains several units of elaborate architecture that were the loci of community administration and religious integration. The functional and formal compartmentalization of these architectural units suggests the presence of a highly differentiated and well-integrated managerial structure. Enclosed within the perimeter walls of the central precinct were a number of specialized craft workshops which produced the metal and ceramic symbols of high status. These workshops were of standardized architectural plan and careful construction as befitted the locations of activities important to broader social integration. Given the central role of their products to Moche society it is not surprising that access to these workshops was indirect and guarded.’ 158

In a complete break from Moche and coastal tradition, the huacas, where ceremonies could be publicly viewed, were replaced by ceremonial plazas (cercaduras), protected by high walls with limited access where the ceremonies were made in privacy for the elite, whose houses were either attached or nearby for private access.156 All this serves to represent on the ground the social differentiation and internal tension of a politically unstable state, with a weak centralized

152

Gisbert, T., ‘Pachacamac y los dioses del Callao’, in Reunión Anual de Etnología 1990, La Paz, MUSEF: Museo Nacional de Etnografía y Folklore, 1990, pp. 13- 30: p. 20. 153 Bawden (1996): pp. 80, 81. 154 Bawden (1978: p. 21) sees close similarities between the district of poor housing in Galindo, where all water and food must be carried up the steep slope to crude housing, and the modern shanty towns of South America. 155 Bawden (1982: p. 295) states that the body of the huaca, so massive at Huaca del Sol in Moche, has, in the Galindo structure, shrunk to a bare minimum necessary to achieve the shape required by this architectural form, and largely reconstitutes the re-modelling of the natural topography into a raised platform. 156 Bawden (1990); (1982).

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Figure 119. Here, the flats where the elite of Galindo lived can be seen divided from the hillside (hillside A on the map, figure 127) above where the workers lived by the Outwash Channel (and moat) and the wall above it (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 120. The extensive wall at Galindo that internally divided the city between the elite on the lower flats and the workers on the hillside above (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

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Figure 121. Cercadura or religious compound with low platform built in place of huacas at Galindo. The enclosure is the wari-Tiwanaku design influence (Source: Bawden, 1982, p. 298).

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Figure 122. Site map of Galindo. Note the walled division of the city with common housing on Hillside A separated from the elite, administrative and storage areas. Careful use has been made of the natural features to reinforce societal divisions. Storage areas are approachable on their protective hillsides only from the elite area (Source: Bawden, 1982, p. 291). métiers (corporations) ou sur des classes sociales bien stratifiées.163

Another similar example was Chan Chan that had a cultural continuity with Galindo. In Chan Chan an extreme approach was taken in which only access to the citadels was controlled, and the public continued to use the huacas. Chan Chan was highly differentiated by social group, related architectural context and urban plan.161 Bonavía162 sees this as a similarity with contemporaneous Cuzco, in that they use the same concept of control of access inside the city.

For Bawden it is important to note that the pattern of functionally compartmentalized homes and socially segregated population groups was not always present on the north coast. The prevalent Gallinazo and later Chimú residential pattern, with the exception of the highest social strata, does not exhibit the rigid differentiation of the later Mochica phases such as created at Galindo. Further Bawden states that This more generalized pattern spatially conforms more closely to the pattern of Andean holistic society where principles of kinship rather than class are the basis for social order. The late Moche pattern, as seen most vividly

There are, however, also important similarities between the design of Cajamarquilla and Chan Chan, as noted by Cavatrunci: La division de la ville en quartiers – pourtant moins claire que dans le cas des unités (compounds) de Chan Chan – chacun avec sa place et sa huaca, et les différents types d’édifices marquent le rythme des espaces sociaux avec des modalités d’accès différenciés entre dés groupes, soit qu’ils auraient été structurés sur base de rapports de descendance (divisions claniques), sur la spécialisation des

161 162

163

Cavatrunci, C., ‘Cajamarquilla: un centre urbain de la Cote Centrale’, in S. Purin (ed.), Inca-Peru, 3000 ans d'histoire, Bruxelles, 1990, pp. 224-234: p. 229. The division of the city in quarters – clearly shown in the case of the units (compounds) of Chan Chan – each with his place and his huaca, and the different types of buildings show the rhythm of the social spaces and the different designs between the groups, they were structured on the basis of descendant relations (clan divisions) or on the specialisation of jobs (corporations) or on the basis of social class stratification. (Translation L.Hasluck).

Bawden (1990): p. 165. Bonavía (1978a): p. 397.

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION at Galindo, indicates a progressive trend toward social differentiation…this trend was ensured by an extreme form of physical coercion imposed by the rulers. Such separation strongly suggests social tension.164

aristocracy, but there were however struggles within the aristocracy for succession. With the expansion of the Tawantinsuyu Empire and the revival of large urban planning projects, whether new or remodelled, the division and control of the urban area again came into general planning use. Cuzco may not be the best example of Tawantinsuyu urban planning but it does show the most complex use of the tradition of urban division, the symbolic significance of which will be discussed later. Netherly170 notes that quadripartite division within settlements as expressed in both site organization and architectural planning have been found to have a time depth extending back to the pre-ceramic Archaic Period on both the north and central coasts. In Cuzco this is clearly manifested in the main avenues that divided the city into four quarters, representing the four districts of the empire.171

At the time of the Spanish conquest it is clear that the north coast had a political and social moiety system of duality and hierarchy that was part of its long tradition.165 There were few changes during the Regional States Period, the form of the existing urban centres was maintained and only small settlements were created due to the lack of a strong centralized government for the planning and construction of large works.166 The exception to this, of course, is the Chimú city of Chan Chan with its several planned citadels surrounded by semi-designed settlement, and its use of satellite cities connecting the other valleys under the Chimú Empire. Bonavía notes similarities between the access control of the Chimú and Tawantinsuyu capitals: …the citadel was designed in such a manner that access to it was strictly controlled. In most cases this had to be single file, because of the narrowness of the passage ways. This control was exercised from special sentry boxes, probably occupied by expert trusted staff. If we add to this what we already know about Chanchán, and read the descriptions of pre-Columbian Cuzco, we seem in fact to be face to face with the same phenomenon – the same concept. Valcárcel (1924:21)167 tells us that ‘each family or lineage occupied an enclosure apart’ in the Inca capital. ‘These large separate enclosures had an original arrangement: a single door gave access to the inside; the latter was a labyrinth of narrow passages (killas) and rooms which opened upon large or small areas, similar to Spanish patios. Each of the royalty’s enclosures had orchards, gardens, baths, large sitting rooms, waterclosets, halls, courtyards, etc.168

The central plaza created by Inca Pachacuti moved the centre of the city north a few hundred metres around which the succeeding Incas arranged their palaces. Under the new design the city was divided into twelve parts like a clock face.172 The Incas Kancha, ayllu palaces or housing complexes were in the most central and raised position. Access to the elite central district was strictly controlled,173 although the large plaza was also used for public, military and religious occasions. Cuzco, like Tiwanaku, was also divided into an upper and lower city: Hanan Cuzco (north), the upper and higher elite district with the central palaces for the royal ayllus and visiting dignitary; and Hurin Cuzco (south), the lower area for artisans and foreigners.174 However this division was not demonstrated in the architecture of the streetscape.175 In fact Hyslop argues that The two halves correspond to a dual or moiety division in Inka society and are fundamental for understanding Cuzco’s design and the planning of other Inka settlements’.176

This extreme form of access control had clearly risen in the Andean tradition by the Regional States and Tawantinsuyu Periods. Katz169 believes that the strictly guarded access to the centre of Cuzco was one of the reasons there were no struggles between the plebian layer of society and the

170

Netherly (1990): p. 470. Hardoy (1968): p. 47; Nertherly (1990): p. 481. 172 Hardoy (1973): pp. 434-436. 173 Bonavía (1978a): p. 397. 174 Baudin (1961b): p. 30; Hardoy (1973): p. 440; Kolata (1993): p. 99. It is interesting to note Garcilaso de Vega’s (1617) explanation of the way in which the Inca converted the essentially reciprocal notion of duality into one of superiority, quoted in Schaedel (1988: p. 770), ‘In this way began to be populated our imperial city, divided into two parts called Hanan Cozco, which as you know means upper Cozco, and Hurin Cozco, which is lower Cozco. Those whom the king brought he wanted to settle in Hanan Cozco, and therefore it was called ‘upper’; and those whom the queen gathered he wanted to settle in Hurin Cozco, and therefore it was called ‘lower’. This division of the city was not so that those of one half might have an advantage over those of the other half in privileges; rather, all were equal as brothers, sons of one father and one mother ‘. Yet as Hyslop (1990: p. 47) affirms, the hierarchy between the two halves clearly existed. 175 Hyslop (1990): p. 62. 176 Hyslop (1990): p. 47. On page 144, Hyslop explains about the regions outside of Cuzco, that the ‘Hanan division was representative of peoples directly related to Cuzco, such as the Inkas themselves or loyal mitmaq [mitmae], where as the Hurin division was associated with non-Inka peoples who were native or original inhabitants’. 171

164

Bawden (1996): p. 86. Dillehay, T. D., ‘La organización dual en los Andes: el problema y la metodología de investigación en el caso de San Luis, Zana’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, vol. 2, 1998, pp. 37-60; Lumbreras (1974): p. 202; Netherly, P.J., ‘The management of late Andean irrigation systems on the north coast of Peru’, in American Antiquity, vol. 49, no. 2, 1984, pp. 227254; Netherly (1990): p. 463. 166 Schaedel (1978): p. 44. 167 Valcárcel, Luis. E., ‘El Cuzco pre-colombino’, Revista Universitaria, vol. 13, no. 44- 45, 1924, pp. 16- 29. 168 Bonavía (1978a): p. 397. 169 Katz, F., ‘A comparison of some aspects of the evolution of Cuzco and Tenochtitlan’, in S. Tax (ed.),Urbanization in the Americas from its Beginnings to the Present, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978, pp. 203-214: p. 211. 165

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Figure 123. Upper ‘elite’ barrio at Machu Picchu, centrally situated, beside the main plaza and temple (Source: photo L. Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 124. Above and Below (Fig. 125), the outer wall of the Chan Chan citadel of Bandelier, demonstrating the rigid control of access and the internal divisions of the city between the elite citadel dwellers and the surrounding workers and artisans. The size of the walls built for non-military reasons is remarkable (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 125. Despite the erosion the enormous adobe the outer wall of the Bandalier citadel remains standing (Source: L. Hasluck, 2004). 121

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION In Machu Picchu, Huánuco Viejo, Tambo Colorado and all other Tawantinsuyu cities, the two central districts were divided into a western upper part and an eastern lower part.177 This division thereafter came to be enforced in all towns large or small throughout the Empire.178 This type of division continued into modern times. Baudin mentions the example of the isolated village of Collana near La Paz in Bolivia, that in 1941 still maintained their traditional dualist and ayllu divisions of the village plaza. On festival days all the villagers knew in which part of the plaza to stand, depending on their social position and ayllu membership.179 5.6 Thoroughfares, Roads and Stairways The streets of a city played a very important role in controlling the population’s movement and access to the various parts of the city. Apart from the large thoroughfares often used to orientate the city design or to divide the urban area into districts, it is very difficult to prove that the smaller streets and alleyways were ever part of a preconceived plan, and were not formed by the association of domestic or administrative architecture. The exceptions to this are when an obviously rigid planning design has been used as in the grid layout at Moche or, the trapezoidal grid layout of Ollantaytambo, or the system of right-angled streets as in Chan Chan’s citadels or Viracochapampa and Pikillacta.

Figure 126. 17th century plan of Cuzco. Note the unrealistic grid layout (Source: Hardoy, 1968: Fig. 54).

Hardoy’s180 analysis of Pikillacta’s street system revealed that it was more efficient than Viracochapampa’s and seems to have been directly related to the specific uses attributed to each district. In both cases the streets were little more than corridors between blind stone walls, functionally adequate for the circulation of the townspeople as well as cargo transported by llamas and porters. Old Spanish maps of Cuzco show a grid system but these have been proven to be misrepresentations. In fact in the centre of the city the streets outlined a pattern of trapezoidal and elongated blocks,181 occupied by the royal palaces, religious and administrative buildings. These were typically urban characteristics of Tawantinsuyu cities, found only in the Empire’s principle centres or in especially planned settlements.182 A form of alleyway that can be understood to have been part of a preconceived plan can be seen in those passages that gave private access to the religious or administrative buildings for the ruling elite. The first case of this is in Caral where private passages were designed into the pyramids to connect them to the nearby elite housing giving secret entrance and exit. The private staircase ascended directly to the most guarded and sacred area atop the pyramid.183 The Llamas-Moxeque and

Figure 127. Compare the previous plan with this late 19th century one done by the explorer E.G.Squier who has tried for accuracy and succeeded remarkably well (Source: Hardoy: Fig. 53).

177

Hardoy (1973): p. 463. 178 Schaedel (1988): p. 770. 179 Baudin (2003): p. 44. 180 Hardoy (1973): p. 348. 181 Hyslop (1990: p. 59) describes the city blocks as an orthogonal system. 182 Hardoy (1973): p. 447. 183 Shady (2000); (2001).

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CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSIS These types of private housing enclosures, or family districts, have only a single entrance to the outside and access was strictly regulated. These mini-districts and self contained streets are entirely private and represent the height of Andean urban social division.

Figure 129. This outer perimeter street from the Chan Chan Tschudi citadel of several meters width varies greatly from the narrower central streets (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 128. The entrance to the Sun Temple at Pachacamac to which access was strictly controlled. This street leading to the first level would have only been used by the religious elite or those with their permission (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001). Tiwanaku pyramids had dwelling areas built upon them for a minority sacerdotal class elite that guaranteed them private access. Cuzco had a system of subterranean passages that led from the central district with its religious buildings to the temple and fortress of Sacsawaman.184 These private passages undoubtedly played a role in the control of access and esoteric knowledge. The access to the urban elite centre of Cuzco was so strictly controlled that these central streets might also be classified as private passages. The elite district of Galindo also comes into this type of classification.

Figures 130, 131, 132. Internal street scenes from Chan Chan´s Tschudi citadel, after restoration, far narrower to restrict access (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

A second type of private street or passage comes with the use of family or clan enclosures as may be witnessed with the numerous palaces of Cuzco or the citadels of Chan Chan. In these cases the enclosures, palaces and citadels form whole private districts complete with plazas, houses surrounding patios, gardens, storage and a connection of small streets. 184

Childress, D. H., ‘Subterranean tunnels & the hollow earth’, World Explorer, vol. 2, no. 3, (no year given); Garcilaso (no year given): p. 50; Lima, E., ‘Hallan túnel subterráneo bajo la ciudad de Cusco’, El Diario, La Paz, 10.03.2003.

Figure 131.

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URBAN CONT TINUITY IN TH HE ANDES: A PR RE-HISTORICA AL PLANNING TRADITION T

Figure 132.

Figuure 134. Terrrace street in n elite housin ng section off Macchu Picchu, designed d to m manage the mountainside m e locaation (Source: photo. p by L. H Hasluck, 20022).

Figure 133. A perimeterr street in onee of the citade dels of Chan Chan as a it was when n Holstein exp xplored in the early 20th century (Source: ( Holsstein, 1927, p.444).

Figure 135. The closely packed pa elite hoousing barrio at a Tambo Collorado, situate ted on the highher ground ovverlooking thee main plaza, intercity in road,, fields and thee rest of the tow own (Source: L.Hasluck, L 200 004). 124

CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSIS monumental constructions.187 Cuzco also used the crossroads of two major avenues to divide the city into four quarters representing the four districts of the Empire, pointing to the cardinal points,188 and along which military stores were kept.189 The roads developed into a radial pattern as they extended out through the districts.190 Viracochapampa was divided into two sections by a thoroughfare that ran from north to south.191

Figure 137. Hypothetical reconstruction of the main North-South street in Pachacamac (Source: Ravines, p. 30, no year given).

Figure 136. An internal street scene inside the elite living area of Tambo Colorado, the narrowness helps restrict access, and shows that the area did not receive deliveries by llama but was reserved for human traffic only (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

As stated earlier the design of public thoroughfares is more difficult to determine, except for major public avenues leading to ceremonial areas for ease of access on public ceremonial occasions. Bawden185 finds for the planned urban areas in the late Mochica that there were both large thoroughfares for the movement of people and animals, and smaller alleyways in residential areas linking houses to the main thoroughfares that tied suburbs to the central plazas, temples and administration buildings -- the centres of ideology and state powers.

Figure 138. An old photograph, probably mid-20th century, of the remains of the North-South street in Pachacamac looking south (Source: Ravines, p. 30, no year given.

The main thoroughfares in Tiwanaku were to aid public access and also to create a monumental vista and so enhance awe of the theocratic state authority. They also helped to orientate the city plan with two cross-roads running to the cardinal points.186 In Pachacamac we find this design repeated with the two major thoroughfares running roughly towards the cardinal points, while also aiding in the vista of the 185 186

187

Kauffman (1973): Figure 732. Hardoy (1968): p. 47. 189 Hardoy (1973): p. 444. 190 Hyslop (1990): p. 59. 191 Hardoy (1973): p. 348. 188

Bawden (1996). Browman (1978b): p. 330; Hardoy (1973): p. 332.

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 139. This is the same view as Figure 138 (above) but looking from the opposite direction, towards the north. Partial reconstruction of the walls have been completed (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 141. A view eastwards up the thoroughfare, note the use of short stairs to manage the changing topography (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 140. The main thoroughfare of Pachacamac, looking westwards towards the ocean as it gradually descend by long platforms and stairs (Source: L. Hasluck, 2004).

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Figure 142. This photo is an amalgamation of two photos to show the intersection of the north-south and east-west main streets in the centre of Pachacamac (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 144. Internal main street of Huari, with high walls and wide avenues in the centre of the city. This leads towards the main temple (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 143. A modern street scene in Cuzco. No one is sure exactly how the street pattern has changed after conquest but some of the old avenues still follow the routes marked out by the original foundations of the buildings, such as this corner with the Plaza Armas, where Quechuan women lean against an original palace wall selling herbal medicines (Source: L.Hasluck,2001).

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 145. A wide perimeter street at Huari, hedged in by high walls of the elite housing section (Source: L. Hasluck, 2994).

Figures 146, 147. Above and below. Internal streets of La Centilnela (Central coast), a city which operated within a system of intercity roads radiating out from it. Note the use of high internal walls, common throughout the Andes for internal city division (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 148. View of the main street leading into Machu Picchu from Cuzco and running above one of the upper elite housing districts, it joins the plaza directly with the intercity road (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 147. 128

CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSIS

Figure 149. A view over the elite district of Machu Picchu and the plaza, showing the layout of the streets built to conform to the terraced topography. In the foreground is included the ¨Royal Mausoleum Group¨ or the heart of Macchu Picchu (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 151. Lower Písac

Figures 150, 151, 152, 153 (below) Street scenes from the centre of Písac, like Machu Picchu it was built to conform with he terraced topography of the city constructed on a steep mountain slope. P´isaqa complex (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001). 129

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 152. K´alla K´asa complex

Figure 153. P´isaqa complex

Figure 155. A modern day street scene in the ancient town of Ollantaytambo, which has had continuous habitation at least from the Tawantinsuyu period (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 154. An internal street at Incahuasi in the Cañete valley (Central Coast) leading down towards the terraced fields and river flats, but also connecting directly with the centre of the settlement. The one meter yellow rod indicates width of the street (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). 130

CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN ANALYSIS

Figure 156. The Tawantinsuyu major road system linking together the urban centres into a network. There were a vast amount of smaller roads, mainly still unrecorded, that linked together small and outlying settlements, forts and mines (Source: Von Hagen, 1976, p. 18).192 The192Wari-Tiwanaku and later Tawantinsuyu Empires also used a different type of thoroughfare, one which connected the city plaza to the external intercity road network. This avenue was wide and public, chiefly for military and economic reasons such as troop movement and the traffic of large llama caravans upon which the pan-Andean Empires relied. Hardoy193 notes that Pikillacta’s streets fed into the main plaza and centre of commerce, and the only access to the city was by the main road that crossed it from east to west, and continued externally on either side. For the Tawantinsuyu these city to city roads formed a network upon which all the capitals were located: Quito, Huancapampa, Cajamarca, Huánuco Viejo, Jauja, Vilcas, Cuzco and Ayavire were joined by the highland road, while Túmbez, Chan Chan and Pachacamac were connected by the coastal road.194

The road network was begun by previous civilizations such as Tiwanaku and Wari-Tiwanaku in the highlands,195 using pan-Andean trade routes, while on the north coast the Mochica, in the Moche, Casma and Virú valleys under the Wari-Tiwanaku Empire196 and later the Chimú both used excellent road systems connecting valleys and internal valley systems.197 In the Chincha valley (south coast) the largest city, La Centilnela, mainly built by the Chincha before the Tawantinsuyu, was the hub of a system of straight roads

195 Hardoy (1973): p. 329; Stockman, K.S., Pre-Colonial highways of Bolivia: part 1: the La Paz - Yungas route via Palca, La Paz, Academia Nacional de Ciencias de Bolivia, 1967. 196 Hardoy (1973: p. 341) notes that the Wari-Tiwanaku period in the Virú Valley is characterized by an efficient canal system, walled enclosures, and a broad straight road about ten meters wide, partially bounded by walls of stone or adobe, that crossed the lower Virú Valley in a southeast-northwest direction completing the existing network of local roads, connecting the Virú with the neighbouring valleys; Kaulicke (2001): p. 512. 197 Bawden (1996); Hardoy (1973): pp. 312, 317, 341, 422); Rivera Sundt, O., ‘El camino prehispanico de Takesi’, in Jornadas Peruano-Boliviano de Estudio Científico del Altiplano Boliviano y del Sur del Peru, vol. 2 Arqueología en Bolivia y Perú, 1977, pp. 333- 337; Thompson (1964): p. 99.

192 von Hagen, V. W., The Royal Road of the Inca, London, Gordon & Cremonesi, 1976. 193 Hardoy (1973): p. 343. 194 Hardoy (1973): p. 408.

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Figure 159. The Colla-suyu road from Cuzco to Lake Titicaca. Note that Tiwanaku is not shown, as it was in ruins by the time of the Inca, and it has only recenty been discovered that the Incas maintained a small religious settlement beside the Pumapunku temple (Source: von Hagen, 1976, p. 106).

Figure 157. The Chincha-suyu road from Vilcas-huaman to Cuzco (Source: von Hagen, 1976, p. 66). Figures 157, 158, 159, 160, 161 (below). To give the reader a clearer understanding of how extensive and busy Tawantinsuyu road system was, these maps drawn by von Hagen from his meticulous exploration of the system during the mid-20th century show only the major towns upon the routes, which are many, and not the smaller towns, settlements, forts and villages (Source: von Hagen, 1976).

This system of roads allowed a rapid and vast communication using especially trained runners, to cover a distance of approximately 240 kilometers a day.201 The linkage of roads was probably part of a larger urban design. The Tawantinsuyu comprehended their empire through their system of roads rather than through provinces.202 The large intercity roads in the time of the Tawantinsuyu usually passed through the main plaza of the cities, not only for the ease of loading and unloading goods, but also to make sure that each city centre was directly linked to its neighbours, forming an urban network. This helped ensure that, although the Empire was primarily agricultural in nature, it retained its urban focus and that administrative

radiating across the valley.198 All these and more were incorporated and enhanced under the Tawantinsuyu Empire.199 With skill and success the Tawantinsuyu linked together the entire Andean region, 5400 kilometres long.200 198

Menzel (1959): p. 127. Hardoy (1973: p. 410) states that stairways, tunnels, stone and swinging grass rope bridges and Tambos (rest houses) were an important part of the road system that lay between cities. The distance of a Topo (7500m), the measuring unit used by the Tawantinsuyu, were usually marked by upright stones. 200 Hardoy (1973: p. 410) cites from Paul Kosok, (‘Transport in Peru’. The Royal Anthropological Institute, 1952) when describing Andean road construction: ‘Roads were laid out as straight as topography allowed. On the coast, roads consisted generally of a levelled surface and were bordered by two stone or adobe walls one meter high. Highways were usually eight but never less than four or five meters wide. The highway to Chan Chan, in the Moche Valley, however, measure twenty-four meters wide.’ 199

201 Hardoy (1973): p. 411. Lumbreras (1974c: p. 230) comments that the legend of the Tawantinsuyu roads has given popularity to the factual story that the Inca ate fresh fish brought directly from the coast to Cuzco. 202 Hyslop (1990: p. 58) cites this fact from Cieza de Leon.

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Figure 158. The roads in the region of Cuzco (Source: von Hagen, 1976, p. 82).

Figure 160. ¨The road to the end of the earth´ so named by von Hagen, as it stretches down the Chilean coast (Source: von Hagen, 1976, p. 118).

Figure 161. The Conit-suyu roads from Pachacamac to Huanchaco (Source: von Hagen, 1976, p.148).

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Figure 162. On the upper right of the photo the intercity road that ran through the religious complex of Ollantaytambo can be clearly seen. Note also the long stairway that joins it to what was the cities main plaza below, middle left (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 163. The Tawantinsuyu road in the Cañete valley. A part runs down the centre of the fields while another runs on the cliff-side above (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). 134

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Figure 164. A Tawantinsuyu road, probably improved from Tiwanaku times, running through the terraced fields at Amareti, in the cordillera of north Bolivia. The road linked together the important towns of its time but is still used by pedestrians today (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Due to the Andean topography, staircases of course played a large design role in urban planning. No city existed in the Andes that did not use staircases either as a large part of their streets or in a ceremonial capacity attached to pyramids and other religious structures. Machu Picchu has one hundred staircases in its small area, a feature that Bingham206 considers to be its most outstanding. However the staircase also played a large iconographic role in Andean beliefs and its general use, as opposed to ramps, is probably related to the staircase being a sacred symbol. Tiwanaku culture was a large influence in the spread of the staircase motif207 and made great use of them as part of their religious structures.208 Ramps did have a small place in the tradition and are generally part of religious complexes, of platforms and pyramids such as at Pachacamac, Moche and other coastal sites.

control over the territories remained under urban domination.203 Hardoy states that: Since the Inca Empire was economically self-sufficient with an agricultural basis and regional distribution that did not justify trade, we can only assume that these roads were built for reasons other than commerce.204 In this way the control over the land and population created by the centralization of government services in urban areas could be easily maintained over rural areas as well. No-one could travel the Empire taking advantage of the road system without passing through the urban centres and therefore state administration. The roads linked all the major administrative centres and smaller settlements stretched out along these roads at intervals where the terrain permitted agriculture.205

206

Bingham (1979): p. 46. Posnansky, A., Tiahuanacu, the cradle of American man, New York, J.J.Augustin Inc., 1945: pp. 103- 4. 208 Spickard (1985): p. 80. 207

203

Bawden (1996): p. 85; Hardoy (1973): p. 408; (1968): p. 48. 204 Hardoy (1973): p. 408. 205 Hardoy (1973): p. 431; Lumbreras (1974c): p. 229.

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Figure 166. A long street of stairs at Machu Picchu, said by its discoverer Hiram Bingham to be its most outstanding feature; the lower part of the Stairway of the Fountains and part of the Unusual niches Group, dividing the Ingenuity and Private Garden Group elite housing from the workers housing beside the fields (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 165. Stone staircase at Machu Picchu, hewn out of the bedrock (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 167. A stairway runs beside the outer wall of Machu Picchu, leading up to the main entrance and the intercity road (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

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Figure 168. A long stairway street in Ollantaytambo connecting the lower city and plaza with the upper city religious complex and fortress. It also served as access to the terraced fields to the left and right. Beside the stairs runs an aqueduct to bring water for irrigation (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 170. Písac also demonstrates the use of stairways with aqueduct, that while ascending to the centre of the city and the religious complex also gives access to the terraced fields (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

Figure 169. One of the main stairway entry gates into the city of Písac, the stair-street beginning at an intercity road below, passing through the terraced fields, domestic areas and continuing up to the religious complex and plaza at the peak (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001). 137

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Figure 171. A staircase at Písac that leads from the domestic areas into the religious complex on the mountain peak. Note how the quality of the stone work improves as it enters the religious complex (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

Figure 172. Stairs leading into one of the many tunnel streets at Písac, that were needed to manage the difficult topography of the mountain sides (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

Figure 173. A stairway with side drainage leading from the terraced fields to the central plaza and religious complex at Chinchero, near Cuzco. A town still inhabited from Tawantinsuyu times (Source: L. Hasluck, 2001). 138

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Figure 174. One of the main stairway gates that served as entrance to the inner zigg-zagging streets of Sacsawaman, which served as an Incan religious complex and military storehouse for Cuzco (Source: L. Hasluck, 2003).

platform or a pyramid for religious rites or political and administrative orations and duties. Its situation in front of, or between, the religious structures allowed their monumental architecture to have full psychological effect on the gathered population who could witness ceremonies atop the pyramids.

5.7 Plazas Plazas have been a core part of Andean urban planning since its inception, and all planned cities had plazas. In the Supe valley plazas were already in use in Era de Pando and other cities when designed into the plan of Caral. In Caral, as is the case in all the planned Andean cities, the massive ceremonial plaza is located in a central position and is attached to the religious structures and administration buildings. In the Supe valley, especially in Caral where all these designs were represented, plazas were square, round, sunken or in amphitheatre form.209 The circular plaza design was so numerous that it may have begun in the Supe valley, but is also common in the Casma valley settlements and well represented in ceremonial centres previous to and including later Chavín designs.210 However although used throughout the Andes the circular plaza had greater popularity in the coastal regions.

Like Caral with its plaza surrounded by pyramids, LamasMoxeque made good use of the monumental effect by placing its central walled plaza between its two pyramids.211 Tiwanaku uses plazas but places them within a high walled enclosure, generally quadrangular in design and in front of the religious structures. Like Caral it had a sunken plaza, but not circular in design and probably not for public use. In Moche there has been discovered a system of small plazas used for trading, but further excavation in the centre of the city may still reveal a large ceremonial plaza. However it also possible that the large top of the Huaca del Sol or Luna served as a ceremonial plaza. Galindo had ceremonial plazas, cercaduras, in place of a large huaca, but with its strict societal division, access control and stray from accepted Andean ethos, that served only the elite,212 unlike Pampas Grande where the central plaza is attached to the great huaca and was used for public religious rites.213

The central plaza played the role of a meeting place for public ceremonial gatherings and was usually associated with a

209

Shady (2000); Shady, Dolorier, Montesinos & Casas (2000). Pozorski & Pozorski (2000); Shady, Haas & Creamer (2001): p. 726; Shady, R., Machacuay, M. & Aramburú, R., ‘La plaza circular del Templo Mayor de Caral: su presencia en Supe y en el área norcentral del Perú’, in Shady & Leyva (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral- Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado pristine en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003a, pp. 147- 168: p. 158. 210

211

Pozorski & Pozorski (2000). Bawden (1978): p. 17. 213 Bawden (1982). 212

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Figure 180. A view from the centre of the Semi-subterranean Temple, showing two monoliths, carved heads, monumental structure and entrance to Kalasasaya. Taken from the original site of the enormous and famous Bennett Monolith, now in the nearby Tiwanaku site museum (Source: L. Hasluck, 2003).

Figures 181. Above, the central plaza of the Tschudi citadel at Chan Chan, with raised platform in the middle and ramped entrance from viewing platform (Source: L. Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 182. Small ceremonial and public plaza attached to a weaving centre in Tschudi citadel, Chan Chan. The niches here are of grand proportions and house wooden idols with ramped entrance from viewing platform (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). 140

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Figure 183. The second largest publiic plaza in Tschudi, T not yet y under recconstruction, but in relatiively viewablee condition in n comparison to t the other cit itadels (Sourcee: L.Hasluck, 2004). 2

Figure 184. The ceremoonial plaza atttached to thee central huacca used for roy oyal burials in n the citadel Tschudi. T Thee children are walking w aroun nd the edge off the platform pyramid p huacca (Source: L .H Hasluck, 2004 04).

Figure 185. A walled encclosure plaza at a entrance too the huaca ussed for royal burials b in Tschhudi citadel. The T entry hass been made too severely restr trict access (Soource: L.Hasluuck, 2004). 141

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Figure 186. The central plaza at Uhle citadel, Chan Chan. At the base of the mountain in the distance, lies the ruin of the Moche capital (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). plazas, the larger square plazas being positioned near the northern rampart, while the smaller rectangular secondary plazas were always found towards the centre of the citadel. The plaza at the Bandalier citadel was the largest, measuring 70 meters each side, and it also had a third plaza attached to a religious complex, delineated by a wide internal wall.216

The general change during the Wari-Tiwanaku Period from agglutinated settlements and ceremonial centres to urban places put the religious complexes at the centre of the new cities. It also necessitated an area where the public could gather, rites could be performed, military troops assemble and, to a limited extent, economic exchange took place. However South America never developed the sophisticated market square of Mesoamerica.214

The central position of the plaza in the provincial capitals had been maintained during the Regional States Period although not always clearly demarcated with walls. The Tawantinsuyu preferred walled plazas of large dimensions and regular shape, although none is identical with another. The spaces varied from square, trapezoidal and rectangular, or fashioned geometrically to fit topographical limitations. Under the Tawantinsuyu this clear demarcation of the plaza was imposed upon the provincial capitals when the centres were re-modeled. This accounts for the great range of plaza shapes in the Tawantinsuyu Period.

In Viracochapampa and Pikillacta there are two distinctly different types of plaza. In the centre is a small plaza, with the surrounding religious buildings and houses of the elite nearby, which was used for ceremonial purposes. However on the south-west side of the settlement where the intercity roads entered and departed was an enormous plaza for the unloading of goods for storage and was also perhaps used by the military or for limited commerce. This plaza was connected by streets to the residential, religious, administrative and storage areas but was not involved in ceremonial pursuits.215

The Great Plaza of Cuzco217 was the result of two trapezoids united at their smaller bases. Ollantaytambo had two plazas,

The plazas of Chan Chan’s citadels were square or rectangular platforms usually located in the housing districts and surrounded by a wall. Their main access was by means of a ramp from a higher viewing platform located to one side from which the important people probably witnessed the civic and ceremonial public events. In all of the citadels (with exception of Uhle, whose plaza was orientated like the citadel east-west and had only one plaza) the access ramps to the plazas followed a north-south axis in accordance with the overall orientation of the city. The citadels each had two

216

Hardoy (1973): p. 378. Hardoy (1973: p. 443) describes Huacapata Plaza as ‘much larger than present day Plaza de Armas. Running northeast-southwest, it measured 550 m by 250m, with an open area that included over 10 hectares. The Huatanay River cut across the plaza, forming trapezoidal halves which correspond to the division into an upper and lower city. Each of these two sections had there own distinct functions. North of the Huatanay lay the smaller trapezoid with shape and approximate area of today’s Plaza de Armas. It was called Aukaipata, and was used for those ceremonies witnessed by the Inca from a special stage. These generally important community events such as saluting the rising sun, collective marriages, military or religious parades, and the symbolic distribution of bread and chicha, the fermented maze drink. This area also served as a market place. On the southwest side of the river was the larger of the two trapezoids, called Cusipata or Platform of Joy, where popular dances and festivities took place. This section of the plaza also had a cultivated beds of maize.’ 217

214

Hardoy (1973). Hardoy (1973): pp. 343- 4; McEwan (1985); Pardo, L., Historia y Arqueologia del Cuzco, vol. 1, Cuzco, 1957a: p. 377.

215

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Figure 187. Plan of Huánuco Viejo with large plaza, entrances at corners, and administrative platform in centre (Source: Hardoy, 1973, p. 478).

Figure 188. The platform at the western end of the main plaza at Tambo Colorado, looking down the valley (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). 143

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Figure 189. An amalgamation of three photos showing the extent of Tambo Colorado, built around its central plaza, through which ran the intercity road. It was also used as military gathering and resting place. This photo is taken looking down from the much looted cemetery. Two plazas can be seen (C & M in Fig. 190) in the foreground and background in the elite housing and religious complex respectively. The intercity road ran through the main plaza going east and west (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 190. Plan of Tambo Colorado showing large trapezoidal plaza and surrounding town made with this form to fit the point of land over looking the river on which it is situated. The main connecting road passes from east to west through the plaza (Source: Hardoy, 1973, p. 470). The preceding photo (Fig. 189) was taken from mid left hand side of this plan. C & M correspond to the two lesser plazas and the altar the official platform in the central plaza. The modern road has destroyed much of G, M & A.

Figure 191. A sketch by Luis Ccosi Salas of the reconstruction of Pachacamac showing the complex system of plazas. The largest plaza with the pillared structure in the centre is that of the remains in figure 117. (Source: Koiffman Doig, 1973, p. 446, fig. 727). 144

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Figure 192. The central public plaza system at Machu Picchu. Note how the plaza is broken up into terraces to allow for the topography of the mountain top. The intercity road divided the plaza in two with the ceremonial platform in the upper half below the Temple of the Sun. Surrounding the plaza are elite housing and state administration and religious buildings (Source: L. Hasluck, 2002). one slightly trapezoidal, for the urban city, and another square-shaped ceremonial in nature. Tambo Colorado’s plaza was an irregular trapezoid, while at Pumpu trapezoidal with the west side open. Huánaco Viejo’s plaza was an imperfect rectangle, with its main entrances at the corners and a construction in the centre. The plazas were triangular in Cajamarca, pentagonal in Vilcas-Huamán and irregular in Bonbon218 and Machu Picchu, where spatially the plaza was approximately an immense rectangle bordered by walls, its form adapted to the promontory on which the city was constructed.219

These plazas must have had a variety of functions and were intimately linked with the major state structures, such as the Great Halls used for criminal judgment,223 and were nearly always traversed by the intercity roads.224 The Tawantinsuyu planners used the existing plaza spaces but forced them to adjust to a form of geometrical design with much depending on the topography and original layout of the city (eg. Cajamarquilla and Cajamarca). Pachacamac already had a great array of walled ceremonial plazas from the WariTiwanaku Period and the Tawantinsuyu did not need to greatly alter these. It is hard to ascertain, however, whether or not the plazas of some the Empire’s principal cities were of pre-Tawantinsuyu origin, since the cities were later remodeled in Tawantinsuyu form,225 and prior buildings may have been removed to create or extend existing plazas.

The plaza at Vilcas-Huamán is described by an early Spanish chronicler as ‘large and has a quarter of a league’.220 The plazas in Cuzco, Huánuco Veijo, and Cajamarca were enormous; Pizarro221 said of Jauja’s plaza that it was ‘large and measures a quarter of a league’; Ruiz de Arce described the plaza at Túmbez as ‘of good size’; Hardoy makes a rough estimate of the plaza at Vilcas-Huamán as an area of slightly less than three hectares; the plaza of Tambo Colorado and Machu Picchu were also sizeable.222

The central plazas with a ceremonial basis to their purpose were not the only form of plaza. Each large city generally had an array of different plazas, and many were only small localized neighbourhood plazas, like the numerous in Moche and Cajamarquilla or in Tawantinsuyu highland villages which were little more than enlarged spaces at the termination or junction of streets.226 These probably played a neighbourhood role as social public space.

218

Hardoy (1973): pp. 462- 3. Hardoy (1968): p. 48. 220 Hardoy (1973): p.462. 221 Hardoy (1973: p. 462) states that plazas were mentioned in almost all of the Spaniard’s descriptions. Pizarro as quoted in Hardoy (1973: p. 464) describes the use of the Jauja plaza: ‘Some of the people who had been in the plaza came the next morning. They were simple Indians, and truly there were over a hundred thousand souls’ Another conquistador quoted by Hardoy; ‘each day a hundred thousand persons came together in the Great Plaza’ (Jauja). Perhaps these were gathered for some special event.’ 222 Hardoy (1973): pp. 462- 3. 219

223

Niles (1999): p. 274. Hardoy (1968): p. 48. 225 Hardoy (1973): pp. 462- 3; Niles (1999): p. 294. 226 Hardoy (1973): p. 431. 224

145

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Figure 193. The official platform p in the he centre of the he main terraceed plaza at Maachu Picchu, lo located attache hed to the basee of the Sun Temple, T on which wh terraced d seating has been b construccted. Note the he use of a natu tural rock form mation in thee centre of thee platform. Vieew from the toop of the Sun Temple T (Sourc rce: L.Hasluckk, 2002).

Figure 194. The central ceremonial c plaaza at Machu Picchu, P attach hed to the basse of the Sun T Temple, behin ind, and abovee the public pla laza. A Quechu huan girl stands ds as measure for fo the photogr graph (Source:: L.Hasluck, 22002). 146

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Figure 195. Drawing of Cajarmarquilla layout by the explorer Squier from 1863. Note the repetitive design and high blind walls, similar to the centre of Cuzco. Presently the ruins are in terrible condition and surrounded and encroached into by the slums of Lima (Source: Cavatrunci, 1990, p. 228).

Figure 196. Tawantinsuyu plaza centrally located and attached to the main religious buildings, over which the Catholic church has been built, at the town of Chinchero near Cuzco. A case of Spanish remodeling as urban planning. Note also the use of grand niches (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001). 147

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 197. The modern central plaza of Cuzco (Aukaipata – thei Incan sacred plaza for religious ceremonies), which is half of the Tawantinsuyu plaza that used to continue off to the right of the photo (Cusipata – was called the Platform of Joy where public ceremonies and festivals took place). A now covered river continues to flow beneath the plaza, and used to divide the two (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

Figure 198. The central plaza at Cuzco continues to play a ceremonial role, as can be seen in the yearly festival of the Intiraymi, for the winter equinox return of the sun. Here can be seen a symbolic Inca being carried through the streets of Cuzco to Sacsawaman above the city (Source: L.Hasluck, 2003). 148

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Figure 199. Some of the walled plazas of Huari, the Wari capital, near present day Ayacucho. Note the common use of high enclosure walls. The ruins have become a prickly pear farm (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 200. The central public plaza of the Incahuasi settlement, attached to the storehouses. Note the ceremonial platform in the centre of the photo (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). 149

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Figure 201. The central plaza of the palace at Incahuasi, the Tawantinsuyu settlement in the Cañete valley, Peru. It holds a view out over the valley and terraced fields, but is topographically separated from the rest of the settlement by a hill (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 202. The central plaza at one of the Centilnela citadels. The draftsman in the centre gives an indication of its size. The photo is taken from the side of the main huaca to which the plaza is attached (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). 150

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Figure 203. Also a view across the central plaza at the same Centilnela citadel as figure 202 (above), but from the opposite side, with the huaca in the background (from which the above fig 202 picture was taken) (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

throughout the Andes is extremely diverse, regional traditions tended to form a certain uniformity of design within cities or cultural areas.228

5.8 Dwellings The individual design of houses varies greatly in the Andean region. The placement of cooking fires - internal or external, centred or in the corner, one-room or more – as well as the internal subdivision, use of windows or not, gable, etc., are all open to cultural, geographical, social class, materials used and personal variation. The coastal cultures generally built in adobe or woven cane covered with mud. Since there is very little rain, the roofs were usually flat and insubstantial and more concerned with protection from the sun, so that habitations were often left open walled. Highland dwellings were frequently built in rough or worked stone, while those that were built of adobe were based on stone foundations as protection from the damp, although poorer dwellings were also built purely in adobe, such as in Tiwanaku and Cuzco.227 The gabled roofs generally had a steep angle to protect against heavy rain and, in some cases, snowfall. Windows were sparsely used, except in tropical highland regions (such as at Machu Picchu and Písac). Although housing design

Engel in his typology of Andean urban architecture claims that ‘Experience shows that when a site has been settled by a single group of people, we will hardly ever find any sequence of evolutionary characteristics’.229 However there are some solid aspects of an Andean urban housing tradition. In particular houses are a unit for individual families and not community dwellings such as long-houses, and were built close together forming a streetscape. Also belonging to the tradition is the use of suburbs to divide classes and the relationship of these suburbs to public spaces and buildings, as previously discussed.

228 For instance until 800 AD the Gallinazo culture entered their houses through the roof as lateral doorways did not appear until after the effect of the Wari-Tiwanaku influence and their urbanisation by absorption into Pampa Grande (Hardoy 1973: p. 329). 229 Engel, F., ‘Toward a typology of architecture and urbanism in the preColumbian Andes’, in D.L. Browman (ed.), Advances in Andean Archaeology, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978, pp. 411- 441: p. 413.

227

Hardoy (1973): p. 438; Huidobro (1994): p. 9; Hyslop (1990): pp. 12,24; Ponce Sanginés, C., Nueva perspectiva para el estudio de la expansión de la cultura Tiwanaku, La Paz, Instituto Nacional de Arqueología, 1979: p. 7.

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Figure 204. Different types of housing used at Tiwanaku within enclosures (Source: Escalante, 1997, p.283).

Figure 205. Tawantinsuyu dwellings beside the Pumupunku Temple at Tiwanaku. The base of the buildings were built in stone and the upper walls in adobe. Author is standing in front to demonstrate size (Source: L.Hasluck, 2003).

Figure 206. A typical coastal Peru wattle and daub or cane and mud house. This one is from the Cañete valley in central coast Peru. An ancient method still very much in use in the present day throughout the coast of Peru. The walls are first constructed of the cane and then covered in mud that dries hard as a protective layer (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). 152

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Figure 207. The remains of elite housing at Caral, a mixture of wattle & daub with some uncut stone foundations (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 208. The ancient remains of a wattle and daub house from Caral, protected for 4000 years beneath the dry coastal desert sands (Source: L. Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 209. Elite housing above the plaza at Machu Picchu, after reconstruction. Note the steep gables and window in the second storey which are typical of highland tropical design (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002). 153

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Figures 210, 211 The adobe construction method used at Pachacamac´s Temple of the Sun. Note also that as it was rebuilt by the Tawantinsuyu from a highland construction tradition they have included a base of stone work (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002 ).

Figure 211. 154

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Figure 212. One of the few f remainingg pure adobe structures att highland Pissác, where win ind, water and d temperaturee changes erossion is a stron ng destructivee force. It stan nds as testameent to why the he Tawantinsuy uyu preferred to t use a stonee base, althouggh for the work rkers housing this t was not usually us possible le (Source: L.H Hasluck, 2001) 1).

Figure 213. At A Písac, Qan nchis Raqay, the t more usuaal highland coonstruction method m of a stoone base, toppped by adobe.. This helped d with the prob blem of risingg damp. The grass g hats on top t of the wal alls are a conseervation devise se. Behind is a construction n of pure ston ne, indicatingg the relative importance of o the building ng. Both are cconnected to a small plazaa (Source: L.H Hasluck, 2001)). 155

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 214. The front of the P´isaqa complex at Písac showing the dedicated use of pure uncut stone work for terracing and buildings of importance (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

Figure 215. The Tawantinsuyu or possibly Tiwanaku use of monumental (megalithic) stone construction, beside the Sun Temple or Intihuatana Hill in Machu Picchu (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002). 156

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Figure 216. Tawantinsuyu or possible Tiwanaku use of monumental stone construction at Sacsawaman. The group of tourists stand before the largest single stone at the site, which weighs more than 100 tons (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

in nature from later designs.233 However the standard patiohouse design was used extensively at Huari.234

For example in Caral three basic designs of houses existed, although they vary later with the remodeling of interior space through further subdivision. The houses were generally built of mud covered cane (wattle and daub) and those of the elite with patios in front where cooking fires were located.230

The courtyard, or central patio, was first used on the coast in the 0-800 AD period and became an important element in spatial organization when the great cities came to be built.235 Some of the first examples are seen in the nucleated pre-urban Salinar settlement of Cerro Arena on the north coast. The largest elite examples have the residential areas arranged with several large specialized rooms, serving as kitchens and lower status residences in a distinctive rectangular pattern around a large open plaza. A small complex of finely finished administrative rooms is attached.236 Although this design seems to have generally begun on the coast, and can be seen at the first Mochica capital,237 Moche, it readily mixed with Wari-Tiwanaku idea of enclosures and became widely adopted throughout the urbanized Andes. When the enclosure idea reached the north coast it became adapted so that the outside walls of the houses around a family communal courtyard formed the enclosure walls and singular entrance.

The design of houses or housing complexes affected the structure of the streetscape substantially, ranging from straight and grid, to haphazard. There is no need to discuss the great variety of housing individually, used by both elite and commoners to different degrees. There is but a single design that can be considered as part of a pan-Andean tradition, that is the house complex that surrounds an internal patio or courtyard – the patio-house. Although frontal patios were used early in the Supe valley,231 the patio house comes into common usage with the spread of the Wari-Tiwanaku enclosures and planning ideas.232 Where as the Wari-Tiwanaku were using enclosures inside each of which stood a single dwelling (with the exception of the three palaces at Tiwanaku), or surrounded by passage like dwellings such as at Pikillacta and Viracochapampa these were different

233

Hardoy (1973): pp. 348, 350; McEwan (1985). Spickard (1985). 235 Hardoy (1973): p. 317; Lumbreras (1974c): p. 166. 236 Brennan (1982): p. 249. 237 Uceda, S. & Chapdelaine, C., ‘El centro urbano de las Huacas del Sol y la Luna’, in Arkinka, no. 33, Agosto, Lima, 1998, pp.94- 103: pp. 97- 99. 234

230 Shady, Dolorier, Montesinos & Casas (2000); Shady (2001); Shady, Haas & Creamer (2001). 231 Shady (2000; 2001). 232 Ponce (1972): p. 17.

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URBAN CONT TINUITY IN TH HE ANDES: A PR RE-HISTORICA AL PLANNING TRADITION T

Figure 217. Plan P of Tawan ntinsuyu patioo house from Huánuco Viej ejo. Note thatt in this housee there are threee other small ll patio areas for fo communal use. u (Source: Morris, 1974, 4, p. 120).

Figuure 219. A reco construction ddrawing of a niiched hall and d patio io complex froom Viracochap apampa, very similar si in stylee to those t at Pikil illacta (Source ce: Von Hageen & Morris,, 1998 98, p. 133, fig. 89). 8 238

W Figure 218. Reconstructtion of somee types of Warie hoousing at Pikillacta Pi (Sou ource: Tiwanaku enclosure McEwan, 198 985, p. 125).

238

Voon Hagan, A. & Morris, M C., The C Cities of the Ancien nt Andes, London,, Tham mes and Hudson, 1998. 1

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Figure 221. Cerro Arena, Salinar elite housing, informally arranged around a patio (Source: Bawden, 1990, p. 156).

Figure 220. A plan of a Lord’s house from Galindo in typical patio style (Source: Escalante, 2001, p. 130).

Figure 223. Elite housing from Plain A in the centre of Galindo around the Ciudadelas Note the difference in size and spaciousness, about 4 or more workers houses fit into one elite house, which is arranged around an interior patio (Source: Bawden, 1982, p. 311).

The reasons for this type of adoptive design adaptation are speculative, but some of the social effects can be seen in the archaeological record. Perhaps it came from the previous use of family groupings or to accommodate an increased density of population within a given area, especially due to the rigid building controls and shortage of arable land in the late Mochica period. It may also have been formed from an

Figure 222. Workers housing from the hillside at Galindo (Source, Bawden, 1982, p. 305). 159

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION increased need for privacy in increasingly built-up urban conditions or for air flow in hot conditions, as was its use in early Sumerian cities.239 It is archaeologically well demonstrated in the Mochica culture that the central patio provided a family area where communal activities took place. The women weaved, the men fixed tools, foods were processed, and informal social activities, such as children’s play and gathering at the end of the days labour took place. It also supplied a private family space in the increasingly impersonal relations of growing urbanity.240 This may be used as a basis for comparison with other locations and periods such as Bolivia’s Iskanwaya,241 and the height of patio popularity under the Tawantinsuyu Empire, particularly in Cuzco. However the design is used throughout the Tawantinsuyu Empire wherever topography permitted.242 Since the kancha, patio-house, design was in use in Cuzco prior to contact with the north coast there is little to suggest that its origins are exclusively north coastal.243

The urban centre of Cuzco, could be said to be constructed of internally self-sufficient palaces248 with the central patio, kancha, design. Hyslop, an expert on Tawantinsuyu architecture, describes the construction of kanchas in Cuzco. In Cuzco, the ideal kancha was a rectangular enclosure with three or more rectangular structures placed symmetrically around the side of the compound with a patio in the centre. In practice, the size of the kancha could vary tremendously, from part of large city block in Cuzco to a much smaller enclosure. The number of buildings within a kancha varied considerably also – upto eight or more structures. Kancha were often set side by side within larger architectural units. Often kancha have only one entrance in their enclosure wall.249 Hardoy250 describes one type of palace as a quarter or barrio due to its vast size and complex ground plan, consisting of a number of small structural groups, cut through and outlined by narrow alleys that connected the various courtyards surrounded by chambers. Beside the chambers, interior patios and passageways, each palace had its own gardens, baths and storehouses. The whole compound was enclosed by a high wall, a true sign of exclusion, authority and defence,251 justifying Bonavía’s comments on their similarities with Chan Chan’s citadels. 252 By comparison the outer districts of Cuzco were modest and constructed of adobe.253

The popularity of the central patio design was probably initiated in palace design, but was used also by the artisan and working classes. It appears in the design of the palaces at Tiwanaku in the Urban Phase, well before the spread of Wari-Tiwanaku culture to the coast.244 The Kheri-kala palace and the Palace of Mult-coloured Rooms at Tiwanaku begins a basic design of palace patio complexes245 that is used in the Wari-Tiwanaku Period on the coast and in the highlands and reaches a peak in design complexity under the Tawantinsuyu. Niles246 argues that it is likely that the royal architecture of Cuzco retained much of the conservatism appropriate to the capital, but in the country palaces architectural innovation could be freely expressed. Yucay, the last Incan palace to be built, although a country retreat is noticeable for its size and maintenance of many palace design traditions, while incorporating many aesthetic effects popular at the time, such as large plazas, gardens, reflective pools and vistas.247

A further type of housing, not urban in nature, yet usually part of the urban landscape, was religious housing. These were always a part of, or directly attached to, the central religious complexes or huacas. They may have housed a few of the religious elite such as at Tiwanaku,254 or a chosen sect, such as the Mamacuna (House of the Chosen Women) of Pachacamac and in the other provincial capitals.255 There are examples from all sites, especially prominent at Tiwanaku’s Akapana, but those largest and best designed formed complexes to themselves under the Tawantinsuyu epoch, such as Pachacamac, Cuzco and perhaps Machu Picchu. These were places to which only the religious elite could gain admittance. Under the Tawantinsuyu the role between religious housing and temple became blurred to such an extent that it is difficult to tell the difference between them.

239

Morris, A.E.G., (History of the Urban Form Before the Industrial Revolution, 2nd Ed., New York, Halstead Press, 1979: p. 8) finds that in the Middle East ‘[t]he development of courtyard housing in a response to an assumed need for domestic privacy in densely built-up urban conditions, where the narrow streets would have been noisy, dirty and potentially dangerous, has a present day parallel in the adoption of inward-looking ‘patio’ house types. These combine privacy with conditions of high density in a way that could not be achieved with the conventional outward-looking house types. In addition to the above reason, courtyard housing in Mesopotamia, Egypt and the Indus valley, and subsequently in Greece and the warmer parts of the Roman Empire, would have encouraged natural air convection giving cooler internal environmental conditions’. 240 Bawden (1978): p. 20; (1982): pp. 310- 13; (1996): pp. 81-2. 241 Ponce Sanginés, C., ‘La ciudadela precolombina de Iskanwaya’, in Arte y Arqueología: Revista del Instituto de Estudios Bolivianos, vol. 3 & 4, Sección Arte, 1975, pp. 251-257: p. 252; Portugal & Portugal (1975) 242 Bingham (1979): p. 76; Lumbreras (1974c): p. 221; Niles (1999). 243 Hyslop (1990): p. 20. 244 Kolata (1993): p. 119. 245 Hardoy (1973): p. 336; Kaulicke (2001): p. 497. 246 Niles (1999). 247 Niles (1999).

248

Hardoy (1973: pp. 436- 7) states that the term palaces may be inaccurate, but they were undoubtedly public works of large stone buildings with no openings other than doorways. The rooms were grouped around interior courtyards, and the light filled climate of the highland rendered windows unnecessary. Their richness may be seen in the fine stonework, precisely cut and fitted, and in the restrained interior decoration of tapestries and gold and silver objects. Walls were generally left unplastered, and the smooth stone surface was broken only by trapezoidal niches. 249 Hyslop (1990): p. 17. 250 Hardoy (1973): p. 440. 251 Hardoy (1973): p. 440. 252 Bonavía (1978a): p. 397. 253 Hardoy (1973): p. 438. 254 Kolata (1993): p. 159, 160. 255 Moore, S.F., Power and Property in Inca Peru, West Port, Connecticut, Greenwood Press, 1957:p. 26.

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Figure 224. An excavated patio house at Moche. The patios were used as domestic areas as well as places of production. Bodies were often found interred beneath the patios or the benches that surrounded them. The rod is 1m long (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 225. Tawantinsuyu common patio house or kancha. The large building in the centre forms a division and shares its central wall between the kanchas, forming a large architectural block (Source: Niles, 1999, Figure 2-14).

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 226. Reconstructive drawing of Tawantinsuyu common patio house or kancha – from preceding plan. The windows were used for airing corn and other agricultural products stored in the lofts (Source: Niles, 1999, Figure 2-15).

Figure 227. View of a patio house at Tschudi citadel in Chan Chan. The patio was also used as a weaving area (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). Figure 228. A Tawantinsuyu patio or kancha still in use at Ollantaytambo (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 229. The remains of the pre-Tawantinsuyu building Palace Tauri Chumbi, visited by Pizarro´s men on their reconnaissance mission to Pachacamac (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

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Figure 230. A reconstruction of an Incan reflective pool in a patio, for inclusion of views of the sky and mountains – Cocho Sontar at Yucay, Urumbamba valley (Source: Niles, 1999, p. 186).

Figure 231. A model of the reconstruction of the Mamacuna, the house of the virgins (women married to the sun) at Pachacamac. Although it was a religious edifice it also played the role of a dwelling for a great number of women. From the Pachacamac Site Museum (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 232. The Mamacuna as it stands today. As the only cut stone building built by the Tawantinsuyu at Pachacamac it remains in excellent condition with its pools still retaining water (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

cities into an urban network. The economic functions of the city, closely tied to religious and political power tended to form repetitions of those urban designs that proved most useful. Some of those have been discussed in this chapter, such as city location, centralized planning, urban division, use of intercity roads and restriction of access to religious complexes. The next chapter will analyse what specific areas and designs proved useful for the economic structures of Andean urban habitation.

The ritual internment of the bodies and/or mummies of family members below housing complexes played an enduring and widespread role within Andean burial traditions and can be seen to be generally used from the time of Caral to that of the Tawantinsuyu.256 This practice was also used for sacred buildings, such as temples, platforms and pyramids, and shows the close connection between ritual and daily-life. The close connection between sacred life in the form of religious observances and secular power in the form of economic forces can be seen writ throughout the city in its designs and decorations. The union of the economic and religious forces are the base of the theocratic political power throughout the Andes urban civilization. The power of the city, both religiously, politically and economically extended and re-created itself through urbanization and the linking of 256 Kaulicke (2001): p.497; Kolata (1993): p. 159; Noel, A., ‘Evidencias de un enterramiento ritual en un sector residencial de la parte alta de Caral, valle Supe’, in Shady & Leyva (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral-Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del Estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico CaralSupe, 2003, pp. 208- 228; Peralta, R., ‘Enterramiento ritual de estructuras arquitectónicas en un sector residencial periférico de Caral (Arcaico Tardío)’, in Shady, R. & Leyva, C. (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003; Shady, R. & López, S., ‘Ritual de enterramiento de un recinto en el Sector Residencial A en Caral-Supe’, in Shady & Leyva (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral-Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003, pp. 187- 205.

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Chapter Six Economic Design …the city is a community which extends at least its influence and preferably its control over an area wider than that necessary simply to maintain its self sufficiency. Modern students of the early city tend to see this control in economic terms, either as created by a sufficient surplus of goods from its own territory so that it can extend its influence or control by trade, or as the collection, by the forceful imposition of its control on other areas, of goods or revenues to build up its own good life. However, in the ancient world the extension of influence or control was often political rather than economic. Mason Hammond1

There are a number of politico-economic aspects that have affected Andean urban planning. Some of these are discussed in the other chapters, such as the position of a city to control water, trade routes, food and other material resources; the ability of cities reputation to attract artisans and surplus, and to become a centre of local and long distance exchange; and the economic role of a city that is part of an extensive intercity road system through which all travelers must pass. There remain, however, other aspects such as the control of labour and the layout of specific areas for economic activity that were also planned into the physical design of a city.1

entire Andean empire. The system of intercity roads can be thought of as an extension of urban areas since it was created to serve urbanization and to link cities and towns together into a large urban network or empire. It also represented the urban and centralized control of the state, especially in an economic sense. As has been discussed in the previous chapter the roads served to maintain cities control of the countryside and the transportation of goods. The transportation of goods required roads, tambos or rest houses, and places for corrals within or on the perimeters of cities and towns. The storage and redistribution of products and food needed storage areas which could be controlled by the elite or their administration. This control, in turn, necessitated a military presence to protect the elite interests and maintain the extraction of surplus. This, of course, meant that military areas needed to exist both within cities as well as to defend the intercity roads. Walled defenses for cities were uncommon in the Andes but the use of strategically placed fortified positions had a long history reaching back to the Regional Development Period. Walled divisions within cities, to protect the elite and storage areas were common, and also to curb inter-factional rivalry between the elite kin-groups.

6.1 Economic Forces Urban centres only managed to exist in as much as their political economy2 could control production, distribution and consumption of the surplus extracted from their area of influence to continue to supply the needs of the city and the state. The bigger a city became the larger needed to be its area of influence. In the early civilizations such as Supe this meant extracting surplus from, and trading with, all the different zones of the valley from the coast to the highlands. In later epochs, as under the Wari-Tiwanaku, Chimú and particularly the Tawantinsuyu, this meant extracting surplus through an urban network linked by a system of intercity roads. Surplus and trade could then be done over vast distances, from the coast to the Amazon, from the north to the south, and collected from various different ecological regions. Cuzco’s sphere of influence, as an extreme example, included the

The wealth of the Andean elite was based upon the creation of objects of rarity which were used as a type of currency to support a system of wealth finance.3 This system created the beautiful structures of the urban centres, including elite housing, and increased surplus allowed for large and awesome monumental structures for religious and state purposes. The presence of the elite, especially the ‘King’ for example, in a city increased its reputation and attracted artisans, trade

1

Hammond, M., The City in the Ancient World, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Uni. Press, 1972: p. 10. 2 Earle, T., (Bronze Age Economics, U.S.A., Westview Press, 2002: p. 9), states that ‘… political economies are built on subsistence economies, and together they organize all production, distribution, and consumption… The political economy…involves the ways that surpluses are mobilized and allocated to support political activities, lifestyles, and operations of social institutions and their leaders. The political economy is inherently competitive; since more is better (more resources = more power), the political economy is inherently growth orientated. Many are involved in ruling relationships, and the institutions of complex societies depend on finance to maintain their operations. The mobilization of a surplus requires a productive economy and its practical control. That control derives from command over quite specific activities involving production, distribution, and even consumption’.

3

Earle (2002: p. 193) explains his idea of ‘Wealth Finance’ as involving ‘…the manufacture and procurement of special products (valuables, primitive money, and currency) that are used as a means of payment. These wealth items often have established values with respect to other goods of a similar nature but vary in their convertibility into staples. They may be amassed as direct payment from subservient populations, or they may be produced by craft specialists attached to the central authorities. In the latter case, raw materials given as tribute are often used in the manufacture of these goods, and the craftsmen may be provided as part of a labour obligation from local communities. Wealth held by the state is used to pay political officials and other personnel who work for the state’.

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION (products and raw materials), religious offerings, pilgrimages and increased surplus. The increase in the cities economy allowed the majesty of the urban space to grow, and the sphere of its influence, both political economic and cultural, to increase accordingly. Earle, a Bronze Age economic specialist, states that ‘[s]ocial institutions appear to be built by an emergent political economy involving complex interactions of intensification, surplus mobilization, and controlled distribution’.4 In this way economics played a part in the production of all urban space and brought about the functional and stylistic repetition of certain physical features, designs, and locations of buildings and spaces, in accordance with the politico-religious and social needs of the urban centres. Cordy argues that ‘[a]rchitecture is built by social groups…it can be expected to reflect the number, type, and interconnection between such groups as well as their wealth’.5

beginning of urbanism, in Caral and their use of personal adornment, such as shells traded from the coast. 6.2 Labour Force To bring planned urban areas into existence, it was not sufficient for the centralized government to create a design; they also had to implement the decision. For this they had to have sufficient control and power of coercion over the population to either force or persuade them to band together and form an organized workforce.10 Wittfogel11 observes that hydraulic societies, like most urban societies in the Andes, cannot exist without a community workforce large enough for irrigation construction and maintenance. The efficiency of the mobilization of human energy was the reason for the success of the Andean states. So it was with the first planned city of Caral that a large urban plan could be created and constructed by a community workforce, already practiced in organised effort from the earlier monumental construction of ceremonial centres and religious complexes.

The city as an entity also created entirely new urban spaces through the need for increased surplus or wealth. New cities and towns are formed in the expanding empires and kingdoms, and new intercity roads link them into the urban network. Urbanization spread with increased need not only for the established cities, but also for the new satellite cities and towns, where status objects and feasts served as reciprocal gifts that helped control the local elites and their attached populace.6 That is, explains Earle, wealth, which circulated in a separate sphere of exchange… acted as a highly visible symbol of status, meant not as abstract prestige but as a marker of status, the holder of which had explicit rights to income in the staple finance system. Without written contracts, the physical demonstration of status may define one’s rights of subsistence support. These objects, produced by attached specialists, would have been inalienable; they would be given by highranking to lower-ranked chiefs to materialize political duties and rights’.7

Unless the population, or part of, were directly forced as a form of slavery, as was the case with the conquered Gallinazo people in the Lambayeque valley who built the huge huaca of Pampa Grande under the late Moche regime,12 different systems of labour organization were used in the Andes. Most of these were based around a system of mitae or service tax,13 in which members of the families would for a short period of months work in organized labour groups on public projects determined by the ruling elite. This public service was usually timed to fit with low periods of the agricultural cycle so as not to effect production. Under the Tawantinsuyu system rights and shares of land depended on doing mitae in the state fields of the Inca and the Sun sect, wars for the empire, production of utensil items, as well as construction projects, and infrastructure maintenance, such as roads, bridges, irrigation, terracing and storage when needed.14

This system of wealth, status and symbolism controlled through access to elite products8 is also clearly seen in the Tiwanaku weaving, metallurgy and ceramic industry,9 the Chimú precious metals industry, and perhaps, at the

For the earlier ceremonial centres such as Huaca de los Reyes, a relatively minor project built in a single generation, some 10

Niles, S. A., (The Shape of Inca History - Narrative and Architecture in an Andean Empire, Iowa City, Uni. of Iowa Press, 1999: p. 271) cites Cieza about an interesting situation in which Athahualpa failed to convince the mitmaes of Tomebamba that he had sufficient authority to command them to build him lodgings. 11 Wittfogel, K.A., ‘Developmental aspects of hydraulic societies’, in J. H. Steward (ed.) Irrigation civilizations: a comparative study: a symposium on method and result in cross-cultural regularities, Social Science Monograph, no.1, Westport, Connecticut, Department of Cultural affairs, Pan American Union, Social Science Section, 1955, pp. 43-52. 12 Topic, T.L., (‘The Early Intermediate Period and its legacy’, in Moseley, M. & Day, K. (eds.), Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, Albuquerque, Uni. of New Mexico Press, 1982, pp. 255- 284: p. 272), also refers to the use of the labour tax for the construction of the earlier huacas at Moche, identified by distinct workers ‘marks’ on the adobe bricks. 13 Earle (2002) refers to this generally as ‘corveé’ labour. 14 Moore, S. F., Power and Property in Inca Peru, West Port, Connecticut, Greenwood Press, 1958: p. 23.

4

Earle (2002): p. ix. Cordy, R., (A Study of Prehistoric Change: the development of complex societies in the Hawaiian Islands, New York, Academic Press, 1981) is quoted in Earle (2002: p. 57). 6 Kolata, A., The Tiwanaku: portrait of an Andean civilization, Cambridge, Mass., Blackwell, 1993: p. 263, 265; Earle (2002: p. 195) believes that the intent of the Tawantinsuyu state was to ‘…phrase economic relations with the local populace in terms of the relations the local elite had maintained with the commoners prior to the Inka conquests’. 7 Earle (2002): p. 149. 8 Including elite consumables such as coca and chicha (corn beer) as noted for the Tiwanaku system (Kaulicke, P., ‘Cronologia, identidad, urbanismo y estado en los Andes centrales y surcentrales entre los siglos V a X d.c.: algunos reflexiones finales’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 481- 530: p. 507). 9 Kolata (1993): p. 263. 5

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CHAPTER SIX: ECONOMIC DESIGN permanent workers may have been supported by the community.15 Growing job specialization in terms of planning and decorative work was probably also supported by the whole community. Later under the large empires these construction specialists would have been moved from one construction location to the next, maintaining their specialized position and usefulness to the state, especially in the repetition of designs of ideological and political importance, such as the Pyramids of the Sun for the Inca. Thus spreading urban design tradition into new areas and over vast distances.

larger than Caral’s, Shady et al. has shown that a greater intensity of labour was used in the construction and urban maintenance of Caral.19 This confirms the view that the preplanned city of Caral was built with more monumental public structures to serve as the cultural and political capital of the Supe valley. This also showed a pattern of labour use that continued until the Spanish invasion; that is, the capital urban centres were those in which the greatest amount of labour was invested, as in Caral, Llamas-Moxeque, Tiwanaku, Huari, Pachacamac, Moche, Pampa Grande, Chan Chan, Cajamarca, Cajarmarquilla and Cuzco, to name a few. In the Supe valley, smaller settlements with small populations and therefore smaller labour forces show a corresponding lack of monumental public structures, preferring the plaza and attached platform for public religious complexes.20 There is no reason to suppose the Supe cultures coercion was by military force,21 so ideological cohesion of community desires can be presumed to have motivated the public to carry out the massive construction projects. The basic model of mitae labour service and ideological coercion was the system used with greater or lesser success throughout the Andes region. In Galindo where ideological power was weak after political collapse, and the Moche valley reduced to harbouring only a provincial capital, there was a noticeable lack of monumental public construction. The centralized and ideological control over and cohesion of the Galindo population was weak, leading to the divisive and elite protective urban design, as discussed previously. Galindo city, absorbing refugees from the south and populated by the people of the Moche valley who had cast down the old order did not have either the faith in their elite and the ideology or the internal cohesion to form the large and motivated workforce needed for monumental construction. The environmental stress on the agricultural production, due to the El Niño and as witnessed by the elite’s strict control over storage of surplus, may also have meant that there was less free time in the agricultural cycle to devote to monumental public projects. Keeping the irrigation channels free of the wind blown sand may have used up the mitae service available.

Figure 233. This diagram is of the North coastal dual moiety system that supported the Kingship structure. The leaders at the top levels of power (from top) could call directly on the work-force of members even from the lowest levels. The shadings (letters) represent different mitae service divisions of the population (Source: Netherly, 1990, p. 464).16 Excellent investigation of labour size and intensity has been done by Shady, Dolorier and Casa17 for Caral city and the whole contemporaneous Supe valley. Unfortunately this is not the case for the rest of the Andes sites. The vast labour force needed to build Caral was taken from the surrounding cities and territories of coast, valley and highlands, under a system of mitae.18 Although Era de Pando’s population was

In comparison in the same Mochica epoch, but suffering less from political and ideological collapse and environmental stress from the flood and drought conditions, was the new capital Pampa Grande in the Lambayeque valley. Here massive monumental construction in the form of the Huaca Grande continued. Although after capturing the Gallinazo people living higher in the valley and forcing them to

15

Pozorski, T., ‘The early horizon sight of Huaca de los Reyes: societal implications’, in American Antiquity, vol. 45, no. 1, 1980, pp. 100-110: p. 109. 16 Netherly, P.J., “Out of many, one: the organization of rule in the north coast polities”, in M.E. Moseley, & A. Cordy-Collins (ed.), The Northern Dynasties: Kingship and statecraft in Chimor, Washington, Dumbarton Oaks, 1990, pp. 461 – 487. 17 Shady, R., Dolorier, C., Montesinos, F. & Casa, L., ‘Los orígenes de la civilización en el Perú: el área norcentral y el valle de Supe durante el arcadio tardío’, in Arqueología y Sociedad, vol. 13, Lima, Museo de Arqueología y Antropología, Uni. Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2000, pp. 13 – 48. 18 Shady, R., ‘Las investigaciones en Caral: alegrías y penas’, in Shady & Leyva (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral – Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003h, pp. 9- 12: p. 10.

19

Earle (2002: p. 55) makes the important points that ‘…labour invested in monumental construction at the centres is used as a measure of the group size that is organized centrally; it measures the surplus mobilized’ – however this can be disputed as small groups can build large monuments over long time frames. This makes it important to know the number of building phases when estimating the size of the labour crews used. 20 Shady, Dolorier, Montesinos & Casas (2000): p. 19. 21 Reader, J., Cities, London, William Heinemann, 2004.

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION construct the Huaca Grande in a very short space of time, to represent the new state power of the late Mochica period, the Gallinazo people were given an urban district of Pampa Grande in which to reside as a community. After their service was rendered they were permitted to join in as citizens of the new ideology. New sections were later added to the Huaca Grande representing the centralized state’s continuing ideological hold over the population and ability to still command mitae service.

to raise large workforces of mitae and many cultures returned to a chieftaincy system of politics, as their cultures had not previously had the sophistication to maintain centralized state politics and administration after the Wari-Tiwanaku collapse. Organized centralized planning, design and decision making were also to generally suffer on account of this failing. The Tawantinsuyu Empire used the system of mitae and mitmae to full effect creating a large labour force for urban creation, re-modeling, infrastructure and maintenance throughout the Empire.23 Each settlement or city was responsible for the construction and upkeep of their area, including roads and bridges, and the supply of tambos.24 The first example of the Tawantinsuyu use of this system was when Inca Pachacuti gave all the land surrounding Cuzco to the Cuzceñeans, making them all aristocracy and sent the unfortunate neighbours away as mitmae to other parts of the expanding empire. Mitmae from the coastal areas were then brought into the area to construct the re-modeled Cuzco, and later to construct the various cities and settlements and palaces of the Urubamba valley, the most populated part of the Empire.25

Wari-Tiwanaku domination probably carried out by military, ideological and economic force created new urban centres. There is no information about Wari use and control of labour force, but it seems likely that the conquered peoples, submitting to the new ideological and political regime, were also used as a labour force under the mitae service tax, and so escaped slavery and maintained many of their independent cultural traits that were to effect the cultural variety of the following Regional States Period. The mitae system had previously been in use in Tiwanaku and in all probability was also used under the imperial expansion. Mitmaes settling in new areas would also have supplied an experienced mitae work force.

The wide use of this system created in the Tawantinsuyu Empire a cultural melting pot of ideas and skills that made a pan-Andean tradition of urban design a firm reality. The introduction of the wide use of this system forced ancient settlement patterns to suffer significant transformation.26 As noted before, the use of existing cities and settlements, with re-modeling, limited the Tawantinsuyu creation of new urban centres. The mitae labour force was mainly used for the creation of infrastructure for communication, transport, war efforts and increased agricultural and tool production and storage necessary for a quickly expanding massive empire dedicated to complete social and economic control. A further important aim was the raising of the general living standards to help maintain political stability over the many different dominated cultures in a wide variety of geography. Yet the Tawantinsuyu allowed a relative cultural independence to those that willingly submitted to their imperial will.

The Tiwanaku system of mitmaes or colonies was later used under the Tawantinsuyu Empire to a far greater extent, taking colonists from one part of the empire and transferring them to underdeveloped parts of the empire, in keeping with the Incas’ metaphorical duty to convert under populated and under-used lands into economically important properties.22 Then, using the mitae service tax and the mitmaes’ civilizing skills, the colonists helped to quickly form new urban areas and spread their urbanizing influence. This system is documented as being in use around Lake Titicaca by the Tiwanacoans and was probably used by the Wari-Tiwanaku in the coastal and central highland areas, helping to account for the very quick spread of Wari-Tiwanaku styles and ideas. This process of cultural diffusion was faster and deeper in influence than mere military occupation could force. After the collapse of the Wari-Tiwanaku Empire the Regional States Period is known for the lessening of centralized power, although there continued to be hydraulic societies. In this period the urban centres were maintained and perhaps grew through increased urban densification, but very few new urban centres were created. Those that were maintained, as for example Chan Chan under the Chimú, had retained strong central governance and imperial ideas. Pachacamac also rose to become a strong independent regional force. However, generally in the cities there were few monumental public structures created and those that were, were smaller in design, and public areas such as plazas and avenues played less of a role. The elite were less able to use ideologically and politically centralized control as in the past 22

One effect was that a diverse range of people from different cultures learnt to work with design ideas and traditions for urban construction to which they may not have been accustomed. These ideas were the apex of the pan-Andean urban design tradition that had become collected under the Tawantinsuyu Empire and were used throughout the region. The re-introduction of the regional areas to centralized political control and ideological coercion re-started the use of 23

Hyslop, J. (Inka settlement planning, Austin, Uni. of Texas press, 1990: p. 149) believes that ‘[I]t is possible that the Inka resettlement of people equalled or exceeded that of the later Spanish vice-regal administration…’ 24 Tawantinsuyu rest-houses placed at intervals along the road system. 25 Hyslop (1990): p. 62; Niles (1999): p. 263. 26 Hardoy, J. E., Pre-Columbian Cities, London, Allen & Unwin, 1973: p. 431.

Niles (1999): p. 296.

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CHAPTER SIX: ECONOMIC DESIGN urban design the central political economic control was clearly associated with the stability of the religious, ideological and political orders.

the mitae service for the good of an empire. The monumental building was now mainly in the form of imperial infrastructure, and a few public monuments such as the numerous Pyramids of the Sun and altered plazas in provincial capitals. The limited success of this coercion is to be noted in the rapid exchange of alliances to help the conquistador Spanish invaders by many of the Tawantinsuyu’s conquered nations.

Earle finds the central control of the states surplus as fundamental to expansionist policy, such as the Tawantinsuyu, Chimú or Wari-Tiwanaku; For an imperial state such as the Inka [Tawantinsuyu], the decentralized political economy must have been extraordinarily difficult to control. In the Inka [Tawantinsuyu] case, for example, each region had its own administrative centre and maintained its own separate stores to support local state activities. Local storage, however, also increases the opportunities for local revolt. Rebels could seize the stores and use them to fund action against the central government. In order to solve the problem of decentralization, most complex societies use some form of wealth finance in which specialists play a central role … because wealth is easier than bulky staples to transport, wealth finance permits an expansion in the regional scale of the polity while retaining centralized control over the currency of finance. Wealth collected from conquered populations can be moved into the states centre, where it is held until used as payment.31

6.3 Economic Areas The design of cities around a central religious and administrative complex for political and ideological reasons has previously been thoroughly discussed, however there were also economic justifications. The earliest planned design of Caral was created during a period when, although there was a limited hydraulic political economy, some of the older subsistence strategies such as hunting and gathering were still in use as economic support, and in many places they continued to play this role throughout Andean pre-history.27 It was, and remained, sensible to have the agricultural class and those involved in other subsistence strategies of staple goods production live on the outskirts of the urban area to maintain easy access to the fields and terrain where their productive activities took place. Although the Tawantinsuyu had a rapid expansion of its empire that brought with it regional peace, these factors were not linked to expanding specialization or exchange.28 Staple goods were produced and consumed in their relative areas, while some of the surplus was used for the creation of wealth goods that could serve the political economy by being redistributed within circles of elite power and moved to centralized storage areas or used for ritual display.29

Space within cities for economic activities was essential, and shared some common features due to the similarity of the economic system or network strategy32 of wealth finance in the Andes. One of the important roles of the city was to act as a centre for production, storage, distribution and economic exchange. Due to the Andean self-sufficient system of multiecological vertical resource zone use a market economy did not develop. The economy continued to be a community based distribution of resources controlled by the state. Although exchange or trade, particularly in luxury goods or via wealth finance, took place under state control on behalf of the elite.33 As noted previously the Andean plazas did not particularly develop a role as public market places, although there is clear proof of the variety of forms of exchange

The administration of the society’s surplus took place in the central area under the control of the elite, part of whose function was to keep track of storage and distribution of agricultural products and community utensils, ceramics, course textiles and elite products of metals and fine ceramics and textiles. In the central administrative buildings were kept the quipus or, knotted strings that kept tally in Chimú and Tawantinsuyu times. The central site of the administration buildings also symbolically represented the central importance of the state economy, not only for the elite but for the society as a whole,30 both urban and rural. Through

to Cuzco went for the support of these persons and shrines, as well as for the national sanctuaries.’ 31 Earle (2002): pp. 148 -49 32 Earle’s (2002: p. 17) idea of Network Strategy is that it defines ‘…relationships of people to people through kinship, trade partnerships and alliances. In complex societies network strategies create broad systems of ideological and material exchanges binding leaders together in networks of mutual support and competition. These relationships are intensely personal and highly fluid, but they become materialized by the gifting of wealth objects. The form of networks is given physical reality and visibility with objects, and the control over manufacture and distribution of these politically significant objects is critical to understanding the nature of the networks in societies without written contracts’. 33 Moore (1958: p. 132) describes the reasons for this under the Tawantinsuyu but it is applicable to other periods and places within the Andes; ‘…the limited and local nature of trade may have been a result more of the locally-centred community and economic structure, than of any restrictive policies of the Inca government. There was relatively little mercantile development – nothing comparable to Aztec Mexico.’

27

Lumbreras, L. G., The Peoples and Cultures of Ancient Peru, Washington, Smithsonian Institute Press, 1974c: p. 230. 28 Earle (2002): pp. 133, 137. 29 Earle (2002): pp. 63, 144, 148, 149. 30 Moore (1958: pp. 24- 25) explains that under the Tawantinsuyu system ‘What was gathered was put into local storehouses, in part for sacrifices and in part for the support of the huaca attendants. Some of what was not used locally was taken to the provincial capital and some to Cuzco, the centre of the most important deities. Acosta says that the largest part went to Cuzco. Recalling that the Inca conquerors transported the most important local idols to Cuzco, and that persons from these localities served in Cuzco as attendants of their gods, one may infer that some of the local produce going

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION between highland and coastal cultures.34 Though plazas were the sites of ceremonial economic exchange in the form of state supplied ritual feasts. However other clearly urban economic areas did exist.

supervision of the ruling class as they were the important producers of the ideological symbols and wealth objects that supported the power structure.38 Earle makes the statement that A further and perhaps surer means of control of wealth involves the support and management of its manufacture. Specialist craftsmen, attached directly to elite patrons, can be involved in the manufacture of wealth used in social exchanges and political payments.39 Elite products formed the wealth objects used for the maintenance of the political economy. Staple goods were used by the elite to support specialists who produced high quality inalienable goods for exchange within a limited political sphere.40 To maximize central control, wealth objects must be scarce and difficult to fake. They must be rare (either because of the material used or the skill in labour involved) and their allocation must be controlled… the control of wealth production increases as the scale of political institutions expand.41 The Tawantinsuyu state took control of production in key wealth objects, especially the metal and cloth, and created large-scale systems of manufacture, storage, and long distance transportation.42 Centrally located weaving centres were used by the Mochica and Tawantinsuyu,43 while high status fine ceramic workshops have been found in the central precincts of the Late Mochica sites of Galindo and Pampa Grande44 and Cerro Mayal, or similarly placed were the shell jewelry workshops from the Turquis Plaza in Huari.45 Access to and control of such wealth items illustrates the connection

Figure 234. Quipu, a mnemonic device of knotted and coloured string for recording statistical information (Source: Cáceres, 2004, p.143).35

38 Bawden, G., ‘Life in the pre-Columbian town of Galindo’, in Field Museum of Natural History Bulletin, vol. 49, no. 3, 1978, pp. 16-23: pp. 2223; Bawden, G., ‘Galindo: a study in cultural transition during the Middle Horizon’, in M.E. Moseley & K.C. Day (eds.), Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, Albuquerque, Uni. of New Mexico Press, 1982, pp. 285-320; Bawden, G., The Moche, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Blackwell Publisher, 1996: p. 79; Hardoy (1973): p. 418. Bawden makes this point in regard to the Mochica, but it is able to be applied across the centralized political cultures of the Andes as part of the basic economic practice and control of symbols of ideology. 39 Earle (2002): p. 63. 40 Earle (2002): pp. 209, 218. 41 Earle (2002): p. 149. 42 Earle (2002): p. 159 43 Earle (2002: p. 155) mentions the situation of an entire village, Millera on the northern shore of Lake Titicaca, that was used as a specialist production site of 1000 weavers producing cloth for the military. He also cites the example of the weaver’s compound at Huánuco Pampa and nearby Pumpu which he describes as semi-industrial large scale production. 44 Bawden (1996: p. 291) finds that ‘Enclosed within the perimeter walls of the central precinct were a number of specialized craft workshops which produced the metal and ceramic symbols of high status. These workshops were of standardized architectural plan and careful construction as befitted the locations of activities important to broader social integration.’ 45 Bawden (1978): pp. 22- 23; (1982); (1996): p. 96- 97, 100, 291-3; Hardoy (1973).

The Inca decreed that craftsmen and technicians from all over the Empire should come to live in Cuzco, and craftsmen were also removed from their own communities to work under supervision in Tawantinsuyu administration centres.36 With a large group of lower ranking administrators who already lived and worked in Cuzco city, they constituted an important percentage of economic specialists in the total number of city dwellers.37 In general in Andean cities, in the central elite districts could be found the workshops for elite products such as high quality textiles, ceramics and metals. The elite artisans, attracted to the wealth of the large cities and as such the increased opportunity to practice their trade and improve their skills, were kept closely under the 34

Baudin, L., Daily Life of the Incas, New York, Dover Publishing Inc., Original Publication 1961c, unabridged Dover Ed. 2003: p. 41. 35 Cáceres Macedo, J., Prehispanic cultures of Peru, in Sandweiss, D. & Cáceres, C. (trans.), Guide of Peruvian Archaeology, Lima, 2004. 36 Earle (2002): p. 159. 37 Hardoy (1973: p. 447), states that they constituted the ‘middle class’, below which were the workers and soldiers.

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Figure 235. A Moche plate depicting a women’s weaving factory. The women are using backstrap looms (Source: Cáceres, 2004, p. 72)

between craft specialization, inalienable objects, and symbolic representation.46 Of the Moche, Bawden states that: Significantly, both of the excavated [metal] workshops were located in exclusive parts of their towns near administrative architecture and in settings where access was restricted.47

activity of the cities and as such were given space in which to operate.49 Tiwanaku was known to be an importer of raw materials and exporter of manufactured products, including ceramics, metals, textiles, coca and hallucinogenic powders and paraphernalia,50 while Chan Chan on the north coast, Tiwanaku and Huari and other highland centers were also known for the trade and production of specialized elite goods51 and included production areas for these precious products. Huari had a special area for the working of turquoise and there may have been another for the working of obsidian,52 both were materials brought in from considerable distance.

Earle remarks about the Tawantinsuyu that In the Inka [Tawantinsuyu] empire, the role of wealth produced by attached specialists is most apparent in cloth and metals. These wealth objects served to define visually the status divisions within society.48

In comparison, the workshops for utensil items such as cooking and storage ceramics were found in locations remote from centres of government and on the outskirts of the residential areas. In smaller towns, such as in the Mantaro valley, production also continued on a household basis.53 These did not require the close supervision and control of the elite. These city workshops and smelters also used greater quantities of raw materials as they were involved in mass production. Consequently, they were located conveniently close to the intercity roads and cargo areas (for instance, in Galindo, Pampa Grande and Tiwanaku), where their position would have facilitated access to llama caravans bringing raw materials and exporting finished products,

Similarly, chicha, or corn beer brewing, an important part of all festivities and rituals was in the cities restricted to a particular enclave, sometimes shared with the weavers. Chicha played an economic as well as religious role, the Tawantinsuyu used large festivals keep the peace with conquered people as part of reciprocity. At the time of these festivals the cities would fill with people from the countryside, villages, towns and other cities making the large central public plazas important spaces of economic, reciprocal and ideological activities. The economic ability of a city to hold these festivals in which much food and chicha were freely consumed for periods of days, did much not only for the reputation of the city but also maintained and perhaps increased it sphere of influence.

49

Kolata (1993): p. 274. Browman, D.L. (ed.), Advances in Andean Archaeology, World Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978a: p. 328; Browman, D.L., ‘Toward the development of the Tiahuanaco (Tiwanaku) state’, in D.L. Browman (ed.), Advances in Andean Archaeology, World Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978b, pp. 327-349: p. 333. 51 Browman (1978b): p. 333; Kolata (1993): p. 170. 52 In my investigations at Huari I uncovered an area beside a system of reservoirs which had been used for the exclusive production of obsidian tools. Beside a different reservoir in the central elite area I uncovered an area for working turquoise, other than that used in the Turquois compound commonly known about. Field notes, Lindsay Hasluck, 2004. 53 Earle (2002): p. 136 -37. 50

Produce from distant places was brought to the cities, objects created for foreign trade and articles assembled from raw material from distant locations, all were part of the economic 46

Earle (2002): p. 150. Bawden (1996: p. 97) also interestingly points out ‘Such concern with supervision and control clearly indicates the great value placed on metalworking by Moche rulers and underscores the importance of items of precious metal as symbols of authority.’ 48 Earle (2002): p. 154. 47

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION confirming the integration of transportation and production at the site.54

part of a strategy of status display. Much legend has been handed down about the storage of Inca gold in the subterranean tunnels below Cuzco, but none has so far come to light in the recent investigations. However eyewitness accounts of the storage of fine textiles and other products in the Tawantinsuyu Empire attest to the importance of control over this wealth.64

The need to accommodate the constant transportation of goods by large llama trains also maintained fundamental similarities between sites,55 as the llama trains with their cargo were not permitted access to the central district, even though the main administrative buildings were located there. Loading and unloading took place in designated corrals on the outskirts or beside storage and distributive buildings.56 However, from these cargo areas, or corrals, internal roads linked them to the administration buildings and especially the storage areas for wealth objects. Generally the distribution of Tawantinsuyu state storage complexes was not associated with the distribution of regional local communities, but was linked to the location of the state administrative centres and capitals, thereby keeping surplus produce firmly under state control.57

There was also the need for the storage of religious offerings which would have been a large part of the economies of the cities with greater reputations, such as Cuzco, Tiwanaku and Pachacamac. These cities also filled religious roles and were often visited by pilgrims from all over the Andes. In the case of Pachacamac, where an important Andean oracle was housed, the volume of religious offerings in the time of the Ichma, Regional States Period, was so great that they created a sister city, Armatambo, nearby where these could be stored and handled. From there they could be brought to Pachacamac for use or display. The Inca recognized the important wealth and political economic role of the Pachacamac oracle, and the storage and processing power of attached Armatambo, so did little to alter the city.

The development of central storage facilities in an agrarian state is a key element in the centralization of power and direction within society.58 Public storage buildings59 were usually located in an easily naturally defensive position, where the elite could maintain control over their protection and therefore control over the economy,60 use of the products and therefore the re-distribution, as, for instance, in Galindo, Písac, Ollantaytambo and Cuzco. They were also located, as for example at Huánuco Viejo,61 Písac, Ollantaytambo and Galindo, on hillsides to take advantage of the prevalent winds for the maintaining of food stuffs in prime condition. The Tawantinsuyu state used these massive stores as a means of payment, especially for local regional leaders and for the ritual display and status of the empire in such events as the regular state/ religious feasts.62

By comparison, during the Regional States Period the towns, as for example in the Mantaro valley, not only moved to the peaks of hills to build their defensive settlements but, reflecting the cultural shift away from an imperial network of intercity roads maintained for the large system of llama caravan trade, erected their new cities with no internal access for llamas. Any llama caravans that may have visited were corralled outside the city walls.65 This also meant that internal streets were smaller and more organic in growth and construction.

Another important area for economic activity, processing of foods and production of utensil and common objects occurred within the family home.66 As explained in chapter five, the family courtyard inside the patio house was the main

The storage of military items and supplies was also of great importance and were usually strategically placed in areas under the elite control. In Cuzco the two prime areas for military storage were along the avenues of the central elite area and in the fortress-temple of Sacsawaman on the hilltop above Cuzco. It is difficult to demarcate areas of storage of elite items such as gold and silver objects as these were usually part of the decorations of the temples63 and elite houses as

64

A conquestidor account is quoted in Earle (2002: p. 156) from Murra (‘The function of cloth in the Inka state’ in American Anthropologist, no. 64, 1962, pp. 710 -728: p. 717) – ‘Among the eyewitnesses of the invasion of Caxamarca [Cajamarca] there were houses filled to the ceiling with clothes tied into bundles. Even after “the Christians took all they wanted”, no dent was made in the pile. “There was so much cloth of wool and cotton that it seemed to me that many ships could have been filled with them”. As Pizarro’s army progressed across the Inka realm, similar stores were found at Xuaxa [Jauja] and in Cuzco. In the capital it was “incredible” to see the number of separate wharehouses filled with wool, rope, cloth both fine and rough, garments of many kinds, feathers and sandals. Pedro Pizarro mused some 40 years later about what he had seen as a youth: “I could not say about the wharehouses I saw, of cloth and all kinds of garments which were made and used in this kingdom, as there was no time to it, nor sense to understand so many things”. 65 Matos Mendieta, R., ‘Cultural and ecological context of the Mantaro Valley’, in D.L. Browman (ed.), Advances in Andean Archaeology, World Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978, pp. 307- 325: p. 313. 66 Earle (2002): p. 154; Kolata (1993): p. 169.

54

Bawden (1978): pp. 22- 23; (1996): pp. 98- 99; Kolata (1993): p. 170. Browman (1978a): p. 305; Kolata (1993: p. 274) states ‘Interlocal caravans have been part of the social landscape of the south-central Andes for at least 3000 years binding dispersed towns, villages and hamlets in regional webs of exchange’. 56 Bawden (1978): p. 23; (1982): p. 310; Hardoy (1973): p. 431. 57 Earle (2002): p. 207. 58 Earle (2002): p. 204. 59 Bawden (1996: p. 82) finds that houses in the Andes generally had a private storage area as part of their design. 60 Earle (2002): p. 204. 61 Huánuco Viejo had a storage capacity of 37,000 cu.m. Bahn, P. (ed). The Penguin Archaeology Guide, London, Penguin, 2001: p. 198. 62 Earle (2002): pp. 156, 201. 63 Earle (2002): p. 157. 55

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Figure 236. Reconstructed storage buildings on the mountainside at Písac, located defensively and apart from the residential areas. However with direct and limited access from elite residences and administrative areas. (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 237. Storage buildings amongst the terraced fields high on the hillside above Ollantaytambo town. One has been carefully reconstructed, with its design to allow winds to help with keeoing of the dried foods (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002). 173

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION area of family economic activities.67 Previously, the Mochica housing was often grouped around a central patio where domestic activity was pursued in a more communal way. Here we can presume that as Andean’s continue to do today, the occupants of the houses who were probably related families from the house blocks, met to relax after their days work. Here men also fashioned new agricultural tools, repaired broken ones, and shared with women the preparation of fruits and vegetables for cooking. There are also clear signs of this production pattern in the residences of Tiwanaku.68

Although the Andes never developed a market system such as Mesoamerica, where one of the main functions of the plaza was for the bazaar, in the Andes the plaza also played a type of economic role. Not only was it used for the large religious and state festivals in which part of the previously gathered surplus was redistributed in banquets of eating and drinking of a reciprocal basis,75 it was also used for the gathering of the military. This served two functions: firstly, the display of might and benevolence served to publicly reinforce the control of the state and help ensure the continued collection of surplus, but, secondly, it also meant that areas conquered by wars and after suppressed revolutions served to maintain the economic equilibrium of the empire. Without the ability for large military manoeuvres, certainly under the Tawantinsuyu, the empire could not have held together the vast region of varied cultures, nor conquered new areas with their important resources. The assembling of the might of the empire, who were usually armed farmers under mitae service attached to a small professional army, in the centre of the city was also a symbolic gesture of the size of the force the empire could maintain. The power of the political economy could be seen in the mass of infantry that it could muster or the size of the feast the state could sponsor.

In the benched courtyards of the Moche houses that served as the centres of domestic life were found artifacts associated with women, such as sewing, cooking and weaving implements. The women may also have participated in the domestic distribution network whose presence is marked by the attached storage room. Here women spun yarn from which rope and string were made and wove on their backstrap looms69 in the shelter of overhanging verandas while children played. The finding of a range of figurines, that may have been toys, decoration or domestic icons shows that Moche families, like their counterparts everywhere, not only aspired to be free of hunger and abuse, but also created a domestic sphere enhanced by relaxation, aesthetic pleasure and play.70 This use of the patio for domestic economic activities continues in the present day Andes, where campesino’s household traditions have changed little.

Earle is not unaware of the role that the environment played in the growth of a political economy able to support urbanism. He states, that ‘[t]he local ecology, its potential for long-term intensification, and the ability to control surplus production from the subsistence economy are all of great importance in limiting or encouraging political development’. It also had great effect upon the form that Andean urban areas would take.

Under the Tawantinsuyu, some of these family-produced objects, including dried foods, lithics, textiles, ceramics and bronze tools, were then placed in state storage and used for the common goals of the empire, for military and agricultural expansion and for security against famine.71 Specialised products for the Inca himself, such as vicuña textiles for his clothing72 were produced by specialists such as the hundreds of virgins in the numerous Houses of Virgins Temples in Cuzco and throughout the provincial capitals.73 Morris explains that ‘[s]taples, mobilized from local communities, were moved to the administrative centres, where crafters supported by the staples produced the fine objects that then could be moved to Cuzco and retained in central storehouses’.74

67

Bawden (1978): p. 20; (1996): pp. 81-2. Kolata (1993): p. 169. 69 A back-strap loom is a popular indigenous loom used throughout the Andes. In the home it is tied to a roof support pole for working and is strapped behind the back. 70 Bawden (1978): p. 20; (1996): p. 84- 85. 71 Earle (2002): pp. 218, 244. 72 The Vicuña is a small wild cameloid whose flesh and fur were reserved only for use by the Inca. The clothing of the Inca was burnt everyday after use, but had to be made from textiles woven by the holy virgins from the fur of the vicuña. 73 Bawden (1996): pp. 79, 81; Hardoy (1973): p. 418. 74 Morris, C., (Storage in Tawantinsuyu, Ann Arbor, University Microfilms, 1967) from Earle (2002: p. 218). 68

75

Earle (2002: p. 246) makes an interesting observation based on bone analysis showing a maize enriched diet, that the Wanka III, Mantaro valley (Tawantinsuyu occupation period) males ‘…who were apparently “eating out” for a significant proportion of their meals, suggest the importance of state sponsored feasting. The support of massive ceremonies was part of the states broader control over cultural production functioning to legitimize the states hegemony’; Kolata (1993: p. 251).

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Chapter Seven Environmental Design It is not for nothing that men have dwelt so often on the beauty or the ugliness of cities. Lewis Mumford1

as Písac, a large city that was constructed over the entire top of a mountain in the Urubamba (Sacred) valley.3

In the following pages it will be demonstrated how the environment was represented in the religious and social structure and symbolic world-view of Andean life. Here will be explored the relationship between urban design and the Andean environment as expressed in the adaptation to topography, the inclusion of natural features and through the aesthetic expression which create an internal urban environment. The Andean environment through its volatile and tough nature has always been a large shaping influence on Andean cultures. Its role in the physical design of the cities certainly determined some aspects through adaptation to geography, availability of water and ease of access to other cities. The environments widespread and varied inclusion in urban planning shows the large part that it played in Andean cultures.1

Although Wari-Tiwanaku culture introduced regular enclosures, their use as a standard layout in the highlands was limited in comparison to the coast. Huari, for example, was defensively enclosed by a wall and built on the top of a plateau of which two sides vertically descend to rivers, making space limited. Inside the city walls the terrain is composed of many small knolls and a regular layout was not possible. Even though there was use of enclosures in a scattered way the design of the city was controlled by the available usable land and the form of the terrain. However, the city design still included the same traditional city elements with plazas, temples, streets and administrative centres, central to the housing.

7.1 Topographical Adaptation Accommodating structures and urban features to the terrain was a characteristic of highland people. The Tawantinsuyu builders of Marca Huamachuco skillfully utilized the differences in elevation and agricultural terraces to strengthen the cities defence system. On the elevations to the northwest of the mountaintop, the inhabitants built other fortified complexes to defend the access to the city from that direction.4 Also Machu Picchu and Písac both had naturally defensive positions. It was common amongst all the urban settlements to build the cities upon the non-arable land, usually rougher terrain, in order to maximize production.5 The case of Galindo using the topography of the site to help in political and social division demonstrates a good understanding of the possible uses of topography in urban design.6

The Andean cultures have always had, and continue to have, an integral relationship with the environment both physically and spiritually. Physically, the difficult and varied geography has forced them to adapt in various ways all aspects of their lives. They transformed the land through irrigation, terracing, canalization, roads, bridges and urbanization to be able to forge their civilizations. When building their cities the topography, availability of water and arable land were also controlling factors for position and design. The coastal areas, being flatter, had greater areas of arable land and easier access to water. It has previously been noted how the location of a city had importance, and how the flatter form of the coastal terrain allowed cities to be created with a design of greater regularity based upon the repetitive use of enclosures. However in the highlands, where the terrain was often topographically extreme, some of the cities were forced to alter their forms to accommodate the individual natures of the terrain.2 This is particularly the case for Huari and later there are many more examples under the Tawantinsuyu, the finest of which were Machu Picchu as well

This system of adaptation of form while maintaining the same design elements was used as the foundation of urban planning by the Tawantinsuyu, this was in contrast to the Wari-Tiwanaku formal rigid planning in mitmaequna colonies as represented best by Pikillacta and 3

Niles, S. A., The Shape of Inca History - Narrative and Architecture in an Andean Empire, Iowa City, Uni. of Iowa Press, 1999. 4 Hardoy, J. E., Pre-Columbian Cities, London, Allen & Unwin, 1973: p. 346. 5 Bawden, G., ‘Life in the pre-Columbian town of Galindo’, in Field Museum of Natural History Bulletin, vol. 49, no. 3, 1978, pp. 16-23: p. 16. 6 Bawden, G., ‘Galindo: a study in cultural transition during the Middle Horizon’, in M.E. Moseley & K.C. Day (eds.), Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, Albuquerque, Uni. of New Mexico Press, 1982, pp. 285-320.

1

Mumford, Lewis, 'What is a city?' in The Architectural Record, 1937, republished in Malcolm Miles and Tim Hall (eds), The City Cultures Reader, New York, New York, 2nd Ed., 2004, pp. 28-32: p. 29. 2 As a note of interest, Kolata, A., (The Tiwanaku: portrait of an Andean civilization, Cambridge, Mass., Blackwell, 1993: p. 18) states that ‘…at 3,850 meters [above sea level] Tiwanaku maintains the distinction of being the highest urban settlement of the ancient world’.

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Figure 238. A plan of Huari (Wari capital) showing its regular enclosures despite its difficult adaptation to the hilly terrain. Note also the repeated use of circular plazas and large dividing wall (Source: Escalante, 2001, p. 132).7 Viracochapampa.7Although Huari uses the Tiwanaku design concept the form which has been adapted to the difficult terrain was Huari in design.8 Písac, the second Cuzco and Quito, are all found to have the main infrastructural elements although their placement within the city varies according to the topography, maintaining only the central placement of the state, religious and elite residences around or nearby the main plaza.

administrative buildings on the down slope and in a less central position; however this utilized the flatter terrain and allowed a better water service from reservoirs above. Bonavía states: One common feature is seen in all Inca and pre-Inca centres of population: i.e. their complete adaptation to topography and the maximum use of natural features in their building of these centres. This results from the imposing geomorphological conditions which they had to master. This was undoubtedly a determining factor preventing (in many cases) any regularity of urban design, as Rowe (1946:2289) has observed. The Andean man in fact made relatively few changes in his natural environment when setting up his home. Major changes were directed towards problems of much greater importance, such as the obtaining of arable lands and the carrying out of engineering works to preserve them permanently.10

No matter what the topography the central position of power retains its importance, with the housing surrounding, and the form of the ‘barrios’ depended upon the lay of the land. Such as at Ollantaytambo which tries to adhere to a grid plan, but the topography forces the city to have an upper and lower level and to build the barrios in a trapezoidal form. The elite housing will usually be found in the upper or higher areas, as first seen in Caral. Cuzco, Písac and Machu Picchu of the Tawantinsuyu used this layout, while, of the Wari influenced coastal cultures, El Purgatorio, Galindo and Pachacamac also use this criteria. Huari itself located the religious and

9 Rowe, J. H., ‘Inca culture at the time of Spanish conquest’, in J.H. Steward (ed.), Handbook of South American Indians, vol. 2, Smithsonian Institution Bulletin 143, Washington D.C., 1946, pp.183-330. 10 Bonavía, D., ‘Ecological factors affecting the urban transformation in the last centuries of the pre-Columbian era’, in D.L. Browman (ed.), Advances in Andean Archaeology, World Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978a, pp. 393-410: pp. 394- 395.

7 Escalante Moscoso, J.F., De la caverna a la metrópolis – 5000 años de arquitectura, 2nd Edición, La paz, Producciones CIMA, 2001. 8 Spickard, L. E., ‘El análisis de la arquitectura de los sitios de Huari y Tiwanaku’, in Dialogo Andina, 45th Congreso Intercultural Americanistas, Bogota, 1983, vol. 4, 1985, pp. 73-88.

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Figure 239. Plan of Ollantaytambo. The religious and defensive part of the city through which the inter-city road passes is on the terraced hillside to the left of the central river. On the right is the housing area, barrio, shaped in a rough trapezoid to fit the features of the terrain. Note the two plazas, one on either side of the river, servicing religious and administrative functions (16) and public space functions (23) respectively. A spring of sacred waters is associated with the religious plaza (Source: Hardoy, 1968, Figure 62).11

Figure 240. A rough plan of Písac, a city comparable in size with Cuzco. Note how the city is spread over the mountain peak, using the natural terrace-like formations for constructions. However much effort has been put into the agricultural terracing that transforms the sides of the mountains. The elite housing and religious complex are placed higher up the mountain. The grey line represents the modern road from Cuzco crossing the Urubamba valley. Not represented on this map are the vast quantity of agricultural terraces on the other side of the river and on the river flats (Source: Angles, 2001, p. 40). 11

Hardoy, J. E., Urban planning in pre-Columbian America, London, Studio Vista, 1968.

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION enjoy the view of the river and valley.18 Pachacamac’s pyramids and plazas have a view of the ocean, river valley and the two sacred islands just offshore as did some of the major streets.19 Caral had a view of the river valley and mountains, Tiwanaku a view of the sacred mountains, setting and rising sun and the lake (which may have been higher during its time) and also of the residential districts.20 Huari had a commanding view over the two connecting rivers and their valleys and Chan Chan a view of the ocean, river mouth and mountains. Cajamarca was such a popular city for views, and thermal baths, that many Inca and elite families built palaces there. Obviously clear views must also have played a defensive role.

As previously discussed it is the plazas that noticeably and continuously change form to suit the topography, leading to the wide diversity found under Tawantinsuyu planning, although with a propensity for trapezoidal or some form of geometric shape. Machu Picchu, Cuzco and Tambo Colorado’s plazas are clear examples of this topographical adaptation.12 7.2 Natural Features Building in environmental extremes or otherwise, the use of natural features has always been a component of urban design in the Andes. The foremost aspect is the use of vistas or views. Entire cities, or particular structures or avenues, were designed to give maximum views of the natural scenery, such as mountains, rivers, valley or the ocean. Unusually, however, Cuzco makes no attempt to create vistas and variety by bringing into play natural differences in elevation.13 The general orientation of the buildings at nearby Chinchero were built to discourage access but to afford views of the main plaza, and represents only one example of where the Tawantinsuyu also show an appreciation for the man-made environment.14 As noted earlier the pyramids in Caral were built so that they all looked over the central plaza and onto each other, as did those of Tiwanaku and Pachacamac.

The enjoyment of nature did not necessarily end at the cities entrances and was often included into urban design. With the Wari-Tiwanaku and Tawantinsuyu bedrock was always used as a building base where possible. Staircases were often cut out of the bedrock, with natural caves used as passages and dwellings (eg. the caves of Cajarmarquilla21). Bedrock was also used as parts of buildings and temples, particularly the Tawantinsuyu’s numerous ‘hitching post of the sun’.22 The hitching post of the sun was a ceremonial sacred stone to which the ‘sun was tied’ to ensure its return each year, and a feature of many Tawantinsuyu cities. Natural water courses were channeled to run through the cities both for function and also to enhance aesthetics, as may be seen in fountains and canals of Pikillacta,23 Cuzco, Machu Picchu,24 Pachacamac, Ollantaytambo and especially in Písac,25 with its sacred baths. They were also often made to form similar designed artificial pools and reservoirs that were constructed with cut stone and suggest similar ritual use.26 In Cajamarca some of the palaces included pools with channeled thermal hot and cold running water.27

Machu Picchu provides one of the best known examples with the famous ‘three windows’ looking out over the valley. There are also many windows and balconies with apparently no other purpose than to enjoy the famous view.15 Písac built upon the entire top of a mountain has superb views and buildings with windows and doors that faced in directions to appreciate them and to take advantage of the natural features.16 Cuzco is constructed without monumental buildings leaving an open view of the surrounding mountains, while from above Sacsawaman commands a spectacular view over Cuzco and the mountains, and was built with many windows to appreciate it.17 Ollantaytambo was orientated to

12

Baudin, L., Daily Life of the Incas, New York, Dover Publishing Inc., Original Publication 1961c, unabridged Dover Ed., 2003: p. 41; Hardoy (1968): p. 48. 13 Hardoy (1973): p. 456. 14 Niles (1999): p. 284. 15 Baudin, L., Daily Life In Peru: under the last Incas, London, George Allen & Unwin, 1961b: p. 29; Bingham, H., Machu Picchu - a citadel of the Incas report of the explorations and excavations made in1911, 1912 and 1915 under the auspices of Yale University and the National Geographic Society, (1930), New Haven, Hacker Art Books, Inc., New York, re-issued 1979:pp. 50, 63, 66, 75. Bingham (1979: p. 52), the first archaeologist to explore Machu Picchu, passionately describes the view; ‘I know of no place in Peru that has a more charming view. Many of the mountains sustain a cover of dense tropical vegetation from top to bottom; others are bare except for scant pasture; while still others consist of sheer granite precipices. On clear days snow-capped peaks may be seen both east and west, the finest being those of Salcantay and Soray, which are conspicuous from the lower Cuzco Valley’. 16 Niles (1999): p. 268. 17 Hyslop, J., Inka settlement planning, Austin, Uni. of Texas press, 1990: pp. 53- 4.

18

Niles (1999): pp. 291- 2. Reinhard, J., ‘Tiwanaku: ensayo sobre su cosmovisión’, in PumapunkuNuevo época, año 1, no. 2, 1991, pp. 9- 66: p. 48. The orientation of the view for the ocean becomes exceedingly apparent when walking the ruins of Pachacamac. Looking down the main east-west street is looking out towards the ocean. 20 Spickard (1985). 21 Baudin (1961b): p. 40. 22 Baudin (1961b): p. 40; Bingham (1979): p. 52. 23 Lumbreras, L. G., The Peoples and Cultures of Ancient Peru, Washington, Smithsonian Institute Press, 1974c: p. 168. 24 Bingham (1979): pp. 48, 80. 25 Hyslop (1990): p. 135. 26 Hyslop (1990): p. 137. 27 Niles (1999). 19

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Figure 241. Písac P was buil ilt to take in the th view of the he two valleys below, b and esppecially of the he sacred river Urumbamba.. From its peaak all its land could c be surve veyed, even thee terraces on the t other sidee of the valley. This overlook oks the P’isaqaa barrio (Sourc rce: L.Hasluckk, 2001).

Figuure 243. A Machu Picchhu house froom the Kingss distr trict with win ndows overloooking the Uru rubamba riverr valleey giving a spllendid view an nd open to coo ooling breezes.. Thee upper wind dows may als lso have playe yed a role in n venttilation for the he storage of dr dried food prod oducts, such ass corn n (Source: L.H Hasluck, 2002) 2).

Figure 242. Windows on o the Pisác watch towerr that guarded the entrance e from m the valley and nd watched oveer the river, most of o the terraced d farming land d and the inteercity road (Sourcee: L.Hasluck, 2001). 2 179

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Figure 246. In this photo can be seen the mass of windows facing over the valley, and what an importance they played in the architecture of Machu Picchu. The two very large windows near the centre are actually doorways to an upper floor (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 244. A large window with views of the agricultural terraces from the Royal Mausoleum Group at Machu Picchu (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 245. Windows in the Temple of the Sun with a view of the central plaza and mountains beyond (on a clear day), the Kings district and the Urubamba river valley at Machu Picchu (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002). 180

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Figure 247. Above and below (fig 248), windows in the elite housing complexes of Tambo Colorado. Some of the windows face inwards towards the internal patios while others look out over the settlement and the river valley farming lands towards the mountains beyond (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 248. This vista is a cross a small plaza in the elite housing, note the painted window interior and painted niches in the distance (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 249. A sacred rock, natural boulder, from the northern terraces complex at Machu Picchu. It seems, like Hitching Post of the Sun (figure 250), that the rocks are in imitation of the surrounding peaks. Perhaps such as was the form of the pyramid (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 250. The Hitching Post of the Sun at Machu Picchu, always cut out of bedrock so as to be attached to the earth. The form seems to imitate the sacred Huayna Picchu mountain behind (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

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Figure 251. A subterranean temple under Kenko, carved out of bedrock following a natural fissure. A Peruvian guide desecrates the sacred site by climbing atop the altar. Figure 165 also shows some stairs carved from bedrock (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

Figure 253. Original Tawantinsuyu perimeter road and houses on the river side of Ollantaytambo with still functioning drain and aqueduct system (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 252. Part of a system of subterranean tunnels under the Sacsawaman. This short arm leads from the circular plaza to a group of tombs carved into cliff faces and boulders (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001). 182

CHAPTER SEVEN: ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN The use of canals for the movement and collection of water in Tiwanaku and its temples of Akapana and Pumapunku is seen by Reinhard28 as representative of the cult of water/fertility, which is in relation to the river that connects Tiwanaku with Lake Titicaca ‘the mother of all waters’.29 The engineers and architects of Tiwanaku also planned the elaborate system of covered drainage canals for the city30 and a large moat separated the central religious complex and elite housing from the rest of the city.31 Other canals further divided the city into sections. Drainage and irrigation was also built into Pachacamac with a complex system of canals and reservoirs32 and played a very important part in the design of the Chan Chan citadels. Tomebamba had a complex system of canals and drainage in the centre and the main plaza of the city.33 Iskanwaya in its extreme mountain top position used a system of canals to collect water, funnel and distribute it to the patios of the mansions inside the city34 – a system not seen in other sites in Bolivia.

from a central octagonal fountain completely encased in gold. Beneath the semicircular structure were plants made from gold and gems, among them stalks of maize with leaves and ears.37 This symbolic garden was a representation of the sacred place of the environment in the Andean cosmology. So, too, was the sacred Aukaipat Plaza in Cuzco, that was covered with a deep layer of sand from the Pacific coast38 or the blue gravel atop the Akapana pyramid in Tiwanaku which came from the sacred Quimsachata mountain range.39

It is difficult to trace the inclusion of plants in cities in the archaeological record, but conquistador accounts do mention that in Cuzco sacred corn was grown in the main plaza35 and city terraces were set aside for growing the Inca’s favourite flowers. Also that the people of Tawantinsuyu were renowned for keeping beautiful treed parks, floral gardens and menageries.36 Lumbreras describes a patio in the Koricancha at Cuzco, which blends the elements of water use, planted gardens and the heights of aestheticism: A large central patio is said to have contained a partly natural and partly artificial garden that was provided with water by channels sheathed in precious metals and issuing

28

Reinhard (1991): pp. 18, 28, 30. Kolata (1993: p. 111) also theorises that the water collection and drainage of the Akapana and Pumapunku pyramids were related to the natural drainage system of the nearby sacred Quimsachata mountain range, and was also a sysmbol of earth fertility for agricultural productivity. 30 Browman, D.L., ‘Toward the development of the Tiahuanaco (Tiwanaku) state’, in D.L. Browman (ed.), Advances in Andean Archaeology, World Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouton Publishers, 1978b, pp. 327-349: p. 330. Kolata (1993: p. 155) makes reference to the elaborate system of sewerage drainage in the central elite housing district, that kept clean and dirty water separate. 31 Isbell, W, ‘La Isla del Sol de la Luna: ¿fue este importante santuario incaico un centro religioso primario de civilizaciones andinas más antiguas? Una reseña y una critica’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001a: p. 651; Kolata (1993): p. 90. 32 Gisbert, T., ‘Pachacamac y los dioses del Callao’, in Reunión Anual de Etnología 1990, La Paz, MUSEF: Museo Nacional de Etnografía y Folklore, 1990, pp. 13- 30: p. 20. 33 Hyslop (1990): p. 140- 141. 34 Ponce Sanginés, C., ‘La ciudadela precolombina de Iskanwaya’, in Arte y Arqueología: Revista del Instituto de Estudios Bolivianos, vol. 3 & 4, Sección Arte, 1975a, pp. 251-257: p. 252; Portugal Ortix, M., & Portugal Zamora, M., ‘Investigaciones arqueológicas en el valle de Tiwanaku’, in Jornadas Peruano-Boliviano de Estudio Científico del Altiplano Boliviano y del Sur del Perú, vol. 2- Arqueología en Bolivia y Perú, 1977, pp. 243-283. 35 Hardoy (1973): p. 443. 36 Niles (1999): p. 272. 29

Figure 254. Machu Picchu was fed by many small springs, often bringing water by channels from great distances. This is the system of 13 fountains served by the main spring that fed a water system that went through the centre of the town marking the division between the elite and workers residences. A system of small created waterfalls allowed the water to easily fill containers (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

37

Lumbreras (1974c): p. 218. Hyslop (1990): p. 37. 39 Kolata (1993): p. 109. 38

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Figure 255. The complex system of water falls used at the ceremonial centre of Tambo Machay, and still operating today, demonstrates the great importance and symbolism placed on water and the sophisticated manipulation to which it could be put (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001). Figure 256. The ceremonial baths at Písac, located below the Sun Temple. A regular feature in Tawantinsuyu towns (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

Figures 257, 258, 259. These three photos show the passage of water works that start from a spring in the Sun Temple at the peak of Písac, and continue down through the city to the terraces below. First the channel flows from the sacred spring along the side of the temple, then second, it flows across the plaza in front into a pool of sacred significance, and from there it flows to the right across the plaza and is channeled down hill through the barrios and finally to the fields below. Thereby bringing fertility to the fields from the sacred temple waters. These fields may have been used to sacred corn used for ceremonial chicha (corn beer) libations (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

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Figure 258

Figure 259

Figurre 260. Partt of the drain nage/aqueduct ct system from the pool atop at the Pum mapunku Tem emple in Tiwan naku. It fed into in the system m of drains, aqqueducts and canals c for whiich the city iss well known (Source: L.Has asluck, 2003). 185

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 261. The drainage system for the Semi-subterranean Temple at Tiwanaku, connected to the larger system of drains and canals (Source: L.Hasluck, 2003).

Figure 262. The drainage system for the Kalasasaya temple at Tiwanaku, the drains run down the entire length of the east and west side spaced at intervals and would have drained into the larger city canal system that surrounded the central religious complex (Source: L.Hasluck, 2003).

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Figure 263. The large water reservoir at the Chan Chan citadel of Tschudi is still functioning because it is deep enough to collect ground water seepage(Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 264. Tawantinsuyu ritual baths at ruins above Lago Chillata in Bolivia. The site has a large and complex water system (Source: ongoing, unpublished excavations, L.Hasluck, 2003). 187

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 265. Part of the Cambemayo water aqueduct system at Cajamarca, a place also known to have had flowing hot thermal and cold water systems for the Inca´s pools in their holiday palaces. The channel is cut from the bedrock (Source: Kauffman Doig, 1973, p. 245, fig. 314).

Figure 266. Road works have uncovered some of the sophisticated drainage system at Huari, in the middle left of the photo one of the underground channels is revealed (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 267. One of the Huari reservoirs situated in the centre of the city, identified by the author. This probably fed the elite district and temples below. (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

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Figure 268. Part of the reservoir and bathing system linked to complex underground canals and drainage at Pachacamac, House of the Mamacunas (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

Figure 270. A colonial drainage system made using indigenous stone masons. The Spanish traditions and the Andean can sometimes bare much in common, Arequipa, Peru (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

7.3 Aesthetics It is difficult in the Andean cultures to talk in terms of pure aesthetics as there appears to be no separation between functionality, ideology and art. Yet it is clear through their cultural representations and decoration in ceramics, textiles, metals, architecture, sculpture, music and urban design that they had a complex and sophisticated sense of aesthetics. Most aspects of life from the mundane to the highly sacred tried to be aesthetically pleasing. The design of cities, buildings, temples, plazas and streets were all aesthetically treated. As will be further discussed in the following chapter the different elements of the city design all had an aesthetic touch that played a role in social coercion. However, the decorations that adorned the walls, temples and gateways did more than represent the ideological power of the state and cohesive forces of the culture; they were also designed to be pleasing and invigorating to the eye. The cities of all epochs, from Caral to Cuzco, were individually places of great beauty and this must have been part of the attraction of urban living.

Figure 269. A Huari stone fountain, in the Huari Site Museum (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). 189

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION The living conditions were probably not abhorrent, at least for the ruling classes, but created an ambience of colourful vibrancy and beauty, which also held great symbolic meaning. Niles40 in her analysis of Tawantinsuyu architectural styles points out that there was an aesthetic difference between works that were dedicated to the administrative and imperial needs of the state and those that were designed to serve the private needs of the ruling class.41 Lumbreras states that ‘the forms of the stones incorporated into the Cuzco walls reflect an underlying aesthetic sensitivity…’,42 and the Cuzco style was chosen specifically to imitate Tiwanaku stone work – Cieza de Leon in Ibarra, Mesa & Gisbert states; ‘…yo he oído afirmar a indios que los ingas hicieron los edificios grandes del Cuzco por la forma que vieron tener la muralla o pared que se ve en este pueblo [Tiwanaku]’.43

It is true to say that within the physical design of the cities was a rich tradition of aesthetic expression architecture and in everyday objects, clothes and music that would have made the cities colourful and vibrant cultural centres.47 Holstein describes the walls of Chan Chan as an aesthetic masterpiece: The walls of both palaces and many other buildings – possibly all of them – were profoundly decorated in high relief, some worked in plaster in the form of animals, stars, leaves, circles and complicated intricate lines similar to some of the Chinese ideographs and executed with admirable regularity and precision. The friezes stood out from a painted background of bright colours which have entirely disappeared but which have been seen by some of the oldest inhabitants now living in Trujillo.48 The use of decorated walls was clearly present in the sacred, public and domestic buildings49 in Caral which used combinations of red, white and yellow.50 This same combination of colours also adorned the walls at Moche, and the much later Tawantinsuyu settlement of Tambo Colorado and Ichma constructions of the Regional States, and Tawantinsuyu Periods at Pachacamac. Remains of these colours are still visible in these locations today.

Niles44 also cites Cieza de Leon who states that the masonry style used by Pachacutec for Cuzco and Ollantaytambo was an emulation of the earlier Tiwanaku. However, Prozten and Nair find very little similarities in stone construction techniques between the two, and that if the Incas borrowed any ideas ‘…they thoroughly reinterpreted and made their own’.45

This use of colour on walls, buildings and interiors was also repeated widely by the Tawantinsuyu, and especially at Cuzco.51 The cities, with all they contained, would have been the peak of cultural expression in their periods, and for this they would have been an attraction, centre of tradition maintenance and dynamics, and stylistic exchange. Part of this rich tradition is still clear today in the fine array of decorative ceramic and woven artifacts, which probably belonged in the main to the elite and wealthy.

Indeed, in the broader view of Andean urban design it is the aesthetic and social components, as much as economic and political, that keep the fluidity, status and structure of the tradition flowing through the ages. The Andean’s close connection to the environment, and expression of that connection, must also include the urban environment. In ceramic art through different cultures and epochs is found expressions of all aspects of their lives, from animals, war, agriculture, hunting, fishing, ceremonial and religious life, sexuality, through to the urban, of daily activities, houses, social elite, religion, games, calendars and disease. The Mochican pottery, for instance, gives us an assorted view of life in their time.46 To a lesser extent the same can be said for their textile and ornamental tradition.

Some specific aspects can be traced through the pan-Andean tradition, but aesthetic and ideological design is bound to differ and change greatly between cultures and periods. The stone heads of Kotosh, Chavín de Huantar, Tiwanaku, Huari and Marca Huamachuco was a style that existed for a long period, around 3000 years. The pyramid form, the staircase, geometric designs, the trapezoidal doorway, wall niches and wavy lines, all these are used from the urban traditions inception or before, beginning in ceremonial centres and later continued in urban areas.52

40

Niles (1999): p. 263. Kaulicke (2001): p. 497; Kolata (1993): p. 152. 42 Lumbreras, L. G., (1974c: p. 219), continues ‘…expressed in arrangements that vary from an even surface composed of rows of equal-sized stones to a technique known as “cellular polygonal,” in which the stones with different numbers of sides were fitted together so precisely that they resemble the cells of an organic tissue. The outer face of a wall generally exhibits slight convexity because of the pillow-like contours of the stones.’ 43 Ibarra Grasso, D., De Mesa, J. & Gisbert, T., ‘Reconstruccion de Taypicala (Tiahuanaco)’, in Cuadernos Americanos, vol. 14, 1955, pp. 149-176: p. 158. …I did hear affirmed by Indians that the Incas made the grand buildings of Cuzco like the form of that of the walls to be seen in this town [Tiwanaku] (translation by L.Hasluck). 44 Niles (1999): p. 267. 45 Prozten, J. & Nair, S., ‘Who Taught the Inca Stonemasons Their Skills?’ in Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, vol. 56: 2, June, 1997, pp. 146- 168. 46 Bawden (1978); Bawden, G., The Moche, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Blackwell Publisher, 1996; Davies, N., ‘The Ancient Kingdoms of Peru’, London, Penguin, 1997: pp. 15- 28; Lumbreras (1974c): pp. 99- 111. 41

47

Bawden (1996). Holstein, O., ‘Chan-Chan: capital of the great Chimú’, in The Geographical Review, vol. 17, no. 1, 1927, pp. 36- 61: p. 58. 49 Campana, C. Tecnologias constructivas de tierra: en la costa norte prehispanica, Trujillo, Instituto Nacional de Cultura – La Liberdad, 2000.Llamas–Moxeque was also richly decorated with friezes that were probable painted although I have found no reference to their colours, which may have been washed away before the colonial period. 50 Shady, R., Caral Supe Perú: La civilización más antigua de América, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral-Supe, 2nd Ed., 2004. 51 Hyslop (1990): pp. 11- 12; Lumbreras (1974c): pp. 217- 235; Niles (1999): pp. 289, 290. 52 Bingham (1979): p. 73; Lumbreras (1974c): p. 219. 48

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CHAPTER H SEVEN N: ENVIRONME ENTAL DESIGN N

Figure 271. Part P of wall fri rieze from Huaaca de la Lunaa, Moche. Som me of the colouurs were forme med by urban manufacturing m g processes. The Th yellow and d red ochre arre oxides from m the kilns, allso the black which w is an oxxide formed at a 600°C. Thee white is talcu cum powder and an the blue is a compound d (photo by L.Hasluck, L 200 004, ochre anaalysis by Uced da & Paredes,, 5 1994, p.45).53

Figuure 272. Decoorated adobe w walls of the Drragon Palace at Chan C Chan froom the mid-20 20th century, before b storm dam mage erased much m of thee adobe walll decoration (Souuce: Lumbreraas, 1974, p.1855).

Figur ure 273. Adobee frieze wall design de at the Draggon Palace, Chan Chan n (Source: Lum mbreras, 1974, pp.186).

53

Uceda, S. & Paareda, A., ‘Arquiteectura y Función de la Huaca de La Luna’, L in MASA, vol. 6, no. 7, 1994, pp. 42- 46.

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 274. A Wari drinking vessel or cup (kero), highly decorated in geometric, relief and feline designs (Source: Cáceres, 2004, p. 98).54

Figure 276. Detail from a Paracas Necropolis (Late Formative Period) wool textile, showing anthropomorphic figure. The Paracas culture from the South coast was not urban but have the reputation for having made the finest textiles in the Andes, and as such make a good example of the heights this art form could achieve. The figure is approximately 5cm in height.(Source: Cáceres, 2004, p. 57).

Figure 275. A Wari textile in bright colours showing four figures of ancient anthropomorphic designs holding staffs. A small dog can be seen bottom centre with a bird above (Source: Cáceres, 2004, p. 100). 54

Cáceres Macedo, J., Prehispanic cultures of Peru, in Sandweiss, D. & Cáceres, C. (trans.), Guide of Peruvian Archaeology, Lima, 2004.

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CHAPTER SEVEN: ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN Rather than analyse all the countless different ways in which aesthetics were used in the Andes, it is better to accept from the varying evidences noted above that aesthetics have always played an important and determining role in cities and urban design in the Andean region. It would be difficult to believe that plans were made without taking account of the aesthetic effect. Aesthetics could have also been included in the following chapter on social design, as it was a part of social and cultural representation through style and iconography. However it was included under environment because the general ambience aesthetics creates is part of the urban ecology, and because much of Andean imagery and aesthetics draws inspiration from the surrounding environment, an inescapable part of the Andean world-view.

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Chapter Eight Social Design What men can not imagine as a vague formless society, they can live through and experience as citizens in a city. Their unified plans and buildings become a symbol of their social relatedness, and when the physical environment itself becomes disordered and incoherent, the social functions that it harbours become more difficult to express. Lewis Mumford1

This1section of the book is an analysis of those aspects of urban design that affected the social functioning of a city, which is the people’s commitment to a shared world-view and ethos that allowed the continued existence of an urban way of life.2 In the Andean urban tradition it is apparent that the use of shared symbolism, both in construction and decoration, helped to maintain a certain level of ideological and therefore social cohesion. That cohesion, whether produced through coercive power on the part of the ruling elite, or by the voluntary acceptance of social ties, affected the length of occupation of cities. The social success of a city can be partially determined by the length of time that it remains an important centre of habitation, and the economic and cultural benefits that flow from residing in the centre of its influence.

8.1 Length of Occupation The length of time for which a city is occupied is a good indication of its social, cultural and economic success. That a city is occupied for a great length of time, such as Tiwanaku and Pachacamac which were occupied for over 2,5003 and 1,500 years respectively, suggests that something in the design of the city and the length of time it is occupied were functions of the success of the socio-political structures in the city. This is further supported by the fact that though cities came under foreign domination, such as Pachacamac (twice), Cajamarca (twice), or Chan Chan (or most of the Tawantinsuyu provincial capitals), after a minimum of modification these cities continued to serve as cultural, political and economic centres for the invading empires. An important part of a city plan is its choice of location, as previously discussed, with urban sites chosen for communication and trade routes, availability of arable land, access to and control of water sources, defensibility and in some cases for religious considerations. Tiwanaku and Pachacamac fulfill all these requirements, and their locations contain sizeable towns to this day. As do the cities of Cuzco, Cajamarca, Quito, Tumbes, Trujillo (Chan Chan) and Lima (Armatambo and Cajamarquilla).

The way in which cities were planned to create and/or maintain social stratification was previously discussed. It need only be noted here that this was also a large part of the social design tradition of Andean cities, used to maintain the power of the centralized government essential to urban existence. This, however, was also a way of maintaining social stability. Planned cities often included special purpose areas such as the religious complexes, plazas and thoroughfares that have also been previously discussed. These planned areas include, both centrally and on the perimeters of the city, those set aside for economic purposes such as delivery, collection and storage of goods, trade and the manufacture of products, both luxury and utensil. However although these areas had a strong social role they were discussed previously under the idea of political economy and the social ties formed and strengthened by the system of wealth finance and ritual exchange of luxury goods.

The longevity of some cities, such as Tiwanaku and Pachacamac, in their own times contributed to their grandeur and reputation.4 The grandeur of the cities was part of upholding peoples desire to live in an urban environment. Grandeur and civic pride helped to maintain political stability and was also an attraction for artisans. Chan Chan enjoyed great prestige and foremost status among cities because of its size and centralization of services.5 For instance, the reputation of the Tawantinsuyu Empire meant that not all people were resistant to coming under its governance, and many cities that joined enjoyed a bettered style of urban existence than they had previously experienced.6

1

Mumford, Lewis, 'What is a city?' in The Architectural Record, 1937, republished in Malcolm Miles and Tim Hall (eds), The City Cultures Reader, New York, Routledge, 2nd Ed., 2004, pp. 28-32: p. 29. 2 Hardoy, J.E. (Pre-Columbian Cities, London, Allen & Unwin, 1973: p. xxiii) states ‘[a]n urban way of life implies urban institutions and an important percentage of the population living and working in a nonrural environment; an economy based, at least in part, on the mass production of goods for market, heavy population density, and a marked social stratification.’

3 Reinhard, J., ‘Tiwanaku: ensayo sobre su cosmovisión’, in PumapunkuNuevo época, año 1, no. 2, 1991, pp. 9-66: p. 9. 4 Kolata, A., The Tiwanaku: portrait of an Andean civilization, Cambridge, Mass., Blackwell, 1993: p. 10. 5 Lumbreras L. G., The Peoples and Cultures of Ancient Peru, Washington, Smithsonian Institute Press, 1974c: p. 183. 6 Baudin, l. Daily Life of the Incas, New York, Dover Publishing Inc., Original Publication 1961c, unabridged Dover Ed. 2003: pp. 52-57.

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CHAPTER EIGHT: SOCIAL DESIGN economies buoyed.8 Tiwanaku and Pachacamac existed for the longest periods as urban and religious centres precisely for these reasons. They were in their time the two most important religious centres of pilgrimage in the Andes, one highland and the other coastal, yet they maintained cultural ties after the Wari collapse. Cuzco, although shorter lived, was another of exceptional importance and all three attracted the finest artisans, while in the luxury trade and wealth finance system importing and exporting their products. All these products were ideological representations of their power and influence, and so these cities were exporting their ideologies to both subsume and transcend local beliefs9 and to bring people within their urban framework.

A city was never a stand alone entity, but connected via roads was always a part of a system of cities belonging to a region, a culture or an empire. Often a region of cities would have connections with regions of cities from other cultures so that in fact a city was part of a large urban setting, a network of other cities all in close or distant relations with each other. Without this system of urban influence there would not have been the exchange of ideas needed for creation, maintenance and transmission of an urban tradition. Most of the cities with planning, either prior or re-modeled, remained populated for a period of over 500 years. The exception is those cities and administrative centres newly created under the Tawantinsuyu Empire whose futures were cut short by the Spanish invasion. However none of these showed signs of imminent collapse and it is probable that they would have continued to prosper for some time further if their civilization had also remained. Some cities like Cuzco, that in recognition of its physical and symbolic importance, after remodeling continued under Spanish occupation. However most were destroyed and depopulated by force, with their inhabitants moved to new regional centres of Spanish construction.

These long-lived cities, creators and exporters of their ideologies, were also products of their ideologies. Planned into their designs, especially through iconography, were different aspects of their esoteric knowledge that helped to maintain the cohesion and stability of their ideological systems and societies over vast tracts of time. Not only is this iconographic aspect of design a strong part of Andean urban tradition, but from the evidence it would seem that those cities that included the greater amount of esoteric knowledge in their designs, not only survived the longest, but had the greater reputations and played the larger part in pan-Andean influence and imperial politics.

Galindo, Pampa Grande and Huari are some of the shorter lived cities due to their construction in periods of ideological and environmental change, and political instability.7 However their collapse led to the formation of the Chimú culture and the city of Chan Chan the largest for its time on the coast. The Tawantinsuyu practice of re-modeling provincial capitals shows their understanding of the importance of the long-term stability and reputation of a city. These captured Andean cities had also been built under the same planning traditions inherited by the Tawantinsuyu, and so their locations generally proved useful to the Empire. As such the Inca maintained the city of Chan Chan, Pachacamac, Cajamarca, Cajarmarquilla, and many others as centres of their own administration.

Huidobro presents us with one of the best examples from Tiwanaku culture: En cuanto a la ideología predicada por la elite gobernante para justificar su dominio, como clase, sobre las demás, hallamos en Tiwanaku el registro arqueológico. Sin embargo veamos lo que al respecto de las ideologías dominantes nos dice Isbell: ‘ La característica final del Estado es la ideología de la autoridad jerárquica, sin la cual es imposible el control estatal. Las sociedades, en distintos lugares y tiempos han logrado comunicar esta ideología a través de distintas formas de símbolos’(Isbell 1985:71).10 En Tiwanaku esta ideología está plasmada en el friso superior de la denominada Puerta del Sol, donde se aprecia al personaje central denominado Dios de los Báculos, rodeado por otros personajes que a las claras representan jerarquía menor. Esta simbología traductora de la ideología dominante fue impuesta por los tiwanacotas en regiones alejadas de su habitad primigenio, caso Wari y Nazca en la sierra y costa central del Perú respectivamente. Para nosotros, por lo menos, el personaje central representa (entre muchos otros cosas) a esa burocracia agraria domínate y los demás personajes visitos de perfil, estarían representando a los dominados. Tiwanaku, pues, impuso despóticamente el uso de esa

There are more reasons than the mere positioning of a city that lead to its continued existence. There must also be a quality of life and cultural cohesion that maintains the reputation and ideal that its urban way of life represents and realizes. However the quality of life may be far greater for the elite, and the lower classes may be required or coerced to remain urban through socially inequitable or feudal type bonds The cities of great reputation maintain the central power, attract new citizens and the most talented artisans, the best trade and house the most, and most powerful elite, which also made them the greatest religious centres attracting pilgrimage, gifts and ceremonial gatherings that kept cities’

7 Hardoy (1973): p. 337; Bawden, G., (The Moche, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Blackwell Publisher, 1996: pp. 288- 289), also states that Galindo’s ‘burial platform may well have housed a single ruler and possibly his retainers, a situation that would indicate the town was only occupied for a relatively short period. This suggestion is supported by its uniform architectural style and little evidence of remodeling’.

8

Kolata (1993): p. 175. Bawden (1996): p. 69. 10 Isbell, William, ‘El origen del estado en el valle de Ayacucho’, in Revista Andina, año 3, no. 1, Centro de Estudios Andinos Bartolomé de las Casas, Cuzco, 1985, pp.57-83: p. 71. 9

195

URBAN CONT TINUITY IN TH HE ANDES: A PR RE-HISTORICA AL PLANNING TRADITION T

Figure 277. A ceremonial al stone that also al played an astronomicall role situated d in the centree of the grand d plaza at Supee Caral, in aliggnment with the t surroundin ing pyramids. As A excavation ns continue moore of the com mplexity of the heir symbolism m and esoteric knowledge k sys ystems will com me to light (Soource: L.Hasluuck, 2004). simbologíía en los valores estilísticos y artísticos de d su 111 pueblo y de d los pueblos conquistados. c

8.2 Directional an nd Astronomiical The use of particullar directions aand astronomiical alignmentss lent dignity and force to the repuutation of a cityy as a desirablee placee to live and reeinforced the ddominance of the ruling elite.. The cities were in n accordance w with divine plaan. The use off thesee grand symboolisms reinforceed the Andean n belief system m in th he protection and a benevolence of their Gods. A city thatt was constructed in tune with the power off the Gods, ass repreesented by th he ability to read the diirectional andd astroonomical heavvens, etc. and thereby predicct the sunrise,, equinox, eclipses and a agriculturaal seasons, mad de for a betterr placee of habitation n and a sharedd cosmology for f the societyy that lived within and a around it. These symboliic aspects then n form med part of sociial design as a ccohesive cultural force.

Several of theese aspects of esoteric knowleedge were builtt into the planning of the city layyout and its strructures, not juust in the greatest ciities of Tiwanaaku, Pachacamac, Chan Chan n and Cuzco, but allso the lesser towns t and setttlements, and those occupied for shorter perioods of time. The T use of esooteric design in urbban planning, which w places hidden h meanin ngs in symbolic designs, is a clear part p of the Anddean tradition from its inception in i the Supe vallley and Caral until the end of o the Tawantinsuyuu Empire. A reeview of this part p of the traddition reveals the folllowing particuular aspects are repeatedly useed. 11

Huidobro Belllido, J., El Estado despótico d De Tiwanaku, La Paz, Cen ntro de Investigaciones Etnoarqueologicas E s, 1994: p. 9), ‘There is in the preeached ideology of the ellite government a justification for th heir domination, such s as class, above otheers, found registerred in Tiwanaku archaeology. With out doubt we can see in this respect the t dominant ideoologies, says Isbelll: ‘The final characteristtic of the state is the ideology of the t authority hierrarchy, without which it i is impossible too control the statte. Societies, in distinct d places and times have communicatted their ideologiees through distinctt forms n Tiwanaku this ideology i is shapedd in the frieze aboove the of symbolism’. In Gate of the Sun, where the centrall character, God with w Stick, is surroounded by other lesser characters c who cleearly represent th he lesser authorityy. This symbolism translates as the domiinant ideology th hat was imposed by b the Tiwanacotas in the t regions removved from their firsst habitat, such ass Wari and Nazca in thee mountains and central c coast of Perru respectively. Foor us, if nothing else, the central character represents (along with w many other things) t this dominant aggrarian bureaucraccy and other charaacters of visiting profiles, who are represeenting the domin nant. Tiwanaku, for sure, implem mented despotically the use u of this symbollogy in their valueed styles and artwoorks of their city and thee cities they conqueered’ (Translation n by L.Hasluck).

The cardinal pointts of the compaass and the perrceived path off the sun s across the urban landscaape were not only often usedd to allign religious structures, s succh as the temp ples Kalasasayaa 1 and Pumapunku12 in Tiwanaaku,13 but allso the citiess 12

Ibaarra Grasso, D. E., E (Ciencia en Tiihuanaku y el Inccaico, La Paz, Loss Amiggos Del Libro, 19882) states that the Akapana pyramid d was commencedd much h earlier and does not n align to true noorth; Kolata (19933): p.96. 13 Broowman, D.L., ‘Tow ward the developm ment of the Tiahuaanaco (Tiwanaku)) state’,, in D.L. Browm man (ed.), Advancces in Andean Arrchaeology, Worldd Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouton Pubblishers, 1978b, pp. 327-349: p. 330;; Hardoy (1973): pp. 3337,348; Ibarra Graasso, D., De Mesaa, J. & Gisbert, T,, ‘Recoonstrucción de Tayypicala (Tiahuanaaco)’, in Cuadernoos Americanos, vol.. 14, 19955, pp. 149-176:: pp. 152- 153; Kaaulicke, P., ‘Cron nologia, identidad,, urban nismo y estado en los Andes centralees y surcentrales entre e los siglos V a

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CHAPTER EIGHT: SOCIAL DESIGN themselves. In Tiwanaku there is rectilinear direction of composition to the cardinal points and most of the residential areas maintained the alignment of the religious buildings.14 Chan Chan’s citadels, with the exception of Uhle, maintained a direction facing the summer equinox.15

Although still not entirely understood or the range of theories agreed upon, Astronomy repeatedly played a role in city design in different ways.24 In Tiwanaku the religious complexes have alignments with stars that show they were probably observatories, including reflecting pools atop the pyramids that may have been used for easier celestial observation.25 There can be found in the alignment of the monoliths and the Puerta del Sol (Sun Gate) the first American calendar, later also adopted by the Mayans.26 In some cases positioning of monoliths and friezes also played a part in the maintenance of this calendarical process, so important to agricultural societies for sowing and reaping, and therefore to maintaining the consolidation of ideological power and belief in the elite with their divine connections and control, and so the obedient awe of the common people. Gisbert27 relates the astronomical and observatory role of the temples and pyramids of Pachacamac. The earliest urban example was represented in the pyramids of Supe and in planning at Caral. The temple in the centre, and at the top of the mount, of Písac played the role of an astronomical observatory.28

The direction of East throughout the Andes was considered a sacred direction16 and usually the temples and pyramids were aligned to face eastwards, the direction of the rising sun. Huaca de los Reyes was an early ceremonial centre example,17 however the cities of Pachacamac, Tiwanaku,18 Huari,19 Viracochapampa and Huánuco Viejo20 are urban examples. Reinhard states; ‘El Este es la dirección frecuentemente asociada a la fertilidad y los ritos de fertilidad constituyen la vasta mayoría del culto comunal andino’.21 The points of north and south were also of repeated importance in religious complexes. However, in a wider application many cities were divided into quarters by major thoroughfares running either due or roughly North-South and East-West, such as at Tiwanaku, Cuzco, Pikillacta, Viracochapampa and others.22 For Cuzco these cardinal dividing roads also represented the division of the quarters of the Empire, of which it was the centre.23 In Pachacamac and Tiwanaku the cardinal point thoroughfares divided the central religious complex into temple, plaza and palace/elite dwelling quarters.

This observatory aspect is possibly also found in earlier ceremonial complexes such as Cerro Sechín in the Casma valley. The dates for sewing and reaping, the annual equinoxes and ceremonial times were probably noted and celebrated in unison by this method. The Tawantinsuyu also used similar methods including alignment of stones with natural features, especially mountain peaks, and solar observation temples were common.29

X d.c.: algunos reflexiones finales’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 481- 530: p.508; Kolata (1993): pp. 96 -98; Reinhard, J., ‘Chavín y Tiahuanaco’, in Boletín de Lima, vol. 50, 1987, pp. 29-51: p. 45; Reinhard (1991): p. 33; Spickard, L. E., ‘El análisis de la arquitectura de los sitios de Huari y Tiwanaku’, in Dialogo Andina 45th Congreso Intercultural Americanistas, Bogota, 1983, vol. 4, 1985, pp. 73-88: p. 82. 14 Hardoy (1973): pp. 337, 348); Ibarra, Mesa & Gisbert (1955): pp. 159160); Kolata (1993): p. 143, 166; Reinhard (1991): p. 33. 15 Hardoy, J. E., Urban planning in pre-Columbian America, London, Studio Vista, 1968: p. 43; Hardoy (1973): p. 365. 16 Kolata (1993): p. 98; Reinhard (1991): p. 31. 17 Pozorski, T., ‘The early horizon sight of Huaca de los Reyes: societal implications’, in American Antiquity, vol. 45, no. 1, 1980, pp. 100-110. 18 Kolata (1993): p. 98. 19 Hardoy (1973): pp. 337, 348. 20 Hyslop, J., Inka settlement planning, Uni. of Texas press, Austin, 1990: p. 216. 21 Reinhard (1991: p. 310) ‘The East is the direction frequently associated with fertility and the rites of fertility that constitute the vast majority of the communal Andean cults’ (translation by L. Hasluck). 22 Hardoy (1973): p. 332, 348; Ibarra Grasso, D., Tiahunaco, Cochabamba, Editorial Atlantic, 1956: p. 80; Ibarra, Mesa & Gisbert (1955): p. 52; Kauffmann Doig, F., Manual de Arqueología Peruana, 5th Edición, Lima, Ediciones Peisa, 1973: Figure 732; Kolata (1993): p. 98. 23 Hardoy (1968): p. 47.

24

Reinhard (1987: p. 34), notes that the religious centre of Chavín de Huantar also was designed for astronomical uses. 25 Ibarra (1982); Reinhard (1987): p. 45. 26 Buck, Fritz., El Calendario Maya en la Cultura Tiahuanacu, La Paz, Sociedad Geográfica, 1937. The Tiwanaku system is not only sun and moon based, but also planetary. Actually Buck incorrectly believes that the Maya are older than the Tiwanaku culture and so upon finding they use the same calendar system believes the invention is that of the Mayas, later borrowed by Tiwanaku, whereas in fact the opposite is most likely true, as Tiwanaku is older than Mayan culture. Ibarra, Mesa & Gisbert (1955: p. 162) also find much in the design of Tiwanaku that’s is similar with the Maya designs. 27 Gisbert, T., ‘Pachacamac y los dioses del Callao’, in Reunión Anual de Etnología 1990, La Paz, MUSEF: Museo Nacional de Etnografía y Folklore, 1990, pp. 13- 30: p. 20. 28 Cáceres Macedo, J., Prehispanic cultures of Peru, in Sandweiss, D. & Cáceres, C. (trans.), Guide of Peruvian Archaeology, Lima, 2004: p. 132. 29 Ibarra (1982).

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 278. Astronomical alignment of Kalasasaya temple and stones at Tiwanaku. Note the central equinox line. The temple was designed as a testament in stone to represent the state of the art astronomical and calendarical knowledge of the Tiwanaku civilization, and pride of the city. Even after its demise the Tawantinsuyu respected the ruins and maintained a small ceremonial population amongst the ruins (see figure 205). Still today the mid-winter equinox-solstice is celebrated by Aymaras at the ruins (Source: Ibarra, 1982, p. 348).

Figure 279. The relation of the Kalasasaya upright wall stones to calendar months. Every aspect of the design has a significance. The first stone represents the 6th of July, winter solstice (Source: Ibarra, 1982, p. 348). 198

CHAPPTER EIGHT: SOCIAL O DESIGN N

Figure 280. Markings M and d divisions off the Tiwanakku 30 day calendarr from the Puuerta del Sol frieze. Part of o the esoteric deesigns that represented d the Tiwaanaku cosmology and a made the he city a famoous and respe pected ideological and a urban cen entre (Sourcee: Ibarra, 19882, p. 355).

Figuure 282. An astronomicall stone and petroglyph p att Cerr rro Sechín, reppresented in ppreceding diaggram Fig. 1477 (Souurce: L.Haslucck, 2004).

C Figure 281. Diagram of a petroglyph in wall at Cerro nomical alignm ment, Sechín in thee Casma valleyy marks astron serving a caleendarical and social function similar to th hat of the outer waall stones of Kalasasaya K at Tiwanaku T (Sou urce: Milla, 1992, p. p 204).30

Figuure 283. A cale lendar stone bu built into the entry e of Cerroo Sech hín (Source: L.Hasluck, L 20004).

30

Milla Villena, C., C Génesis de la Cultura C Andina, 3rrd edición, Lima, OMPI, O 1992.

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 284. A reconstruction of the Cerro Sechín temple in Casma. The above calendar stone (Fig. 150) stands at the entrance. While the astronomical stone petroglyph of Fig. 283 is still found on the left-hand side wall (Source: Cáceres, 2004, p. 36).

Figure 285. Cerro Sechín as it is today (2004), taken from the hill beside looking across the river flats. The site is still undergoing excavations and reconstruction (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). axis or roadway running east-west and dividing the Kalasasaya on the north from the Pyramid or Akapana to the south. These two structures, the most important of this sector of the centre, have a similar orientation.

The geometric construction of the monuments also played an astronomical and esoteric role.31 Hardoy32 analyses the geometrical relationships in the Tiwanaku religious complex and concludes that the semi-subterranean temple at Tiwanaku bears a relationship between it and the enclosure of Kalasasaya, with both groups conceived on an axial criterion and that an intentional bilateral symmetry function was created on an axis which, passing through the eastern gateway of access to Kalasasaya, unites the central stele of the temple of the Ponce monolith. Another axis then also united the centre of the access stairway and the semi-subterranean temple. Hardoy explains the complexity and intention of these axes in relation to the city design: This, in turn, is at right angles to the principle axis of the whole central group of Tiwanaku, by which is meant the 31 32

However the over-all urbanistic organization would not have been the same. The east-west axis and a north-south axis at right angles to it …were utilized as a device for freely arranging the principle masses. None of the principle structures corresponds axially to either of them. The two axes do not give the impression of having been determining elements in locating the constructions, but of having been traced out later to introduce some kind of order into the movement towards the ceremonial centre33 [religious complex].

Hardoy (1968): pp. 39- 40; Ibarra (1982). Hardoy (1968): pp. 39- 40.

33

200

Hardoy (1968): pp. 39- 40.

CHAPTER EIGHT: SOCIAL DESIGN

Figure 286. The Hitching post of the sun at Pisác where a symbolic cord of force was tied to the sun at the winter equinox to ensure the sun’s return, found in most Tawantinsuyu cities where there was a Sun Temple, see also fig. 250 (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 287. A sketch of the Pisác Hitching post of the Sun or Intihuatana made by Squier in the late 19th century Source: Ibarra, 1982, p. 361). 201

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION pyramid/mountain notion is generally applicable throughout the Andes.37 Bawden agrees with pyramid imitation of the mountains and furthers asserts that, for the Mochica, the position of a pyramid between the mountains and the river, sometimes aligned with a prominent peak, visually linked the valley bottom, mountain and sky. The form and location of important architecture reflected the deep-seated Andean practice of integrating topography and cosmology in all aspects of life.38 This symbolism probably began with the earlier ceremonial centres, and is demonstrated clearly in Chavín de Huantar, which is also positioned between a sacred mountain and a river. This position created a physical statement of sacred symbolic significance, outlining the relationship between water and the mountains, the two most important features in Andean cosmology. The use of the pyramid design created a fundamental feature of a symbolic tradition recognizable throughout the Andes, and also in Mesoamerica. Moreover, the identification of platforms and huacas with mountains would have carried for the Andean populace the implication that they possessed a similar spiritual capacity to provide water and fertility to the human community. Further, this quality would have identified the leaders of the rituals conducted on their summits with the life-giving powers of the mountain deities.39 Specifically, the visual location of the platforms at the intersection of the terrestrial and celestial spheres and their mountain-derived character as

Figure 288. A Bolivian archaeologist, Eduardo Pareja, continues investigations on one of the Tiwanaku monoliths in the belief that it has significant astronomical alignments between the position of the hands and the stars (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Folklore, 1990, pp. 3- 6; Kolata (1993): p. 111; Reinhard (1987): p. 35; (1991): p. 28. Reinhard (1991: p. 28) explores the idea of the pyramidal symbolic representation of mountains further when he states in relation to Tiwanaku; ‘Existe la posibilidad de que estas estructuras piramidales representaran montañas reales o “cósmicos”, como ha sido hipotetizado en relación a pirámides de otro lugares de Latinamerica (Benson 1972:34, 9495; Grieder 1982:133; Townsend 1982:46-47). Esto se hace aún más probable cuando las pirámides, como la del Akapana, tenían elaborados sistemas de recepción de agua – que se almacenaba en tanques o hendiduras en sus cimas – para que ésta corriera de ellas hacia afuera. Los tanques pueden ser interpretados como representaciones simbólicas de lagos en las montañas y los canales como representaciones de ríos (Bastien 1978:60). Parece ni ser mera coincidencia el hecho de haber encontrado piedras pequeñas del lago Titikaka ne la cima del Akapana (Posnansky v.1:74) (figura 3); Vranich, A. ‘La pirámide de Akapana: reconsiderando el centro monumental de Tiwanaku’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 295- 308: p. 300. Benson, E., ‘The cult of the feline: a conference on preColombian iconography’, Washington D.C., Dumbarton Oaks Research Library, 1972; Grieder, T., Origins of pre-Columbian art, Austin, Uni. of Texas Press, 1982; Townsend, R., Pyramid and sacred mountain, Aveni & Urton, 1982: pp. 37- 62; Bastien, J.W., Mountain of the condor: metaphor and ritual in an Andean Ayllu, New York, West Publishing Co., 1978; Posnansky, Arthur, Tihuanacu: the cradle of American man, 2 vols., New York, J.J. Augustin Publisher, 1945. 37 Kolata (1993: p. 90) postulates that the centre of Tiwanaku was formed as an artificial island by a surrounding moat to represent, by imitation, its connection to the sacred island of the sun in Lake Titicaca; Reinhard (1987). 38 Bawden (1996): pp. 71- 72. 39 Kolata (1993): p. 144.

Sacsawaman above Cuzco was probably an observatory connected to land sight markers in the surrounding hills for maintaining the calendar for the Incas and the Tawantinsuyu.34 Solar observatories were common throughout the Tawantinsuyu Empire. Korikancha (see figure 45) the sacred centre of the empire, as also the centre of Tawantinsuyu esoteric knowledge, was composed of astronomical alignments.35 8.3 Symbolism Symbolism in construction and layout influenced both form and position. The mountains had always played an important part in Andean symbolism. Most authorities agree that the pyramid structure itself is believed to symbolically represent mountains. Some authorities, however, believe a pyramid can relate to a particular sacred mountain, such as may have been the case for Akapana in Tiwanaku,36 but the 34

Hyslop (1990): p. 61. Hyslop (1990): p. 225. 36 Huidobro Bellido, J., ‘Akapana: su verdadera interpretación’, in Reunión Anual De etnología 1990, La Paz, MUSEF; Museo Nacional de Etnografía y 35

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Figure 289. Pachacamac’s colossal Tawantinsuyu Temple of the Sun, marine style paintings can still be seen on the stepped walls, see also figures 94, 106, 116 (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001). entrances to the supernatural world provided, Bawden40 states for the Moche, leaders with a powerful context for their claim to penetrate the spiritual world as shamanistic mediators on behalf of their people.41 Thus platforms and pyramids, by reproducing the form and function of the mountain at the centre of social control, generated omnipresent awareness of the essential forces of nature and permitted Andean leaders to harness these forces in the interests of political control. The Moche, for instance, located their religious and corporate authority on top of platforms to associate both symbolically and visually their authority with the spiritual forces that ensured cosmological balance and the human social order that depended on it.42 This reasoning serves equally well for the other Andean cultures which also submit to the same sub-strata of beliefs, and with which, as previously noted, it is possible to derive comparisons.

sacred peaks, which strengthened the symbolic connection between these pyramids and their sacred mountains.44 The staircase design representing ascension, as previously discussed, is an important Andean sacred symbol and is therefore included in many sacred structures and avenues. The most comprehensive use of iconography in urban layout in the Andes tradition occurred in Cuzco, not as a repeated formula of the Andean design tradition, but as a new design idea. Although the exact design doesn’t appear to have been repeated in other parts of the empire, as part of the tradition of Andean symbolic design it is worth mentioning, unique as it may be. In Cuzco, apart from the symbolic division into the four quarters of the empire, the entire layout of the city, including the fortress of Sacsawaman was built so that the streets and buildings formed the design of a Puma.45 Although the Puma was an important symbolic figure since Chavín and Tiwanaku times, this iconographic city layout was not repeated in other locations and may have served to mark the importance of the sacred capital over all the other cities of the Tawantinsuyu Empire.

Reinhard43 also argues that not only important is the alignment of Tiwanaku pyramids and temples with the nearby sacred mountains but that stones used in their construction were brought over considerable distances from 40

Bawden, G., ‘Life in the pre-Columbian town of Galindo’, in Field Museum of Natural History Bulletin, vol. 49, no. 3, 1978, pp. 16-23; (1996): p. 72. 41 Earle, T., (Bronze Age Economics, U.S.A., Westview Press, 2002: p. 166) reinforces this idea when he argues that ‘Specific materials, objects, and symbols serve to materialize the ruling elites’ identity with supernatural forces’. 42 Bawden (1996): p. 72. 43 Reinhard (1991): pp. 12, 16.

44

Reinhard (1991: p. 12) states that some of the rocks used in the religious constructions of Tiwanaku have been removed from the nearby sacred mountain Ccapia, the highest peak bordering Lake Titicaca. He also states on page 16 that stones from the sacred mountain range of Quimsachata, south of Tiwanaku, were used in construction and for monoliths. 45 Hyslop (1990: p. 51), Hyslop asserts this Puma design aspect that has been generally accepted by Andean scholars.

203

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION widely used in varying manifestations was the inclusion of water, always considered a sacred symbolic element in the Andes, and recognized as an essential life giving power. Tiwanaku city and pyramids used pools and canals, Huari and Cajamarca used small canals dug from the bedrock, Chan Chan had reservoirs, Pachacamac used canals and reservoirs47 (see figure 232) and the Tawantinsuyu generally used canals, fountains and pools in a different formula in all locations. Reinhard48 sees a symbolic connection between the water use in Tiwanaku and Lake Titicaca and fertility. Kolata49 makes the same connection with fertility but finds a connection with sacred Quimsachata mountain range to the south in that channels on Akapana were designed to cascade the water in imitation of the natural run-off from the Quimsachata mountains. It would be a surprise if these types of connections did not exist; however Escalante50 also sees a more functional role for the pyramid pools as astronomical reflectors for cosmic observation. The technology for channeling of waterways for irrigation was also used to bring or control waterways within the cities, for functional, sacred and aesthetic purposes. A prime example of this urban use was the channeling of the river that now flows beneath the main plaza at Cuzco.

Figure 290. A staircase that served as the symbolic entry to the ceremonial platform at Kenko near Cuzco. The Inca would have been delivered to the base of the stairs carried on a bier (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001). Symbolism was also manifested in the use of natural elements such as stone, wood, water and fire. Stone is constantly represented in the range of monoliths from the early ceremonial centres of Cerro Sechín, to the cities of Tiwanaku, Huari and Tawantinsuyu. Monoliths were even built into the walls of temple structures as in Cerro Sechín and Tiwanaku’s Kalasasaya. Wooden poles serving the same function as monoliths were found in Pachacamac and Chan Chan (where stone is rare). The use of sacred fires in temples and on pyramids such as at Caral and the Supe valley, or Llamas-Moxeque and the Casma valley is part of a tradition of elemental use.46 However, clearly the most important and

Figure 291. A reconstruction of the sacred fire altar atop the largest pyramid in Caral. Note that although the smoke from the altar fire could be seen at great distance from the pyramid, actual access to the fire was severely restricted (Source: Shady, 2001, p. 22).

Templo Mayor de la ciudad sagrada de Caral-Supe’, in Shady & Leyva (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral- Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003, pp. 169- 185; Shady, R., Machacuay, M. & López, S., ‘Recuperando la historia del Altar del Fuego Sagrado’, in Shady & Leyva (eds.), La ciudad sagrada de Caral- Supe: los orígenes de la civilización andina y la formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú, Lima, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Proyecto Especial Arqueológico Caral Supe, 2003, pp. 237- 253. 47 Gisbert (1990): p. 20. 48 Reinhard, J., ‘Las montañas sagradas: un estudio etnoargquologico de ruinas en las altas cumbres Andinas’, Cuadernos de Historia, vol. 3, Julio, 1983, pp. 27- 63. 49 Kolata (1993): p. 111. 50 Escalante Moscoso, J., Arquitectura Prehispánica en los Andes Bolivianos, 3rd Edición, La Paz, Producciones CIMA, 1997.

46

Pozorski, T. & Pozorski, S., ‘El desarrollo de la sociedad compleja en el valle de Casma’, Revista de Ciencias Sociales: Arqueología y Sociedad, vol. 13, Lima, Museo de Arqueología y Antropología, Uni. Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2000, pp. 79-98; Shady, R., Dolorier, C., Montesinos, F. & Casa, L., ‘Los orígenes de la civilización en el Perú: el área norcentral y el valle de Supe durante el arcadio tardío’, Arqueología y Sociedad, vol. 13, Lima, Museo de Arqueología y Antropología, Uni. Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2000, pp. 13 – 48; Shady, R., Haas, J. & Creamer, W., ‘Dating Caral, a preceramic site in the Supe valley on the central coast of Peru’, Science, vol. 292, 2001, pp. 723-726; Shady, R. & Machacuay, M., ‘El Altar del Fuego Sagrado del

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Figure 292. What is left of the reflecting pool atop Akapana after Spanish treasure hunters dug through the base of it looking for gold buried inside the Tiwanaku pyramid – there was none. A row of original stones still stands on the upper left bank (Source: L. Hasluck, 2003).

The most obvious form of symbolism used was the iconographic representation of ideological and esoteric knowledge systems.51 Bawden52 states that iconography is the symbolic manifestation of a cultural tradition, and can only be understood as an outgrowth of social structure. In the case of the Mochica formal iconographic themes painted on the surfaces of ceramic vessels, woven into textiles, formed in gold and silver, and fresco decoration on stucco walls of Mochica houses, proclaimed the principle tenets of an ideology that supported Mochica leadership and the political-religious system through which it exercised power.53

The location and built form of Tiwanaku directly reflects these latter elements of urban meaning. Kolata continues on the theme, that The structuring of the city by principles embedded in a perceived cosmovision extended to its physical, built form, but, more importantly, to the actors who created that form as well. The concept of cosmological order pervaded the social and political organization of Tiwanaku society.54 Iconographic motifs were expressed as painted, used in friezes, molded, engraved and formed into and onto the street walls and structures, both externally and internally, of the cities.55 Decorative symbolic motifs evolved in different styles while retaining the original pattern, however historically specific meaning is not important to the findings of this analysis.56 This is the case for the ‘three wavy lines’, for

The design of the city could also play a symbolic and socializing role as Tiwanaku specialist Alan Kolata states of Tiwanaku, that the city was not merely an economic force but was also a visual and conceptual tool of socialization, generator and arbiter of new ideas, norms, and ideologies.

54

Kolata (1993): p. 88. Lumbreras (1974c). 56 Earle (2002: p. 180) states that ‘stylistic patterning, commonly studied by archaeologists, offers ways to investigate political and social processes at the very core of societal dynamics. It seems likely that cross-cultural and crosstime similarities in the specific patterns of stylistic identification and differentiation will be shown to articulate with broad evolutionary patterns in society. To do this, as archaeologists, we must be concerned with the specific uses of style as identified by the contexts of their appearance. This should not, however, concern us with identifying historically specific

51

Earle (2002: p. 180) supports this statement, when he states that iconographic ‘…style is a formal and an informal way to present meaning. In a society divided by classes and factions, style is actively constructed within the iconographic system. It is used to create and manipulate knowledge and thus to fashion consent as the necessary adjunct to power based on economic control’; Kolata (1993): p. 141. 52 Bawden (1996): p. 12. 53 Bawden (1978); (1996): p. 92; Davies, N., The Ancient Kingdoms of Peru, London, Penguin, 1997: pp. 22- 28; Hardoy (1973): p. 318.

55

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URBAN CONT TINUITY IN TH HE ANDES: A PR RE-HISTORICA AL PLANNING TRADITION T example, thatt are found in Chavín, Tiwaanaku, Wari an nd in Tawantinsuyuu iconographyy, with the variiations, naturallly, of each style andd each culturall complex.57 Although A an an nalysis of the acctual forms (geometric, representatiional, anthropomorrphic, etc.) an nd colour coding (red on black, b yellow and red on white, etcc.) and themess (daily life, aniimals, anthropomorrphic, religiouss ceremonies, war, sex, sacrrifice, disease, etc.) would w reveal in nternal pan-An ndean tradition ns, in much the saame way that these can be found within n the ceramic and textile t tradition ns of the Andees, that does noot fall within the scoope of this worrk. The pan-An ndean urban design d aspect of thiis iconographiic tradition is the use from m the earliest times in Caral of symbolism s (be it painted , frieze, f carved, etc) in n the design andd construction n of city areas.588 Figu ure 295. Chan n Chan adob be wall with painted p relieff sculp pture of geom metric design ((Source: Holsstein, 1927, p.. 47). ntrasting colouurs are to be seeen in all citiess The use of rich con h and within templees and privatee residences, soome of which surviived until relaatively recent times on the arid coast att Pach hacamac, Galin ndo, Chan Ch han60 and are still s present att 61 Mocche. A furtheer indication oof their imporrtance, vivacityy and complexity off symbolism caan be gained by the study off ceram mics and textilles that functiooned within thee same culturall codees. Earle argues that symbolic style should bee ...viewed as an n active mediium of comm munication byy which w individuuals and sociall groups definee relationshipss and a association ns. Elements oof style, as in objects o used in n ceremonial c dissplay, are choosen purposeffully to signall social s relationsships and grouup membershiip. Thus stylee acts a as a critical prop in soccial drama as it i functions too form, f maintain n, and transfiguure social relatioonships.62

Figure 293, 294. 2 Painted murals m of life-sscenes on the walls of Chan Cha han visible to Holstein H in th he 1920’s butt now 5 erased by thee weather (souurce: Holstein n 1927, p. 47).59

Figure 294.

Figuure 296. A reecreation of oone of the larrge faces thatt adorrned the Cerro ro Sechín cerem monial centree typical of thee early ly Casma vall lley religious style. Also the t style thatt prob bably covered d the Llamas-M Moxeque pyram amids (Source:: L.H Hasluck, 2004)).

meaning but leaad us to a concerrn with functionss of style and sym mbolic representations in n human culture’. 57 Linares Malagaa, E., ‘Prehistory and a petroglyphs in n southern Peru’, in i D.L. Browman (ed.), Advances in An ndean Archaeologyy, World Anthropology Series, Paris, Mouuton Publishers, 1978, pp. 371- 391:: p. 378. 58 Lumbreras (19974c): p. 183; Shaddy, Doloerier, Mon ntesinos & Casas (2000). 59 Holstein, O., ‘Chan-Chan: capital of the great g Chimú’, in n The Geographical Revview, vol. 17, no. 1, 1927, pp. 36-61.

60

Lum mbreras (1974c): p. p 183; Holstein (11927). Th he surviving painted friezes at the Huaca de la Lun na are in excellentt condiition due to havin ng been buried beelow the dry sand d for an extensivee period d, probably since before b the Chimú pperiod. 62 Earrle (2002): p. 163. 61

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CHAPPTER EIGHT: SOCIAL O DESIGN N Gold, silver and a copper werre also used to adorn temples and sacred plazas in i symbolic im magery, and con nquistador accoounts tell of the marvels of Pachaccamac63 and Cuuzco where tem mples were sheeted in patterned gold g and silver, while the preccincts of Koricanchaa, as described by Cieza de Leon64 and Pizaarro,65 were filled wiith golden replicas of sacred objects o such ass corn and llamas.666 Tiwanaku allso shows sign ns of having been covered in sheeets of gold.67 Tiwanaku haas a less evolveed style of en nhancement in n that sculpture revvolved aroundd a single tyype of monoolithic sculpture wh hich in its rigiidity and syntthesis of detaiils of garments andd physical featuures were simpple and stele.688 The style had a feeling fe of supeerhuman dimeension in the more than seven meter m high proportions of the human fiigures represented. These T types weere also used in Huari, and in most of the pre-Ch havín ceremoniial centres. In terms of the t expression n some themess run for exteensive lengths of tiime. In Kotossh,69 a Lower Formative Period P monumental ceremonial ceentre on the north n coast of Peru, there can be found f an earlyy expression wiith sandstone heads h built protrudding from the temple t walls, and a carved birrds of prey, particullarly condors, into i the centraal columns.70 These T protruding head h carvings are also foun nd in the Ch havín ceremonial ceentre of Chavín de Huantarr. Tiwanaku in n the semi-subterraanean temple are a similar headds protruding from the walls, andd again in Huarri, also later in the t highland caapital of Marca Huaamachuco.

Figuure 297. God d with Stick peetroglyph at Cerro C Sechín,, Casm ma valley (Souurce: L.Hasluuck, 2004). Fig igure 296, 2977 alsoo included at Cerro Sechín n are a large collection off petrroglyphs incluuding many of body parts such as head, d, limb bs, intestines and a backbonees. It is possib ble that Cerroo Sech hín was a cerem emonial healin ng site. (Sourcce: L.Hasluck, k, 2004 04).

63

Gisbert (1990)): p. 20. Cieza de Leon,, quoted in Lumbrreras (1974c: p. 2118) describes the in nterior of the Koricanch ha thus; ‘There wass a garden in which h the earth was lum mps of fine gold, and it was w cunningly plan nted with stalks off corn that were off gold – stalk, leaves and ears. e These were soo well planted thatt no matter how haard the wind blew it couuld not uproot theem. Aside from thiis, there were morre than twenty sheep [iee, llamas] of gold with w their lambs, and the shepherdds who guarded them, wiith their slings andd staffs, all of this metal’. m 65 Lehman-Nitscche, R., ‘Coricanccha’, in Revista deel Museo Nacionall de la Plata, vol. 31, Buuenos Aires, Uni. Nacional N de Plata Museo, M 1928: p. 300. 66 Lumbreras (19974c): p. 218. 67 Baudin, L., Daaily Life In Peru: under u the last Incass, London, Georgee Allen & Unwin, 1961bb: p. 42; Kolata (19993): p. 106. 68 Hardoy (1973)): p. 332. 69 Hardoy (1973: p. 303) notes thaat Kotosh was thee most important temple t built in the high hlands near the Huallaga H river. Th he first temple built in Kotosh was in pre-ceramic p times, around 800 BC C, and pre-dates Chávin C influence. Characteristic of this peeriod on the coast and in the highlan nds no n found near the temple. This cultural pattern was baased on housing has been the nuclear rolee of the temple, or ceremonial ceentre, supported by an agricultural popuulation living in villlages located closee to the fields. 70 Mentioned byy Reinhard in syymbolic connectioon with the Tiw wanaku symbolic use of birds of prey (1991:52). He cites the t analysis of Roowe, J., ‘Form and meaniing in Chavín art’, in Rowe J. & Meenzel, D. (eds.), Peeruvian archaeology: selectted readings, Palo Alto, Peek Publiccations.1967, pp.772-103: p. 84. 64

Figuure 298. The intestinal in tractt, petroglyph, Cerro Sechín 207

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 299. A collection of body parts, including heads, limbs and a man, possibly healer, with staff, petroglyph, Cerro Sechín.

Figure 300. A diagrammatical sketch by Tello of the stone heads of Chavín de Huantar, the Chavín ideological capital, arranged protruding from the exterior wall (Source: Kauffman, 1973, p. 193, fig. 193).

Figure 301. One of the heads remaining in situ at the New Temple, Chavín de Huantar (Source: Cáceres, 2004, p. 42). 208

CHAPTER EIGHT: SOCIAL DESIGN Moche and Chan Chan cities were a maze of frieze designs73 and Pachacamac was covered in painted murals. The Tawantinsuyu relied heavily upon anthropomorphic designs and esoteric knowledge inscribed in ceramics, and metals such as gold, silver and bronze. A large part of the archaeological record of the Mochica is a rich body of iconography, molded and painted on fine pottery, and on corporate and domestic architecture, crafted in precious metals and woven into textiles. Included in the variety of themes were naturalistic portrayals of elite individuals, scenes from everyday life, and complex religious compositions portraying an array of supernatural beings as well as elaborately garbed humans.74 Bawden also states about the esoteric nature of these expressions that: The patterned and representational nature of this iconography permits its characterization as the codified symbolism of an ideology of power. In this role it depicts the religious rituals and mythic events that supported the regional social order of the Moche period and linked it to a deeper shared belief.75

Figure 302. A stone head protruding from the central plaza at Huari, the Wari capital. The hole through its centre is probably a colonial addition and was used for serving cane alcohol at ceremonies (Source: Kauffman, p. 226, fig. 272).

During the Regional States Period iconographic styles evolved differently in places but their use continued to be accepted as a normal part of the city ambience. They were a part of the visible protection of the gods upon which each populace was psychologically reliant and provided a cultural cohesiveness of shared beliefs and town identity. The ideological objects used in ritual display also continued to serve as regional forms of wealth finance and the maintenance of class divisions through elite exchange.76 The Tawantinsuyu iconographic styles quickly became widely accepted in the regions where they dominated, taking the place of the regional wealth finance system. Although local styles continued to exist, they became devalued and of secondary importance to the introduced iconographic styles which represented association with powerful Inca prestige. New administration settlements and the conversion of preTawantinsuyu cities created areas where the regional production of Tawantinsuyu iconographic objects, such as ceramics, cloth and metal objects, quickly spread and consolidated the power of the Empire.77

Figure 303. Carved sandstone heads in the semisubterranean temple at Tiwanaku. Each has a different character face (Source: L. Hasluck, 2002).

Bright painted designs were used in Caral and we find the same such use in Llamas-Moxeque and Pachacamac a millennium later, and also in Moche.71 Anthropomorphic friezes in adobe or stone were found in the ceremonial centre Kotosh’s monumental structure and they were also found in use in Caral, Llamas-Moxeque, Pachacamac and Tiwanaku, where the same deity figure ‘God with stick’ was used.72 Llamas-Moxeque was literally covered in adobe friezes, while

73

Bawden (1996). Bawden (1996: pp. 11, 23) draws upon the work of Donnan, C.B., Moche Art and Iconography, Los Angeles, Latin American Publications, Uni. of California, 1976; Topic, T.L., ‘The Early Intermediate Period and its legacy’, in Moseley, M. & Day, K. (eds.), Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, Albuquerque, Uni. of New Mexico Press, 1982, pp. 255- 284: p. 268. 75 Bawden (1996): p. 11- 12). 76 This was explained through the ideas of Earle (2000) in chapter six. 77 Earle (2000). 74

71

Bawden (1978; 1996). The earliest representation of ‘man with stick’ or ‘God with stick’ was discovered in Norte Chico near the Supe Valley carved into a gourd and dating to about 2000 BC. Haas, Creamer & Ruiz, ‘Lord Gourd’, in Archaeology, vol. 56, no. 3, May/ June, 2003.

72

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 307. Decorated gateway to a plaza at Tschudi, Chan Chan. Note the Andean cross and stairway motif that is endemic to the Andean region (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 304. Adobe relief designs adorned the walls of the inner plazas of the ciudadelas at Chan Chan, while large wooden statues guarded the entrances, Tschudi citadel (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 305. Small inner plaza at Tschudi citadel, Chan Chan, with decorated entrance and large niches for wooden idols, as in fig. 161b below (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 308. Walls decoratively shaped in Tschudi citadel, Chan Chan, note also the small animal reliefs on the pillars. Also below with criss-cross and animal designs in figures 309 & 310, clearly seen despite the high erosion since the early 20th century (Source: L.hasluck, 2004).

Figure 309. Fish designs decorate the lowest part of the criss-cross wall at Tschudi. This cris-cross pattern was also used by the Tawantinsuyu, and is still clearly seen at Tambo Colorado, for example in figures 318, 320 (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 306. This is a wooden idol situated in one of the Tschudi citadel plaza´s niches, above fig. 305. See also fig. 304 in main plaza (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). 210

CHAPTER EIGHT: SOCIAL DESIGN

Figure 310. Wall decoration at Tschudi citadel, the lower part is decorated with pelicans (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 311. Wall designs at Tschudi citadel, a mixture of geometric and nature inspired patterns (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 312. A small side entrance to the main plaza at Tschudi citadel with large decorated walls (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). 211

URBAN CONT TINUITY IN TH HE ANDES: A PR RE-HISTORICA AL PLANNING TRADITION T

Figure 313. A detail from m the wall off the main plaaza at Tschudi, seee fig 312 abovve, showing in n relief an An ndean skunk (Sourcce: L.Hasluck, k, 2004).

Figuure 315. Recre reation of a waall design from m Chan Chan,, in the th Trujillo Museum. M Notte the constan ant use of thee geom metric form of the staircasee or Andean lin ne, used in thee form m of fish (Sourrce: L.Hasluckk, 2001).

Figure 314, 315. 3 A recreaation of one of o the complexx wall designs from m Chan Chan in i the Trujilloo Museum (Sou ource: L.Hasluck, 2004). 2

Figure 316. Wall W niches att the Tawantin insuyu Mamaccuna complex which housed d the sacred V Virgins in Pach hacamac, with h patio pool (SSource: L.Hasl sluck, 2001). 212

CHAPTER EIGHT: SOCIAL DESIGN

Figure 317. Tawantinsuyu wall niches at Písac in the Písaqa complex (Source: L.Hasluck, 2001).

Figures 318. Wall niches at Tambo Colorado, painted in traditional Tawantinsuyu colours of white, red and yellow. Note the use of the staircase design in the window. (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). 213

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 319. Red painted, double etched wall niches, the more common style at Tambo Colorado, elite housing complex (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 320. Tawantinsuyu geometric wall designs with typical red and white paint in the elite housing complex at Tambo Colorado (source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 321. Wall niches at Machu Picchu in the King’s barrio (Source: L. Hasluck, 2002).

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CHAPTER EIGHT: SOCIAL DESIGN

Figure 322. Double row of niches from the temple complex at Ollantaytambo (Source: L.Hasluck, 2002).

Figure 323. Wari wall niches painted in white and red from main temple at Huari (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). 215

URBAN CONT TINUITY IN TH HE ANDES: A PR RE-HISTORICA AL PLANNING TRADITION T

Figuree 324. This is the t western exxterior wall off the Huaca dee la Lun na at Moche. e. Not the int ntricate religioous motifs in n variouus layers of brig ight colours (SSource: L.Hasl sluck, 2004).

Figure 325, 326, 3 327, 3288. Painted desiigns of a god from f the Huaaca de la Lunaa at Moche illu lustrating the type t of brightt motifs comm monly used in the t Andes: red d, white, yellow ow and black (Source: (S L.Hassluck, 2004). 216

CHAPPTER EIGHT: SOCIAL O DESIGN N

Figure 326. Red, R white, yell llow and blackk.

Figgure 327. Red, d, white, yellow w, blue and bla lack.

F Figure 328. Red, R white, yelllow and blackk. 217

URBAN CONT TINUITY IN TH HE ANDES: A PR RE-HISTORICA AL PLANNING TRADITION T

Figure 329. The T Old Pyraamid with new wer Pyramid of o the Sun beh hind, both off which were ppainted with ocean o designs,, such as fish, but b only the reds, r yellows and a whites still ll surviving, Paachacamac (Soource: L.Haslu luck, 2004).

Figure 330. A relief of thee Andean stairrcase carved in n to the Sun Temple Te wall at Ollantaytambbo. See below for detail, fig.. 331 (Source:: L.Hasluck, 2002). 2 218

CHAPPTER EIGHT: SOCIAL O DESIGN N

Figure 331. A close-up off a relief carvi ving of the An ndean staircase, on n the Sun Temple T wall at a Ollantaytam ambo, presumed Tawantinsuyu Ta b possibly Tiwanaku but T (Sou ource: L.Hasluck, 2002). 2

Figuure 334. One of o the removed ed monoliths now n inside thee Tiw wanaku site muuseum (Sourcee: L.Hasluck, 2002). 2

Figure 332. Carvings C of th he Cruz Andin ina (Andean Cross) C at Kerrikala Palace, P Tiwan naku (Source: L.Hasluck, 20003).

ure 335. Steele in semii-subterranean n temple att Figu Tiw wanaku carved d as human fi figure, with sn nake designs,, posssibly Viracoch ha god. Behin nd can be seen the rows off prottruding stone heads (Sourcee: L.Hasluck, 2002). 2

Figure 333. Carvings on a large cut stoone in the relig igious complex of Tiwanaku T (Souurce: L.Hasluc uck, 2002). 219

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 336. One of the carved monoliths covered with iconographic designs, in the Kalasasaya Temple. Behind is the Puerta del Sol (sun Gateway) which is probably not in its original position. See also fig 1 & 1b for very early Tiwanaku monoliths (Source: L.Hasluck, 2003).

Figure 337. The same statue as fig 336 as seen through the main entrance to Kalasasaya. Note the use of the impressive stairs (Source: L.Hasluck, 2003). 220

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Figure 338, the Puerta del Sol (Sun Gate) located on the north-west corner of Kalasasaya Temple. Possibly not in its original position (Source: L.Hasluck, 2003).

Figure 339. A close up of the iconographic designs carved along the top of the Puerta del Sol, they may have formed part of Americas earliest calendar, central character the Andean “Sun God” (Source: L.Hasluck, 2003). 221

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 340. The rear side of the Puerta del Sol, note the double etched niches, the two larger ones in the design used by the Incas for doorways in some of their royal palaces (Source: L.Hasluck, 2003).

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Chapter Nine Possible Non-Conforming Cases Thus we are never justified in giving dominant social controls such primacy in our studies of human cultures that the existence and operation of genuine contradictions and major differences in custom within socially controlled groups are undervalued or disregarded. The pattern of a culture must also include its dissident patterns. G. Weltfish1

Bawden’s findings were based on observations at the site, that due to severe erosion, shows little more than a flat plain between the Huaca del Sol and the Huaca de la Luna, scattered with pottery and lithic fragments.3 The early investigations were a small sample site to the west of the huacas and gave little indication of content other than that some habitations might be under the barren windswept plain. Although there were Gallinazo antecedents at the site,4 that it was the most important Mochica site was obvious by the size of the huacas and the settlement, was unsurpassed in size for the north coast in the Regional Development Period and Early Moche phases.

Theories that seek to find unity across broad stretches of time and geography may encounter examples that do not seem to conform to the pattern. The Andean urban planning tradition is no exception. As stated in the introduction, the examples used in this investigation are those that are best suited as representative of periods and civilizations, and those for which their exists sufficient data. To finalize this investigation of the Andean urban planning tradition a brief exploration of two planned sites whose urban design may differ from the Andean urban planning tradition is warranted – Moche in the Moche valley and Armatambo in the Rimác valley – both have aspects of their urban design that are in accordance with the Andean urban planning tradition, but also, and possibly due to the current level of their investigation, they have important design ideas that may be at variance to the Andean tradition.1

However more recent investigations by Uceda and Chapdelaine5 although still covering only a tiny part of the overall site6 (which is ≈ 220 metres by 280 metres)7 show that Moche, in its final stage, was an organised city rather than a ceremonial site.8 Still yet, a city that was built to an urban plan and maintained over time to the original idea.9 With these findings and by personal observation of the excavations it becomes apparent that Moche was laid out in a rough grid plan, similar in aspects to the Roman grid, where a system of streets joined by smaller alleyways meeting at right-angles form a network within a quadrangle.10 However, based on

9.1 Moche Firstly, the very interesting site of Moche, which as late as Bawden’s 1996 study of the Moche valley was labeled as a ceremonial centre is proving to have a far more intricate and organized history than previously suspected. This does not mean that all Bawden’s conclusions about the Moche site should be dismissed. It is still correct, as discussed in chapter three, that the political and social collapse during the Middle phase brought about the shift of the capital from Moche to Pampa Grande and the creation of Galindo as a regional centre in the Moche valley. This collapse also brought about changes in the urban planning to manage the needs of the new social order which in the Moche valley, became more rigid, secular and divided than was customary in the Andes. Bawden remains correct in showing the relationship between the environmental changes, political and social upheaval and transformation and the later ideological influence of the Wari-Tiwanaku.2

p. 500. 3 Chapdelaine, C., ‘La ciudad de Moche: ‘urbanismo y estado’, in Uceda, s. & Mujica, E. (eds.), Moche hacia el final del milenio, actas de Segundo coloquio sobre la cultura Moch, tomo 2, Uni. Nacional de Trujillo, 2003, pp. 247- 278: p. 249, and Topic, T.L., (‘The Early Intermediate Period and its legacy’, in Moseley, M. & Day, K. (eds.), Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, Albuquerque, Uni. of New Mexico Press, 1982, pp. 255- 284: p. 263) also attest to the difficulty of excavation at the heavily eroded site, also due to the compactness of the soil. Personal observation supports their statements as to the very poor surface preservation. 4 Topic (1982): p. 265. 5 Uceda, S. & Chapdelaine, C., ‘El centro urbano de las Huacas del Sol y la Luna’, in Arkinka, no. 33, Agosto, Lima, 1998, pp.94- 103; Chapdelaine (2003). 6 Uceda & Chapdelaine (1998: p. 98), point out that the east, west and north still remain to be investigated. 7 Chapdelaine (2003): p. 250. Probable size of complete site. 8 Chapdelaine (2003): p. 250; Uceda & Chapdelaine (1998): p. 94 ; Kaulicke (2001) : p. 511. 9 Chapdelaine (2003): p. 250. 10 Morris, A.E.G., History of the Urban Form Before the Industrial Revolution, 2nd Ed., New York, Halstead Press, 1979: p. 39. A typical Roman grid town plan is described by Morris (p. 39 -40); ‘The perimeter is usually square or rectangular; within this two main cross streets form the basis of the street

1 Weltfish, G., ‘The ethnic dimension of human history: pattern or patterns of change?’, in A. Wallace (ed.), Men and Cultures - Selected Papers of the Fifth International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, Philadelphia, September 1-9, 1956, Philadelphia, Uni. of Pennsylvania Press, 1960, pp. 205- 218: p. 210. 2 Kaulicke, P., ‘Cronologia, identidad, urbanismo y estado en los Andes centrales y surcentrales entre los siglos V a X d.c.: algunos reflexiones finales’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Huari Y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evidencias, no. 5, segunde parte, Lima, Departamento de Humanidades, Especialidad de Arqueología, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 2001, pp. 481- 530:

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION present data there appears to be two major differences both to the Roman design and the Andean urban planning tradition. The first is that there appears to be no central plaza, although admittedly the area, in orientation with the huacas where according to Andean planning tradition one would expect to find a central plaza, remains to be excavated. Both the huacas had extensive plazas for ritual, administrative or public use on their tops and these may have served the function of the traditional central plaza. However a system of smaller plazas for economic activities such as trading animals, seafood, ceramics, cloth and metal goods, have been discovered within the residential area at a reasonably spaced distance between each. These could be likened to similar small localized plazas as found at Cajamarquilla, Chan Chan, Pacatnamu and Pachacamac.

una red de calles y callejones que separan el centro urbano en posibles barrios, cuyo caracteres aún no han sido plenamente definidos; y la presencia de canales a lo largo de las avenidas principales, que probablemente abastecían de agua a la población residente en el sitio.12 The organization and workforce needed to build the system of streets, canals and public architecture, and to maintain the social stability, clearly point to a centralized authority that was able to adjudicate between personal differences over property and land management. It may only be a matter of time before true palaces and high-ranking dwellings are discovered.13 That there was an elite that held ideological control can be in their iconographic expression and repetition in the decorations of the buildings, ceramics metal work and textiles.

Secondly, the major cross streets, usually running north-south and east-west that make up a large part of the orientation and access of Andean cities (and Roman grid) at this stage do not appear to be present. In their place are two main thoroughfares, their width indicating that as well as granting quick general access to the public buildings and production zones, they also played a ceremonial role.11 Situated at the north and south ends of the city, running east-west at the foot of the Huaca del Sol and the Huaca de la Luna the grid work of streets and alleys stretched between them. It can only be presumed from the continuation of the streets below the sands that the system continues to at least cover the greater proportion of the site.

That the Huaca de la Luna was the religious centre and residence of the ruler is known from investigations,14 it also formed the southern edge of the site, built on the foot of the physical barrier to expansion in this direction, Cerro Blanco. Whether the Huaca del Sol, the administration centre and focus of community life,15 then formed the northern edge of the site remains under speculation, as the area around and to the north of it was destroyed by Spanish looters who diverted the river to undermine the huaca foundation in search of gold supposedly buried inside. Unfortunately washing away much of the huaca and the surrounding land, meaning that the huaca may have held a more central position than it appears to today.

There are, however, many aspects that do fit within the stated Andean urban planning tradition, and that can also be seen to continue later in the designs of Galindo and Pampa Grande. These aspects as stated, by Uceda and Chapdelaine, are part of the basic formula of urbanism as discussed in chapter two, and include Moche in an urban designation: Se dice que para considerar un centro urbano como ciudad, deben darse una serie de elementos básicos: áreas de producción industrial, zonas administrativas, viviendas de elite, zonas de servicio a los residentes (mercados, depósitos, agua, etc.), servidores y templos. Aunque estamos lejos de completar toda la lista de condiciones exigibles, muchas de ellas existen en el centro urbano Moche:

The city was distinctly divided by social class, with the elite living closest to the Huaca de la Luna, on the south side of the avenue and the better houses also in the more central position.16 The areas of metal and ceramic production have been found on the outskirts of the city on the western side where a wall limited the growth in that direction.17 There may have been poorer workers housing also beyond the wall in that direction, future investigation is needed. 12

Uceda & Chapelaine (1998): p. 98. ‘If we say, for consideration that an urban centre such as a city, should have a series of basic elements: areas of production, administrative zones, elite housing, residential service zones (markets, storage, water, etc.), priests and temples. Although we are far from completing all of the list of eligible conditions, many of these exist in the urban centre, Moche: a network of streets and alleyways that separate the urban centre into possible suburbs, that have characteristics though they are not definitely defined; and a presence of canals stretching beside the main thoroughfares, that probably brought water to the resident population at the site’ (translation. L. Hasluck). 13 Canziani Amico, J. ‘Estado y ciudad: revisión de la teoría sobre la sociedad Moche’, in Uceda, s. & Mujica, E. (eds.), Moche hacia el final del milenio, actas de Segundo coloquio sobre la cultura Moche, tomo 2, Uni. Nacional de Trujillo, 2003, pp. 287- 311: p. 287; Topic (1982): pp. 273, 276; Uceda & Chapdelaine (1998): p. 102. 14 Chapdelaine (2003): p. 250. 15 Topic (1982): p. 278. 16 Uceda & Chapdelaine (1998): p. 94. 17 Topic (1982): p. 266; Uceda & Chapdelaine (1998): p. 99.

structure – the decumanus, through the centre of the town, and the cardo, usually bisecting the decumanus at right angles, towards one end. Secondary streets complete the grid layout, and form the building blocks, known as insulae. The forum area … is usually located on one of the angles formed by the intersection of the decumanus and the cardo; it normally consists of a colonnaded courtyard with a meeting hall built across one end. The main temple, the theatre, and the public baths … were also located near the forum in the centre of the town. The amphitheatre, a large spatial unit requiring sloping ground for seating, was normally located outside the town. Fortifications were sometimes omitted at first because of the strong imperial frontier defences, but proved necessary at later, insecure stages in the history of these towns’. 11 Chapdelaine (2003): p. 250; Uceda & Chapdelaine (1998) : p. 102.

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Figure 341. A view of the two huacas at Moche, looking towards the coast. The city centre lay between the Huaca de la Luna on the left and the Huaca del Sol on the right. In front of the Huaca de la Luna can be seen the present excavation site in the housing district (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

Figure 342. A view over the present excavations of the centre of the Moche capital city, taken from the top of the Huaca del la Luna looking towards the Huaca del Sol in the background. The buildings in the foreground, nearest the huaca are part of the elite housing. Fertile farming lands lie on the other side of the river, while out of site to the left was a wall that divided the centre of the city with the better housing, from the workers and industrial part of the city where metals and ceramics were processed (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004).

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Figure 344. A detailed plan of the best preserved domestic architecture at Moche (Source: Topic, 1982, p.271)22 However areas of economic production, such as ceramics and metal workshops, have been found to be on the outskirts of the city to the south-west.23 These were most likely involved in the production of sacred rather than utensil items and within the city boundary to retain control over the use of iconographic representations and cultural power, also seen in the production of their complex coloured wall friezes in both temple and domestic architecture.24 Utensil ceramics were produced in different valleys and areas.25 However, as in later epochs such as the Late Moche phase in Galindo when utensil production was brought within the city limits, mass manufacturing did not have a central place amongst the elite residential area at Moche.

Figure 343. One of the main streets of the Moche capital that formed the basis of the grid layout. Behind is the Huaca de la Luna in front of which ran a large avenue from which these other main streets presumably connected to the Huaca del Sol on the other side of the city. The yellow rod is 1metre long (Source: L.Hasluck, 2004). The dwellings – three distinct types indicating social variation18 that have been investigated in the area between the two huacas - were all built on a basic patio design, undergoing increasing complexity and division of the internal space in the later epochs. Some burials within the floors and benches were common.19 Their proximity to the small plazas, not built around intersections but with their own allotted spaces, suggests a close economic control by the upper classes, with each type of trade possibly controlled by a family, as each plaza is dedicated to a particular product.20 Uceda and Chapdelaine identify food resources as evidence of social stratification and control over resources; El estudio de la dieta será clave para establecer patrones alimenticios, así como para identificar grupos sociales distintos según el acceso que tuvieran a los recursos disponibles.21

No storage areas have yet been discovered, either at Moche or other contemporary sites and the Mochica may have had a system of distribution regulation different to that appearing in Galindo and the later Chan Chan, with their heavily controlled community access to storage areas. The administrators seemed to have played more of a role as planners, leaders, labor organizers, and agents of social cohesion.26 However household storage, of which there is ample evidence, shows that storage was needed but that the households did not necessarily control a large proportion of the societies resources.27 The household patio area also played its part in household economic production, such as weaving, 22

Topic, T.L., “The early Intermediate period and its Legacy”, Moseley, M.E. & Day, K.C. (eds.) in Chan Chan: Andean desert city, Albuquerque, Uni. of New Mexico press, 1982, pp. 255 – 284. 23 Topic (1982): p. 275; Uceda & Chapdelaine (1998): p. 98. 24 Topic (1982): p. 268; Canziani (2003): p. 298. 25 Canziani (2003): p. 308. 26 Topic (1982): p. 278. 27 Uceda & Chapdelaine (1998) : p. 101.

18

Canziani (2003): p. 296; Topic (1982): p. 269. Topic (1982): p. 270. 20 Uceda & Chapdelaine (1998): p. 99-100. 21 Uceda & Chapdelaine (1998): p. 96. ‘The study of the diet was the key to establish the owners food resources, and in this way identify distinct social groups who had access to the disposable resources’ (translation L. Hasluck). 19

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CHAPTER NINE: POSSIBLE NON-CONFORMING CASES in the same way that it continued to in Galindo.28 Trade between the capital and its hinterland in Moche ceremonial ceramics probably played a large role in the cities economic life.29

Figure 347. A reconstruction drawing of the centre of Moche. Note the wide avenue that runs in front of the Huaca de la Luna. On the side nearest the huaca is the elite housing, while across the avenue is the patio housing of the craft workers and traders, built along small streets set at right angles to the avenue (Source: Uceda & Chapdelaine, 1998, p. 97).

Figure 345. Sketch of a pillar top used for holding the roof up, decorated with lizards (Source: Uceda & Chapdelaine, 1998, p.95).

Finally, the city was sited in the centre of the valley, as a centre of intra-valley politics and trade, close beside the river, but was not located on prime agricultural land,30 which lies on the northern side of the river. These evidences support the idea that Moche was a centralized state, with a weak division between religious and secular activities,31 social stratification, job specialisation, a hierarchy of settlements, a large area of influence, relative density of population, etc. The Mochica had the core cultural aspects to form an urban society and, although small and individual, did so at the capital Moche and with urban influence possibly in other locations. The use of the grid system is particularly interesting as it seems to appear nowhere else in so formulated a design in pre-WariTiwanaku times. However this may also be proven incorrect with future studies of early residential areas in other locations. The formulated design of the residential areas may be seen as a connection with the later Chimú culture and the Chan Chan citadels, as part of a Moche valley tradition, as for example their concern to control access to elite housing areas.32 That their urban grid plan was not applied equally in Galindo and Pampas Grande in the later Middle and Late Moche phases may either be due to internal cultural and

Figure 346. Detail of one of the serpents in high relief and painted that decorated one of the domestic patios (Topic, 1998, p. 102).

30

Topic (1982): p. 262. The administration of the state was directed by the religious leader who was also king. That there was some secular division is seen in the use of the Huaca del Sol for administration purposes and the Huace de la Luna for religious. 32 Uceda & Chapdelaine (1998): p. 102. 31

28

Topic (1982): p. 276. Uceda & Chapdelaine (1998): p. 98. There is still some doubt as Chicama also produced suitable pottery for trade.

29

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION political changes or in the case of Galindo to the roughness of the terrain, unsuited to a grid system layout.

a place for drying and processing agricultural goods, before storage or transportation to Pachacamac. These included large corrals for handling the continuous llama caravans for trading and goods transportation.37 No residential information is currently available although residential areas did exist. Since the Ichma separated the elite and worker residential areas at Pachacamac it could also be presumed to have happened in Armatambo, and a future search around the pyramids may reveal elite residences and administrative buildings.

In conclusion, even though at the present stage Moche has not revealed a central plaza the rest of its urban design places it clearly within the Andean tradition. Should in the future it be shown that it only ever had a scattered collection of small localized plazas this aspect has also had its role in the Andean urban planning tradition, even under the Tawantinsuyu.

9.2 Armatambo

Armatambo appears to be a sister city to Pachacamac, but of great importance to the Ichma,38 and may not have been designed so much as a separate city but as a somewhat removed suburb of Pachacamac. Although it contains small pyramids and religious structures, monumental construction may have been kept at a minimum as the populations spiritual and central administrative needs were served by the nearby Pachacamac. This means that meeting places for large ceremonial gatherings, such as a central plaza, were not needed. Armatambo served as a resource processing and storage centre in a semi-industrialized fashion, and its design is to meet its working needs rather than cultural maintenance, which was easily served and controlled from Pachacamac. The Tawantinsuyu realizing its functional purpose also used it as an administrative centre, while building their Temple of the Sun and House of the Mamacunas at Pachacamac the ideological centre of the central coast. Interestingly the Spanish also chose the Rimác rather than the Lurin valley for their capital, the natural habour in this bay no doubt being a major factor in both preHispanic and Colonial choice of site.

The city of Armatambo in the Rimác (Lima) valley is also an interesting case of differing in degree from the Andean urban planning tradition. However, like Moche, the site also has been massively damaged and information regarding it is currently sparse, although sufficient to raise several important points. The site has been almost entirely covered in the last 10-15 years by the rapidly growing outer suburbs of Lima which are not subject to planning control aimed at minimizing damage to the archaeological site. Director of Pachacamac Luisa Diaz, and Francisco Vallejo have managed to undertake archaeological investigations and continue to salvage what information they can.33 Armatambo was built with an easterly orientation, in a lengthwise direction along the foot of the Cerro Morro Solara, so close to Pachacamac that on a clear day they are visible to each other.34 Initially built during the Regional States Period by the independent state of the Ichma culture at the time of their building expansion of the capital Pachacamac, Armatambo served as a northern entrance and collection and storage point for agricultural and maritime goods that also served the population of Pachacamac. It continued and increased in this role under the later administration of the Tawantinsuyu Empire with new construction to reflect the imperial power and importance.35 As noted in previous chapters the Inca held Pachacamac in great respect and allowed her greater independence than other cities.

That Armatambo served as a gateway to Pachacamac is obvious as the northern coastal road first passed through Armatambo.39 Also large food storage areas for the wealth of gifts and sacrifices required to acknowledge Pachacamac’s prestige have not been discovered at Pachacamac itself and Armatambo probably served this purpose, yet there is much that remains to be discovered. However the relationship between the two seems to have been symbiotic in nature and this is reflected in the less socially and politically orientated design of Armatambo. Those design aspects not reserved solely for Pachacamac still show that Armatambo existed within the Andean urban planning tradition. The generally central location of religious and administrative buildings, the placement of food processing centrally within the control of the administrative elite, the connection to the highway system, the use of repetition in design both internally and with Pachacamac, location beside the river yet not upon arable land and the location still within sight of the major

Armatambo was one of the most extensive settlements in the Lima valley, and Diaz and Vellejo state that it was obviously an urban complex, for its extension and diversity of buildings. However its small religious ramped pyramid structures were not built around a central plaza but, like Chan Chan’s, are dotted around in a generally centralized area of the city.36 On the upward slope in the central part of the city exists a large walled open space, which is tiered and may have served as a plaza. However it is more likely that the open space served as 33

Diaz, L. & Vallejo, F., ‘Armatambo y el dominio Incaico en el valle de Lima’, in Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, no. 6, 2002, pp. 355- 374. 34 Diaz & Vallejo (2002): pp. 355, 363. 35 Diaz & Vallejo (2002): p. 359. 36 Diaz & Vallejo (2002): pp. 355, 360.

37

Diaz & Vallejo (2002): p. 360. On page 362 it is mentioned the discovery of spondylus shells from Ecuador that were important religious items and traded throughout the Andes as a luxury item. 38 Diaz & Vallejo (2002): p. 359. 39 Diaz & Vallejo (2002): p. 358.

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Figure 348. An aerial photograph of the urban area of Armatambo from 1943, before the city of Lima started to cover it over. In the circle is the Huaca San Pedro. Note how it is built on the slopes of a hill, high above the arable land (Source: Diaz & Vallejo, 2002, p.361).

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Figure 349. One of the adobe ramped pyramids in a typical Pachacamac style in the centre of Armatambo, from above (fig. 348) aerial photo (Source: Diaz & Vallejo, 2002, p. 364). religious structures of Pachacamac40 (this may also have facilitated quick communication for ritual acceptance of gifts). The use of decorated walls with friezes and paintings of animals, fish and maize, that continued and expanded in the Tawantinsuyu period,41 was also part of an ongoing Andean urban aesthetic tradition.

Figure 350. One of the wall murals at Armatambo, using the colours found also at Pachacamac. It depicts a maize plant, the processing and storage of which was of great economic importance to the satellite city (Source: Diaz & Vallejo, 2002, p.371). For the first time it has been clearly shown that a pan-Andean tradition of urban design and planning existed in preColonial times. The features analysed in these chapters are those that through constant repetition have formed not only the backbone of that tradition, but are those aspects which specifically may have played a role in the maintenance of social and state structures that helped give longevity to the urban tradition and also to particular cities within it, such as Caral, Tiwanaku, Pachacamac, Cajamarca and Cuzco.

Armatambo should probably not be treated as a separately distinct city but as an arm of Pachacamac. Although much of the site is still to be investigated, this close relationship is clearly visible in the use at Armatambo of at least fifteen ramped pyramids of the Pachacamac designs.42 Both these cities of Moche and Armatambo display urban planning techniques that are used throughout the Andes and so must be placed within the Andean urban planning tradition. The lack of information obviously hampers clear conclusions about them and it may well be shown in the future that other important aspects currently missing, such as a central plaza, will be discovered.

40

Diaz & Vallejo (2002). Diaz & Vallejo (2002): p. 363- 365. 42 Diaz & Vallejo (2002): p. 362. 41

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Figure 351. A map of the centre of Armatambo. Note the scattered placement of the huacas (dark colours), and the cities relationship with the cerro and ocean. The city makes good use of enclosures in its planning. It is now covered over by the growth of Lima’s slums (Source: Diaz & Vallejo, 2002, p. 356). 231

Chapter Ten Conclusion This book concludes in two parts. The first summarizes the growth of the specific design elements of the Andean urban planning tradition as described for the first time in previous chapters. The second part points out the relevance of the Andean tradition to international forms by demonstrating that some of the design characteristics from Andean urban planning have similarities with general pre-industrial urban culture and design on a global scale. In addition, some of the Andean urban forms have correlations with specific urban attributes used by the Spanish in the colonization of the Americas. These are both themes to be explored in greater detail in the future, but which warrant a preliminary discussion here.

The need to create an atmosphere of intense ideological adherence can be seen in the designs of the cities. The central monumental religious complexes and plazas, to which the elite housing was attached, the fine craft workshops that produced high status ideological and religious artefacts, and, often, the storage areas, represented the centralization of state-religious power in the hands of those that physically dwelled closest to its most important concentrations of power. The political importance of the centre of the city was well understood and valued, in that it allowed the elite to function with greater ease and access to other members of the same class. The effects of control, division, theology and reputation were necessary aspects of the urban environment, designed to maintain an order and hierarchy, without which urbanization may not have been possible. That urban planning was important and successful is seen through its continued use within the Andean building tradition. That some of the key cities were also the longest in duration, such as Caral, Pachacamac and Tiwanaku, highlights the fact that aspects of their urban designs were part of the success of maintaining the dominant socio-political structure. Some long-lasting cities like Ollantaytambo, Quito, and Cuzco, the oldest serving city in the Americas, even crossed the temporal frontier into the period of Spanish colonialism and the present Republicanism.

10.1 Andean Urban Planning Tradition In the preceding chapters an Andean urban planning tradition has been outlined that covers the temporal period and geographical area of Andean urbanization up to the Spanish conquest and that it was formed by a range of characteristics and adaptive urban planning designs and mechanisms. This tradition, including certain specific aspects, can now be compared with other global sites, and used as appoint of reference.. The study has clearly demonstrated how the geography, and exploitation of vertical and horizontal resource zones helped to spread ideas of urbanism, and how the contact stimulated the growth of the centralized social organization needed to manage hydraulic technology, infrastructure, monumental architecture, the workforce, job specialization, social stratification, area of influence, increased residential density and ideological mastery of the population. These were, then, and remain some of the fundamentals of urban society.

The cities, especially the religious complexes, were highly decorated with religious iconographic motifs that psychologically reinforced the Andean and regional worldview and socio-political system. In this system the religious leaders claimed access to the supernatural power of the gods and manipulated this belief in order to help create and maintain a general consensus of desire and willingness to participate in the urban life under the control of the elite. In the case of Tawantinsuyu, this meant taking care of and ordering every part of a citizen’s life. Ideology, religious belief and esoteric knowledge, built into the fabric of the cities, surrounded the population with symbols that attested to the citizen’s place and prescribed role in life. The sacred symbols could give the society a power in which to believe greater than the natural forces surrounding and often disturbing them. The leader and those amongst the elite who controlled the symbols gained the confidence and security of the people.

The birth of urbanism and the rise of irrigated agriculture brought with it a new appreciation of the importance of a city’s location to the success of its urban culture. The choice of location was vital in the Andes, not only for communication routes but also to protect arable lands and water access. Some cities were also located for the sacred geography of the site. With irrigation and the introduction of new food resources such as maize, the use of more land in otherwise unfruitful areas supplied, by community effort, the surpluses needed to survive as an urban unit, especially in the extreme Andean environment. This surplus was extracted for, and managed by, a religious and administrative elite that could exist only with force or the acceptance by the population of an ideology that preserved urban life-style and the position of the elite.

The aesthetics of iconographic decoration in Andean cities is remarkable for the way in which colour, geometric and anthropomorphic designs are used, often in spectacular sizes. The Andean people clearly had a sophisticated sense of 232

CHAPTER TEN: CONCLUSION aesthetics that was manifested in their textiles, ceramics, metal ware, music, dance, ritual and, of course, architecture. Their sense of the aesthetic was greatly affected by their environment, and its inclusion in their cities through such means as water channels, fountains, views and carved bedrock, made their cities far more than defensive collectives against the forces of nature or political enemies. Andean urban design generally attempted to offer an ambience that permitted the inhabitants to experience a physical and emotional connection with the surrounding environment. While living an urban lifestyle, and being apart from nature, they still saw the physical city as a part of their environment. Furthermore, urbanization, aesthetically vibrant and culturally diverse, was recognized as the resource and security that many desired. Their pyramids imitated the wild mountains where the gods resided, and also created a place where the religious elite lived. This intended to demonstrate to the population that, through the elite and the communitarian rituals, as well as the social constructions that existed within urban communities, society would be supported supernaturally. When that bond was seen to be faltering, it would usually result in the deterioration of the elite’s control and the city’s demise, such as occurred at Galindo. In Galindo, radical environmental changes caused by an El Niño brought about a corresponding lack of faith in the elite and their ritual control over natural events and, subsequently, created alterations in the socio-politico structure and organization.

the Tawantinsuyu did a higher level of centralized state control emerge and unite the Andes area once more as an obviously visible whole, while regional differences merely expressed variations on the theme. The Tawantinsuyu concentrated their short time and much of their resources on infrastructure and conquest, utilizing many ideas from past and contemporary cultures. But where new cities or settlements were created, they adhered to a time-proven tradition of planning which they had inherited from thousands of years of planning evolution and which was suited particularly for the Andean world-view, ethos and geography. The Tawantinsuyu understood the need to control ideology, and to represent the state as the centre of the people’s universe, as Cuzco was the centre of the empire. The city’s form through its grandeur and reputation served the state’s need as representing the power and magnificence of the empire and its Inca. Imperial temples and administrative buildings were positioned in the city centres, often substituting the equivalent structures of the previous elite, to reinforce and display their reputation as the only dominating force. In a similar process the Inca suppressed the historical existence of former civilizations, in order to project a civilized world and its contingent marvels as created by the Inca alone, thus maximising the Inca’s political power and augmenting the awe of his subjects. A city’s durability reflected and increased its success and greatness, so that the older cities such as Tiwanaku and Pachacamac also became centres of pan- Andean pilgrimage, drawing to them yet greater wealth, fame and prosperity. These three powerful facets of urban success sustained a given city’s further growth and influence over neighbouring peoples. In so doing, however, Pachacamac created a peaceful polity, while the Tiwanaku established an empire that stretched throughout the Andes, and later re-emerged as the Tawantinsuyu to reach even further afield over an area comparable in size to the Roman Empire. The dynamic and enduring effect of Tiwanaku city and its urban ideology cannot be denied.

Civic pride became recognized as a cohesive force, and a city’s reputation would define the character of the inhabitants. Thus, a city‘s reputation could bring economic advantages and increased status, raising the social standing of the citizens. With civic pride came, also, an appreciation of the city as a work of beauty, with monumental constructions and urban vistas included in architecture and layout where possible. The centre of Cuzco, for example, had been built specifically to imitate the beautiful precise stonework of Tiwanaku. This was testimony to the glory and aesthetics of a formerly important city that still lived on, in both legend and reputation. It may, moreover, have been a demonstration of the recollection, by the elite, of their true connection between the two cultures, a connection that the Inca publicly denied.

That urbanization was a desirable response to the growing size and complexity of these Andean cultures and civilizations and that it was a continued response, is demonstrated by the increased use of existing and new urban centres during the Regional States Period, particularly under the Chimú. By the time of the Tawantinsuyu Empire the Andes was so well populated and urbanized that the Tawantinsuyu often had to do little more than connect their better system of roads, and build, improve or maintain infrastructure. Although they brought urbanization and hydraulic agriculture to new areas, the Tawantinsuyu’s main developmental role was to force the Andes into an organized urban network and society of a massive agrarian empire under a well regulated economy. In this way population centres, especially the large cities, not

The creation of an ordered pattern in the urban landscape after the period of Wari-Tiwanaku influence brought state centralization and the ability to control the populace to a new level of sophistication. This new level of state control became an important part of urban planning. The very layout of a city could help deny or encourage access to different parts of the city for the various sectors of the population. In regions where a high level of state control receded, as generally after the collapse of the Wari-Tiwanaku Empire, so too did the initiative and collaboration needed to found new cities. Where it continued, as with the Chimú and Ichma, old cities continued to grow and new ones emerged. Not until under

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION only remained important to their satellite cities and countryside, but grew to become an attraction by their diversity of culture and work, important parts of urbanization. The urban network exploited new agriculture and resources, in turn, spawning further generations of cities, towns and villages to supply the increasing urban demand. When the Spanish arrived they encountered a sizeable and complex urban society. However, while they explored the busy streets in various parts of the Tawantinsuyu Empire, they only vaguely noted the repetition of city design elements belonging to an ancient but unrecognized tradition.

and horizontal resource zones contributed to the creation, maintenance and dispersion of urbanism in the Andes. So it can be argued that the difficult geography, as such, impelled the evolution of an economic and social system, and a degree of political centralization that was favorable to the growth of urbanism. Difficult as the Andean geography is, it was evidently more favorable to the rise of urbanism than, for example, an entirely barren desert. Secondly, Sjoberg6 bases much of his argument on the existence of an advanced technology relative to pre-urban forms. This technology was necessary for urbanism to support itself economically. In the Andes the new technologies were in the form of the introduction of new food resources and the exploitation of flood plains and irrigated agriculture, in hand with the building of monumental structures and systems of food preservation for year-round supply. As such, ceramics and drying techniques, and a system of inter-zone resource sharing, enabled by the domestication of animals for increased transportation of goods, suggests a growing technology that did not exist prior to the nascent urbanism. Where, previous to the existence of cities, these technologies were developing independently, the new social power of increased centralized organization under a controlling elite, brought them together and allowed urbanization to begin. The growth of these technological forms, (and for other global areas some that did not affect the Andes, such as the wheel, animal drawn plough and the use of iron), are present in the formation and spread of urbanization in the Andes as else where in the world.

10.2 International Comparison Although the Andean urban planning tradition developed in isolation, it shares certain aspects in culture and design with other pre-industrial urban societies and forms around the world. Using the comprehensive summary of the generalized attributes of pre-industrial, or ‘Feudal’, urban societies in Gideon Sjoberg’s, The Preindustrial City (1960),1 it is possible to form a comparison of the Andean urban planning tradition with those of the rest of the world in different epochs. Since it is the generalized form that is to be compared, it is not important that urbanization developed unevenly around the world in both space and time.2 As demonstrated in chapter two, this comparison is possible because, although the Andes never developed a system of writing, which is part of the urban criteria used by Sjoberg, the Andean model does fit with many other urban criteria, including the development of a ‘literati’ class.

Of course, serious consideration must be given to Reader’s theory that, perhaps, the formation of the city led to the development or adoption of new agricultural techniques and technologies in order to service urban demand.7 This appears to have been the case with Caral, the first city in the Americas, which arose before the people of the Supe valley were using ceramics, large scale irrigation, metallurgy or the domestication of llamas for transportation.

The use of generalizations for comparison is justified by Sjoberg when he argues that; ‘Only to the extent that structural similarities among pre-industrial cities over the world are isolated can the influence of cultural values upon city life be perceived’.3 Like Sjoberg’s summary this study has also raised a set of generalizations as to urban design in the Andes, using a sufficient set of data to create a solid basis of opinion and to enhance accuracy. Importantly, this allows for the comparison of the Andean urban tradition with the set of generalizations formulated for the rest of the pre-industrial urban world.

A complex social organization and, above all, a well developed power structure were necessary for the creation and maintenance of urban conglomerations and ethos. In all the urban societies of the Andes there is a clear and rigid distinction between the two fundamental social classes, which correspond to elite and worker, or administrator and producer. The Andes also fits the requirement of having a highly defined power structure, as Sjoberg8 outlines for preindustrial urban societies, where ‘a power group…can sustain itself only if its members concentrate in the kinds of settlements we call urban.’9 He argues, further, that urbanization needs a political structure of this magnitude in

Before looking at the built characteristics of urban planning that the Andes share with the rest of the pre-industrial urban world, it is necessary to evaluate the cultural aspects inherent in the urban design forms common to all pre-industrial urban societies. One of the pre-conditions for city life in Sjoberg’s4 analysis is a favorable ecological base which, in the case of the Andes, is debatable .5 Yet the system of trade between vertical 1

Sjoberg, G., The Preindustrial City: Past and Present, New York, The Free Press, 1960. 2 Sjoberg (1960): p. 64. 3 Sjoberg (1960): p. 16. 4 Sjoberg (1960): p. 27. 5 Mumford, Lewis, The City in History, Harcourt, New York, Brace & World, 1961: p. 92.

6

Sjoberg (1960): p. 27. Reader, J., Cities, London, William Heinemann, 2004. 8 Sjoberg (1960): p. 67. 9 Sjoberg (1960): p. 67. 7

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CHAPTER TEN: CONCLUSION order to exploit its area of influence, and so account for the expansion of cities in size and number, their diffusion into previously non-urbanized or lightly urbanized areas, and their decline and possible resurgence. 10 All of these aspects occurred under the theocratic power structures of the Andes. Similar to the pre-industrial cities described by Sjoberg,11 a city’s existence in the Andes does not necessarily end with the demise of an empire or kingdom, but is able to attach itself to a new political entity and prosper again, such as occurred with Pachacamac, Cajamarquilla, Chan Chan, Cuzco and others that continued to thrive under subsequent regimes.

The great importance of a city, Sjoberg argues, does not necessarily mean that it is of great size.15 Cuzco and Pachacamac were smaller than Chan Chan, yet at the height of their prosperity the former two were of far wider-reaching cultural importance and reputation. However, Sjoberg stresses that a city’s reputation does count and that the attraction of the larger part of the surplus to the ruler’s capital helps to subsidize expressions of high culture, such as astrology, astronomy, architecture, the arts, music, and crafts.16 Sjoberg17 cites the example of Edo (Tokyo during the Tokugawa period) where, like Cuzco under the Inca, the nobility from the lesser cities were forced to spend a part of each year living in the capital. According to Sjoberg, the greatness of a city, in terms of population and reputation, is closely related to social and political power. He argues that;

Sjoberg argues, and it was also the case for the Andes, that cities were focal points of transport and communication, enabling the ruling elite not only to maintain surveillance over the countryside, but also to permit ease of interaction with members of their own groups in other cities, as well as within a city. The congestion that defines the city maximizes personal face-to-face communication, which is essential if the heads of the various bureaucratic structures – governmental, religious and educational – are to maintain ties with each other; likewise did craftsmen and merchants prosper in the urban milieu, whose density and occupational heterogeneity fosters economic activity.12 Equally applicable to the Andean model, Sjoberg states that, for pre-industrial cities in general, ‘[s]ocial power on the local, societal and extra societal levels influences the expansion and location of cities, their internal ecological arrangements and their social structures as well’.13

The more potent the elite, the grander the city. The more services and luxury goods the elite commands, the larger and more specialized can be the urban population that supports the upper class, and the more likely is the privileged stratum in a particular city to expand its membership, either by absorbing some of the cities lower class or by attracting upper class persons from other portions of the realm.18 This socio-economic relationship was clearly demonstrated in the Andes, when Cuzco was rebuilt to begin its era of empire expansion, the lands around it were annexed and given to the people of Cuzco. The former owners were sent to other parts of the empire, and all the people of Cuzco, even the lower classes, became Lords, thus swelling the numbers of the upper class to manage the needs of the expanding empire. So too, the nobility from other parts of the empire were forced to live in Cuzco and have their children educated there in the lore of the Tawantinsuyu upper class, thus expanding its membership.

Although many of these aspects, such as communication between bureaucratic structures and the ease of communication between elite members of society, are difficult to trace in the archaeological record, the fact that they formed a basic part of urban culture in other preindustrial societies and have been hypothesised to exist within Andean urban society, suggests that in all probability the Andean cities also encouraged these cultural and social forms.

The internal design of pre-industrial cities studied in other regions of the world also suggest similarities with those found in the Andes. Sjoberg19 describes three ways in which land use patterns in pre-industrial cities operate, all of which were used in the Andes. For example, there existed the preeminence of the ‘central’ area over the periphery, especially as portrayed in the distribution of the social classes. The elite, for reasons of ease of communication with their own class, separation from the lower class and access to the buildings of political, religious and economic power, claim the central area of the city as their own residential area.20 This is clearly seen in Andean urban design from its inception in Caral and continuing up to and under the Tawantinsuyu. Wheatley

There are, furthermore, specific physical aspects shaped by cultural similarities between pre-industrial cities, as Sjoberg describes them, and shared by those of the Andes. For instance, Sjoberg argues that the location of pre-industrial cities is mainly affected by the factors of ‘environment, technology, the economic structure, the power structure, and cultural values’.14 This can be seen to be part of the process in location choice in the Andes, where position for protection of arable land, water rights, sacred geography, interurban road connection, trade, and political and military tactics, all play a role.

15

Sjoberg (1960): p. 82. Sjoberg (1960): p. 70. 17 Sjoberg (1960): p. 87. 18 Sjoberg (1960): p. 115. 19 Sjoberg (1960): p. 95. 20 Sjoberg (1960): p. 99.

10

16

Sjoberg (1960): p. 68. 11 Sjoberg (1960): p. 74. 12 Sjoberg (1960): pp. 67, 114. 13 Sjoberg (1960): p. 17. 14 Sjoberg (1960): p. 85.

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION explains it succinctly but from an Old World point of view and in comparison with the industrial city that;

sacred items, in the Andean model, suggests an element of elite control over the ideological expression, a feature of preindustrial urbanism not addressed by Sjoberg.

In many traditional urban forms, for example, the preeminence of the central sector over the periphery derived less from economic and technological considerations than from a principle that may conveniently be termed proximity to the focus of power in both its secular and sacred material and ritual aspects. In such cities rentdistance relationships appear to have been structured on principles that generated a zoning of land-uses somewhat different from those commonly encountered in the modern city. Not only were location patterns based primarily on localized vertical organizations and product groupings ….but the central precinct was also often reserved for ritual purposes, a situation which tended to create central population-density craters that persisted in many cases until the onset of modernization.21

Religion, according to Sjoberg, played a large role in preindustrial urban life, by way of controlling education, which was typically religious in orientation,25 and demanding labour services, in the Andes known as mitae, for the construction of religious monuments, temples and the delivery of part of the food surplus.26 The mitae service tax was a well known form of payment from very early times in the Andes; though religious education can only be proven for the Tawantinsuyu, where it is referred to in various accounts. That it existed prior to the Tawantinsuyu can be surmised as, not only were they the inheritors of thousands of years of urban culture and tradition, but previous societies such as the Tiwanaku had sophisticated calendars that could only have been imparted via a system of education. Moreover, through indoctrination, education sustained a general belief in the political and social position of the elite class. Sjoberg argues, and the same is applicable in the Andes, that: …the educational system is the mechanism by which the formal religious norms sustaining the elite are propagated; in turn matters pertaining to religion make up a large proportion of the academic curricula.27

Secondly, in pre- industrial cities, certain finer-scale spatial differences existed according to ethnic, occupational and family ties, with kinship groups even owning particular areas.22 A clear case of this, in the Andes, can be seen in the citadels of Chan Chan, occupied by royal families and their retainers. It is also clear in the layout of Cuzco where residential areas were organized by family group, ethnicity or occupational basis, with the royal families exclusively occupying the centre of the city, and foreigners and artisans the outer areas, while the workers were further out still, on the city’s perimeter. Pachacamac stands as another clear example of the results of such socially segregationist tendencies. Low status occupation groups could be forced to the periphery of cities, as the elite sought to avoid contact with them. On the periphery, the poor could supplement their lives with crops grown on and beyond the outskirts of the city.23 This separation is seen to begin in the Andes with urbanization in Caral, where elite housing was distinctly superior to lower class dwellings.

In pre-industrial cities religious buildings had areas in front of them, such as plazas, which were suitable for markets and fairs as they were places of high pedestrian traffic.28 Although market commerce, as such, did not play a large role in the Andes, and festivities were state or religiously arranged and were a means by which ceremonial reciprocal exchanges could take place, the Andean plaza nevertheless played a central role in public activities.29 It also acted as an area of military assembly, a usage which Sjoberg does not refer to as common in other city formulae of the contemporary world (although it probably was). Having established through this book that although Andean cities and their urban planning tradition are individual in many design aspects, they also share much in common with pre-industrial cities generally, it may be assumed, therefore, that there will be specific aspects of Andean urban design that were shared in common with the pre-industrial urban designs and ideas transplanted by the Spanish during the colonial era and coming from their own Old World pre-industrial urban planning tradition. That specific components of the Spanish tradition were transplanted into the Andes by a process of

Thirdly, there is a low incidence of functional differentiation in the other land use patterns of pre-industrial cities. Occupations tend to group themselves in quarters or particular streets of the city. Although this aspect is not generally evident in Andean cities with a market free economy, the grouping of weavers and chicha brewers, for example, into their own compounds, is an Andean form. Sjoberg sees this as an expression of the limited pre-industrial transport technology in which the time-consuming delivery of raw materials and collection of products forced similar productive activities to group together.24 The production of

25

Sjoberg (1960): p. 90. Sjoberg (1960): p. 199. 27 Sjoberg (1960): p. 119. 28 Sjoberg (1960): p. 269. 29 Interestingly, unlike their Mesoamerican counterparts, no areas especially designated for sports activities have been found or recognized in Andean cities. It may be that festivals of dancing played the socialising and competitive role of sport; also the festivals in which mock battles were acted out. 26

21

Wheatley, P., ‘The concept of urbanism’, in P.J. Ucko, R. Tringham & G. Dimbleby (eds.), Man,Settlement and Urbanism: Research Seminar in Archaeology and related Subjects, Institute of Archaeology, London University, Duckworth, 1972, pp. 601- 637: p. 619. 22 Sjoberg (1960): p. 102. 23 Sjoberg (1960): pp. 99 -100. 24 Sjoberg (1960): p. 101.

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CHAPTER TEN: CONCLUSION colonization, can be derived from a comparison with the general state of pre-industrial cities. Aspects of this process may have made the Spanish constructions not seem so alien to the Andeans, even though they were enacted by a different type of socio-political force. At the time of the Spanish conquest the Tawantinsuyu were using a system of urban domination not unlike the Romans before them around the Mediterranean and northwestern Europe. This was a method also used, to a lesser extent, by the Chimú kingdom and far earlier by the Wari-Tiwanaku. Both the Roman and the Tawantinsuyu Empires used a massive road network to link together the cities and settlements that formed a vast urban empire, bringing urban organization to many new areas. Both were agriculturally based but urban in focus, with a prominent city, Rome and Cuzco, as the spiritual and cultural centre of the empire.

According to the sixteenth-century Spanish geographer, Juan Lopez de Velasco, by 1576 Spaniards had established over 200 towns in the Americas, an achievement second only to that of the Romans whose own empire was grounded upon an extensive urban network.33 In the Andes, the infrastructure of the urban network was already established by the Tawantinsuyu, adding to the ease of colonial urban expansion. Castilians had already used towns in Iberia to take land from the Muslims and, in a similar imperial manner, colonial towns in the Americas served as an antidote for what many Spaniards perceived as an alien environment, inhabited by hostile people. The town, however, was synonymous with order, justice, religion, and organized economic activity in the form of crafts, workshops, markets and the like.34 The official ordinances of 1573, giving the most explicit instructions on locating, planning and creating new cities, towns and villages, must have been a significant tool in the speedy reproduction of Spanish urbanization.35

In new urban formation the Romans used a grid system, based on the military camp design30 to lay out new cities, where they placed the important religious and state administration buildings around a central plaza that was reached by main thoroughfares and served public, military and ceremonial needs. Cities were located in strategic places for military and economic aims. They, like the Tawantinsuyu, tried to keep conquered cities serviceable but with the centrally located addition of important Roman ideological, cultural and religious buildings and decorations, such as the forum, temples, baths, fountains, sculptures and amphitheatres.31

The Roman grid system was used by Spanish colonists in the Andes as a quick and proven planning solution for new towns in a rapidly expanding empire.36 Although it was not always possible to comply due to difficult topography, an ordinance from Philip II stated that all towns were to be laid out on a grid.37 The grid represented order and symmetry, which was thought of as a refuge in a natural environment only marginally subject to Spanish authority.38 This idea of urban creed and orderliness as representing the authority of the empire had also been used by the Wari-Tiwanaku and Tawantinsuyu in the conversion of new areas. Kagan argues that although the Spanish idea of the grid also derived from a medieval ideal of the perfect town, it may possibly have been influenced by indigenous designs, as at Cuzco.39 By 1513, as referred to by the Spanish monarchy in instructions to Pedrarías Dávila, an ordered city or town was:

The Tawantinsuyu also recognized the importance of urban space in the location of important state and cultural buildings but did not employ a rigid grid system in their planning, such as had been the case at the height of Wari-Tiwanaku urban construction. Instead they maintained the central location of the main plaza, state and religious buildings but adapted the grid layout to suit the sometimes difficult terrain. Both empires used a system of colonization to disseminate their control. This spread urbanization and their ideas on urban planning throughout their empires. However, for both the Romans and the Tawantinsuyu, the location of new colonial towns often differed from that of the conquered people due to the needs of the new political and economic structure.

generally understood as one laid out according to a grid or checkerboard plan, that is, in symmetrical fashion with a series of straight streets emanating from a central plaza or square endowed with a church, a town hall, a prison, and the pillory….40 These royal ordinances which stressed a Christian ideology were above all designed to provide the Spaniard in the New

As the Roman Empire grew, so the Iberian peninsula fell under the influence of Roman ideas of urban planning, some of which persisted and were transmitted through colonization to the New World.32 Kagan, who has studied cities and towns of colonial Spanish America makes an interesting comparison when he states that;

33

Kagan, Richard L., ‘A world without walls: City and town in colonial Spanish America’, in James D. Tracey (ed.), City Walls: The urban enceinte in global perspective, Cambridge, Cambridge Uni. Press, 2000, pp. 117 -152: p. 131. 34 Kagan (2000): p. 131. 35 Crouch, Garr & Mundigo (1982). 36 Kagan (2000): p. 139; Morris (1979): p. 39. 37 Crouch, Garr & Mundigo (1982): pp. 1 -3. 38 Kagan (2000): p. 140 -41. 39 Kagan (2000): p. 140. 40 Kagan (2000): p. 139.

30

Morris, A.E.G., History of the Urban Form Before the Industrial Revolution, 2nd Ed., New York, Halstead Press, 1979: p. 39. 31 Amphitheatres were actually usually located beside the town as they needed a lot of space. 32 Crouch, D.P., Garr, D.J. & Mundigo, A.I. Spanish city planning in North America, Cambridge, Mass., MIT Press, 1982: p. 2.

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION World with an urban environment that would include recognizable features while remaining adaptable to a variety of geographical features.41 A similar policy can be seen at work in the topographically adaptable but traditional Andean characteristics of the new cities of the Tawantinsuyu Empire as it spread into foreign lands. For both, the application of standardized ideas on urban planning based on the proven methods of long held design traditions was of great value in empire forming.

In the present day, with the massive growth in population, Andean cities have now spread without control across some of the best arable land. Lima is a fine example, where beneath the city are the original olive orchards of the colonial period. The Spanish chose the Rímac river plains for the same reason as the Ichma and the Tawantinsuyu (Armatambo was in fact built on the slopes of a cerro above the river plains, not affecting the arable land). The bay in front of Armatambo makes for the area’s best port, and the valley has connection by road with the highlands and coastal valleys, while the river is a permanent water supply. Peru has little arable land along its barren coast and to lose these plains has proved a hindrance to production. The Andean tradition of using the marginal or agriculturally redundant land for settlement, even though it required greater feats of engineering, is an important urban design aspect in which they greatly differed from the colonizing Spanish. Millennia of experience had taught the Andeans that preserving arable land was more important than the costs of locating their cities on more topographically difficult terrain.

Walton argues that Spanish state centralization, like the Andean designs before them, was reflected in the ecology of the Spanish colonial city in Latin America: Ringed around the central plaza were the headquarters of the church and the state and the residences of the social elite, passing through a second ring of public functionaries, merchants, and artisans to the peripheral ranchos or workers and peones. The major urban landholders were the church and the municipal (though territorially sovereign) government which reserved 1/3 of the land for public purposes.42

Walton46 also remarks that cities were not created to serve, but to subdue. However, the Spanish kept some of the cities that were in important locations or were of a high status, such as Cuzco, Quito, Ollantaytambo and Cajamarca, but preferred to destroy the old towns, especially if they were built on difficult terrain, such as Písac, and built Spanish towns nearby to which the local population was forcefully invited.47 Furthermore, the city or town represented Spanish imperial authority and demonstrated the permanency of the new political and social order to the indigenous people. Kagan quotes an ordinance ordering settlers not to let any ‘Indians’ even approach a new town until:

The grid plan has come to be used in the modern era in many parts of the world as a simple and proven urban planning method. Earlier than the Romans the grid had been used in Egypt, at Kahun43 (2670 BC) and Tel-el-Amarna or Akhetaten (1350 BC), and in the rebuilding of the Greek city of Miletus in 479 BC. In the case of Akhetaten, even though the value of the grid system was known and used for the workers quarters, the town itself was built laissez-faire.44 The central location of a plaza surrounded by the important buildings of state and religion can still be seen throughout Europe, pertaining to a bygone era.

it is built, defended, and organized, so that when the Indians see the towns, it sparks their admiration, allows them to understand that the Spaniards living there are not transients but staying for good, and creates such respect that, rather than dare attack the Spaniards they will seek out their friendship.48

The Spanish conquest brought towns down from topographically difficult terrain, where they had not disturbed arable land, into the valleys and plains. Walton describes the strategy of Spanish colonization as ‘centred on the city, from which civil, military, and ecclesiastical authority maintained a tenuous purchase on the hinterland’.45 This form of consolidation after conquest had also been exploited by the Wari-Tiwanaku and Tawantinsuyu empires. The Spanish built upon the good arable land, or expanded into it.

Although the existence of a policy such as this is difficult to prove in the pre-Columbian era from the archaeological record, a sign of a similar approach can be seen in the single, or rapid, construction phase of cities and administration towns from the first planned application at Caral to later empire phases found at Pikillacta and Viracochapampa under the Wari-Tiwanaku, the Chan Chan citadels of the Chimú and many sites under the Tawantinsuyu such as Incahuasi, Huánuco Viejo and Tambo Colorado, to name but a few.

41

Crouch, Garr & Mundigo (1982): pp. 2 -3. Walton, J., ‘Culture and economy in the shaping of urban life: general issues and Latin American examples’, in Agnew, J., Mercer, J. & Sopher, D.E., (ed.), The City in Cultural Context, Boston, Allen & Unwin, 1984, pp. 76 93: p. 80. 43 Haverfield, F., (Ancient town-planning, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1913: p. 19), describes Kahun as using the grid method for workers housing at the Illahun pyramid, but does not describe it as a town; ‘Here Professor Flinders Petrie unearthed many four roomed cottages packed close in parallel oblong blocks and a few larger rectangular houses … But the settlement is very small, covering less than 20 acres; it is not in itself a real town and its plan has not the scheme or symmetry of a town plan’. 44 Morris (1979): pp. 13, 27. 45 Walton (1984): p. 80. 42

Spanish colonial towns in the New World were built as more than ‘an instrument of empire, [and] a convenient means of 46

Walton (1984): p. 80. Kagan (2000): p. 137. 48 Kagan (2000): p. 141. 47

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CHAPTER TEN: CONCLUSION exercising jurisdiction over new land’.49 Kagan argues that ‘[t]he town served also as an instrument of indoctrination, the mechanism through which American natives were to be converted and acculturated to the Spanish way of life’.50 It may be claimed that the Tawantinsuyu were to an extent using a similar policy, as can be seen in the location of Temples of the Sun and other administrative buildings and plazas set at the centre of cities or settlements. While the Tawantinsuyu may have exploited the city for indoctrination purposes, they probably did not enforce residency on the general population, although many local people would live in the cities for brief given periods of time according to the state events calendar.51 Moreover mitmaequnas were forced to migrate to unfamiliar areas of the empire in order to construct and inhabit new urban projects, thus spreading the influence of urbanism.

walls, it may be that reliance upon spiritual values for protection was also part of Andean reasoning; hence the suitability of the indigenous form with the utopian ideals of the mendicant orders, which were a source of powerful authority in both secular and spiritual subjugation.55 The Andeans also had a tradition of situating fortresses in strategic locations for the protection of their cities and road networks. What was missing, and for which the Spanish sometimes attempted to compensate, was the lack of ideological decoration. The Catholic Church, needing to win over the Andeans, used local stone masons to sculpt highly ornate facades for the cathedrals and churches, including motifs to which the Indians could relate, many being a mix of indigenous and Christian symbols. Such adornments were especially apt, since these edifices were often constructed on older Andean religious sites, and it served to attract the indigenous to attend church services. Religious decoration was not unusual for the Andeans and, indeed, may have helped them to understand that a fusion of two distinct cultures was occurring, an experience that many of them had relatively recently undergone with the Tawantinsuyu. The Spanish harnessed indigenous notions of divine protection, in that, as Kagan states:

Spanish colonial ideas, however, were rather more forceful in bringing the natives under the ‘civilizing’ influence of urbanization. Under Charles V (1521 -30) there was obligatory resettlement of natives into towns.52 Later, in 1549, in Peru, a royal order was issued that ‘instructed local magistrates to cooperate with church officials in order “to reduce, little by little, the Indians into towns”.53 Under Viceroy Francisco de Toledo letters were written stating that ‘they [the Indians] can neither be instructed in the faith nor can they become men if they are not gathered into towns’, and added that ‘the reduction of the Indians to villages and parishes makes them easier to manage, to be governed, and given religious instruction’.54 In contrast, the Tawantinsuyu had been content to allow willing adherents to their empire a relative amount of cultural autonomy, insisting only that their religion was of state importance and was to take precedence over local religions, something that the Catholic Church could not permit, and its absolutist stance required stronger enforcement measures.

individual towns appropriated particular manifestations of Jesus and identified with particular saints, integrating them into the fabric of the community through the use of votive paintings, processions, and prayers, both individual and collective. In turn, these patrones and patronas rewarded the faithful by serving as their defensors, offering them divine guidance together with protection against disaster, both, natural and man-made.56 This new Christian cult was specifically intended to substitute indigenous beliefs and religious practices, at the same time as fulfilling an equally protective role.57 It also led to the vast number of Andean Catholic Virgins, who still hold a central role in regional beliefs.

The new towns may not have seemed too alien to many Andeans who were used to living in and around towns under the Tawantinsuyu. The general layout of a grid with a central plaza, and religious and administrative buildings might have seemed familiar. Also, unlike the European towns of the same period, the Spanish did not build walls around their Andean towns. Some describe this as demonstrating a dependence upon the protection of religion or ‘spiritual walls’, while others see it as the continuation of indigenous urban practices; that is, the adoption of part of the Andean urban planning tradition in which defensive walls were rarely constructed around cities and towns. Since most towns in the pre-Columbian Andes were not built with defensive outer

A policy of urban creation was instituted by Queen Isabella in which towns and cities were to be utilized for the pacification and conversion of the native population into ‘civilized’ people. To Spanish reasoning, it was ‘impossible to convert natives unless they were obliged to live in organized towns’.58 This policy has antecedents’ in Roman culture, and its success can perhaps be judged by the adoption of the conqueror’s ethos and urbanized ways. The extent to which this was a success for the Spanish in the Andes may be difficult to judge since, although cities were growing at a rapid rate, due mainly to economic reasons, much traditional culture remained.

49

Kagan (2000): p. 144. Kagan (2000): p. 144. 51 von Hagen, A. & Morris, C., The Cities of the Ancient Andes, London, Thames and Hudson, 1998. 52 Kagan (2000): p. 144. 53 Kagan (2000): p. 144. 54 Kagan (2000): p. 145. 50

55

Kagan (2000): p. 118. Kagan (2000): p. 148 -49. 57 Kagan (2000): p. 149. 58 Kagan (2000): p. 133, 136. 56

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URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION

Figure 352. The old town of Písac above the river was built by the Tawantinsuyu on the difficult terrain of the mountain top. Below, beside the river is the modern town of Písac built in the colonial period with the Spanish grid layout design. Note also that the ‘new’ town was built on the old Tawantinsuyu agricultural terraces by the river. The population was forced to leave the old Písac and live in the new (Source: von Hagen and Morris, 1998, p. 164).59

Nevertheless, it is true to say that these pockets only continued to exist in those areas most remote from the urban environment. Although, in the pre-Colombian Andes, the general populace was probably not obliged to live in towns, urbanization was seen to be a pacifying and civilizing influence, which was part of the reason for the WariTiwanaku and Tawantinsuyu policy of swapping people from rural areas to urbanized areas and vice versa in a system of state controlled migration designed to introduce urbanization throughout the region of sovereignty. The Spanish world-view and ideology may have been unfathomable to the indigenous population, but their towns at least could be navigated with ease. The familiar, wide avenues laid out from and leading to the central plaza still existed, larger now for the introduction of the horse and wheel. The Andeans who were familiar with town life quickly adapted to the Spanish version, perhaps indicating that the

sophistication of urban life holds a fundamental educational tenet for community living.59 The Spanish patio house design, which was probably a remnant of the Roman ‘villa’ or Middle Eastern town house60 and had suited the hot Mediterranean summers, was used throughout Andean Spanish towns and may not have seemed so strange to the local peoples. Similar in form to prior local housing models, the Andeans could understand it and, furthermore, most of the houses continued to be built in familiar stone or adobe. The central patio continued to serve

59

Photograph from Photo Shippee-Johnson, negative no. 334768, Department of Library Services, American Museum of Natural History, in von Hagen & Morris (1998). 60 Morris (1979): p. 8; Rugg, Dean s., Spatial Foundations of Urbanism, Dubuque, WmC. Brown Company Pub., 1972: p. 26.

240

CH HAPTER TEN: CONCLUSION N

Figure 353. This T photo caasually demon nstrates how ciircular plazas remain in usee in the Andess. Here besidee Pachacamac,, this modern bull fighting ring has many ny design simillarities and th he function off public p gatherring and specttacle as can bee seen in the ciircular plazas (amphitheatre res) at the begiinning of urbaan civilization n in Supe-Caraal, 3rd millenni nium B.C. Thee meaningful beauty b of theirr juxta position on is at least noot lost on us! (Source: (S L.Has asluck, 2001).

central plaza is stilll used for markkets, fairs, dancing, state andd religgious events, an nd an area of puublic relaxation n. It continues,, moreeover, to be the t chosen loocation for the church, thee schoool and any govvernment admiinistration officces. The patio-desiggned house, an nd traditional construction techniques in n un-w worked stone, adobe, a and watttle and daub, also remain in n common use throoughout the Andes. Even parts of thee Taw wantinsuyu roaad system are sstill used by loocal pedestrian n trafffic. All these planning aspectts can be found both within n the Andean A and Sppanish plannin ng traditions, and a the processs of cu ultural fusion of the two in the colonial and a republican n eras could make foor a fascinating further investigation, now w mad de possible by the t revelation of the Andean n pre-Hispanicc urbaan planning traadition.

the same culttural function, under the new w era, as an arrea of domestic prodduction and relaxation. Just as urban n design underr the auspices of the conquuering Spanish derivved, in part, frrom Roman prractices, so thee preindustrial Weestern urban tradition sustaiined planning ideas of a Roman nature. n The usee of grids, the central c placemeent of important buuildings, both h state and religious, r an urban u network of rooads, colonizattion, and ideollogical architeccture, means that soome of the ideeas used in the Andes are alsoo not alien to Western planning traditions. Thaat these designss were installed in soo many differeent regions of the world servves to reinforce theiir proven utiliity, throughout the pre-induustrial epoch. As an n adaptive sollution they have h proved widely w applicable.

Thiss book has coveered an extensiive field and, in nevitably, somee publlications may have h been oveerlooked. Schoolars who havee speciialized in particular fields willl find room forr criticism, butt whatt has been ach hieved places South America on a moree equaal basis for any future interrnational urban n comparativee treattment. The body of the bookk has described d the existence,, through specific characteristics, c of a pre-Hisp panic Andean n urbaan planning traadition, while tthe Conclusion n has sought too begin n the dialogue of comparisson with international pre-indu ustrial urban foorms and Span nish colonial urrban concepts..

They remain relevant to Souuth American urban construuction practices, eveen today. In Bolivia, B for exaample, when towns t and villages arre being revam mped under a policy p of widesppread government improvements, i , the central pllaza is the firstt area to receive atteention. Often, where w it had been little moree than a grass and dirt area in the t centre, it is enhanced with sculpture, garrdens and a plaaque commemoorating some aspect a of Bolivian regional or national poliitical events, thus physically maarking the cen ntral position of the state. The 241

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION Both of these subjects require deeper investigation, now that the first steps have been made.

the Andes being one of the few places in the world that independently created urbanism and civilization, and that it probably then spread to Mesoamerica. This theory, if proven, would call for a reassessment of the opposing ideas of independent or diffusionist urban development for Mesoamerica, and perhaps recognition of the primary role that the Andes played in the urbanization of the Americas. The coast of Peru may be one of urbanization’s few birth places, a cradle of urban civilization. This book aspires to make a contribution towards discovering how important a role South America has played in the ancient world’s cultural evolution.

The existence of a pre-Hispanic urban planning tradition in the Andes is not only of great scholarly interest, and may be useful for cross cultural comparative purposes, or to aid in the discussions of general pre-industrial urban forms or culture, but it may also be of practical use to archaeological investigations of Andean cities. By utilising the planning tradition as a guide, archaeologists may be able to determine the possible whereabouts of structures and housing types based upon their typical position within a city or town under the traditional Andean planning forms. Such a typological approach may also help in the recognition of new sites as being urban or pre-urban, by matching their designs against that of the Andean planning tradition. However, there is always the possibility of urban areas having grown from organic processes with no plan involved. These, too, will be easier to recognize by a comparison with the planned forms from the Andean tradition. Hopefully the revealing of the complexity of this tradition, and the realization of certain similarities to other pre-industrial cities elsewhere, will help to give the Andean people a further sense of accomplishment and pride, of connection with their ancestral roots, and of connection with the planetary cultural evolution of humanity and urbanism. Finally, this book will hopefully help to resolve doubts about whether South America had truly achieved an advanced level of urbanism, significant cities, and an urbanized culture. The existence of an Andean urban planning tradition that started as early as Kahun in Egypt, or the Early Dynastic Period cities of Sumer in Mesopotamia, or the Indus Valley Chalcolithic cities, or the city of Troy in Anatolia, shows the depth of the tradition and the value of international comparison; comparisons in relation to both urban form and its conditions, as well as the environmental and social contexts which contributed to the creation and rise or urbanism. South America developed its own form of urban design in response to its own complex conditions, varied geography and cultural influences, and can rightfully take its place alongside its fellow urban pre-industrial forms in the long history of the ‘urban revolution’. The existence of an Andean urban planning tradition poses vital questions that require further exploration, especially about the validity of continuing to count Mesoamerica as one of the areas in the world that independently created urbanism; that is, without outside influence. As has been noted in previous chapters, not only was Andean urbanism and civilization earlier than the Olmecs of Mesoamerica, but there is a strong possibility that there had been contact between the two areas from the Formative Period, and possibly the Archaic Period onwards. The similarities in some Andean temple designs and symbolic motifs, such as the Andean staircase (¨American line¨), make a strong case for

242

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Index

Arinibar, C. - 65 Aristocracy – 61, 64, 120, 168 Arizona – 19 Armatambo – 11, 58, 100, 172, 194, 223, 228, 229 – 31, 238 Arnáiz-Villena, A. - 20 Artisan – 26, 27, 46, 48, 60, 61, 108, 111, 116, 120, 121, 160, 165, 170, 194, 195, 236, 238 (see also Craftsmen) Asia - 79 Áspero - 43 Astrological – 22, 235 Astronomical – 22, 25, 27, 50, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 202, 204, 235 (see also Eclipse , Equinox) Atarco – 56 Aukaipata Plaza – 142, 148, 183, 204 Ayavire - 131 Ayacucho – 94,149 Ayllu – 120, 122 Aymaran – 99, 112 Aztec – 19, 169

Acamama - 64 Acari Valley - 64 Acosta, J. - 169 Adams, R.M. – 24 Administration – 4, 25, 42, 51, 52, 65, 81, 94, 103, 108, 112, 116, 125, 135, 139, 145, 165, 168 – 72, 195, 209, 224, 227, 228, 237, 238 Administrative Buildings – 42, 46, 51, 65, 78, 81, 83, 93, 94, 103, 107, 108, 116, 122, 125, 139, 142, 145, 157, 169, 172, 174, 175, 176, 224, 228, 233, 237 - 9 Administration Centre – 170, 224 Adobe – 7, 45, 54, 63, 64, 69, 99, 101, 113, 121, 131, 132, 151, 152, 154, 155, 160, 166, 191, 209, 210, 230, 240, 241 Adultery - 29 Aesthetics – 29, 175, 178, 183, 189, 190, 193, 204, 230, 232, 233 Agglutinated (Villages, Settlements) – 24, 28, 34 – 37, 46, 50, 56, 63, 65, 74, 79, 81, 99, 107, 142 Agnew, J. – 24, 25, 68 Agrarian Collectivism - 29 Agriculture – 4, 7, 17, 26, 29, 45, 55, 65, 71, 72, 73, 135, 190, 232 – 4 Agricultural – 1, 12, 17, 19, 23, 24, 26, 28, 34, 37, 42, 50, 65, 69, 71, 72, 74, 108, 132, 135, 162, 166 – 9, 174, 175, 177, 180, 183, 197, 207, 227, 228, 234, 240 Agricultural Revolution – 26, 234 Akapana Pyramid – 19, 83, 103, 115, 160, 183, 196, 200, 202, 204, 205 Albarracin-Jordan, J. – 13, 51, 112 Alconini Mujica, S. - 108 Alti Plano – 12, 16, 18, 46, 73, 97, 99 Allpacoto - 43 Amareti - 135 Amarumarcawasi - 6 Amazon (Jungle, Region) – 2, 12, 13, 19, 33, 42, 51, 68, 73, 165 Amphitheatre – 42, 99, 139, 237 Anatolia – 27, 242 Anccón – 17, 34 Angles Vargas, V. - 177 Anthropomorphic – 45, 192, 209, 232 Andahuaylas - 65 Andean Cross – 210, 219, 222 Apurlé - 89 Aqueduct – 137, 182, 185, 188 Arable Land – 39, 71, 71, 74, 76, 159, 175, 194, 228, 229, 235, 238 Archaic Period – 9, 10, 16, 17, 41, 45, 74, 84, 107, 120, 242 Arequipa - 189 Argentina – 12, 14, 52

Bacuatram – 6 Backstrap loom – 171, 174 Bahn, P. - 172 Balconies - 178 Bandalier Citadel – 89, 92, 121, 142 Bandy, M. – 50, 51 Batan Grande - 38 Baths – 120, 160, 178, 184, 187, 224, 237 Baudin, L. – 12, 16, 20, 29, 56, 58, 63 – 5, 68, 74, 112, 120, 122, 170, 178, 194, 207 Bawden, G. – 3, 6, 7, 9, 16, 18, 29, 31, 32, 35 – 7, 39, 41, 55, 60 – 3, 71, 74, 76, 101, 103, 108, 116, 118 – 20, 125, 131, 135, 139, 159, 160, 170 – 72, 174, 175, 190, 195, 202, 203, 205, 209, 223 Belaunde Terry, F. – 93, 96 Benson, E. - 202 Bennett Monolith - 140 Betanzos - 97 Béarez, P. – 41, 74 Bingham, H. – 67, 68, 76, 79, 95, 135, 136, 160, 178, 190 Bishop Bartolomé de las Casas – 37, 71 Bolivia – 6, 9, 12, 14, 46, 51, 97, 99, 135, 160, 183, 187, 241 Bonavía, D. – 56, 79, 94, 96, 119, 120, 160, 176 Bonbon – 68, 145 Brennan, C.T. – 29, 36, 37, 74, 157 Bridges – 64, 132, 166, 168, 175 Bronze – 64, 166, 174, 209 Browman, D.L. – 13, 50, 51, 56, 73, 80, 94, 102, 103, 125, 171, 172, 183, 196 Brush, S.B. - 13 256

INDEX Buck, F. – 19, 22, 197 Burger, R. – 13, 18, 28, 31, 33 – 5, 39, 41, 42, 50, 51, 108 Burial – 61, 62, 103, 164, 195 (see also Cemetery)

Cerro Sechín – 6, 19, 22, 34, 49, 197, 199, 200, 204, 206, 207, 208 Chachabamba – 6 Chaclayo - 71 Chacán – 6 Chalcolithic - 242 Chan Chan – 6, 58, 61 – 3, 63, 68, 69, 74, 76, 79 – 81, 83, 86, 88 – 92, 93, 94, 98, 103, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 131, 132, 140 - 2, 160, 167, 168, 171, 178, 183, 187, 190, 194, 195, 197, 204,206, 209, 210, 211, 224, 226 – 8, 235, 236, 238 Chancas - 65 Chapdelaine, C. – 37, 223, 224 Chavín – 2, 10, 28, 29, 33 – 6, 39, 41, 46, 50, 99, 103, 108, 139, 203, 206, 207 Chavín de Huantar – 34, 99, 190, 202, 207, 208 Chen Chen – 56, 65 Chicama Valley – 35, 37, 61, 71 Chichen Itza – 19 Chicha – 142, 166, 171, 236 Chieftainces – 37, 42, 55, 62, 63 Chicumita – 61 Childe, V.G. – 22, 24, 26, 28, 29 Childress, D.H. - 123 Chile – 6, 12, 13, 14, 51, 52, 56 Chilean Roads - 133 Chillata – 6 Chillon Valley – 17, 34, 61 Chimor – 18, 29 Chimú – 4, 10, 17 – 9, 22, 28, 36, 46, 56, 58, 61, 62, 63, 74, 81, 89, 93, 94, 103, 108, 119, 120, 131, 165, 166, 168, 169, 195, 206, 227, 233, 237, 238 Chimú Empire – 61 – 3, 120 China – 1, 19, 33, 190 Chincha Culture – 131- 132 Chincha-suyu Roads Chincha Valley – 64, 131 Chinchero – 6, 138, 147, 178 Chiquitoy – 61 Chiripa - 103 Choquesuysuy – 6 Choro Trail – 6 Chupacigarro – 43 Church of Santo Domingo – 66 Cieza de Leon – 132, 166, 190, 207 Circular Plaza – 34, 83, 99, 139, 182, 241 Citadels – 62, 63, 79, 83, 86, 88 – 91, 92, 103, 119, 120, 121, 122, 141, 142, 150, 183, 197, 211, 227 Class (societal) – 6, 8, 22, 25, 27, 29, 59, 70, 107, 119, 123, 151, 169, 170, 190, 196, 209, 224, 232, 234 - 6 Class Structure – 22, 62 Copper – 5, 64, 207 Coast (Central – Peru) – 10, 12, 17, 33 – 5, 37, 41, 46, 56, 64, 68, 94, 128, 130, 152

Cahuachi – 6, 101 Cajamarca – 34, 56, 68, 78, 93, 103, 131, 145, 167, 172, 178, 188, 194, 195, 204, 230, 238 Cajamarquilla – 52, 56, 58, 62, 78, 80, 80, 81, 83, 93, 94, 103, 119, 145, 147, 167, 178, 194, 195, 224, 235 Calchaqui Valley – 19 Calander – 22, 27, 50, 197, 198, 199, 202, 221, 236 Callao - 65 Cambemayo Canal - 188 Campana, C. - 190 Canals (Canalization) – 65, 116, 131, 175, 178, 183, 185, 186, 188, 189, 204, 224, 233 Cantamarca – Amico, J. – 224, 226 Cañete Valley – 64, 93, 130, 134, 150, 152 Capilla - 43 Capital City – 16, 27, 34, 35, 37 – 9, 42, 43, 51, 56, 58, 60 – 3, 65, 68, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 86, 89, 94, 98, 101, 103, 107, 112, 116, 120, 131, 142, 149, 157, 160, 167, 169, 172, 174, 176, 190, 194, 195, 203, 208, 209, 223, 225, 226, 227, 228, 235 (see also Provincial Capitals) Caral – 5, 6, 10, 17, 25, 27, 35, 42, 43, 44, 69, 71, 74, 78, 83, 99, 107, 108, 109, 122, 139, 153, 157, 164, 166, 167, 169, 176, 178, 189, 196, 197, 204, 206, 209, 230, 232, 234 – 6, 238, 241 Cardinal – 50, 125, 142, 196, 197 Casma Valley – 10, 22, 27, 33, 35, 37, 41, 45, 46, 46, 55, 71, 94, 107, 112, 131, 139, 197,199, 200, 204, 206 Çatal Hüyük – 26, 27 Cavatrunci, C. – 18, 119, 147 Cáceres Macedo, J. – 45, 61, 62, 98, 170, 171, 192, 197, 200, 208 Ccapia Mountain - 203 Ccosi Salas, L. – 75, 144 Cemetery – 49, 112, 144 Central America – 18, 19 Central Highlands (Peru) – 12, 16, 51, 68, 168 Ceramics – 17, 19, 26, 51, 2, 64, 78, 98, 116, 166, 169 Cercaduras – 116, 118, 139 Ceramics – 5, 16, 17, 19, 26, 51, 52, 64, 97, 169 – 71, 174, 189, 190, 192, 205, 209, 223 – 7, 233, 234 Ceremonial Centres – 24, 33 – 7, 39, 45, 46, 50, 58, 81, 99, 101 - 3, 108, 139, 142, 166, 190, 202, 204, 207, 209, 223 Cerro Arena – 36, 37, 74, 157, 159 Cerro Blanco – 34, 37, 38, 43, 116, 224 Cerro Colorado - 43 Cerro Mayal – 38, 170 Cerro Morro Solara - 228

257

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION Coastal – 10, 12 – 4, 17, 25, 29, 32, 35, 37 – 9, 42, 45, 46, 50 – 3, 56, 58, 61- 4, 73, 74, 83, 93, 94, 99, 112, 131, 132, 135, 139, 151 – 3, 157, 160, 165, 167, 168, 170, 175, 176, 183, 195, 225, 238, 242 Coca – 166, 171 Cohen, M.N. - 17 Colonial(ism) – 1, 4, 7, 8, 50, 56, 86, 97, 114, 131, 189, 190, 209, 228, 230, 232, 236, 237 – 41 Colonial Period – 4, 7, 86, 97, 189, 228, 232, 236 Colonization – 29, 51, 232, 237, 238 Colla-suyu Roads - 132 Collier, D. – 31, 49, 50 Colonists – 50, 68, 168, 175, 237 (see also Mitmae & Mitmaequna) Columbia - 80 Communication – 29, 74, 132, 168, 194, 235 Communication Networks – 37, 39, 42, 46 Compounds – 37, 61, 86, 116, 118, 119, 160, 170, 171, 236 Conquest – 1, 7, 10, 12, 51, 56, 57, 61, 62, 65, 66, 80, 81, 94, 120, 127, 166, 172, 176, 232, 233, 237, 238 Conit-suyu Roads - 133 Construction – 4, 7, 8, 11, 19, 24, 25, 27 – 9, 32 – 4, 37, 42, 46, 47, 51, 56, 62, 64, 65, 69, 79, 80, 83, 86, 88, 93, 94, 97, 102, 103, 107, 108, 116, 120, 132, 145, 154 – 7, 160, 166 – 8, 170, 172, 190, 194, 195, 200, 202, 203, 206, 228, 236 – 8, 241 Cook, A.G. – 51 Cooking – 151, 157, 171, 174 Copan - 19 Cordillera – 12, 13, 135 Cordy, R. - 166 Corn (Maize) – 13, 162, 166, 171, 174, 179, 183, 184, 207, 230, 232 Corrals (llama) – 116, 165, 172, 228 Cotton – 13, 25 Craftsmen – 165, 170, 235 (see also Artisans) Creation Myth – 61, 64 Crouch, D.P. – 237, 238 Culture Area - 12 Cultural Revolution - 26 Cupisnique – 10, 29, 32, 33, 35, 36 Cusipata Plaza (Cuzco) – 142, 148 Cuzco – 1, 6, 19, 20, 62 – 5, 66, 68, 72, 73, 78, 80, 81, 86, 94, 96, 97, 101 – 3, 112, 119, 120, 122, 123, 127, 128, 131, 132, 138, 139, 145, 147, 148, 151, 160, 165, 167 – 70, 172, 174, 176 – 78, 183, 189, 190, 194, 195, 197, 202 – 4, 207, 230, 232, 233, 235, 236, 238 Cuzco (second) – 96, 176 Cuzco Roads - 133

Democratic – 29 Despotic – 29 Diaz, L. – 58, 228 – 31 Diet(ary) – 17, 42, 174, 226 Dillehay, T.D. – 120, 132 Donnan, C.B. - 209 Dragon Palace – 191 Drain(age) – 138, 182, 183, 185, 186, 188, 189 Durkheim, É. – 13 Dwelling – 10, 23, 24, 29, 32, 46, 48, 59, 60, 62, 63, 69, 70, 83, 86, 91, 107, 108, 123, 151, 152, 157, 163, 178, 197, 224, 226, 236 (see also Housing)

Earle, T. – 165 – 7, 169 – 72, 174, 203, 205, 206, 209 Eclipse – 196 Economy – 10, 16, 23, 25, 26, 28, 37, 42, 78, 112, 165, 166, 169, 170, 172, 174, 194, 233, 236, 238 Economic Exchange – (see trade) Ecuador – 12, 16, 65, 68, 228 Edo (Japan) - 235 Education – 5, 22, 63, 235, 236, 240 Egypt – 1, 160, 238, 242 El Molino - 43 El Niño – 7, 39, 60, 61, 167, 233 El Purgatorio – 46, 49, 56, 103, 176 Engel, F. – 31, 151 Environment – 1, 2, 5, 10 - 13, 16 - 8, 22, 25, 29, 32, 34, 35, 39, 55, 56, 60, 69, 81, 103, 160, 167, 174, 175, 176, 178, 183, 190, 193 - 5, 223, 232, 233, 235, 237, 238, 240, 242 Environmental Transformation – 29, 39, 55, 60, 73, 195, 223, 233 Equinox – 91, 102, 148, 196, 197, 198, 201 Era de Pando – 42, 43, 107, 139, 167 Escalante, Moscoso, J.F. – 30, 55, 79, 152, 159, 176, 204 Escobar La Cruz – 44 Esoteric Knowledge – 195, 196, 200, 202, 205, 209, 232 Espinoza, H. – 64 Europe(an) – 79, 237 – 9

Famine – 65, Farfán - 89 Far North Coast (Peru) – 12 Farrington, I.S. - 13 Feasts – 166, 170 – 2, 174, 239 Feline Cult – 34, 192, 202, Fernández – Armesto, F. – 28, 29 Festivals – 148, 171, 174, 236, Feudal – 23, 29, 195, 234 Fire – 151, 157, 204, Fish(ing) – 25, 28, 37, 116, 132, 190, 210, 212, 218, 230, Formative Period – 9, 17, 74, 98, 242 Lower – 9, 46, 107, 207 Middle – 9, 17, 18, 33, 34, 45, 103, 107 Upper – 9, 18, 33, 74, 78, 192

Day, K.C. - 62 De Mahieu, J. – 20 Decoration – 98, 160, 164, 172, 174, 189, 191, 194, 205, 211, 224, 232, 237, 239 258

INDEX Highland Areas – 33, 37, 40, 42, 51, 62, 63, 65, 73, 74, 80, 83, 89, 93, 131, 145, 151, 153, 154, 155, 160, 165, 167, 170, 175, 195, 238 Hitching Post of the Sun – 178, 181, 201 Hobbs, T – 3 Holstein, O. – 19, 35, 86, 124, 190, 206 Horizontal Resource Zones – 10, 13, 14, 16, 17, 25, 74, 232, 234 Housing Elite – 42, 46, 60, 83, 93, 95, 96, 103, 105, 108, 109, 112, 113, 122, 124, 128, 136, 144, 145, 153, 157, 159, 165, 172, 176, 177, 181, 183, 197, 214, 224, 225, 227, 232, 236 (see also Dwelling) Housing Workers – 42, 46, 56, 62, 91, 108, 109, 136, 159 (see also Dwelling) Houses of Virgins – 174 (see also Mamacuna) Huaca (general) – 19, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 45, 47, 48, 58, 59, 60, 62, 69, 99 – 103, 116, 118, 119, 139, 141, 150, 151, 160, 166, 169, 202, 223 – 5, 226, 227, 231 Huaca de la Luna – 37, 40, 101, 139, 191, 206, 216, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227 Huaca de los Reyes – 6, 36, 83, 84, 85, 102, 166, 197 Huaca de Obispo - 92 Huaca del Sol – 37 – 9, 116, 139, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227 Huaca el Brujo Complex – 38 Huaca Grande – 116, 167, 168 Huaca Huallamarca – 6 Huaca Latruda – 38 Huaca Lucía – 38 Huaca San Pedro - 229 Huacapata Plaza - 142 Huache – 43 Huallga River - 207 Huancaco – 38 Huancapampa - 131 Huanchaco – 38, 133 Huari – 6, 16, 46, 51, 53 – 5, 73, 77, 78, 80, 81, 83, 86, 94, 98, 110, 111, 112, 127, 128, 149, 157, 167, 170, 171, 175, 176, 176, 178, 188, 189, 190, 195, 204, 207, 209, 215 Huaricoto - 35 Huarma Valley – 35 Huaro Valley – 86 Huatanay River – 142 Huayna Picchu - 181 Huánuco Pampa - 170 Huánuco Viejo – 68, 78, 89, 94, 122, 131, 143, 145, 158, 172, 197, 238 Huidobro Bellido, J. – 51, 52, 55, 64, 108, 112, 151, 195, 196, 202 Humahuaca – 19 Hunting – 17, 26, 27, 169, 190 Huntington, E. – 29 Hurin Cozco - 120 Hydraulic Agriculture – 16, 22, 29, 34, 50, 52, 55, 56, 71, 73, 166, 168, 169, 232, 233 Hydraulic Economy – 42, 46, 81

Forts (Fortified) – 37, 64, 65, 74, 77, 83, 97, 98, 101, 131, 132, 137, 165, 175, 203 Fountains – 136, 178, 183, 189, 204, 233, 237 Francis, X. – 19 Francisco de Toledo (Viceroy) - 239 Friezes – 45, 190, 191, 196, 199, 205, 206, 209, 210, 211, 212, 218, 219, 221, 226, 227, 230 Fuente Magna – 20 Galindo – 6, 38, 39, 55, 56, 59, 60, 60, 61, 70, 71, 73, 74, 76, 78, 80, 81, 99, 103, 108, 111, 116, 117, 118,119, 120, 123, 139, 159, 167, 170 – 2, 175, 176, 194, 195, 206, 223, 224, 226 – 8, 233 Gallinazo – 10, 33, 35 – 7, 61, 74, 119, 151, 166 – 8, 223 Garcilaso de Vega – 97, 120, 123 Garden – 23, 120, 123, 136, 160, 183, 207, Gateway – 61, 189, 200, 210, 220, 228 Geometric – 89, 93, 142, 145, 178, 190, 192, 200, 206, 211, 212, 214, 232 Gisbert, T. – 116, 183, 197, 204, 207 Glowacki, M. – 86 God with Stick – 196, 207, 209 Gold – 5, 7, 20, 62, 106, 160, 172, 183, 205, 207, 209, 224 Goldschmidt, W. – 41 Gran Chimu Citadel – 92 Grazing Lands – 13, 51 Greece - 160 Grid – 37, 60, 86, 91, 94, 122, 157, 176, 223, 224, 226, 227, 228, 237 – 41 Grieder, T, - 202 Grollig, S.J. – 19 Guarco (lands) – 96

Haas, J. - 209 Hallucinogenic Powders – 51, 171 Hammond, M. – 21, 25, 32, 33, 165 Hanan Cozco - 120 Hardoy, J.E. – 3, 4, 9, 12, 13, 17 – 9, 22 – 4, 32 – 4, 37, 51, 54 – 6, 61, 62, 64, 65, 68, 71, 74, 78 – 83, 86, 88 – 94, 97, 101, 103, 112, 120, 122, 125, 131, 132, 144, 145, 151, 157, 160, 168, 170, 174, 175, 177, 178, 183, 194 – 7, 200, 207 Haverfield, F. – 78, 238 Harth-Terré, E. – 94, 101 Harvey, D. - 24 Hasluck, L.R. – 5, 8, 43, 47, 49, 52, 53, 55, 57 – 9, 63, 66, 70, 72, 75, 77, 84, 85, 96 – 100, 101, 102, 104 – 7, 109 – 11, 113 – 5, 117, 121, 123 – 30, 134 – 57, 161 – 4, 173, 179 – 89, 190, 196, 199 – 222, 225, 226, 241 Hedí, J. - 42 Heine-Geldern, R. – 19, 20 Herding – 50, 51

259

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION Kaulicke, P. – 31, 37, 50, 51, 60, 61, 64, 78, 80, 86, 108, 131, 164, 166, 190, 196, 223 Kendall, A. – 77 Kenko – 6, 182, 204 Kheri-Kala Palace – 108, 160, 219 Kholla – 19 Killas – 120 Killke – 64 King Charles V - 239 King Phillip II - 237 Kings Group – 95, 96, 180, 214 Kinship – 16, 50, 119, 165, 169, 236 Kolata, A. – 7, 13, 42 50, 51, 65, 112, 120, 160, 164, 166, 171, 172, 174, 175, 183, 190, 194, 195, 197, 202, 204, 205 Koricancha – 6, 66, 102, 103, 183, 202, 207 Kosok, P. - 132 Kotosh – 33, 35, 45, 83, 99, 190, 207, 209 Kubler, G.C. – 19 Kuntar Wasi – 34, 35 Kusilluchayoq – 6 K’alla K’asa Complex - 130

Hyslop, J. – 3, 4, 22, 65, 78, 94, 96, 97, 112, 120, 122, 125, 151, 160, 168, 178, 183, 190, 197, 202, 203

Ibarra Grasso, D. – 46, 64, 112, 115, 190, 196 – 9, 201 Iberian Peninsular - 237 Ica Valley - 64 Iconography – 34, 51, 83, 99, 112, 135, 193, 195, 203, 205, 206, 209, 221, 224, 226, 232 Ichma – 56, 57, 58, 112, 172, 190, 228, 233 Inca (Kings) – 2, 29, 56, 64, 65, 86, 89, 93, 94, 120, 132, 142, 148, 163, 166, 167, 170, 172, 174, 176, 178, 183, 190, 195, 202, 209, 222, 228, 233, 235 Inca Atahualpa – 68, 166 Inca Huascar – 65, 68 Inca Huayna Capac – 65, 93 Inca Pachacuti (Pachacutec) – 65, 97, 168, 190 Inca Tupac Yupanqui – 20, 58 Incahuasi – 6, 74, 89, 93, 94 96, 130, 149, 150, 238 India – 1, 160, 242 Indus Valley - 160 Infrastructure – 17, 22, 28, 39, 64, 65, 166, 168, 169, 232, 233, 237 Ingenuity Group - 94, 136 Inkiltambo – 6 Intercity Roads – 128, 132, 142, 145, 164 – 6, 171, 172 (see also Road Network) Intihuatana Hill – 156, 201 Intiraymi – 102, 148 Irrigation – 17, 18, 25, 34 – 7, 39, 42, 45, 55, 61, 65, 69, 73, 74, 76, 78, 166, 167, 175, 183, 204, 234 Isbell, W. – 103, 183, 195, 196 Iskanwaya – 160, 183 Isla Amantani – 6 Isla de la Luna – 6 Isla del Sol (Island of the Sun) – 6, 103, 202

La Centilnela – 6, 104, 128, 131, 150, 151 La Mina – 38 La Paz - 122 Labour – 9, 11, 22, 23, 29, 42, 61, 65, 78, 86, 103, 116, 160, 165, 166 – 8, 170, 236 Labour Tax – 61, 166 (see also Mitae) Labyrinth Citadel – 90, 92 Lago Chillata - 187 Lake Titicaca – 12, 13, 17, 19, 20, 46, 50, 51, 73, 103, 132, 168, 170, 183, 202 - 4 Lambayeque Valley – 35, 37, 39, 60, 61, 71, 116, 166, 167 Land Rights – 37, Lanning, E.P. - 93 Large Site Archaeological Investigation – 6, 7 Leche Valley – 35, 71, 89 Lehman-Nitsche, R. - 207 Leik, G. – 25 Lewandowski - 24 Leyva, C. - 25 Lima – 58, 80, 147, 229, 238 Lima, E. – 123, 194, 228, 223 Linares Malaga, F. - 206 Literacy – 22, 23 Lithic Period – 9 Límán - 43 Llama Caravans – 131, 171, 172, 228 Loma Negra – 38 Long Houses - 151 Lopez de Velasco, Juan - 237 Lukurmata - 50

Jacobs, J. – 26 Jaiva - 43 Jaquetepeque Valley – 35, 39, 52, 61, 89 Jauja – 68, 131, 145, 172

Kagan, R.L. – 237 - 9 Kahun (Eygpt) – 238, 242 Kalasasaya Temple – 52, 106, 112, 115, 140, 186, 196, 198 – 200, 204, 220 Kancha – 86, 98, 120, 160, 161, 162 Kantatayita - 97 Katz, F. – 65, 120 Kauffman Doig, F. – 22, 45, 75, 101, 112, 113, 125, 144, 188, 197, 208, 209

260

INDEX Lumbreras, L.G. – 9, 12, 17, 35, 46, 51, 56, 58, 61 – 5, 68, 78, 80, 86, 96, 97, 112, 169, 178, 183, 190, 191, 194, 205 – 7 Lurihausi – 43, 107 Lurín Valley – 56, 62, 74, 228 Lurín River – 116

Moche Culture – 3, 6, 10, 29, 31, 35, 52, 55, 116, 119, 166, 171, 174, 203 (see also Mochica) Moche Period – 36, 37, 61, 209, 226, 227 Moche Valley – 3, 17, 35, 37, 56, 60 – 3, 71, 74, 102, 107, 116, 131, 132, 167, 223, 227 Mochica – 33, 35 – 7, 38, 39, 40, 42, 56, 58, 61, 71, 73, 74, 80, 97, 103, 108, 116, 119, 131, 157, 159, 160, 167, 168, 170, 174, 190, 202, 205, 209, 223, 226 Mocollope - 38 Models – 5, 8, 83, 96, 97 – 100, 240 Moiety System - 167 Monoliths – 140, 202, 203, 204, 207, 219, 220 Montaño Aragon, M. - 20 Monumental Architecture – 22, 25, 29, 42, 99, 101, 112, 116, 139, 232 Monumental Construction – 4, 42, 103, 116, 125, 166, 167, 228, 233 Moore, S.F. – 37, 160, 166, 169 Moqueagua Valley - 56 Moqui Indians - 19 Moray - 6 Morris, A.E.G. – 3, 4, 22, 26, 28, 78, 158, 160, 174, 223, 237, 238, 240 Motupe Valley - 89 Moxeque Pyramid - 47 Mumford, L. – 22, 23, 26, 27, 29, 31, 69, 175, 194, 234 Murdock, G.P. – 32 Murra, J.V. - 172 Music – 189, 190, 233, 235 Muslim - 237 Myers, T.P. – 18

Machu Picchu – 6, 60, 67, 68, 73, 74, 77, 79, 95, 105, 122, 124, 128, 129, 135, 136, 145, 145, 146, 151, 153, 156, 160, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180, 181, 183, 214 Macneish, R.P. – 13, 16, 25 Makowski, K. – 28, 51 Malone, K. – 5 Mamacuna (House of) – 101, 103, 112, 113, 160, 163, 164, 189, 212, 228 Manchan – 6, 46, 50, 103, 107 Mantaro Valley – 17, 171, 172, 174 Manufacture – 165, 169 - 71, 194 Marca Huamachuco – 94, 175, 190, 207 Market Exchange – 16, 169, 174, 224, 236 Matos Mendieta, R. – 17, 64, 172 Maukallatja – 19 Mayan – 19, 197 McCowan, T. - 96 McEwean, G.F. – 86, 87, 93, 103, 112, 158 Meditteranean – 237, 240 Menageries - 183 Menzel, D. – 93, 94, 132 Mercer, J. – 24, 25 Mesoamerica – 1, 3, 4, 18, 19, 28, 33, 142, 174, 202, 242 Mesoamerican Urbanization – 3 Mesopotamia – 9, 24 – 7, 33, 160, 242 Message Beans - 22 Metallurgy – 4, 51, 62, 64, 116, 166, 169 – 71, 174, 189, 205, 207, 209, 224 – 6, 233 Mexico – 19 Middle East – 79, 160, 240 Migration – 24, 29, 65, 240 Milera – 170 Military – 5, 7, 21, 23, 27, 37, 51, 56, 61, 65, 68, 74, 81, 93, 111, 112, 120, 121, 125, 131, 139, 142, 144, 165, 167, 168, 170, 172, 174, 235 – 8 Milla Villena, C. - 199 Millon, R. – 19, 28 Mines - 131 Miraya – 43, 107 Mitades – 112 Mitae – 166 – 9, 174, 236 Mitmae – 68, 120, 166, 168 Mitmaequna – 50 – 2, 68, 103, 175, 239 Mocachi – 103, 121, 125 Moche City – 6, 11, 38, 39, 39, 40, 60, 74, 76, 78, 101, 103, 111, 122, 135, 139, 142, 145, 157, 161, 166, 167, 190, 206, 209, 216, 223, 224, 225 – 7, 228

Nair, S. - 190 Napeña Valley – 33, 35 Nazca Culture – 6, 19, 101, 196 Nazca Valley - 64 Neolithic Economy – 26 Netherly, P.J. – 62, 71, 79, 120, 167 Niches – 140, 147, 158, 160, 190, 210, 213- 5, 222 Nicias - 3 Niles, S.A. – 65, 79, 93, 94, 96, 97, 145, 160 – 3, 166, 168, 175, 178, 183, 190 Nima – 38 Noel, A. – 164 Norte Chico - 209 North Coast (Peru) – 9, 12, 17, 33 – 35, 36, 36, 37, 39 – 41, 45, 46, 52, 56, 61, 63, 64, 68, 71, 73, 80, 81, 83, 86, 89, 94, 101, 120, 131, 157, 160, 167, 171, 207, 223 North Highlands (Peru) – 12, 16, 34, 68 Nucleated Settlements – 36, 37, 46, 74, 157 Ñustapacana - 6

Observatories – 197, 202 Obsidian – 16, 171 261

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION Peru – 6, 9, 12, 14, 16, 25, 27, 28, 33, 51, 52, 83, 152, 178, 238, 239, 242 Petit, C.W. – 9 Petroglyph – 199, 200, 207, 208 Phoenician – 20 Piedra Parada - 43 Pigott, S. – 22 Pilgrimage – 34, 51, 56, 93, 99, 113, 114, 115, 166, 195, 233 Pillar – 115, 144, 210, 227 Pikillacta – 52, 62, 73, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 86, 87, 93, 94, 96, 103, 112, 122, 131, 142, 157, 158, 175, 178, 197, 238 Pisco Valley - 64 Pizarro, Pedro – 145, 162, 172, Piura Valley - 35 Písac – 6, 68, 72, 73, 74, 106, 129, 130, 137, 138, 151, 155, 172, 173, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 184, 185, 201, 213, 238, 240 Planimetric - 97 Platforms – 42, 61, 64, 83, 93, 94, 98, 99, 116, 126, 135, 139, 140, 142, 143, 146, 149, 164, 167, 202, 203 Platform of Joy – 142, 148, 194, 204 Plazas – 42, 45, 50, 56, 59, 60, 65, 70, 71, 78, 80, 81, 83, 86, 89, 91, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 105, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 116, 120, 123, 125, 128, 131, 132, 137 – 51, 153, 156, 157, 171, 174 – 8, 180, 183, 184, 189, 194, 196, 224, 226, 228, 230, 239, 241, 167 – 9, 197, 204, 210, 212, 232, 236 – 8, Plaza Armas (Cuzco) – 66, 127, 142 Politics – 5, 29, 36, 39, 45, 64, 78, 80, 103, 168, 195, 227 Polynesia – 20 Ponce Monolith - 200 Ponce Sangines, C. – 46, 50, 51, 53, 55, 64, 73, 79, 80, 97, 112, 151, 183, 157, 160 Pools – 164, 178, 184, 197, 204, 205, 212 Population Figures – 10 Portugal Ortix, M. – 50, 73, 83, 160, 183 Portugal Zamora, M. – 50, 73, 83, 160, 183 Posnansky, A. – 18, 19, 135, 202 Post Planning - 78 Potato - 13 Potosi - 68 Pozorski S. & T. – 36, 45, 46, 48, 74, 84, 102, 107, 108, 139, 167, 197, 204 Pre-ceramic Culture – 10, 17, 26, 27, 120, 207 Pre-concieved Plan – 42, 78, 79, 93, 99, 107, 108, 122, 167 Pre-industrial – 2, 11, 22 – 4, 232, 234 – 7, 242 Pre-metallurgical – 27 Pre-urban – 4, 10, 23, 26, 27, 29, 32, 33, 34, 37, 157, 234, 242 Price, B.J. – 13, 17, 28 Pringle, H. – 5, 42 Private Garden Group – 136 Private Property - 29 Productivity – 16, 29, 65, 68, 183 Provincial Capitals – 65, 78, 94, 101, 103, 142, 160, 167, 169, 174, 194, 195

Ocean – 42, 51, 74, 116, 126, 178, 218, 231 Ojje – 50 Old World – 3 – 5, 19, 20, 28, 236 Ollantaytambo – 6, 68, 73, 74, 76, 78, 80, 89, 94, 122, 130, 134, 137, 142, 162, 172, 173, 176, 177, 178, 182, 190, 215, 218, 219, 232, 238 Olmec – 33, 242 Oracle – 115, 172 Organic Growth - 42 Organic Solidarity – 13 Owen, B. – 51

Pacatnamú – 38, 52, 89, 224 Pachacamac – 6, 10, 52, 56, 57, 58, 62, 68, 69, 74, 75, 78, 80 – 3, 93, 99, 100, 101, 103, 107, 112, 113, 114, 123, 125, 125, 126, 127, 131, 133, 135, 144, 145, 160, 162, 164, 167, 168, 172, 176, 178, 189, 190, 194, 195, 197, 203, 204, 206, 207, 209, 212, 218, 224, 228, 230, 232, 233, 235, 236 Pachakama – 19 Pacopampa – 35 Pakina - 112 Palaces – 50, 65, 108, 113, 115, 120, 122, 127, 157, 160, 178, 190, 191, 222 Palace of Multi-coloured Rooms – 108, 160 Pallka – 34 Pampa de los Incas - 38 Pampa Grande – 38, 39, 60, 61, 71, 78, 101, 103, 116, 139, 151, 166 – 8, 170, 171, 195, 223, 224, 227 Pampas de las Llamas Moxeque – 6, 19, 37, 45, 45, 46, 47, 47, 48, 49, 71, 74, 78, 83, 94, 99, 103, 107, 108, 122, 139, 167, 190, 204, 206, 209 Pan American Highway – 7 Pan-Andean Empires – 8, 9, 21, 29, 131 Pando - 43 Pañamarca – 38 Paqchiri - 50 Paracas – 6 Paracas Cavernas - 98 Paracas Culture - 19 Paramonga – 6 Pareda, A. – 37 Paraja, E. - 202 Parks - 183 Patacamaya - 99 Patio (Housing) – 4, 80, 83, 86, 89, 94, 108, 110, 120, 123, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 172, 174, 180, 183, 226, 227, 240, 241 Patterson, T.C. – 13 Pax Incaica – 65 Pedrarías Dávila - 237 Peñico – 43 Peralta - 164 262

INDEX Prozten, J. - 190 Public Access – 39, 83, 102, 108, 112, 116, 125 Public Planning – 24, 28 Public Workforce – 28, 101 (see also Labour) Puca Pucara – 6 Pucará – 46, 68 Pueblo Nuevo – 43, 107 Puerta de la Luna - 115 Puerta del Sol – 196, 197, 199, 220 - 2 Pukuro-uyu - 103 Pulgar, V.J. – 12, 13 Puma Design – 96, 203 Pumapunku – 83, 97, 103, 112, 115, 132, 152, 183, 185, 196 Pumpu – 145, 170 Puna – 2, 12, 13, 16 Punishment - 29 Punkurí – 34 Purgatorio – 89, 103 Putuni - 108 Pyramid – 42, 44, 45, 45, 46, 47, 50, 56, 58, 59, 61, 64, 78, 83, 93, 97, 99, 100, 101, 101, 103, 104, 106, 107, 108, 109, 112, 122, 123, 135, 139, 164, 167, 169, 178, 183, 190, 197, 200, 202, 203, 204, 204, 218, 228, 230, 233, 238 (see also Huacas) Pyramid Illahun (Egypt) - 238 P’ isaqa Complex – 129, 130, 156, 179, 213

Religious Structures – 24, 32, 36, 37, 44, 51, 53, 65, 93, 103, 116, 135, 139, 228, 230 Re-modelling – 65, 78 – 80, 94, 108, 116, 142, 145, 147, 168, 194, 195 Repetition (planning) – 80, 83, 86, 87, 89, 91, 93, 94, 95, 97, 112, 164, 166, 167, 175, 224, 228, 230 Republic Period – 4, 232, 241 Reputation (City) – 165, 171, 172, 194, 195, 232, 233, 235 Reservoir – 16, 86, 116, 171, 176, 178, 183, 187, 188, 189, 204 Residential Nucleation - 36 Rick, J. – 34 Rimac Valley – 58, 62, 80, 223, 228, 238 Rio Chillón Valley - 61 River, M.A. – 9, 16, 51 River Sundt, O. - 131 Rivero Citadel - 91 Road Network – 4, 46, 56, 64, 65, 74, 94, 122, 128, 131, 132, 134, 135, 135 – 7, 142, 144, 145, 165, 166, 168, 172, 175, 182, 195, 228, 233, 235, 239, 241 (see also Chincha-suyu, Colla-suyu, Cuzco roads, Chilean Roads, Conit-suyu, Intercity Roads) Roman Empire – 2, 19, 30, 160, 223, 224, 233, 237 - 41 Rowe, J.H. – 9, 61, 176, 207 Royal Mausoleum Group – 129, 180 Rugg, D. – 23, 27, 28 Ruiz de Arce – 145

Qanchis Raqay - 135 Quechua – 56, 127, 146 Queen Isabella - 239 Quimsachata Mountain – 183, 203, 204 Quipu – 4, 22, 169, 170 Quito – 68, 131, 176, 232, 238 Q’ ente – 6

Sacred Geography – 232, 235 Sacrifice – 169, 228 Sacsawaman – 6, 65, 101, 102, 123, 139, 148, 172, 178, 182, 202, 203 Salinar – 10, 29, 33, 35 – 7, 61, 74, 107, 157, 159 San José de Moro – 38, 39, 61 Santa Valley - 35 Santiago de Machaca - 103 Satellite Cities – 42, 45, 50, 61, 62, 103, 107, 120, 166, 230, 234 Schaedel, R.P. – 35, 37, 51, 62, 63, 80, 81, 86, 120, 122 Sculpture – 64, 140, 189, 206, 207, 237 Sechín Alto – 45, 46, 71 Semi-subterranean Temple – 42, 83, 86, 99, 106, 115, 140, 186, 200 Service Tax – 166 (see also mitae) Settlement Hierarchy – 25, 27, 36, 107 Settlement Pattern – 24, 26, 37, 39, 41, 46, 56, 64, 80, 168 Sewerage - 183 Shady, R. – 5, 10, 16 – 8, 22, 25, 28, 33, 41 – 5, 69, 74, 78, 83, 99, 107, 108, 122, 139, 157, 164, 167, 190, 204 Shamanic – 29, 203 Sillustani - 6 Silver – 5, 160, 172, 205, 207, 209 Simillake - 103 Sipán – 38, 61

Ramp – 57, 83, 100, 101, 112, 140, 135, 142, 228, 230 Rave, J. – 23, 93, 94 Ravines, R. – 57, 100, 125 Reader, J. – 26, 27, 31, 78, 167, 234 Reflective Pools – 160, 163 Refugee - 39 Regional Cultures – 8 Regional Development Period – 9, 10, 33, 35, 50, 74, 165, 223 Regional States Period – 9, 10, 24, 46, 55, 56, 62 – 4, 74, 79 – 81, 86, 94, 103, 120, 142, 168, 172, 190, 209, 228, 233 Reinhard, J. – 50, 178, 183, 194, 202, 160, 164, 166, 167, 177, 186, 194, 197, 200. 203, 204, 207 Reiss, A. – 24 Religion – 1, 22, 24, 25, 28, 29, 39, 56, 58, 78, 99, 103, 190, 236 - 9 Religious Complex – 52, 78, 79, 93, 99, 101 – 3, 107, 108, 109, 116, 134, 135, 137, 138, 139, 142, 144, 232 263

URBAN CONTINUITY IN THE ANDES: A PRE-HISTORICAL PLANNING TRADITION Sjoberg, G. – 3, 11, 22 – 4, 26, 234, 235 Skill Specialization – 17, 18, 25, 26, 35, 37, 39, 42, 46, 60, 103, 107, 119, 167, 171, 227, 232 Slavery – 166, 168 Smelter - 171 Smith, G.E. - 20 Social Stratification – 17, 18, 21, 22, 25 – 7, 33 – 5, 37, 39, 41, 42, 46, 60, 64, 103, 107, 119, 194, 226, 227, 232 Sopher, D. – 24, 25 South Coast (Peru) – 12, 33, 35, 56, 58, 60, 64, 101, 131, 192 South Highlands (Peru) – 12, 13, 68 Spain – 2 Spanish – 4, 5, 11, 13, 66, 145, 147, 167, 189, 205, 224, 228, 232, 234, 236 - 41 Spanish Conquest (Conquistedors) – 1, 2, 7, 10, 12, 13, 56, 62, 65, 66, 94, 120, 167, 169, 172, 183, 195, 207, 232, 238 Spengler, O. – 29 Spickard, L.E. – 51, 86, 112, 135, 157, 176, 178, 197 Split Inheritance - 62 Spondyllus Shells – 16, 170, 228 Sport - 236 Squier, E.G. – 122, 147, 201 Stairs – 98, 105, 109, 122, 126, 132, 135, 136 – 39, 178, 190, 200, 204, 220 Stair Case Sign (American Line) – 18, 19, 210, 213, 218, 219, 242 Stairway of the Fountains - 136 Stanish, C. – 50, 51, 73 Statue – 86, 107, 210 Status Objects - 166 Stockman, K.S. - 131 Stone Heads – 190, 208, 209 Stone Working – 64, 65, 89, 97, 138, 151, 154, 156, 157, 160, 171, 178, 183, 190, 204, 218, 219, 221, 233, 239 Storage – 60, 93, 108, 116, 119, 123, 139, 142, 149, 160, 162, 165 – 72, 173, 174 179, 194, 224, 226, 228, 230, 232 Subsistence Strategies – 17 Sumer - 26 Sumerian – 20, 33, 160, 241 Sun God - 221 Sun Temple – 66, 101, 103, 106, 107, 113, 114, 123, 145, 154, 156, 180, 184, 201, 203, 228 Supe Valley – 6, 10, 17, 22, 27, 28, 33, 35, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 55, 74, 83, 99, 107, 112, 139, 157, 165, 167, 197, 204, 209, 234 Surplus – 17, 22, 25, 26, 28, 34, 36, 65, 165 – 7, 169, 172, 174, 232, 235, 236 Symbiotic Pattern – 13 Symbolism – 22, 26, 27, 33, 45, 51, 166, 184, 194, 196, 202, 204 – 6, 209

Tambo Colorado – 6, 70, 71, 71, 74, 89, 94, 122, 124, 125, 143, 144, 145, 178, 181, 190, 210, 213, 214, 238 Tambomachay – 6, 184 Taukachi-Konkán – 46, 48, 107, 108 Tauri-Chumbi Palace - 162 Tawantinsuyu Culture – 1 – 4, 7, 10, 13, 50 – 2, 56, 61, 63, 65, 69, 79, 83, 86, 89, 93, 94, 96 – 8, 100, 112, 122, 147, 178, 206, 232, 233, 235, 236, 237 Tawantinsuyu (Incan ) Empire – 9, 12, 18, 21, 27 – 9, 30, 33, 40, 46, 51, 52, 55, 56, 58, 63, 64, 66, 68, 74, 78, 80, 94, 99, 101, 103, 108, 120, 122, 131, 132, 134, 135, 142, 145, 148, 152, 154 – 6, 157, 158, 160 – 2, 164 – 6, 168 – 72, 174 – 6, 182, 183, 187, 190, 194, 195, 197, 198, 201 – 4, 209, 212, 213, 219, 228, 238, 240, 241 Tawantinsuyu Period – 9, 24, 29, 80, 120, 130, 138, 160, 164, 174, 190, 230 Technology – 29, 33, 34, 46, 64, 65, 234, 236 Tel-el-Amarna (Egypt) - 238 Tello, J.C. - 208 Temples – 4, 8, 19, 25, 27, 34, 56, 64, 79, 81, 83, 93, 94, 99, 102, 103, 106, 108, 112, 125, 164, 172, 174, 175, 178, 183, 188, 189, 197, 203, 204, 224, 233, 236, 237, 239 Tenochtitlan – 65 Teotihuacán (Mexico) - 19 Terraces – 55, 76, 95, 101, 129, 130, 135, 137, 138, 145, 146, 150, 173, 175, 177, 179, 180, 181, 183, 184, 240 Textiles – 5, 27, 51, 52, 169 - 72, 174, 189, 192, 205, 209, 224, 233 Theocratic – 29, 34, 39, 42, 46, 50, 80, 81, 102, 107, 125, 164 Thompson, D. – 9, 13, 18, 24, 46, 49, 50, 56, 62, 65, 71, 73, 131 Thoroughfares – 42, 116, 122, 125, 126, 131, 168, 178, 194, 224, 226, 237 Torres, C.M. - 51 Tiwanaku City – 6, 7, 8, 17, 18, 22, 46, 50, 52, 64, 73, 78, 79, 81, 86, 94, 99, 103, 106, 108, 112, 123,115, 125, 139, 140, 151, 152, 157, 160, 167, 168, 171, 172, 175, 178, 183, 185, 186, 190, 194 – 7, 200, 202, 203 – 5, 207, 209, 219, 220, 230, 232, 233 Tiwanaku Culture – 10, 28, 51, 55, 58, 64, 68, 69, 83, 97, 108, 135, 176, 197, 199, 206, 207, 209, 219, 236 Tiwanaku Period – 135, 203 Tiwanaku Empire – 29, 30, 42, 46, 50, 53, 56, 156, 157 , 166, 198, 233, 234, 239 (see also Wari –Tiwanaku) Tombebamba – 94, 96, 166, 183 Topic, T.L. – 17, 35 – 7, 39, 60 – 2, 166, 223, 224, 226, 227 Topography – 42, 86, 87, 93 – 5, 116, 129, 132, 135, 138, 142, 145, 145, 150, 160, 175, 176, 178, 202, 238 Torontoy – 6 Tourism - 7 Townsend, R. - 202 Toys - 174 Toynbee, A.J. - 29

Tambo – 132, 165, 168 Tambo de Morra - 64

264

INDEX Walled Defenses - 165 Walled Enclosure – 51, 52, 56, 57, 61, 63, 64, 79, 80, 81, 81 – 3, 86, 93, 94, 99, 101, 103, 108, 120, 131, 141, 149, 151, 157, 175, 176, 231 (see also compounds) Walled Towns – 26 Walton, J. - 238 Wankani – 50 Wankini - 103 Warfare – 27, 36, 37, 65, 166, 174, 190 Wari Culture – 4, 28, 51, 56, 58, 62, 80, 86, 98, 168, 175, 176, 192, 195, 196, 206 Wari Enclosures – 1, 4 (see also walled enclosures) Wari-Tiwanaku Empire (Civilization) – 9, 16, 21, 35, 39, 46, 52, 55, 55, 56, 60, 61, 63, 64, 68, 73, 80, 81, 83, 86, 93, 94, 96, 103, 108, 112, 131, 152, 157, 158, 168, 169, 174, 178, 190, 223, 226, 233, 236, 237, 238, 240 Wari-Tiwanaku Period – 2, 10, 18, 24, 29, 46, 49, 50, 51, 57, 71, 74, 78 – 81, 103, 107, 131, 142, 145, 160, 165 Water Rights – 37, 194, 235 Water Supply – 42, 46, 65, 69, 71, 73, 74, 80, 116, 175, 183, 194, 224, 238 Wattle & Daub Housing – 152, 153, 157, 241 Wealth Objects – 169 - 72 Wealth Finance – 165, 169, 170, 194, 195, 209Weaving – 4, 140, 162, 166, 170, 171 Weber, M. – 1 Weltfish, G. – 36, 223 Wheatley, P. – 21- 3, 25, 27, 41, 235, 236 Williams, P.R. - 56 Windows – 178, 179 - 81 Wittfogel, K.A. – 17, 25, 34, 166 Wolf, E.R. - 13 Workshop – 27, 108, 116, 170, 171, 226, 232, 237 Work Specialization – 22 (see also Skill Specialization)

Trade(Economic Exchange ) – 17, 21, 25, 27, 28, 34, 37, 42, 46, 50, 51, 60, 74, 131, 135, 139, 142, 165, 169 – 172, 194, 195, 209, 224, 226, 227, 228, 234, 235 Transportation – 18, 37, 74, 122, 165, 168 – 70, 172, 228, 234 - 6 Trapezoidal (Designs) – 94, 96, 122, 142, 144, 145, 160, 176, 178, 190 Treasure Hunters – 7 Tringham, R. – 25, 26 Troy (Anatolia) - 242 Trujillo – 61, 98, 190, 194, 212 Tschudi Citadel – 63, 88, 92, 123, 140, 141, 162, 187, 210, 211, 212 Tumbes – 61, 68, 131, 145, 194 Tumebamba – 68 Tunnels – 132, 172, 182 Turquois Plaza – 170, 171

Uaxactún (Yucatan) - 19 Uceda, S. – 37, 157, 190, 223, 224, 226, 227 Uhle Citadel – 90, 92, 142, 197 UNESCO - 5 Unusual Niches Group - 136 Urban Capital - 35 Urban Criteria - 23 Urban Definition – 1, 24 Urban Form – 24, 69, 78, 79, 103 Urban Intensification - 46 Urban Morphology – 24 Urban Network – 31, 132, 164 – 66, 195, 233, 234, 237 Urban Revolution – 27 Uribe, M. – 51 Uru - 112 Urubamba River – 68, 73, 179, 180 Urubamba (Sacred) Valley – 68, 168, 175, 177, 179 Uxmal (Yucatan) – 19

Yucay Palace – 6, 160 Yunga – 12 Yucatan – 19 Yayamama – 50 Yauca River – 64

Valcarcel, L. – 93, 120 Valverde – 38 Vicuña - 174 Vicús - 38 Viking – 20 Vilcas - 131 Vilcashuaman – 68 Vilcashuaman Road – 132, 145 Viracocha - 219 Viracochapampa – 52, 62, 73, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 86, 93, 94, 96, 112, 122, 142, 157, 158, 176, 197, 238 Virú Vallley – 35 – 7, 63, 71, 81, 83, 94, 107, 131 Volumetric - 97 Von Hagen, A. – 3, 4, 22, 131 – 3, 158, 239, 240 Vranich, A. – 7, 50, 78, 202 Vertical Resource Zones – 12, 13, 15, 16, 25, 42, 46, 74, 232, 234

Zapata, J. - 64

265