Untouchability in Rural India [1 ed.] 076193507X, 9780761935070

Table of contents :
Contents
List of Tables
List of Boxes
Foreword • Babu Mathew
Preface • Harsh Mander
1 Introduction: Caste, Untouchability and Dalits in Rural India
2 Rural Untouchability Today: Forms and Sites
3 ‘Unclean’ Occupations: Savaged by Tradition
4 Dalit Women and the Practice of Untouchability
5 Violence against Dalits
6 Demanding Rights, Equality and Dignity
7 Conclusion
Appendices
Glossary
References
Index
About the Authors

Citation preview

Untouchability in Rural India Ghanshyam Shah

•

Harsh Mander

Satish Oeshpande

•

•

Sukhadeo Thorat

Amita Baviskar

Untouchability

I

IN RURAL INDIA

Untouchability

I

IN RURAL INDIA

GHANSHYAM SHAH HARSH MANDER SUKHADEO THORAT SATISH DESHPANDE AMITA BAVISRAR

lSAGE Los Angeles I London I New Delhi Singapore I Washington DC I Melbourne

Copyright © ActionAid India, 2006 All rights reserved. No part of this book. may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.

Firstpublished in 2006 by

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SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd

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www.sagepub.in

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Publications

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Galliard BT by Star Compugraphics, Delhi and

printed at Avantika Printers, New Delhi.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Shah, Ghanshyarn. Untouchability in rural India

/ Ghanshyarn Shab...

let al.].

p.an.

1.

Includes bibliographical references and index. Caste-India.

2.

India-Rural conditions.

3.

Dalits-India-Social

conditions. 1. Title.

HT720.S383

ISBN:

305.5'68-dc22

978-07-619-3507-0

2006

2006019476

(PE)

The SAGE Team: Vibha Arora, Rrishi Raote, Sanjeev Sharma and SantC6h Rawat

CONTENTS

1

I

List of Tables List ofBoxes F(JYew(JYd by Babu Mathew Preface by Harsh Mander

6 8 9 11

Introduction: Caste, Untouchability and

19

Dalits

in

Rural India

2

Rural Untouchability Today: Forms and Sites

62

3

'Unclean' Occupations: Savaged by Tradition

106

4

Dalit Women and the Practice of Untouchability

117

5

V iolence against Dalits

132

6

Demanding R ights, Equality and Dignity

144

7

Conclusion

164

Appendices Glossary References Index About the Authors

173 203 206 209 214

LIST OF TABLES

1.1 Population Shares of Caste Groups by Sector, 1991 and 1999-2000 1.2 Estimated Population Shares of Social Groups by Sector, NSSO 55th Round, 1999-2000 1.3 Percentage of Population Below Poverty Line, by Social Group and Sector, NSSO 55th Round, 1999-2000 1.4 Social Composition of Population Below Poverty Line, by Sector, NSSO 55th Round, 1999-2000 1.5 Median and 90th Percentile of Monthly Per Capita Consumption Expenditure of Social Groups, by Sector, NSSO 55th Round, 1999-2000 1.6 Household Occupations among Social Groups, by Sector, NSSO 55th Round, 1999-2000 1.7 Percentage of Illiterates among Social Groups, by Gender and Sector, NSSO 55th Round, 1999-2000 1.8 Percentage of Graduates among Social Groups, by Gender and Sector, NSSO 55th Round, 1999-2000 1.9 Findings of Gujarat Studies 1.10 States, Regions, and Allocation of Sample Villages 2.1 Overview of the Forms/Sites in which Untoucbability is being Practised in Rurallndia, by Degree of Prevalence 2.2 Denial of Access to Basic Government Services 2.3 Discriminatory Treatment in Government Services 2.4 Denial of Access to Basic Public Services 2.5 Discriminatory Treatment in Public Services 2.6 Discriminatory Restrictions on Public Behaviour 2.7 Discriminatory Cultural Sanctions 2.8 Market Discrimination-Access to Work and Resources

I 37 38

40 41

42 43

46

47 50 52

65 70 72 76 78 82 85 95

LIST OF TABLES

2.9 Forms/Sites for Practice of Untouchability, in Order of Prevalence 5.1 Incidence of Crime against Scbeduled Castes

7

103 136

LIST OF BOXES

I

2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 2.9 2.10 2.11 2.12 2.13 2.14

Residential segregation in prosperous Punjab Friction over access to drinking water sources Endless wait for a haircut Stormy teacups Upper castes impose Dalit dress code Dalit offerings spurned Untouchable beyond death Studying together, eating apart Prohibition on interdining The working condition of Dalits ill-treatment of Dalit workers Dalits denied land rights Struggles over land Upper-caste boycort of Dalit products

74 77 78 79 83 87 89 90 91 96 97 98 99 102

3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4

The sacrifice of animals and of Dalit dignity The everyday ordeal of a Dalit scavenger Dalits lynched for skinning a dead cow A campaign against manual scavenging

107 108 110 114

4.1 Rape of an elderly Dalit woman

125

5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4

Upper-caste violence against assertive Dalits Dalits ostracized for demanding their rights Dalit rape victim treated as a criminal Dalits bartle hostile administration

138 139 140 141

6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5

Dream on a bicycle ride Dalit Sangharsh Samiti (Karnataka) A Dalit woman perseveres despite harassment Using the administration to fight for rights Capturing land for living

147 153 156 161 162

FOREWORD

A

I

mammoth task of research, data collection, analysis, reflection and theorization on the curse of untouchability in the 'Sovereign, Socialist, Democratic Republic' ofIndia, involving an extensive inves­ tigation into the myriad forms of atrocities against Dalits, is now complete. This volume bears witness to the crass human rights viola­ tions that persist in different corners of India. Dalits continue to live as de facto untouchables despite the Constitutional abolition of untouchability. The detailed descriptions of the practices of untouch­ ability in this book are generally unavailable to most Indians. More­ over, the data comes from an extensive survey encompassing 11 states­ probably the first such survey done in India. ActionAid is both proud and happy that this publication is now in your hands. We are proud because more than 200 volunteers (a short list is presented in Appendix 3) were associated with the fieldwork necessary to bring to light prevailing forms of discrimination, atrocities and indignities perpetrated against Dalit citizens. We gratefully acknow­ ledge their contribution. We are happy and grateful for the valuable support, guidance and solidarity from eminent researchers, scholars and intellectuals, without whose help this work could not have been pull together. It is therefore a very important milestone in ActionAid's journey towards 'Full Citizenship for All'. The survey was carried out in 11 states and the staff of ActionAid and civil society volunteers were involved in gathering the data that forms the foundation of this volume. The process reflects the commit­ ment of hundreds of cadres to end all forms ofindignity and dehuman­ ization imposed upon our Dalit sisters and brothers. Our new Country Strategy Paper (for 2005-2010) identifies six social groups with whom we will continue our work for these five years: Dalits, indigenous people, minorities (especially Muslims), Most Backward Communities, workers in the informal sector and the urban poor (especially women, children and the disabled).

10

UNTOUCHABIUTY IN RURAL INDIA

The present work will contribute immensely to our ongoing work among Dalits. It will give us a comprehensive and accurate picture of the indignities and violence that continue to be perpetrated on a sub­ stantial segment of the Indian citizenry. It is our avowed intention to expose this denial of human rights to our Dalit sisters and brothers. We are determined not to spare any effort in the struggle for bestowing full citizenship on each and every Dalit citizen, fully realizing the im­ portance of building an alliance of the marginalized in order to relent­ lessly pursue this goal. We rededicate ourselves to fulfilling the dream ofDr B.R. Ambedkar and we heartily commend this volume into the hands of all activists and sympathizers, including those in the legislature, the judiciary, and the executive. We appeal to them not only to read carefully the pages that follow but also to strengthen progressive discourse that will pro­ mote equity, social justice and human dignity for all, and above all for the Dalits who have been insulted and crushed for centuries before Independence and for several decades since then. In addition to the creative academic discourse that is expected we would like to use this book as campaign material. OUf profound gratitude to all the volunteers whose names are recorded at the end of this book, and also in a very special way to Professors Sulrhadeo Thorat, Ghanshyam Shah and Satish Deshpande, and Dr Amita Baviskar. Last but not least we also remember my predecessor at ActionAid Mr Harsh Mander, who was the moving spirit in commissioning this massive and magnificent research which has, in this volume, culminated in precious fmdings and valuable creative theorization. Bahn Mathew ActionAid India

PREFACE

Mothe1) you used to teU me when I was burn your lahour was very long. The reason) mothet; the reason for your long lahour: � stiLl in your wamb) was wondering Do I want to be born Do I want to be burn at a1.1 in this land? Where all paths raced horizonwards but to me were barred All ofyou lay, eyesfixed on the sky then shut them, saying ca1.mJy, yes, the sky has a prop! a prop! Your body covered with generations ofdire poverty Your head pillowed on crmstant need You slept at night and in the day you writhed with empty fists tied to your breast! Here you are not supposed to say that every human being comes from the union ofman and woman Here, nobody dare broaden the beaten track. You ran round and round yourself exclaiming YES, ofcourse the earth is round) is yaund.

I

12

UNTOUCHABIUTY IN RURAL INDIA

Mother, this is your land jl(JWing with water Rivers brea1l their banks La1Ier brim aver And you, one ofthe human race must shed bu,od struggle and strike for aptdmfol ofwater 1

News reports about acts of brutal violence against Dalits, most

recently in Gohana and Jhajjar in Haryana, regularly jolt non-Dalits into the realization that caste-based oppression and discrimination is still alive and flourishing in India. As a group, Dalits are most often targeted by the upper castes when they seek to assert their constitu­ tional right to equality When Dalit demands for justice threaten upper­ caste dominance, they are met with violent force-so-called 'reprisals' to 'teach Dalits a lesson' that they should 'keep to their place'. Behind such dramatic 'atrocities' lies an even grimmer reality that numerous Dalits experience every day of their lives-a reality that rarely makes the news. In numerous quotidian acts, Dalits are con­ stantly reminded of their subordinate status. Don't walk through the village street wearing bright clothes or sunglasses, or even with your shirt tucked in; you'll be harassed by upper castes making snide com­ ments or worse. Don't draw water from the village well or handpump; your touch will make it 'dirty' for the upper castes. At the village tea­ shop, use the glass that is set aside for you and wash it after you've fmished drinking. Narayanamma, a Dalit manual scavenger in Tenali in Andhra Pradesh, gives voice to her daily anguish, 'Eli, municipality, come, clean this,' is how most people call out to me and my fellow workers when they walk down the road. It is as though we do not have a name,' she says. 'And often they cover their noses when we walk past, as though we smell. We have to wait until someone turns on a municipal tap, or works a handpump, when we want water, so that these are not polluted by our touch. In the tea-stalls, we do not sit with others on 1 Quoted from the poem 'To Be or Not to Be Born' by L.S. Rokade in Arjun Dangle (00.), 'Poisoned Bread' translation from modern Marathi Dalit Literature, p. 1.

PREFACE

13

the benches; we squat on the ground separately. Until recently. there were separate broken tea cups for us, which we washed ourselves and these were kept apart only for our use' (Mander 2001: 37-46). Such precepts are absorbed and internalized by Dalits from child­ hood on. Reinforced through constant practice, this 'education' pro­ foundly shapes Dalit consciousness and identity. It is this daily reminder of their 'untoucbable' status that provides the context for Dalit protest and struggle, and for the violence that Dalits encounter when they refuse to submit to the humiliation and exploitation that they get from upper castes. There are 150 million Dalits in India today. Dalits comprise about one-sixth of the entire population, yet bear a disproportionate share of its socio-economic burdens. Not only do they usually fare the worst according to almost all indices of economic well-being or quality of life, but among all the underprivileged groups in India only Dalits are marked by a legacy of the deepest social degradation in the form of a centuries-old tradition of untoucbability. The stigma of untouch­ ability is unique; the suffering that it entailed equally distinctive in the comprehensive manner that it pervaded all aspects of evetyday life, present, past and the future. Unlike tribal people in India, who have lived until recently in relative isolation from the dominant culture, society and economy, Dalits have always been an integral part of these, but placed firmly at the bortom, below the ritually sanctioned 'line' of pollution. The word 'Dalit' literally means poor and 'oppressed' person. But it has acquired a new cultural connotation to mean 'those who have been broken, ground down by those above them in deliberate and active way' (Zelliot 1978). Its meaning has thus shifted ftom simply describing a condition to identifying a process and a set of social relations. The term has been used cbiefly to refer to ex-untouchables or Scheduled Castes thougb, more recently. adivasi activists and others have also embraced it to signifY their solidarity with the Scheduled Castes, thereby extending it to include other oppressed groups, sucb as women, bonded labour, minorities and so on. However, our study has chosen to employ the more prevalent definition as it focuses on those groups that are officially designated as the Scheduled Castes. Untouchability forms part of a complex of discriminatory practices that impose social disabilities on persons by reasons of their birth in certain castes (Human Rights Watch 1999). These practices include various forms of exclusion and exploitation such as denying access to

14

UNTOUCHABIUTY IN RURAL INDIA

state services or remunerative ocrupations, or forcing Dalits to per­ form demeaning tasks. Within this complex, untouchability is the avoidance of physical contact with persons and things because of beliefS relating to ritual purity and pollution. Untoucbability is an intrinsic feature of the Hindu caste system (although some com­ mentators, most notably Mahatma Gandhi, regarded the practice as an aberration ofthe caste system); it is all-pervasive in that it governs all aspects of life, classifYing people according to a hierarchy and prescribing how they should interact.2 Most urban upper-caste Indians remain unaware of or are in active denial about untouchability3 If they consider it at all, they regard it as a rapidly disappearing vestige ofthe past. Many ask: Surely untouch­ ability is now no longer widely practised? Surely Dalits are now treated just like everyone else? Aren't the atrocities against Dalits that are reported in the news simply aberrations that depart from a generally more positive picture ofsocial progress? Isn't the problem ofuntouch­ ability limited to so-called 'backward' states like Rajasthan and Bihar? Haven't government policies and programmes helped Dalits overcome the stigma of caste?4

OUf rural fieldwork and conversations with Dalits convinced us that these questions, and the perceptions on which they are based, needed a more informed response. 5 We wanted to confirm and convey our experience that untouchability continues to be a widely prevalent and deeply entrencbed part of rural life. Yet remarkably, we found that despite being an enormously important issue for social thought

2 Though earlier literature refers to the caste sy stem and reveals some of the popular prejudices associated with the lower castes (see Massey 1995), it is theJ\1anusmriti, composed between the 1st and 8th centuries CE, that represents the most comprehensive and strict codification of these practices. 3 Many urban upper-caste households maintain separate drinking water glasses for domestic workers, especially cleaners and scavengers. Many will not allow scavengers into certain areas of their house, especially the kitchen, on the grounds that they are 'dirty' people. Such social prejudices are merely ill-disguised forms of untouchability. 4 Often, the subtext of this denial of the contemporary reality of untouchability is to demolish the moral and political rationale for affirmative action in favour of Dalits, such as reservations in jobs and educational institutions. 5 We were also inspired by the growing body of autobiographical work by Dalit writers and poets that eloquently described the conditions of life for ordinary Dalits. See Valmiki 2003, Viramma et al. 2000.

15

PREFACE

and action, there were no significant social science studies of un­ touchability. Even the National Commission for Scbeduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the premier government body established to protect the rights of Dalits and adivasis, had not undertaken sucb an exercise. The only exception was the researcb conducted by 1.p. Desai and Ghanshyam Shah that studied untouchability in rural Gujarat. The systematic and detailed design of these studies was an excellent model on which to base an all-India survey of untouchability. It is this ambitious task that we set out to fulfil in this study. This report is based on a survey, carried out in selected villages across

11

2001-2002, of 565

states: Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar,

Madbya Pradesh (including Chhattisgarh), Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Orissa, Andbra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu, for systematic observations by trained investigators. Since the state of Gujarat had already been studied, it was excluded from the survey. We also decided to focus primarily on the observable, physical mani­ festations of untouchability-interactions where it could be 'objectively' determined that untoucbability was being practised. The study thus details the practices ofuntouchability experienced by Dalits in all the major spheres ofevetyday life (chapter

2). A separate chapter

discusses the particular double burden borne by Dalit women for whom gender and caste combine to create greater vulnerability to social exploitation and oppression (chapter

4).

We have also supple­

mented the survey with additional information on associated forms of discrimination that Dalits struggle to overcome. These include being forced to undertake so-called 'traditional', 'unclean' occupations such as scavenging or disposing of animal carcasses (chapter

3). Dalit

attempts to resist their everyday humiliation and exploitation are often the lightning rods for upper-caste 'retribution'. This violence against Dalits from upper castes intent on maintaining their dominance, and the record of how the state has fulfilled its mandate to protect Dalits, is examined in chapter

5.

Chapter

6

describes how, despite over­

whelming odds, Dalits have sought to overcome deeply entrencbed caste hierarchies in diverse ways, and to assert their right to live with dignity. The first-ever study on untouchability in

11 Indian

states demon­

strates the deeply disturbing fact that untouchability is not only present

alI over rural India, but it has survived by adapting to new socio­ economic realities and taking on new and insidious forms. Contrary

16

UNTOUCHABIUTY IN RURAL INDIA

to the impression among certain sections of Indian society that un­ touchability has passed into history following the wide-ranging socio­ cultural changes that have marked modernization, our study resoundingly confirms that untouchability continues to be an import­ ant component of the experience of being Dalit in contemporary India, especially the counttyside. This study shows the systematic ways in which Dalit subordination is reproduced-in the public as well as the private sphere. Our analysis reveals that, despite being charged with a Constitutional mandate to remove inequality and pro­ mote social justice, the Indian state tolerates and even facilitates the practice of untouchability We hope that these findings will be useful in many ways. Above all, we hope they will promote far more vigorous state action to en­ sure an end to practices of untouchability and discrimination against Dalits. Our evidence decisively shows that while Dalits have mobilized socially and politically and have secured significant state support such as in the form of progressive legislation, most of them, not all, still continue to subsist in conditions ofabject poverty and illiterac); victim­ ized by untouchability and atrocities across the country Clearly, much more is needed for the majority of Dalits to achieve the rights guaranteed to them under the Constitution. The state needs to launch a concerted and forused initiative involving a wide range ofmeasures. This must include a campaign against untouchability in public spaces where Dalits and non-Dalits interact, beginning with schools and pre-school feeding centres. More empowered and secure Dalits can only stand up for their rights, if the state systematically provides basic provisions and services in Dalit settlements, especially the outreach ofhealth and literacy programmes. A campaign against untouchability requires that the state promote legal literacy and mobilize the masses for legal action, undertakes stronger penal and judicial interventions, provides legal aid guarantee to survivors, initiates a reorientation of the law and order machinery to create strict accountability, and conducts public sector and judicial reform at all levels. In addition, it is imperative that the bond between traditional 'unclean' occupations and caste be permanently severed.

At the

same time, it must be re­

cognized that Dalit empowerment is crucially dependent upon their access to productive resources such as agricultural land and remuner­ ative wage employment; the larger question ofpoverty and inequality must be addressed in order that Dalits are able to exercise their rights in a substantive and meaningful way.

PREFACE

17

However, none of this will be possible without the mobilization of large sections of people, both Dalit and non-Dalit, against the persistence of this shame in our society, the institutionalized humili­ ation and denial of basic human needs and rights to a segment of oppressed people, based merely on their birth in a particular caste. In this ongoing struggle, authentic information backed by sensitive and credible scholarship is one invaluable resource. We cannot claim to have achieved this to any degree of satisfaction. But our satisfaction will be enormous, if our effort comes to some small use in the long struggle of oppressed people for a more just and humane world.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS For all who were associated with this work, it has been a unique labour oflove. All whom I approached-Ghanshyam Shah, Sukbadeo Thorat, Satish Deshpande, Amita Baviskar-each one of these social scientists of exceptional academic credentials and social conscience, did not hesitate even for a moment before consenting. Each have given generously of their time over a period of several years to this work, without anyone even suggesting that they should be reimbursed in any way for their contributions. Even after the survey was completed, many voluntarily took on additional tasks, such as editing and rewriting large portions of the text. Large numbers of Dalit and non-Dalit activists and researchers contributed to the extensive field research of this study. It has been a singular joy for me to work with each one of them. I hope that for each, the fmal product is in itself the reward. Harsh Mander

Introduction: Caste) Untouchability and Dalits in Rural India

Untouchability is a distinct Indian social institution that legitimizes

and enforces practices of discrimination against people born into par­ tirular castes, and legitimizes practices that are humiliating, exclusion­ ary and exploitative. Although comparable forms of discrimination are found all over the world, untouchability is made unique by the fact that its parent institution-the caste system-is found only in the Indian subcontinent. As is well known, the caste system divides society into closed, her­ editary groups ranked by ritual status. Castes are hereditary groups because membership is decided by birth alone (one inherits the caste of one's parents); and they are closed because intermarriage (and often also food-sharing) between castes is prohibited. Moreover, caste is a system because it is an interrelated structure in which each part­ or caste-is linked to all the other parts. In the classical version, castes derive their meaning and status from their relative position vis-a.-vis others in a hierarchical ranking based on traditional-religious notions of ritual purity and pollution. Although it originated in the Hindu scriptural and religious-social tradition, caste has entered among all the other religious communities of the Indian subcontinent, including Muslims, Christians and Sikhs. Historically, the caste system classified people by their occupation and status. Every caste was associated with an ocrupation, which meant that persons born into a particular caste were also 'born into' the occupation associated with their caste-they had no choice. Moreover, and perhaps more important, each caste also had a specific place in the hierarchy of social status, so that, roughly speaking, not only were ocrupational categories ranked by social status, but there could be a further ranking within eacb broad occupational category In strict

20

UNTOUCHABILITY IN RURAL INDIA

scriptural terms, social and economic status were supposed to be sharply separated. For example, the ritually highest caste-the Brahmins-were not supposed to amass wealth, and were sub­ ordinated to the secular power of kings and rulers belonging to the Kshatriya castes. On the other hand, despite having the higbest secular status and power, the king was subordinated to the Brahtuin in the ritual-religious sphere. However, in actual historical practice economic and social status tended to coincide. There was thus a fairly close correlation between social (i.e., caste) status and economic status-the 'high' castes were almost invariably ofhigh economic status, while the 'low' castes were almost always of low economic status. In modern times, and par­ ticularly since the 19th century, the link between caste and occupation has become much less rigid in the sense that ritual-religious prohibit­ ions on ocrupational change are not easily imposed today, and it is easier than before to change one's ocrupation. Moreover, compared to 100 or 50 years ago, the correlation between caste and economic status is also weaker-rich and poor people are to be found in every caste. But-and this is the key point-the caste-class correlation is still remarkably stable both at the macro as well as the micro level. Although things have certainly changed, they have not changed drastically at the macro level-it is still true that the privileged (and high economic status) sections of society tend to be overwhelmingly 'upper' -caste while the disadvantaged (and low economic status) sections are dominated by the so called 'lower' castes. In short, even though there have been major cbanges brought about by social move­ ments over more than a century, and despite changed modes of pro­ duction as well as concerted attempts by the state to suppress its public role in independent India, caste continues to affect the life chances of Indians in the 21st century.l Strict separation and strict hierarcby-these are the fundamental aspects of the caste system. Every caste is rigidly separated from every other caste and intermarriage and interdining are prohibited across all caste boundaries. However, as the system has become less rigid, the distinctions between castes of broadly similar social and economic 1 For a concise and clear introduction to caste as a social institution, see Ursula Sharma (1999). There is, of course, a vast literature on the subject; useful overviews of the contemporary status of caste are to be found in c.J. Fuller (1996) and M.N. S,inivas (1996).

INTRODUCTION

21

status have weakened. Yet, between different socio-economic group­ ings, the distinctions continue to be maintained. 'Untouchability' is an extreme and particularly vicious aspect of the caste system that prescribes stringent social sanctions against members of castes located at the bottom of the purity-pollution scale. Strictly speaking, the 'un­ touchable' castes are outside the caste hierarchy-they are considered to be so 'impure' that their mere touch severely pollutes members of all other castes, bringing terrible punishment for the former and forc­ ing the latter to perform elaborate purification rituals. In fact, notions of 'distance pollution' existed in many regions of India (patticularly in the south) sucb that even the mere presence or the shadow of an 'untouchable' person is considered polluting. Despite the limited literal meaning of the word, the institution of 'untouchability' refers not just to the avoidance or prohibition of physical contact but to a much broader set of social sanctions, and it is in this broad sense that the term is used in this monograph. It is important to emphasize that the three main dimensions of untouchability-namely, exclusion, humiliation-subordination and exploitation-are all equally impottant in defming the phenomenon. Although other (i.e., 'toucbable') low castes are also subjected to sub­ ordination and exploitation to some degree, they do not suffer the extreme forms of exclusion reserved for 'untouchables'. Dalits ex­ perience forms of exclusion that are unique and not practised against other groups-for instance, being prohibited from sharing drinking water sources or participating in collective religious worship, social ceremonies and festivals. At the same time, untouchability may also involve forced inclusion in a subordinated role, such as being compelled to play the drums at a religious event. The performance of publicly visible acts of (self- )humiliation and subordination is an impottant patt of the practice of untouchability Common instances include the imposition of gestures of deference (such as taking off headgear, carry­ ing footwear in the hand, standing with bowed head, not wearing clean or 'bright' clothes, and so on) as well as everyday abuse and humiliation. Moreover, untouchability is almost always associated with economic exploitation of various kinds, most commonly through the imposition of forced, unpaid (or underpaid) labour, or the con­ fiscation of propetty. Finally, untouchability is a pan-Indian phenom­ enon, although its specific forms and intensity vary considerably across regions and socio-historical contexts.

22

UNTOUCHABILITY IN RURAL INDIA

The so-called 'untouchables' have been referred to collectively by many names over the centuries, names like chandala (a despised and lowly caste, sometimes associated with cremation grounds), mlechha (despised, a derogatory term for alien or foreigner), asprushya, achhoot (literally, 'untouchable'; from tbe Sanskrit sparsha or touch, and tbe Hindi chhoona or to touch), ati- Shudra (beyond or below tbe Shudra, tbe lowest 'touchable' caste), dasyu, dasa (terms denoting slaves or chattel), panchama (literally, tbe fifrh, i.e., beyond tbe four vamas'), and so on. In addition to tbese names which refer to Dalits in general, there are also the names of specific castes that are often but not always associated with particular occupations such as dhabi, hhangi, chamar, haleya, mahar, maang, paraiyan, pulaya, and so on. Whatever tbe specific erymology of tbese names, tbey are all deroga­ tory and carry a strongly pejorative cbarge. In fact, many of tbem continue to be used as forms of abuse even today, although their use is now a criminal offence. As is well known, Mahatma Gandhi had popularized tbe term 'Harijan' (literally, children of god) in tbe 1930s to counter the pejorative allusions of caste names. However, the ex­ untouchable communities and their leaders have coined another term, 'Dalit', which is now the generally accepted term for referring to these groups. In Indian languages, the term Dalit literally means 'down­ trodden' and conveys tbe sense of an oppressed people. Though it was neitber coined by Dr Ambedkar nor frequently used by him, the term cettainly resonates witb his philosophy and tbe empowerment movement that he led. It received wide currency during the caste riots in Mumbai in tbe early 1970s. The Dalit Panthers, a radical group tbat emerged in western India during tbat time, used tbe term to assert tbeir identity as patt of tbeir struggle for rights and dignity Over time, it has emerged as a political category associated with an ideology that advocates social transformation in the direction of an egalitarian, just and humane social order. It is an ideology advocating fundamental change in tbe social structure and relationships among individuals. According to Gangadbar Patawane, a Dalit writer, 'Dalit is not a caste. Dalit is a symbol of cbange and revolution. [A1 Dalit believes in humanism. He rejects existence of God, rebirth, soul, sacred books that teach discrimination, faith and heaven because these 2 varna refers to the four broad tiers of the caste sy stem with Brahmins (priests) at the top, followed by Kshatriyas (warriors), Vaishyas (traders) and Shudras (cul­ tivators and artisans).

INTRODUCTION

23

have made him a slave. He represents the exploited man in his country' (cited by Das and Massey 1995: iv). For Gopal Guru (2001), tbe term does not merely express identity-a sense of who the Dalits are-but it also conveys their aspirations and struggle for 'change and revolution'. We share this contention, and Dalit is the term that will be used tbroughout tbis study.3

WHY UNTOUCHABILITY? SOME THEORETICAL EXPLANATIONS

Efforts to fight untouchability and to bring about its extinction will have to address popular perceptions, including tbe justifications offered for tbe practice. Any strategy designed to undermine tbis institution will have to challenge its legitimations. This requires an investigation into tbe tbeories of tbe origins of untouchability tbat influence the interpretation of the contemporary situations. Generally, three explanations are offered for the emergence and the continuation or changes in tbe practice of untouchability. Racial theories

One school of tbought believes tbat untouchability is a racial issue. The origins of untouchability. tbe 'touchables' (i.e., tbe caste Hindus) and tbe 'untouchables' (ati-Shudras, or tbose below even tbe Shudra, or lowest va rna ) belong to two different races differentiated by colour. The 'touchables' were 'white' Aryans who invaded India, and con­ quered tbe black race native to tbe subcontinent called the Dasas or Dasyus, enslaving them and categorizing them as 'untouchables' (Risley 1908; Dutt 1931). According to etbnologist Stanley Rice, tbe untouchables were aboriginal people who were conquered and subjugated by tbe Aryans. Prabhati Mukherjee (1988), a social his­ torian, argues tbat tbe practice of untouchability was preceded by

3 We will continue to place 'untouchables' in quotes wherever the context requires its use, but the word untouchability will be used without quotation marks. It should go without saying that our use of the terms 'high' and 'low' to describe castes are meant to reflect popular usage in referring to particular caste groups without in any way endorsing the claims inherent in these labels.

24

UNTOUCHABILITY IN RURAL INDIA

a long history of social and cultural hostiliry on the part of the Vedic Aryans towards some groups among the indigenous population who were perceived as a threat to their way of life, their pastoral wealth and their religious practices. According to this view, until

800 BeE, the

Aryans had an amicable

relationship with those local communities, which acceded to them politically and culturally. Such communities were allowed to function at the periphery of the Aryan sociery. But those natives who did not submit to the invaders-such as the

dasa/dasyu, rakshasa, asura,pani,

etc.-were identified as enemies. With the exception of the Dasas, who were probably less aggressive than the others, these groups 'were constantly being driven out of their homes and hearths' (Mukherjee

1988: 34). They were

hated because 'they spoke a different language

and did not follow the religion of the Aryans' (ibid.). Cultural segregation increased with the passage of time. It was in the post-Shudra period that the segregation and cultural­ religious prejudice practised by the Aryans vis-a-vis certain groups identified as hostile and unassimilable turned into untouchability. The Aryans could not bring all indigenous groups under their control. Some groups continued to rebel against the hegemony of the Aryans in the economic as well as cultural spheres. As Mukherjee explained:

When they were brought under subjugation eventually, they were neither incorporated into the main economic activity prevailing at that time, that is, agriculture, nor into any other form of production in society. Only unskilled, unproductive, lowly and menial jobs were assigned to them .... [T]hey were treated with utter contempt and were segregated as a residual category of people to be employed as and when necessary (ibid.: 104). The racial explanations offered by Herbert Risley, Durt, Mukherjee and others regarding Aryan and non-Aryan relations and colour dif­ ferences are considered by some other scholars as pseudo-historical and pseudo-psychological (Klass

1980). For example, Dr

Ambedkar

strongly rejected the racial theory. He argued that 'there is no evidence in the Vedas of any invasion ofIndia by the Aryan race and its having conquered the Dasas and Dasyus supposed to be natives of India' (Ambedkar

1946: 57-82). According to him there was no

racial dis­

tinction between Aryans and Dasas. As far as physical characteristics are concerned there was hardly any difference between the Brahmins and untouchables belonging to the same region. Ambedkar asserted

INTRODUCTION

25

that during the Vedic period there was no separate Shudra varna. The Shudras ranked as part of the Kshatriya varna in the Indo-Aryan society. He wrote: There was a continuous feud between the Shudra Kings and the Brahmins in which the Brahmins were subjected to many tyrannies and indignities. As a result of the hatred towards the Shudras generated by their tyrannies and oppressions, the Brahmins refused to perform theUpanayana' of the Shudras. Owing to the deuial ofUpanayana, the Shudras who were Kshatriyas became socially degraded, fell below the rank of the Vaishyas and thus came to form the fourth Varna (1946: xiv-xv).

However, during the late 19th century and the early 20th century, a number of Dalit ideologues in different parts of the country adopted some form of racial theory to assert that they were the original inhabitants of the country. They asserted that they constitute a separate distinctive qaum, i.e., a community like the Muslims, Hindus or Sikhs, having their own distinctive religion and culture. In south India, the Adi-Dravida movements asserted that the Adi-Dravidians were the original natives of the land and the Brahmins were the Aryan invaders. Similarly, in Punjab, Mangoo Ram and other leaders argued: 'We are the original people of this country, and our religion is Adi Dharm. The Hindu qaum [nation/community1 came from outside and en­ slaved us .... There was the time when we ruled India .... They destroyed our history' (Juergensmeyer 1982: 98). Dalits were asked to unite against the Hindus who have subjugated them. In Uttar Pradesh, the followers of Adi-Hinduism believe that they are the descendants of the pre-Aryan rulers of India. Acchutanand, a leader of Adi-Hinduism, argued that they had prior, natural and superior claim to the nation. According to him the Aryan invaders had sub­ jugated and imposed Vedic Hinduism on the original Indians, the Adi Hindus (Gooptu 200l: 154-58). Recently in the context of untouchabiliry and discrimination in India the question of caste and race was raised in the United Nations World Conference Against Racism held at Durban in 200l (Thorat and Umakant 2004). It has been argued that caste is a form of race. 'Race' is not necessarily a bio­ logical or a genetic phenomena. It is a social construct which helps differentiate one group of people from another (Berreman 2002). 4

Ceremony of donning the sacred thread by Hindu men.

26

UNTOUCHABILITY IN RURAL INDIA

Religious theories

During the mid-19th century in Maharashtra, Jotirao Phule, a leader of the anti-Brahmin movement, argued in his book Gulamgiri (Slavery, 1873), that the Shudras were the sons of the soil while the Brahmins came from outside and usurped 'everything that was possessed by the Shudras'. In order to control and enslave the 'natives', the Aryans 'produced many spurious religious tracts and claimed to have received them directly from the God as revelations'. Phule opposed idolatry and denounced the Chaturvama (four-fold division of Hindu society) created by religion to perpetuate inequality in society According to him, Hindu sacred scriptures were fabricated by Brahmins to maintain their control over society. He advocatedsarvajaniksatya dharma, liter­ ally meaning 'universal religion of truth'. In Chhattisgarh, Ghasidas, the founder of the Satnampanth, rejected the divine and social hierarchies and urged his followers to throw the idols of Hindu gods and goddesses onto the rubbish heap (Dube 1998). Ambedkar shared Phule's view of the centrality of caste in otthodox Hinduism. According to him, caste was the core of the Hindu social order. Caste was legitimized and given a divine basis and religious sanction through the Shastras. It was based on the doctrine that men are created from the different patts of the divinity Such doctrine has generated 'the belief that it must be divine will that they should remain separate and distinct' (Ambedkar 1991 [1936]: 100). Graded inequality, Ambedkar observed, is the fundamental prin­ ciple of the caste system: The four classes are ... [nJot only different but unequal in status, one standing above the other. In the scheme of Manu, the Brahmin is placed at the first in rank. Below him is the Kshatriya. Below the Kshatriya is the Vaishya. Below Vaishya is the Shudra and the below Shudra is the Ati-Shudra or theUntouchable. This order of precedence among the classes is not merely conventional. It is spiritual, moral and legal. There is no sphere of life which is not regulated by this principle of graded inequality (ibid., vol. 3: 107).

The principle of graded inequality, he argued: has been carried into the economic field. It does not recognize equal need, equal work or equal ability as the basis of reward for labour. Its motto is that in regard to the distribution of the good things of life,

INTRODUCTION

27

those who are reckoned as the highest must get the most and the best and those who are classed as the lowest must accept the least and the worst (ibid.: 111).

The religious theory of caste finds a prominent place in sociology and anthropology. Many sociologists argue that in Hinduism, puriry and impurity are the central values governing interpersonal and inter­ group relationships. It is obligatory for each Hindu to confme her/ his relationships and interactions within the restricted caste group called the jati so as to maintain purity in marriage relationships, in exchanges of food and in the pursuit of occupations. All members of the community, including those at the bottom and those at the top of the hierarchy, share this value system. As the French sociologist Louis Dumont argued: The principle of the opposition of the pure and impure ... underlines hierarchy, which is the superiority of the pure to the impure; underlies separation because the pure and impure must be kept separate; and underlies the division of labour because pure and impure occupations must likewise be kept separate. The whole is founded on the necessary and hierarchical coexistence of the two opposites (1970: 43).

Other sociologists assert that such a value system is shared not only by caste Hindus but also by the 'untouchables'. That is the reason why they also practice untouchability among themselves. There is a consensus on these values among all social groups irrespective of their group status. Michael Moffatt notes : Untouchables do not necessarily possess distinctively diff erent social and cultural forms as a result of their position in the system. They do not possess a separate subculture. They are not detached or alienated from the 'rationalization' of the system .... They recreate among them­ selves the entire set of institutions and of ranked relations from which they have been excluded by the higher castes by reason of their extreme lo\VIless. Replication is a stronger indicator of cultural consensus than complementarity; since it operates within the untouchable subset of castes, where the power of the higher castes does not directly operate (1979: 3-5).

Such an interpretation of caste has been criticized by several scholars for reasserting the Brahminical view of caste-that perceives caste as

28

UNTOUCHABILITY IN RURAL INDIA

a consensual system. These scholars point to historical and ethno­ graphic evidence to show that understandings of Hinduism and its caste hierarchy are divergent and conflicting. Anthropologist Kathleen Gough observes that 'The low castes place much less emphasis than do Brahmins on other-worldliness and on the fate of the soul after death' (1956: 846). Joan Mencher argues that Parayars in South India have a more 'explicitly materialistic' view of the system and their place in it than do those at the top, and that 'those at the bottom of the hierarchy have less need to rationalize its inequities' (1974: 436; see also Berreman 1971). Moreover, the prevalence of a caste hierarchy does not imply that lower castes also give legitimacy to the theory of karma-accepting one's station in life as given, the result of the deeds of the previous bittb, and waiting for the next bittb to reap the rewards of the good deeds of this bittb. Had this been the case, Dalits would not have waged numerous struggles against the dominant castes to improve their life chances here and now, in this bittb rather than waiting for the next birth. In his study of the Parayars of a Tamil Nadu village, Robert Deliege observed that hierarchy did not permeate all Paraiyar social relationships. They fiercely defend equality among themselves. The Paraiyars have internal laws which are much less constraining than those of the high castes and much weaker social control. They result in a greater freedom, notably on a moral and sexual level, in greater laxity in religious beliefS even among the Catholics and in a certain offhandedness with respect to social and religious rites (1997: 7).

The proponents of the consensus theory ignore not only the multi­ pliciry in Hindu beliefs and practices, but also the numerous collect­ ive struggles of Dalits ftom the early Vedic period protesting against their position in the caste hierarchy. Such resistance shows that every­ one did not simply accept caste hierarchy, or assume that it was natural or divine, but asserts the fact that caste had always been the locus of critique and challenged by the oppressed groups. Some of these move­ ments for social transformation are described in the next section. According to Kancba Ilaiah, the earliest philosophical challenge to Brahminical ideology came ftom Shudra thinkers in the Vedic period Their lokayatas (perspectives or philosophies coming from the people) overturned the metaphysical arguments ofAdvaita philosophy, counter­ ing them with a this-worldly, materialist perspective. Brahmins seeking

INTRODUCTION

29

lokayatas labelled them asura, rakshasa (demon), nastikavadi (atheist), and prakritian (animist, speaker of Prakrit language). In turn, Dalit thinkers responded by injecting a pejorative tinge to the terms used for Brahmins: astika, paralokavadi (other-worldly, parasites in this world), and aPmavadi to denigrate Shudra

dehavadi

(materialist),

(spiritualist). Changing the meanings attacbed to this vocabulary was a strategy for repudiating the assetted superiority of Brahminical philosophy (Ilaiah

2001: 113).

The challenge to caste ideology also came from social reformers who disputed the thesis that inequality and untouchability were in­ herent elements of Hinduism and the caste system. They rejected the view that the caste system is based on bitth. It was argued that, during the Vedic period, caste was merely a system of division of labour in which social mobility due to skill and vittue was permitted. Dayanand Saraswati, the founder of the Arya Samaj believed that caste was a political institution created by the rulers 'for the common good of society, and not a natural or religious distinction'. He observed, 'In fact, any Brahmin, who is disqualified for his work, becomes at once a Shudra de jure, and a Shudra, who is qualified for it, becomes at once a Brahmin de jure: though neither can become so de facto also either by his own will or the will of others, as long as the state does not make him so' (quoted in Jordens

1978: 62).

Gandhi believed

that the 'Varnashrama of the Vedas . . . is based on absolute equality of status, notwithstanding passages to the contrary in the Smritis and elsewhere'

(1934). He

agreed that 'caste as it exists today is no doubt

a travesty of the original fourfold division which only defmed men's different callings'. In order to serve their vested interests and to per­ petuate their dominance, the Brahmins, in the course of time, con­ vetted caste into a rigid, closed and hereditary system. According to these reformers, untouchability was an aberration ofthe varnadharma. Bhakti saints and many social reformers believe that 'no man born on eatth is lowly and degraded'. Perhaps the only organized suppotters ofcaste ideology are Hindu nationalists affiliated with the Sangh Parivar. Hindu nationalists whose main mission is to build Hindu unity and supremacy over and against Indians of 'other' religions (i.e., the Muslims and the Christians) continue to believe in the

Chaturvama system. They do Manusmriti and

not distance themselves from Hindu texts like the other

ShasPras which

legitimize inequality According to their view,

the protection of the Hindu dharma and

samaj (society) demands the

30

UNTOUCHABILITY IN RURAL INDIA

cooperation and unity of upper and lower castes. Hindu nationalists do not blame Brahmins and upper castes for maintaining the rigid caste system and prohibiting lower-caste mobility They attribute lower­ caste oppression to Dalit social customs, behaviour and ignorance; a classic instance of blaming the victims. Hindu nationalists acknow­ ledge the strategic impottance of the Dalits and other lower castes in electoral politics and the greater cause of Hindu supremacy: 'because oftheir numerical strengtb, they are truly the spinal cord ofthe Hindu jm: (race). Lakhs and crores of these people are getting disassociated from Hindu samaj because they are humiliated and looked down upon. As a result Hindu jat is becoming weak and powerless' (quoted in Shah 2002: 305). The Hindu race, it was argued, can become strong only by including and uplifring the lower castes and women. This paternalistic project of improvement was to be achieved by educating them in morals and manners, good conduct, hygiene and other areas. Proponents of this view continue to accept inequality as the funda­ mental principle of the social order. Their approach is highly instru­ mentalist-they advocate the dilution ofthe higb-low differentiation only because it serves the purpose of strengtbening Hinduism against other religions. The tacit and, at times, explicit support of Hindu na­ tionalists for the caste system remains a challenge for the Dalit quest for justice and dignity Economic theory

For many Marxists, untoucbability is rooted in the mode of produc­ tion. 'Varna were socio-economic categories. The chaturvarna division of society was a class division, a social division of labour' (Sardesai 1986: 22). It became hereditary in the course oftime, whicb distotted and modified class formation and class relations. However, there still exists a dispute among the scbohrs on the question ofwhether Shudras were slaves in ancient India (Sardesai 1986, Patil 1982). Motton Klass' study (1980) is an important contribution in explaining the emergence of the caste system. He speculates that 'egalitarian' social groups developed a stratified social system due to an increase in popu­ lation and the generation of surplus. Similarly, Soviet Indologist A.P. Kolontaev argues that the condition of agricultural production in ancient India necessitated a considerable mass oflive labour which could exist only in the form of a socially oppressed strata of society,

INTRODUCTION

31

which was used during the peak periods of agricultural work. Those oppressed classes were treated as untouchables (Yurlova 1989). This stream of thought maintains that with the changes in the mode of production, the caste system undergoes transformation and conse­ quenrly so does the practice of untoucbability

ANTI-UNTOUCHABILITY MOVEMENTS : A HISTORlCAL OVERVIEW Dalits have appeared in history not only in the role of victims, but also as resisting and struggling against their subjugation. Dalit revolts, protests and assertions against oppression and injustice have ocrurred all over the country and in all periods of history Despite its diverse nature, modes of organization and scale of these struggles, they were generally ignored by mainstream historians and scholars. Historically, perhaps the best-known cballenge to caste oppression was by the Bhakti movement that spread over many regions ofIndia between the lOth and the 13th centuries. It is famed for its revolution­ ary poet-preacbers who opposed caste distinctions and the hypocrisy of Brahminical rituals that had overtaken the Hindu religion. Bhakti saints underlined the presence of the divine in each person, where every individual regardless of their birth could have equal access to spiritual enlightenment through the ethical conduct of everyday life. Bhakti saints like Kabir, Tukaram, and Basavanna popularized their teacbings through the popular folklores and songs, which often add­ ressed caste injustices. Anti-untouchability movements were not confined to the stag­ ing of protests or claiming spiritual equality before God. The Arya Samaj, which emerged as part of a major movement for Hindu revival in north India, opened schools for Dalit children and also launched movements against the practice of untouchability by upper castes in some places. But its impact was limited to Punjab, Urtar Pradesh and other parts of north-west India. Mahatma Gandbi also organized a number of welfare activities through the Harijan Sevak Sangh to educate Dalit children and organize cooperative societies for Dalit artisans such as weavers and cobblers in Gujarat and Maharashtra. After Independence the Indian state has also launched a number of welfare programmes specifically aimed at empowering Dalits.

32

UNTOUCHABILITY IN RURAL INDIA

Some ati-Shudras have improved their economic condition by abandoning their traditional occupations, and have successfully attained higher status within the caste hierarchy. They have tried to emulate the rituals, norms, value system and lifestyle of the upper castes and claimed higher status by imitating and/or competing with them. Caste and family names have been changed to erase traditional identity; most often such upwardly mobile groups claim Kshatriya or Vaishya status. For such groups, their former low status was at­ tributed to a fall from political and economic power. Thus, many lower castes created new histories for themselves, which explained how they were former rulers who were defeated in battles and reduced forcibly to low-caste status. Howeve� such attempts have not always been successful, and aspiring Dalits have often faced a renewed im­ position ofthe strong civic restrictions traditionally imposed on them. Only a small proportion of Dalits have managed social mobility through improved economic status and with significant state support. The Shanars or Nadars of Tamil Nadu have, howeve� crossed the boundary ofuntouchability. The Ezhavas ofKerala have also blurred­ if not completely erased-the line of untouchability. thougb their success is not as striking as that ofthe Nadars. Let us briefly recapitul­ ate these 'success' stories (for detailed analysis, see Hardgrave 1969). Traditionally. the Nadars and the Ezhavas were toddy-tappers in southern India. They were treated as exteriorjatis by caste Hindus. Until the end of the 19th century. they were forbidden entry into Hindu temples and completely barred ftom using public wells and roads. They were also prohibited from carrying umbrellas and wearing shoes. Their women were not allowed to wear upper garments to cover their chest. Besides toddy-tapping, the Nadars engaged in petty trade-selling palmyra products, salt and dried fish. With the advent of British rule, road communications improved and taxes on internal trade were abolished, which helped the Nadars improve their eco­ nomic condition. Under the influence of missionaries, a section of the Nadars became Christians. Others formed caste organizations called the Mahimai and the Uravinmural to strengthen unity among the Nadars in certain villages and towns. These organizations constructed wells, schools and public buildings for the community. The traders adopted the title Nadar and rejected the popular appellation Shanar because it was degrading. Some made an attempt, in the 19th century. to disassociate themselves from the traditional callings ofthe commu­ nity. They began to imitate the dress and rituals of the upper castes.

INTRODUCTION

33

These attempts were violently opposed by caste Hindus. In 1899, high castes and Shudras united against the Nadars in Tirunelveli. They looted about 150 Nadar villages. Hundreds of Nadar houses (figures varied from 1,600 to 4,000) were destroyed, and some Nadars were killed. The army had to be deployed to control the riots. The local court, the High Court and even the Privy Council in London gave verdicts against the Nadars for their attempts to enter the temple. The Coutts declared that the Nadars had gone beyond their hereditary callings. They were asked to pay Rs 500 to cover the necessary puri­ fication ceremonies for the temple. Despite these setbacks, the Nadars continued their efforts to raise their status, though they put off the temple-entry programme. With the change in their economic con­ dition, they succeeded in registering themselves as Nadar-Kshatriyas in the 1921 Census. They mobilized to obtain political positions. They have now moved 'from the lower rungs of the ritual hierarchy to a position of status and power' (Hardgrave 1969: 262). The Ezhavas of Kerala have a similar story They formed their caste organization, called the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam (Association for the Maintenance of Dharma founded by Sri Narayana), to collectively improve their status in the social structure. They launcbed a satyagraha for temple entry in the 1920s. They bargained with the government and political patties for eco­ nomic opportunities and political positions. But such cases ofupward mobility are few and fur between. They are the exception rather than the rule. The Nadar and Ezhava struggles attempted to seek higher status within the socio-religious framework of Hinduism. However, there have been a number of attempts to denounce Hindu religion and evolve an alternative social system. The anti-Brahmin movements in the mid19th century in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu mounted a major challenge to Brahminical hegemony. The pioneers of the movement were J otirao Phule and Shahu Maharaja of Kolbapur in Maharashtra andE.V Ramaswami Naicker or 'Periyar' in Tamil Nadu. Phule estab­ lished the Satya Shodbak Samaj (Society of Truth Seekers) in 1873 to liberate the Shudras and ati-Shudras and to prevent their exploit­ ation by the Brahmins, while Periyar led the Adi-Dravida movement in south India, mobilizing for the same goal. As a staunch rational­ ist, Periyar asserted that Hindu dogmas were the root cause of Brahminical dominance.

34

UNTOUCHABILITY IN RURAL INDIA

Another major radical anti-untouchability movement, which had a widespread impact on the mobilization ofDalits in the 20th century, was initiated and led by Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar. Initially, Ambedkar organized the Dalits of Maharashtra for temple entry and to claim access to drinking water from public tanks. He exhorted Dalits to educate, organize and struggle for their rights. According to him, social and economic equality could be artained only through political means. In 1933, he appealed to his followers: You have now a way of bringing about change, an improvement in your life conditions. That way is through political action, through appropriate laws ... you can make (the) government provide for you what you are now denied-food, clothing, shelter, education .... Hence instead of resorting to rosary counting or prayer, you should now depend on the political path; that will bring you liberation .... The conflict, hereafter, will not be between the British and the Indians, but between the advanced classes of Inma and backward classes. No borrowed or hired person who does not belong to your class can fur­ ther your welfare by the least degree. You must rid yourselves of internal divisions and organize strongly (quoted in Gore 1993: 213).

In order to have effective political say in government, Ambedkar pleaded that the depressed classes be given separate electorates. Re­ presentation was made to the British government in the late 1920s for this provision, but it was rejected due to opposition from the majority upper-caste Hindus. This resulted in Ambedkar's falling out with Gandhi. Though Ambedkar gave up the demand under pressure, large-scale satyagraha protests were launched for separate electorates before the state assemblies in Poona, Nagpur, Lucknow and Kanpur in 1946. The Independent Labour Party was formed to organize all members of the labouring classes in the 1930s. Later, the Scheduled Caste Federation (SCF) was formed in 1954 to figbt elections and to promote the interests of the Dalits. The SCF later reorganized itself as the Republican Party ofIndia. Along with his political campaign, Ambedkar also launched a strug­ gle for collective spiritual enlightenment. He told other Dalits that they would remain untouchable as long as they remained within the Hindu fold. They had to renounce Hinduism as it was the root cause of inequality and untouchability He chose Buddhism as the alterna­ tive because he believed it was an emancipatoty religion that preacbed

INTRODUCTION

35

egalitarianism. Buddhism has 'no place for God and soul'. Shankarrao Kharat, a leading Dalit Buddhist intellectual said: I have accepted the Buddhist Dharma. I am a Buddhist now. I am not a Mahar nor an untouchable nor even a Hindu. I have become a human being. I have now become equal with high caste Hindus. I am equal with all. I am not low born or inferior ... with the acceptance of Buddhism my untouchability has been erased. The chains of un­ touchability which shackled my feet have now been shattered. Now I am a human being like all other .... I am now free. I have become a free citizen of Independent India (cf. in Gokhale 1990: 245).

Though most Dalits did not convert to Buddhism, its ideology was immensely influential. The Buddha has been adopted by Dalits as their god along with their traditional Hindu deities. Portraits of the Buddha are found in many Dalit homes along with those ofGanesh, Krishna and Durga, and also of Jesus and Mahatma Gandhi. The emergence of Buddha as the god of equality and emancipation gave Dalits a new cultural identity irrespective of their religious persuasion (Shah 200 1). As a totalizing system of power that governs all aspects of life, caste has been challenged widely only in the last 100 years. Its in­ fluence continues to pervade everyday beliefS and practices ofIndian society, including Dalits. When Dalits perform Hindu rituals pre­ scribed by upper castes and emulate dominant caste practices, it reflects the entrenched power of caste ideology Even as Dalits have struggled to create their own understanding of religion and social order, and actively resisted the oppression of caste, they have also been com­ pelled to conform to its dictates. Caste has been a hegemonic cultural system on the Indian subcontinent for centuries. It has shaped the consciousness and life experiences of Indians in profound and subtle ways. It is this complex understanding of caste as a powerful contem­ porary force that one must appreciate and contend with.

STATE PROVISIONS FOR THE REMOVAL OF UNTOUCHABILITY The Indian Constitution takes formal cognizance of the problem of untouchability. It has made a number of provisions under various

36

UNTOUCHABILITY IN RURAL INDIA

Articles-15 (2), 17, 29(2)-declaring the practice of untouchabil­ ity to be an offence. Article 35 provides that 'Parliament shall have, and the legislature of a State shall not have, power to make laws . . . prescribing punishment for those acts which are declared to be offences under this part' (i.e., Fundamental Rights). Parliament exercised its exclusive power and passed the Untouchability (Offences) Act in 1955. This outlawed the enforcement of disabilities 'on the ground of untouchability' in public places. Later, under pressure from the Dalit groups, this Act was amended. As a result, the Untouchability (Offences) Amendment Bill, renamed the Protection of Civil Rights (Amendment) Act, came into force on 19 November 1976. The act provides for enhanced and stringent punishment including collect­ ive fmes for offences relating to untouchability In the next decade a new act, the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act of 1989, was also promulgated to revamp the previous acts. It has been widely accepted that legal measures to punish and abolish untouchability are not enough to eradicate the practice. The state also must take positive measures to improve the socio-economic condition of Dalits-a necessity that was recognized and collectively demanded by Dalits before Independence. The Indian Constitution directs the state to ameliorate the conditions of the weaker sections in general and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in particular. These state provisions relate to electoral reservations (Articles 330 and 332); reservation ofseats in educational institutions (Articles 15[4] and 29) and reservation in government jobs (Articles 16[4], 320[4], 333 and 335).

SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROFILE OF THE COMMUNITY Legally, the ex-untouchables or Dalits are defmed as persons belonging to the castes listed in the statutory 'schedule' created by the Gov­ ernment of India Act of 1935 passed by the British Indian govern­ ment. Earlier, the government used to refer to them as the 'Depressed Classes', but the term 'Scheduled Castes' came into use after 1935 and after Independence it has became part of everyday language. It is true that the 1935 schedule (and the minor modifications that have been made to it since then) does not include all thejatiswho experience

37

INTRODUCTION

untouchability. It is also true that due to the wide variations in the practice across regions, the schedule is somewhat arbitrary in its inclu­ sions and exclusions. But by and large, the scbedule has remained remarkably stable and has not really provoked widespread controversy at any time. 5 Therefore, despite the anomalies mentioned above, this report is confmed only to those groups who are classified as Scheduled Castes by the Government of India. Population

According to the 2001 Census, the Scheduled Castes number 166 million, constituting 16.2 per cent of the population. Table 1 . 1 shows that, according to the 1991 Census and the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) 5 5th Round Survey of 1999-2000, the Scheduled Castes formed about 18-20 per cent ofthe rural popu­ lation and 12-14 per cent of the urban population of India. Taken together, the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes thus account for well over a quarter of the Indian population in the 21st century Table 1.1 Population Shares of Caste Groups by Sector, 1991 and 1999-2000

Census 1991 Caste Groups Scheduled Tribe Scheduled Caste OBes Other Castes

1I!tal

NSSO 1999-2000

Rural

Urban

Rural

Urban

10.1 18 .0

2.3

12.0

3.4 14.4 30.4 51.8

100.0

71.9

85.7

10 .5 20.5 37.6 31.5

100.0

100.0

100.0

Notes: 1999-2000 figures are estimates based on the NSSO 55th Round survey. Census does not report data on OBes. The 'Scheduled Tribe' and 'Other Castes' categories include members of all religions; 'Scheduled Castes' include only Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists. Unlike the Census, NSSO data on caste (and religion) is self-reported and not verified by comparison with official schedules and lists. As a result., NSSO estimates of caste population have tended to be slightly higher than Census figures.

5 This is in sharp contrast to the violent confrontations provoked by the attempt to give statutary status to the 'Other Backward Classes' through the VP Singh gov­ ernment's decision to implement the Mandal Commission Report in 1990.

38

UNTOUCHABILITY IN RURAL INDIA

A major problem with official statistics in independent India (also visible in Table 1.1) is that the state has refused to collect data on caste-the statutory status ofthe Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scbeduled Tribes (ST) makes them the only exceptions to this rigidly followed rule. This means that data are often presented in terms of socially meaningless 'hold-all' categories like 'Other Castes' which includes everyone not belonging to the SC or ST categories-i.e., not only caste Hindus but also non-Hindus who may or may not have caste identities. Table 1.2 attempts to improve on this by using NSSO data that offer, for the first time in independent India, a reliable nation­ wide estimate of the Other Backward Classes (aBC) population. Moreover, despite the limitations mentioned above, the NSSO data also allows us to get a break -up of the 'Other Castes' by religion. Table 1.2 thus gives us a better sense of the size of the Scheduled Castes relative to other socially meaningful groups. We can see that Dalits are almost as numerous as upper-caste Hindus in rural India, although they are less than half the latter in urban India. In both rural and urban India, Dalits are the third-largest social grouping after the Other Backward Classes and the upper­ caste Hindus.

Table 1.2 Estimated Population Shares of Social Groups By Sector, NSSO 55th Round, 1999-2000

Scheduled Tribe Scheduled Caste OBes Other Castes Break-up by Religion Of 'Other Castes' OC Muslims OC Christian OC Sikh OC Other Religions OC Hindu

1I!tal

Rural

Urban

10.5 20.5 37.6 31.5

3.4 14.4 30.4 51.8

7.5 0.7 1.0 0.2 22.0 100.0

11.4 1.3 1.1 1.1 36.9 100.0

Notes: Sf, SC and OBC categories include members of all religions; the religious groups that form the 'Other Castes' do not include any SCs, SIs or OBes. These are estimates based on a sample survey and will have to be compared with the Census figures once they become available.

INTRODUCTION

39

In terms of regional distribution, Dalits are found in most states, but tbey are largely concentrated in Uttar Pradesh (21 per cent) and Punjab (28 per cent) in tbe notth, West Bengal (24 per cent) in tbe east, Tamil Nadu (19 per cent) and Andbra Pradesh (16 per cent) in tbe soutb, and Rajastban (17 per cent) and Maharashtra ( 1 1 per cent) in western India .' Nearly three-foutths of tbe Dalits live in rural areas, but they tend to be scattered in villages such that there are very few villages where Dalits constitute more tban 15 per cent of tbe population. Poverty

The most obvious evidence of the centuries of discrimination and exploitation suffered by tbe Dalits is to be found in tbeir economic status, which is usually much worse tban tbat of all otber social groups except tbe Scheduled Tribes. Dalits were for long not allowed to hold property, especially land; indeed, tbey were tbemselves propetty in some regions of India . As Table 1.3 shows, in rural India, tbe pro­ portion of population below tbe poverty line (BPL) among Dalits stands at almost 36 per cent, whicb is mucb higber tban tbat for tbe general population, at 27 per cent. In fact, only tbe Scheduled Tribes are worse off tban tbe Dalits because almost 46 per cent of tbem live below tbe poverty line. The contrast witb OBCs and especially tbe Hindu upper castes is quite marked-tbe latter have less tban 12 per cent living below tbe poverty line, whicb is one-tbird tbe figure for Dalits and less tban halftbat for tbe OBCs. In shott, tbe caste hierarchy is reflected in the economic status hierarchy of caste groups in rural India. Table 1. 3 also suggests tbat, in terms of tbeir relative status vis-a -vis other groups, urban Dalits may in fact be worse off than rural Dalits, altbough the rural poor are generally believed to be worse off in absolute terms than the urban poor? There are also significant regional variations in tbe patterns and levels of Dalit poverty, and it has been suggested tbat 'the rural prosperity of Punjab and Haryana

6 These are based on 1991 Census figures for the share of Dalits in the state population. 7 However, since this study is limited to rural India, we do not discuss the urban data at any length.

40

UNTOUCHABILITY IN RURAL INDIA

Table 1.3 Percentage of Population Below Poverty line, by Social Group and Sector, NSSO 55th Round, 1999-2000

Scheduled Tribe Scheduled Caste OBes 'Other Castes' by Religion OC Muslims OC Christian OC Sikh OC Other Religions OC Hindu All Groups

Rural

Urban

45.8 35.9 27.0

35.6 38.3 29.5

26.8 9.6 0.0 16.2 11.7 27.0

34.2 5.4 4.9 2.7 9.9 23.4

Notes: ST, SC and OBC categories include members of all religions; the religious groups that form the 'Other Castes' do not include any SCs, SIs or OBes. Official poverty lines for 1999-2000 were: Rural-Rs 327.56, Urban-Rs 454.11 per person per month.

ftlters down more rapidly to untouchables than does the more urban prosperity of Maharashtra' (Mendelsohn and Vicziany 1998: 35). Table 1. 3 tells us about the class composition of the Dalits and other social groups, but this is only half the story The other half of the story is provided in Table 1.4, which tells us about the social composition of class groups, in this case the population living below the poverty line or the poorest of the poor. A comparison of the two columns of figures for each sector will tell us whether a particu­ lar social group is 'over-represented' or 'under-represented' among the below poverty line population. Once again we see that the caste hierarchy is reproducing itself quite well-all the lower castes are over-represented among the poor, while all the upper-castes (with the exception of the Muslims) are under-represented. Thus, Dalits account for about 27 per cent of all those living below the poverty line in rural India, although they are only about 21 per cent of the rural population. On the other hand, upper-caste Hindus, who con­ stitute as much as 22 per cent of the rural population, account for less than 10 per cent of the population below the poverty line. Among the Dalits, urban Dalits seem to be relatively worse off than rural Dalits since their degree of representation among the poorest is sig­ nificantly greater. It is significant to note that the Scheduled Castes

41

INTRODUCTION

and Scheduled Tribes, OBCs and Muslims together account for about 90 per cent of the BPL population in rural India, and more than 80 per cent of the BPL population of urban India. It could be argued that since Tables 1.3 and 1.4 focus on the poorest of the poor, they do not tell us anything about the rest of the class spectrum. Are Dalits equally unfavourably placed in the middle and top of the income distribution? Table 1. 5 tries to answer this question. It shows the median monthly per capita consumption expenditure (MPCE), i.e., the absolute level ofMPCE that divides the class spec­ trum into two equal halves, one being above and the other below this level. It also shows the 90th percentile of MPCE, i.e., the absolute level of MPCE that has only 10 per cent of the population above it and 90 per cent below it-in other words, the top 10 per cent spend more than this amount per person per month. It is clear from this table that Dalits are worse off all along the class spectrum. As the comparison of the median MPCE shows, only the Scheduled Tribes have a lower figure than the Rs 372 for Dalits in rural India; both these communities are well below the general rural median (for the

Table 1.4 Social Composition of Population Below Poverty line, by Sector, NSSO 55th Round, 1999-2000

&iral Caste/Community Groups Scheduled Tribe Scheduled Caste OBes 'Other Castes' by Religion OC Muslims OC Christian OC Sikh OC Other Religions O C Hindu All Groups

Urban

% Share ofBPL Populatwn

% Share ofRural Populatwn

% Share ofBPL Populatwn

% Share of Urban Populatwn

17.9 27.2 37.6

10.5 20.5 37.6

5.2 23.5 38.4

3.4 14.4 30.4

7.5 0.3 0.0 0.1 9.6 100.0

7.5 0.7 1.0 0.2 22.0 100.0

16.7 0.3 0.2 0.1 15.6 100.0

11.4 1.3 1.1 1.1 36.9 100.0

Notes: Sf, SC and OBC categories include members of all religions; the religious groups that form the 'Other Castes' do not include any SCs, SIs or OBes. These figures were computed by mapping the NSSO proportions on to the population totals for rural and urban India provided by Census 2001.

42

UNTOUCHABILITY IN RURAL INDIA

Table 1.5 Median and 90th Percentile of Monthly Per Capita Consumption Expenditure of Social Groups, by Sector, NSSO 55th Round, 1999-2000

&iral

Urban

Caste/Community Groups

Median MPCE

P90 0f MPCE

Median MPCE

P90 0f MPCE

Scheduled Tribe Scheduled Caste OBes 'Other Castes' by Religion OC Muslims OC Christian OC Sikh OC Other Religions OC Hindu All Groups

Rs 341 Rs 372 Rs 414

Rs 609 Rs 633 Rs 739

Rs 554 Rs 512 Rs 586

Rs 1254 Rs 1001 Rs 1206 Rs 1102 Rs 2290 Rs 2380 Rs 2218 Rs 1873 Rs 1502

Rs Rs Rs Rs Rs Rs

406 636 822 535 515 419

Rs 690

Rs 543

Rs 1314 Rs 1451 Rs 1229

Rs 1171 Rs 1032 Rs 1091

Rs 957 Rs 775

Rs 870 Rs 667

Notes: Sf, SC and OBC categories include members of all religions; the religious groups that form the 'Other Castes' do not include any SCs, STs or OBes.

total rural population) of Rs 419. There is a similar situation with respect to the 90th percentile of the MPCE. The respective figures for Scheduled Tribes and Dalits are much lower than for other groups in rural India. The difference is even more marked in urban India, where the average per capita income (Rs 1,502) is one-third more than the figure for Dalits (Rs 1,001). The specificity ofthe Dalits as a severely disadvantaged social group can be illustrated from yet another angle, that of household occu­ pation. After all, it is not because of some inherent essence in Dalits that they are economically worse off. This state of affairs is the result of systematically distorted and unequal relations among social groups that work through 'normal' institutional mechanisms such as the market to perpetuate poverty. Thus, Dalits are poor because they lack the resources to accumulate wealth and because they tend to be concentrated in low-wage, low-mobility occupations that perpetuate their status. In other words, social segregation gets translated into a sort of occupational segregation. In the past, this segregation was directly enforced by the ruling castes using law and custom. How­ ever, as Table 1.6 shows, ocrupational segregation continues to repro­ duce itselfdespite the legal abolition of caste distinctions in independent India. This table reports the percentage of households in each social

43

INTRODUCTION

Table 1.6 Household Occupations among Social Groups, by Sector, NSSO 55th Round, 1999-2000

Urban

&iral Caste/Community Groups Scheduled Tribe Scheduled Caste OBes 'Other Castes' by Religion OC Muslims OC Christian OC Sikh OC Other Religions OC Hindu

All Groups

Agricultural Labour

Selfnnployed in Casual Agriculture Labour

Regular Wage/Salaried

41.4 51.1 27.7

39.3 19.1 40.4

24.4 28.0 18.1

41.8 39.3 33.5

29.1 27.7 5.1 9.4 15.6 31.1

28.4 26.4 68.9 41.2 52.0 378

14.2 8.4 1.3 0.8 6.0 14.3

29.3 54.0 38.2 24.4 48.9 40.0

Notes: sr, SC and OBC categories include members of all religions; the religious groups that form the 'Other Castes' do not include any SCs, SIs or OBes. Cells show percentage of households from a social group in different occupational categories .

group which falls in different occupational categories 8 The occu­ pational categories considered here have been selected as representing more or less advantageous locations on the class spectrum. Thus, in rural India, a household dependent on the performance of agricultural labour will, other things being equal, find itself in an economically disadvantageous position because it is very low-paying and uncertain employment. Only those households with no other viable option will tend to opt for this work. On the other hand, the category 'self­ employed in agriculture' may be said to roughly correspond to those who either own or have reliable access to land, and are therefore in­ sulated to some degree from the uncertainties of the labour market. While this category can contain a very diverse range of households many of whom may be almost as poor as agricultural labourers, it is still a more desirable economic occupation than the latter. Similarly, in the urban sector, employment that carries a regular wage or salary is surely preferable to employment as casual hbour. Once again, the regulariry of a salary offers some protection, even if the salary itself is very low in absolute terms. 8 Strictly speaking these categories are used to classify 'type of household' by the NSSO surveys . They show the kind of activity that the household is chiefly dependent on for its economic upkeep.

44

UNTOUCHABILITY IN RURAL INDIA

From the above discussion, it is obvious that Dalits in many ways are the most deprived social group. In rural India, more than half of all Dalit households are dependent on agricultural labou� a figure that is far higher than that for any other group. What is not shown in these figures (but is known from other studies-see Patnaik and Dingwaney 1985; Ghanekar-Kajale 1999; Thorat and Deshpande 200 1) is the fact that Dalits are often employed at the most unfavour­ able terms. In several places they get lower wages than non-Dalit labour. They also constitute a large proportion among the 'bonded' labour­ a slave-like form of attachment to a patticular employer often the re­ sult of usurious personal loans. Moreover, Dalits face higher rates of unemployment than other social groups. Conversely, only about 19 per cent of Dalit households are self-employed in agriculture, the lowest figure among all social groups. In the urban sector, the pro­ pottion of Dalit households dependent on casual labour-28 per cent-is double the general average of about 14 per cent. The figure for regular waged employment among urban Dalit households (39 per cent) may look comparable with other groups, but it is because the majority of Dalits are in the lowest segment of this sector. And even in this segment, their presence is largely due to the reservation policies that enable them to seGue employment. For example, it is a well-recognized fact that the vast majority of Dalits employed in the government sector are concentrated in the Class N or lowest grade. The status of Dalits (like that of all other groups) has improved over the years, but they continue to lag behind other groups. Discrimination in education

Beginning with the fact of Dalit poverty, we moved 'upstream' to fmd reasons for it in the lack of resources and occupational patterns of the community. In explaining the occupational pattern, we come across the problem of discrimination in education. Traditionally, Shudras andati-Shudras were denied access to formal education of all kinds, ranging from the ability to read and write to specialized technical training of all kinds. All over the subcontinent there are several legends that illustrate this fact and speak of aspiring Dalit students being discouraged or excluded ftom education purely on grounds of their caste identity The most famous of these legends

INTRODUCTION

45

that of Eklavya 9 Such stories are not just part of legends but also of our recorded social history. In 1856, a Mahar (Dalit) boy from Maharashtra was denied admission to a government schooL With the government's intervention he finally got admission. But that took two years as the British government was reluctant to take a stand on social matters. In 1858, the government announced that: IS

although the Governor-ill-Council does not contemplate the introduc­ tion of low-caste pupils into schools, the expenses of wruch are shared with Government by local contributors and patrons who object to such measure, he reserves to himself the full right of refusing the sup­ port of the government to any partially aided school in which the benefits of education are withheld from any class of person on account of caste or race, and further resolves that all schools maintained at the sole cost of government shall be open to all classes of its without dis­ tinction (quoted in Ghurye 1969: 275).

The Caste Disabilities Removal Act of 1850 and the subsequent establishment of schools with government financial support provided opportunities to aspiring Dalit children for the first time in India. The demand by Dalit students for admission to schools increased but the British administration, under pressure from the upper castes, was not enthusiastic about meeting them. Instances of segregation and denial of admission were many and the state was not always keen to intervene in favour of the Dalits.10 In order to avoid conflict with the dominant castes, the British government opened 'special' government schools for the Dalits in a few places so that they would not come in contact with the non-untouchables. But these attempts artracted upper-caste hostility as they went against the dominant order. For instance, books were snatched from Cherumar boys as they went

9 A gifted student born into a low caste (some versions make him a Bhil tribal), Eklavya wished to learn archery from Dronacharya, the great teacher ofthe Pandavas and Kauravas . Turned away by the master, Eklavya taught himself and soon acquired greater skill than Arjuna, the most proficient archer among the high-born. Fearful that this low-born talent would embarrass the sons of kings, Dronacharya asked Eklavya to cut off his thmnb as guru-dakshina, thereby ending the challenge to Arjuna. 10 As late as 1923, the government issued a resolution that no grants would be paid to any aided educational institution which refused admission to the children of the depressed classes (Ghurye 1969).

46

UNTOUCHABIUTY IN RURAL INDIA

to attend the 'special' schools in Calicut, Kerala. In Kheda district of Gujarat, five or six schools were closed down and as a punishment, 'the crops of the depressed people were burnt' when they attempted to avail of education. Despite this, a handful ofDalit students prevailed through not only primary but also high school, and in rare cases, also higher education. Dr Ambedkar was one ofthese fortunate exceptions, who later launched a campaign for the spread of education among Dalits. He established schools, hostels and libraries, and asked Dalits to 'educate, agitate and organize'. In spite of the changes brought about by such campaigns, the CUf­ rent educational starns of the Dalits remains a source of worry. As the NSSO data shows (Table 1.7), in rural India 70 per cent of Dalit females are illiterate, as are almost half of Dalit males. While illiter­ acy rates among Scheduled Tribes are even worse, and those among Muslims and the OBCs are much better, there is a clear and wide gap between Dalits and upper castes (with the exception of Muslims). In the urban sector, almost half of Dalit females are illiterate, as are one­ third of Dalit males-these are also the highest rates among all social groups. There seems to be a wider gap between Dalits and the general average in urban areas as compared to rural India. Table 1.7 Percentage ofIlliterates among Social Groups, by Gender and Sector, NSSO 55th Round, 1999-2000

Caste/Community Groups Scheduled Tribe Scheduled Caste OBes 'Other Castes' by Religion OC Muslims OC Christian OC Sikh OC Other Religions OC Hindu All Groups

&iral

Urban

Females

Males

Females

Afales

73.3 70.2 63.5

53.3 49.2 41.5

45.4 49.7 40.1

30.0 33.3 24.8

64.4 24.1 38.8 41.4 45.6 61.4

48.7 18.7 30.6 25.4 25.8 41.1

44.0 11.8 17.5 14.7 20.5 34.0

31.5 8.0 11.6 9.5 12.0 21.7

Notes: Sf, SC and OBC categories include members of all religions; the religious groups that form the 'Other Castes' do not include any SCs, STs or OBCs.

It has been noticed that primary school enrolment rates of Dalit children in the 5-14 age group have reached more or less the same as other groups in the respective states or region. But the dropout rate

47

INTRODUCTION

of Dalit students is strikingly higher than that of non-Dalits, due to their poverty and the discrimination thatthey frequently face in school. Out of 100 Dalit students enrolled in class I only four reach class XII. The dropout rate is higher in rural than in urban schools, and for boys than for girls. The main reason for giving up is not a lack of desire for education, it is poverty and the need to contribute to the family income by either working for wages or looking after siblings and freeing other family members to talre up wage work. Distance of the school from their residence, discrimination and negligence on the part of the teachers are also reasons why Dalit children move away from schools. Ifthis is the situation among Dalits with respect to basic education and literacy, how do they fare in higher education? Table 1. 8 makes it clear that Dalits have a long way to go in this sphere as well. This table shows the percentage of group members with a graduate or higher degree ( ofany kind, including professional or technical degrees). In rural India, the general level of education is not very high, so the gap between Dalits and others does not seem to be very wide. Less than half of 1 per cent of rural Dalit females are graduates, while the figure for Dalit males is 1.2 per cent, which is roughly halfthe general average of 2.3 per cent. But the difference is sharper in the urban sector, where there are more graduates. Less than 2 per cent of urban Table 1.8 Percentage of Graduates among Social Groups, by Gender and Sector, NSSO 55th Round, 1999-2000

Caste/Community Groups Scheduled Tribe Scheduled Caste OBes 'Other Castes' by Religion OC Muslims OC Christian OC Sikh OC Other Religions OC Hindu All Groups

Rural

Urban

Females

Males

Females

0.3 0.4 0.6

1.1 1.2 1.8

4.2 1.8 3.3

Males 8.0 3.5 6.3

0.6 4.0 1.5 1.4 1.7 0.8

1.4 4.7 2.1 7.0 4.8 2.3

2.5 19.3 17.3 18.3 13.3 7.2

5.2 20.6 17.8 25.2 19.1 11.1

Notes: Sf, SC and OBC categories include members of all religions; the religious groups that form the 'Other Castes' do not include any SCs, SIs or OBCs. Data include all kinds of graduate and higher degrees, including professional ones.

48

UNTOUCHABILITY IN RURAL INDIA

Dalit females, and only 3.5 per cent of males are graduates; these are once again the lowest figures among all social groups. In fact, urban Scheduled Tribes seem to do much better; the only social group that is faring better than the Dalits is the Muslims. This brief socio-economic profile shows that caste discrimination did not simply cease with the legal abolition of caste. Over half a century has passed since caste distinctions lost their formal character. However, caste has managed to reinvent and reproduce itself in inde­ pendent India such that the fault lines of caste have not been blurred appreciably in the realms of poverty, ocrupation, or education.

STUDYING UNTOUCHABILITY: AIMS AND METHODS The study aims to examine the nature and extent of untouchability in contemporaty rural India through direct, first-hand investigations. Our underlying assumption is that the practice ofuntouchability con­ tinues to lives on, although it has changed, and its forms and content vaty across different spheres of social life and different regions and sub-regions. This study attempts to survey and analyse the phenom­ enon from a Dalit perspective. The study is based on a primary survey of 565 villages in 1 1 major states ofIndia. The survey was conducted over a period of about 18 months in 2001-2002. Though the sur­ vey data constitutes the core of the study, we collected data not only from the sample villages but also from other sources about 'forced' occupation, and the status of Dalit women who face dual oppression both as Dalit and as women. During the fieldwork, we also recorded cases of individual or collective assettion by Dalits of their rights and against discrimination. Similarly, cases of violence against Dalits, by the dominant strata or individuals or the state, were also collected. We find that atrocities and assertion are an intrinsic part of untouch­ ability We have examined this dimension also.

SAMPLE DESIGN The first step in planning the study was the selection of the states to be surveyed. The following states were chosen: Andbra Pradesh, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Kerala from the south; Madbya Pradesh,

INTRODUCTION

49

Maharashtra, and Rajasthan from central and western India; Punjab and Uttar Pradesh from the notth; and Orissa and Bihar from eastern India. Thus the study covers as many as 1 1 of the 17 major states of the country, and a fairly substantial pottion of the country in terms of both area and population. Moreover, the states selected account for about 77 per cent of the total Dalit population of India. The selection ofthese states was not based on any formal statistical criteria but was guided by practical and logistical considerations. The main criterion was the presence of ActionAid regional offices and! or non-governmental organizations (NGOs) working closely with ActionAid in the states. We felt that knowledge about the state and prevailing rural conditions was critical to the successful planning and implementation ofthe survey and ActionAid's activists' and affili­ ated researchers provided a key resource for this purpose. ActionAid's far-reaching presence in India made it possible to concentrate on 1 1 major states that provided a representative spectrum ofthe country It should be mentioned that the state of Gujarat was deliberately excluded because 1.p. Desai had already conducted a similar study on untouchability there in 1971, an exercise that was repeated after 25 years in 1995 by Ghanshyam Shah (2000). In fact, the Gujarat study (see Table 1.9) provided the model on which the present study is based, patticularly in terms of methodology.

Selection of villages The village was the primary unit of analysis for this study. For logistical reasons, we decided to survey approximately 50 villages in each of the 1 1 states chosen for the study, which aggregated 565 villages in the total sample. More than this number could not have been managed within the time and resource constraints set for the study. For the selection of specific villages, a multi -stage stratified sampling design was used. The stages were defined according to administrative units ranging from the village through the taluka, tehsil or mandal to the district and finally to the state. The strata were defined by socio­ historical regions within states at the first stage, and for all subsequent stages by high, medium or low presence of Dalits as a percentage of the total population of the relevant administrative--geographical unit (i.e., district, taluka and village). The 1991 Census figures were used as the base for all calculations.

Table 1.9 Findings of Gujarat Studies

1996 Untouchability in REgard to School Public transport Restrictions on village roads Post office while buying stamps Delivery ofpost Panchayat seating arrangement Temple entry Corrunon source of water Shop entry Giving things and receiving money in savarna shop Tailor giving service Potter selling pots Barber serving Savama and SC workers working on farm Paying wages House entry

Untouchability Obserrcd

Nebulous

1971* Untouchability not Obserrcd

Untouchability Obse't"pcd

69(100) 64(93) 53(77) 47(68) 62(90) 46(67) 16(23) 3(4) 46(67)

1(1) 3(4) 41(59) 1(1) 10(14) 23(33) 57(83) 18(26) 46(67) 35(51) 11(16) 26(38) 48(70)

6(9) 2(3) 1(1)

17(25) 23(33) 10(14) 3(4)

23(33) 38(55) 62(90 )

11(16) 10(14)

32(46) 17(25) 7(10 )

1(1) 3(4) 2(3) 4(6) 18(26) 44(64) 14(20) 14(20)

4(6) 13(19) 2(3) 2(3) 8(12) 4(6) 6(9) 5(7)

14(20) 1(1) 10(14) 39(57)

4(6) 5(7) 5(7)

47(68) 42(61) 31(45) 13(19)

17(25) 20(29) 55( 80)

11(16) 9(13 ) 10(14 )

38(55) 40(58) 4(6)

Source, * I.P Desai (1976), G. Shm (2000). Notes: 1. Figures in parentheses are percentages to the total of 69 sample villages. 2. Villages having no facilities are excluded, hence total nmnber of villages varies.

Nebulous

2(3) 5(7) 2(3)

Untouchability not Obscrrcd 58(84) 65(94) 27(39) 24(35) 49(71) 26(38) 5(7) 2(3) 8(12)

INTRODUCTION

51

In the first stage, the effective unit of reference (or universe) was the state. In each of the 1 1 selected states, historically recognized socio-rultural regions were identified and treated as strata. Since such intra-state regions are known to have developed a distinct regional 'personality' or character based on their political, cultural and economic history, we wanted to capture the interregional variations in the practice of untouchability by treating the regions as strata. The number of such regions/strata varied from six in big states like Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, to four in medium -sized states such as Karnataka, Rajasthan and Bihar, and three in the other states. Each state's quota of 50 sample villages was divided among the region­ strata in proportion to each stratum's share of the Dalit population of the state. For instance, since Bundelkhand in Madhya Pradesh has 22 per cent of the state's Dalit population, we chose seven out of 53 villages (13 per cent) from that region. Wherever necessary, add­ itions were made to the state quota to ensure that each stratum's allocation of sample villages could be a whole number. Table 1 . 10 shows the number of regions in each state and each region's allocation of sample villages. As can be seen from this table, regional allocations varied from a minimum of two (for Uttaranchal, then a part of Uttar Pradesh) to a maximum of 26 (for western Maharashtra). Depending on the size of regional allocations, further stages of the sample selection process outlined below would be taken up. Thus, for a region like Uttaranchal, only one futther stage was in­ volved compared to the two or three futther stages that might be taken up for regions with large sample allocations like that ofwestern Maharashtra. The second-stage reference unit was the intra-state region. The districts in each region were divided into three strata according to high, medium and low share ofDalits in the population. This division was done considering the propottion of Dalit population across the districts in each region. Each region's allocation of sample villages (if large enough) was further allocated among these three strata in pro­ pottion to each stratum's share of the Dalit population of the region. From each of these three strata, one district was randomly chosen, and the stratum's share of sample villages was allocated to this district. The third-stage reference unit was the selected district in each region of each state. The talukas or mandals (sub-district administra­ tive units) in each selected district were once again divided into three strata with high, medium and low incidence ofDalits. As in the second

52

UNTOUCHABILITY IN RURAL INDIA

Table 1.10 States, Regions and Allocation of Sample Villages

State

Intra-state REgions

Andhra Pradesh Total Regions Total Villages

Coastal = =

3 50

Tamil Nadu Total Regions Total Villages

Total Villages

Telangana West

= =

3 50

North South Bangalore

Karnataka Total Regions

Rayalaseema

= =

4 50

Mysore Belgamn Gulbarga

Kerala Total Regions Total Villages

Malanadu = =

3 51

Maharashtra Total Regions Total Villages

Total Villages

Edanadu Western

= =

3 54

Marathwada

4 50

Mewad

Rajasthan Total Regions

Theeranadu

Vidarbha Marwad

= =

Hadauti Shekhavati

Madhya Pradesh Total Regions Total Villages

Ch