Understanding Urbanisation in Northeast India: Issues and Challenges 2019056546, 2019056547, 9780367466190, 9781003032625

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Title
Copyright
Contents
List of figures
List of tables
List of contributors
Preface
Introduction
Part I Urbanisation, institution and economy
1 Frontier urbanism: settlement evolution and transformation along the Kalimpong–Lhasa trans-frontier trade route
2 Urban congestion: an empirical story from Northeast India
3 Urbanisation in India’s Northeastern region: connecting theory with empirical data
4 Smart cities in Northeast India: challenges and opportunities
5 Urbanisation, shift in architectural idiom and environmental impact: a study of the vernacular architecture of Assam
6 Supply-side factors in determining urbanisation in Assam: a district-level analysis
7 Dynamics of urbanisation in Manipur: trends, patterns and policy consideration
8 Urbanisation and social life in an urban setting: a sociological analysis of Shillong
9 Street vending in the urban informal sector: a study in Silchar town in Northeast India
Part II Urbanisation, water resources and solid waste management
10 Efficiency of water pricing: a case study of Guwahati City, India
11 Local institutions, urban water governance and future challenges: a case study of Shillong
12 Some aspects of urban water management in Darjeeling, Himalaya: a study of Darjeeling town
13 Impact of urbanisation on the Himalayan surface water quality: a study of Sikkim
14 Urbanisation and solid waste management: a study of Itanagar municipality area
Index

Citation preview

UNDERSTANDING URBANISATION

IN NORTHEAST INDIA

This volume explores the dynamics of urbanisation in Northeast India. It discusses the impact of the process of urbanisation on the environment, infrastructure and socio-economic conditions of the region. The chapters in the book: •

• •

Examine various challenges and opportunities of urbanisation, such as frontier urbanism, urban congestion, smart cities, vernacular architecture, urban water and waste management, cross-border migration and ethnicity. Draw attention to critical issues that have massively disturbed the urban landscape including deterioration of water quality, seismic activity and air pollution. Give alternatives that could present possible solutions to the problems afflicting this region.

Drawing on case studies rooted in extensive fieldwork, this book will be indispensable to researchers and students of urban studies, human geography, development economics, cultural studies and South Asian studies. It will also be of interest to policy-makers, government representatives and town planners. M. Amarjeet Singh is Professor at the Centre for North East Studies and Policy Research, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India, where he teaches courses on conflict, migration and politics. He has previously worked at the National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bengaluru, India, and the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. Komol Singha is Associate Professor at the Department of Economics, Sikkim University, Gangtok, India, where he teaches development economics. His research broadly covers development economics, institutional economics and the social sector. Prior to this, he was with the Institute for Social and Economic Change, Bengaluru, India.

UNDERSTANDING

URBANISATION IN

NORTHEAST INDIA

Issues and Challenges

Edited by

M. Amarjeet Singh and

Komol Singha

First published 2020

by Routledge

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

and by Routledge

52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2020 selection and editorial matter, M. Amarjeet Singh and Komol Singha; individual chapters, the contributors The right of M. Amarjeet Singh and Komol Singha to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Singh, M Amarjeet, editor. | Singha, Komol, 1972– editor.

Title: Understanding urbanisation in northeast India : issues and challenges /

M Amarjeet Singh, Komol Singha.

Description: 1. | New York : Taylor & Francis Group, 2020. |

Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2019056546 (print) | LCCN 2019056547 (ebook)

Subjects: LCSH: Urbanization—India, Northeastern. | Urbanization—

Social aspects—India, Northeastern. | Urbanization—Economic aspects—India,

Northeastern. | India, Northeastern—Environmental conditions.

Classification: LCC HT384.I42 N6685 2020 (print) | LCC HT384.I42 (ebook) |

DDC 307.760954—dc23

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019056546

LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019056547

ISBN: 978-0-367-46619-0 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-003-03262-5 (ebk)

Typeset in Sabon

by Apex CoVantage, LLC

CONTENTS

vii viii xi xiii

List of figures List of tables List of contributors Preface Introduction

1

M. AMARJEET SINGH AND KOMOL SINGHA

PART I

Urbanisation, institution and economy 1 Frontier urbanism: settlement evolution and transformation along the Kalimpong–Lhasa trans-frontier trade route

9 11

SHRAWAN KUMAR ACHARYA

2 Urban congestion: an empirical story from Northeast India

26

DIBYOJYOTI BHATTACHARJEE

3 Urbanisation in India’s Northeastern region: connecting theory with empirical data

48

SOHEL FIRDOS

4 Smart cities in Northeast India: challenges and opportunities

65

BENJAMIN L. SAITLUANGA

5 Urbanisation, shift in architectural idiom and environmental impact: a study of the vernacular architecture of Assam NABAJIT DEKA

v

78

CONTENTS

6 Supply-side factors in determining urbanisation in Assam: a district-level analysis

91

PRADYUT GUHA

7 Dynamics of urbanisation in Manipur: trends, patterns and policy consideration

109

YUMLEMBAM KHOGEN SINGH

8 Urbanisation and social life in an urban setting: a sociological analysis of Shillong

124

SUROJIT SEN GUPTA

9 Street vending in the urban informal sector: a study in Silchar town in Northeast India

138

SUBHABRATA DUTTA AND AMIT DAS

PART II

Urbanisation, water resources and solid waste management

153

10 Efficiency of water pricing: a case study of Guwahati City, India

155

DEBAYAN HAZRA AND ANAMIKA BARUA

11 Local institutions, urban water governance and future challenges: a case study of Shillong

178

BANKERLANG KHARMYLLIEM AND NGAMJAHAO KIPGEN

12 Some aspects of urban water management in Darjeeling, Himalaya: a study of Darjeeling town

194

SUVECHHA GHATANI AND VIMAL KHAWAS

13 Impact of urbanisation on the Himalayan surface water quality: a study of Sikkim

208

LAKPA DOMA SHERPA

14 Urbanisation and solid waste management: a study of Itanagar municipality area

222

AJIT DEBNATH AND AMITAVA MITRA

237

Index vi

FIGURES

2.1 Confidence bands of regression line in Northeast region 3.1 Economic growth and urbanisation in Northeast region 3.2 Size and percentage of urban population in Northeast

India, 2011 3.3 Area and population of Imphal, 1901–2011 3.4 Area and population of Agartala, 1901–2011 3.5 Area and population of Shillong, 1901–2011 3.6 Area and population of Aizawl, 1901–2011 3.7 Area and population of Gangtok, 1951–2011 3.8 Area and population of Kohima, 1901–2011 3.9 Area and population of Guwahati, 1901–2011 6.1 Urbanisation trends in Assam and India 10.1 A summary of cost and revenue factors of Guwahati’s

public water supply 12.1 Water distribution network of Darjeeling Municipal Town 13.1 Growth trend of urbanisation index and its dimensions,

2010–2015 13.2 Growth trend of urbanisation and water quality index,

Sikkim (2010–2015)

vii

36

53

54

55

56

57

58

58

59

60

97

168

201

214

217

TABLES

1.1 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 3.1 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 6.1 6.2 6.3 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5 7.6 7.7 9.1

Important cities in Northeast India Regression summary and relevant tests for the regression

lines Weights associated with the different indicators of basic

amenities Descriptive statistics of the basic amenity index of the

NER districts Stages of basic amenity in rural area, classified by BAI Classification of the districts of NER based on the BAI

values in the rural areas Percentage of urban main workers by industry, 2011 Socio-economic characteristics of smart cities in

Northeast India Visions and strategies of smart cities in Northeast India Area-based development (ABD) projects of Northeast

smart cities Key Pan-city components of Northeast smart cities Ease of Living Index, Northeast India, 2018 Index of urban growth, 2001–2011 Summary statistics of Cii, 2001–2011 Estimated regression model Urbanisation in Manipur (1951–2011) Decadal growth rates of rural-urban population in

Manipur Urbanisation in Manipur and India (1951–2011) Urbanisation in Manipur vis-à-vis Northeastern states

(1971–2011) Trends in urbanisation, 2001–2011 Proportion of urban population in Manipur, by district Distribution of towns in Manipur, 1991–2011, by district Caste distribution of street vendors, by gender

viii

3

35

37

37

39

40

61

67

68

69

70

72

98

99

100

112

113

114

115

115

116

117

145

TA B L E S

9.2 9.3 9.4 9.5 10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 10.5 10.6 10.7 10.8 10.9 10.10 10.11 10.12 10.13 12.1 12.2 12.3 13.1 13.2 13.3 13.4 13.5 13.6 13.7 14.1 14.2 14.3 14.4

Distribution of marital status of street vendors, by

gender Educational qualifications of street vendors, by age Monthly income of street vendors, by educational

qualifications Vending type and monthly income group of the vendors Number of households having water connections from

various sources Size of households in survey Percentage source of water supply, based on household

size Percentage source of water supply, based on income level Consumers’ satisfaction with water quality Tariff rate for residential use in Guwahati Monthly cost structure of the Zoo Road Scheme A comparison of AC, AVC, and AR WTP based on number of earning members of family Comparison of costs incurred by household and

average WTP Comparison between costs incurred and WTP for

improved services (in Rs./month) Assessing WTP of consumers (in Rs./month) Gendered aspect of willingness to pay (in Rs./month) Location of natural springs within Darjeeling Municipal

Area Calculation of average water demand and supply in the

town Storage and distribution reservoirs in Darjeeling Indicators of urbanisation in Sikkim, 2010–2015 Urbanisation index and its dimensions (2010–2015) Descriptive statistics of water quality parameters,

2010–2015 Water quality index of nine locations of rivers in Sikkim,

2010–2015 Standard water quality rating (in %) Percentage of households having different sources of

water supply Water quality of Ratey Chu, 2007–2015 Trend of urbanisation in Arunachal Pradesh, 1971–2011 Trend of urban population and level of urbanisation

across the districts of Arunachal Pradesh, 1971–2011 Environmental problems faced by respondents (in %) Frequency of clearing the dustbins (percentage)

ix

145

146

146

148

163

164

164

165

165

166

167

169

170

171

171

172

172

199

201

203

213

213

215

215

216

218

219

226

228

230

231

TA B L E S

14.5 14.6 14.7

Willingness to pay for improved waste management services (percentage) Result of logit regression model (dependent variable: willingness to pay) OLS regression result (dependent variable: willingness to pay)

x

231 232 233

CONTRIBUTORS

Acharya, Shrawan Kumar, Professor, Centre for the Study of Regional Development, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India. Barua, Anamika, Associate Professor, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati, Assam, India. Bhattacharjee, Dibyojyoti, Professor, Department of Statistics, Assam Uni­ versity, Silchar, Assam, India. Das, Amit, Assistant Professor, North East Institute of Social Science and Research, Dimapur, Nagaland, India. Debnath, Ajit, Assistant Professor, Department of Economics, Mahapuru­ sha Srimanta Sankaradeva Viswavidyalaya, Nagaon, Assam, India. Deka, Nabajit, Assistant Professor, Government College of Art & Crafts, Guwahati, Assam, India. Dutta, Subhabrata, Professor, Department of Social Work, Assam Univer­ sity, Silchar, Assam, India. Firdos, Sohel, Associate Professor, Department of Geography, Sikkim Uni­ versity, Gangtok, Sikkim, India. Ghatani, Suvechha, Research Scholar, Department of Geography, Sikkim University, Gangtok, Sikkim, India. Guha, Pradyut, Assistant Professor, Department of Economics, Sikkim Uni­ versity, Gangtok, Sikkim, India. Hazra, Debayan, Post-Graduate Student, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati, Assam, India. Kharmylliem, Bankerlang, Guest Faculty, School of Education, NorthEastern Hill University, Shillong, Meghalaya, India.

xi

CONTRIBUTORS

Khawas, Vimal, Associate Professor, Department of Peace and Conflict Studies and Management, Sikkim University, Gangtok, Sikkim, India. Kipgen, Ngamjahao, Associate Professor, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati, Assam, India. Mitra, Amitava, Professor, Department of Economics, Rajiv Gandhi Univer­ sity, Doimukh, Arunachal Pradesh, India. Saitluanga, Benjamin L., Assistant Professor, Department of Geography and Resource Management, Mizoram University, Aizawl, Mizoram, India. Sen Gupta, Surojit, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Maharaja Bir Bikram College, Agartala, Tripura, India. Sherpa, Lakpa Doma, Research Scholar, Department of Economics, Sikkim University, Gangtok, Sikkim, India. Singh, M. Amarjeet, Professor, Centre for North East Studies and Policy Research, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India. Singh, Yumlembam Khogen, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Manipur University, Canchipur, Manipur, India. Singha, Komol, Associate Professor, Department of Economics, Sikkim Uni­ versity, Gangtok, Sikkim, India.

xii

PREFACE

We realised the importance of undertaking a serious academic discourse on the rapidly growing urbanisation in India’s Northeastern Region, because of the fact that this is an area which has been neglected by academics and policy-makers who seem to be preoccupied with the studies of ethnic politics and insurgency movements of the region. As a result, not much has been writ­ ten on the topic, unlike numerous academic discourses made on conflict and ethnic politics which we believe to be over-studied. In order to fill this gap, a two-day long seminar on ‘Urbanisation: Paths and Patterns in India’s North Eastern Region’ was jointly organised by the Department of Economics, Sik­ kim University, Gangtok, and the Centre for North East Studies and Policy Research, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, at the Department of Econom­ ics, Sikkim University, Gangtok on 23–24 November 2018. The seminar was attended by teachers, town planners and students from different parts of the country, who debated and deliberated upon several aspects of urbanisation and urban issues of the region. This was made possible with generous finan­ cial support from the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR), New Delhi. We are, once again, thankful for the ICSSR’s support and will continue to seek financial support in the coming years, as well. For wider dissemination of the outcome of the seminar, we unanimously decided to publish the selected papers as an edited book. At the practical level, we sincerely hope that the book will help in developing a handbook of urban studies and appropriate measures to tackle urban issues in this fragile region. This will also be an important document for providing the policymakers with information that will allow them to implement policies in a more effective manner. All the chapters included in this book present new material based on current research and have been subjected to rigorous internal reading and external refereeing. We hope that this book will be of interest for undergraduate and post­ graduate courses in the disciplines of sociology, economics, geography, development studies and other social sciences. Moreover, we seek to see the book as a handbook on urban studies in Northeast India.

xiii

PREFACE

As we progress towards publication, we once again thank all the con­ tributors for their patience and cooperation. We are indebted to Routledge India, Taylor & Francis Group, particularly to Aakash Chakrabarty for encouraging us to get this book published. M. Amarjeet Singh Komol Singha 5 November 2019

xiv

INTRODUCTION M. Amarjeet Singh and Komol Singha

Urbanisation, in simple terms, is a process by which large numbers of people started living in small areas, shifting occupational patterns from the primary to secondary and tertiary sectors, and which, in turn, permanently formed cities/towns, expanding physical growth of urban centres. It, therefore, is not just an increase in the number of population living in urban areas, but also the change of economic activities. Thus, urbanisation encompasses several important dimensions, including industrialisation, modernisation, techno­ logical advancement, information penetration and cultural diffusion. It is a dynamic process that transforms people’s lives—economically, socially and culturally (Liu et al. 2015). Historically, the economic growth and urbanisa­ tion have emerged after the Industrial Revolution in the West (Pilling 2018, p. 10), and ‘no country has grown to middle income without industrialis­ ing and urbanising. None has grown to high income without vibrant cities. The rush to cities in developing countries seems chaotic, but it is necessary’ (World Bank 2009, p. 24). Thus, urbanisation has a direct bearing on eco­ nomic development and industrialisation (Lollen 2015; Brown et al. 2009; Montagomery 2008; Jenerette and Larsen 2006). The twenty-first century has witnessed rapid urbanisation, economies of agglomeration and rapid transformation of people’s lives—moving from the rural to urban centres (Henderson 2003, p. 275). Nevertheless, the pace of urbanisation is not the same everywhere. It varies from country to country and region to region, because of varied policy measures and socio-economic, geographical and political factors (Liu et al. 2015). On the basis of demographic-spatial aspects, urbanisation in India’s Northeast—comprising of the Indian states of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Meghalaya, Manipur, Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura—as a whole is different from the national pattern. The urbanisation process in the region is not symmetric, but is concentrated mainly in the state capital cities or dis­ trict headquarters. The reason for unfrequented development is quite clear, and this is not surprising, given the topography, geopolitical environment, population density and geographical isolation from the rest of the coun­ try. When we look at the historical background of urbanisation or urban 1

M. AMARJEET SINGH AND KOMOL SINGHA

growth in the region, it was considerably influenced by colonial rule and its imperialistic policies. The advent of the colonial rule in the nineteenth cen­ tury, and the subsequent introduction of tea plantation, coal mining and oil exploration, have significantly facilitated the growth of urban centres in the region. However, those urban centres were minuscule in number if we look in the region as a whole. It was further boosted by post-independence devel­ opment activities and political policies. These included the formation of new states such as Nagaland, Mizoram and Meghalaya; and several autonomous district councils such as the Bodoland Territorial Areas Districts and Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council. These developments have con­ siderably influenced the growth of public administration, which in turn contributed to the growth of cities and towns in the region. However, the region’s economy has suffered due to low levels of manufacturing activities, such that a large majority of the population continues to depend on agricul­ ture and its allied activities. Understanding the region’s fractured economy, successive central governments have taken up several development initia­ tives. These rapid basic infrastructural development activities and urbanisa­ tion led to a large-scale labour migration and manpower movement from outside the region (Singha 2018; Weiner 1978). As reflected previously, most of the major cities in the region happen to be the state capitals or district headquarters with limited industrial activi­ ties. Several cities became capitals and district headquarters recently. About a dozen cities have a population above 1,00,000, and Guwahati, the capital of Assam, is the most populous and biggest city in the region (refer to Table 1.1). In the smaller states, most of the government institutions are also situ­ ated in the capital cities or district headquarters. There are also considerable resentments over the concentration of administration, trade and business activities in capital cities. Several cities fall within the restricted area under the East Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation of 1783, which requires an official permit to visit these cities such as Kohima, Itanagar and Aizawl, even for the Indians. In term of connectivity, other than by road, several capital cities in the region are not connected with other cities either by railway or air (e.g. Kohima, Gangtok). Only two capital cities are connected both by railway and air (e.g. Guwahati and Agartala). A few capital cities, such as Aizawl, Shillong and Imphal, are connected by road and air, while the Itanagar is connected only by railway and road. Very few non-capital cities have both rail and air connectivity (e.g. Silchar, Dibrugarh, Jorhat in Assam and Dima­ pur in Nagaland). Moreover, most of the cities in the region are on the hilltops, barring the major cities of Assam, Tripura and Imphal of Manipur. Poor connectivity is also one of the main reasons for staggering under­ development in the area, despite the government’s concerted efforts to achieve faster development. An utmost effort is made by the government to connect the unconnected state capital cities and other cities of the region by 2

Table 1.1 Important cities in Northeast India Sl. No. City name Main features of the city 1

2 3

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

13

14

Guwahati

Capital of Assam, Gateway to Northeast India and largest commercial and educational centre of the region Dibrugarh District administrative and commercial centre Silchar District administrative and commercial centre, and supply route of Mizoram Tinsukia Commercial town Tezpur Place of cultural and educational importance Jorhat Commercial and administrative centre Imphal Capital of Manipur, administrative and commercial centre Kohima Capital of Nagaland and administrative centre Dimapur Commercial centre Gangtok Capital of Sikkim, administrative and tourist centre Shillong Capital of Meghalaya, administrative and tourist centre Itanagar Capital of Arunachal Pradesh, administrative and tourist centre Agartala Capital of Tripura, administrative and commercial centre, and business link with Bangladesh Aizawl Capital of Mizoram, administrative and commercial centre

Population** Area in State km2*** 957,352

216.79

Assam

139,565

66.14

Assam

229,136

15.75

Assam

126,389 102,505

20.00 17.00

Assam Assam

153,889

54.00

Assam

277,196

35.00

Manipur

99,039

11.00

Nagaland

122,834 100,286

18.13 19.02

Nagaland Sikkim

143,229

10.36

Meghalaya

59,490

200.00

Arunachal Pradesh

400,004

62.02

293,416

129.91

Tripura

Mizoram

** Government of India, 2011 *** Area of municipalities/corporations Source: Compiled from the Census of India 2011 and other official websites of municipalities and corporations of the cities mentioned in this table

M. AMARJEET SINGH AND KOMOL SINGHA

railway and air; this is also one of the important initiatives of urbanisation and economic development. As also supported by the push-pull theory, rural-to-urban migration has been a significant factor in the urbanisation process, and more so evident in the region. Short-distance migration from rural to urban areas, especially the capital cities, is taking place to a great extent within each state in the region. Guwahati has become a favourite destination for people from all parts of the region in terms of employment and long-term settlement. Poor con­ nectivity in the region compelled more and more people to undertake shortdistance migration to urban areas. As a result of this, a large number of government officials—people aspiring for better education, better health and livelihoods—migrated to capital cities or district headquarters. In due course of time, owning a house in these cities became a matter of prestige for many families. If there was good connectivity in this naturally beau­ tiful region, many would prefer to live in their native villages. However, besides economic advantages, cities in the region that have grown in a hushhush manner are now facing a lot of difficulties in managing basic neces­ sities effectively. More and more people are shifting towards urban areas, and this, in turn, leads to more pressure on land and environment. A large portion of rural areas in the region seems to be grossly neglected, leading to widening socio-economic inequalities among the people in the society. Therefore, the unplanned urbanisation is a matter of great concern, and thorough analysis is needed. Besides the rural-urban inequality, the region falls in a high-risk seismic zone, as well. The lopsided expansion of hill cities is a matter of great concern. Rapid unregulated construction on the fragile hill slopes is not free from danger (e.g. earthquake in Sikkim in 2011and landslide in Aizawl in 2018). Rampant construction in Kohima, Aizawl, Shillong and Gangtok has disrupted the fragile ecology of the areas. These cities are prone to landslides. Since the region receives heavy rainfall during the monsoon season, the incessant rain affects houses and road transporta­ tion regularly (mainly in Aizawl, Gangtok, Itanagar and Kohima). Other cities, such as Guwahati, Imphal and Agartala, are affected by flash floods during the rainy season every year, which often snaps road links. Because of these factors, like any other big cities elsewhere, all the cit­ ies in the region face the problems of traffic congestion, acute shortage of parking space, poor public transport and inadequate footpaths. In hill cities, vehicles are parked on the roadsides and there is limited scope for road expansion and diversion. Fortunately, nine cities—Guwahati, Imphal, Agartala, Kohima, Aizawl, Pasighat, Itanagar, Gangtok and Namchi—have been included under the Smart Cities Mission. This initiative must be taken seriously by the local governments as this coincides with the importance accorded to India’s Northeast under the Act East Policy of the country.

4

INTRODUCTION

On the part of the policy perspective, it is understood that good gov­ ernance is an essential component for sustainable development, both on economic and social fronts. Any discussion on good governance is likely to focus on how to bridge the gap between the government and the citi­ zens. Most people depend on the government for different types of essential services in their day-to-day lives. If public service delivery is made effec­ tive, people will have trust and support towards their governments. This, in turn, definitely helps in bringing sustainable development in the region. Of course, the issue of insurgency movement and its impact on the development trajectory may not be ignored. These movements have already pushed the development agenda to the back seat (Singha 2017, p. 700). Most of the development funds have been siphoned off, and the concept of good govern­ ance seems to be eroded. However, the larger issue, in this regard, is to cope with the growing needs of the urban centres. To balance the challenges emerging out of the urbani­ sation in this hilly region requires a thorough analysis. Keeping this urgent need in mind, a two-day seminar on ‘Urbanisation: Paths and Patterns in India’s Northeastern Region’ was jointly organised by the Department of Economics, Sikkim University, and Gangtok and the Centre for North East Studies and Policy Research, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi at the Depart­ ment of Economics, Sikkim University, Gangtok on 23–24 November 2018. The seminar was financially supported by the Indian Council of Social Sci­ ence Research, New Delhi. It was attended by experts and academicians from different parts of the country, including government representatives and town planners, and debated and discussed emerging urban challenges in Northeast India. For further dissemination of the outcome of the semi­ nar, we decided to publish selected papers of the seminar as chapters in a book. The book tries to explore the dynamics of urbanisation in India’s Northeast, especially in the hilly states. How the ever-growing urbanisation affected the environment, infrastructure and public service delivery systems is discussed in the book. At the practical level, the outcome of this book will help in developing appropriate measures to tackle issues arising from the urbanisation of this fragile region and provide policymakers with informa­ tion that will allow them to implement urban policies in a more effective manner. This book will also be useful to the government and for those who are interested in the subjects of development studies, economics, geography, sociology, mountain studies and the environment in general, and the North­ east region in particular.

About the book Fourteen essays making up the chapters of this book deal with the emerging issues of urbanisation in India’s Northeast. These chapters examine various

5

M. AMARJEET SINGH AND KOMOL SINGHA

challenges and opportunities of urbanisation ranging from frontier urban­ ism, urban congestion, smart cities, vernacular architecture, urban water and waste management to ethnicity and urban services. None of the chap­ ters have been published elsewhere. All the chapters have undergone an extensive review process over a period of about eighteen months. The opening chapter by Shrawan Kumar Acharya explores Pedong as an example of frontier urbanism in which geo-strategy, fluid international boundaries and missionary activities have played an important role in the transformation of the area. Interestingly, the chapter maintains that Pedong is urban in terms of population, occupation, lifestyles and built form, but its governance structure is rural in nature, leading to management deficit. The second chapter, by Dibyojyoti Bhattacharjee, observes that several districts of Mizoram and Nagaland are found to have a clear indication of urban congestion where rampant construction is taking place in these geographi­ cally sensitive hilly towns. This unplanned and rapid urbanisation process will have a catastrophic impact in the region. Sohel Firdos starts in Chapter 3 by arguing that the urban experience in Northeast India is considered very divergent and different from urban theories. Hence, for sustainable development in the region, it may need to think of a new model. He examines whether urbanisation is fuelled by eco­ nomic growth in the region. He offers an interesting analysis of temporal and spatial patterns of urbanisation, whether the urbanisation in the region has been driven solely by the capital cities. On the other hand, in Chapter 4, Benjamin L. Saitluanga explores the multiplicity of defining a smart city, and how the cities of this region presented their plans for urban renewal through the Smart Cities Mission. The chapter touches upon the attempts made by the states of this region to become smarter by addressing their needs and leveraging their comparative advantages. The chapter further argues that urban problem arising out of the institutional inefficiencies and geo­ locational obstacles have to be tackled through investment in networks, physical infrastructures and promotion of e-governance. Still, there is a fear that the Smart Cities Mission could enhance economic, social and spatial polarisation within the cities, unless the Mission’s objectives are not satis­ factorily achieved. Another important chapter (Chapter 5) by Nabajit Deka argues that in the changing situation, the modern architecture as built form, material and technique are inexorable in meeting the ever-increasing architectural demands in urban areas. However, there is still scope and necessity of using vernacular architectural wisdom and materials in modern housing and architecture, which will not only help curb adverse environmental impacts, but will also ensure the continuation of traditional culture and protection of ecology. Pradyut Guha’s Chapter 6 seeks to examine the factors responsible for the growth of urbanisation in different districts of Assam, which have 6

INTRODUCTION

attained improvement in infrastructure in terms of composite infrastructure index during the second half of the 2010s. The fixed effect panel regression model estimated that during the reference period, an improvement in health infrastructure and energy consumption has led to de-urbanisation across the districts in Assam, while the growth of urbanisation in the state was complemented by the improvement in educational infrastructure and ware­ housing facilities during the same period. In Chapter 7, Yumlembam Kho­ gen Singh argues that the spatial pattern of urbanisation in Manipur hints towards a mono-centric model of urbanisation with Imphal city attracting more immigrants leading to over-urbanisation in the state. This issue of over-urbanisation, according to the author, can be curbed by developing satellite towns with appropriate resources. Surojit Sen Gupta chooses to study Shillong city in Chapter 8, one of the important cities in the Northeast region. The city has undergone a radi­ cal change from a hill resort to a multifunctional service city. The plural­ ism reflected in this city developed overtime as both the majority and the minority communities value their distinct cultural identity while seeking at the same time economic and political unity. The chapter, however, is con­ cerned about rapidly expanding problems the city faces. Chapter 9, jointly authored by Subhabrata Dutta and Amit Das, explores the importance of street vending in urban centres, which is an important source of livelihood in urban areas. The study looks into the socio-economic life of the street vendors in Silchar city in Assam to explore inadequate governmental initia­ tives to bring welfare for the street vendors. As this occupation seems to be one of the successful and preferred means of livelihood in cities like Silchar, the authors urge for a proper policy to be put in place for the welfare of the street vendors. Debayan Hazra and Anamika Barua focus on the price attached to the piped water supply for private consumption in Guwahati metropolitan city in Chapter 10. They raise a pertinent question of whether water should be appropriately priced or rationed to ensure sustainable use. The chapter tries to understand if water pricing can serve as an alternative to make water accessible to all, in terms of quantity and quality. The study also explores that the supply cost of the water in the city is relatively lower than the rev­ enue, and residents of the city are willing to spend more to get a regular and reliable water supply. Chapter 11, jointly authored by Bankerlang Kharmyl­ liem and Ngamjahao Kipgen, depicts water governance issues in Shillong. They examine the strength and weaknesses of traditional institutions (dor­ bar shnongs) with regards to domestic water distribution in the city. Their study identifies that dorbar shnongs play an important role in augmenting water supply in the city. More so, in Chapter 12, Suvechha Ghatani and Vimal Khawas also look at water scarcity in the urban Darjeeling Hills, where there is a huge imbalance between the demand and supply of water. The study explores multiple challenges confronting the water supply in 7

M. AMARJEET SINGH AND KOMOL SINGHA

Darjeeling. The study listed several institutional drawbacks, including polit­ ical intrusion and lack of public awareness for insufficient water supply and creating a situation of water scarcity in Darjeeling. In the Himalayan state of Sikkim, Lakpa Doma Sherpa argues in Chapter 13 that the urbanisation pattern is imbalanced and concentrated mainly in the capital city, Gangtok. Her chapter maintains that although the river water quality, especially in and around Gangtok, seems to be deteriorating due to rapid urbanisation, people are still getting safe and sufficient drinking water. It indicates that the pressure of urbanisation on the water in Gangtok is still an intolerable limit. Similarly, Ajit Debnath and Amitava Mitra analyse the solid waste manage­ ment issues in the Itanagar municipality area in Chapter 14. An attempt is also made in this chapter to estimate the households’ maximum willingness to pay for improved solid waste management in the city and explores the city authorities’ response to curb the solid waste problem in the city.

References Brown, R. R., Keath, N. and Wong, T. H. F. 2009. ‘Urban water management in cit­ ies: historical, current and future regimes,’ Water Science Technology 59, 847–855. Government of India. 2011. Census of India 2011: provisional population tables. New Delhi: Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India, Ministry of Home Affairs. Henderson, J. V. 2003. ‘Urbanization and economic development,’ Annals of Eco­ nomics and Finance 4, 275–341. Jenerette, G. D. and Larsen, L. 2006. ‘A global perspective on changing sustainable urban water supplies,’ Global and Planet Change 50, 202–211. Liu, T. Y., Su, C. W. and Jiang, X. Z. 2015. ‘Is economic growth improving urbanisa­ tion? A cross-regional study of China,’ Urban Studies 52(10), 1883–1898. Lollen, T. 2015. ‘Urbanization in Arunachal Pradesh,’ in R. K. Mandal (ed.), Devel­ opment of tribal people of North East India issues and challenges. New Delhi: Concept publishing company Pvt. Ltd., pp. 156–167. Montagomery, M. 2008. ‘The urban transformation of the developing world,’ Sci­ ence 31, 761–764. Pilling, D. 2018. The growth delusion: the wealth and well-being of nations. New Delhi: Bloomsbury India. Singha, K. 2017. ‘Understanding ethnicity-based autonomy movements in India’s North-eastern region,’ Nationalities Paper 45(4), 687–706. Singha, K. 2018. ‘Migration, ethnicity-based movements and state’s response: a study of Assam,’ International Studies 55(1), 41–60. Weiner, M. 1978. Sons of the soil: migration and ethnic conflict in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. World Bank. 2009. World development report 2009 – reshaping economic geogra­ phy. Washington, DC: The World Bank.

8

Part I

URBANISATION, INSTITUTION

AND ECONOMY

1

FRONTIER URBANISM Settlement evolution and transformation along the Kalimpong–Lhasa trans-frontier trade route1 Shrawan Kumar Acharya

Introduction Frontier and borderland areas are often ignored in urbanism discourse, assuming they are marginal rural locations, removed from the urban influ­ ences. However, the Census of India in 2011 (Government of India 2011a) indicated that this impression is very simplistic and does not capture the urban reality of frontier areas like the Northeastern states of India. Though a majority of the Northeastern states have urban population lower than the country’s average of 31 percent, states like Mizoram and Manipur have about 51 percent and 31 percent urban population, respectively. Urban pop­ ulation in other sister states ranged from the lowest of 14 percent in Assam to 20 percent in Meghalaya, 23 percent in Arunachal Pradesh, 25 percent in Sikkim, 26 percent in Tripura and 29 percent in Nagaland. Regional varia­ tion indicates that the hill states are more urbanised than the lowland states like Assam. Northeast is also urbanising rapidly with decadal (2001–2011) urban growth rates ranging from 13 percent in Sikkim to 27 percent in Meghalaya. Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh have growth rates higher than the national average of 17 percent. Therefore, the narrative of low urbanisation needs to be revisited. What is of significance in the Northeast is that unlike other parts of India, urbanisation is pre­ dominantly driven by the growth of small and medium towns outside the boundaries of designated large urban local bodies. The built forms, con­ sumption behavior and lifestyles outside the formal boundaries of towns and cities of the Northeast are also more urbane, requiring new perspective to understand the urban transformations in the region. This chapter intends to understand the processes that have determined the nature and pattern of frontier urbanism, along with the contemporary challenges associated with

11

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the rapid transformations along the old Indo-Tibetan trade route located on the Darjeeling-Sikkim border. In absence of robust secondary data, the chapter attempts to understand urban processes in the frontier region through a case-based exploratory study grounded on ethnographic and mul­ tidisciplinary approaches.

Literature and conceptual framework Urbanism as a way of life was first discussed by Louis Wirth (1938), along with the idea of a rural–urban continuum as a cultural construct in under­ standing transforming societies. Though the term was first used in urban sociology, today it is being used more by urban planners and geographers in their quest to understand place making, identity and cultural imaginar­ ies (Barnett 2011). Urbanism has also been used to understand the role of urbanisation in the historical development of human society and the cen­ trality of urban society in human progress (Soja 2000; Jacobs 1969). Based on these theoretical constructs, urbanism in the present chapter is being explored to understand the emergence and place making process in a small urbanising settlement called Pedongin the Darjeeling-Sikkim Himalayas, along with the factors that determine and shape the interaction of the inhab­ itants with the built environment and institutions, and thereby the evolu­ tion of urban communities and construction of their identity (Kong 2000). Many scholars have used the concept of frontier urbanism as representa­ tions of remoteness, conflict and contestation in urban areas (Pullan 2011; Jailley 2005; Kotek 1999). In the present study, the idea of remoteness due to distance from large and dynamic urban centers and peripheral marginal location along the international border has been adopted as against the idea of contestation within a single large metropolis. Many a times, scholars (Denis et al. 2012) have used the idea of subaltern urbanisation to explain the growth of small towns and settlements, while the present study is of the opinion that frontier urbanism cannot be explained by subaltern processes as understood in contemporary literature. In fact, what is subaltern in other areas is the mainstream in case of the Northeast India, and has to be given primacy in development discourse of the region.

Darjeeling-Sikkim urbanisation history Before the arrival of the British, the region was sparsely inhabited, charac­ terised by a subsistence economic space. The modern urban centers emerged only after the British arrival in the 1820s in Darjeeling. The predominant factors that led the British interest in establishing urban settlements in the initial period were driven by various considerations, of which health and strategic location were important. Later the establishment of schools, transfrontier and local trade, infrastructure development, investment in enclave 12

FRONTIER URBANISM

economy like plantations, tourism, missionary activities and administra­ tion drove the growth. As a result, besides Darjeeling, other urban cent­ ers like Kurseong and Kalimpong in the hills and Siliguri in the foothills came into existence. The colonial policy also encouraged and promoted weekly markets locally called ‘hats’ and fairs to promote exchange economy which resulted in the growth of many contemporary urban centers in the region. Even today, all the large urban centers—including Darjeeling and Kalimpong—have weekly market days reminding the importance of tradi­ tional exchange function. The post-independence period saw further con­ solidation of urban process in Darjeeling due to its incorporation into the larger developmental, spatial and functional economy of India despite ces­ sation of trade with China after 1950s. The major factors that have been instrumental in influencing urban processes in Darjeeling especially after the 1980s has been the political unrest and associated changes in the state inter­ vention and governance structure, including the formation of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) and later the Gorkha Territorial Administra­ tion (GTA) which facilitated a degree of autonomy and decentralised devel­ opment decisions affecting settlement growth and evolution. In the early days of colonial expansion, Sikkim, unlike Darjeeling, was untouched, except Gangtok to some extent, because it was only a British protectorate and not a fully incorporated colonial territory. Other smaller settlements in Sikkim clustered along the two major trans-frontier trade routes, Nathu La-Kalimpong and Jelep La/Kalimpong. Urban processes became vigorous only after the incorporation of Sikkim as one of the states of India in 1975, which was followed by large development interventions including infrastructure provision. At present, state economic policy encour­ aging private capital investment in infrastructure, industries and education, along with increased consumerism and changing aspirations of the people, has been instrumental in the emergence of new urban landscapes (Chettri 2017) in Sikkim.

Locating frontier urbanism Pedong, located in the new district of Kalimpong in West Bengal near the Sikkim border along the old Kalimpong-Lhasa trade route, is a combina­ tion of two Tibetan words, ‘Pe’ meaning incense and ‘Dong’ implying tree. Thus, it was a place named after the incense tree2 where Tibetan traders used to halt on their journey across the frontier. As per the revenue records Pedong falls under two land management systems called the Pedong Khas­ mahal and Darjeeling Improvement Fund (DIF) area. Overall adminis­ tration and governance are under the district administration through the Panchayat. The population of the Panchayat in 2011 was recorded around 5,089 with an area of 9.67 square kilometers, of which 0.57 sq. km falls in the Darjeeling Improvement Fund or the old bazaar area (Government 13

S H R AWA N K U M A R A C H A RYA

of India 2011b). The reality, however, is much different at ground level. The area extent of the settlement stretches over 3 kilometers along the Kalimpong-Rishi road, with a width varying from 0.5–1 kilometers. If the adjoining military station is included as an outgrowth, the built form and building footprint expands and the settlement further acquires sprawling built up urban character. An approximate calculation of the change in the building footprint using Google Earth images indicates a net increase of 0.2184 sq. km, from 0.1155 to 0.3339 sq. km, between 2006 and 2017. The contemporary built form and housing is urban in appearance, welldesigned and serviced ranging from single to multi-story buildings. Over the years, a majority of the population has shifted to non-farm activities, mostly service sector, trade and construction, as indicated by the fact that the share of other workers was as high as 98 percent in the Darjeeling Improvement Fund and 56 percent in the Khasmahal area, as per the 2011 census. It is interesting to note that the consumption behavior and lifestyle of the residents resemble other bigger centers like Gangtok or Kalimpong. All these transformations have been slowly evolving for more than a hun­ dred years of recorded history with the arrival of the Catholic missionaries in 1882.

Politics of location and evolution of the place The emergence of Pedong as a frontier settlement was determined by the geopolitical situation of that time along the borders of British India, Sikkim, Tibet and Bhutan, and the territorial politics of missionaries, the Catholics and the Protestants, in the late 18th century. Pedong as an important center began with the arrival of the Roman Catholic Priests of the Missions Etran­ geres de Paris (MEP) as a part of the South Tibet Mission (1880–1937) in 1882. The place existed before their arrival, but only as a small village of around 200 Bhutia people, a temporary halting station along the transfrontier trade route and holding weekly market for local exchange. It was part of the ‘British Bootan’ and a res nullius under nobody’s ecclesiastical control (Raignoux 2016). During that time, the hills were being territori­ alised based on the Christian denominations and their access to colonial power. Catholics were allowed to settle in Pedong because of their res nul­ lius status because other areas like Kalimpong were already under the Prot­ estant Christians. Previous experience in Tibet of the Catholic priests also favored their settlement because they served the British strategic interest, as guides and priests, during various missions passing through Pedong. For all these services, the Catholics were given 2 acres of land by the British administration for Church-related activities in Pedong, which expanded later through purchase and donations from the locals. Besides the British strategic interest, the locational choice of Pedong was also determined by the fact that Tibet and Sikkim were not under the jurisdiction of the British 14

FRONTIER URBANISM

and they prohibited missionary activity in their territory. Therefore, the mis­ sionaries had no choice but to opt for Pedong. Later, the shifting interna­ tional boundaries and their status along India, Tibet, Sikkim and China significantly contributed in the evolution of the settlement, by determining the flow of trade, people, administrative and military functions. The settlement of the Catholic missionaries determined the future tra­ jectory including the physical morphology and socio-economic character of the place. The early missionary activity led to the provisioning of basic social infrastructure like the presbytery, school, orphanage, church and hospitals, all modern amenities unheard of in the region, upon which the foundation of contemporary urbanism rested. These services and ameni­ ties provided initial growth momentum and diversification of the economy. Other subsequent growth impulses that shaped the settlement included the 1888–1889 and 1903–1904 British expeditions to Tibet, lying of telegraph during the expedition, opening of the area for settlement of non-indigenous groups in 1890, establishment of Catholic sub-centers in and around the Central Parish of Pedong, establishment of a hospital in 1898, the flight of 13th Dalai Lama from Tibet in 1910 through Pedong, establishment of Cooperative Bank in 1919 and middle school in 1909 and girls school in 1922, both merged and elevated as a single high school called the St. George in 1952. The independence of the country in 1947 brought the settlement under larger administrative jurisdiction and functional economy, however, at the same time the cessation of trade due to border hostility with the Chinese in the 1950s had adverse economic impact on the settlement. SinoIndian conflict of 1962 enhanced the provision of infrastructure like roads and brought the army camp in the vicinity, militarising the spatial character of the place. The incorporation of Sikkim as one of the Indian states in 1975 further affected the place due to spill over effect and strengthening of economic linkages between the border settlements of Kalimpong district of West Bengal and East district of Sikkim. Post-independence development intervention through the District Magistrate, the Block and Panchayati Raj institutions in the 1960s and 1970s were also significant. The Gorkhaland movement of the 1980s, 2010 and 2017, and the formation of Darjeel­ ing Gorkha Hill Council and later the Gorkha Territorial Administration (GTA), played important roles through development interventions and establishment of other higher level functions including banks, colleges and administrative services. Decentralisation also led to higher investment in the local road network, enhancing connectivity with surrounding villages. Today, the place has emerged as a central place for the surrounding catch­ ment region. Digital connectivity and the emergence of rural tourism in the early 2000s have further broken the isolation and globalised the settlement to provide a new narrative in frontier urbanism. Each of these events has determined the demography, form, function and culture of Pedong. These are like palimpsest providing insights into the making of a place, which is 15

S H R AWA N K U M A R A C H A RYA

officially recognised as rural but is urban in physical form, economic dyna­ mism, culture, lifestyles, spirit and aspirations of the people.

Frontier economy and place making The Darjeeling-Sikkim trade route to Tibet was half the other route from Nepal leading to substantial savings for the British (Jha 1985; Pradhan 1991), justifying its economic and political significance. The trade followed two routes. One route followed Phari Dzong in Tibet and entered India through Jelep La and finally to Kalimplong through Pedong and Algarah. The other route was from Nathu La, Gangtok, Rangpo and Kalimpong. The Tibetans preferred the Jelep La/Pedong route. As per the Darjeeling District Records of 1886, Pedong was first listed as trade registration center in 1875, along with Rangit and Labha, and in 1907 of the eight important frontier trade registration centers, Pedong catered to Tibet and Bhutan trade (O’Malley 1907). The total trade transactions, import and export, through this frontier was around 1,45,91,512 rupees in 1916–1917, which was only 7,72,945 in 1885–1886 (Acharya 1999). Every day until 1951, around 200–300 mules used to cross Pedong (Census of India 1961) especially in the months from November to April, bringing horses, mules, sheep, wool and salt to Kalimpong and taking clothes, tobacco leaves and other manu­ factured goods to Tibet. Such a volume of transactions created considerable number of livelihood opportunities for the local people during the annual trading months. Since trade was a major factor in the growth of settlements one can imagine the impact due to its closure in the 1950s after the Indo– Chinese border disputes. Cessation adversely affected the diversification of the local economy and the old regional economic linkages. However, one advantage of war with China was the construction of motorable road which established new regional connectivity pattern, leading to the emergence of Pedong as a local market hub facilitating transactions of goods and services with other settlements like Algaraha, Kalimpong, Siliguri and Rhenock. As a result, despite the cessation of trade, Pedong’s economy continued to evolve and diversify especially after 1980s due to various development inter­ ventions and emerging local economic opportunities. The Panchayat Raj movement started in the 1970s can be considered as historic in bringing development intervention in infrastructure and services facilitating local economic transformation. The village extension initiatives also revived the agro-economy of the area. In the 1970s and 1980s, after the cessation of trans-frontier trade, agriculture and local trade was the pre­ dominant economic function. Pedong was a leading weekly market center or hat for produce like ginger, cardamom, oranges, potato and yeast locally known as marcha. However, at present due to increasing cost, farming has significantly decreased drastically, affecting scale and diversity of the weekly markets. Improved accessibility and linkages to other markets has expanded 16

FRONTIER URBANISM

the spatial economic base and reduced the relevance and dependence on the local hat. People have more opportunities to move and transact with other centers in the proximity. In fact, higher number of hat days and larger foot­ falls in the same location reflect the insular character of subsistence-based societies, with over-dependence on a few centers for market transactions. Pedong seems to have broken the geographical and economic insularity as a result of new urban economic processes. In the context of the decreasing farm sector, outmigration and remit­ tances contribute significantly to Pedong’s economy. Traditional out­ migration was mainly in the armed forces, including the police. However, over time, the nature of migration and the source of remittances have diver­ sified and undergone substantial change. Today, more educated youths migrate to cities for diverse service employment including information tech­ nology and hospitality. The remittances from these services have fueled the local economy, including consumption of goods, services and accelerated asset formations like housing. During the early days of the missionaries, the school was an important strategy to bring the natives under state control (Pradhan 2017). However, the colonial taming educational function has today expanded and diversi­ fied to emerge as the most important economic base providing a compara­ tive locational advantage to Pedong in the region. Pedong now has four high schools and a college, besides primary and play schools, with student catch­ ment from far-off places like Nepal, Bhutan and other Indian provinces. The demand for educational services has substantially increased, facilitating eco­ nomic diversification and a multiplier effect. New education-related services include hostels, rental accommodation, paying guests and ancillary services like bookshops, eateries, etc. Schools have also enhanced employment opportunities as teachers and support staff for the locals. Substantial nonfarm informal activities through celebration of public cultural events like annual days, sports days and national days like Republic and Independence Days is also generated. Besides economic benefit, the social capital gener­ ated by the schools has been one of the most significant factors in enhancing the identity of the place. In the whole frontier region under consideration, Pedong is known as an education hub due to the work of missionaries in establishing the anchor school, known far and wide as the St. George, more than a hundred years back. In the last two decades, Pedong has also emerged as a major rural tour­ ism hub, leading to substantial diversification and increase in the number of people engaged in the hospitality sector as cooks, waiters, housekeepers, drivers, helpers and travel operators. Most tourist enterprises are family businesses, home stays, with all household members contributing in running the enterprise. Some of the important tourist spots along the corridor are Echhey Bustee, Ram Dhura village, Sillery Gaon and Pedong village. Other homestay locations include Rishi Khola, Phadmchin, Jaluk and Nathu La. 17

S H R AWA N K U M A R A C H A RYA

All these clusters in close proximity generate considerable agglomeration economies conducive for urban processes affecting built form, livelihood diversification and consumption patterns. However, negative externalities like haphazard development, waste disposal, traffic congestion and other forms of environmental degradation have also become a major habitat concern. The growth in the educational sector and diversification into tourism has been complemented by the emergence of Pedong as a service and transit center with expansion of new functions like banks, post offices, internet connectivity, etc. Pedong has a State Bank of India location, along with an automated teller machine and two co-operative rural banks, indicating increasing financial transactions. There are also private legal service provid­ ers, which is significant, given the increasing demand for advisory services. These are activities which are typical urban functions. Creation of new dis­ trict and location of district court in Kalimpong may further necessitate such activities in subsidiary centers like Pedong. The concentration of these services, and its strategic location along the Sikkim-Darjeeling border con­ necting major towns like Kalimpong, Gangtok and Siliguri, has led to its emergence as a transit hub. In the absence of public transport, these pas­ senger vehicles are not only the primary form of local mobility, but also the major source of non-farm employment for the youth, including the educated. Besides tourism and transport employment, other non-farm informal or casual activities have also increased in the area due to remittances and sub­ sequent increases in household consumption and asset formation including house construction. Interestingly, asset formation has not absorbed local youth but induced in-migration of communities from the plains to take up the job as construction, carpentry, waste collection, repair and servic­ ing activities including auto garages, etc. Unlike tourism, the locals abhor indulging in such construction activities despite better earnings, which reflects their cultural preferences and biases. In a resource-constrained local economy, however, out-station migration induces new forms of conflicts and contestations, especially during times when identity politics and agitations are frequent. The local economic impulses have been often disrupted by frequent agita­ tions leading to closure of markets, government offices and other economic transactions. Development activities have been forestalled and the emerging tourism sector affected. Agriculture and floriculture have perished because the produce could not be marketed. Frequent agitations have also disrupted the social capital, especially the trust between the neighbors, ethnic groups, shopkeepers and their customers. However, despite all these disruptions, the settlement has continued to grow, may be at a slower pace, and diversify, reflecting the emerging urban dynamism of the place and resilience of the community. 18

FRONTIER URBANISM

Frontier urban morphology, built form and illegalities The transforming economy has considerable influence on the built form and morphology of the place. The original morphology and built form of Pedong was determined by the centrality of the trade road and the parish with the church, orphanage, schools and the cemetery. Traditional built form was characterised by simple vernacular designs and use of locally available mate­ rials like bamboo, wood, stone and mud. The building style and design became more elegant and formalised with the construction and expansion of the parish. The Catholic priest brought modern construction practices and architecturally aesthetic buildings like the church, school and the resi­ dences, designed by European—mostly French and Swiss—architects. The sense of design and aesthetics witnessed today in local house styles, very urbane, have roots in the early missionary construction and design history. The parish also reflected contestations of built form styles and dominance between Catholic denominations of different nationalities as reflected in the demolitions and replacement of the old French church in 1970 by a new one under the influence of Swiss missionaries, reflecting multiple dynamics and politics in place making process in Pedong. Outside the parish area, the changing geo-political context, changing boundaries and development intervention determined the morphology and built form. Expansion of trade in the 1930s, 1940s and early 1950s made Pedong the hub of the trade caravan, and local exchange in goods and ser­ vice led to its evolution as a small market with two weekly hat days on Mondays and Thursdays. The central part of the Bazar was the hat, which not only acted as a market space but as a public space for local interaction, public meetings, movie screenings and religious and other cultural activities. However, the 1962 war completely stopped trans-frontier trade and related activities, leading to economic stagnation and even temporary decline of the settlement. The functional relevance of many of the urban spaces and buildings associated with trade became irrelevant. After the Indo-Chinese war, army cantonment became a major addition and important factor in determining the direction of physical growth of the settlement. The army also expanded and built roads facilitating better accessibility and connec­ tivity with other regional settlements. These roads determine the direction, growth and expansion of settlement and determine the urban form in the region. The centrality of Pedong induced private capital investment in housing through remittance and availability of loans. At present, land and housing markets have become dynamic but speculative. Traditional low-rise, singlestory houses are being replaced by multi-story housing, sometimes up to four floors. Such housing typology also explains the disconnect between the actual populations in the 2011 Census, which appears to be much less, as 19

S H R AWA N K U M A R A C H A RYA

compared to that of the density of the built form. Since most of the land was bought for individual housing, the plot size varied and no rules were fol­ lowed in allotment, resulting in unplanned orientation, poor environmental quality and nonexistent centralised amenities like water supply, sewerage systems, etc. Not getting permission, and not following the existing building by-laws is the dominant praxis in the area. As per the regulation, Darjeeling Improvement Fund and Panchayat are the responsible authorities for build­ ing permissions in their respective jurisdiction. Section 23 of the Panchayat Act permits building construction based on prior submission of estimates, plans and other relevant documents. However, despite the provision, the extent of illegalities in building construction can be observed from the fact that the Panchayat approved only six and five legal housing construction projects in 2016–2017 and 2017–2018, respectively, which given the actual extent of construction appears to be an underestimate. The total collec­ tion from the house construction permission fees, 500–600 rupees per house depending on the size, was only in the range of 3,000–4,000 rupees in the same year. Lack of proper documentation of land information, unclear title status and poor governance has further encouraged such illegal transactions and conflicts. In the emerging speculative consumption culture the dhuppi tree in the Bazar, which was Pedong’s soul and identity, has lost its sacredness and significance. The tree as a living symbolic entity and memory has been com­ pletely subsumed and destroyed by the frantic construction of new buildings and the mobile towers in the vicinity. Ill-conceived urban modernity has subdued the aesthetics, visual beauty and significance of the place. The con­ temporary built form characterised by ugly concretisation of the settlement reflects breakdown of institutions. Existing rules and regulations are being violated through corrupt means, subterfuge and collusion, taking advan­ tage of the confusion and uncertainty created by the breakdown of institu­ tions and regulatory bodies during the statehood agitation. The increasing building footprints in the recent days due to tourist infrastructure like the hotels, home stay and small resorts have further aggravated the situation. It has brought in a new sense of aesthetics through architecturally designed buildings, however, at the cost of the environment, legalities and memory of Pedong.

Frontier urban community and spatial contestations The major communities living in Pedong today are the Lepchas, Bhutias, Nepalis and the plains people engaged in trade, small business and gov­ ernment service. As highlighted before, the evolutionary history of the set­ tlement has facilitated the emergence of certain degree of syncretic and multicultural tradition among the diverse communities, which is becoming

20

FRONTIER URBANISM

stressed in recent times. Subterranean differences, real or perceived, exist and over time, and it is getting compounded due to politicisation and increasing competition for resources and opportunities. The Gorkhaland movement has increased the identity politics among different communities and the recent state initiative of forming development boards on the basis of communities has further politicised the differences. It is also interesting to note that in the last two decades, especially from the late 1980s, every caste, dialect and ethnic groups in Pedong has resurrected their associa­ tions. The principle purpose of these associations has been to work for the interest and welfare of their community, along with the overall development of the place. However, in the context of increasing population, shrinking resources, unemployment, raising aspirations and assertiveness among the youth, such associations have widened the differences and disrupted social capital needed for addressing challenges emerging from rapid and haphaz­ ard physical growth. The spatialisation of conflict is reflected in the case concerning the con­ struction of a new temple at the base of the dhuppi tree. The new construc­ tion indicates two major types of contestation: (a) one among the plains and the hills Hindu community, mainly reflecting the differences in cultural practices, increasing numerical and financial assertion and domination of one group; and (b) between the Hindus and the Christians. It is interesting to note that despite internal conflicts between the hills and plains Hindus, their interest converge regarding their opposition to the Christians. One of the arguments given by the Hindus from the Bazar committee for restricting the use of the space by the Christians was the perceived contamination of the Hindu sacred space and their proselytising and preaching activities. The Hindus see the restriction on the use of the space by Christians as a reclaim­ ing and re-establishing the sacredness of space. In fact, it is a case of territo­ rialisation and appropriation of space. This basically emanates from the fear among the Hindu population in the area based on the perceived narrative of aggressive Christianity and their increasing number. This narrative com­ pletely ignores the contribution of the Christian missionaries in the growth and development of the place, and it is despite the fact that most people still send their children to the oldest and well-known Catholic school, St. George in Pedong. These contestations certainly reflect the changing local conditions rooted in its growth, diversification and increasing uncertainty and complexity as a place influenced also to some extent by the religiondominated political discourse at the national level. Interestingly, the Hindu/ Christian binary avoids the important question of legality concerning the construction of the new temple at the site and governance challenges of the rapidly emerging urban community in the frontier. As the settlement grows, such conflicts are bound to increase further unless contested and addressed through proper institutional mechanism.

21

S H R AWA N K U M A R A C H A RYA

Governing transformations The existing governance structure involves the Panchayat and the Darjeel­ ing Improvement Fund. Panchayat is a decentralised local government and development institution and covers both the Khasmahal and Bazar areas. The Darjeeling Development Fund is the land management mechanism insti­ tuted by the British in the Bazar area. The land management system involves lease of land use rights for a stipulated period against payment of fixed amount of rent. However, the institution has considerably weakened over time, and at present, the governance framework is not clear with overlap­ ping functions and jurisdictions with the Panchayat. The formation of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council and the Gorkha Territorial Administration has further constrained and limited the power of the Panchayat and Dar­ jeeling Improvement Fund. In fact, the acts governing the two institutional forms, Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council and Panchayat, do not complement each other. The non-election of Panchayat members since 2004 has also reduced the effective representation of the people in the local body. Because of the governance deficit, the local councilors of the Gorkha Territorial Administration and the Panchayat administrative staff control and govern the local body. Besides the civilian area, the army brigade is an exclusive zone having its own management structure. The army and civil governance structures are distinct with limited interaction and convergence. St. George School and the Church compound can also be considered as a small and exclusive enclave managed by the Pedong Parish, though they fall under the jurisdiction of the Panchayat. Lack of centralised governance structure has created inefficiencies in managing the rapidly transforming frontier set­ tlement. Though Pedong already has all the features of an urban area, it is still treated as rural. This is a major governance deficit needing resolution.

Institutional innovations Despite the governance deficit, it is interesting to note that over time, new social and institutional structures have evolved, indicating the maturity and resilience of the frontier communities, to address issues arising out of rapid transformations. A number of important functional and community social institutions—like Pedong Youth Club, Water Users Association, the Taxi Drivers’ Association, Hat Association, Bazar Committee, Pedong Beautifi­ cation Committee, Monastery and Temple Committee and Roadside Resi­ dential Grievance Redressal Committee—addressing diverse community function have evolved in Pedong. Most of the initiatives are post-1990s and youth initiatives. It also reflects the institutionalisation of social capi­ tal. Despite the resurrection of caste, community-based organisations and development boards, these functional organisations have emerged and tran­ scended the divisions fostering and revitalising much-needed social capital. 22

FRONTIER URBANISM

These institutions fill the civic and public space due to failure of political institutions and governance deficit; therefore, understanding and supporting such initiatives is important. One of the major contradictions observed in Pedong is that despite emerg­ ing communitarian concern, social capital, social innovation ability, high literacy and exposure, the populace is subservient to the local politicians, who have increasingly become powerful and corrupt, taking advantage of the governance deficit. People have become immune to the corrupt prac­ tices amidst failing governance mechanism. Political fatalism seems to be the order of the day. At times due to volatile political atmosphere, people are afraid to raise voices because of the possibility of political vendettas. At times, it appears that the community has been co-opted and is part of the problem, benefiting from corrupt system leading to loss of legitimacy and moral authority to raise voices against illegalities. Division across caste, ethnicity and political lines also appear to undermine ability of the com­ munity to question corruption. Pedong therefore indicates interplay and co-existence of contradictory processes of community concern and social apathy in its transformations, truly reflecting the uncertainty of its position as a transitory frontier urban settlement.

Conclusion The following frontier urbanism processes and features become evident in discussing Pedong as a case. Geo-strategy, fluid international boundaries and missionary history play important roles in the location, evolution and transformation of the place. The initial decision of the missionaries to estab­ lish a school was important in the development of Pedong as an educational hub, which today has also emerged as the economic base of the settlement. Despite the cessation of trans-frontier trade, the place has sustained and grown due to various development interventions of the state and emerg­ ing non-farm activities. Emerging spatial networks due to improvement in mobility infrastructure and digital connectivity has further enhanced the status of the settlement as a central place. Post-1990s, the place is growing due to migration of people from other areas, leading to high demand for land. As a result of high demand, land is increasingly getting monetised and speculative, leading to illegalities and adversely affecting the built form and the living environment. At present, the place is urban in character in terms of populations size, occupation, lifestyles and built form, but the governance structure is rural leading to management deficit. Local gov­ ernance institutions like the Darjeeling Improvement Fund and Panchayat have weakened due to political and administrative uncertainties. Identity politics are becoming important, and urban conflicts are getting spatialised. However, despite the absence of an effective governance system, one of the most interesting aspects of the settlement evolution in Pedong is the growth 23

S H R AWA N K U M A R A C H A RYA

of innovative secular community-based institutions to address settlement level problems like water, waste, etc. At the same time, a degree of apa­ thy is also apparent, as witnessed in terms of increasing spatial illegalities and acceptance of corrupt practices as normal lived experience among the people. Co-existence of contradictory processes truly reflects the ongoing transformations, uncertainty and transient nature of the small urban settle­ ment in the frontier. In order to ensure sustainable growth and development, governance deficit—arising out of conflicting and overlapping provisions of Darjeeling Improvement Fund and Panchayat—needs to be addressed. Pedong should be recognised as urban and constituting Nagar Panchayats/ Palikas as per the provision of the 74th Amendment Act or a notified area status, as in the case of Mirik, a tourist town in Darjeeling, for efficient governance and management needs urgent consideration. Accordingly, such a status will also facilitate revenue generation for management of the center. Since small non-statutory urban areas are important characteristics of fron­ tier urbanism, it is important for state governments and the Census office to regularly document and collect proper information about such centers. In absence of such information, it becomes difficult to plan and manage such centers, which incidentally are the driving force behind frontier urbanism.

Notes 1 The chapter is based on CAS Research Grant, Centre for the Study of Regional Development, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, 2018. 2 Also locally called ‘dhuppi’, a pine species.

References Acharya, S. K. 1999. The process of spatial organisation in hill areas: a case study of Darjeeling and Sikkim Himalayas. Unpublished PhD Thesis, CSRD, SSS, JNU, New Delhi. Barnett, J. 2011. ‘A short guide to 60 of the newest urbanisms,’ Planning 77, 19–21. Census of India. 1961. Upper Pedong, village survey monograph. Calcutta: Census Office. Chettri, M. 2017. ‘Chunthang: an emerging urban landscape in Sikkim,’ IIAS News­ letter 77, Summer, 36–37. Denis, E., Makhopadhyay, P. and Zerah, M.-H. 2012. ‘Subaltern urbanization in India,’ Economic and Political Weekly XLVII (30). Government of India. 2011a. Provisional population total: urban agglomerations and cities. New Delhi: Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India, Ministry of Home Affairs. Government of India. 2011b. Provisional population totals paper 2 of 2011: West Bengal. New Delhi: Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India, Ministry of Home Affairs. Jacobs, J. 1969. The economy of cities. New York: Random House.

24

FRONTIER URBANISM

Jailly, E. 2005. ‘Theorizing borders: an interdisciplinary perspective,’ Geopolitics 10, 633–649. Jha, P. K. 1985. History of Sikkim. Calcutta: O.P.S. Publisher. Kong, L. 2000. ‘Value conflicts, identity construction and urban change,’ in G. Bridge and S. Watson (eds.), The city. Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 26–34. Kotek, J. 1999. ‘Divided cities in the European cultural context,’ Progress in Plan­ ning 52, 227–237. O’Malley, L.S.S. 1907. Bengal district gazetteers, Darjeeling. Calcutta: Bengal Sec­ retariat Book Depot. Pradhan, K. 1991. The Gorkha conquest. Calcutta: Oxford. Pradhan, Q. 2017. Empire in the hills. New Delhi: Oxford. Pullan, W. 2011. ‘Urbanism: the periphery at the centre of contested city,’ Journal of Architecture 16(1), 15–35. Raignoux, R. 2016. The south Tibet mission (1880–1937), foreign missions society of Paris. Kalimpong: Mani Printing Press. Soja, E. D. 2000. ‘Putting cities first: remapping the origins of urbanism,’ in G. Bridge and S. Watson (eds.), The city. Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 26–34. Wirth, L. 1938. ‘Urbanism as a way of life,’ The American Journal of Sociology 44(1), 1–24.

25

2

URBAN CONGESTION

An empirical story from Northeast India

Dibyojyoti Bhattacharjee

Introduction India is a land of diversity. Such diversity is found not only in its demogra­ phy, but also evident in its topography and regional uniqueness. The North­ east region of India comprises eight states, viz. Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura, and has been described as the most diverse, complex and resourceful region of the country (Agarwal 1997). The region is a small land-locked place, yet it has a tremendous display of diversity. The region is surrounded by several coun­ tries from all sides and is attached to the mainland of India through a weak geographical connection. The social mosaic differs from the rest of India in several aspects. Certain basic issues of the society, like weather, economy, food habits, language, customs and culture in this region, differ largely than the mainland of India. Its geographical isolation has definitely restricted the advances in infrastructural development compared to the rest of the coun­ try (Kumar 2004). The population density varies across the region, ranging from a relatively high in Assam with 397 person per sq. km and as low as Arunachal Pradesh with 17 person per sq. km, as per the 2011 census (GoI 2018). This speaks a lot of the internal variation of population distribution within the region. The population structure is highly varied, and there are significant deviations in the distributional aspects of demographic compo­ nents even within the districts. Thus, the trend and pattern of urbanisation is also expected to differ in a significant manner compared to the rest of the country. The extent of urban area is much less in the Northeast region com­ pared to other states in India. As per the 2011 census, while the rest of India has 3.43 percent of urban area out of the total land area, this region has only 1.67 percent. But, the general visuals of the urban agglomeration in the region give a feeling of enormous tendency of population to cling to urban area. Rapid urbanisation has taken place in India after independence. To keep pace with rapid industrialisation, most cities in India have grown, but 26

URBAN CONGESTION

in a disorganised and unplanned manner (Jaysawal and Saha 2014; Agar­ wal et al. 2007). Such ‘disorganised and unplanned growth’ might be more dangerous in the hilly terrains than on the plains. However, the visuals of such dangerous growth of buildings in the hilly terrain of urban areas of the Northeast region might be because of the better visibility in the hills than in the plains areas. Two important works which are collections of host of articles on urbani­ sation in the region are that of the Ganguly (1995) and Datta Ray et al. (1999). The texts speak of the variation in the geographical mosaic of the Northeast region with the story of urbanisation with relevant data from different official records, but empirical studies to find out whether there is higher urban concentration in the region compared to other parts of India was never taken up. Here, by urban concentration, the chapter refers to the proportion of urban population to the proportion of urban land area in a given geographical closed boundary. The need for such a study takes us to the solution of several research queries, which are necessary for planning and development. The Northeast region, which has suddenly gained the focus of the Indian government, can take such studies as pathfinder for plan­ ning and development of both rural and urban areas.

Concept and purpose of the study Urbanisation is quantified either through level of urbanisation or through the rate of urbanisation. In a given geographical area, the level of urban­ isation measures the number of people residing in an urban area to the total population in that geographical area, and is measured based on crosssectional data. Again, rate of urbanisation is the average rate of change of size of urban population over a given period. Longitudinal data is necessary for its computation. Another useful measure of urbanisation that is lesser in use is the urban concentration. Different measures commonly used for urban concentration are Hirschman-Herfindahl index of concentration, the Pareto coefficient and the urban primacy. The concept of urban primacy advocated by Ades and Glaeser (1995) includes factors like impact of trade and commerce, expendi­ ture of transportation to cities, location of manufacturing industries, govern­ ment policies, etc. Though the model for urban primacy was well developed and applied for analysing the cases of London and Buenos Aires, the model requires an extended data. The Hirschman-Herfindahl index, which is a common measure of market concentration (used to determine market com­ petitiveness), can be extended to measure urban concentration (Bertinelli and Strobl 2007). Among the several theories explaining the population dynamics and growth in cities, the Pareto distribution is most popular. Pareto distribution, which was initially proposed by Auerbach (1913) and later refined by several others, of which the most remarkable is that of Zipf 27

D I B Y O J Y O T I B H AT TA C H A R J E E

(1935), called Zipf’s law, which was successfully used to fit city size data. If x is the population size and y is the number of cities with population greater than x, then for the constants A, α and σ, the Pareto’s law is given by: �x� y � A� � �� �

��

The ‘α’ parameter, which is termed as Pareto coefficient, and the scale a (xr which represents cities with parameter ‘σ’, are used to define a factor ; larger size than x (Vallabados and Arumugam 2016). Urban concentration is measured as a share of urban population to total population, and measured in terms of percentage (Aboukorin 2011). Urban concentration is defined as the percentage of population living in big cities of a country to the total pop­ ulation in the country (Henderson 2003; Ke and Feser 2010; Sekkat 2017). However, all these works did not define big cities of a country consistently. While Henderson (2003) considered only the largest city in the country as a big city, Ke and Feser (2010) used capitals of provinces/countries as big cities. Sekkat (2017), on the other hand, defined big cities in a country as those cities which have a share of population larger than a certain threshold. Berry (1965) and Subramanian (1971) have adequately discussed several such concentration measures. However, most of these measures, explained by the authors, have limited application when one wants to apply the same formula for the nation, states and districts in the Indian context because of data requirements. But the existing literature on urban concentration is not looking at the issue in the way in which the current researcher is planning. Given the topography of the Northeast region of India and its diversity, when we look through the lens of cross-sectional—as well as longitudinal—studies, the region might have a different story to tell about the urban concentration vis-à-vis rest of the country. Most urban agglomerations in the region have grown up in a small area in which lots of unplanned and unwanted con­ struction have taken place in edges of the hills, defying all ecological and constructional norms. Thus, the need to redefine a measure of urban con­ centration is felt. The determination of the threshold value is discussed in the appropriate section of the chapter. With urban congestion, problems of over-crowding, slum dwelling, population pressure, drainage, sewage dis­ posal, water scarcity, power supply, public health, sanitation, education and medical facilities are experienced acutely. Hence, identification of the dis­ tricts with urban congestion shall be of help to urban planners. The available literature also hints at the differences in the Northeast region is different demographic aspects with that of the rest of the coun­ try. So, in terms of urban concentration, too, the expectation is that the 28

URBAN CONGESTION

Northeast region might have a different setup than the rest of India. The discussion takes us to raise a few research questions: • • •

Does the extent of urban concentration in the Northeast region of India differ significantly from that of the rest of India? Which districts in the Northeast region are facing acute problem of urban concentration i.e. urban congestion? What might be the reason of urban congestions in the districts of the region?

With the understanding of the presented research problem, this chapter tries to achieve the following objectives: 1 To draw a comparison between the urban concentrations of the North­ east region with the rest of India, based on appropriate cross-sectional data, and identify the districts located in this region with higher level of urban concentration than others. 2 To analyse the rural area of the districts of the region in terms of avail­ ability of basic amenities and to identify the pull and/or push factor that is responsible for urban congestion.

Identification of districts having urban congestion The researcher defines a simple linear regression model with the percent­ age of urban population to total population (as dependent variable) to the percentage of urban area to total area (as the independent variable) in that geographical area, in this case a district. Fortunately, data for this measured up to the district level is available in the Indian Census records for most of the districts. The regression model shall be fitted taking district level data of the dependent variable and the independent variable. For a given district, higher value of dependent variable (than the aggregate) for the given value of the independent variable indicates that more people are staying in the urban area of the district than the average. When the value (dependent vari­ able) crosses certain threshold, the researcher calls it urban congestion. The process of determining the threshold value shall be on the aggregate drawn over all districts, and shall be determined in an objective manner. To compare the pattern of urban concentration of the districts of the Northeast region with the districts of the rest of India, we need data for the percentage of urban population to total population and the percentage of urban area to total area of each of the Indian districts. The ‘Districts of India’ web portals maintained by the government of India’s National Infor­ matics Centre (NIC) provide comprehensive, accurate and reliable infor­ mation about the different districts of India. From this portal information about district urban population and urban area, as per 2011 census, are 29

D I B Y O J Y O T I B H AT TA C H A R J E E

obtained and are converted into percentage of total area and population respectively. Unfortunately, neither the said website nor the district level handbook reports of the Indian census provides information about areawise classification (rural/urban) of Arunachal Pradesh. Thus, the state can­ not be accommodated in the study for lack of appropriate data. The source of data is drawn from the Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, Government of India (GoI 2018). The census web­ site provides the District Level Census Handbook in which detailed demo­ graphic and socio-economic information is provided about each district in separate handbooks maintained by Directorate of Census Operations. From the district level census handbooks, ten variables are identified that can be considered as basic amenities for reasonable quality of life. Fortunately, data uniformity exists across the districts, and the District Level Census Handbooks provide information about the percentage of rural population who are covered under the basic amenities like education, medical facili­ ties, drinking water, post office, telephones, transport and communication, banking, agricultural credit societies, approach by pukka road and power supply. The data under all these ten parameters are available in percent­ age and are of positive dimension. Accordingly, the values are additive in nature. Thus, the figures of the percentage of rural population enjoying the ten amenities in a given district can be rolled into an index. The value of the index shall give an aggregate picture of the availability of basic amenities in the rural area of that district. The higher the value of the index, the better is the facility available in the rural area of that district.

Comparing the urban concentration of Northeast India with the rest of India In a country like India, where towns have grown in their own ways without much urban planning, it is obvious that there shall be urban congestion and so the proportion of urban population shall always dominate the pro­ portion of urban area. However, the pattern may vary across geographical regions. The Northeast region has a different geographical terrain, as it is mostly covered with hills, mountains and dense forest compared to the rest of India, and accordingly, higher urban concentration is expected. Previous studies (Singh 1999; Dikshit and Dikshit 2014; Khawas 2005) indicated that urbanisation and urban concentration of the region differed in numer­ ous ways from the rest of India. The chapter tries to investigate the nature of urban concentration in India with the help of simple linear regression. In the regression, percentages of urban population to total population in the districts is taken as the dependent variable and percentage of urban area to total area in the districts is the independent variable. Based on data on the percentage of urban population to total population and the percentage of urban area to total area in the different districts, two regression lines can be 30

URBAN CONGESTION

fitted. One regression line is for the districts of the Northeast region (NER) and the other for rest of India (ROI). The equations would be of the form: U ij

i

i

Aij

(1)

ij

Where, j(= 1, 2, . . . ,ni) indicates the district and i = 1 (NER), 2 (ROI). The value of αi indicates the expected percentage of urban population in a district in the ith region (NER/rest of India) when the percentage of urban area in the district is negligible. The value of βi indicates the increase in the percentage of urban population (on an average) in a district in the ith region (NER/ROI) following 1 percent increase in the urban area. Dupont and Plummer (1998) defined statistical test of significance to compare the slope and intercept of two regression lines.

Identification of the NER districts with higher urban concentration In case the NER districts behaves differently from the ROI districts, it is necessary to identify the districts which are having a statistically higher per­ centage of urban population for a given percentage of urban area, i.e. the districts having urban congestion. Drawing appropriate statistical bands around the fitted regression line can provide us with an objective method for the said purpose. The band would act as a guard line and help detect the points that differ significantly from their expected values. The band also eliminates any chance of manipulation of the scales along the y-axis, which may make a point look closer or far away from the hypothetical straight line. The equation used to determine the bands are provided in Appendix 2.1. So, the scatter plot of (A1j, U1j), along with the fitted line and the cor­ responding bands, shall introduce us to those districts of NER with urban congestion. These districts of NER can be viewed as those which are suffer­ ing from uneven and higher levels of urban concentration.

Basic amenity index (BAI) for rural area of a district Initially, the districts in the Northeast region having higher levels of urban concentration are identified. Then we try to identify the reasons for such high levels of urban concentration in those districts. With the increase in economic activities in the urban areas, people generally have a tendency to move towards the urban area from the nearby rural areas in search of jobs and better quality of life. This is popularly called by demographers the pull factor. Also, poor infrastructural facilities in the rural areas, in terms of basic amenities of living, force the rural folks to shift towards the nearby urban regions: the push factor. Sridhar et al. (2013) considered the case of migration to Indian cities by the application of the Probit regression model. 31

D I B Y O J Y O T I B H AT TA C H A R J E E

They identified that ‘pull factor’ (migration towards urban area due to its perceived benefits) in some cases and the ‘push factor’ (out of rural area due to its poor quality of life) in other cases are more evident to the different socioeconomic and demographic groups, though, in their cases, either of them becomes dominant reason, but in some cases both are equally respon­ sible for urban migration from rural areas (Kamble 1983). In this section, a methodology is proposed to aggregate the basic amenities available in the rural areas of the different districts of Northeast region. The basic amenity index shall help us to understand if the higher urban concentration in the district can be attributed to poor facilities in the rural areas of that district. Based on the availability of data related to basic amenities in the rural area of the different districts, ten different facilities (may be called as indicators) are identified. Notation of the basic amenity index construction depends on clarification of variables and subscript. Let xij represent the percentage of people enjoying the ith facility in the jth district, where i = 1, 2 . . . 10 and j = 1, 2 . . . 70 as we are considering 70 districts from the seven different states of NER. Let max(xi.) denote the highest percentage coverage in the ith facility (i = 1, 2 . . . 10) among the 70 districts of NER and min(xi.) represent the lowest percentage coverage in the ith facility (i = 1, 2 . . . 10) among the 70 districts of NER. The amenity indicator (AI) for the ith facility in the jth district is given by: AI ij =

xij - min( xi.) (2)

max( xi.) - min( xi.)

This is called as normalisation. The value of AIij (for a fixed value of i) var­ ies from 0–1, where the value of 0 implies that the given district is most deprived in comparison to the best district of the NER in the ith facility. The value 1 implies that the given district is the best district of the NER in the ith facility. To construct the basic amenity index for the districts, one must recognise the fact that all the indicators are not equally important. Thus, a simple average of the indicator values should be avoided in the index construction. Morris and Liser (1977) advocated the use of weighted average when devel­ oping the Physical Quality of Life Index (PQLI). Another important con­ tributor to this issue is Iyengar and Sudarshan (1982), who assumed that the weights vary inversely as the variation in the respective variable. Based on the current literature, the weighted index of amenity (basic amenity index) for the jth district is given by: 10

BAI j = W1 x AI1j + W2 x AI + ... + W10 x AI10 j, with L Wi = 1 2j i =1

32

(3)

URBAN CONGESTION

Wi represents the weight associated with the ith basic amenity (i = 1, 2 . . . 10). The weights of the index are determined using the Iyengar and Sudarshan (1982) method the details of which are provided in Appendix 2.2. The choice of the weights in this manner would ensure that large variation in any one of the indicators would not unduly dominate the contribution of the rest of the indicators and distort the inter district comparisons (Iyengar and Sudarshan 1982). The value of the basic amenity index can indicate the aggregate status of the rural area of a district for all the ten facilities taken together. Again, based on the calibration of Iyengar and Sudarshan (1982), a score near 0 indicates very low level of basic amenities in aggregate in that district, and a value near 1 is an indication of very high level of basic ameni­ ties in aggregate in that district. Such an index supports comparison among the districts of a state or of a region—in our case, the Northeast region.

Distribution of the basic amenity index (BAI) To support the probabilistic inference, distribution of the composite index should be examined to facilitate classification of the districts on the basis of the extent of deprivation/development (Navaneetham and Saxena 1999). Iyengar and Sudarshan (1982) assumed in their study that their development index followed the Beta distribution. Vidwan (1983) empirically showed a better classification using a normal distribution. Hence, the assumed dis­ tribution played a crucial role in obtaining the empirical outcomes (Nava­ neetham and Saxena 1999). For testing the hypothetical distribution of the basic amenity index, one needs to choose an appropriate test of goodness of fit. As BAIj ∈ [0, 1], the values of the index are essentially continuous in nature. The Kolmogorov Smirnov (K-S) test statistic for one sample could be applied in this case, as the index values are continuous in nature. Different authors have proven that the K-S statistic is more appropriate for continuous data compared to the chi-square test of goodness of fit (Keeping 1962; Pal 1998). Thus, the K-S test is used to verify the appropriate distribution to which the BAI values fit. The detail of the K-S test is provided in Appendix 2.3. After deciding about the probability distribution of BAIj it is important to find two real numbers c, d ∈ [0, 1] to divide the BAI with three linear intervals—namely [0, c], [c, d] and [d,1]with the same probability weight of 33.33%, i.e.: P[0: BAI j : c] = 0.3333

(4)

P[0 : BAI j : d] = 0.6666

(5)

and

33

D I B Y O J Y O T I B H AT TA C H A R J E E

Thus, P[c ≤ BAIj ≤ d] = 0.3333 using, equations (4) and (5) given above. The values of c and d are the 33rd and the 66th percentiles respectively, of the values of BAI. The pth percentile is that value of the variate (in this case, the BAI value) up to which p percent of the districts lie. For more details, one can read in Bhattacharjee and Wang (2011). These intervals shall be used to categorise the jth district in terms of aggre­ gate rural basic amenities as follows: 1 2 3

Low level of basic amenity in rural area (Low) if 0 ≤ BAIj ≤ c Moderate level of basic amenity in rural area (Moderate) if c ≤ BAIj ≤ d High level of basic amenity in rural area (High) if d ≤ BAIj ≤ 1

Identifying the reasons of higher urban concentration On identifying the NER districts with higher urban concentration using the methodology discussed previously, the next step is to identify the reasons which might have led to such urban concentrations. The concentration in the capital cities of Northeastern states is somewhat obvious. The capital cit­ ies of Northeastern states (like any other state capitals) have more economic activities, more government, semi-government and private offices, better business and job opportunities and promise of higher quality of life. Thus, we can assume a tremendous pull factor that such cities offer, and the shift­ ing of population to such cities may be from all different parts of the state. Interestingly, each of the states of the region has its own language, culture and customs. So, inter-state migration within the region is not a common feature. Towns other than capital cities of the region that have high urban concen­ tration may be complemented by either: (a) rural areas of the districts having low level of basic amenities; or (b) moderate/high level of basic amenities. In case high urban concentration is accompanied by (a), then we assume that it is the push factor which has led to the urban concentration. But if high urban concentration is accompanied by (b), then we can assume that in such districts, it is the pull factor which is responsible, as there is a tendency of the rural population to move toward the urban area even though the villages of the district have high or moderate level of basic amenities. Kamble (1982) opines that people normally will try to migrate, other things being equal, to nearer places rather than to far-off places. Thus, the possibility of rural population moving from one district to a town of another district (unless it is the capital of the state) seems less probable.

Analysis and results On collecting necessary data, we run the two linear regressions between per­ centage of urban population to total population in the district (dependent 34

URBAN CONGESTION

variable) and percentage of urban area to total area of the district (independ­ ent variable), both for Northeast region and the rest of India. The results are summarised in Table 2.1. The regression summary takes us to the following results. There is a strong linear relation between the percentage of urban area to total area and percentage of urban population to total population at district level both in the NER and in the ROI. When the percentage of urban area in any dis­ trict is very negligible, more than 12 percent of the population in aggregate concentrates in urban locations; however, for the rest of India, it is close to 20 percent. But, if the percentage of urban area increases by 1 percent, then the percentage of urban population in NER increases by 3.4 percent, on an aggregate. This percentage is, however, less than 1 percent for the ROI. The statistical tests for comparing the intercepts and slopes of the regression lines reject both the null hypotheses. It indicates that the nature of distribu­ tion of percentage of urban population and the percentage of urban area in the districts of NER and rest of India differ significantly. This takes us to the conclusion that the pattern of urban concentration in the districts of NER is different from that of ROI. Noting that with increase in urban area the increase in urban population is more rapid in NER compared to ROI, we now concentrate on the rel­ evant data of the NER districts and attempt to find out the districts which are having a statistically higher percentage of urban population for a given

Table 2.1 Regression summary and relevant tests for the regression lines Northeast region Independent variable Dependent variable Number of pairs Value of R2 p-value of ANOVA Value of αi Value of βi Result of H10: α1 = α2 Result of H20: β1 = β2 Conclusion

Rest of India

Percentage of urban area in Percentage of urban area in each district each district Percentage of urban Percentage of urban population in each population in each district district 70 553 0.5447 0.5948 0.00 0.00 12.4872 19.8403 3.3851 0.9877 Value of the test statistic is 2.588 and the corresponding p-value is 0.0098 (< 0.05), indicating that the intercepts differ significantly at 5 percent level Value of the test statistic is 3.997 and the corresponding p-value is 0.00007 (< 0.05), indicating that the slopes differ significantly at the 5 percent level The pattern of urban concentration in the NER districts differ significantly from the ROI districts

Source: Based on data obtained from www.districts.nic.in (accessed on 12 August 2019)

35

D I B Y O J Y O T I B H AT TA C H A R J E E

percentage of urban area. Following the methodology discussed previously, we attain by plotting a 95 percent confidence band across the regression line for the NER. The details can be viewed in Figure 2.1. From Figure 2.1, we find that there are 16 NER districts that have urban congestion statistically. The districts that are having urban congestion are labeled in the graph. They are East district of Sikkim, Dima Hasao dis­ trict of Assam, Imphal East district of Manipur and East Khasi Hills of Meghalaya. In case of Mizoram, there are as many as seven districts; they are Lawngtlai, Lunglei, Champhai, Saiha, Serchhip, Aizawl and Kolasib. In Nagaland, urban congestion is noted in the following districts: Kiphire, Wokha, Mokokchung, Kohima and Dimapur. It may be view here that most of the districts that have high urban concentration are from Mizoram and Nagaland. Assam has a total of 27 districts, of which only one district has urban congestion. Our next attempt is to quantify an aggregate related to the availabil­ ity of the basic amenities available in the rural areas of the NER districts. Using the methods discussed previously, this has been done. The weights corresponding to the different indicators are computed using the process

Dimapur

Serchhip

Kohima East Khasi Hills Sikkim East

Aizawl

Kolasib

Saiha Imphal Imphal East Champhai

95% confidence band Districts of NER

Lunglei Dima Mokokchung Mokokchung Hasao Wokha Kiphire Lawngtlai

Percentage of urban area 1

Figure 2.1 Confidence bands of regression line in Northeast region Source: Author’s own sketch using the website www.districts.nic.in (accessed on 12 August 2019) and District Census Handbook 2011 (GoI 2018)

36

URBAN CONGESTION

discussed in Appendix 2.2. The weights are provided in Table 2.2, and the detailed raw data on basic amenities in the rural areas of the district can be obtained from District Census Hand Books of the Census of India. After obtaining the weights, the basic amenity index (BAI) for all the NER districts are obtained using equation (3). The BAI for the best and the worst districts for each of the states can be seen in Table 2.3. The table also shows the averages and standard deviations of the BAI of the districts for each of the NER states. While the mean gives an aggregate condition of the state in terms of availability of basic amenities in the rural area, the stand­ ard deviation shall give a picture of the dispersion in distribution of basic

Table 2.2 Weights associated with the different indicators of basic amenities Indicator Education

Medical Drinking water

Post office

Telephone

Weights 0.1438 0.0803 0.1127 0.0871 0.0805 Indicator Transport and Banking Agricultural Pukka road Power supply communication credit societies Weights 0.0737 0.1540 0.1024 0.0861 0.0795 Source: Computed from District Census Hand Book, 2011 (GoI 2018)

Table 2.3 Descriptive statistics of the basic amenity index of the NER districts No. of districts

Assam

Mean

Stdev

27

0.5670

0.0936

Manipur

9

0.5419

0.1597

Meghalaya

7

0.4399

0.0886

Mizoram

8

0.5062

0.1192

Nagaland

11

0.5034

0.0635

Sikkim

4

0.7215

0.0318

Tripura

4

0.6691

0.0296

70

0.5488

0.1191

NER

Districts with basic amenities in rural area Best

Worst

Nalbari (0.6726) Bishnupur (0.8121) Jaintia Hills (0.5650) Aizwal (0.6697) Kohima (0.6091) West Sikkim (0.7522) South Tripura (0.7061) Bishnupur (0.8121)

Karbi Anglong (0.3146) Chandel (0.2745) South Garo Hills (0.2824) Lawngtlai (0.3375) Longleng (0.4102) South Sikkim (0.6712) Dhalai (0.6341) Chandel (0.2745)

Source: Computed from District Census Hand Book, 2011 (GoI 2018)

37

D I B Y O J Y O T I B H AT TA C H A R J E E

amenities in the rural areas across the states. Computations cannot be done for Arunachal Pradesh for lack of data. It may be noted from column 3 of Table 2.3 that among the states of NER, the best basic amenities in the rural area is in Sikkim (0.7215), followed by Tripura (0.6691), and Meghalaya (0.4399) is the worst. The dispersion in the values of BAI across the districts are most in case of Manipur with stand­ ard deviation value of 0.1597 and most uniform in case of Tripura (0.0296). It is interesting to note that both the best district (Bishnupur) and the worst district (Chandel) in terms of availability of basic amenities in rural area, in the entire NER, is from Manipur. This explains why Manipur has the high­ est standard deviation for its district BAI values. It also implies that there is uneven distribution of the basic amenities in the rural areas of Manipur. Next, assuming that the values of BAI are random numbers and can be considered as to have been drawn from a probability distribution, one can proceed to fit an appropriate distribution to the values of BAI obtained against the different districts of NER. Following Vidwan (1983), we tried to fit it to a normal distribution. The mean and variance of the distribution are estimated from the data using the corresponding maximum likelihood estimators. A Kolmogorov-Smirnov (K-S) test was performed to test the null hypothesis that the BAI values follows normal distribution with mean 0.5488 and variance 0.1199, both of which are estimated. The Z value of the K-S test statistic was found to be 0.845, with corresponding p-value of 0.459 indicating that the values of BAI are normally distributed. Based on (4), on knowing the distributional form we try to compute the value of ‘c’, such that: c

P[0 : BAI j : c] = 0.3333 = f 0

1

exp [ 2i x 0.1199 [

( BAI - 0.5488 ) ] 0.1199 ] 2

d (BAI ) = 0.3333 Which implies c = 0.4972 (using the standard normal table). Similarly, (5) leads to: d

P[0 : BAI j : d ] = 0.6666 = f 0

[ ( BAI - 0.5488 ) 2 ] exp 0.1199 2i x 0.1199 1

d (BAI ) = 0.6666 Which implies, d = 0.6005 (using the standard normal table). The values of c and d thus obtained are needed to classify the BAIj values into the follow­ ing three stages of basic amenities in rural area (Table 2.4). 38

URBAN CONGESTION

Table 2.4 Stages of basic amenity in rural area, classified by BAI Level of basic amenities in rural area

Values of BAIj

Low Moderate High

Less than 0.4972 Between 0.4972 but less than 0.6005 0.6005 or higher

Source: Author’s estimation from the sources mentioned previously

Through a comparison between the values of BAI and the classification criteria in Table 2.4, the different districts of NER can be categorised into the different levels of availability of basic amenities in the rural areas, and are placed in Table 2.5. From Table 2.5, it can be seen that all the districts of Sikkim and Tripura are having very high level of basic facilities in the rural area. Assam has the largest number of districts, and most of its districts are at the moderate level, and Meghalaya has no districts with high level of basic amenities. Now, we pick up the districts of NER which are having higher concentra­ tions in the urban area (cf. Figure 2.1) and check the level of availability of basic amenities in the rural areas of those districts (cf. Table 2.5). The only district of Assam that is showing urban congestion is Dima Hasao, which simultaneously has a low level of basic amenities in the rural area, but Dima Hasao district is an autonomous district council and enjoys autonomy in several administrative matters. Thus, the headquarters of the district, which is Haflong, in a number of ways is different from other district headquarters and in several ways is similar to a state capital. Thus, the push factor from the rural areas and the pull factor of Haflong have jointly contributed to the said urban congestion. Imphal East in Manipur, East Khasi hills of Meghalaya and the East Dis­ trict of Sikkim are the only districts of the respective states that are suffering from urban congestion. All these districts host their respective state capi­ tals, viz. Imphal, Shillong and Gangtok. Concentration in the capital cities is pretty obvious because of severe economic and administrative activities. Tripura has no district with urban congestion. Mizoram has a completely different story compared to any other North­ eastern states where, except for one district, other districts show urban con­ gestion. The push factor due to poor basic infrastructure in the rural areas of the districts does not hold well here; the pull factor seems to be more evident. The districts with both low and high BAI have urban congestion. In Mizoram, more than half of its population resides in the 23 urban centers of the state, and it is the fifth most urbanised state of India in terms of percent­ age of urban population (Singh 2017). Generally, states with hilly mountain­ ous terrain, dense forest, higher proportion of tribal population and lack of connectivity to metropolitan cities are least urbanised (Ramachandran 39

D I B Y O J Y O T I B H AT TA C H A R J E E

Table 2.5 Classification of the districts of NER based on the BAI values in the rural areas State

Stages of basic amenities available

Name of the districts

Assam

Low

Chirang, Dhemaji, Dima Hasao, Karbi Anglong Baksa, Bongaigaon, Dibrugarh, Goalpara, Golaghat, Kamrup_ metro, Karimganj, Kokrajhar, Lakhimpur, Sonitpur, Tinsukia, Udalguri Cachar, Barpeta, Darrang, Dhubri, Hailakandi Jorhat, Kamrup, Morigaon, Nagaon, Nalbari, Sivasagar Chandel, Churachandpur, Tamenglong Imphal East, Senapati, Ukhrul Bishnupur, Imphal West, Thoubal East Garo Hills, Ribhoi, South Garo Hills, West Garo Hills, West Khasi Hills East Khasi Hills, Jaintia Hills Kolashib, Lawngtlai, Lunglei, Mamit, Saiha Aizwal, Champai, Serchhip Kiphire, Longleng, Mon, Peren, Tuensang, Zunheboto Dimapur, Phek, Wokha Kohima, Mokokchung East, West, North, South Dhalai, North Tripura, South Tripura, West Tripura

Moderate

High

Manipur

Low

Meghalaya

Moderate High Low

Mizoram

Moderate High Low

Nagaland

Moderate High Low

Sikkim Tripura

Moderate High Low Moderate High Low Moderate High

Source: Author’s own classification based on the sources mentioned previously

1989), but Mizoram stood alone against all these charges and reports a higher proportion of urban population. However, the higher proportion of urban population was attained at the cost of urban congestion. Thus, all the towns of Mizoram suffer from population pressure—the boundaries of the urban areas are getting pushed and people are settling down in precarious 40

URBAN CONGESTION

slopes adjoining the town. Such human settlements are vulnerable, and the land use trends are against basic ecological principles. Nagaland’s story is even different from that of Mizoram. Pressure of pop­ ulation in urban areas is noted only in five of the 11 districts. Kiphire district is a newly formed district of the state with international boundary with Myanmar. The district suffers from poor connectivity, and has hilly terrains which make life difficult. With a low level of BAI values, the push factor becomes obvious for a higher proportion of urban population. Kohima is the capital city of Nagaland, Dimapur is the main commercial center and Mokokchung is industrially most progressive district of Nagaland. Dimapur is well connected by road, rail and air. Thus, the urban pull dominates in the three districts over rural push. The Wokha district does not have the best of rural facilities. Even the towns have very poor road connectivity with the state capital or with Assam, making life difficult in the district. People con­ centrate around the urban areas, probably for a better quality of life, but the actual reason is not evident from this empirical exercise.

Discussion and conclusion Studies of this type pose before the reader the population pressure expe­ rienced by the urban areas and the exact urban areas which are in need of immediate attention. The exercise proves to be of help to the reader to understand the nature, magnitude and spatial distribution of urbanisa­ tion in the different districts of the Northeast region. It also provides the availability of basic amenities if the nearby rural areas from which most of the migration is expected, except for the capital cities. In a country like India, where urban areas were populated without proper planning, the policy-makers and program planners are faced with several challenges. It is imperative that the policies and programs shall be urgently directed to those urban areas which are in requirement of immediate attention. Urban congestion shall lead to severe unmet demands for basic amenities of life in the urban areas, and shall also lead to increase of slum population, fol­ lowed by agony, poverty, disease, crime and unemployment. The town plan­ ners shall consider the migratory trends of the population toward urban areas for a sustained and improved urban life and also shall improve the availability of basic amenities to nearby villages. The study might appear trivial, but definitely is a tipping point and directs to those areas where the planners and policy-makers need to pay attention. With unplanned urban growth, the hilly towns of the region shall see lots of illegal construction without following the strict building norms that are to be observed in such geographically sensitive zones. In the hilly terrain of the region, toying with the environment shall disturb the natural principles of ecology. The effect of such activities may turn out to be grim for the entire region, and the tremor of them may not only be restricted to the concerned area but to boundaries 41

D I B Y O J Y O T I B H AT TA C H A R J E E

even beyond the international border. Planned development is the need of the hour, especially for the newly annexed urban area around the existing urban agglomeration. In addition to this, the town planners shall also try to integrate between the urban and its nearby rural areas. Having found that the pattern of urban concentration of Northeast region is different from that of the rest of the country, one can take up a study on analysing the reasons that differentiated urban concentration between the two places. Given the fact that there is huge variation in the demography within the region, the reasons may not be general but different in different parts of the region. Only empirical studies may not be good enough for the purpose, but the researcher may need to take up extensive travel for the purpose throughout Northeast India.

References Aboukorin, A. 2011. Urban concentration: a characterizing feature of urban change in Egypt. Paper presented at the fifth international conference and workshop on built environment in developing countries (ICBEDC 2011), held at Universiti Sains Malaysia, Malaysia. Ades, F. and Glaeser, E. L. 1995. ‘Trade and circuses: explaining urban giants,’ Quarterly Journal of Economics 110, 195–227. Agarwal, A. K. 1997. ‘Agricultural systems and behaviour in north-eastern states,’ in M. C. Behera and N. C. Roy (eds.), Trends in agrarian structure in the hills of north-east India. New Delhi: Commonwealth Publishers. Agarwal, S., Satyavada, A., Kaushik, S. and Kumar, R. 2007. ‘Urbanization, urban poverty and health of urban poor: status, challenges and the way forward,’ Demography India 36(1), 121–134. Auerbach, F. 1913. ‘Das gesetz der bevölkerungskoncentration,’ Petermanns Geograpische Mitteilungen 59(1), 74–76. Berry, B. J. L. 1965. ‘Research frontiers in urban geography,’ in M. H. Phillip and L. F. Schnore (eds.), The study of urbanization. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Bertinelli, L. and Strobl, E. 2007. ‘Urbanisation, urban concentration and eco­ nomic development,’ Urban Studies 44(13), 2499–2510. Bhattacharjee, D. and Wang, J. J. 2011. ‘Assessment of facility deprivation in the households of the north eastern states of India,’ Demography India 40(20), 35–54. Datta Ray, B., Neog, A. K. and Mazhari, H. K. 1999. Urban development in North East India: potentiality and problems. New Delhi: Reliance Publishing House. Dikshit, K. R. and Dikshit, J. K. 2014. ‘Urbanization and urban landscape in North East India,’ in K. R. Dikshit and J. K. Dikshit (eds.), North-East India: land, peo­ ple and economy, advances in Asian-human environmental research. Dordrecht, Netherlands: Springer, pp. 527–583. Dupont, W. D. and Plummer, W. D. 1998. ‘Power and sample size calculations for studies involving linear regression,’ Controlled Clinical Trials 19, 589–601.

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Ganguly, J. B. 1995. Urbanization and development in north-east India: trends and policy implications. New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications. GoI. 2018. Census reports 1901 to 2011. New Delhi: Office of the Registrar Gen­ eral and Census Commissioner. Henderson, V. 2003. ‘The urbanization process and economic growth: the so-what question,’ Journal of Economic Growth 8(1), 47–71. Iyengar, N. S. and Sudarshan, P. 1982. ‘A method of classifying regions from mul­ tivariate data,’ Economic and Political Weekly 17(51), 2048–2052. Jaysawal, N. and Saha, S. 2014. ‘Urbanization in India: an impact assessment,’ International Journal of Applied Sociology 4(2), 60–65. Kamble, N. D. 1982. Migration in Indian metropolis. New Delhi: Uppal Publish­ ing House. Kamble, N. D. 1983. Labour migration of Indian states. New Delhi: Ashish Pub­ lishing House. Ke, S. and Feser, E. 2010. ‘A growth pole strategy for economic growth? Analysis of spread and backwash effects in greater central China,’ Regional Studies 44(9), 1131–1147. Keeping, E. S. 1962. Introduction to statistical inference. Princeton, NJ: D. Van Nostrand Co. Inc. Khawas, V. 2005. ‘Urbanization in north-east: patterns, trends and policy prongs,’ Social Change 35(2), 47–69. Kumar, B. B. 2004. ‘Social science research in the north eastern region in the 21st century,’ in B. Dutta Roy (ed.), Agenda for North East India. New Delhi: Con­ cept Publishing Company. Morris, M. D. and Florizelle B. Liser. 1977. ‘The PQLI: measuring progress in meeting human needs,’ Overseas Development Council: Communique on Devel­ opment Issues 132, 42–57. Navaneetham, K. and Saxena, P. C. 1999. ‘Multivariate graphical methods for characterizing development: an application of Chernoff-type faces,’ Demogra­ phy India 28(1), 111–122. Pal, S. K. 1998. Statistics for geoscientists: techniques and applications. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. Ramachandran, R. 1989. Urbanization and urban system in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Sekkat, K. 2017. ‘Urban concentration and poverty in developing countries,’ Growth and Change 48(3), 435–458. Singh, A. 2017. ‘Urbanization in Mizoram: characteristics and correlates,’ The Geographer 64(1), 21–31. Singh, S. 1999. ‘Towns within town system- a case-study of north eastern region,’ in B. Dutta Roy; A. K. Neog and H. K. Mazhari (eds.), Urban development in North East India: potentiality and problems. New Delhi: Reliance Publishing House. Sridhar, K. S., Reddy, A. V. and Srinath, P. 2013. ‘Is it push or pull? recent evidence from migration into Bangalore, India,’ Journal of International Migration and Integration 14(2), 287–306. Subramanian, M. 1971. ‘An operational measure of urban concentration,’ Eco­ nomic Development and Cultural Change 20(1), 105–116.

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Vallabados, C. A. and Arumugam, S. A. 2016. ‘An evaluation of pareto, lognormal and PPS distributions: the size distribution of cities in Kerala, India,’ Journal of Modern Applied Statistical Methods 15(1), 825–835. Vidwan, S. M. 1983. ‘Discussion on a method of classifying regions from multivari­ ate data,’ Economic and Political Weekly 18(51), 2181–2188. Zipf, G. 1935. The psychobiology of language: an introduction to dynamic philol­ ogy. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

44

Appendix 2.1

CONFIDENCE BANDS AROUND

A FITTED STRAIGHT LINE

For a straight line y = a + bx the 95% confidence interval for yp for a fixed value of x, based on n pairs of values would be: y p ± t0.05,n-2[ˆ y

Where �ˆ yp � �ˆ y|x

�ˆ y|x

� �� � �

�

p

(x x)2 1 � n i and n 2 (xi x)

� i�1

(yi � y)2 � b

� (x �x)(y i

n�2

i

1/ 2

� y) � � � �

A

When the different points of y p + t0.05, n-2 C y p are connected by a smooth curve, A

one gets the upper band of the line, and accordingly, when y p + t0.05, n-2 C y p are connected, we get the lower band.

45

Appendix 2.2

DETERMINATION OF WEIGHTS

OF THE COMPOSITE INDEX

USING THE IYENGER AND

SUDARSHAN METHOD

Iyengar and Sudarshan (1982) linked the weights to variance of the normal­ ised values across the regions. More precisely, they postulated that: Wi =

C Var(AIij )

Where C is a normalising constant that follows:

C -

[ 10

f k -1

1

]

-1

Var(AIij )

The weights computed in this manner acts as the variance stabilisation func­ tion and controls the dominance of the variable with more variance in the composite index.

46

Appendix 2.3

THE K-SMIRNOV TEST

STATISTIC

The test statistic is given by: Dn a max | Sn (x) t F(x) | Where Sn(x) and F(x) are empirical and theoretical distribution functions, respectively. However, for performing the K-S statistic, the theoretical dis­ tribution needs to be completely specified; i.e. the valued of the parameters needs to be known. In this exercise, the parameters are estimated form data. The critical value of Dn for α level of significance depends on the number of observations and may be denoted by Dα, n.

47

3

URBANISATION IN INDIA’S NORTHEASTERN REGION Connecting theory with empirical data Sohel Firdos

Introduction Urbanisation process is spatially and functionally linked with the economic development as either concomitant or consequential phenomenon, and the degradation of the urban environment is the direct derivative of such process. It has been experienced in the case of developed countries that urbanisation is a concomitant phenomenon of spatial concentration of non-agricultural activities whereby there has been horizontal movement of people from rural to urban areas, along with their vertical movement from the primary sec­ tor to secondary and tertiary sectors and are functionally absorbed in the non-agricultural economic activities. In the developing countries, urbanisa­ tion is the spatial consequence of economic growth. More and more people move to the secondary and tertiary sectors of the urban economy because of notional urban pull, but much as a result of dominant ‘push’ forces oper­ ating in the rural primary sector of the economy. Though such strands of theoretical understanding can explain the growth of large metropolitan cit­ ies, the emergence and growth of a number of towns in India—more so in the Northeastern region, which consists of eight states—may be attributed to some other functions considering that the manufacturing base of such towns is weak. By taking note of these two dominant models of urbanisa­ tion in the developed and the developing world in general, along with some of the recent theoretical formulations such as subaltern urbanisation, we are interested to examine whether the urbanisation process in the Northeast region follows similar pathways or if it is something else that may be driving the urbanisation in the region. This chapter examines the existing urban theory and interrogates whether urban experience of the Northeast region can be explained by it. In pur­ suit of this objective, first, we have reflected on the major strands of urban

48

U R B A N I S A T I O N I N I N D I A’ S N O R T H E A S T E R N R E G I O N

theory beginning with Chicago school of urban ecology and ending in sub­ altern urbanisation. Second, we have analysed the temporal and spatial pat­ terns of urbanisation over the period 1901–2011. We follow this up with an analysis of the change in area and population of capital cities of the eight states of the region over the period 1901–2011 for understanding whether the urbanisation in the Northeastern states has been driven solely by these cities. Further, can the growth of these cities be explained by the expansion in area rather than migration and the population growth? As manufacturing and economic growth are considered to be engines of urban development, we have examined the urban workforce structure to reflect on the propor­ tionate share of urban main workers in different economic activities.

Engaging with urban theory The Chicago school witnessed the first blooming of urban theory, deriving from the natural sciences. Drawing on the Darwin’s theory of evolution, based on the principles of natural selection and survival of the fittest, the Chicago school tried to explain the internal structure of cities based on sort­ ing and sifting. Under this school, Ernest W. Burgess is one of the prominent scholars who tried to explain the segregation of city space in the form of progressive annual rings moving outwards from the central business district (CBD). Each of the groups settling down in their respective zones based on their income levels. The Chicago school believed that the cities will keep on growing due to continuous fresh arrivals of immigrants and the agglom­ eration economy. The spatial turn in geography tried to explain the urban phenomenon by drawing from neo-classical economics. The urban geogra­ phers proposed that there is a competition among different firms for maxi­ misation of profit, and a state of equilibrium is reached when each of the firms is deriving the required profit by locating itself at suitable locations. The urban geographers gave a twist to the neo-classical economic theory by introducing the concepts of distance and geometry. Harvey (1973) argues in ‘theory of urbanisation’ that urban areas facilitate the survival and continu­ ation of capitalism by providing the opportunities of investment of capital. ‘His best known argument is that over-accumulation crisis can be displaced or averted because investment can be switched between different circuits of capital’ (Harding and Blokland 2014, p. 40). Investment switches between three circuits. The first circuit is the factory-based production, and with the over-accumulation of capital in this sector, it switches to a secondary circuit, in which profits depend more upon rent than production, referred to as fixed capital, manifested in the form of built environment consisting of offices and houses. Once there is an over-accumulation of capital in this sector, the investment switches to manpower development by way of pro­ viding technological advancement and manpower training. In case profit is

49

SOHEL FIRDOS

not maximised by circulating capital within these three circuits, there is an option of ‘spatial fix’, thereby relocating the capital in a different location leaving behind all the fixed capital. Harvey’s theory explains the rise and fall of a number of cities in terms of their importance in the developed world.

Urbanisation in the developing world: the over-urbanisation debate The concept of over-urbanisation was introduced in urban research in the 1950s when attempts were made by Western social scientists to under­ stand the syndrome of economic dysfunction associated with rapid urban growth in less-developed pre-industrial cities. Having its roots and deriv­ ing its meaning from the concept of over-population, the concept of over­ urbanisation soon became as important and as contentious in development literature as had been the concept of over-population. In both these terms, the Malthusian undertone, as well as the prefix ‘over’, needed explanation. The prefix made the terms relational. ‘Over’ had to be quantified in rela­ tion to some measurable properties of variables impinging on population or urban growth. ‘Over-population’ has been explained by geographers in terms of population pressure on resources. There was no unanimity among researchers on the explanatory variable defining ‘over-urbanisation’. It was, however, conceded that the term implied the existence of dysfunctional con­ ditions (Davis and Golden 1954; Gibbs and Martin 1962). Dysfunctional urbanisation, variously defined, was therefore, labelled ‘over-urbanisation’ or ‘hyper-urbanisation’. The concept of ‘over-urbanisation’ is defined as a condition in which urban population is in excess of the carrying capacity of the urban economy and infrastructure base: productive gainful employment is not available to the majority of jobseekers; and, urban living and working conditions are sub-normal (Kidwai 2006). However, the processes leading to and the factors held responsible for the emergence of ‘over-urbanisation’ are considered different because they are identified in terms of different par­ adigms of development. The research on this subject lists different causes ‘over-urbanisation’, and some of the important ones are as follows: (a) lack of industrialisation or economic development; (b) excessive rural and urban migration; (c) distorted urban systems and national policies encouraging metropolitanisation; and (d) dependent development. The explanation for this process derives their logic from current development theories, para­ digms and approaches such as the modernisation paradigm, world system approach, labour adjustment theory and urban bias or rural peripheralisa­ tion theory. Bose (1971) observed that the process of urbanisation in India has been essentially a process of migration to big cities, and there has been a struc­ tural stagnation of towns with a population below 1.0 lakh. It seems in a

50

U R B A N I S A T I O N I N I N D I A’ S N O R T H E A S T E R N R E G I O N

populous country like India that some sort of scale economies operates in urban population growth. A city would have experienced or be likely to experience high growth only if it reaches the size of 1.0 lakh plus. Even the new towns which have attained this population size would reveal the same situation. As most of the aforementioned urban research has focussed on big cities, the growth of which is premised on economic agglomeration and rural to urban migration, some urban researchers in recent times have turned their attention to the spread of urbanisation in India that may not be the outcome of these twin processes, and they refer this kind of urbanisation as subaltern urbanisation. Subaltern urbanisation refers to autonomous growth of settlement agglomerations (which may or may not be denoted urban by the Census of India) that are generated by market and historical forces, which are not (a) ‘dependent’ on large traditionally important set­ tlements or (b)‘planned’ cities like Chandigarh and Bhubaneswar or industrial townships like Mithapur, in Jamnagar district, Gujarat. (Denis et al. 2012, p. 52)

The spatial structure of the Indian economy and urbanisation The spatially imbalanced urban pattern in India could be explained by the spatial structure of Indian economy. Its economy even today is governed by the spatial ordering required in the specific process of capital accumulation during the colonial period, with only marginal modification, if any, in the post-independence period (Pathak 2006, p. 233). Like many other former colonial countries, India has been trying for a rapid rate of economic growth through industrialisation and recent developments in the IT sector, within the inherited framework of highly predominant, centralised spatial structure with exploitative relationship between the metropolis and the rural hinter­ land, and hence resulted in greater regional imbalance. Under such circum­ stances, industrialisation, along with IT sector development, has led to the greater mobilisation of the productive resources to specific areas of concen­ trated development, whereby locational efficiency arising mostly because of historical accidents—rather than on any natural endowment—becomes the core of the investment. Under such conditions, the rural hinterland and geographically isolated areas like the Northeast region get bypassed and whatever little investment is made in social overhead capital to compensate, as it were, the destruction of the productive rural industrial base does not result in lessening the gap, in the absence of any change in the pattern of exploitative relationship between the town and the countryside on one hand

51

SOHEL FIRDOS

and between the mainland of India and Northeast region on the other. And relatively huge investments made in the metropolis also become infructu­ ous in the absence of structured transformation circumventing the social, economic and institutional barriers; such a situation can only perpetuate the under-development, and strengthen the position of the existing old stagnat­ ing incapacity of growth. A structural change in the developing economies may mean a ‘new spatial organisation of the economy and possibly of the socio-cultural pattern’ (Logan 1973, p. 284) with clear-cut national building policies.

Methods and data sources We have plotted a scatter diagram fitted with a trend line to show the rela­ tionship between per capita net state domestic product (NSDP) and percent­ age of urban population of each of the states in Northeast region. We follow it up by calculating the percentage of urban population out of the total population of each of the states and present it in the form of graph that also displays urban population of each of the states. Subsequently, we have plot­ ted the area in square kilometres and the population of each of the capital towns/cities separately from 1901–2011 in order to examine the changes that have occurred in these two parameters over those 110 years. This may help us to understand if the population growth in these urban centres has been due to expansion of municipal boundaries or due to natural popula­ tion growth and migration. Finally, we have analysed the urban workforce structure of each of the states by computing the percentage of urban main workers in each of industrial categories out of the total urban main workers of a state. This exercise has helped us to examine the proportionate distri­ bution of workers in each of the industrial category of workers, leading us to know the relative importance of different economic activities in each of the states. This chapter has made use of the data provided by Census of India 2011 on urban population and its Table B-4 on urban main workers (GoI 2011a, 2011b). The data on NSDP per capita has been obtained from the statistical tables provided on the website of North Eastern Council.1

Economic growth and urbanisation in Northeast region Urbanisation of a region has a strong connection with economic growth. ‘It is now well established that the acceleration of urbanisation generally takes place with corresponding acceleration of economic growth’ (Mohan and Dasgupta 2005, p. 214). He further adds that ‘urbanisation is promoted by (i) economies of scale in production particularly in manufacturing; (ii) the existence of information externalities; (iii) technology development,

52

U R B A N I S A T I O N I N I N D I A’ S N O R T H E A S T E R N R E G I O N

particularly in building and transportation technology; and (iv) substitution of capital for land as made possible by technological developments’ (Mohan and Dasgupta 2005, p. 214). However, the urbanisation as experienced by the Northeast region may not fit in such a frame, as the relationship between economy and urbanisation is far from robust. We support our argument by analysing the relationship between per capita NSDP for the year 2011–2012 and the percentage of urban population in the year 2011 for each of the states in the region, as depicted in Figure 3.1. In fact, this plot springs several surprises. First, there are two states, Assam and Manipur, with the almost same per capita NSDP but significantly different levels of urbanisation. Both these two states have about Rs 40,000 per capita NSDP, but the urbanisa­ tion level of Manipur is 32.5 percent, which is almost double than that of Assam. Similarly, Meghalaya and Mizoram have same level of per capita NSDP, but with a wide gap in their levels of urbanisation. Sikkim, with the highest per capita NSDP in the region, has a very moderate level of urbani­ sation. Second, the trend line between per capita NSDP and urbanisation shows a downward slope, which is an exception. Hence, based on this data, we may safely argue that economy may not be a driving force of urbanisa­ tion in the region, and there is a need to look for other explanations. 55

Percentage of urban popula2on, 2011

50

Mizoram

45 Per capita NSDP and urbanisa2on levels, each dot represents a state

40 35

Manipur Nagaland

30 25

Tripura

20 15

10 20000

Sikkim

Arunachal Pradesh Meghyalaya

Assam

40000

60000

80000

100000

120000

140000

160000

180000

Per capita NSDP, 2011–2012

Figure 3.1 Economic growth and urbanisation in Northeast region Source: Author’s compilation from http://databank.nedfi.com/content/capita-nsdp-7 (accessed 12 November 2019) and Census of India 2011

53

SOHEL FIRDOS

Pattern of urbanisation in Northeast

region of India

The Northeastern states show a wide variation, both in terms of urban population and the percentage share of the population living in urban areas. Assam, possibly owing to its size, has the highest urban population of 4.39 million, while in the remaining seven states the urban population is below one million (Figure 3.2). Meghalaya, Mizoram and Nagaland have urban population of about a half million each. The bars representing the urban population of various states indicate that Sikkim has the shortest bar. Though Assam has the highest urban population in the region, the level of urbanisation, as measured by the proportion of population in the urban areas, is lowest in the state with just 14.1 percent. The urbanisation level of Mizoram may be compared with many advanced countries, or with of the world as a whole, as more than half of its population lives in urban areas. The level of urbanisation in Manipur is almost equal with that of the national average, but in the remaining states it is well below the national average (Figure 3.2).

5000000

60 52.1

50

4000000

Urban popula1on

3500000

40

3000000 32.5

2500000 2000000

25.2

22.9

500000 0

14.1

20

834154

961453 595450

571771

10

570966

317369 Arunachal Pradesh

26.2

20.1

1500000 1000000

30

28.9

153578 Assam

Manipur Meghalaya Mizoram Nagaland Urban popula1on

Sikkim

Tripura

% of urban popula1on

Figure 3.2 Size and percentage of urban population in Northeast India, 2011 Source: Census of India 2011

54

0

Percentage of urban popula1on

4398542

4500000

U R B A N I S A T I O N I N I N D I A’ S N O R T H E A S T E R N R E G I O N

Area and population of Northeast cities A detailed temporal analysis of changes in area and population of major urban centres over period of more than 100 years reflects that expansion of urban areas might have been primarily responsible for increase in popula­ tion, rather than the growth of population within the urban centres. Imphal, the capital city of Manipur, has witnessed a fourfold increase in its population from 72,234 in 1901 to 27,7196 in 2011. The year 1981 may be considered as a break point in the area expansion of this urban centre, the area increasing very significantly from 17.48 sq. km to 29.57 sq. km over the period 1971–1981, leading to an increase in its population from about 1.0 to 1.56 lakh over the same period. However, the subsequent cen­ suses of 1991, 2001 and 2011 recorded only a very marginal increase in its area (Figure 3.3). Agartala, the capital city of Tripura, has recorded a massive increase in population from a very low population of 6,415 in 1901 to 400,004 in 2011. The city has been experiencing continuous increase in its area beginning with the year 1981. The area increased eightfold over a period of 40 years, from 7.2 sq. km in 1971 to 58.84 sq. km in 2011 while the

Area (in sq. km)

Populaton

300,000

45 37.42

250,000

34.42 29.57

200,000

277,196 40 38.19

228,419

30

199,672

25

156,622

150,000 17.48 100,000 72,234 74,650

20

17.48

15

100,366

99,716 80,003

35

85,804

67,717

10

50,000 5 0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1901

1911

1921

1931

1941

1951

2,862 1961

1971

Figure 3.3 Area and population of Imphal, 1901–2011 Source: Census of India 2011

55

1981

1991

2001

2011

0

SOHEL FIRDOS

corresponding increase in population was about seven-fold over the same period (Figure 3.4). In fact, both the area and population of this urban cen­ tre doubled over the period 1971–1981. At the beginning of the 20th century, Shillong, the capital city of Megha­ laya, had a population of just about 9,000 that has increased very signifi­ cantly to about 3.54 lakh in 2011. In fact, urban growth in Meghalaya has been predominantly driven by Shillong, as the city accounts for about 60 percent of total urban population of the state (Khakha 2019). The city changed its status from Class II to Class I city in 1961. Though the area of the city increased marginally in between 1961 and 2001, the population more than doubled over the same period from about 1.02 lakh in 1961 to 2.62 lakh in 2001. Shillong witnessed a major expansion of municipal boundaries over the recent decade of 2001–11, area of the city increasing from 27.05 to 60.82 sq. km over the same period. The expansion of area has led to a net addition of 77097 people in the city over the last ten years (Figure 3.5). Aizawl, the capital city of Mizoram, was a small town both in terms of area and population in 1961, but has witnessed a ten-fold increase in area and twenty times increase in population over the 50 years between 1961 and 2011. The most prominent spike in the expansion of the city is recorded over

Population

Area (in sq. km) 450000

70

400000

400004 60

350000 50

300000 269492

250000 200000

198320

150000

20

100264

50000 0

30

132186

100000

40

42595 6415 1901

6831

1911

7743

1921

9580

1931

17693

1941

1951

7.2

7.2

15.8

26.81

34.38

58.84

1961

1971

1981

1991

2001

2011

Figure 3.4 Area and population of Agartala, 1901–2011 Source: Census of India 2011

56

10

54878

0

U R B A N I S A T I O N I N I N D I A’ S N O R T H E A S T E R N R E G I O N

70

400000 354759

60

350000 300000

50

267662

40

250000

223366 200000 174703

30

60.82 150000

122752

20

102398 58512

10

0

0 9621

26536 17203 13639 0 0 0

1901

1911

1921

1931

100000

21.27

21.27

1961

1971

25.4

25.4

27.05 50000

38192 0

0

1941

1951

Area (in sq. km)

1981

1991

2001

2011

0

Population

Figure 3.5 Area and population of Shillong, 1901–2011 Source: Census of India 2011

the period, 1971–1981, when the area increased from 18.39 to 110 sq. km. Thereafter, the area remained the same in 1991, while another about 18 sq. km were added in 2001 (Figure 3.6). The subsequent census of 2011 did not record any major change in area. Though we are not in a position to comment on the changes in the area of Gangtok, the capital city of Sikkim, owing to non-availability of data, the population figures may be used as a proxy to suggest the expansion in the municipal areas of the city. After the merger of Sikkim with the Indian Union in 1975, Gangtok has witnessed a three-fold increase in population, from 36,747 in 1981 to 1,00,286 in 2011. Importantly, the level of urbani­ sation in Sikkim has gone up from a mere 10 percent in 2001 to about 25 percent in 2011 (Figure 3.7). The striking feature about Kohima, the capital city of Nagaland, is that the municipal area declined sharply from 23 sq. km in 2001 that was con­ sistent since 1981, to 15 sq. km in 2011, possibly because some areas were de-notified (Figure 3.8). Beginning with 1961, the population of this town has been on a sharp upward curve reaching to a little below 1.0 lakh in 2011. Over a period of twenty years from 1971–1991, Guwahati, the primary city of Assam, recorded huge areal expansion in municipal area, almost five-fold increase, from 44 sq. km to 217 sq. km, while population increased 57

Area

Population

140

129

128.98

120

110

350000

300000 293416

110

250000

100

200000

80 155240

60

150000

Population

Area in sq. km

228280

100000

40

74493 20

0

12.95 0 6950 1951

18.39

50000

31740

14257 1961

1971

1981

1991

2001

2011

0

Figure 3.6 Area and population of Aizawl, 1901–2011 Source: Census of India 2011

120,000

100,286

100,000

80,000

60,000 43,711 36,747

40,000

25,024 20,000

13,308 2,744

-

1951

6,848

1961

1971

1981

1991

Figure 3.7 Area and population of Gangtok, 1951–2011 Source: Census of India 2011

2001

2011

U R B A N I S A T I O N I N I N D I A’ S N O R T H E A S T E R N R E G I O N

25 23

23

23

101000 99039

20 81000

15

15

61000 51418

10.36 10.36 10.36

10

Population

Area in sq. km

77030

41000 34340

5

0

21545

3093

1901

2423

1911

2790

1921

2759

1931

3507

1941

4125

1951 Area

21000

7246

1961

1971

1981

1991

2001

2011

1000

Population

Figure 3.8 Area and population of Kohima, 1901–2011 Source: Census of India 2011

three-fold from about 2.00 to 5.84 lakh over the same period. Since the census could not take place in 1981 in Assam, we do not have any data for this census year. One of the distinguishing features of the city in the post-1991 phase is that the area of the city has remained almost the same, while the population has grown by more than one and a half times to 9.62 lakh in 2011. Considering the previous increasing trends of population, we may safely suggest that Guwahati U.A. might have already become the first million-plus city in the Northeast region of the country, though it may be officially recorded so by 2021 census (Figure 3.9).

Workforce structure in the urban areas of Northeast region A very large number of studies suggest that urbanisation was driven by the manufacturing sector in the industrial world, while the service sector is a strong driving force for the unprecedented urban growth in the developing world over last few decades. It has been also suggested that as the urbanisation progresses, there is a shift of workforce from the agricultural sector to the manufacturing and/or service sector. But no such tendencies has been reported from the urban centres located in the Northeast. ‘Most towns are administrative or service 59

SOHEL FIRDOS

250

1090000 Area (in sq. km)

217

Population

217

200

1000000 219 962334 910000

818809

820000

640000 584342

550000 460000

100

Population

Area in sq. km

730000 150

370000

23 136239 -

280000

44

50

-

-

-

- 43615 11661 12481 16480 21797 29598 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961

200377

190000 100000

-

1971

1991

2001

2011

10000

Figure 3.9 Area and population of Guwahati, 1901–2011 Source: Census of India 2011

centres, and only a few are industrial towns. A few industrial towns that exist in the region are in Assam in, or close to, industrial clusters’ (Dikshit and Dikshit 2014, p. 528). In sharp contrast to the expected base of the urban economy, agriculture plays a significant role in absorbing the workforce even in the highly urbanised states like Mizoram, where a little less than one-fourth of the urban workforce is still involved in agricultural practices. In Manipur, about 18 percent of the urban main workers are engaged in agricultural activities consisting of cultivators and agricultural labourers together (Table 3.1). Moreover, there is a sizeable presence of agricultural labourers, though in different proportions, in the urban areas of all North­ eastern states, which contradicts the well-established understanding that urban development is fuelled by manufacturing and service sector. Manufacturing sector The emergence and development of manufacturing sector is far from tak­ ing root, as is evidenced from share of urban main workers (UMW) in household and non-household industry. We may further add that there is an absence of any robust connection between urbanisation and the develop­ ment of a manufacturing sector in the region. Assam, with a relatively lower level of urbanisation, has the highest percentage (7.55) of UMW engaged 60

U R B A N I S A T I O N I N I N D I A’ S N O R T H E A S T E R N R E G I O N

Agricultural labourers

Household industry

Non-household industry

Construction

Wholesale and retail trade

Administrative and support service activities + Public administration and Defence, Compulsory Social Security

Arunachal Pradesh Assam Manipur Meghalaya Mizoram Nagaland Sikkim Tripura

3.43

1.46

0.85

3.08

11.25

11.09

31.54

2.29 14.69 3.70 16.38 6.86 1.06 2.95

1.29 3.61 1.69 7.12 1.50 0.76 3.31

2.14 5.74 0.46 1.57 1.35 0.94 1.44

7.55 7.19 4.22 3.71 3.68 6.86 7.02

8.26 5.23 10.63 7.61 7.27 10.01 14.34

24.96 14.15 15.63 12.05 15.00 13.71 17.97

13.10 15.76 22.46 17.55 27.51 23.28 15.59

Cultivators

State

Table 3.1 Percentage of urban main workers by industry, 2011

Source: Author’s compilation from Census of India 2011

in non-household industry, followed very closely by Manipur, Sikkim and Tripura. Interestingly, only about 4 percent of the UMW of Mizoram is involved in non-household industry despite a very high level of urbanisation in the state, as we have mentioned earlier. Household industry has been an important part of economic activity in the Northeast region in terms of supplementing household income, but the data on UMW involved in household industry indicates that it may not be providing significant employment. It may be also possible that many people involved in household industry might not have been captured in census data due to the defi­ nition of main worker. According to the definition of census, a person is counted as main worker if s/he is involved in any economically gainful employment for more than 180 days. Since those involved in household industry may not have worked in this activity for more than 180 days, or such people may be involved on a part-time basis all through the year, they might have been included in the category of main workers involved in household industry. We may need to look into data on marginal workers involved in household industry to get a clear picture. The highest percentage of the UMW involved in household industry is reported from Manipur (5.74). In the remaining states, the share of UMW involved in household industry is insignificant. Construction activities As the new urban areas emerge or existing urban centres develop, con­ struction work for building houses, offices, roads and other infrastructure 61

SOHEL FIRDOS

development follows an upward curve. The share of the UMW in construc­ tion activities is highest in Tripura (14 percent), followed by Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya and Sikkim (Table 3.1). Wholesale and retail trade In all the urban centres of the region, wholesale and retail trade is an impor­ tant activity considering that a sizeable proportion of UMW is involved in such activities. In fact, about one-fourth of the UMW in Assam is engaged in wholesale and retail trade. This figure is important, considering that the level of urbanisation in Assam is the lowest in the Northeast, and may lead us to think that urban development in this state is driven by wholesale and retail trade. In Tripura, about 17 percent of the UMW is involved in these activities, while in Meghalaya and Nagaland, the percentage share is about 15 (Table 3.1). The essence of such high proportion of UMW in these activi­ ties also indicates that the economic base of urban areas in the region may not be strong as such activities are known to have low economic returns.

Administrative and support activities, along with public administration and defence The UMW in administration and support activities is relatively much higher in all the states of the Northeast. As the administrative offices, as well as defence establishments, are in urban centres, a very large number of UMW are usually salaried job holders in the government sector. The share of UMW in these activities is as high as 30 percent in Arunachal Pradesh, followed closely by Nagaland (26 percent). About one-fifth of the UMW of Sikkim and Meghalaya is engaged in such activities while in Mizoram, the corresponding share is 17 percent (Table 3.1). Assam, with a very low level of urbanisation, also has the lowest share of UMW in such activities.

Conclusion The empirical evidence indicates that the eight states in the Northeast India have a diverse pattern of economic growth and levels of urbanisa­ tion. Though Assam has the highest urban population in the region, the level of urbanisation is lowest. On the other hand, Mizoram has relatively a smaller urban population (0.57 million), but the level of urbanisation is very high (52.1 percent). The municipal area of the all eight capital cities has expanded very significantly, though at different census years, resulting in high increase of population. Surprisingly, the municipal area of Kohima has declined over the period 2001–2011. Some of the distinguishing features of urban workforce in the Northeast are as follows. First, in a sharp contrast to 62

U R B A N I S A T I O N I N I N D I A’ S N O R T H E A S T E R N R E G I O N

other capital cities in India, agriculture plays an important role in absorbing urban workforce in a number of urban centres in the region—more so in Mizoram, which is contrary to the understanding that as levels of urbanisa­ tion go up, the share of workers in this sector becomes insignificant. Second, the economic base of urbanisation is not manufacturing but service activi­ ties. Importantly, urbanisation in Northeast India is not driven by manufac­ turing; rather, it is fuelled by the service sector, coupled with wholesale and retail trade. Finally, urbanisation in this region is led only by capital cities in all states except Assam. Since classical theories are not able to explain the urbanisation in the Northeast convincingly, we may engage with recent theoretical developments such as subaltern urbanisation, but that calls for further investigation. The urban experience of Northeast India in general is considerably diver­ gent from the urban theories, and may need to think of a new model. In this new model, we may need to take note of diverse spatial urban growth, urban sprawl and development in Northeast India, as there is a clear absence of any strong relationship between the economy and urbanisation in the region.

Note 1 http://necouncil.gov.in/ (accessed 28 November 2019).

References Bose, A. N. 1971. ‘Continuing semi-colonial character—the basic problem of the Indian metropolis,’ Indian Journal of Regional Science 3(1), 34–49. Davis, K. and Golden, H. H. 1954. ‘Urbanisation and the development of pre­ industrial areas,’ Economic Development and Cultural Change 3(1), 6–26. Denis, E., Mukhopadhyay, P. and Zerah, M. H. 2012. ‘Subaltern urbanisation in India,’ Economic and Political Weekly 47(30), 52–62. Dikshit, K. R. and Dikshit, J. K. 2014. ‘Urbanisation and urban landscape in north­ east India,’ in K. R. Dikshit and J. K. Dikshit (eds.), North-East India: land, peo­ ple and economy. Dordrecht, Netherlands: Springer, pp. 527–583. Gibbs, J. P. and Martin, W. T. 1962. ‘Urbanization, technology, and the division of labor: international patterns,’ American Sociological Review 27(5), 667–677. GoI. 2011a. A-4 Towns and urban agglomerations classified by population size classes. New Delhi: Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, Min­ istry of Home Affairs, Government of India. [Retrieved from: www.censusindia. gov.in (Accessed 03 October 2018)]. GoI. 2011b. B-4 Main workers classified by age, industrial category and sex. New Delhi: Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India. [Retrieved from: www.censusindia.gov.in (Accessed 03 October 2018)]. Harding, A. and Blokland, T. 2014. Urban theory. London: Sage Publications Limited.

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Harvey, D. 1973. Social justice and the city. London: Edward Arnold. Khakha, A. 2019. ‘Tribes and urbanisation in North East India: issues and chal­ lenges,’ Economic and Political Weekly 54(38), 21 September (Online version). Kidwai, A. H. 2006. ‘The over-urbanisation debate: should it be revived?’ in R. Basu and S. Bhaduri (eds.), Social development and environment. Kolkata: Progressive Publisher, pp. 253–268. Logan, M. L. 1973. ‘The spatial system and planning strategies in developing coun­ tries,’ in J. Bluden et al. (eds.), Regional analysis and development. London: Harper and Row, pp. 280–288. Mohan, R. and Dasgupta, S. 2005. ‘The 21st century: Asia becomes urban,’ Eco­ nomic and Political Weekly 40(3), 213–223. Pathak, C. 2006. ‘Urbanization process, pattern and policies: a case study of India,’ in R. Basu and S. Bhaduri (eds.), Social development and environment. Kolkata: Progressive Publisher, pp. 225–252.

64

4

SMART CITIES IN NORTHEAST

INDIA

Challenges and opportunities

Benjamin L. Saitluanga

Introduction Occupying the Northeastern corner of India, the eight states in the foothills of the Eastern Himalayas are either hilly or mountainous states with few pockets of valleys. The Northeast in totality has been viewed for a long time as a ‘frontier state’ and a ‘cultural museum’ due to the region’s location, ethnicity, underdevelopment, and indifference towards ‘outsiders’. Consid­ ered as one of the most backward regions in India, the region is lagging behind other regions in the process of economic development. The formal economy failed to grow, but rather depleted with the growing emergence of the informal economy (Bhattacharya 2018). At the same time, the impact of globalisation has been felt in the region through what Rimmer and Dick (2019, p. 22) termed increasing ‘industrialization of consumption’ in the form of proliferation of shopping malls and global retail franchisees. The Northeast states considered themselves as ‘gateways’ to the eastern world, which is presently more of expectation than reality. The flow or movement of goods to and from outside the region is minimal. With the exception of Sikkim, which comes under Kolkata region, the entire Northeast India has received only a fraction (0.03%) of the total foreign direct investment (FDI) equity inflow in India during April 2000 to March 2019 (DIPP 2019). Cities in the Global South are ‘off the map’ of urban literature (Robinson 2002), and only those bigger cities which are ‘an integral part of the global urban chain’ have been intensely studied (Banerjee-Guha 2010, p. 10). In the case of India, smaller towns and cities in remote areas have been neglected by policy-makers. Even the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM), which has taken development of small and medium towns seriously for the first time in India, has been biased towards large cit­ ies in financial allocation (Khan 2017). Owing to their small sizes and insig­ nificant economies, Northeast cities have been hardly studied (McDuie-Ra 65

BENJAMIN L. SAITLUANGA

2017). However, despite their insignificance to the outside world, the small towns and cities in Northeast India represent ‘spaces of hope’ for millions of indigenous communities. By focusing on the ‘assigned’ smart cities in Northeast India, this chapter attempts to look beyond the ‘metrocentricity’ bias (Bunnell and Maringanti 2010) to give space for ‘rethinking of the world from indigenous places and from the marginalised academia in the global south’ (Radcliffe 2017, p. 329). This is particularly relevant at the present time because the com­ bined processes of economic globalisation and nationalisation of frontier space (Baruah 2003, 2005) have compelled small cities and towns in under­ developed regions like Northeast India to compete with metropolitan and bigger cities. The future of small towns and cities in the Global South, there­ fore, is highly uncertain with increasing regional competition and ‘corporate globalism’ (Banerjee-Guha 2010).

Defining the smart city Originated in the Global North, the concept of smart city has entered into the Global South recently (Datta 2018). China started its smart city project in 2013 (Johnson 2014), followed by India, which launched its ‘100 Smart Cit­ ies Mission’ in 2015. The concept of smart city, particularly in less developed countries, has evolved as a response to the increasing population pressure on urban infrastructural and socio-economic resources (Saitluanga 2018). Definition of smart city varies from specific to open and broader ones due to the ambiguity of the term ‘smart’, which may come to mean a million things (Townsend 2014). Every definition, however, has commonly identi­ fied information and communication technology (ICT) as the most critical tool to build smart cities. It is ICT that lies at the core of smart city idea as it undergirds all other infrastructure networks that link and connects the urban system, including transport, housing, and other public and private services (Hollands 2008). Therefore, we may define smart cities as ‘places where information technology is combined with infrastructure, architec­ ture, everyday objects, and even our bodies to address social, economic, and environmental problems’ (Townsend 2014, p. 15). The main objective of smart cities is to build future cities which are envisioned to have the traits of ‘livability, workability, and sustainability’ (Smart Cities Council 2016). Livability refers to the physical amenities that lead to a better quality of life. ‘Workability’ is related to connectivity, access, transportation, and technol­ ogy, while ‘sustainability’ refers to ‘low-impact living’ and efficient use of resources (Stolarick and Smirnova 2015). Development of the smart city entails improvement of infrastructures for efficient flow of economic, social, and cultural activities and public services through utilisation of ICTs. Driv­ ing the growth of economy and efficient governance are the promises of the smart city concept (Kitchin 2015). 66

SMART CITIES IN NORTHEAST INDIA

Smart cities of Northeast India— characteristics and visions In 2014, the Government of India identified 100 towns and cities com­ prising 44 cities with 1–4 million population, 20 cities with 0.5–1 mil­ lion, nine satellite cities with more than 4 million population, 17 state/ union territory capitals, and ten towns and cities of tourist and religious importance to develop into smart cities (MoUD 2014, p. 22). All the identified cities were asked to submit their Smart City proposals (SCPs). After four rounds of competition, the government of India accepted the proposals of all the ten pre-identified smart cities of Northeast India. These include all the capital cities of the eight Northeast states, plus Pasighat town and Namchi town of Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim, respectively (Table 4.1). Cities in Northeast India are characterised by poverty, unemploy­ ment, scarcity of buildable land, inadequate access to infrastructural and basic services, and extreme difficulty in mobility. Some cities with no slum population in the past, like Aizawl and Gangtok, have reported significant slum populations in the 2011 Census. Besides urban poverty, unemployment problem is a big issue, with the presence of considerable percentage of urban population without any known sources of income. Scarcity of buildable land and inflated cost of land has resulted in increasing number of rented households, especially in hill cities. Motorised vehicles are more popular in bigger cities lying in plain areas like Guwahati, Imphal, and Agartala. Cities like Aizawl

Table 4.1 Socio-economic characteristics of smart cities in Northeast India City

Population Slum Literacy Population Household (in lakhs)# household rate with no living in (in %)* (in %)** income owned (in %)* houses (in %)*

Household having motorised vehicles (in %)*

Guwahati Agartala Aizawl Imphal Shillong Gangtok Kohima Itanagar Pasighat Namchi

9.57 4.00 2.93 2.68 1.43 1.00 0.99 0.59 0.24 0.12

44.91 29.01 38.17 55.53 24.28 21.44 25.92 71.10 45.35 21.18

2.95 10.97 26.42 0.00 2.95 24.75 17.14 0.00 12.17 38.54

91.47 94.45 98.36 90.80 92.81 89.33 90.76 85.17 79.60 88.10

* Government of India 2011a ** Government of India 2011b

67

61.47 61.82 61.75 63.68 59.42 57.84 63.57 64.82 66.99 62.16

62.38 79.08 43.02 79.41 26.48 33.92 26.33 30.32 22.67 55.57

BENJAMIN L. SAITLUANGA

and Gangtok have imposed stringent rules for registration of vehicles by insisting on evidence showing availability of parking space for any new vehicle to be registered. Most Northeast cities have embraced the Smart Cities Mission as an opportunity to leverage their comparative advantages through ICTs and tackle their own persisting infrastructural inadequacies. Façade improve­ ment of urban core, efficient management of waste and sewage, and ade­ quate supply of water are immediate requirements of the cities to make them smarter. Hill towns and cities have boasted nature-based tourism and social capital as their main opportunities for growth and development. A small Pasighat town has envisioned to turn itself into a carbon neutral city, Gang­ tok focused on sustainable tourism to improve local economy and quality of life, and Kohima proposed tourism development through enhancement of community involvement. On the other hand, plains cities like Guwahati and Agartala have tried to become economic and social capitals of the region (Table 4.2).

Table 4.2 Visions and strategies of smart cities in Northeast India City

Visions and strategies

Guwahati

To become a world class city through development of water bodies, eco-tourism, public spaces, and decongestion of traffic. To become an economic and commercial hub of Northeast India, after Guwahati, through improvement in mobility, infrastructure, services and ecotourism. To make Aizawl an inclusive, sustainable, and resilient city through promotion of human capital and smart technologies. To become an inclusive, livable and sustainable city through revitalisation of the city’s central business district, development of heritage tourism, and enhancement of information and communication technology (ICT) enabled smart mobility, infrastructure, and governance. To make the city a cultural and economic hub by focusing on tourism, vibrant culture, and green economy. To enhance quality of urban life and ICT-based local economy through sustainable tourism. To develop tourism and mobility through community involvement. To make Itanagar a culturally vibrant tourism destination and develop local economy through inclusive growth and enhancing livability. To make a carbon neutral city and promote harmonious interplay of culture, nature, and technology. To develop tourism through promotion of green economy, culturally vibrant community, and enhancement of quality of life.

Agartala Aizawl Imphal

Shillong Gangtok Kohima Itanagar Pasighat Namchi

Source: Ministry of Urban Development (MoUD) 2014

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SMART CITIES IN NORTHEAST INDIA

Components of the Smart Cities Mission: the ABD and Pan-city Developing countries are committed to build smart cities to attract capital through creation of business friendly environment (Hollands 2008). Within cities, the most attractive places for business are the central business districts (CBDs)—the core economic areas. Development and rejuvenation of old markets into modern economic hubs is crucial for attracting entrepreneurs and businesses. The CBDs—including the Bara Bazaar, or big market—are stagnated, old, and nearly unlivable, while well-equipped shopping malls and global retail franchisees are found sharing the same space. Cities in the Global South, therefore, truly represent the varied nature of what McDuieRa (2017) has called ‘vernacular urbanism’ by allocating spaces for both the modern and the traditional sector or the formal and the informal. The Smart Cities Mission (SCM) has given priority to micro-level develop­ ment rather than covering the entire city. These small compact areas are envi­ sioned to become a ‘smart city model’ for other parts of the city. Area-based development (ABD) is thus the most crucial component of the SCM. The unplanned, congested, and disaster-prone cities of Northeast India have con­ ceived the SCM as an opportunity to revive the CBD (Table 4.3). Most North­ east cities have chosen retrofitting of their CBD or city center by proposing construction of multi-level parking, pedestrian walkways, and redevelopment of buildings, green spaces, and development of cultural centers. Guwahati, on the other hand, has chosen to tackle the issue of flooding by developing the city’s river systems and overhauling the traffic system to enhance urban mobility. Table 4.3 Area-based development (ABD) projects of Northeast smart cities City

ABD projects

Area (in acres)

Guwahati Agartala Aizawl

Retrofitting of water bodies and river system Retrofit and redevelopment of CBD Retrofitting of CBD and Greenfield development of New Secretariat area Retrofitting of Core area including CBD, Kangla, and DM College area Retrofitting of CBD and Secretariat Hill area Retrofitting of CBD (MG Marg) Retrofitting and redevelopment of CBD Retrofitting and redevelopment of commercial and administrative zone Retrofit and redevelopment of core city areas Retrofitting of central park, institutional, and residential areas

696 2,800 746

Imphal Shillong Gangtok Kohima Itanagar Pasighat Namchi

Source: Ministry of Urban Development (MoUD) 2014

69

541 402 366 285 270 961 541

BENJAMIN L. SAITLUANGA

The ABD component clearly projected smart cities toward renewed emphasis on business-led development and domination of neo-liberal urban spaces (Brenner and Theodore 2002). Retrofitting of CBDs may be seen as development of ‘premium networked spaces’ which are ‘customized pre­ cisely to the needs of powerful users and spaces, whilst bypassing less pow­ erful users and spaces’ (Graham 2000, p. 185). Due to the exclusionary nature of ABD, the Smart Cities Mission has been criticised as a project to make separate cities for the rich and the poor (Aijaz 2016). Creation of a privileged, exclusive space for the smart, white colored citizens through selective renewal and regeneration of urban space will create a contradic­ tory and segmented urban space. While planning and projecting cities ‘to serve global mobile IT businesses as opposed to looking after stationary ordinary citizens’ (Amin et al. 2000, p. 35), the urban poor may be ‘pushed further to the peripheries of cities and endure a renewed onslaught on their lives and livelihoods’ (Roy 2016, p. 30). Another important component of the Smart Cities Mission is the Pancity, which involves application of selected smart solutions to the existing city-wide infrastructure. The Pan-city component is less of development of new infrastructures, and more utilisation of ICT to deliver services. North­ east cities focus mainly on ICT-enabled traffic management systems, instal­ lation of wi-fi, street light and surveillance equipment, water management systems, creation of GIS-enabled services, e-governance applications, and e-payments (Table 4.4). The motive of Pan-city is to enable city residents to access information and apply anytime and from anywhere as well as to enhance real-time big data collection for analysis, etc.

Guwahati

Imphal

Agartala

Shillong

Pasighat

Itanagar

Kohima

Namchi

ITS and urban mobility E-governance service Water management Sewage management Solid waste management Command and control center GIS/GPS-enabled database Disaster monitoring Solar power/street lighting CCTV Public wi-fi

Aizawl

Pan-city components

Gangtok

Table 4.4 Key Pan-city components of Northeast smart cities

×   × ×   × × × ×

×          ×

 × × × ×      

  × ×   ×  ×  

 ×   × × × ×   

    × × × × × × ×

   × × × × ×   ×

  × × × × × × × × 

  × × ×  ×   × ×

×   × ×   × × × ×

Source: Ministry of Urban Development (MoUD) 2014

70

SMART CITIES IN NORTHEAST INDIA

The Pan-city component entails an ‘extension of state aspirations of gov­ ernmentality, modernity, and the control of “disorder” into a digital urban age’ (Datta 2018, p. 407). Modern ICT-enabled surveillance technology enhances human security and at the same time, ‘allow[s] various public and private entities deep abilities to track and influence your life on a scale never before possible’ (Wadhwa 2015, p. 126). In this way, smart technologies present city managers with a potent instrument to directly watch, observe, and monitor the everyday geographies of the city residents. Understand­ ably, the Smart Cities Mission reflects the increasing link between businessdriven urban development, technology, and the changing role and function of urban governance, which induces a shift in urban governance from mana­ gerial to entrepreneurial forms (Harvey 1989).

Toward sustainable ‘smart cities’ At present, the ‘identified’ smart cities of Northeast India are still far away from attaining the status of smart cities. Many problems faced by these towns and cities reflect the problem of socio-economic underdevelopment and inefficient governance. Economic insecurity in the rural areas of the region resulted in increasing rural-urban migration. Capital towns and cit­ ies have absorbed and accommodated most of the rural-urban streams of migration. High growth rates through natural increase and recurring migra­ tion have significant negative impacts upon land use, resources, and envi­ ronment of the unplanned and environmentally fragile towns and cities. The built-up form of the Northeast cities is now heavily sprawled, congested, and susceptible to environmental hazards. In 2018, the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs (MoHUA 2018) developed a composite index to measure the livability of 111 Indian cit­ ies, including cities identified under the Smart Cities Mission. The index comprises 78 indicators, which are further grouped into four pillars or sub­ indices. The pillars of institutional, physical, social, and economic infra­ structure are set to measure the competitiveness of cities in their efforts to attract investment and operational efficiency in service delivery (Roy 2016). All Northeast cities are found in the bottom half of the Ease of Living Index (Table 4.5). Even the highest-ranking city in the region, Gangtok, is placed at the 74th position, while Pasighat, Itanagar, and Kohima are found among the bottom six. In general, the Northeast cities score low in the ‘physical’ pillar of the index. This reflects the challenging problems of infrastructure and access to urban service delivery in case of transportation and mobility, housing, open spaces, mixed land use, power supply, assured water supply, wastewater management, and solid waste management. Geography is both a blessing and a curse for the Northeast region. Land is very limited, particularly in hill areas. Cities are facing serious scarcity of available land for setting up of infrastructural investment. To worsen 71

BENJAMIN L. SAITLUANGA

Table 4.5 Ease of Living Index, Northeast India, 2018 City

Gangtok Aizawl Guwahati Imphal Agartala Shillong Namchi Pasighat Itanagar Kohima

Overall ranking 74 84 85 91 93 98 99 105 106 110

Sub-indices Institutional

Social

Economic

Physical

73 57 66 67 73 111 93 99 83 108

72 96 79 50 86 88 93 101 109 95

49 98 72 92 101 100 76 103 6 110

66 80 91 104 96 83 101 105 109 102

Source: Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs (MoHUA) 2018

the situation, the land holding system is a highly complex issue among tribal communities. There is not much government land, and most of the land belongs to either private individuals or communities. Urban residen­ tial land is the most valuable land, and accumulation of peri-urban land is rampant among the wealthy section of the population. Moreover, heavy and prolonged monsoons and hilly topography pose great challenges to the development of infrastructural networks and urban infrastructural services. Construction and maintenance of basic urban infrastructures requires more time and capital due to geographical inhibitions and low level of technology. Increasing mobility and accessibility enhance urban quality of life (Batty et al. 2012). The topographies of hill cities have highly restricted scope for construction of new roads, flyovers, and widening of existing roads. Cities are highly congested, with increasing population and vehicular den­ sity. Non-motorised transport is almost absent due to the absence of lev­ eled roads. A number of cities have proposed to introduce integrated traffic management to optimise traffic flows by installing closed-circuit television, ICT-based parking management systems, smart traffic control systems and global positioning system (GPS)-enabled vehicle tracking systems. At the same time, efficient mobility in a congested city highly depends on the smartness and politeness of the community, as exemplified by the commut­ ers of Aizawl city.1 The entire Northeast region is considered as a high-intensity earthquakeprone zone. Landslides area frequent hazard in hill areas, while flooding poses huge problems in plains cities. Most cities do not actively enforce land-use zoning, and building regulations are recently legislated. Moreo­ ver, many buildings are poorly constructed reinforced cement concrete (RCC) multi-story buildings, which could lead to greater casualties in case 72

SMART CITIES IN NORTHEAST INDIA

of high-intensity earthquakes as observed in the aftermath of the 2011 Sik­ kim earthquake.2 To create a disaster-resilient city in a fragile environment, adequate attention must be paid to disaster preparedness and risk mitiga­ tion. Disaster-resilient buildings must be promoted and encouraged to avoid maximum damage in case of earthquakes, cyclones, landslides, and floods, all of which may be experienced any time. A concern with environmental sustainability has to be prioritised due to the fragile geo-ecological system. Cities may be drivers of economic growth, but they are also great consum­ ers of resources and creators of environmental waste (Low et al. 2000). The sustainability of Himalayan cities has been endangered by increasing con­ sumerism and inefficient management of resources. Solid waste and waste­ water management have been neglected for a long time, and cities are now facing problems of disposal of solid waste and wastewater. The Smart Cities Mission, by converging with other existing centrally sponsored schemes, has provided opportunities to build infrastructure required for treatment of solid waste and sewage. Due to the hardships and challenges imposed by the region’s natural environment, management of cities is a great challenge in Northeast India. Building a smart city would require coordinated efforts among various stakeholders to sustain and strengthen their advantages in building smart cities. The people of the Northeast states have considerable social advantage in the form of high digital literacy rate, along with the presence of influential community organisations. According to Jagan Shah (2018), Northeast cities could become centers for indigenous solutions to urban problems through community involvement, such as in decentralised sanitation systems, waste­ to-energy, water harvesting, and e-mobility solutions. What is needed is to transform them into ‘smart communities’, which Coe et al. (2001, p. 13) refers to as ‘communities that have learned how to learn, adapt and inno­ vate’. If the utilisation of ICTs forms the backbone of smart cities, it is the human capital on which the efficiency of technology depends. The future of smart cities depends very much upon social cohesion, community part­ nership, and a sense of belonging that binds communities. Technological innovations and their successful utilisation require smart people. Moreover, the role of social capital, defined as the construction of social relations and networks of trust and reciprocity (Carley et al. 2001), is considered neces­ sary in order to engage all stakeholders to participate and engage with a smart city (Hollands 2008). The potential of the region, including prospects for mountain tourism, development of horticulture, and international trade as envisaged by the Look East Policy (LEP),3 could not have materialised due to infrastruc­ tural, socio-cultural, and geopolitical constraints. The borderlands have not been transformed to induce increasing flows of movement and ideas. In the name of security and geo-cultural distinctiveness, Northeast India has been isolated and encaged for centuries. However, the region’s status has 73

BENJAMIN L. SAITLUANGA

been re-positioned with increasing interconnection with the outside world through networked infrastructure that may produce numerous ‘social and spatial effects’ (Graham 2000, p. 34). At this juncture, cities have pivotal role to play by acting as nodes of circulation through which development emanates. Enhancing the competitiveness and livability of Northeast cities would require not only intervention from the ‘smart’, latest technologies, but also large-scale investment in physical and institutional infrastructures.

Conclusion The unrelenting growth of cities has to be backed up with more efficient forces of governance. The paradigm shift in urban development from pro­ ject- to area-based, and from top-down to bottom-up approaches in the name of Indian Smart Cities Mission, is highly anticipated to present a better quality of urban life. The business-driven mission called for greater intervention of transnational corporations and investors in which technol­ ogy will play a major role. Apart from the primacy of the role of ICT, the foundation of smart city lies in the attributes of the city—who occupies the city? How do they govern the city? What are the qualities of infrastructural services, and where do you find them? In other words, smart city requires smart residents, smart managers, and efficient and equitable distribution of infrastructural services. Cities in Northeast India are the homes of thousands of English-speaking, digital-literate youth. A number of strong and respected community organisations are also found in all the states of the region. These unique advantages have to be leveraged for improvement in urban management. The current urban problems arising out of institutional inefficiencies and geo-locational obstacles have to be tackled through investment in net­ worked and other physical infrastructure and promotion of e-governance to improve economic and political efficiency and enable social, cultural, and urban development. The Smart Cities Mission has given huge oppor­ tunity to the entire Northeast region to transform the image of its cities for sustainable growth and development. On the other hand, the Mission may only enhance economic, social, and spatial polarisations within cities.

Notes 1 No-overtaking and no-honking policies observed by the commuters of Aizawl city in Mizoram have been highly praised by the national newspapers as people’s initiative towards smart traffic management. See www.outlookindia.com/website/ story/a-viral-video-on-mizoram-traffic-discipline-can-be-a-lesson-to-delhi driv­ ers/298697 and www.ndtv.com/india-news/how-aizawl-became-indias-first-city­ with-a-no-honking-policy-1761192 (accessed 28 November 2019). 2 A strong earthquake of 6.9 magnitude occurred in the state of Sikkim, India, and its adjoining areas on 18 September 2011. It was observed that traditional

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buildings constructed using timber and galvanised iron sheet were far less dam­ aged than RCC buildings (see Rai et al. 2012). 3 Look East Policy (LEP) is a catchphrase that refers to India’s post-1990s for­ eign policy to strengthen ties with Southeast Asian countries, particularly on eco­ nomic relations. Due to their geographical location, the Northeast Indian states conceived LEP as a policy that would transform the development process of the region. It is now rechristened Act East Policy (AEP) to promote not only economic concerns but also cultural and strategic relations.

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5

URBANISATION, SHIFT IN

ARCHITECTURAL IDIOM AND

ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT

A study of the vernacular architecture of Assam Nabajit Deka

Introduction The urbanisation-led changing situation has resulted in conspicuous change in the scenario of urban housing, built environment and urban landscape, leading to gradual discarding of the vernacular housing stock and built environment. The vernacular architecture is the authentic and characteristic architecture of an area, developed gradually over a period of time and incor­ porating the accumulated experiences and wisdom. These architectures are primarily designed to meet utilitarian, especially residential, demand of the common people of a region. The term ‘vernacular architecture’, though, is a recent coinage, representing a long-standing body of architectural endeav­ ours of humankind. The terms or concepts like ‘traditional architecture’, ‘folk architecture’, ‘primitive architecture’, ‘peasant architecture’, ‘architec­ ture populaire’, etc. are presumed to be as ancient as human civilisation. The vernacular architecture comprises the major share of architectural stock of a region, constituting about 90 percent of the world’s total housing stock (Asquith and Vellinga 2005). The development of architecture is consid­ ered as a remarkable episode in human history, so held by Lethaby, ‘Two arts have changed the surface of the world, agriculture and architecture. . . . Architecture is the matrix of civilization’ (Lethaby 1939, p. 7). Vernacular architecture provides the vital foundation and inspiration of for the major architectural developments. The vernacular architecture, constructed with locally available natu­ ral materials and in tune with the local environmental and topographical conditions, has numerous merits. Thus, the vernacular architecture makes buildings in harmony with climate, built form and people. It has evolved 78

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through ages and shaped by many natural factors. Among other factors, the climate has played a very important role (Dili et al. 2010). Further, the changing needs and demands of urbanisation and modernisation have gradually tapered this loaded body of traditional wisdom for its limitedness and inability to satisfy the contemporary housing demands. However, the growing research studies on the subject have highlighted various environ­ mental and ecological virtues of vernacular architecture. Thus, studies have highlighted that the vernacular architecture possesses merits such as sustain­ ability, energy efficiency, topography and climate responsiveness, structural strength, etc. The growing urbanisation and escalating demand for housing within a limited area of land have compelled us to explore modern and contempo­ rary housing alternatives in urban areas. As a result, the urban townships or cities have witnessed the gradual rejection of traditional housing stock in favour of modern housing repertoire like modern and contemporary form, material and technology. In modern architecture, traditional mate­ rials are negligibly used, though there is ample scope of using different traditional materials in modern architecture, also. Some enthusiasts of state experimentally explored such possibilities, which proved success­ ful and uncovered rays of hope. Thus, the possibilities of applying tradi­ tional materials and traditional repertoire in contemporary housing has been successfully initiated though such possibilities, but they are not yet fully given recognition, appreciation, circulation and acceptance from the stakeholders. Notwithstanding, the contemporary architecture that predominantly use industry produced modern materials for different reasons, which has not only dwindled the strength and virtues of vernacular architecture gradually, but simultaneously stimulated detrimental impact on ecology and environ­ ment. It has been observed that: with modern materials and technology, the buildings of present architectural style results in high energy consumption, in an attempt to provide thermal comfort indoors. The vernacular architecture at any place on the other hand has evolved through ages by consistent and continuous effort for more efficient and perfect solutions. (Dili et al. 2010, p. 917) There is no doubt that the vernacular architecture of a place substanti­ ates its appropriateness to the topography and environment of that region. Simultaneously, the vernacular architecture often credited for better indoor thermal comfort for vernacular architecture skilfully uses natural materi­ als and natural energy sources that in turn ensure thermal comfort and a pleasant indoor environment across seasons, lacking noticeably in modern architecture. 79

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Implications of the study The vernacular architecture, which is an important aspect of culture and tradition of a region, demands empirical study for a proper appreciation of the subject. The vernacular architecture does not stand alone, but is related to and connected with many other paraphernalia. Therefore, it can be described as one constituent of a complex whole, which shares its links to different constituent elements of the whole. On the other hand, vernacular architecture needs to be looked where it exists, in situ. Therefore, systematic field study is basic and indispensable approach for any kind of study on the vernacular architecture. However, it is true that any fieldwork demands proper prior fathoming of the subject. For that, scrutiny of a maximum of available secondary sources prior to field study and post-field study is key for any academic exploration. The vernacular architecture has both tangible and intangible facets of existence or impression in culture and society, which open up numerous perspectives of looking at the subject. As a result, the subject can be appreciated both from qualitative and quantitative perspec­ tives. This chapter is the outcome of the primary qualitative data collected through a field survey, where primarily observation and unstructured inter­ view methods have been used. Simultaneously, the observations and findings are processed, analysed and corroborated with the help of certain previous studies and findings available in the form of secondary data. The processes of urbanisation and modernisation are all-pervading phe­ nomena that automatically embrace different spheres of the physical and socio-cultural worlds. The process of urbanisation, whether it is slow or rapid, gradually brings certain veiled as well as palpable changes around the world, which is however acting as catalyst in triggering certain silent and disguised changes in the world around. Urbanisation is gradually changing the housing demand and housing stock of a region, which have endangered the time-tested, age-old vernacular architecture tradition, and subsequently jeopardised the ecology and environment, along with the traditional culture, of a region. This chapter is an effort to trace the gradual progression of architecture towards urbanisation as noticed in Assam, especially in Guwahati, and out­ line impact of such changes in the socio-cultural and environmental sphere of the area. The socio-cultural changes can be comprehended through com­ parative study of the aspects of culture of the region, while the environmen­ tal impact of such changes are universal phenomenon and the research, and findings on such changes is equally applicable to any region. Though the vernacular architecture is a recent area of academic research, there are various forms of secondary sources. It is because of the multi­ disciplinary nature of the topic and growing research from diverse per­ spectives. Some of the important studies, like Tilley et al. (2006); Noble (2007); Rapoport (1969); Guillery (2010); and Glassie (2000), may be 80

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referred. Simultaneously, the contemporary relevance and merits of their studies have been analysed thoroughly, which is available in different platforms. Thus, different secondary sources like books, journals, web­ sites and digital sources were consulted during this study. However, the study is limited in many respects, as it is primarily qualitative in nature. It would have more relevant and logical if the study incorporated and sup­ ported with more quantitative data and analysis, which has more scope and necessity for the topic.

Vernacular architecture of Assam The vernacular architecture of Assam displays a diverse picture in respect of its form, style and technique. The origin and growth of the numerous style and techniques of the vernacular architecture of the state is substan­ tiation of the culture of its people and socio-cultural changes. The stock of vernacular architecture of Assam can be segregated into three stylistic divi­ sions as tribal, non-tribal and intermediary traditions. The first category is primarily single-unit stilt architecture, while the rest two are earth-fast and usually multi-unit in composition. On the other hand, all these architectural categories primarily consist of different architectural genres such as residen­ tial, seasonal and community architecture (Deka 2018). However, techni­ cal specialities are prevalent across the styles or within a style itself. On the other hand, the architectures across all styles are usually gabled roofed or occasionally hip roofed, which uses primarily natural building materials available locally. It is the general practice of the traditional Assamese homesteads, espe­ cially in the non-tribal style, and to some extent in the intermediary style, to construct residential houses within a well-managed, sizeable and tradi­ tional campus. The houses are arranged around a central chotal (court­ yard), positioned little away from the main road and approached through a private passage. This fenced approach passage is usually flanked by fruitbearing trees and flowering plants. On the other hand, a plot of land for the kitchen garden precedes the courtyard and house, while there remains a bari (orchard) at the backyard that invariably contains all kind of planta­ tions necessary for running of the household, such as bamboo, betel nut and betel leaves, and varieties of seasonal fruit-bearing and firewood trees. The households usually possess an all-through surrounding embankment and inner trenches along all sides for drainage of storm water, and a pond as the source of water. The presence of plenty of trees in the campus, the position­ ing of houses as per traditional scheme and cardinal orientation, and space organisation in the campus and architecture ensures passage of light and air in the campus, as well as into the houses. Thus, the traditional material-built houses and the traditional built environment of the traditional Assamese homesteads provide a comfortable dwelling ambience. 81

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The pitched- or hip-roofed vernacular style buildings of Assam tradition­ ally use natural building materials for construction. Thus, the bambooreinforced mud houses use bamboo as the prime construction material, as well as for the primary elements like posts, wall, roof truss, etc., while thatch is used for roofing. The houses possess openings for aeration all around, which are covered with bamboo lattice. Simultaneously, houses usually pos­ sess lofts and attic floors, usually mud plastered, that act as heat insulators in addition to providing necessary storing space.

Urbanisation of vernacular architecture of Assam Assam, or more specifically Guwahati, which—though it remained the stra­ tegic centre of different ruling dynasties throughout the history—came to the threshold of urbanisation and modernisation with the occupation of the state by the British. The British occupied Guwahati in March 1824 from the Burmese and subsequently in 1828, the lower part of Assam was annexed as part or protectorate of the British Empire, and Guwahati became the administrative headquarters of British rule. Subsequently, Guwahati became a town and municipal area in 1853 (Hazarika 2013), which can be assumed as the commencement of urbanisation in Assam. The operation of British rule from Guwahati gradually led to modernisa­ tion and urbanisation in architecture, especially in the residential architec­ ture. Especially, under the aegis of the British rule, a new genre and style of architecture, prevalent in Assam as well as entire northeast India, popu­ larly known ‘Assam type’ architecture, gradually developed. Gradually, colonial offices, residences and public buildings came up in this new style. This emerging new style and architecture adopted the basic British model of architecture and made the necessary modifications as per the demand of topography and environment, as well as using mostly locally available mate­ rials as well as techniques. Thus, the new public houses constructed by the British during the colonial rule are the example of the English architecture of Elizabethan and Victorian eras (Agarwala 2013, p. 114). The extent of the early British architecture style and form, constructed by the British or by other people imitating them, are still discernible in some of the old buildings of the colonial rule. One of such existing exam­ ples is the early building of the Cotton College, Guwahati, established in 1901. Although certain renovations and modifications of the college took place, the early buildings of the establishment days such as First Mess (later named as K.K. Handique Hostel) and the present-day chemistry department buildings still exist from the British era. Simultaneously, there are numer­ ous extant examples of almost century-old British era building in different parts of the state, displaying the glory and beauty of the architectural style. The style gradually gained immense popularity and became the new idiom of modern and aristocratic genre of residential architecture. Subsequently, 82

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this style and technique became popular paraphernalia that gradually per­ colated into the folk tradition and adapted into the vernacular architecture tradition. The urbanised style of Assam type architecture introduced the halftimbering type whereby the main structure of the building is constructed with a network of timber framing. Noble writes: In central and western Europe, when supplies of timber neared exhaustion and cost consequently increased, buildings began to shift to a construction system of half-timbering, in which the major structural members were wood and the walling was of earth materi­ als, most often mud or brick noggin. (Noble 2007, p. 113) These houses are constructed with wooden posts and stakes to which hori­ zontal wooden girt are attached at certain intervals. The girt have the grooves into which reeds are inserted vertically, while reeds are tied with horizontal bamboo splinters, inserted into the holes made in the vertical stakes. Thus, the voids of the frames or the panels are covered, which are then plastered from both sides with mud mixed with cow dung. This technique of con­ struction is known as wattle-and-daub construction. In some extraordinary instances, iron or concrete posts were also used. Generally, the plinth of the house or the lowest panel of the house, is usually constructed with brick, so sometime called it a half-walled house. The roof of the Assam type houses were initially made of bamboo purlin and rafter and covered with thatch, while the roof truss was usually wooden. For roofing, however, gradually the Corrugated Galvanised Iron (CGI) sheets and other permanent roofing materials were used for permanence in the Assam type houses. The Assam type house followed primarily the earth fast architecture of vernacular stock. These gabled or hip roofed, primarily single storey, earthfast architecture was modern in concept and construction. It is contextual to mention here that there existed certain prescriptions and restrictions in India throughout the ages concerning the construction of houses by the common people incorporated in different texts. Similarly, such restrictions were prevalent in Assam also, as corroborated by the Assam Buranji, which says that nobody other than the king could construct brick house (Datta 2007). The abolishment of such royal restrictions regarding construction of house by common people, development of connectivity and development of new commercial connection paved the way for construction of new and permanent architecture by common people using newly introduced and comparatively permanent, industry-produced materials. Such circumstances gradually facilitated the gradual development and modernisation of resi­ dential architecture in the state. However, the Assam type variety still exten­ sively made use of natural materials in construction, and therefore possesses 83

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the passive solar energy efficiency to great extent. Simultaneously, the mod­ ern and scientific outlook and new technology provided these architectures with deserved strength and comfort. Thus, along with provisions of flow of light and air in this new style to facilitate a comfortable indoor atmosphere, it also possessed the structural strength expected in the architecture of an earthquake-prone area. Thus, it has been found that the ‘performance of Assam type houses has been extremely good in several past earthquakes in the region’ (Kaushik and Babu 2009, p. 11). The Assam type architec­ ture, which is modern in concept and construction, is replete with different merits that count for its widespread popularity. Moreover, variety primarily followed the vernacular architecture repertoire in many respects, especially many traditional construction materials, which therefore proved suitable for the topography and climate of the region.

Urbanisation: changing scenario Assam is one of the least urbanised states of the country. The urbanisation in Assam got momentum in the post-independence period, especially in the last three or four decades. After the shifting of the capital of Assam from Shillong to Guwahati in 1973, the pace of urbanisation became rapid, espe­ cially in the capital city. The increasing migration and subsequent growth of population in urban area gradually escalated the demand for residential housing. Simultaneously, the increase of government offices and commercial establishments gradually resulted in the paucity of land, especially in Guwa­ hati city, that has typical topography and natural landscape. Such changes gradually compelled a search for new architectural solutions in the form of new architectural techniques and forms. The situation gradually moved to eschew the traditional campus as well as form, technique, disposition and layout of houses. Such a situation of urbanisation compelled a second change in the architecture. Through this new change, gradually RCC and multi-storied architecture, constructed of modern material and technology, emerged to cater the changing need and demand of architecture and space. The new situation and changing demand lead to replacement of the tradi­ tional stock and technique of architecture with modern architecture. Another consequence of urbanisation and escalating population in Guwa­ hati is the extension and encroachment of the hills and wetlands in and around the city for establishing new settlements. The city features 16 hills, four beels (wetlands) and two major tributaries of the Brahmaputra River, which used to play an immense role in maintaining the ambience and eco­ logical balance of the city. However, with increasing migration, it is observed that the ‘Guwahati presents a good example of permanent conflict between housing needs and ecological need’ (Mishra et al. 2017). The growth of set­ tlements in the hills, especially the occupation by the non-tribal population who live in the plains or flat land, led to cutting and levelling of the hills for 84

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the construction of houses. The haphazard and unscientific hill cutting in and around the city has not only led to destruction of tree and vegetation, but also resulted in draining away the soil to the drains, roads and low-lying areas, which is one of the prime reasons of flash flooding in the city. Moreo­ ver, the drained soil gradually filled up riverbeds of the already encroached and narrowed-down rivers to turn it shallower gradually. Simultaneously, gradual filling up of wetlands and natural water reservoirs for settlement have created a severe environmental crisis. The unscientific cutting of hills and earth filling of the wetland has disturbed the ecosystem and led to dif­ ferent consequences.

Urbanisation in architecture: environmental impact The impact of the shift from a traditional repertoire of vernacular architec­ ture, due to urbanisation and modernisation, is consequential. The devia­ tion from tradition and rejection of traditional vernacular architecture is conspicuous in the urban areas where it displays twofold impact. First, it leads to replacement of traditional material, techniques and forms of archi­ tecture, while second, it leads to change in the traditional built environment in the urban areas. The resulting changes have not only tapered the archi­ tectural tradition and associated culture of the land, but kicked off different changes, leading to critical environmental crises. The shunning and replacement of the natural materials, traditional forms and associated techniques of vernacular architecture immediately led to an end to the positive virtues of these architectures. These architectures tra­ ditionally use locally produced natural materials that are suitable for the environmental condition, as well as eco-friendly. The traditional building materials are known for structural strength and durability, if used scientifi­ cally and using modern technology. On the other hand, it is an acknowledged fact that the vernacular archi­ tecture of a region addresses and caters the demand of the local topography, climate and culture. The cumulative of experiences of the vernacular build­ ers facilitate the optimum use of virtues of natural building materials of a locality, take advantages of the local climate and develop solar passive build­ ing design. Thus, the vernacular architecture implies a harmony between dwellings, dwellers and physical environment, which take into account the constraints imposed by the climate (Singh et al. 2009), and the result is no or minimal use of mechanical means and energy sources to maintain ideal indoor thermal condition. The energy efficiency of vernacular architecture is one of its significant virtues, which can become crucial in addressing the contemporary energy crises, thus minimising the environmental degradation related to energy production. In the urbanised world, buildings consume the major share of energy and the buildings account for 45 percent of worldwide energy (Zhai and 85

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Previtali 2010). There is no doubt that the production and use of energy from different sources ultimately involves significant impact on the environ­ mental and natural resources. Zhai and Previtali (2010, p. 357) argue that: the emerging world energy and environmental challenges demand a substantial revolution of building design philosophies, strategies, technologies, and construction methods. Vernacular architectures, built by people whose design decisions are influenced by traditions in their culture, have been gleaned through a long period of trial and error and the ingenuity of local builders who possess specific knowledge about their place on the planet, and thus are valuable in promoting climate-specific passive building technologies to modern buildings. The energy consumption scenario in India is also very noteworthy. Thus, as per the report of the Central Electricity Authority, the residential sector consumes as much as 21 percent of the total energy generated in the coun­ try. This is about three times more than that of the commercial buildings (BEEP 2015). Similarly, it is said that about 48 percent of the energy con­ sumed in Indian residential building is used for providing indoor thermal comfort (Dili et al. 2011). Such a huge share of energy consumed for the maintenance of indoor temperature in the residential building is significant. It is because vernacular architecture, contrarily, is acclaimed for the better thermal performance it achieves by passive measures. This is so because: Due to the absence of mechanical means, traditional buildings use solar passive measures to achieve thermal comfort conditions. In most developing countries it can be observed that with the mod­ ernization of the building sector this traditional knowledge of smart and climate responsive design is being lost. Instead the modern building design is dominated by universal architecture that neglects local climate conditions and traditional construction techniques and materials. (Bodach et al. 2014, p. 227) Again, in addition to the solar passive design, the use of natural renew­ able construction materials significantly contributed to minimise the use of mechanical energy sources in vernacular architecture. Simultaneously, this makes the product eco-friendly, which also helps to maintain ecological balance and harness resource depletion. Therefore, the vernacular building technology and buildings possess the potency of addressing contemporary environmental crises to a great extent, which intensifies the applicability and relevance of vernacular architecture repertoire for contemporaneously much­ sought-after sustainable architecture and climate-responsive green building. 86

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In contemporary time, there is noticed the growing global concern for the environment and ecology, as well as budding emphasis on goals such as sus­ tainable development, green technology, etc., which have become the prime focus of the world community these days. Since the architecture is one of the basic needs of human and most extensive global activity that consequently draws its link to issues like environment and ecology through different channels, there is a growing emphasis on sustainable architecture and green building in contemporary housing technology. Sustainable architecture ‘is a category of architecture based on localized requirement and building mate­ rials, and reflecting the local traditions. Sustainable architecture behaviours evolve over time to reflect the environmental, cultural, technological, and historical context in which it exists’ (Niroumand et al. 2013, p. 248). The search for sustainable architecture is gradually accentuating the necessity of climate responsive building and green building. On the other hand, if we look into global environmental crises, the archi­ tecture possesses immense scope of contributing positively to tackle and reducing such crises. The European Commission categorised environmental problems into four main categories: a) Climate and energy problems related to the emission of green­ house gasses, b) Problems related to biodiversity and negative effects on nature (air, soil, water, oceans), plants and animals, c) Health related environment problems that cover negative effects on humans following pollution of, for example, air, food, drinking water, etc., and d) Resource problems related to the depletion of resource stocks and problems related to recycling issues. (Christensen and Kjær 2012, p. 21) The vernacular architecture which is sustainable and that uses green build­ ing technology can positively contribute in addressing and diminishing almost all such environmental crises, because the use of natural and renew­ able materials and energy sources that are used in vernacular architecture can lead to tackle host of the problems identified. Along with the changes in material, form, style and technique of architec­ ture, the urbanisation of architecture also gradually changed the traditional disposition and layout of houses and other accessories of the vernacular architecture tradition, leading to changes in the associated built environ­ ment. As noted earlier, the traditional settlements and traditional campus of homesteads in Assam used to have a characteristic built environment characterised by enough open area, plantation in the campus and adjoining bari at the backyard, proper drainage and low areas to collect storm water. However, urbanisation and resultant scarcity of land gradually reduced the size of campus through curtailing the traditional elements and fea­ tures of a campus like open space, bari and water collecting mechanisms. 87

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Consequently, this led to the gradual decrease or disappearance of tree, greenery, flora and fauna in urban areas that used to play significant role in the local ecology, environment and atmosphere. Contrarily, these see the abrupt increase of concrete in the urban areas, whether within or outside the campus. This change especially affected the ground water level in the urban areas, while it is also another cause of flash flooding. The change in the layout and disposition of traditional elements of a homestead has immediately incurred change in the built environment, which ultimately affected the local ecology and environment. In addition, the result of such change is evident in the urban areas with increases of temperature, flash flooding, and pollution. The impact of urbanisation with respect to architecture due to changes in materials, techniques, and the built environment of architecture, and the shift to modern form, technique, and industry produced modern build­ ing materials such as cement, brick, steel, iron, etc., showing their impact on nature and environment. The production of modern building materials involves use, depletion and destruction of nature, on one hand, which at the same moment passes on various negative impacts on nature and the environment in different ways. On the other hand, the houses constructed with the modern and industry-produced materials often turn out to be inap­ propriate for the local topography and environment. This is well evident in the few remarks. Due to population growth, increased urbanization and improve­ ments of living standards most of energy consuming buildings will be located in the urban centres of the developing world. The deple­ tion of energy resources and the risk of climate change are demand­ ing for a sustainable development path based on renewable energies and energy efficiency. (Bodach et al. 2014, p. 227) It is also observed conversely that the vernacular houses turn out to be com­ fortable shelter for a region because of the selection of appropriate and suitable building materials and technologies. Along with the materials, the design of the house is also contextual, enhancing the efficiency through optimisation for use of natural resources like solar radiation and wind effi­ ciently. However, traditional building design and techniques cannot always meet modern living styles. Therefore, Bodach et al. (2014, p. 242) men­ tioned that the ‘traditional buildings constitute a rich knowledge base that should not be abandoned and totally replaced by modern universal energyintensive building practices. Instead vernacular design has to be translated and adapted to modern living and comfort requirements’.

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Conclusion The process of urbanisation is inevitable, indispensable and desirable for the overall development of a region. There is no doubt that the escalating migration to urban areas and the escalating demand of houses for accom­ modation of a growing population within a limited area is the reality that demands scientific and proper planning. Simultaneously, modern architec­ ture appropriate to accommodating a growing population, as well as other establishments, is the reality and necessity in urban areas. In this aspect, it needs to be acknowledged that the traditional stock of vernacular archi­ tecture lacks the capability to address the growing demand of housing or accommodations in urban areas. Therefore, in a changing situation, the modern form, material and technique inexorably meet the architectural demands of urban areas. However, there is certainly a scope and necessity of using vernacular architectural elements in modern housing and architecture, which will lessen the adverse environmental impact of modern materials and architecture to some extent. Thus, there is the scope of using certain tra­ ditional materials and techniques of vernacular architecture in modern and contemporary architecture. Such contemporary use of traditional elements will endow architecture with strength and durability, and will contribute to achieving the goal of sustainable and cost-effective architecture. Such measures will not only help to curb contemporary environmental crises to some extent, and sustenance of the deserved ecology of the area, but also will ascertain the continuation of traditional culture and wisdom of the con­ cerned area.

References Agarwala, J. 2013. ‘Asamiya Sthapattar Nabarup,’ in H. Neog and L. Gogoi (eds.), Asamiya Sanskriti (5th ed.). Dibrugarh: Banalata (Assam), pp. 110–117. Asquith, L. and Marcel, V. 2005. ‘Introduction,’ in L. Asquith and M. Vellinga (eds.), Vernacular architecture in the twenty-first century: theory, education and practice. New York: Taylor & Franci, pp. 1–20. Bodach, S., Lang, W. and Hamhaber, J. 2014. ‘Climate responsive building design: strategies of vernacular architecture in Nepal,’ Energy and Buildings 81, 227–242. Building Energy Efficiency Project (BEEP). 2015. Energy efficiency in residential buildings. [Retrieved from: www.beepindia.org:www.beepindia.org/energy-effi ciency-residential-building (Accessed May 3, 2018)]. Christensen, T. B. and Kjær, T. 2012. ‘What is clean tech? Unravelling the buz­ zword,’ in P. Almlund; P. H. Jespersen and S. Riis (eds.), Rethinking climate change research: clean technology, culture and communication. England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, pp. 21–42. Datta, A. K. 2007. ‘Asamar Sthapatya Silpa,’ in P. Majumdar (ed.), Asamat Bijnan Sarsar Dhara. Guwahati: Publication Board Assam, pp. 202–228.

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Deka, N. 2018. ‘Urbanization and counter-urbanization of vernacular architecture of Assam,’ in M. Medhi; P. B. Mridusmita Mahanta (eds.), Urbanization and folklore: emerging issues and perspectives. Guwahati: Department of Folklore Research, Guwahati University, pp. 154–165. Dili, A. S., Naseer, M. A. and Zacharia Varghese, T. 2010. ‘Passive environment con­ trol system of Kerala vernacular residential architecture for a comfortable indoor environment: a qualitative and quantitative analysis,’ Energy and Buildings 42, 917–927. Dili, A. S., Naseer, M. A. and Zacharia Varghese, T. 2011. ‘Passive control method for a comfortable indoor environment: comparative investigation of traditional and modern architecture of Kerala in summer,’ Energy and Buildings 43, 653–664. Glassie, H. 2000. Vernacular architecture. Indiana and Pennsylvania: Indiana Uni­ versity Press and Material Culture. Guillery, P. (ed.). 2010. Built from below: British architecture and the vernacular. New York: Taylor & Francis Group. Hazarika, K. 2013. Itihasar Chhan-Poharat Purani Guwahati. Guwahati: Saraighat Prakashan. Kaushik, H. and Ravindra Babu, K. S. 2009. Housing report: Assam-type house. World Housing Encyclopaedia. [Retrieved from: www.worldhousing.net/ (Accessed 9 April 2015)]. Lethaby, W. R. 1939. Architecture: an introduction to the history and theory of the art of building. London: Thornton Butterworth Ltd. Mishra, A., Mahadevia, D., Joseph, Y. and Das, A. 2017. Guwahati’s residents of informal hill settlements are more vulnerable to natural calamities. [Retrieved from: https://counterview-org.cdn.ampproject.org/v/s/counterview.org/2017/07/29/ (Accessed 6 November 2018)]. Niroumand, H., Zain, M. F. M. and Jamil, M. 2013. ‘Assessing of critical param­ eters on earth architecture and earth buildings as a vernacular and sustainable architecture in various countries,’ Procedia- Social and Behavioural Sciences 89(2013), 248–260. Noble, A. G. 2007. Traditional buildings: a global survey of structural forms and cultural functions. New York: I. B. Tauris & Co. Ltd. Rapoport, A. 1969. House form and culture. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc. Singh, M. K., Mahapatra, S. and Atreya, S. K. 2009. ‘Bioclimatism and vernacular architecture of north-east India,’ Building and Environment 44(5), 878–888. Tilley et al. (eds.). 2006. Handbook of material culture. London, Thousand Oaks, CA, New Delhi: Sage Publication. Zhai, Z. (John) and Previtali, J. M. 2010. ‘Ancient vernacular architecture: charac­ teristics, categorization and energy performance evaluation,’ Energy and Building 42(3), 357–365.

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SUPPLY-SIDE FACTORS IN

DETERMINING URBANISATION

IN ASSAM

A district-level analysis Pradyut Guha

Introduction It has been well established that growth largely accounted for the process of migration from rural to urban areas (Harris and Todaro 1970). The impor­ tance of rural-urban migration in the process of urbanisation has received due attention in the works of several scholars. Ladent (1982) found that the net transfer of population from rural to urban areas occurs as a response to the spatial imbalances between labour supply and demand during the course of modernisation. The pace of rural-urban migration has accelerated over the recent decades in the Asian countries, particularly during the 1990s (Kundu 2009), while Bhagat (2011) claimed that the substantial increase in rural-urban migration and emergence of new towns during the past dec­ ade contributed towards a fast urbanisation process in India. According to Nijman (2012), the unprecedented urbanisation in India in recent years is mostly driven by natural increase in population and poverty-driven migra­ tion from rural areas. Jagannathan (1987) expressed the rapid urbanisation in post-independence India as a consequence of the emergence of new cities following large-scale public investment in those areas which had rural char­ acteristics decades before independence. Assam is one of the states in Northeastern India, sharing 2.4 percent of India’s total landmass with nearly 80 percent of population situated in rural area (GoI 2011). Traditionally rural in character, the agriculture and allied activities have remained the primary occupation of the population of Assam. The immigration in different phases1 has no doubt brought changes in the demographic setup of the state. In the country as a whole, the rate of urban­ isation has remained steady both in pre- and post-independence periods, with urban population growth taking a sharp increase between 2001 and 91

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2011 (GoI 2011). The figures of previous population censuses reveal that, though there has been a steady increase in urbanisation in Assam during the post-independence period, the rate of urbanisation has been consider­ ably slower than in other states of the country. It may interest the policy­ makers and researchers in understanding why urbanisation is slowing down in Assam despite the fast pace of urbanisation in the country, especially dur­ ing the last two decades. Moreover, the low rate of urbanisation in Assam has been traced to be responsible for the economic backwardness of the state (Panagariya 2016). There is a vast amount of literature focusing the issue of urbanisation of the country in general and Assam in particular, but limited attempts have been made so far with longitudinal data set in under­ standing factors determining urbanisation across the districts of Assam.

Concept and implication of urbanisation A study by Sreekumar (1990) stated that the settlement pattern has tremen­ dously influenced urbanisation in Kerala. The study claimed that an arbi­ trary fixation of village boundaries, coupled with high population pressure, has helped the formation of agricultural towns. Rukmani (1994) observed that urbanisation post-1960s in Tamil Nadu was driven by state-induced agricultural and industrial growth. Farooqui (1996) mentioned that opium trade and accumulation of capital because of high commercialisation led to industrial development and urbanisation in Bombay (now Mumbai) dur­ ing the colonial period. Clark (2000) stated that the spread of urbanism is linked to the emergence of a global society made possible by developments in telecommunications and mass media. Kundu (1983a) mentioned that the widening gap between the rural and urban sectors of the economy is a result of falling labour productivity and the decay of small industries and households in small towns, together with the phenomenal growth of a few consumer goods industries and the infor­ mal sector in large cities, leading to dualism in urban growth. Meher (1998) made an attempt to study the interconnections between urbanisation, emerging social ecology, and the environmental drift of Rourkela. Rapid industrialisation has changed the social composition of Rourkela. The study mentioned urbanisation process has generated intense social stresses in the city. Mukhopadhyay and Revi (2009) mentioned that though urbanisation is important for India’s growth, we must accept that the existing urbanisa­ tion models are unsustainable at the Indian scale with no alternative tra­ jectory being available. Guha (2009) found intensifying uneveness in the inter- and intra-urban development in Indian cities. Kundu (1991) made an attempt to examine the nature and magnitude of disparity in the access to water supply and sanitation of people in different levels of consumption expenditure in urban areas of Indian states. The study found the presence of vertical inequality with concentrations of urban poor in a few pockets of 92

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the country. Shaw (1999) tried to highlight the unevenness in the distribu­ tion of the new investment made in the country since the early 1990s. Such investment centred growth mostly based on automobile production, con­ sumer electronics, computer software, information technology, chemicals, petrochemicals, and steel production. The need for creation of urban infrastructure has received attention in the works of some scholars. The need for providing reproductive and child health services in urban areas has been mentioned by Bhagat (2011). Dao (2002) found that population growth exerts positive pressure on urbani­ sation in developing economies, while road networks were found to be a significant determinant of urbanisation in middle income countries. Gosh and De (2004) found inter-state differences in physical, social, and finan­ cial infrastructures are responsible for growing regional income disparities. Gutschow and Kreutzmann (2002) expressed that the encouraging demand of construction materials reflects the rapid growth of urban settlements in Nepal. Kasraian et al. (2016) found that the growth of the rail network was highly associated with the growth of the built-up area. As might be expected, the railway followed the existing pattern of urbanisation in the very beginning, and later urbanisation developed and intensified very close to the stations. Krugman (1991) stated that in a pre-rail road and pre­ industrial society, most of the population engaged in the primary sector, with low concentration of population. A small fraction of the labour force in manufacturing and high transportation costs ensures weak economies of scale. According to Kotavaara et al. (2011), the developing transportation system has brought places closer to each other in time as well as in cost, making them more attractive to people and investment. Zhou et al. (2012) found that the share of urban energy consumption in total energy consump­ tion has remained stable, despite large increase in urban population. Bagchi and Chattopadhyay (2004) found that developed states and large cities were the major destination for domestic institutional funds and exter­ nal assistance, which has created a problem of financing urban infrastruc­ ture and basic services. Mohan and Dasgupta (2005) expressed the need for city management, including the fostering of a professionalised workforce, to help foster large-scale urbanisation in Asian economies during the 21st cen­ tury. Such steps are likely to increase credit worthiness of city government and help attract investment necessary for vital urban infrastructure. Kundu (1983b) criticised the failure of our planners to reverse the colonial pattern of urbanisation in post-independence India, which contributed to regional imbalances. Biau (2007) studied the contrasting growth patterns in terms of foreign trade performance and reduction of poverty being reflected in Indian and Chinese cities, which become the locomotive of new growth model. Urban specialists should devote more attention to the evolution of booming cities. Denis et al. (2012) found existence of economically vital small settle­ ments contrary to the perception that India’s urbanisation is slow. Kundu 93

PRADYUT GUHA

and Samanta (2011) found that nearly 60 percent of the population is cov­ ered by Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM), which has restricted to developed states and metropolitan areas of India, with bias in funding pattern towards big cities owing to the inability of local bodies to prepare detailed project reports for economically backward states. Yuen (2011) made an attempt to review the state of urban planning and policy in Southeast Asia with a case study of Singapore as the country exported its expertise on urban planning. Dutta et al. (1986) confirm that a higher density of population in urban area and literacy—especially female literacy—importantly influenced urbanisation, with labour characterised by manufacturing and service sector workers. Pandey (1977) found a positive association of urbanisation and industrialisation in India. The study stressed that increased cropping intensity and development of the non-agricultural sector can effectively check the urbanisation rate in India. Mohan (1985) found that increased manufacturing production and agricultural stagnation in the poor states is likely to have caused significant acceleration in urbani­ sation during the 1970s and 1980s. Baiping et al. (2004) stated that rapid economic growth contributed to urbanisation in the famous scenic spots of China. Administrative gaps and lack of government control has led to over urbanisation in the mountains. The study stressed the need for law and regulation for controlling urbanisation. Iyer (2012) found that technologyintensive and innovative industries seem to have benefitted more from the pattern of urbanisation in the country. Butt (1996) found that relatively urban population growth in concomitant to excessive concentration of population in large cities manifests in terms of highly charged problems of poverty, inadequate infrastructure and housing, deficient social services, and environmental degartion. Goswami (1981) expressed the urgency of industrialisation in Assam. A number of studies have been initiated to investigate the factors determin­ ing urbanisation at national and global levels; however, limited attempts have been made to look into this problem at the state level, particularly in Northeast­ ern states of India. Although, Bhuyan and Husain (2013) made an attempt to study the challenges of urbanisation by measuring water stress index for Jorhat town of Assam, and found a significant growth of urbanisation in Jorhat with increase in value of water supply stress index. But studies attempting to iden­ tifying inter-district patterns of urbanisation in Assam and factors determining them are conspicuous by their absence. Understanding these backgrounds, the present study is an attempt to bridge such research gaps. Nevertheless, the specific objectives of the study are to: 1 2

Evaluate the inter-district growth of urbanisation and the infrastruc­ tural disparity in Assam. Examine the factors determining growth of urbanisation across the dis­ tricts of Assam. 94

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The present study is based on secondary data, collected from various pub­ lished sources. The district data on urban population and district urban land area in Assam (in square kilometres) for the period 2001–2011 were collected from Census of India 2001 and 2011. The data on various infra­ structural heads were also collected covering the period 2001–2010 across the 26 districts of Assam. For educational infrastructure, the data on num­ ber of pre-primary schools (pps); number of primary schools (ps); number of middle schools (ms); number of high schools (hs); number of higher sec­ ondary schools (hse); and number of junior colleges (jc) across the districts of the state were collected from Directorates of Education, government of Assam. Regarding health infrastructure, the data on number of hospitals (hos); number of sub-divisional civil hospitals (sdch); number of primary health centers (phc); number of sub-centres (sc); and number of dispensa­ ries (dis) were collected from Directorate of Health Services, government of Assam. The data on health facility were collected such as number of beds in civil hospital (ch); number of beds in block primary health centers (bphc); number of beds in mini primary health centers (mphc); number of beds in community health centers (chc); and number of beds in subdivisional civil hospitals (sdch) were collected from Directorate of Health Services, government of Assam. The data on road communication infra­ structure were collected from Office of the Chief Engineer PWD (Nh) and Office of the Chief Engineer, PWD (Roads); Chief Engineer, PWD, NH Works for length of roads under PWD (in km) (pwd); length of national highways (in km) (nh); length of state highways (in km) (sh); and road density per 1,000 square km (rdt). The energy consumption data were collected from Chief General Manager, APDCL Bijulee Bhawan, of the state government on number of domestic consumers of electricity (dc) and number of commercial consumers of electricity (cc). The data relat­ ing to commercial banking facilities were collected from RBI Quarterly Statistical Return on number of branches of the State Bank of India and its associates (sbia) and number of branches of nationalised banks (nb). The data on warehousing facilities were collected from Regional Manager, Central Warehousing Corporation, Assam on warehousing capacity (in metric tonnes) (wc). Following Kundu and Raza (1982), the present study constructed urban growth index (g) for evaluating the inter district growth of urbanisation in Assam: g = [X1—X0] / [(A1+A0)/2]

(1)

where X1 stands for urban population of a particular district as per latest census (2011); X0 stands for urban population of a particular district as per initial census (2001); A1 stands for urban land area (in square km) of a particular district as per the latest census (2011); and A0 stands for urban land area (in square km) of a particular district as per initial census (2001). 95

PRADYUT GUHA

Comparing the inter-district infrastructural disparity in Assam has been done using a composite infrastructure index (Cii). The composite infrastruc­ ture index of the jth district was constructed by taking average of seven infrastructural indices as follows: Ciij = [∑Ieij +∑Ihij+∑Ibfj+∑Ircj+∑Iedj+Icbj+Iwcj]/ N

(2)

Where Ieij stands for index of educational infrastructure of jth district; Ihij stands for index of health infrastructure of jth district; Ibfj stands for index of bed facilities of jth district; Ircj stands for index of road com­ munication infrastructure of jth district; Iedj stands for index of energy demand of jth district; Icbj stands for index of commercial banking infra­ structure of jth district; and Iwcj stands for index of warehousing capacity of jth district. The details of the formation of the seven indices are listed in the endnotes of the chapter.2 Each of the indices has been calculated by using the following formula, as has been used in the construction of the Human Development Index by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP 1990): VI = [Iijt—mini(Iijt)] ÷ [maxi(Iijt)—mini(Iijt)]

(3)

Where VI stands for value of the index such that 0 ≤ VI ≤ 1; i represents any particular variable; j stands for the location or district; and t stands for time period under consideration. In order to examine the factors determining growth of urbanisation across the districts of the state, the following regres­ sion model was used: git = θ0 + ∑7j=1θjIjit + vit

(4)

Where i = 1,2,3, . . . 26 are the districts of the state under consideration; t = 2001, 2002, 2003, . . . 2010 is the period of study; g stands for the index of urban growth; I1 stands for index of educational infrastructure; I2 stands for index of health infrastructure; I3 stands for index of health facility; I4 stands for index of road communication infrastructure; I5 stands for index of energy demand; I6 stands for index of commercial banking facility; I7 stands for index of warehousing capacity facility; and v is a well-behaved error term such that v ~ iidN(0, σv2).

Pattern of urbanisation in Assam From the Panel (a) of Figure 6.1, it is implied that there has been a steady increase in urban population of India compared to its total population both in pre- and post-independence periods. Though the urbanisation rate in Assam was very slow in the pre-independence period, it increased at a very 96

15000000

10

10000000

6

2000000 1500000

4

1000000

2

500000

0

0

2001

1981

0 1961

0 1941

5000000

1921

5

2500000

Panel (a)

Urban population in Assam

15

3000000

8

2001

20000000

3500000

10

1981

20

12

1961

25000000

4000000

1941

30000000

25

4500000

14

1921

35000000

5000000

1901

30

16 % of urban population to the total population of Assam

40000000 Urban population in India

35

1901

% of urban population to the total population of India

S U P P LY- S I D E F A C T O R S I N U R B A N I S AT I O N I N A S S A M

Panel (b)

Figure 6.1 Urbanisation trends in Assam and India Source: Census reports (various issues), Office of the Registrar General and Census Commis­ sioner, government of India

fast rate in between 1951 and 1971, and further, the rate of urbanisation kept moving steadily in between 1991 and 2011 (Panel [b] Figure 6.1). By looking at Figure 6.1, a larger question is raised as where these people have settled. Between 2001 and 2011, the proportion of urban population to that of total population in various districts of Assam, except Dhubri, Bon­ gaigaon, Dima Hasao, Hailakandi and Sonitpur, have increased (Appendix 6.1). As per the recent census, the Class III towns and Class I towns have been found to be more popular for human settlement both at the national level and in Assam (Appendix 6.2). There has been a substantial increase in migration from rural to urban areas, and the emergence of new towns, during the past decade (Bhagat 2011). Across the various districts of Assam, the largest percentage of urban habitat being noticed in Kamrup metro, Dima-Hasao and Jorhat as per recent census. There has been a 71 percent increase in the number of towns in Assam from 2001 to 2011. Though the number of towns has significantly increased across the districts of the state, it is interesting to observe that the districts have been fragmented into smaller townships with no change in geographical area (e.g. the number of towns in Cachar district has increased to more than double during the refer­ ence period). However, the increase in the number of townships in Nagaon district came together with increase in land area of the district. During the reference period, three more towns have been added to Tinsukia district with no change in the land area of the district (Appendix 6.1). Thus during 2001–2011, urbanisation in the form of formation of new townships has led to fragmentation of the districts’ land area into smaller townships. 97

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Growth of urbanisation in Assam Between 2001 and 2011, Assam has registered urban growth rate of 19.69 persons per square kilometre of urban area (Table 6.1). There seems to be a disparity in the urban growth across the districts of the state. Amongst the 28 districts, the urban growth was highest in Karimganj, followed by Cachar in second position. The growth of urbanisation in Karimganj has increased by 2,293 persons per square kilometre of urban area, while it was 2,291 persons per square kilometre of urban area in Cachar district. However, the figure of urban growth index was found to be negative in Sonitpur district, implying that there has been de-urbanisation in the district in between the period of pre­ vious two censuses. Thus, the growth rate of urbanisation was higher in southern districts relative to the rest of the districts of Assam. Table 6.2 reports the summary statistics of the composite infrastruc­ tural index (Cii) across the districts of Assam for the period 2001–2011. It has been observed that the average value of the Cii was relatively bet­ ter in Darrang, Nalbari, Goalpara, and Lakhimpur districts, while it was little over state average in Barpeta, Kamrup, Karimganj, Cachar, DimaHasao, Bongaigaon, Kokrajhar, Sivasagar, and Dhemaji districts during the same period. However, the Cii was lower than the state average in the districts of Dhubri, Morigaon, Hailakandi, Udalguri, Baksa, and Chirang. The composite infrastructure index in Assam has been observed to be fluctuating between 24 and 18 percent between 2001 and 2005, and stead­ ily increased to 70 percent by 2010 (Appendix 6.3). With specific refer­ ence, the estimates of Cii across the districts of Assam has been observed that barring Barpeta and Nalbari districts, the rest of the districts of the

Table 6.1 Index of urban growth, 2001–2011 District

g

District

g

Kokrajhar Dhubri Goalpara Barpeta Morigaon

200.47 369.48 1705.45 599.15 1701.69

Tinsukia Dibrugarh Sivasagar Jorhat Golaghat

700.19 317.00 319.21 575.00 484.97

Nagaon

1172.99

565.10

Sonitpur Lakhimpur Dhemaji

−35.57 1004.03 639.80

Karbi Anglong Dima Hasao Cachar Karimganj

280.57 2290.93 2292.93

District/state

g

Hailakandi Bongaigaon Chirang Kamrup Kamrup Metro Nalbari

376.68 422.05 1712.94 502.55 1424.19

Darrang Udalguri Assam

1007.01 901.52 19.69

1591.13

Sources: Author’s estimates based on the data in Census Reports 1901 to 2011 (GoI 2011)

98

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Table 6.2 Summary statistics of Cii, 2001–2011 Variable

Obs

Mean

Std. dev.

Min

Max

Kokrajhar Dhubri Goalpara Barpeta Morigaon Nagaon Sonitpur Lakhimpur Dhemaji Tinsukia Dibrugarh Sivasagar Jorhat Golaghat Karbi Anglong Dima Hasao Cachar Karimganj Hailakandi Bongaigaon Chirang Nalbari Baksa Darrang Udalguri Kamrup Assam

10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10

0.34 0.23 0.41 0.39 0.23 0.28 0.27 0.42 0.33 0.27 0.28 0.33 0.32 0.30 0.31 0.33 0.33 0.35 0.23 0.34 0.16 0.42 0.17 0.44 0.22 0.35 0.32

0.07 0.14 0.11 0.05 0.16 0.11 0.12 0.13 0.25 0.19 0.14 0.17 0.10 0.14 0.05 0.11 0.14 0.22 0.13 0.05 0.19 0.08 0.20 0.08 0.23 0.12 0.19

0.24 0.07 0.29 0.30 0.04 0.12 0.15 0.24 0.09 0.13 0.13 0.10 0.21 0.11 0.24 0.17 0.15 0.10 0.10 0.27 0.00 0.33 0.00 0.34 0.00 0.22 0.12

0.46 0.49 0.64 0.48 0.56 0.51 0.54 0.68 0.73 0.73 0.56 0.61 0.52 0.56 0.4 0.5 0.63 0.69 0.51 0.42 0.48 0.59 0.52 0.56 0.61 0.6 0.7

Sources: Estimates based on data compiled from Directorates of Education, government of Assam; Directorate of Health Services, government of Assam; Office of the Chief Engineer PWD (NH) and Office of the Chief Engineer, PWD (Roads); Chief Engineer, PWD, NH Works for length of roads under PWD (in km) (PWD); Chief General Manager, APDCL Bijulee Bha­ wan, government of Assam; RBI Quarterly Statistical Return; Regional Manager, Central Warehousing Corporation, Assam

lower Brahmaputra valley of Assam—namely Kokrajhar, Dhubri, Goal­ para, Bongaigaon, and Chirang—have attained improvements in infrastruc­ ture growth since 2007 (Appendix 6.3). There has been improvement in infrastructure during the second half of the previous decade in Kamrup, Morigaon, and Nagaon. Except for Darrang, most of the districts in the north bank plains region of Assam have made improvements in infrastruc­ ture during the latter half of the previous decade. The same was true for hill districts such as Karbi Anglong and Dima-Hasao. All three of the districts of the Barak Valley region made improvements in infrastructure between 2004 and 2010. In the case of the districts of upper Brahmaputra Valley, improvements have been made in infrastructural setup during the second 99

PRADYUT GUHA

phase of the previous decade. In totality, most the districts of Assam have made improvements in infrastructure in terms of Cii during the second half of the previous decade.

Determinants of urbanisation in Assam With reference to fitted regression equation (4), two fixed effect panel regression models have been estimated, and the results of these models are reported in Table 6.3. The robustness check has been performed separately

Table 6.3 Estimated regression model Model

Model I (FEE)

Model II (FEE)

Dependent variable

Urban g

Overall g

Breusch–Pagan/ Cook–Weisberg Test [p > chi2]

11.80 [0.006]

4.58 [0.03]

Education infrastructure

1329.26 (1244.55) −4367.77** (2236.98) −357.38 (1247.87) 1851.64 (1897.66) −5246.77** (2342.43) 398.85 (759.91) 871.13* (500.64) 2714.18** (1090.43) 0.56 3.15** 1.47 260

234.95** (92.06) −564.44*** (85.6) 323.12 (262.32) −44.21 (83.06) 81.25 (48.58) 40.21 (44.59) 30.29 (27.09) 94.52** (44.73) 0.58 10.47*** 1.47

260

Health infrastructure Health facility Road communication Energy consumption Banking facility Warehousing capacity Constant R2 F Mean VIF Number of observations

Sources: Estimates based on data compiled from Directorates of Education, government of Assam; Directorate of Health Services, government of Assam; Office of the Chief Engineer PWD (NH) and Office of the Chief Engineer, PWD (Roads); Chief Engineer, PWD, NH Works for length of roads under PWD (in km) (PWD); Chief General Manager, APDCL Bijulee Bha­ wan, government of Assam; RBI Quarterly Statistical Return; Regional Manager, Central Warehousing Corporation, Assam Note: The figures within () are White’s heteroskedasticity consistent robust standard error ***p < 0.01, ** p < 0.05, * p < 0.1 Fixed Effect Estimates (FEE) of Model I and II was confirmed with the Hausman specification test

100

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for the data and presence of multicolinearity test has been detected among the explanatory variables of present study. The intercept terms in both of the models have been found to be statistically positively significant. Both the models seem to be moderately fitted in terms of the value of coefficient of determination. The overall significance is established and found to be sig­ nificantly fitted the regression equation (4). With reference to the estimated parameter of health infrastructure in Model I, being found to be significant with sign of coefficient being negative implying that across the 26 districts of Assam, an improvement in health infrastructure has led to de-urbanisation during 2001–2010. A possible explanation for such a result may be the fact that between 2001 and 2010, there has been improvement in health infrastructure in terms of construction of primary care health centres, hospital, sub-divisional civil hospitals, sub-centres, and dispensaries in the rural areas of the state, which might have inspired people to return back to villages for medical and health care. With the agrarian setup of economy whereby more peo­ ple settle in rural areas for their livelihood, people feel safer in villages, provided that they have better access to health care. The estimated coef­ ficient of energy consumption was also found to be negatively significant at a 5 percent level, implying an increase in the domestic and commercial consumption of electricity across the districts of the state, seeming to reduce urbanisation during the previous decade. One of the reasons for such a result may be increased consumption of electricity at household and commercial levels in the rural areas of the districts of Assam. Pos­ sibly, the rural areas across the districts of the state might have opened up new firms and industries during the reference period, thereby increas­ ing the commercial consumption of electricity, together with increased household use of electricity, contributing to de-urbanisation in the state. Although the coefficient of warehousing capacity was found to be weakly significant in Model I, it carried a positive sign implying improvement in warehousing and storage facilities in urban areas, helping marketing and value chain facility, which might have influenced people to settle in those areas across the districts of state for commercial and business purposes during the reference period. The present study found similar results as per the estimated results of health infrastructure in Model II. The coefficient of educational infrastructure in Model II having been found to be statis­ tically positively significant, an improvement in educational infrastruc­ ture has influenced people across the districts to settle in the radius of locations, which have better access to educational institutions for fruitful learning. The urban areas normally agglomerate better and higher educa­ tional institutions, so it might have influenced people across the districts of the state to migrate to those locations for higher studies during the reference period.

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Conclusion While the percentage share of urban population to the total population of has increased rapidly in India during the previous decade (2001–2011), there has been a slowdown trend of urbanisation in Assam during the study period. With no change in district land area, the districts of Assam frag­ mented into smaller towns during the previous decade. The urban growth in Assam as a whole during the reference period was 19.69 persons per square kilometre of the urban area, while Karimganj and Cachar districts registered the largest growth of urbanisation in the state. However, there seemed to be de-urbanisation in Sonitpur district during the previous decade. Most of the districts of Assam have attained an improvement in infrastructure in terms of composite infrastructure index during the second half of the previous decade. An improvement in health infrastructure and energy consumption has led to de-urbanisation across the districts of Assam during the previous decade while improvement in educational infrastructure and warehousing facilities complemented urbanisation growth in the state during the refer­ ence period. Thus, given the skewed pattern of urbanisation, there is a need for public initiative for infrastructural improvement for reducing the dispar­ ity in the growth urbanisation across the districts of Assam.

Notes 1 Migration of labour from Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, and West Bengal in the emerging tea industry of Assam can be considered as the first phase, followed by farm labourers from East Bengal (now Bangladesh), and third from Nepal. The fourth phase of migration inflow was the traders from other states of India due to emerging scope of trade and commerce in the region (Devi 2007). 2 Formation of the seven indices: ∑Ieij = [Ippsj + Ipsj + Imsj + Ihsj + Ihsej + Ijcj] / N ∑Ihij = [Ihj + Isdchj + Iphcj + Iscj + Idj] / N ∑Ibfj = [Ibchj + Ibbphcj + Ibmphcj + Ibchcj + Ibsdchj] / N ∑Ircj = [Ilpwdj + Ilnhj + Ilshj + Irdtj] / N ∑Iedj = [Indcj + Inccj] / N where Ippsj stands for index pre primary school of jth district; Ipsj stands for index of primary schools of jth district; Imsj stands for index of middle schools of jth district; Ihsj stands for index of high schools of jth district; Ihsej stands for index of higher secondary schools of jth district; Ijcj stands for index of junior colleges of jth district; Ihj stands for index of hospitals of jth ditrcit; Isdchj stands for subdivisional civil hospitals of jth district; Iphcj stands for index primary health centres of jth distrcit; Iscj stands for sub-centres of jth district; Idj stands for dispensaries of jth district; Ibchj stands for index of bed facilities in civil hospitals of jth dis­ trict; Ibbphcj stands for index of bed facilities in block primary health centres of jth district; Ibmphcj stands for index of beds in mini primary health centres of jth district; Ibchcj stands for index of beds in community health centres of jth district;

102

S U P P LY- S I D E F A C T O R S I N U R B A N I S AT I O N I N A S S A M

Ibsdchj stands for beds in sub-divisional civil hospitals of jth district; Ilpwdj stands for length of roads under PWD of jth district; Ilnhj stands for index of length of national highways of jth district; Ilshj stands for index of length of state highways of jth districi; Irdtj stands for index of road density per 1,000 square km in jth district; Indcj stands for index of number of domestic consumers of electricity in jth district; and Inccj stands for number of commercial consumers of electricity in jth district.

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Pandey, S. 1977. ‘Nature and determinants of urbanisation in a developing economy: the case of India,’ Economic Development and Cultural Change 25(2), 265–278. Rukmani, R. 1994. ‘Urbanisation and socio economic change in Tamil Nadu, 1901–91,’ Economic and Political Weekly 29(51/52), 3263–3272. Shaw, A. 1999. ‘Emerging pattern of urban growth in India,’ Economic and Political Weekly 34(6/170), 969–978. Sreekumar, T. 1990. ‘Neither rural nor urban: spatial formation and development process,’ Economic and Political Weekly 25(35/36), 1981–1983, 1985–1987, 1989–1990. UNDP. 1990. Human development report, 1990. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. Yuen, B. 2011. ‘Centenary paper: urban planning in south east Asia, perspective from Singapore,’ The Town Planning Review 82(2), 145–167. Zhou, W., Zhu, B., Chen, D., Brown, C., Ma, Y. and Fei, W. 2012. ‘Energy consump­ tion pattern in the process of China’s urbanisation,’ Population and Environment 33(2/3), 202–220.

105

Appendix 6.1

TOWNSHIP, LANDMASS AND

DEMOGRAPHIC STATISTICS OF

ASSAM, BY DISTRICT

Census

2001

2011

District

PUPTP PUPTP Number of District Number District area towns area of towns (square km) (square km)

Kamrup (M) Dima Hasao Jorhat Tinsukia Dibrugarh Cachar Bongaigaon Goalpara Nagaon Karbi Anglong Nalbari Dhubri Sivasagar Kamrup Golaghat Karimganj Sonitpur Lakhimpur Barpeta Morigaon Chirang Hailakandi Dhemaji Kokrajhar Darrang Udalguri Baksa

80.23 31.6 17.15 19.47 19.28 13.94 15.87 8.14 12.2 11.3 3.99 12.29 9.24 4.43 8.54 7.33 10.56 7.33 9.1 4.89 5.77 8.12 6.79 6.11 5.49 4.37 0

82.9 28.7 20.1 20 18.4 18.2 13.8 13.7 13 11.8 10.7 10.4 9.6 9.4 9.2 9.1 8.9 8.8 8.7 7.7 7.4 7.3 7 6.2 6.1 4.5 1.3

2001

2011

4 7 10 9 7 5 3 10 6 2 8 5 9 6 3 6 2 7 2

2851 3790 3381 3786 2152 1824 3373 10,434 2257 2798 2668 4345 3502 1809 5324 2277 3245 1551

3 3 4 4

1327 3237 3538 3481

12 4 11 13 9 19 5 11 17 7 11 9 7 16 7 7 8 4 9 6 3 3 4 4 3 3 2

955 4888 2851 3790 3381 3786 1093 1824 3973 10,434 1052 2176 2668 3105 3502 1809 5204 2277 2282 1551 1923 1327 3237 3296 1585 2012 2457

Source: Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, government of India Notes: PUPTP stands for Percentage of Urban Population to the Total Population; blank cells indicate missing information

106

Appendix 6.2

POPULATION IN CLASSIFIED

TOWNS OF ASSAM AND INDIA

Town

Class I (≥ 100,000) Class II (50,000–99,999) Class III (20,000–49,999) Class IV (10,000–19,999) Class V (5,000–9,999)

Population (in lakh) 2011

Number of towns 2011

Assam

India

Assam

India

20.96 2.9 3.81 0.61 0.24

2649 321.7 418.5 240.3 126.5

9 3 11 3 2

468 474 1374 1685 1748

Source: Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, government of India

107

Appendix 6.3

CII IN ASSAM, BY DISTRICT

Districts/state

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

Kokrajhar Dhubri Goalpara Barpeta Morigaon Nagaon Sonitpur Lakhimpur Dhemaji Tinsukia Dibrugarh Sivasagar Jorhat Golaghat Karbi Anglong Dima Hasao Cachar Karimganj Hailakandi Bongaigaon Chirang Nalbari Baksa Darrang Udalguri Kamrup Assam

0.44 0.19 0.29 0.35 0.16 0.29 0.25 0.29 0.09 0.2 0.13 0.11 0.26 0.25 0.24 0.18 0.31 0.33 0.2 0.28 0 0.36 0 0.35 0 0.32 0.24

0.36 0.13 0.33 0.35 0.16 0.28 0.16 0.24 0.12 0.19 0.17 0.1 0.28 0.21 0.26 0.17 0.29 0.19 0.18 0.28 0 0.37 0 0.37 0.01 0.25 0.12

0.33 0.16 0.41 0.43 0.04 0.27 0.23 0.32 0.14 0.16 0.26 0.27 0.29 0.11 0.28 0.31 0.22 0.12 0.13 0.33 0 0.37 0.04 0.48 0.02 0.22 0.13

0.33 0.12 0.32 0.39 0.13 0.17 0.2 0.32 0.1 0.13 0.14 0.29 0.21 0.19 0.3 0.27 0.15 0.1 0.1 0.32 0.04 0.33 0.04 0.56 0.06 0.24 0.25

0.26 0.07 0.37 0.43 0.12 0.12 0.15 0.47 0.21 0.17 0.23 0.18 0.22 0.21 0.26 0.31 0.17 0.17 0.14 0.4 0.04 0.41 0.04 0.53 0.07 0.24 0.18

0.3 0.13 0.41 0.48 0.19 0.21 0.2 0.48 0.25 0.16 0.22 0.36 0.28 0.26 0.31 0.32 0.29 0.3 0.16 0.42 0.06 0.59 0.06 0.5 0.13 0.36 0.27

0.24 0.27 0.34 0.36 0.21 0.26 0.22 0.5 0.37 0.23 0.26 0.37 0.3 0.3 0.33 0.36 0.36 0.41 0.22 0.27 0.25 0.42 0.25 0.34 0.33 0.39 0.3

0.34 0.31 0.4 0.34 0.27 0.28 0.3 0.41 0.58 0.3 0.33 0.46 0.36 0.42 0.36 0.39 0.43 0.55 0.3 0.36 0.29 0.51 0.29 0.44 0.38 0.42 0.46

0.34 0.41 0.56 0.3 0.47 0.38 0.43 0.48 0.68 0.47 0.49 0.53 0.44 0.47 0.36 0.48 0.45 0.65 0.39 0.33 0.45 0.44 0.49 0.4 0.56 0.45 0.57

0.46 0.49 0.64 0.42 0.56 0.51 0.54 0.68 0.73 0.73 0.56 0.61 0.52 0.56 0.4 0.5 0.63 0.69 0.51 0.39 0.48 0.41 0.52 0.47 0.61 0.6 0.7

Sources: Author’s compilation from the Directorate of Education, Government of Assam; Directorate of Health Services, Government of Assam; Office of the Chief Engineer PWD (NH) and Office of the Chief Engineer, PWD (Roads); Chief Engineer, PWD, NH Works for length of roads under PWD (in km) (PWD); Chief General Manager, APDCL Bijulee Bhawan, Gov­ ernment of Assam; RBI Quarterly Statistical Return; Regional Manager, Central Warehousing Corporation, Assam

108

7

DYNAMICS OF URBANISATION

IN MANIPUR

Trends, patterns and policy consideration

Yumlembam Khogen Singh

Introduction As a global trend, the growth of urbanisation in India is accompanied by the shift of population from rural to urban areas. In 2011 in the country, 31.2 percent of the total population was found to be living in urban areas, compared to 27.8 percent and 25.7 percent in 2001 and 1991, respectively (Government of India 2019). Meanwhile, rural population is decreasing, from 80.1 percent in 1971 to 76.7 percent in 1981, 74.3 percent in 1991, 72.2 percent in 2001 and 68.8 percent in 2011. Such movement of popu­ lation from rural to urban areas, increasing in the proportion of popula­ tion residing in urban areas, is the starkest feature of urbanisation. The exact definition and population size of urbanised areas varies among dif­ ferent countries. Generally, urbanisation is equated to the size of growth of cities. For practical purpose, the United Nations defines urbanisation as increase in the percentage of population residing in urban areas and asso­ ciated growth in the ‘number of urban dwellers’, ‘size of cities’ and ‘total area occupied by urban settlements’ (United Nations 2019, p. 32). Nonethe­ less, the definitions of urbanisation vary greatly across countries and thus, even the United Nations’ estimates of ‘urbanisation level’ for all countries are not comparable across the countries because the estimates are based on data supplied by different countries based on their experience and envi­ ronment (Alkema et al. 2013). However, there is a general agreement that urbanisation is a complex socio-economic process closely linked with the technological or scientific revolution and exercising a growing influence on all aspects of social life, affecting the nature of economic development, demographic composition and other social processes (Sandhu 2003). Thus, the major challenge in understanding the level of urbanisation is the varied definitions of ‘urban’ adopted in different decadal censuses and consequent

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YUMLEMBAM KHOGEN SINGH

lack of comparable data across long period of time. In the case of India, a concerned state government under a special legislation can notify an area as ‘statutory town’ or as ‘census town’ if it fulfils certain criteria. India’s ‘Census town’, unlike ‘statutory town’, is based on the fulfilment of the geographical criteria like minimum population of 5,000, of which at least 75 percent of the male working population should be engaged in non­ agricultural pursuits, and density of population of at least 400 persons per sq. km. Nevertheless, urban growth and urbanisation refer to two different processes. In the simplest sense, urban growth is numerical growth, while urbanisation is proportional growth. Interestingly, an ‘urban area’, simply a ‘city’ or a ‘town’, can be seen from different perspectives. For instance, the focus of demographers can be on the size of the population, density of the population and nature of the work of the majority of the adults. However, the prime interest of sociologists can be on the heterogeneity, impersonal­ ity, interdependence and the way of life. Urbanisation is often considered as an important indicator of economic development and social transforma­ tion, but the implications are expected to vary according to the geo-political context and socio-economic circumstances of the region. Most importantly, to deal with the implications and ramifications of urbanisation with appro­ priate policy interventions, there is a need to understand the patterns and trends of urbanisation in the chosen geographically bounded system. Here, lies the importance of the present paper that attempts to dissect and explain the dynamics of urbanisation in a geographically isolated, culturally diverse and economically underdeveloped area like Manipur. Manipur is one of the eight Northeastern states of India. This hilly state constitutes only 0.7 percent of the total land surface of India. Its physical geography looks like an amphitheatre, with a small oval-shaped valley at the centre encircled by nine hill ranges on all sides. Ninety percent of its geographical area is covered by hills, and the remaining small area is the oval-shaped valley, covering only 2,238 sq. km. The central small valley is known as Imphal Valley and accounts for only one-tenth of the total area of the state. As per the Census of India (2011a), Manipur is neither in the top ten most urbanised nor in least urbanised states of the country, but it has emerged as one of the most quickly urbanising states in India and the second most urbanised state in Northeast India, after Mizoram. Even though Manipur has a lower level of urbanisation than the national level, the difference is less than two percentage points. The urban population in the state has grown from merely 2.8 thousand in 1951 to 8.3 lakh in 2011. Such an increase of urban population may not be striking in terms of abso­ lute numbers, but there has been a dramatic jump in terms of percentile growth from mere 0.50 percent in 1951 to 29.21 percent in 2011. Such a huge increase in percentile growth of urban population in Manipur over the last few decades is a very significant point to be pondered upon considering the small geographical area, mostly covered by hills, and high concentration 110

D Y N A M I C S O F U R B A N I S AT I O N I N M A N I P U R

of population in the small valley area at the centre. Nevertheless, during the decade (2001–2011), there has been an increase of 18 new towns in Manipur. This ever-increasing urbanisation leads to various issues ranging from the social, political, economic and—more importantly—the resources and space constraints. Given such increasing number of towns and upward urbanisation in the state, this chapter explains the trends and patterns of urbanisation and offers suggestions that may help in monitoring urbanisa­ tion in the state.

Methodology Trends and patterns of urbanisation in Manipur shall be gleaned out from the reports of Census of India including the total rural-urban population in Manipur. Most recent District Census Handbooks (Census of India 2011b) of Manipur and various reports of Economic Survey of Manipur conducted by the state government were utilised as main sources of pertinent data. Until 2011, there were only nine districts in the state; later, in 2016, seven new districts were carved out from the then existing nine districts (Gov­ ernment of Manipur 2016). Therefore, the state has 16 districts and 66 sub-divisions after December 2016. However, for the present study, the urbanisation process and analysis have been made from the nine districts and the corresponding sub-divisions. The trend of urbanisation in Manipur shall be presented in terms of dec­ adal increase in urban population and decadal urban population growth rate of the state vis-à-vis the national rate, the decadal increase in the num­ ber of urban centres and the inter-state urbanisation rank vis-à-vis North­ eastern states. Similarly, the pattern of urbanisation shall be presented in terms of spatial distribution of urban population, including concentrations by district, class and region. At the concluding part of this chapter, after highlighting some distinctive features of urbanisation of the state that might have implications on urban planning and development initiatives, some fea­ sible suggestions are put forward to mitigate the challenges faced by Imphal city and transform it into a sustainable city.

Trends of urbanisation Analysis of the decadal increase in urban population in Manipur in the last six decades shows that the state is in the midst of rapid urbanisation. Fast increases in the number of towns and expansion of urban areas during the last two decades is a clear indication of the undergoing rapid urbanisation process. A 4 percent increase in the urban population in 2011, coupled with a multi-fold jump in the decadal growth rate of urban population during the period is pinpointing to the future tract of upward urbanisation in Manipur. 111

YUMLEMBAM KHOGEN SINGH

Manipur witnessed a negative growth rate of urban population during 1940s, primarily due to the outbreak of the World War II that not only killed many people but also forced a large number of people to flee especially from the Imphal urban area (Ali 1988). After this phase, there has been a continu­ ous rise in urbanisation but the speed of urbanisation was not uniform over the years as seen in Table 7.1. The urban population in Manipur in 1951 was mere 2.8 thousand, but it has grown to 8.3 lakh in 2011. The new cri­ teria of determining urban settlement adopted in the 1951 Census was very much influenced by qualitative considerations, and it covered only a small area of Imphal (only 5.18 sq. km.) as urban area in Manipur, leaving behind a large portion of Imphal area as rural (Singh 1995). Consequently, only 0.50 percent of the total population was recorded to be living in urban areas in 1951, and almost the entire population of the state was considered to be rural. However, the growth rate of urban population seemed to be very high from the 1970s. The most obvious reason for this may be attributed to the adoption of the new definition of ‘town’ in 1961. The change in the percent­ age of urban population from the year 1971 to 1981 was not only striking in terms of percentile growth, but it was also huge in terms of absolute num­ ber. Urbanisation in Manipur over the last six decades or so has depicted a continual decadal gain in terms of percentile points, with an exception of the census year 2001. However, in the following decade, the percentile gain was almost quadrupled. These indicate the fast and strong pace in the trend of urbanisation in Manipur. A sudden drop in the growth of urban popula­ tion between 1991 and 2001, both in terms of absolute and percentage, is an area where introspection can be focused for future policy intervention. As is the case with the growth of urban population, the number of towns or urban areas has also registered an upward trend. From a mere one town in 1951, the number of towns reached 51 in 2011. A swift increase in the number of towns in Manipur was witnessed in two different occasions. One was between the census year 1971 to 1981, Table 7.1 Urbanisation in Manipur (1951–2011) Census year

Total no. of urban agglomerations/ towns

Total population

Urban population

Percentage of urban population

1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011

1 1 8 32 31 33 51

5,77,635 7,80,037 10,72,753 14,20,953 18,37,149 22,93,896 28,55,794

2,862 67,717 1,41,492 3,75,460 5,05,645 5,76,410 8,34,154

0.50 8.68 13.19 26.42 27.52 25.13 29.21

Source: Compiled from Census of India (2011b), and Government of Manipur (2017)

112

D Y N A M I C S O F U R B A N I S AT I O N I N M A N I P U R

and another was during the last two decadal censuses. For the first time in the history of Manipur, the number of towns rose to double digits, i.e. 32 in 1981. Thus, urban population that constituted only 0.50 percent of the total population of the state in 1951 has risen to 29.21 percent in 2011. The rural-urban distribution of population in Manipur is quite contra­ dicting if we compare the decadal growth rates of rural and urban popula­ tion. Against almost the same decadal growth rates of population over the last two decades, estimated at around 24 percent, the decadal growth rate of urban population made a quantum jump from 13.00 percent in 1991–2001 to 44.72 percent in 2001–2011. Such an increasing decadal growth rate of urban population does not correspond with the decrease in the decadal growth rate of rural population during the same period. Table 7.2 depicts the imbalance in the decadal growth rates of rural-urban population. A dec­ adal growth rate of 44.72 of urban population is very critical, given the high concentration of urbanisation in the valley area (Table 7.6) and also due to the estimated total population of Manipur, expected to be around 35 lakh by 2021 (Government of Manipur 2017, p. 6). Migration can be an impor­ tant factor behind such a disproportionate decadal urban growth rate, shift­ ing from rural to urban population. In-migration to urban areas has always been a trend, both among the well-to-do families in rural areas in search of better living conditions and among the rural poor who move into the urban areas in search of livelihood. These must have contributed to the huge influx of migrants in the urban centres of the state. Table 7.3 makes a comparison of the decadal increase in urban popula­ tion between Manipur and nationwide. It shows that the level of urbanisa­ tion in Manipur seemed to be higher than that of the national average two to three decades in the past. At present, the level of urbanisation in Manipur is lower than the national average by around two percentage points, but the urban annual exponential growth rate of Manipur in 2011 is higher than that of the national rate. It suggests that in the years to come, Manipur may Table 7.2 Decadal growth rates of rural-urban population in Manipur Particulars Population distribution

Decadal growth rate in %

1991

2001

2011

(1991–2001)

Total

18,37,149

Urban

5,05,645

Rural

13,31,504

22,93,896 28,55,794 24.86 (4,56,747) 5,76,410 8,34,154 13.99 (70,765) 17,17,928 20,21,640 29.02 (3,86,424)

Source: Compiled from Census of India 1991, 2001, 2011b data Note: Figures in parentheses show net population increase in the decade

113

(2001–2011) 24.50 (5,61,898) 44.72 (2,57,744) 17.68 (3,03,712)

YUMLEMBAM KHOGEN SINGH

Table 7.3 Urbanisation in Manipur and India (1951–2011) Year

1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011

Percentage of urban population

Urban annual exponential growth rate

Manipur

India

Manipur

India

0.50 8.68 13.19 26.42 27.52 25.13 29.21

17.3 18.0 19.9 23.3 25.7 27.8 31.2

31.64 7.37 9.76 2.98 1.21 3.70

3.47 2.34 3.23 3.79 3.11 2.74 2.76

Source: Computed from Census of India (2011c)

overtake the national level in its level of urbanisation and become one of the most highly urbanised states in the country. Compared to other states of the country like Mizoram, Gujarat, Maha­ rashtra, Karnataka, Goa, Kerala and Tamil Nadu (albeit it is not depicted in the table), Manipur is still far behind them with an estimated level of urbanisation at 29.21 percent of the total population living in urban areas in 2011, but Table 7.4 shows that Manipur has the second highest level of urbanisation in the Northeast region, only after Mizoram that estimated at 52.11 percent of its population living in urban areas. Unlike the national trend and among the other Northeast states which have seen gradual increases in the percentage of urban population in the last five censuses, Manipur and Sikkim have witnessed fluctuation in the level of urbanisation. According to the 1981 population census, Manipur’s urban population with 26.42 percent was identified as the highest level of urbanisation among the states of the Northeast region, and its level of urbanisation was even higher than that of the national average. During 1981–2011, Manipur managed to gain only 3 percent higher level of urbanisation, while there has been an increase of 8 percent at the national level within the same period. However, during the same three decades, Mizoram recorded a huge gain of 27 percent higher level of urbanisation, surpassing the national level and becoming the most urbanised state among the Northeastern states. Manipur is the only state in the entire Northeastern region retaining a consistent urbanisation rank both in all of India and in the Northeast region over the last two decades. Nagaland closely follows Manipur by one rank behind both in all India as well as in the region in 2011. Assam is the least urbanised state in the region. Mizoram’s seventh rank on the level urbanisa­ tion among the states/union territories is far higher than the other states of the region (Table 7.5).

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Table 7.4 Urbanisation in Manipur vis-à-vis Northeastern states (1971–2011) Northeastern states/ all India Arunachal Pradesh Assam Manipur Meghalaya Mizoram Nagaland Sikkim Tripura India

Percentage of urban population in census years 1971

1981

1991

2001

2011

3.70 8.82 13.19 14.55 11.36 9.95 9.37 10.43 19.91

6.56 9.88 26.42 18.07 24.67 15.52 16.15 10.99 23.34

12.80 11.10 27.52 18.60 46.10 17.21 9.10 15.30 25.70

20.75 12.90 25.11 19.58 49.63 17.23 11.07 17.06 27.81

22.94

14.10

29.21 20.07 52.11 28.86 25.15 26.17 31.14

Source: Compiled from Government of Manipur (2017)

Table 7.5 Trends in urbanisation, 2001–2011 Northeastern states

Mizoram Manipur Nagaland Tripura Sikkim Arunachal Pradesh Meghalaya Assam

Rank within the Northeastern states

Rank among the states/ union territories of India

2001

2011

2001

2011

1 2 5 6 8 3 4 7

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

5 20 29 30 33 26 28 32

7 20 21 24 25 29 31 33

Source: Census of India 2001, 2011c

Pattern of urbanisation As mentioned previously, Manipur consists of 16 districts and 66 subdi­ visions following the creation of seven new districts in 2016. Seven new districts—namely Jiribam, Kangpokpi, Kakching, Tengnoupal, Kamjong, Pherzwal and Noney districts—were carved out from the existing districts of Imphal East, Senapati, Thoubal, Chandel, Ukhrul, Churachandpur and Tamenglong, respectively. Two old districts—namely Imphal West and Bishnupur—have been left unaffected by the latest bifurcation and forma­ tion of new districts. However, the pattern of urbanisation in Manipur shall be analysed by taking the classification of the administrative structure as in the 2011 census.

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The pattern in which the urban population in Manipur has been geo­ graphically distributed becomes a central point of analysis, and it is found that there is a marked disparity in the level of urbanisation among the dis­ tricts. Table 7.6 reveals that urbanisation has been skewed, as out of the nine districts, only five had urban areas, while Senapati, Tamenglong, Chu­ rachandpur and Ukhrul districts were entirely rural (all in the hills) in 2001. Things were little improved in the 2011 census, when all the five hill districts had at least one urban area. However, the level of urbanisation in the hill districts was far lower than the valley districts. Five hill districts together have only 10.7 percent of the urban population in the state. On the con­ trary, 82.3 percent of the urban population in Manipur is living in the four valley districts. Another revealing fact is that 61 percent of the total urban population of the state is found in the two Imphal districts. Imphal West district with 62.3 percent of its population living in urban areas, which is considered as the highest urbanised district in the state, followed by Imphal East district with 40.2 percent. Ukhrul, with 14.8 percent, is identified as the most urbanised district among the hill districts. Imphal East district has the highest decadal growth rate of urban population, far higher than that of the state average as well as average decadal growth of urban population in hill or valley region. Senapati district is found to be the least urbanised district in the state. Disparity in the pattern of urbanisation among the districts of Manipur can be easily seen from the distribution of towns in hill and valley districts Table 7.6 Proportion of urban population in Manipur, by district Districts

Senapati Tamenglong Churachandpur Chandel Ukhrul Hill Districts Imphal East Imphal West Bishnupur Thoubal Valley Districts Manipur

Proportion of urban population to total population in district

Decadal growth of urban population (%)

2001

2011

2001–2011

0.0(0.0) 0.0(0.0) 0.0(0.0) 12.6(2.6) 0.0(0.0) 1.7(2.6) 27.4(18.8) 55.5(42.8) 35.9(13.0) 36.0(22.8) 39.7(97.4) -

1.6(0.9) 13.8(2.3) 6.7(2.2) 11.7(2.0) 14.8(3.3) 7.3(10.7) 40.2(22.0) 62.3(38.7) 36.9(10.5) 35.8(18.1) 45.6(89.3) -

12.6 49.6 69.2 30.9 17.1 15.3 64.6 44.8

Source: Census of India (2011b) Note: Figures in parentheses indicate percentage of urban population of the district to total urban population of the state

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(Table 7.7). Like in other states, in the Census of Manipur, there has been classification of an area as an urban area or declassification of a previously classified town as a rural area. As previously mentioned, the concerned state government can designate an area as a town or as a place that can become an urban area after fulfilling the criteria laid down by the Census of India. On top of all these, according to Census tradition, in the case of a town that spreads over the geographical boundaries of more than one district, the same town is counted as town of that district where the bigger portion of the town falls. In the case of Senapati district, as reflected in the district’s 2011 Census Handbook (Census of India 2011b), Mao, Karong and Kangpokpi were designated as ‘statutory towns’ in 1981 under the then Manipur Urban Municipality Act, 1976, then were declassified or de-notified as ‘rural’ in 1991. Likewise, in the 2001 census, Churachandpur district, a census town in the previous census was declassified as rural area based on the demo­ graphic criteria of ‘urban area’ as laid down in the Census guidelines (Cen­ sus of India 2001). Based on these criteria, there was no town in Senapati, Tamenglong, Churachandpur or Ukhrul districts in the 2001 census, albeit there were already town-like settlement areas in these districts at that time. Thus, sometimes census classification of an urban area may contradict the general perceptions of the reality. An overall assessment given in Table 7.7 shows that out of 51 towns in 2011, only seven were to be found in the hill districts. As per the 2011 census, Imphal East district has the largest number of towns. Forty-four towns out of the total 51 towns in Manipur in 2011 can be found highly concentrated in the four valley districts. Manipur has an additional 18 new

Table 7.7 Distribution of towns in Manipur, 1991–2011, by district Districts (area in sq. km)

Senapati (3,271) Tamenglong (4,391) Churachandpur (4,570) Chandel (3,313) Ukhrul (4,544) Hill Districts (20,089) Imphal East (709) Imphal West (519) Bishnupur (496) Thoubal (514) Valley Districts (2,238) Manipur (22,327)

No. of towns 1991

2001

2011

-

-

1 1 3 1 1 7 15 7 13 9 44 51

-

1 1

2 3 10 7 9 29 31

Source: Census of India 1991, 2001, 2011b

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-

1

1 6 10 7 9 32 33

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towns during the last decade (2001–2011) alone. Such an addition of 18 new towns, six in the hill districts and 12 in the valley districts, are very significant for understanding the trend as well as pattern of urbanisation in Manipur, given the short time of a decade and small geographical area of the state.

Imphal city: mono-centric urban growth Towns can be of different sizes in terms of population, and the number of towns alone may not be able to explain exact pattern of urbanisation unless the distribution of the towns of different classes in different regions is analysed. A thorough analysis of the distribution of urban population in different classes of towns in different districts and regions of Manipur in 2011 shows that the state has only one Class I town in Imphal West district and one Class II town in Imphal East district. These two towns together constitute the so-called ‘Imphal city’, the capital of Manipur spreading over two districts and situated at the centre of the valley of Manipur. Again, a careful analysis of relevant 2011 census data reveals that a huge majority of towns, regardless of classes, is found to be concentrated in the valley dis­ tricts, of which more concentration is in the Imphal West and Imphal East districts. Thus, the spatial pattern of urbanisation hints towards a monocentric model of urbanisation where the concentration is towards Imphal city. Therefore, Manipur is having an uneven pattern of urbanisation, and a single metropolis city called Imphal dominates the state, thereby attracting more migrants. An interesting development in the last decade is the emer­ gence of a Class III town named Ukhrul Central in the hill district of Ukhrul and a couple of Class IV towns in Tamenglong and Chandel districts. A per­ tinent question is: can these emerging towns in the surrounding hills relieve the over-urbanisation at the heart of Imphal city or narrow down the ine­ qualities of resources and facilities? Imphal is the biggest urban settlement in Manipur, and it is of prime importance to almost all the urban centres and settlements surrounding it. Imphal is experiencing growth in population due to mix factors including inclusion of more settlement areas under its urban agglomeration (UA), nat­ ural growth and migration. Until the Census of 1951, Census of Manipur was conducted as a part of Assam’s census operation, but an independent decadal Census of Manipur started only from 1961 onwards. Constitution of the Imphal Municipal Board in 1956 was a landmark in the history of urbanisation in Manipur. Until 1961, Imphal was the only town in Manipur. According to Indian census tradition, any town or urban agglomeration hav­ ing a population of more than 100,000 persons is known as a ‘city’. Thus, Imphal became the only city in the state in 1991 and the same was called as ‘Imphal Municipality’ (Census of India 1991). For the first time, the concept of UA1 was adopted in the 1991 census, with reference to Imphal city by 118

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agglomerating contiguous urban areas and their population and until the 2011 Census, Imphal Urban Agglomeration (Imphal UA) remains the only UA in Manipur. In 1991, the total population of Imphal UA was 2.0 lakh, of which 1.96 lakh were residing in Imphal Municipality (Imphal City), comprising 97.83 percent of the total population of Imphal UA (Census of India 1991). Population of Imphal UA was 2.46 lakh in 2001 (Census of India 2001). However, according to the 2011 census, the total population of Imphal UA governed by the Municipal Cooperation has increased to 4.2 lakh persons and Imphal city alone has a population of 2.8 lakh (Census of India 2011a). As a consequence of rapid urbanisation, the population of Imphal city alone is estimated to cross 3.8 lakh (India Population 2020, 2019) by the end of 2020, and as such brings numerous challenges to the urban life in Manipur.

Challenges confronting the Imphal city and way forward The problems of urbanisation in Manipur started from the early 1990s, but they were only visible in their embryonic forms as compared to other met­ ropolitan cities of India (Singh 1995, p. 213). Manipur itself started expe­ riencing strains of urbanisation from the late 1990s (Singh 1996). These days, the problems of urban sprawl in the state bring numerous challenges, especially in Imphal city. The socio-economic problems of the city range from unplanned housing, urban waste, pollution, lack of employment, una­ vailability and misuses of land to inadequate drainages, traffic congestion, lack of civic amenities, etc., which are greatly aggravated by lack of eco­ nomic development and industrialisation, sluggish growth in other towns and haphazard expansion of urban landscape in Imphal city (Singh 2017). Such challenges, confronted in Imphal city, have negative impacts on the quality of urban life in the state. The overall rank of Imphal city in the ‘Ease of Living Index 2018’ was 91 out of 111 surveyed cities in India (Govern­ ment of India 2019). That means Imphal city’s overall rank in better living indices was much behind other cities of Northeast India like Itanagar (10), Gangtok (74), Aizawl (84), Guwahati (85), but slightly better than Agartala (93) and Shillong (98). The Ministry of Urban Development, government of India, selected Imphal as one of the Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban Transfor­ mation (AMRUT) mission cities that was launched in 2015. Through this scheme, the state government is planning to complete the replacement of old pipes with new pipes in areas under Imphal Municipal Corporation by 2020 and to improve the ailing water supply service. Imphal has been a beneficiary under the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mis­ sion’s (JNNURM) sub-mission on Basic Services to Urban Poor (BSUP) inaugurated in 2005. However, if one looks at the status of Imphal in terms 119

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of reform achievement in percentage at the ‘City wise JNNURM Reform Status’ 2016, Imphal city managed to score only 49.78 percent as com­ pared to above 90 percent scores of cities like Hyderabad, Vijayawada, Surat, Mysore, etc. Imphal’s JNNURM reform status (Government of India 2016, p. 320) was even lower than some other cities of Northeast region like Aizawl (75.22), Itanagar (70.33), Shillong (68.59) and Gangtok (57.61). In terms of sanitation, according to sanitation rating of Class I Cities based on Swachh Bharat Mission Indicators (SBMI), Mysore city was ranked in No. 1, while Imphal ranked 83 among 476 Class I cities of India (Government of India 2016, p. 146). Imphal’s rank seems good in terms of all India ranking but its sanitation rating based on Swachh Bharat Mission Indicators is lower than five other cities in Northeast region like Gangtok (10), Agartala (32), Aizawl (35), Dibrugarh (47) and Guwahati (51). However, according to the Census of India 2011, there is not a single ‘notified slum’, ‘recognized slum’ or not even an ‘identified slum’ in Manipur. Traffic congestion is at alarming stage in Imphal city, and it leads to worsening air pollution and increasing road accidents. Limited width of the roads, lack of classified roads for spe­ cific type(s) of vehicles, artificial road chaos due to lack of traffic control and heavy traffic loads on the roads, etc., are responsible for traffic conges­ tion in the city (Singh 2017). Thus, the lack of an adequate transportation system in the state is the major reason for traffic problems in Imphal. Measures like effective public transport systems, centralised traffic com­ mand and control system, construction of ring roads to avoid overcrowd­ ing of vehicles in the city, construction of designated and advanced parking spaces, division of roads into multiple lanes, etc., can mitigate the problems of traffic congestion in Imphal. Apart from these, allocation of different time zones for heavy commercial vehicles, reservation of some spaces as ‘no vehicle zones’, strict and better security measures from the law enforcement agencies, etc., can be of great help in solving traffic—as well as transportation— problems in the city. The lack of a drainage system frequently creates artifi­ cial floods on the streets and residential areas of Imphal often face waterlog­ ging problems even after a short but heavy rainfall during monsoon season. It shows that the city’s drainage system needs a complete revamp or a fresh design, given the changing demographic—as well as geographic—landscape of Imphal. A study monitoring the urban land-use pattern in Imphal city over a period of 45 years shows that the build-up area of the city has increased from 22.06 sq. km (24.77%) in 1970 to 74.14 sq. km (83.27%) in 2015 out of the total 89.07 sq. km area (Tungnung and Anand 2017). Such a sub­ stantial transformation of land to build-up in Imphal area is mainly because of over urbanisation due to pull factors of Imphal city, and it is happening at the expense of agricultural lands, wetlands and lands for other purposes. This shows that there is still need for an inclusive and balanced land use policy for a sustainable Imphal city in future (Tungnung and Anand 2017). 120

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The state of public services delivery in this city is inadequate. The exist­ ing services in Imphal in particular and urban areas in Manipur in general have huge gaps to meeting the benchmarks set by the Urban and Regional Development Plans Formulation and Implementation Guidelines (URDPFI) 2014 in all the sectors like health facilities, water supply, solid waste man­ agement, education facilities and wastewater management (Khwairakpam et al. 2015). Problems and challenges of Imphal city are many but as per the guide­ lines of the Government of India’s ‘100 Smart Cities Mission’ launched in 2015, the government of Manipur has already envisioned a single comprehensive and inclusive remedial plan to transform Imphal into a citizen-friendly and sustainable city. The state government submitted Smart City Plan of Imphal City under fast track competition in 2016 and later emerged as one of the winners. An effective and timely implementation of the ‘implementation plan’ laid in the Imphal Smart City proposal and cooperation from the citizens can transform the city and pave the right path towards brighter future.

Conclusion Manipur is witnessing an upward trend in the growth of urban popula­ tion over the last few decades. As per the census of 2011, the state has emerged as one of the most quickly urbanising states in India and the second most urbanise states in the Northeast region, only after Mizoram. However, Manipur is among neither India’s top ten most urbanised nor its least urban­ ised states. The urban population in Manipur has shown a dramatic jump in terms of percentile growth from mere 0.50 percent in 1951 to 29.21 percent in 2011. Again, a substantial increase in the number of new towns during the last decadal census can be found highly concentrated in the valley districts, reflecting a marked disparity in the level of urbanisation among the districts of Manipur. More than 82 percent of the urban population in Manipur is living in the valley districts, showing the valley-centric urban formations. Such a trend of urbanisation is imperative, given the small geographical area of the state and severe concentration of population in the small valley area. Increasing decadal growth rates in urban population of Manipur do not correspond with decreasing decadal growth rates of the rural popula­ tion (Table 7.2), depicting imbalance in decadal growth rates of rural vis-à­ vis urban population in the state. Such distinctive features of urbanisation have shown ramifications for healthy urban life in the state. The spatial pattern of urbanisation in Manipur hints towards a mono-centric model of urbanisation. An uneven pattern of urbanisation and single metropolis called Imphal dominates the state affairs, thereby attracting more migrants and leading to over-urbanisation, but this can be checked by developing more satellite towns with adequate resources. 121

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Imphal city’s achievement in the JNNURM reform status (Government of India 2016, p. 320) has been unsatisfactory as compared to other cities. The overall rank of Imphal city in terms of living index is in the bottom 20 out of the surveyed cities in the country (Government of India 2019), and the city is confronting various socio-economic problems. Challenges of this city range from lack of civic amenities, unplanned housing, unavailability and misuse of land and inefficient urban waste management to worsening air pollution, lack of employment, inadequate drainages, traffic congestion, etc. Traffic congestion is alarming, and needs immediate policy intervention. Measures like effective public transport systems, construction of ring roads and designated advanced parking spaces, division of roads into multiple lanes, allocation of different time zones for heavy commercial vehicles, etc., can be of great help in solving traffic—as well as transportation—problems in Imphal area. According to Census of India 2011, Manipur remains the only state in the country that does not have slums. However, the existence of squalid and overcrowded urban areas in and around the city is also a stark real­ ity. This is an area where the concerned authority should ponder upon and identify such areas as ‘slums’ to garner more assistance for urban renewal from the concerned ministry of the central government. On top of govern­ mental appraisal, periodical third party ‘social auditing’ of existing policies and programmes should be conducted. There is need for stringent enforce­ ment of laws and collaborative efforts between state and non-state actors to solve various kinds of urban problems. The ongoing ‘Imphal Smart City Project’ provides a strategic blueprint for sustainable transformation of the city. Therefore, effective and timely implementation of the project by the state government, along with much-needed engagement and cooperation from urban local bodies and citizens, can transform the city and pave the right path towards brighter future.

Note 1 According to the census definition, a UA is a continuous urban spread constituting a town and its adjoining urban growths (OGs), or two or more physically contigu­ ous towns together and any adjoining urban outgrowths of such towns.

References Ali, A. 1988. Economic history of Manipur: 1801–1951. PhD thesis, Manipur Uni­ versity, Canchipur. Alkema, L., Jones, G. W. and Lai, C. U. R. 2013. ‘Levels of urbanization in the world’s countries: testing consistency of estimates based on national definitions,’ Journal of Population Research 30(4), 291–304. Census of India. 1991. Series 15, Manipur, paper 1, provisional population totals. Imphal: Directorate of Census Operations.

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Census of India. 2001. Series 14, paper 2, Manipur, provisional population totals, rural-urban distribution of population. Imphal: Directorate of Census Operations. Census of India. 2011a. Imphal city census 2011 data. [Retrieved from: www.cen sus2011.co.in/census/city/184-imphal.html (Accessed 29 October 2019)]. Census of India. 2011b. District census handbooks, (Manipur), Series-15, Part XII­ A. Imphal: Directorate of Census Operations. Census of India. 2011c. Final population totals. New Delhi: Registrar General of India. Government of India. 2016. Handbook of urban statistics 2016. New Delhi: Minis­ try of Urban Development. Government of India. 2019. Handbook of urban statistics 2019. New Delhi: Minis­ try of Housing and Urban Affairs. Government of Manipur. 2016. Manipur Gazette No. 408, notification No. 16/20/2016 dated 8th December 2016. Imphal: Revenue Department. Government of Manipur. 2017. Economic survey Manipur, 2016–17. Imphal: Direc­ torate of Economics & Statistics. India Population 2020. 2019. Population of Imphal 2020. [Retrieved from: https://indiapopulation2020.in/population-of-imphal-2020.html (Accessed 14 October 2019)]. Khwairakpam, D., Singh, W. R. and Naorem, V. 2015. ‘Strategy for urban infra­ structure development in identified towns of Manipur state,’ International Journal of Humanities and Social Invention 4(1), 42–50. Sandhu, R. S. (ed.). 2003. Urbanization in India: sociological contributions. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Singh, K. J. 1996. Urbanization trends in North East India: A spatio temporal analy­ sis. PhD thesis, Manipur University, Canchipur. Singh, K. J. 2017. ‘Urban growth and associated problems: an experience in Manipur,’ IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 22(8), 27–36. Singh, L. T. 1995. ‘Urbanization in Manipur: an analysis in retrospect,’ in J. B. Gan­ guly (ed.), Urbanization and development in north-east India: trends and policy implications. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, pp. 206–214. Tungnung, J. Z. and Anand, S. 2017. ‘Dynamics of urban sprawl and land use in Imphal of Manipur, India,’ Space and Culture 5(2), 69–83. United Nations. 2019. World urbanization prospects: the 2018 revision. New York: Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division.

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URBANISATION AND SOCIAL LIFE IN AN URBAN SETTING A sociological analysis of Shillong Surojit Sen Gupta

Introduction What is an urban area or a city or a town? This term is used in two senses: demographically and sociologically. In the former sense, emphasis is given to the size of population, density of population and nature of work of the majority of the adult males; while in the latter sense, the emphasis is on heterogeneity, impersonality, interdependence and the quality of life. The German sociologist Tonnies (1957) differentiated between rural and urban communities in terms of social relationships and values. The gemeinschaft community is one in which social bonds are based on close personal ties of kinship and friendship, and the emphasis is on tradition, consensus and informality, while the urban gesellschaft society is one in which impersonal and secondary relationships predominate and the interaction of people is formal, contractual and dependent on the special function or service they perform. The emphasis on gesellschaft society is on utilitarian goals and the competitive nature of social relationships. Other sociologist like Weber (1958) and Simmel (1950) have stressed on dense living conditions, rapidity of change and impersonal interaction in urban settings. According to Wirth (1938, p. 8), for sociological purposes, a city may be defined as ‘a relatively large, dense and permanent settlement of socially heterogeneous individu­ als’. Scholars like Glass (1955) have defined city in terms of factors such as size of population, density of population, main economic system, type of administration and some social characteristics. Sociologists do not attach much importance to the size of population in the definition of city because the minimum population standards vary greatly. As such, they give more importance to characteristics other than the population size. The history of urbanisation in India dates back to the Indus Valley civili­ sation. There existed several cities even before the arrival of the British. The

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pre-British cities could be classified into religious, capital, educational and trade/commercial cities. Cities like Banaras and Prayagr (Allahabad) were the religious centres. Patliputra (Patna), Ayodhya, Dwarka, Agra, Delhi, Fatehpur, Kannauj, Lahore, Dacca, Bidar, Vijayanagara, Kanchipuram, Madurai, Tiruvanantapuram and Mysore were the capital cities. Nalanda, Taxila and Vikramasila were the educational centres. Calicut and Lothal were the port cities. Many capital and port cities were also commercial/ trade centres. Capital cities like Patliputra and Vijayanagara had a popula­ tion of more than a million during those days (Ghurye 1962). The rise and fall of capitals were dependent on the rise and fall of dynasties. Two of the consequences of the British influence were the growth of pop­ ulation in cities catering to import and export trade, and the production of consumer goods. This second stage came much later. Another aspect of this influence was the change in the architectural design of buildings and the introduction of modern utilities. By far the greatest change came in the alteration of the economic and political organisation of the urban soci­ ety. The construction of transportation and communication networks also affected the pattern of urbanisation in India. Indian urbanism has essentially been shaped by three civilisations: the Hindus during the early period, the Muslims during the medieval period and the Christians during the modern period. The rulers representing these civilisations tried to impose elements of their culture on the urban life of India.

Shillong: a synoptic view In the past, Shillong was a few clusters of scattered hamlets under the jurisdiction of the Syiem of Mylliem (the Chief of Mylliem). Since the year 1866, Shillong became the provisional headquarters of the Khasi and Jaintia Hill districts. Shillong became the capital of the Assam province in 1874. Between 1905 and 1912, it was the summer capital of province of Eastern Bengal and Assam. In 1972, Meghalaya attained full statehood and Shillong became the capital of the new state. The British pooled as much resources as possible for developing and making this hill-town congenial and enjoyable to their modes of living as best as possible. The beautiful Wards Lake, polo ground, the race course, the governor’s residence, the link-roads connecting the neighbouring plains, patronisation of the Christian European missionaries with big grant of lands, etc., for the establishment of hospitals, schools and colleges, churches and so forth were some of the instances. They could easily discover and imagine with their worldwide experiences that Shillong was a potential vir­ gin soil to model it into a Queen of the Hill-Stations on the one hand and their best stronghold in the East India for propagation of British power and culture. In such crisscross pulls, Shillong became the cleanliest, both

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naturally and artistically modernised, queen of the cities of India (Hussain 1993, pp. 63–97). The city may be envisaged as having an enclave character, a common fea­ ture of most cities developed in the hands of colonial administration. The city sustains itself without having to depend on the structural requirement of the region. Shillong emerged to suit the colonial demands of exploitation of natural resources and for better administrative and defence control over the region. The regional structure during the period of inception of the city is characterised by fragmentation of space only on politico-administrative line, without any indication towards structural changes in the economy. It is significant that the city which remained under direct British control was surrounded by numerous Khasi Himas (Khasi states). Even after independ­ ence, the nature of urbanisation was characterised by mere growth in the population without affecting the economic transformation of the hinterland in any significant manner (Sinha 1993, pp 13–22). Shillong’s present economic base indicates that consequent upon its development as an administrative centre, the city has functioned primarily oriented towards administration, trade and other associated roles. Concen­ tration and growth of population have led to the growth of trade as an important function. Through administration and trade, the city has been able to develop only tertiary linkages with the rural areas in the hinterland. As a corollary, the city has attracted other tertiary functions, such as con­ centration of banking services, educational institutions, etc., resulting in an overwhelming segment of the working force in tertiary occupations, thereby reflecting the nature of function the city is performing. The location of many state government headquarters and various central government institutions and offices has contributed to the tertiarisation of Shillong’s economic base. The workforce in the secondary sector is negligible. The production of the city is mainly geared towards meeting the consumption within the city. The production base of the city bears very little evidence of its fulfilling the requirements expected to be generated in the hinterland (Sinha 1993, pp. 13–22). After British withdrawal from India in 1947, for the next 25 years, Shillong served as the state capital of Assam. These were the days of expec­ tations, euphoria, frustration, agitations and a training period of democratic polity. Shillong turned out to be the hub of various tribal movements for autonomy. It appears that the Assamese elite, like their British predecessors, failed to identify themselves with the aspirations of the hill people. Conse­ quently, after the separation of Naga Hills district from Assam as the state of Nagaland in 1963, Lushai Hills district as Mizoram and North East Fron­ tier Agency as Arunachal Pradesh, and Khasi, Jaintia Hills and Garo Hills districts became the state of Meghalaya in 1972. Shillong naturally became the capital of Meghalaya, but in the bargain, Shillong turned out to be the regional headquarters of a number of central government establishments 126

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including the Assam Rifles, Anthropological Survey of India, Botanical Sur­ vey of India, Geological Survey of India, North Eastern Council, Indian Council of Agricultural Research, etc. These developments resulted in influx of sizeable non-local migrants to the city (Sinha 1993, pp. 13–22). The manner of growth of the city and Shillong being the capital of a multi-cultural state brought together mainly through government services has created a confederal type of association in which different groups have kept themselves socially separate, mixing only in their official and trade pur­ poses. The Bengalis were prominent in colonial administration, the Assa­ mese during the post-independent India and the Khasis after the formation of the state of Meghalaya from Assam in 1972. The city also has the pres­ ence of a sizeable defense personnel. English, in the upper level, and Hindi, in the lower level, are the links of inter-communication. The status of the British administrators had set the style of the urban culture which continues to be European in form. In the modern Shillong of today, however, the past lives on in 100 differ­ ent ways. The narrow winding streets which were in many areas originally village paths and which even till the late 1920s rarely saw a motor car are now crowded with traffic and traffic jams which are the nightmare of larger cities have begun to make their debut. Old roads and buildings still stand here and there. Even 30 years ago, one could see traditional Khasi houses with thatched roofs curved like a rhino’s back standing along the main roads of the town. These have now disappeared, as they have been pulled down to make way for newer cottages with corrugated iron roofs, and in the later years, reinforced concrete buildings. The past also lives on in institutions like the office of the headman, which still continues in some localities of the town and which appears to be a hangover of the old days in that it is the continuation of the old institution of the village headman.

Social fabric of Shillong Shillong is a multi-cultural city. It is a non-tribal town in a tribal setting. Only Mawkhar, Jaiaw, Mawlai and Malki are tribal areas having tribal pop­ ulation more than half of the total population of the area. The growth of the multi-ethnic groups has been because of the immigration from the surround­ ing areas. These have greatly added to the growth of population in Shillong. The city is a place where people with varied ethnic backgrounds live. There are dialects and dresses of diverse origin in this city. Therefore, Shillong can be considered as a cosmopolitan town and has migrants from almost every part of the country, and even from Bangladesh. But only a few social groups are conspicuous by their numerical strength. They are the Assamese, Bengalis, Biharis (including those of eastern Uttar Pradesh), Khasis, Mizos, Nepalis, Rajasthanis and Punjabis. The other groups include migrants from southern parts of the country, mainly Kerala, Andhra Pradesh and Orissa 127

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(now Odisha), who together account for only about 6 percent of the total population. The Rajasthanis and the Punjabis are the two other important groups. The former have concentrated settlements in the commercial areas of Police Bazar, Gauhati-Shillong road and Bara Bazar, while the latter, most of whom are sweepers, belonging exclusively to Amritsar and Gur­ daspur districts of Punjab, are concentrated at Goralane in Laitumkhrah and Sweepers Lane near Bara Bazar. The people of other states are found scattered all over the city, and are engaged mainly in government jobs. To understand ethnic groups and their relationship in Shillong, let us see what the significance of such an existence and situation is. The Khasis are said to be the original settlers or the ‘indigenous people’ of Shillong. They form the majority of the population in Shillong, and have been able to play a dominant role in all aspects of life. Another unique point about the Khasis is that since time immemorial and until today, they have been able to strictly follow the most ancient and most original matrilineal system. Many other ethnic groups from other states of the country also have moved into this town for business, contract work and other vocations. Some Nepalis settled in the town as soldiers, coolies, handy-boys, office workers, and in various other petty jobs. These ethnic groups coexisted in Shillong and their inter-ethnic relations was cordial and inter-dependent for economic existence, under current strained relations emerged in the course of time, which became evident from occasional clashes. This came to the forefront when an open communal conflict broke out in 1987 with the Nepalis and in 1992 with the Hindustanis (Hindi-speaking communities), resulting in huge loss of property and causing human misery. A type of eth­ nic intimidation continues to be prevalent, which may be seen in the threats and intimidations often used as method of election campaigning. However, responsible citizens are aware of the fact that they have to live together, and as such, inter-ethnic marriages also take place and efforts are quickly made to restore normalcy in social harmony. The population in Shillong can be classified into two groups: tribal and non-tribal. The major tribal population consists of the Khasis, inclusive of the Jaintias. Among the non-tribal population, Bengalis, Biharis, Nepalis, Assamese, Punjabis and Marwaris may be enumerated. Thus, the popula­ tion composition of the city is ethnically dominated by the Khasis, Bengalis, Nepalis, Hindustanis, Assamese, Punjabis and Marwaris. Linguistic uni­ formity brought greater harmony amongst different communities, who used to differ not only in their spoken languages, but also in their administrative organisations, customary laws and social institutions. Such harmony as is expected has been at work positively, in the growth of Shillong despite the fact that different groups maintain their identities. Inter-ethnic relations within the city generally appear to be harmoni­ ous not only in the economic field, but also in a social context. Various ethnic groups are almost equally important as a business community, and 128

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apparently there is nothing to indicate sectorisation or polarisation of com­ munities in matters of business dealings. Any such apprehension is further thwarted by the fact that social interaction between different communities with regard especially to marriage is very common. As a matter of fact, at a superficial level, there is no distinction among the urban ethnic groups. The influx of various ethnic groups in Shillong has had both positive and negative effects. From the positive side, the influx has brought about devel­ opment in the fields of education, business and other activities. It brought about a sense of unity and integrity among the locals. It makes the local people to work and strive harder, and to have a healthy competition. This would definitely raise their standard of living. The Khasis are believed to have had a healthy interchange of ideas and cultural values through the past years. Whatever problem that has come about is not because of the influx and their intermingling, but because of the failure of one’s determina­ tion, breakdown of the family, norms, mores and values in the society. Anti­ social elements are present everywhere, and they exist in whatever existing population. The various ethnic groups in Shillong are being treated equally amidst ethnic diversities. Their relationship in day-to-day life is being maintained in a cordial manner. What is expected from this relationship is a friendly environment. A Khasi would prefer safety, security and peace with the other members, and this happens likewise, too, for other ethnic groups. In this context, sociologist A. C. Sinha (1993, p. 21) rightly noted: The dominant ethnic groups of this city appear to have an ambiva­ lent attitude to the city in which they live. It seems that in the ulti­ mate analysis, they identify themselves less with the city and more with the particular tribal traditions, in which urban experience is a new phenomenon. They are masters of the affairs on the exclusively ethnic platforms, but their own city, which is decidedly ethnic plus provide an arena beyond their past experience. The civic problems are complex and demand specific care. The common impression one gets that even knowledgeable and concerned citizens do not like to take all the possible advantages of the urban living, but in their own involvement in the civic affairs they follow the ‘haat’ ethnic. Shillong from time to time organises sports events, tournaments, compe­ titions etc. All are expected to be given a fair chance in such events. For example, the Laitumkhrah Sports Social and Cultural Club opens up door for people of all ethnic groups to participate. In social gatherings like a ‘get-together’ of every locality, or during Christmas, puja, diwali or mar­ riage ceremonies, we find members from different ethnic groups partici­ pating. Similarly, during cultural programmes like the Shad Nongkrem 129

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(Khasi religious dance) at Smit, Khasi folks would invite friends from other communities to attend. They, too, would always cooperate. Cultural programmes that are sometimes organised give a fair chance to all the groups to participate. The cultural relationship that exists in Shillong is the kind of relationship that Simpson and Yinger (1985) termed as pluralism. The pluralism that is reflected in Shillong is when both the majority and the minority value their distinct cultural identities, while seeking at the same time economic and political unity. The minority group members cherish their cultural herit­ age and do not wish to lose it, and the dominant group is willing to accept cultural variations. In Shillong, groups live and let live; they respect one another’s differences, to a conception of ‘correct’ culture or lifestyle, adding lustre to the ethnic mosaic of the city. The city is not only of diverse ethnic groups, but also of diverse religious beliefs. There are Christians, who include the Presbyterians, the Catholics, the Baptists, the Seventh-day Adventists and other non-denominational faiths, and the Muslims, the Hindus, the Buddhists, the Sikhs and adherents of the indigenous religion, who are all expected to be treated at equal level. What is amazing in Shillong is that there has been an adoption of each oth­ er’s religion amidst the differences in ethnic identities, i.e. a Khasi becoming a Hindu, and a Hindu becoming a Christian. Furthermore, this adoption does not deprive them from any sense of achievement. A majority say that he or she is identified and accepted from both sides, both as a Khasi and a Hindu, or as a Hindu and a Christian at the same time.

Residential segregation of different communities The basis of economic conditions of the inhabitants, age and quality of the buildings, availability of amenities, degree of congestion and the pattern of residential segregation takes a distinctive social form in Shillong, which is very similar to any other urban centre in the country. Thus, variation in income of the residents, number of amenities and congestion of houses cre­ ate differences in residential areas. The economic conditions of the people have a bearing on the residential houses. Very often people of high income groups stay in good residential areas. In Shillong, Lachumiere and Oakland are such areas inhabited by ministers, secretaries and other high officials, as well as some high business classes. The buildup of the houses in these areas are good and spacious. Lumparing and Jhalupara, on the other hand, are inhabited by low-income people. The residential areas in these localities are poor. The slums of Mawlai and Sweeper Lane of Bara Bazar are directly the result of the low income of their inhabitants (Chakraborty 1990). The degree of congestion or number of houses per unit also indicate the category of the residential type; for example, Police Bazar, Mawkhar,

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Southeast Mawkhar and Malki are congested wards. Similarly, parts of Jail Road, Mawprem Jaiaw, parts of Laitumkhrah and the whole of Police Bazaar are residentially extremely congested. The houses in this area in gen­ eral are poor in construction, old in age and small in size. In comparison to these, Laitumkhrah, Kench’s Trace, European ward, parts of Jail Road and Shillong Cantonment with fewer than 20 houses per hectare are consid­ ered as spaciously built areas. Thus, the residential segregation can be easily identified on the basis of general conditions such as exterior look, building materials, age of the house, locational aspects, etc. Within the city, there­ fore, distinct environments are created because of the different community, groups and classes which make up the urban society and occupy distinct areas, having distinct occupations. All these account for a significant change in the pattern of residential segregation with the growth of the town (Sen Gupta 2006). The urban Scheduled Tribes of Shillong include local tribal people, as well as other hill tribes such as the Mizos, Nagas and Arunachalis. The non-tribal migration seems to be concentrated mostly in Shillong Munici­ pality, Shillong Cantonment and Nongthymmai area, whereas Mawlai and other small localities of Shillong possess only a minimum number of non­ tribals. The non-tribal migrants prefer places which could provide them with enough prospects. Prospects do not mean only job prospects, but also educational, medical and recreational facilities. Thus, it can be observed that non-tribals prefer to dwell mostly in the central part of the city and nearby surroundings. However, newly declared town Mawlai has a very large number of Scheduled Tribe populations because it was already thickly populated Khasi village and gradually developed into a town.

Modern attributes of citizens of Shillong Modernity as a concept has emerged as one of the central themes in social analysis. According to one view, modernity is opposed to tradition; that is to say, what is modern is opposed to tradition. According to another view, all that is traditional is not bad. This ultimately takes us to another dimen­ sion of the problem; that is, that modernity and tradition perhaps cannot be exhaustively disclosed in descriptive terms. It has elements of inscription that contain itself. That is why some scholars talk in term of modernisation of tradition, as well as traditionalism of modernity. In this connection, some of the attributes of modernity are empathy, high participation, institutional political participation, achievement orientation, non-tradition attributes to wealth, work, savings and risk-taking; faith in the desirability and possibility of change, social, economic and political dis­ cipline; and capacity to put off immediate and short-term satisfaction for higher satisfaction in the long run. In case we restrict ourselves to apply

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this prescription to citizens of Shillong and its institutions, we have to ask ourselves: 1 2 3 4 5 6

Is there a high rate of participation (social/political/mass media) among the citizens of Shillong? Are the citizens of Shillong achievement oriented? In that case, what have they achieved distinctly as citizens of Shillong? How far do the citizens believe in the non-traditional attitudes to wealth, work, savings and risk taking? Do they have faith in the desirability and possibility of change? Do they have the capacity to put-off immediate and short-term satisfaction for higher satisfaction in the long run? Do they empathise with ‘others’ (ethnic/linguistic/religious/regional groups)?

The answers to these questions remains anybody’s guess. There is a consider­ able gap between the actual empirical behaviour and expected behaviour of the citizens in Shillong. As long as this gap between the intentions and per­ formance is visible and considerable, it is difficult to conclude that Shillong is a modern city. In view of this, the issue remains unanswered. The citizens of Shillong first of all have to ask themselves in what way, if at all they claim to be, are they modern? Similarly, have we, the citizens of Shillong, given birth to rational-modern institutions to support a future-oriented out­ look? In what ways do our cash income, non-traditional jobs, fashionable Western dress, multi-linguality, friendship across the ethnic divide, new reli­ gious alignment, educational degrees, etc., lead to different approaches to our lives, our attitudes, to others—i.e. individuals and institution? Thus, in order to modernise and to bring about social change in an effective and use­ ful manner, the people will have to inculcate in themselves a motivation for achievement. Armed with this motivation, they may find a greater incentive to work more and harder for their socio-economic betterment. Thus, majority of the Shillongites claimed that they are modern, but when non-conventional opportunities occur, they back out from their com­ mitted novel attitudes. For example, issues like allowing their daughters to go for modelling and possibly film careers is not approved. But people in Shillong are getting influenced by the wave of modern attributes. Still, peo­ ple appear to believe in traditions dear to them, and in some cases they are bound by it. Thus, there is a good gap between their belief and performance (Sen Gupta 2004). If modernity is defined purely in descriptive terms such as high rate of urban­ isation, predominance of urbanisation, predominance of non-agricultural source of income, interpersonal relations not based on kinship and ethnicity in terms of profession and other group interest, then Shillong perhaps is not very modern. The large majority of the population of Shillong is the Khasis, 132

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and their personal relationships are governed mainly by ethnicity and cul­ tural identity. Electoral politics in Shillong is not free from this consideration. The Church and Khasi traditional Dorbar Shnong play a very important role among the Khasis. Regarding the source of income, the majority of the citizens of Shillong prefer government jobs, as both large- and small-scale industries are almost non-existent in Shillong. A small section of citizens manage to reckon their livelihoods in trade and commerce like wholesal­ ing and other consumer goods. It is true that high rise of reinforced cement concrete (RCC) buildings are replacing the Assam type houses very fast (Sen Gupta 2005). The claim of modernity and modernisation in Shillong has already cre­ ated visible problems that are the evils of so-called modernity. Shillong is not a planned town—it grew and developed on its own. The roads of Shillong were not made for maintaining and adjusting to the increasing vehicular traf­ fic. Shillong is perhaps one of those few state capitals in the country where a national highway passes through the middle of the town. As a result, it has given rise to traffic jams, congestion and so on. It has been observed that many people have become rich by way of getting contracts from the gov­ ernment, wholesale dealership, setting of medical nursing homes etc. This section of people may claim to be modern on the basis of their income and occupation. Another group of people, who are in government service, has led lives closer to this segment of the population.

Urbanisation and state urban policies Urbanisation in Shillong has been usually rapid during the recent period. It is also important to note here that the recently recorded significant growth of urbanisation in Shillong was mainly due to the expansion of administra­ tive machinery, i.e. the bureaucracy. This bureaucratic expansion has been rapid after independence and more particularly after the creation of Megha­ laya as a state. In Shillong, the bureaucracy expanded in such a way that the impact of the shifting of the capital of Assam from Shillong to Guwa­ hati was not felt much. The vacuum created by the shifting of the capital of Assam was immediately filled up by the expansion of bureaucracy, by the establishment of North Eastern Hill University, North Eastern Council, North Eastern Electrical Power Corporation and other central government establishments. The importance of trade and commerce grew simultaneously with the pro­ cess of urbanisation. Besides the markets at smaller urban centres, Shillong has been functioning as the only important central market. During the last two decades, the importance of this market grew further. Shillong became second only to Guwahati as the distribution centre for the Northeast region. Supply of various commodities to Cachar, Tripura and Mizoram is done through Shillong. 133

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The population of Shillong has increased at a rapid pace, leading to acqui­ sition of new settlements under urban areas. Similarly, the share of workers in traditional non-primary occupations has declined to a great extent, add­ ing more to their existing urban characteristics. During the last three decades or so, the city has undergone a radical trans­ formation from a hill resort to a multifunctional service centre, catering to a host of administrative and other service functions not only for the state but for the entire Northeast region, comparable to Guwahati. From a small village in 1866 to a Class I city in 2011, the city has grown to cater to the needs of the state as an enclave of modernisation in the midst of the ruraltribal hinterland that continued without any significant change. The modern transport network and expansion of the city infrastructure have influenced the tribal social order, but only to a limited extent, thereby giving rise to a dualistic economic organisation. With the increase in the population, urban expansion of Shillong has taken a heavy toll on the forests. Many localities have come up in forest clearing and urban invasion has engulfed steep forested slopes. Localities like Kench’s Trace, Bisnupur, Lumparing, Alugodown, Laitkor and Rynjah have come up in clearings of upland forests. While the city has outgrown to occupy isolated places, forest clearings and even steep slopes in all direc­ tions under increasing population pressure, open space, stream beds, and steep stream banks have been encroached upon within the central localities. Today, Shillong is expanding at a very fast rate and taking within its ambit the peripheral areas. Thus, urbanisation is spreading rapidly in Shillong and its population is becoming more cosmopolitan in nature, which is not only affecting the social condition, but also the economic lifestyle of the people. We thereby see in Shillong of the present decade a repetition of the processes of the ear­ lier decades when the little civil station was so reminiscent of the colonial outpost of the British. Due to its varied functions and high rate of urbanisa­ tion, the population of Shillong has increased at a rapid pace. This resulted in development of new settlements under urban areas. Meghalaya being an autonomous area under the Sixth Schedule of the Indian constitution, the management and administration of land of greater part of the state is under the jurisdiction of autonomous district councils. As regards legislation on town and country planning, Meghalaya adopted the Assam Town and Country Planning Act, 1959, and the same has been extended to the entire state in 1989. There was practically no legislation in operation during 1972–1989, the period during which a huge amount of public investments has been made. This is perhaps one of the reasons for the haphazard growth of Shillong. This Act allows for setting up of an advi­ sory council and development authorities for the implementation of master plans and development schemes. By these provisions, along with Munici­ pality, Public Work Department, Public Health Engineering Department, 134

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the Meghalaya Housing Board, Urban Affairs Department, District Council and other agencies engaged in various development works in the urban area with their respective approaches and lack of co-ordination and integration, the very purpose of an integrated and overall planned development of the urban area is defeated. Meghalaya Urban Development Authority is mainly responsible for enforcement and implementation of the Master Plan. Meghalaya Urban Development Agency has been set up to implement the poverty alleviation scheme through the local municipal boards. The Public Works Depart­ ment executes all the schemes pertaining to roads and buildings. The Public Health Engineering Department’s task is to implement water supply and sewerage schemes. The Urban Affairs Department has been implementing environmental improvement of urban slums schemes and providing civic infrastructure including construction of parking lots. The Meghalaya State Electricity Board has implemented street lighting schemes. It is apparent from this that within the same city, several agencies of the government are operating and implementing various development programmes. Most of them do not know the programmes of other agencies. The result is uncoordinated development of infrastructure facilities. There is therefore a need to coordinate the activities of the various agencies in the field and also assign functions clearly to each of them. The Meghalaya Urban Development Authority is an umbrella body and is expected to take on these functions, as all schemes have to be implemented within the frame­ work of the Master Plan and zonal plans. If that were so, these departments and agencies have to be represented in the Authority. At present, there is no representative of the agencies except the Municipal Board and the Canton­ ment. It may be necessary to make amendments in the Meghalaya Town and Country Planning Act, 1973, so that the government agencies including Syiemship and District Council are represented and contribute in the devel­ opment process of the city. Thus, Shillong emerged as a British enclave of European Ward in the Khasi tribal heartland mainly as Cantonment, hill resort and administrative centre. While its immediate hinterland continues to be governed by tribal customary laws, the new station required skilled manpower which was not locally avail­ able. Thus, migrants came to Shillong from various destinations, turning it into a multi-ethnic melting pot. With the passing of time, Shillong expanded beyond its original limits necessitating various urban amenities such as hous­ ing, marketing, hospitals, schools, roads and so on. The successive govern­ ments of Assam and Meghalaya tried to provide the city with various urban amenities, but in the absence of law (which is under the control of traditional tribal authority), no urban development could be meaningfully undertaken. Thus, the provisions of the Master Plan for Shillong may appear impressive on paper, but they may remain unachieved. Meanwhile, the population of Shillong will go on increasing adding to the woe of the residents. 135

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Conclusion Shillong today is an integral part of the urban system of the Northeast region, which is in nexus with the metropolis of Calcutta (now Kolkata) urban system developed around the port. The growth of the city can be attributed to the peculiar location of the city in a predominantly tribal and hill areas with limited sedentary agricultural practices and inadequate trans­ port linkages within and surrounding region. It is located at about 5,000 metres above mean sea level, and its location provides relief for exasperated administrators, the planters and other fortune seekers from the oppressive climate and often hostile social life of the plains. No doubt, the British colo­ nial rulers had reasons to call it the Scotland of the East. Now in case one asks to whom the city belongs and who governs it, the answers are not obvious. This city does not belong to the common citizens, in the sense that they control the urban affairs, govern its establishments, plan for its development and feel proud of being its citizens. It is still, by and large, the formal state bureaucracy which governs the city. But the days are not far off when acute urban problems, such as housing, transportation, slum clearance, environmental pollution, vagrancy, intoxication, urban crime, ethnic conflicts, etc., will go beyond reasonable limits. These will be the heritage arising out of urbanisation without industrialisation. The constitutional provisions of safeguarding the tribal customary laws come on the way while implementing many of the decisions taken at the formal level with some of the urban problems. There are even impressive master plans for future development of Shillong. They are excellent exam­ ples of good intentions, but will and commitment to improving the quality of life appears to be missing. Thus, the city of Shillong may be condemned to remain a tribal enclave with modern trappings, and citizens may be sub­ jected to the ills of a chaotic town.

References Chakraborty, N. 1990. Urban poverty and the poor in Shillong: explorations in form, content and structure. PhD Dissertation, Department of Geography, North Eastern Hill University, Shillong. Ghurye, G. S. 1962. Cities and civilization. Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Glass, R. 1955. ‘Urban sociology in Great Britain: a trend report,’ Current Sociology 4(4), 8–35. Hussain, I. 1993. ‘Shillong: British enclave to tribal city,’ in A. C. Sinha (ed.), Hill cities of eastern Himalayas. New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company, pp. 63–98. Sen Gupta, S. 2004. ‘Shillong at the turn of 21st century,’ in S. Sen Gupta (ed.), Shillong: a tribal town in transition. New Delhi: Reliance Publishing House, pp. 66–73. Sen Gupta, S. 2005. ‘Languages and ethnic groups in Shillong,’ Journal of North— East India, Shillong: Indian Council for Social Science Research 29(2), 75–82.

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Sen Gupta, S. 2006. Urban social structure—a study of a hill city. New Delhi: Akan­ sha Publishing House. Simmel, G. 1950. The metropolic and mental life. New York: Free Press. Simpson, G. and Yinger, M. 1985. Racial and cultural minorities (5th ed.). New York: Plenum Press. Sinha, A. C. 1993. ‘Ethnicity, land relations, and urbanisation in North East India,’ in A. C. Sinha; M. Pariyaram Chacko and I. L. Aier (eds.), Hill cities of eastern Himalayas. New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company, pp. 13–22. Tonnies, F. 1957. Community and society. New York: Harper Collins. Weber, M. 1958. The city. New York: The Free Press. Wirth, L. 1938. ‘Urbanism as a way of life,’ American Journal of Sociology 44(1), 1–12.

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9

STREET VENDING IN THE

URBAN INFORMAL SECTOR

A study in Silchar town in Northeast India

Subhabrata Dutta and Amit Das

Introduction The informal sector in India plays an important part in the economy and labour market. It continues to generate employment and income by produc­ ing low-cost products in the market. The majority of the urban poor gener­ ally survive by working in the informal sector in most of the Indian cities (Sekar 2008), and as result, rapid growth of the informal sector has been noticed in most of the cities. In developing countries, the informal sector plays a major role in employment creation, production and income genera­ tion (Kolli 2011). It is estimated that more than one-third of the total gross domestic product (GDP) of the non-agricultural sector of the country and two-thirds of total employment in the country are contributed by the infor­ mal sector (Adhikari 2012). Among the urban workforce, street vending plays an important role in employing especially people who have migrated from the rural areas. Of late, the occupation of vending has become a matter of great interest in all parts of urban and rural areas. Vending has a great potentiality in employment creation and income generation. It is generally included in the activities of the informal sector. Now the term ‘informal sector’ has been extended and inclusive of all kinds of activities performed by the poor work­ ers who are not recognised and controlled by any regulatory authority (ILO 1972). No regulatory mechanism controls and protects this sector. As per the Seventh International Conference of Labour Statisticians report (1949), the activities of the informal sector include all kinds of jobs done in the for­ mal sector, informal segment and even at the domestic level. Due to increas­ ing manpower supply and lack of employment opportunities in the formal sector, there has been a boom in the informal sector. Against the backdrop of the bleak prospects of employment in the formal sector, vending business has emerged as a potential source of employment generation and income 138

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enhancement. It provides millions of people with avenues of livelihood. It has the potential of being developed as a minimum investment-based and good income-based occupation. However, this business is not considered as a profession, nor have any social security measures for the protection of the vendors. A number of studies have been conducted by academicians and government agencies, but they could not produce the desired results in connection with the regulation and development of this sector; rather, the importance of this sector has not been denied. It has been found that many cities of the world face traffic problems due to the vendors, yet they could not take any action because of the income and survival of a large section of the population. For example, in Dhaka city, a number of self-driven rickshaw pullers are found in the central part of the city, which needs to be prevented to enter into this region. But the authorities now have realised that the country has an unemployment issue and it has to be kept in mind that a large section of population depends on this source of earning. Similar pictures are to be found in Kolkata, Guwa­ hati, Silchar and other Indian towns and cities. Generally, in the street vending business, income is low as the vendors keep low profit margins to sell their products. Sometimes, the vendors make a good profit due the large volume of selling. For example, tea sellers in Kol­ kata sometimes sell more than 2,000 cups to raise their profit margin (in the busiest places like railway station areas or in city centres, etc.). It appears from various discussions that generally, those selling food and beverages fetch more earning than other kind of products like vegetables, clothes, luxuries, etc., though it depends upon the volume of business or financial investment.1 In the informal sector, in India, 90% of the Indians are engaged and vend­ ing has occupied an important position in the income generation process and means of livelihood. The vending business has certain immediate advan­ tages. It has been considered as a low-investment, profit-generating venture in most areas. It can be conducted in a mobile van or in a temporary shed or in a makeshift house by the roadside (Bhowmik and Saha 2011). A large number of people, both in urban and rural areas, earn their income by doing vending business. Poverty, lack of opportunities and the agrarian crisis have recently forced the rural populace to migrate to urban areas for livelihoods. Moreover, millions of traditional livelihoods are being destroyed silently in the rural areas. Such loss of traditional livelihoods in the rural sector has largely contributed to the migration of the poor workers to the urban areas in search of job. Vending, particularly the street vending, in urban areas has actually provided employment opportunities in a considerable measure. Later on, the vending business has been extended to all items like clothes, cosmetics, electrical goods, cobbling, rag-picking. etc, not merely confin­ ing itself to vegetables and food. According to population figures collected from different reports, the total number of street vendors in India is about 139

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10 million (Choudhury 2013). According to some studies, 2% of the popu­ lation in the metropolitan cities comprises street vendors. A primary data survey shows that Mumbai has a nearly 2.5 lakh street vendors and Kolkata alone is a metropolitan with 2 lakhs street vendors (Saha 2011; Kolli 2011). The plight of the street vendors in India has been a matter of public concern. The practice of vending different articles on the street prevails in almost urban and industrial areas. The majority of the street vendors in urban areas are conducting their business in the most unhygienic condi­ tions. Naturally, they are constantly becoming victims of various health hazards. The common diseases that the street vendors suffer from are high blood pressure, breathing trouble, hyperacidity and migraines, etc. Apart from these common diseases, they also suffer from other physical ailments, particularly skin-related and urinary tract problems. Lack of hygienic toi­ lets on the streets is one of the major causes of urine and stool problems. Vending business generally goes on a day-to-day basis. The uncertainty in income and severe economic crisis has an adverse impact upon the health of the street vendors. Again, various unsavoury criticisms from the general public and the pedestrians that the streets vendors have to face daily have an unhealthy impact upon the mind of the street vendors. Different studies have confirmed these different ailments. Apart from health-related problems due to the unfavourable working environment, street vendors have to face other problems such as getting licences, registration, payment of illegal fees to different law-enforcement agencies, fear of eviction, harassment, lack of proper infrastructure, etc. They are the victims of different kinds of exploitation. On the other hand, the income generation through street vending is, first of all, very uncertain. Keeping in view of different studies, it is found that income of the street ven­ dors in urban areas is very uncertain and irregular. Due to different health ailments, uncongenial weather, social and political turmoil, their daily earn­ ing may be stopped or come to a halt. The uncertainty of their daily income, particularly of the unskilled vendors, is one of the major problems.

Conceptualising street vendors Street vendors face many challenges in running their business, as mostly they occupy the footpaths or place where it is illegal. According to Bhowmik (2001) and Saha (2011) there is no safety or security at their workplace. They are considered unlawful entities and are subjected to continuous har­ assment by the civic administration of their city. Second, they borrow from individual money lenders at high interest rates, and sometimes their business may not earn the minimum income to run their family for a particular day. According to Dimas (2008), street vendors are a big challenge for any urban management body, and they generally eliminate them as they deface

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the city sights. The author suggested that there should be proper poverty alleviation programmes, the facilitation of micro-finances support and the registration of vending. A study has been done on this aspect by Saha (2011) in Mumbai under the title ‘Collective Bargaining for Street Vendors in Mumbai: Toward Promotion of Social Dialogue’, finding that the rate of unionisation among vendors in Mumbai is found to be low and many membership-based organisations were actively working to create credit provisions through a co-operative credit society and for social security for vendors. According to Maneepong and Walsh (2009), street vending is a common feature of most of the Asian cities—whether Seoul, Beijing or Bangkok— and has received some sort of services sometimes, such as water and electric­ ity, and has been integrated into the tax base, but the general conditions are not very impressive. An authoritative study conducted by Rane (2011) found that the majority of the street vendors lacked a sense of health and hygiene, as well the sense of food preservation, and for this their foods often got rotten, which is a matter of concern for both the central and state governments. Street vending is not much widespread in Bengaluru city, as hawking is not licensed in that city. Most of them often face harassment from police and civic authorities (Subbanna et al. 2010). A study by Dunn (2014) found that vendors primarily identify themselves as workers, as they cannot have access to the preferable jobs in the formal sector and don’t want to accept such jobs like working in hotels, restaurants and domestic work, etc. There­ fore, the author has stated that it can be considered as resistance to the unacceptable jobs of the formal sector. According to the author, the street labourers in an informal microeconomic activity located in public space are often found to be involved with the economically marginal groups and the immigrant. Proliferation of the street vending and spread of education among the girls and women have a competitive impact upon the business. A large number of women participate in the street vending business who would face a mul­ tiple problems in this sector. Such findings were laid by a non-governmental organisation (NGO) known as Nidan (Nidan 2017). The mentioned studies show that street vending is common in the cities across the globe and the socio-economic conditions are not so bright, and the vendors have few options for other livelihood opportunities. They face many challenges, as their businesses are not officially registered. Even the quality of their food and products are also found to be not accept­ able when hygienic parameters are considered. As they are not organised, they do not have bargaining power. Some studies suggest proper formal arrangements and financial support bases for the development of this sector.

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Legal and administrative provisions of street vending In consonance with the constitutional provision, the government of India adopted a national policy on urban street vendors in 2009. Due to the adoption of this policy at the national level, vending or hawking has been regarded as a fundamental right of a citizen. In pursuance of this policy and movements by various organisations such as Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) and National Association of Street Vendors in India (NASVI), the government of India enacted legislation in 2014 under the title ‘Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act 2014’. This Act is enacted to create a congenial environment for the urban street vendors for carrying out their activities without harassment from any quarter. This is pioneering initiative to protect the livelihood rights and to provide social security to urban street vendors in India. The main features of the Act: 1 According to the Act, a street vendor can enjoy the right of protection to livelihood through street vending within the restricted area and by obeying its conditions and restrictions. 2 Every town is required to set up a ‘town vending committee’ (TVC). Every street vendor has to register with the TVC. The vendor should apply for a vending certificate. After a consideration of various criteria, the vending certificate can be issued. 3 The TVC will be constituted with the municipal commissioner, local authority, planning authority, local police, resident welfare association and representative of street vendors and other traders. 4 The Act empowers the state government to frame proper schemes for street vending. The local governing authority has also to adopt a street vending scheme for every five years after consulting the planning authority. 5 The Act also prohibits eviction. According to the Act, eviction demands pre-allocation or relocation. 6 Under the Act, it is the responsibility of the local planning authority to reserve 2% of land for vending when master plans and local plans will be undertaken or evolved. The core aim of the legislation is to safeguard and protect the interests of the street vendors in the town from various exploitations. This Act is enacted to regulate the street vending business in a satisfactory manner: 1 2

To understand the socio-economic and educational profile of the vendors. To understand the reasons to choose street vending.

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3 4

To know the available government supports systems and their participation in it. To explore the challenges of the street vendors.

Silchar is a very fast-developing town in the Northeast region, located in the southern part of Assam on the bank of the Barak River. It has vari­ ous challenges as it is surrounded by three states—Tripura, Mizoram and Manipur—and near the international border with Bangladesh, and vendors are found to be coming from various classes with different socio-cultural backgrounds. In this town, street vendors are engaged in various business activities like selling vegetables, flowers, fruits, cooked food, clothes, cot­ tage industrial products, stationery, etc. Most of them come from the nearby villages or outskirts of the town, and some of them come from nearby towns also. Per day working hours vary from 6–12 hours, as observed by us in various interactions. Though there are some surveys conducted by the local municipal authorities and sometimes NGOs, no official data is available on street vending in this town. Therefore, the authors decided to conduct a study on the characters of street vending business in this town, and they were motivated to conduct this study with reference to a news report pub­ lished in a renowned national daily (The Statesman 2017) over the quality of food served by the vendors and food eateries in food courts in Hary­ ana. The Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) has pulled up the state’s Food and Drugs Administration (FDA) department for its failure to conduct proper survey of food provided by the vendors at the food points. The present study is based on descriptive statistics, as utmost effort is made to describe the socio-economic conditions of the vendors and their lives, working patterns, facilities, challenges, perceptions, etc. There is no official database available on the street vendors in Silchar town, and to cover this study, the researchers have randomly taken information from the vendors who are vending in the four major busy and commercial areas of the town, namely central road area, government offices and court com­ pound area, old market area (Tarapur) and developing commercial areas (Sadarghat). The required information was collected through a structured interview schedule consisting of 42 questions related to the objectives. Fur­ ther collected data from the field were processed and interpreted through different descriptive statistics like tables, graphs, charts, etc.

Brief profile of Silchar, the study area Silchar town is the headquarters of Cachar district of Assam, and is located at the Southern part of Assam situated on the Barak River near the Bangla­ desh border. It is a trade and processing centre for tea, rice and other agri­ cultural products. It has an average elevation of 22 metres (72 feet) above

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sea level. As of 2011, Silchar had a population of 172,830, out of which 86,884 are male and 85,946 are female. Silchar has an average literacy rate of 83.3% higher than the national average of 74.04%. Male literacy is 84.1%, and female literacy 80.5% (GoI 2011). Silchar is officially a Class III city (though there is no official data on its category, however, as per the Ministry of Human Resource Develop­ ment, its fall into this category was for offering the house rent allowance for the government employees), and business opportunities are the same as are found in other Class II cities in India. A good number of vendors are selling various articles to meet the demands of the city dwellers, as well as the customers of rural folks of the surrounding areas. With the passage of time, communication networks, modernisation, and institutional and eco­ nomic advancement changed the socio-cultural patterns of this town, and accordingly, the vending businesses have also increased in recent years, but no database is available on the informal livelihood sector. It appears that people from lower socio-economic strata are engaged in vending business in this town, and most of them have migrated from rural areas or they are travelling on daily basis for vending their products in this town (Dutta and Nath 2015). The numbers of vendors are increasing day-by-day as the city is expand­ ing. New urban areas are coming up where the vendors are also starting their business to meet the consumer demands of the local customers there. However, there is no database available with either district administration or with the municipal council on street vendors in this town. A recent meet­ ing was held at the office of the district administration with the chairman of the Silchar Municipal Council, where it was decided that detailed plan on ‘street vendors’ was to be formulated (The Sentinel 2019). Recently, a survey on street vendors was started under the National Livelihood Mission in this town to get into the details of their database, socio-economic life and contributions to the city economy, and also to see the traffic congestion for their habitants in the different parts of the city area. Administration was also planning for proper regulation of the street vendors.

Socio-economic profile of the vendors This study covered the socio-economic and educational profile of the street vendors in Silchar town. Out of 101 street vendors, the majority of them were males (n = 93; 92.1%), followed by females (n = 8; 7.9%). The majority of the ven­ dors were Hindus (n = 91; 90.1%), followed by Muslims (n = 10; 9.9%). Table 9.1 shows that the majority of the male vendors belonged to general category (n = 51; 54.8%), followed by scheduled castes (n = 33; 35.5%) and other backward classes (n = 09; 9.7%). The majority of female vendors

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Table 9.1 Caste distribution of street vendors, by gender Gender

Male Female Grand total

Caste (in %)

Total (in %)

General

Scheduled castes

Other backward classes

51 (54.8) 5 (62.5) 56 (55.4)

33 (35.5) 3 (37.5) 36 (35.6)

09 (9.7) 09 (8.9)

93 (100) 8 (100) 101 (100)

Source: Field survey

Table 9.2 Distribution of marital status of street vendors, by gender Gender

Male Female Grand total

Marital status (in %)

Total (in %)

Married

Unmarried

Widow

76 (81.7) 5 (62.5) 81 (80.2)

17 (18.3) 1 (12.5) 18 (17.8)

2 (25.0) 2 (2.0)

93 (100) 8 (100) 101 (100)

Source: Field survey

(n = 5; 62.5%) belonged to the general category, followed by scheduled castes (n = 3; 37.5%). Altogether, the majority of vendors (n = 56; 55.4%) were from the general category. Table 9.2 shows the marital distribution of the street vendors by gender. The majority of male vendors were married (n = 76; 81.7%), followed by unmarried males (n = 17; 18.3%). The majority of female vendors were married (n = 5; 62.5%), followed by widows (n = 2; 25%) and unmarried women (n = 1; 12.5%). Overall, it was found that the majority of vendors (n = 81; 80.2%) were married. In today’s world, education is an important component for developmen­ tal and survival perspective of any person. To cover this context, this present study also puts its focus on the educational status of the street vendors. Edu­ cational qualification of street vendors by age group is shown in Table 9.3. Overall, it was found that the majority of vendors (n = 57; 56.4%) studied below 10th standard, and it was more or less common in all age groups, fol­ lowed by illiterates (n = 22; 21.8%), matriculates (n = 14; 13.9%), and high school and above (n = 8; 7.9%). However, age and income of the vendors were found to have no positive correlation (p > 0.05) with each other. The minimum age of the respondent was 20 years, and the maximum age was 70 years. The mean age was found to be 42.5 years.

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Table 9.3 Educational qualifications of street vendors, by age Age group distribution

Educational qualifications of respondents

20–29 years 30–39 years 40–49 years 50 years and older Total

1 (8.3) 7 (58.3) 5 (17.9) 15 (53.6) 11 (26.8) 22 (53.7) 5 (25.0) 13 (65.0)

1 (8.3) 6 (21.4) 6 (14.6) 1 (5.0)

3 (25.0) 2 (7.1) 2 (4.9) 1 (5.0)

12 (100) 28 (100) 41 (100) 20 (100)

22 (21.8) 57 (56.4)

14 (13.9)

8 (7.9)

101 (100)

Illiterate (in %)

Below 10th standard (in %)

Matriculated (in %)

Total (in %)

High school and above (in %)

Source: Field survey

Table 9.4 Monthly income of street vendors, by educational qualifications Monthly income of the street vendors

Up to Rs. 3000/­ Rs. 3001/- to Rs. 6000/­ Rs. 6001/- to Rs. 9000/­ More than Rs. 9000/­ Total

Educational qualifications of the respondents Illiterate (in %)

Below 10th standard (in %)

Matriculated (in %)

Total (in %)

High school and above (in %)

7 (31.8) 12 (21.1)

4 (28.6)

2 (25.0)

25 (24.8)

7 (31.8) 38 (66.7)

6 (42.9)

6 (75.0)

57 (56.4)

5 (22.7)

3 (21.4)

-

15 (14.9)

1 (7.1)

-

4 (4.0)

7 (12.3)

3 (13.6) 22 (100)

57 (100)

14 (100)

8 (100)

101 (100)

Source: Field survey

Income is another component of people and the livelihood standard of an individual is depends upon the income status. This present study also focussed its attention on the monthly income of the street vendors, and is shown in Table 9.4. In the illiterate group, most of the vendors were earning up to Rs. 3000/- per month (n = 07; 31.8%). In the below 10th standard group, the majority (n = 38; 66.7%) earned monthly between Rs. 3001/- and Rs. 6000/-. In the matriculated group, most (n = 6; 42.9%) earned between Rs. 3001/- and Rs. 6000/- per month. In the high school and above study group, the majority (n = 06; 75.0%) earned monthly between Rs. 3001/- and Rs. 6000/-. Overall, it was found that

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the majority of vendors (n = 57; 56.4%) earned monthly between Rs. 3001/- and 6000/-. However, it was found that the educational qualifi­ cation of the vendors has no close link with their monthly income. The minimum monthly income of the vendor was Rs. 1200/- and maximum income was Rs. 12,000/-. The average monthly income of the vendors was Rs. 4893.6/-. The number of family members is an important concern, as it has been seen that the majority of vendors were earning up to Rs. 6000/- in a month. In this study, the majority of vendors (n = 57; 56.4%) stated to have 4–6 members in their household, followed by up to three members (n = 32; 31.7%), and more than six members (n = 12; 11.9%).

Reason and duration of street vending The researchers also collected information on the reasons for street vending and found that the prime reason to choose street vending was to earn money to maintain the livelihood status. Of the total respondents choosing for street vending, majority of the vendors (n = 94, estimated to 93.1%) stated that they adopted street vending business because of income generation to maintain livelihood, followed by improper education for their children to get an employment in other sectors (n = 7, estimated to 6.9%). The vendors were vending many products. This study categorised them into seven types: tea and fast food, fruit and vegetables, cloth, pan shop, stationery, newspaper and photos, and other vendors such as cobblers, bar­ bers, etc. Regardless of all vending types, the monthly income level of the vendors was mostly found within the income group of Rs.6000/- and sta­ tistically no positive correlation (p > 0.05) was found between vending type and monthly income of the vendors (Table 9.5). In this study, most of the vendors stated that they were vending on the streets in Silchar town for the previous 11–15 years (n = 23; 22.8%), fol­ lowed by 16–20 years (n = 19; 18.8%), up to five years (n = 18; 17.8%), 6–10 years (n = 16; 15.8%), 21–25 years (n = 11; 10.9%), 31 years and above (n = 8; 7.9%), and 26–30 years (n = 6; 5.9%). The minimum dura­ tion of vending was one year, and the maximum duration of vending was 42 years. The average duration of street vending was found to be 16.1 years. The average working hours for street vending was found to be 6.5 hours per day. Fast food vendors, tea and pan shop vendors, and stationery ven­ dors were spending almost eight hours per day (combining both day and evening hours). The timing of vending also varied as per the products they were selling. Some vendors used to sell their products in the morning hours and few of them did in the evening hours. During festival times, the duration was increased, going up to 12–13 hours per day. Therefore, there was no fixed duration and time of vending.

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Table 9.5 Vending type and monthly income group of the vendors Vending types

Monthly income group of the vendors Up to Rs. 3001– Rs. 6001– More than Rs. 3000/- 6000/- (in %) 9000/- (in %) Rs. 9000/(in %) (in %)

Tea and fast 5 (23.8) food Fruit and 5 (29.4) vegetables Pan shop 8 (34.8) Cloth Stationery 4 (22.2) Newspaper and 1 (20.0) photo Others (like 2 (20.0) cobblers, barbers, etc.) Total 25 (24.8)

Total (in %)

10 (47.6)

5 (23.8)

1 (4.8)

21 (100)

8 (47.1)

3 (17.6)

1 (5.9)

17 (100)

11 (47.8) 5 (71.4) 11 (61.1) 4 (80.0)

-

4 (17.4) 2 (28.6) 1 (5.6)

2 (11.1) -

23 (100) 7 (100) 18 (100) 5 (100)

8 (80.0)

-

-

10 (100)

15 (14.9)

4 (4.0)

101 (100)

57 (56.4)

Source: Field survey

Government supports systems and vendors’ participation Nowadays, the government of India has launched several social security schemes to bring socio-economic welfare for the marginalised group of people. Some of the available social security schemes are Atal Pension Yojana, Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima Yojana, Pradhan Mantri Jeeven Jyoti Bima Yojana and Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana. In this study, it was noticed that the majority of street vendors (n = 86; 85.1%) were not covered with any of the government social security schemes, and only 14.9% (n = 15) of vendors had enjoyed social security schemes like Prad­ han Mantri Surasksha Bima Yojana and Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana, so their participation in the available government social security schemes was very low. It was also found that only 10.9% (n = 11) of vendors were able to have access to loan/credit facilities. Of those, the majority (n = 07; 63.6%) of the respondents got loan or credit from bank, followed by micro finance insti­ tutions (n = 2; 18.2%), relatives/friends (n = 1; 9.1%), and other sources (n = 1; 9.1%). The highest amount of loan/credit was Rs. 50,000/-, and the lowest amount borrowed was Rs. 2500/-. Those who took loans from gov­ ernment sources had already cleared it. Most of the vendors (n = 43; 42.6%) also showed their interest to take further loans from banks or microfinance systems to upgrade their entrepreneurial process. 148

STREET VENDING IN THE URBAN INFORMAL SECTOR

Challenges faced by the street vendors Street vending is not an easy task to do. The vendors used to face sev­ eral day-to-day challenges to conduct their business. In this study, it was found that most of the vendors (n = 37; estimated at 36.6%) did not encounter any challenge, followed by 34.7% (n = 35) who had faced a certain level of challenges, and 28.7% (n = 29) could not mention any challenge. Our study further showed that out of 35 vendors, an estimated 37.1% (n = 13) were not able to specify their particular prob­ lems that they faced, followed by place-related problems (n = 9; esti­ mated at 25.7%), problems with the Municipal Board (n = 7; estimated at 20.0%), insecurity (n = 3; estimated at 8.6%), problems during rainy season (n = 2; estimated at 5.7%) and financial-related problems (n = 1; estimated at 2.9%). The majority of vendors (n = 56; 55.4%) could not state any aspiration or expectation to improve their business, and the rest (n = 45; 44.6%) had some expectations to improve their business. Out of these 45 vendors, 30 (66.7%) were expecting any sort of financial help such as loan/credit, financial facilities from government, etc., followed by expectations of per­ manent place for business (n = 10; 22.2%), and 11.1% (n = 5) of them were expecting to help to bring out permissions from authorities to run their vendor. Therefore, from the findings of this study, it can be said that vending is contributing largely towards livelihood generation to a section of the popu­ lation who are generally economically poor. Vending is not an easy job in Silchar town, as monsoon remains there for eight months at a stage and they don’t have any fixed shed (though area and place are almost same). It has been found that many of them are vending for longer duration of a day and are not so educated. Average income level was less than Rs. 5000/- per month. No correlation was found with the types of vending and income. Most of the vendors could not identify their challenges or problems due to their ignorance, and most of them did not have any future develop­ ment plan. Only a few have social security coverage from some government schemes, which is common for the people living at lower socio-economic strata.

Summary and conclusion This study has revealed that males with the educational standard of 10th class or below are much more associated with street vending, and many of them are running tea stalls or pan shop as it was found in other stud­ ies on street vending in different cities in India. The income level of the majority of the vendors has up to Rs. 6000/- after bearing all kind of costs and such results are also reflected in other cities. In this study, the 149

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vendors have started the vending business with the main aim of income generation to support their families, and similar results were found in the literature on vending issues in our country. The government of India launched several social security schemes to safeguard the masses and also arranged to borrow entrepreneurial loans, but in this study, it was found that less than 15% of the vendors were entitled to enjoy such social secu­ rity schemes and about 11% of the vendors were able to get loans to sustain and improve their vending business. So, here a gap has been found despite the governmental initiatives to bring welfare to the common peo­ ple. The street vendors in Silchar town lagged behind in this respect. Literature on street vending identified major issues such as the insecurity of the vendors in relation to place of vending, administrative complexi­ ties, climatic constraints, etc. Similar kinds of results were also revealed in this study. Therefore, it can be concluded that the satiations of the vendors in Silchar town in the Northeast region of India are much similar to vendors in other cities in India, and a proper policy for their survival and development is an immediate need. From this study, some suggestions may be made. 1 A through survey needs to be conducted on this vending business in both authorised and non-authorised areas (some footpath areas are not allowed for vending, yet vendors are there) to get a clear idea of popula­ tion involve in vending, its types and duration. 2 Under the National Rural Livelihood Mission (NRLM), an effort may be made to identify the vendors and give them an appropriate place with a proper code of conduct (which is almost absent here). Time-to­ time inspection needs to be done by the respective authorities of munici­ pal bodies on that code of conduct. 3 A specified area of operation should be defined where the vendors must operate from, or else their business is going to be a hindrance to the smooth traffic movement of the town. 4 Hygiene maintenance and quality control, particularly of food courts on the streets, is a matter of paramount importance, and respective authorities must provide guidelines for them to follow. 5 Local taxes can be imposed by the municipal authorities for cleaning the streets and areas, record maintenance, inspection, and so an. 6 The municipal authorities can assist vendors to form an association and through the association, time to time, new regulations and information can be provided to the vendors.

Note 1 This is from our own field experiences.

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References Adhikari, D. B. 2012. ‘Income generation in informal sector: a case study of the street vendors of Kathmandu metropolitan city,’ Economic Journal of Develop­ ment 13&14(1&2), 1–14. Bhowmik, S. K. 2001. Hawkers in the urban informal sector: a study of street ven­ dors in seven cities. Patna: National Alliance of Street Vendors of India. Bhowmik, S. K. and Saha, D. 2011. Financial accessibility of the street vendors in India: case of inclusion and exclusion. Study Conducted under Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, Sponsored by UNDP, New Delhi. Choudhury, C. 2013. India’s street vendors come out of the shadows. Report. [Retrieved from September 27: www.livemint.com/Opinion/rEm1CHLyACL8mt br0lU3xI/Indias-street-vendors-come-out-of-the-shadows.html (Accessed 29 October 2019)]. Dimas, H. 2008. Street vendors: urban problem and economic potential. Working Papers in Economics and Development Studies. Padjadjaran University, Bandung. Dunn, K. 2014. ‘Street vendors in and against the global city: VAMOS Unidos,’ in M. Ruth and E. Ott (eds.), New labor in New York: precarious workers and the future of the labor movement. Ithaca: ILR Press. Dutta, S. and Nath, A. 2015. ‘A study on sales girl in Silchar town in Assam,’ in S. Dutta and A. Nath (eds.), Women in India: socio, economic & cultural transi­ tions. New Delhi: N.D. Publisher. GoI. 2011. Census reports 1901 to 2011. New Delhi: Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, Ministry of Home Affairs. ILO 1972. Employment, incomes and equality: a strategy for increasing productive employment in Kenya. Geneva: International Labour Office. Kolli, R. 2011. Measuring the informal economy: case study of India. As cited by Power and Garg. [Retrieved from: www.ijetmas.com/admin/resources/project/ paper/f201502101423582610.pdf (Accessed 29 October 2019)]. Maneepong, C. and Walsh, J. 2009. A new generation of Bangkok women street vendors: economic crisis as opportunity. Paper presented at the UNESCO Gender Studies & Women’s Research Networking Conference, organized by the Regional Unit for the Social and Human Sciences in Asia and the Pacific, UNESCO, Thailand. Nidan. 2017. Social entrepreneurship and system change. Case Study Report. [Retrieved from May 2017: http://nidan.in/nidanwp/Documents/WEF_SF17_ Case_Studies_02_Nidan_.pdf (Accessed 29 October 2019)]. Rane, S. 2011. ‘Street vended food in developing world: hazard analyses,’ Indian Journal of Microbiology 51(1), 100–106. Saha, D. 2011. ‘Collective bargaining for street vendors in Mumbai: toward promo­ tion of social dialogue,’ Journal of Workplace Rights 15(4), 445–460. Sekar, R. H. 2008. Vulnerabilities and insecurities of informal sector workers: a study of street vendors. Noida: V.V. Giri National Institute of Labour. Seventh International Conference of Labour Statisticians. 1949. Wages and payroll statistics. Geneva: International Labour Office. Subbanna, S., Rao, B. S. and Mallesh, K. R. 2010. A brief study of street vendors in the city of Bengaluru. Bangalore: Environment Support Group, Bangalore.

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[Retrieved October 24, 2019 from: http://esgindia.org/sites/default/files/cam paigns/metro/resources/street-vendor-survey-final-report.pdf]. The Sentinel. 2019. Steps taken to clean-up Silchar by Silchar municipal board and Cachar district administration. Guwahati, May 2. The Statesman. 2017. A news report. Kolkata, April 2, 4.

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Part II URBANISATION, WATER

RESOURCES AND SOLID WASTE

MANAGEMENT

10

EFFICIENCY OF WATER PRICING

A case study of Guwahati City, India

Debayan Hazra and Anamika Barua

Introduction Water was first asserted to be an economic good at the Dublin Conference of 1992, where it was stated that ‘water has an economic value in all its competing uses and should be recognized as an economic good’. In the con­ ference, the management of the water resource was recommended to be based on three basic principles—ecological, instrumental and institutional (World Meteorological Organisation 1992). The ecological principle argues for management of the resource to be comprehensive, integrated and intersectoral. The institutional principle entails for an incentive and economic principle to address the need, to enhance the quality and to reduce the wast­ age of the resource. Although this was accepted in the subsequent years, several debates exist on this even today. The instrumental principle argued on the use which caters to the need of the society and as an instrument for good governance. The crux of the debate often lies in the question of whether the allocation of the resource can be left to the market forces or if any regulation is required on the part of the government to serve social objectives (Liu et al. 2003). However, water as an economic good encompasses multiple dimensions. For instance, it can be both a public good1 and a private one;2 it can also be a club good3 or a social good4 based on economic concepts of subtractibility and excludability (Mankiw 2014). On the demand side, water is considered to be a normal good,5 and its demand is relatively price inelastic6 (Espey et al. 1997). This means that consumers will try to buy the good without much regard to the change in the price attached to the resource. This is because of the nature of the good, as water is critical for survival. On the supply side of the resource, the provision of water can be both public and private. The system becomes public in nature when there is a centralised system of water supply from the government (Kornfeld 2012). On the other hand, private supplies take the form of selling a quantity of water at some 155

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fixed rate by a vendor or extracting water from a bore-well constructed inside the house (Yuling and Lein 2010). India, as a developing nation with a vast and growing population, puts pressure on the urban water supply. The demand for water services and infrastructural need has increased due to economic growth and urbanisa­ tion. The urban poor suffer the most due to a lack of coping strategies (Aijaz 2010). Clean water supply is crucial when it comes to the health of a citizen. When there is a lack of infrastructure, it is not possible to supply clean water to the citizens. The lack of investment in infrastructure may lead to poor ser­ vice delivery, which is directly related to the revenue generated by the sup­ ply system. When the revenue collected is considerably lower than the cost of delivery, the service delivery suffers. In case of such a situation, external investment is required to break the circle (van Dijk 2008). This eventually leads to a situation whereby poor people are left without safe water. In India, the price paid by the consumer for water is often much lower compared to the cost of supply of water. In cities like Kanpur, Indore, Delhi, Hyderabad and Kolkata, the tariff structures are complex, but very low in amount. This is because the tariff system is historically driven and has rarely been modified according to situations over the years (Mathur and Thakur 2003). This eventually led to a gap between the supply and revenue genera­ tion, which further has become difficult to bridge. Poor service delivery has been an important factor in low willingness to pay a higher amount from the consumer’s side. The supply is intermittent and inconsistent in most of the cities, along with safety and quality concerns. To account for the shortfall in piped water supply in the country, along with concerns of safety and consistency, people rely on private sources like groundwater, water ven­ dors, private tankers, etc. This is also a major issue because in a NITI Ayog report, it was warned that 21 cities might run out of groundwater by the year 2020 (NDTV Report 2019). At present, the situation in Chennai bears a testimony to the crisis in hand. But when the consumers do not pay a sufficient amount for the supply, it becomes difficult for the supplier to improve the supply service of the resource. The operation and maintenance costs are often not recovered from taxes. The payment that needs to be made per kiloliter is very low for the tariff systems in place. The most commonly used tariff structures are flat rate,7 uniform tariff8 and increasing block tariff.9 Low revenue collection is a result of the fact that it did not get revised frequently, leading to a prob­ lem of insufficient cost recovery. When the cost is not recovered, the service delivery depreciates. This eventually deters the consumer from being will­ ing to pay more for the services. Thus, the revenue does not increase at any stage because consumers opt for alternative sources of supply if the tariff is increased. This becomes a vicious circle of poor cost recovery and poor water supply service. The chapter aims to look at the existing water supply situation of Guwahati and how this problem of low tariffs and poor service 156

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delivery perpetuates in the system. It looks at the relationship between the cost and revenue associated with piped water supply to households in dif­ ferent areas of the city. Along with that, the chapter also looks at the will­ ingness to pay for improved water services in the city. The reason behind opting for a study of the urban area of Guwahati is specifically because it situates itself on the bank of a mighty river like the Brahmaputra and yet faces a scarcity situation. In fact, the state of Assam faces one of the low­ est accesses to piped water supply (30 percent)10 in their urban spheres. Only Lakshadweep and Bihar have a lower percentage of urban access than Assam in India11 (Edwin 2019). Northeast India is one of very few regions of the country where there is no physical scarcity of water. The scarcity here is therefore economic in nature. The revenue collected from the piped water supply is directly related to the payment made by the consumer in this regard. With respect to the existing scheme of supply and comparing it to a hypothetical improved scenario, we try to find out the willingness to pay for it on the part of the consumer. The study was conducted in the city of Guwahati. Situated on the bank of the Brahmaputra, the city of Guwahati is the gateway to the Northeastern part of the country and situated in one of the fastest growing states in India. Located at an altitude of 55 meters above sea level with an area of 556 sq. km, the city receives a high annual rainfall of 1,600 mm in a year. The Guwahati Municipal Corporation (GMC) divides the city into 60 municipal wards. The city has four assembly constituencies—Jalukbari, Dispur, Guwa­ hati East and Guwahati West. A total of 216 sq. km of the city comes under the administration of the local government, and rest of it comes under the Guwahati Metropolitan Development Authority (GMDA) (GoA 2019). The Water Works Wing of the Guwahati Municipal Corporation under the gov­ ernment of Assam looks after the municipal water supply. The major source of water in the city is the Brahmaputra. The supply is intermittent in nature, with a maximum of three hours in a day. It should be noted that the city has a very healthy monsoon, but there is no large-scale infrastructure for rainwater harvesting. Since there is a lack of investment, poor infrastructure continues to persist. The sources of water in Guwahati are primarily the surface water and the groundwater availability. The Brahmaputra plays a major role in supplying water to a huge section of the city dwellers. The major authorities supply­ ing water to the city are the Guwahati Municipal Corporation (GMC), the government of Assam’s Public Health and Engineering Department (PHED) and Urban Water Supply and Sewerage Board (UWSSB). The Guwahati Jal Board looks over the entire operation of piped water supply. The munici­ pality has three plants for water treatment at Pan Bazaar, Satpukhuri and Kamakhya. The plant at Satpukhuri is the oldest in the city, but was reno­ vated in 1984, whereas the Pan Bazaar plant is of the largest capacity in the city. The source of water for these plants, which cater the entire water 157

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supply system of the city, is the Brahmaputra. From the river, the water is pumped to these plants, and after necessary treatment, the water is trans­ ported to various reservoirs over the city hilltops and then distributed to the consumers by the pipe system. In a few areas, the supply of water is possible through pumping. At present, all the plants operate much below their installed capacities. Apart from these plants, there are nine tube-wells at different places. The Guwahati Metropolitan Area (GMA) constitutes the area under GMC, North Guwahati Town Committee, Amingaon Census Town and 21 revenue villages. This expanded into the Greater Guwahati region which comprised of three New Towns in the North-East, NorthWest and South-East of GMA with a total expansion of 66 sq. km. (GMDA 2009). The water supply facilitation in Guwahati by the GMC is expanding into the city, in addition to the expanding water supply schemes. The new projects are taken up at Pandu (South-West Guwahati), Kharghuli (South Central Guwahati), Indian Oil Refinery Centre Gate (South-East Guwahati) and Mazgaon (North Guwahati). The sample was chosen specifically keeping in mind the piped water supply connections. Therefore, the nature of sampling was purposeful. To understand the difference in willingness to pay for a hypothetical situation of safe, clean and consistent piped water supply in households with no piped water supply connections, the households were chosen accordingly. For the secondary data, the Guwahati Jal Board and the Zoo Road Municipality Scheme were consulted. We took a sample of 40 households in total to ana­ lyse our research questions. The method employed was a primary survey of the consumers and the authorities. Both qualitative and quantitative techniques were applied to answer the research questions. The survey was done to understand the per­ spective of the consumers about the water supply and their willingness to pay for an improved system. Looking into the side of the supplier of piped water supply, the objective of the study was to understand the problem from their side and what could make the supply better. Stakeholder discussions were held with the assistant commissioner of Guwahati Municipal Corpo­ ration, the chief engineer of the Pan Bazaar Water Treatment Plant, chief engineer of Water Resource at Guwahati Public Health Department and the chief engineer at the Guwahati Jal Board. We looked at the components of operation and maintenance costs, and compared them with the revenue collected from the households. For the revenue side, the existing tariff structure obtained from the municipality was examined. In order to examine the willingness to pay for the consumer, we applied the Contingent Valuation Technique to elicit the amount. There­ after, we formulated a cost function based on what they incur while con­ suming water throughout the year. For the various components, we took an average value of the variables to arrive at the indicative cost. We compared

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the indicative average cost incurred by the consumers to their willingness to pay as indicated in the survey. In theory, a cost function is represented by: Total Cost (TC) = Fixed Cost (FC) + Variable Cost (VC) where the fixed cost represents the fixed factors of production and the vari­ able costs represent the factors which can be varied (like labour and capital). This is usually a function of q (or the quantity produced). The average cost is represented by dividing the Total Cost function by the quantity produced, i.e.: Average Cost (AC) =

FC VC + q q

It should be noted that labor and machinery costs might well be a function of q. We will not delve deep into that algebra in this study. To put things in simple terms, with the increase in the number of connections, there might be an increase in the number of laborers or the number of machines at work. In theory, with the increase in q (or the number of household connections), the position of the point in the average cost curve would change.12 The AC curve is a U-shaped curve where the AC decreases first with the increase in quantity, reaches its lowest and then increases as diseconomies of scale begins to set in. If we calculate the Average Cost of supply, the equation would look like the following:

C Fixed Cost Salary ( L ) + Chemical ( q ) + Repair and Maintenance ( K ) = + q q q On the revenue side, total revenue is given as a product of the price of the good and the quantity of goods sold at that price. In this case, we look at each of the variables. The quantity part will continue to represent the number of households which are connected to the pipeline. The price part will change according to the tariff to which the household subscribed. The average revenue is given by dividing the total revenue by q (in this case, the number of households connected to the supply). Total Revenue (TR) = Price (p) × Quantity (q) Let q1 represent the number of households having a flat rate and q2 represent the number of households having an increasing block tariff, where q = q1 + q2.

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Since the primary aim of the supply is only to recover the cost from the revenue collected per month, we put our average revenue equal to the aver­ age cost. Therefore, putting the entire model together where the profit should ideally be zero, we will get the following equation: Profit (π) = Total Revenue (q) – Total Cost (q) Putting profit as zero, 0 = R(q) – C(q) or, R(q) = C(q) or, TR TC = q q or, AR = AC This is the concept of average cost pricing. Now, if we differentiate the profit function given previously, we can arrive at marginal cost pricing which in turn maximises profit. Differentiating, we get: ∂π ∂R ∂C = − ∂q ∂q ∂q Putting this first order condition as zero, we get �R �C , � �q �q or MR = MC. This is a profit maximising condition which is followed in a few pricing strategies, where this equation derives the quantity and price. Putting things into the case of Guwahati’s water supply, Total Revenue q �

Fixed Cost Salary � L � � Chemical � q � � Repair and Maintenance � K � � q q

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The willingness of the consumer to pay for improved water services is traced through the method of contingent valuation. This technique of valuation is employed to determine the value which the consumers attach to the good (Georgiou et al. 1997). There can be multiple methods of eliciting the will­ ingness to pay (WTP) from consumers. The methods may include bidding games, closed-ended questions and payment cards. Bidding games can be of two types—a single bid game or an interactive bid game (Dixon and Scura 1994; Abu Madi et al. 2003). In a single-bid game, the respondent is supposed to state a particular amount which they are willing to pay. For an interactive bid, the respondent is suggested a certain amount which they can either agree to pay or disagree. If they disagree, then the amount is increased and asked again. This will continue to a point where the WTP is reached. The final amount is called the maximum WTP. In the case of a close-ended referendum approach, the respondent is told about the cost. After that, they are asked how much they are willing to pay for that particular environmen­ tal good (Tietenberg 2000). This approach is also known as the discrete method of eliciting the WTP. This method is often known to reduce the bias on the part of the respondent (Perman et al. 2003). For the payment card method, the respondents are shown a series of values which they have to choose for the willingness to pay (Hanley and Splash 1993; Hoevenagel 1994). Contingent valuation technique is suitable in case of water resources because the method is based on what we call expressed behavior.13 This method also has an advantage over other valuation methods because it is consistent with economic theories of compensating variation14 and equiva­ lent variation15 (Perman et al. 2003). The consumers here consider their lim­ ited budget and how much more they would pay to obtain a good offered to them as an alternative to their present condition (Day and Mourato 1998). In our case, we employed a single-bid game to elicit willingness to pay. The contingent valuation model discussed is derived from a study made on household willingness to pay for improved water supply in the Abbottabad district of Pakistan (Haq et al. 2007). To understand the mechanism behind CVM, consider the following model of Haq et al. (2007). Let there be a utility function: U = U (q, z), where q is the quality of water and z is a composite of all the market goods. The prices of composite goods are assumed to be 1. The expenditure function is given by e (p, q, u). An expenditure function measures the minimum amount a consumer is willing to spend in order to attain a given level of utility. It is an increasing function of p and u, but a decreasing function of q. The consumer would want to be at the same level of utility and therefore would like to minimise his expenditure. Min (z + Pz) s.t. U = U (q, z)

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The minimisation problem can be solved using Lagrange’s multiplier to obtain Hicksian demand16 for the corresponding goods. The Hicksian demand17 is given by: hi = hi (pq,u*) The expenditure function can be obtained by using the values of the Hick­ sian demand in the minimum expenditure function: e* = e (p, q, u*), Here, e is the minimum expenditure required to achieve utility u*. ∂e = h(pq, u*) ∂pi WTP for the change in water services can be found by integrating the mar­ ginal WTP to improve water quality from q to q*. q*

WTP =

I q

ae ( q, u *) aq

dq

WTP is the maximum amount of money a consumer would give up in order to enjoy an improved water quality supply. The willingness to pay for the improvement in quality is WTP = e (p, q, u) − e (p, q*, u). This can take the form of compensating or equivalent variation, depending on the reference utility level of the study. The author further used a multi­ nomial logistic model to understand the effect of the independent variables in his study on the WTP. Limitation: In case of CVM, one of the major disadvantages of this method is the number of biases this technique might have. There are four principal biases in a CVM method: starting point bias, hypothetical bias, strategic bias and informational bias (Georgiou et al. 1997; Pearce and Turner 1990). A starting point bias occurs when the starting point is wrong­ fully chosen by the interviewer so that the respondent agrees to the amount suggested. Another way to solve this issue is to use payment cards (Hoeve­ nagel 1994). A strategic bias occurs when the self-interest of the respondent comes into play and they do not reveal their true willingness to pay because of the nature of the good. Since a public provision might be non-excludable in nature also, a free-rider problem can arise (Hanley and Splash 1993). Hypothetical bias arises because of the only reason that willingness to pay values is hypothetical in nature. These are not based on actual market values

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(Markandya 1992). Biases can be reduced by carefully constructing the sur­ veys (Tietenberg 2000; Perman et al. 2003; Kahn 1997). Contingent valuation models take into account the causation based on regression models of household characteristics. In this case, we took the average values of willingness to pay which are only indicative in nature. Our use of data using central tendency are also measures which only refers to a number by which we try to understand the system of supply. The selection of sample is not randomised to get an accurate representation of the popula­ tion. It is purposive in nature to understand a specific problem.

Results and findings Cost-revenue comparison The first part of our objective is to understand the existing water supply system of Guwahati. Safe drinking water is a public good in nature. It is imperative for the government to provide safe drinking water to its citi­ zen. Yet, the city has long suffered from a moderately poor water supply system. In the previous section, we looked into how the city of Guwahati is divided. We have also looked at the urban access to the water system of the city. According to a report by the Assam Infrastructure Investment Pro­ gram by the Government of Assam, the demand for piped water is around 150 million liters per day (MLD)—but the present production capacity is 110.85 MLD, and the actual production is 73.4 MLD (GoA 2015). This form of scarcity is economic in nature where investment in infrastructure is not enough to address the demand-supply gap of the people. As a result, people opt for private sources to cater to their daily water requirement. In our study, only around half the households have access to piped water sup­ ply (Table 10.1).

Table 10.1 Number of households having water connections from various sources Type of water source

Number of households

Ponds and streams Piped water supply Water tankers Tube-wells Community wells Rainwater harvesting

2 (5%) 20 (50%) 6 (15%) 26 (65%) 4 (10%) 2 (5%)

Source: Primary field survey Note: Many households have multiple sources of water supply. As a result, the percentage here will not add up to 100

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Although this data overlaps with households which have both piped water supply and private sources, the idea can still be put forward regarding the percentage of people having access to it, and also the percentage of people using only the piped water supply. Table 10.2 shows the distribution of fam­ ily size per household and the number of households corresponding to that size. Most of the households lie in the range of 3–4 members in our study. Now that we know the distribution of it, we can take a look at the source of water supply in these households under broader headings of public, pri­ vate or both. Here when we talk about private, we take into account the households which only use the private source of supply (Table 10.3). To understand the given table, take the second row, for example. In our study, taking all the households comprising of three members, we can see that 50 percent of such households rely on both private and public water supply. The rest rely only on private supplies of water. In the same way, we can interpret the following table, as well, where we segregate based on the income levels. Take for example, the bracket of 4–8 lakhs. Among the households with income level in this bracket, 20 percent of them rely on both private and public sources of supply, 40 percent of them rely strictly on private sources and the remaining 40 percent rely on the public source of supply. In this way, we can interpret the other three

Table 10.2 Size of households in survey Family size per household

No. of households

1 member 2 members 3 members 4 members > 4 members Total

2 5 12 14 7 40

Source: Primary data

Table 10.3 Percentage source of water supply, based on household size Household size

1–2 members 3 members 4 members > 4 members

Source of water supply Both

Only private

Only public

0 50 20 33

100 50 40 33

0 0 40 33

Source: Primary data

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rows, as well. Note that, all the rows will sum up to 100 percent for both Tables 10.3 and 10.4. Our focus on this study will be on the public source, or piped water sup­ ply. Even in the piped water supply, there lies a concern with the quality of water which is provided, due to the contamination of the water through broken and leaking pipes, but getting an insight into that problem is beyond the scope of this study. Consumers did, however, raise their concerns regard­ ing the quality of water provided by the piped water supply, which does not paint a very nice picture. The quality of the resource is a major factor when it comes to the satisfaction derived from the resource. Around half the respondents reported cleanliness issues and nearly 90 percent were unhappy with the distribution of the resource (given that only 13 percent were satis­ fied with the continuity; Table 10.5). There were reports of muddy water coming into the taps of the households when there were rains. Around half the respondents were not happy with the color or taste of the water, either. Quality improvement plays a huge role when it comes to consumers willing to pay more for the water supply. A need to look into the problems in supply thereby arises. Looking at the infrastructure, a major portion of the machines in water supply have been carrying on for more years than what was expected of them. They are obso­ lete and suffer a major depreciation cost because of the extended service they are forced to provide. It is necessary on the part of the government to Table 10.4 Percentage source of water supply, based on income level Income levels (per annum)

Sources of supply Both

Only private

Only public

8 lakhs

0 50 20 33

100 50 40 33

0 0 40 33

Source: Primary data

Table 10.5 Consumers’ satisfaction with water quality Attributes

% of people satisfied

Color Taste Smell Cleanliness Continuity in distribution

55 53 56 63 13

Source: Primary data

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facilitate the infrastructure for supply. The amount of non-revenue water18 in the system was estimated to be over 40 percent. This percentage is high because of the amount of leakage which remains uncontrolled in the system along the line of transmission and the supply points on the street. As a result, about 65 liters per capita per day is delivered with a duration of 2–3 hours. Thus, the government failed at various levels which need immediate reform. It is essential to note that the Guwahati water supply does not operate at any kind of profit. According to the chief engineer at the Guwahati Jal Board, the main purpose is to supply the water at a cost which can be recov­ ered from the revenue which is collected. In piped water supply, there are two types of tariffs which operate in Guwahati: a flat tariff in the absence of a meter, and an increasing block tariff (IBT) in the presence of one. A flat tariff is a rate whereby a fixed amount is paid by the household per month. An increasing block tariff is a system whereby the system of charging is vol­ umetric in nature. With the increase in volume of consumption, the amount to be charged increases. The model of flat rate pricing in Guwahati follows: 1 2

For family members up to or below four individuals: Rs. 140.00 per month for domestic purpose (flat rate pricing). For family members above four individuals: Rs. 35.00 for each indi­ vidual member, in addition to Rs.140.00 for domestic purposes.

The other type of tariff is called the increasing block tariff, which is given by a volumetric increase in price. This is shown in Table 10.6. The major issues which pertain to the supply system of water includes a bounded number of households which have accessed to the resource, prob­ lems in the quality and the quantity of the water supplied through the sys­ tem, high amounts of non-revenue water and problems of recovery of cost in the system. It was found in a survey report provided by Guwahati Plus that 48.3 percent of their participants received an insufficient amount of supply of water from the agencies in the city.19 During the winter months, the prob­ lem of scarcity becomes more severe. A number of households in the areas like Zoo Road and Christian Basti depend on private sources during these

Table 10.6 Tariff rate for residential use in Guwahati Volume

Amount (in Rs)

Up to 15 KL Above 15 KL up to 25 KL Above 25 KL

8.00 per KL 12.00 per KL 15.00 per KL

Source: GoA (2019)

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periods to fulfill their needs. Along with this, a depletion of groundwater level is a major concern, according to the experts. In the economics of water supply, there can be an array of costs in our study. The city of Guwahati fails to cover even the operational and main­ tenance cost of supply, which is the least a system can do. There are capital charges which account for depreciation. There are economic externalities like water, which needs accounting. There is also a need to look into the damage cost associated with the construction of various infrastructures for water supply. In this study, we looked at the operations and maintenance (O&M) costs incurred by the Zoo Road Scheme, Guwahati Metropolitan Drinking Water and Sewerage Board, while supplying water to the 10,000 households it serves. Table 10.7 shows the monthly cost of supply. From the table, it can be understood the various elements which constitute the cost function of the water supply. Each of the elements has its own importance in supply. The cost function is a variable function of the quantity of water supplied, the salaries of the workers and repairing and maintenance of the existing machines. Here, q can either represent the quantity of water being supplied in the Zoo Road Scheme, or it can represent the number of households to which water is supplied. We take the latter into our study because of our calculations in WTP and its comparisons. L represents the number of workers employed in the water supply network to ensure the functioning of the system. K represents the machinery with which the water supply oper­ ates. These are the variable factors in the system. The salary of the laborers accounts for around 58 percent of the monthly cost incurred. This is more than half the cost incurred in totality for the supply of water. The other major cost incurred is from the electricity part. Since it is counted as a fixed cost, there is not much that can be done regarding that if we try to reduce the cost of supply. The repair and maintenance costs come in after that, Table 10.7 Monthly cost structure of the Zoo Road Scheme Operation and maintenance costs of the Zoo Road Scheme, Guwahati Metropolitan Drinking Water and Sewerage Board (monthly) Salary of staff Electricity from Assam Power Distribution Company Limited (APDCL) Chemical treatment If Ph value is less than 7, then lime is required Stationery expenses Office expenditure Repairing and maintenance Total Source: Author’s field survey data

167

27.5 lakhs 14 lakhs 2 lakhs 0.5 lakhs 0.25 lakhs 0.3 lakhs 3 lakhs Rs.47.55 lakhs

D E B AY A N H A Z R A A N D A N A M I K A B A R U A

which is a function of the machinery at work. If the machines are old, the cost is likely to go up for repairs and maintenance. This is substantiated from the interview with the chief engineer, who agreed that the machines which are operating have exceeded their timeline. There are budgeting con­ cerns due to which new pieces of machinery are yet to come in. The variable cost accounts for 69.4 percent of the total cost. From the equation, we can see that chemical treatment of water is directly related to the amount of water produced. This is intuitive in a way that, with the increase in water production, more chemicals would be required. But in Guwahati, the capacity of the production is lower than what is required. If with the increase in piped connections leads to increased production, the function would hold valid. Otherwise, it would not be the case if the pro­ duction remains constant with increased connections. Then we would treat the chemical and lime component as a fixed cost. Thus, the cost side reflects the situation of the variables which are accounted for in the supply of water. In the next part, we look at how the revenue part operates. If we look at the models together, we can get a clearer picture of the source from both sides (Figure 10.1). This has been put together in the fol­ lowing diagram to get an understanding of the two sides. From the Zoo Road Scheme, it was found out that the monthly revenue collected from the households amounted to Rs.14 lakhs. The average cost was found to be Rs. 475.5, whereas the average vari­ able cost was found to be Rs. 330. The average revenue collected by the Jal Board was Rs.140 (Table 10.8). This is a problematic situation because the AR is substantially lower than AC. The pricing strategy fails. As a result, a change in tariff is required to

Salaries of workers

Chemical treatment

Office expenditure

Stationery expenses

Repairing and maintenance

Cost components Electricity cost Number of households connected Increasing block tariff

Revenue components Tariff system

Flat rate tariff

Figure 10.1 A summary of cost and revenue factors of Guwahati’s public water supply Source: Author

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Table 10.8 A comparison of AC, AVC, and AR Variable

Amount (Rs./month)

Average cost (AC) Average variable cost (AVC) Average revenue (AR)

475.5 330 140

Source: Author’s field survey data

Note: Average is taken per household

address this problem. This can either be done by the government authori­ ties by taking the WTP of consumers into account or letting a third private party frame the tariff. The issue is delicate because the demand for the good is relatively inelastic in nature. We look into the consumer’s WTP in the next subsection. Willingness to pay The Contingent Valuation Method (CVM) is a popular method which has been extensively used in developing nations in various services like water supply (Haq et al. 2007). In this particular case, a non-market valuation is needed for assessment of WTP for water (Table 10.9). Estimation of eco­ nomic value is required in monetary terms from the use of the resources by the individuals in Guwahati. Individuals have their own preference of goods and want to maximise his or own utility from the good consumed but sub­ ject of budget constraints. From the existing point of view, the consumers incur a cost while consum­ ing water. There is a cost attached to the tank where the water is stored, the underground reservoir in the house, electricity and an amount spent on the purification of the resource. From each of these, the average was computed from the data that was collected from the households. The average yearly cost incurred on the tank by the households was found to be Rs.3300. All the households have tanks in their homes or complexes which have become an urban need, along with purifiers. This is quite logical, based on the fact that the city of Guwahati does not have any 24/7 water supply system. The same applies to the existence of underground reservoirs at many places. Water is stored at these places for a period of time before they are con­ sumed. This is because the supply of water is for a limited period of time, and consumers need water all throughout the day. The average cost incurred in maintaining the reservoir is approximately Rs. 1500 per year. Apart from the storage, there is a cost attached to the electricity while extracting water and also for running the water purifier. Most of the house­ holds have a private water source along with the public water supply, if at all they have one. Among the private sources, more than 80 percent 169

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Table 10.9 WTP based on number of earning members of family No. of earning members in household

Average of WTP (Rs./month)

1 2 3 4 and above

1925 2114.29 2600 2000

Source: Primary data

of the households use a bore-well to extract water. From the data, it was found out that the average electricity cost was Rs. 4200 in a year. All the households had a water purifier installed at their homes. About one-third of the households use the purifier for the entire supply. The rest use the purifier for drinking and cooking purposes. This is important because it speaks of the quality of the water which is supplied. None of the house­ holds in the study trusts the public water supply enough to drink the water which is coming through the pipelines. The water purifier is an important component of the households in Guwahati. It is used widely for the con­ sumption of water afterwards. From the study, it was found out that the average cost incurred in maintaining the purifier is Rs.3200 per year. If we take a summation of these costs and then calculate the monthly aver­ age, we can find that the average cost incurred by the households is Rs. 1017 per month. The components include the ones discussed previously. Along with these costs, the monthly tariff is paid to the municipality in the form of a tax. This value is only indicative in nature because in reality, the number will vary depending upon the number of people in one household (Table 10.10). From the given data, the average per capita water consumption per day is 35 liters. Let us assume that there are four members in a household (cal­ culating an average from the survey). Per-day consumption of water in such a household would be approximately 140 liters. From the data analysed, it may be inferred that per capita water consumption might be lower if there are children in the household. It might be higher if there are more female members in the household. Making such an assumption, the monthly con­ sumption of water in the household comes to 4200 liters. When a connection is made, and the flat monthly charge paid to the municipality is Rs. 140, and taking the consumption of water at 4.2 KL per month, the total monthly cost incurred by a household is approximately Rs. 1157. If we compare this to the average willingness to pay of the con­ sumers from the survey, we find that to be Rs. 2153 (Table 10.11). When we calculate the average cost, the value is in terms of what is incurred by households. It might be the case that a household has very few members or many members. To get an estimate of the individual average, we divide the 170

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Table 10.10 Comparison of costs incurred by household and average WTP Annual income (Rs.) and number of members in household

Average of monthly costs incurred by household (Rs./month)

Average of WTP (Rs./month)

8 lakhs 4 members

916.67 916.67 890.28 325 1145.83 1000 725 985.71 1138.89 741.67 1000 1166.67 1166.67

1500 1500 1666.67 1500 1500 1750 2000 2542.86 2266.67 2750 2750 3000 3000

Source: Primary data

Table 10.11 Comparison between costs incurred and WTP for improved services (in Rs./month) Variables

Amount (Rs./month)

AC incurred by household AC incurred per individual Average WTP per household

1017 290.57 2153

Source: Primary data and secondary data from GMC

household WTP by the average number of people in one household. Thus, the result comes out to be Rs. 290.57 per month, which is in a great contrast with the household WTP. It should also be noted that while we divide the AC per household by the average number of members in household, the resultant value is indicative. It should also be noted that areas without any access to piped water supply showed a significantly higher willingness to pay than other areas (Table 10.12). This is, in effect, 72 percent higher than the cost which is incurred by the consumer per month. They would hypothetically get access to a 24/7 clean water supply system. This is interesting to note, because consumers put a value which is much higher than the cost they incur while obtaining it on the resource. The cost incurred by the consumers in storing and filtering the water and the willingness to pay for an improved water supply showed a low but 171

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Table 10.12 Assessing WTP of consumers (in Rs./month) Variable (in Rs./month)

Amount (Rs./month)

Average WTP per household Average WTP per household with piped water supply Average WTP per household with no piped water supply

2153 1817 3161

Source: Primary data

Table 10.13 Gendered aspect of willingness to pay (in Rs./month) Average WTP

Amount (Rs./month)

Male Female

1860

2300

Source: Primary data

negative correlation of −0.13. This can be intuitive in nature. If the consum­ ers are incurring a high cost in making use of the water which they are get­ ting, they would want to reduce their high monthly cost to some extent with an improvement in supply. Given the fact that the high monthly cost arises from the problems in water supply, the consumers would want an improved water service to reduce their burden. Water also has a gender aspect. The female participants on an average displayed a higher willingness to pay for improved water services. This can be iterated from the fact that female participants mostly stay at home and are more close to dealing with sanitation and clean water (Table 10.13). Children at home require clean water, and the mothers value it more than others in the house. Female participants value cleaner water more than the male participants. If we go back to the Zoo Road water supply data, we can find that there is a major shortfall in the revenue. The shortfall occurred due to the exist­ ing low tariff of the system. Now, Zoo Road covers a total of nearly 10,000 households in its area. Given the fact that consumers are willing to pay Rs. 2153 per month, when we can calculate the revenue, it can generate per month. The amount is more than Rs. 2.1 crores per month. Now, with the existing revenue stream, such an infrastructure cannot be constructed. To solve this problem, private partners like Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) can use its expertise and investment in a public-private part­ nership (PPP) model. Various models of PPP can be adopted, according to the need and situation. In order to solve the economic scarcity problem of Guwahati, the government of Assam has taken up four projects to address 172

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the issue of supply. For the projects to give safe and consistent water sup­ ply in the Metropolitan Area (24/7 supply), funding has been organised from the government of India (Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission; JNNURM), Asian Development Bank and Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). The government of India has come up with an approval for the JICA-assisted Guwahati Water Project, which constructs sewerage facilities and improves sanitation in the city and living standards of the people at large. The Guwahati Metropolitan Development Authority (GMDA) is responsible for the implementation of these projects, and the Guwahati Jal Board is responsible for the operation and maintenance of these projects. The implementations of the projects are supposed to be done through an independent Project Management Consultant or Implementa­ tion Units (PMC/PIU). The JICA project in India is unique in nature because of what it promises. Its aims are ambitious in nature given the present water situation in the city. The city has a maximum of three hours of water supply in a day in a given household. Mostly, it is lesser than that in many areas. This is because of the fact that there is not enough infrastructure to cater to the need of the people. JICA is building an infrastructure which not only increases the quantity of water supplied but also improves the existing qual­ ity of water. From the survey of the households, all of them have agreed to the fact that the new JICA project would make them better off. Since this issue is of a vicious cycle of low tariffs and no improvement in supply, a PPP model can help break this. These partnerships can bring in their expertise like the way JICA is operating in Guwahati city, and make sufficient improvement in the existing water supply. It should be noted that while we talk of a possible change in tariffs, it will not be from the govern­ ment. This should be brought in by the private player in the PPP model. Now the question might arise if the government can enhance the tariff and make a one-time investment for the infrastructure. This is possible, given the fact that the WTP is high for improved water services. A private player, on the other hand, can bring in its domain experience and work toward this system. The government is relieved of the duty of delivery of services, and is only concerned with the tariff design. An improved supply from private players might be a better option to go forward with, given PPP’s success in implementation at various places.

Conclusion Since Guwahati is a growing city in a developing nation, the importance of dealing with a key resource like water cannot be stressed enough. From the study, we have seen that there is a lack of investment in the infrastructure of the resources due to the low tariff schemes in the city. This is attributed to the low willingness to pay from the side of the consumer, which in turn cannot generate enough revenue to meet the operation and maintenance 173

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costs. Since the machines are old, their capacity goes down with time and thereby a high depreciation cost gets attached to the supply. The machines need immediate replacement in order to improve the quality of the service. With the declining capacity of the machines, the amount of non-revenue water has also gone up. The amount of leakage in the system is close to 40 percent, which adds to the problem. If the amount of leakage can be reduced considerably, a large number of households can benefit in terms of the amount of water they are getting in a day. Along with the quantity of water, the quality of it is also an issue when it comes to the willingness to pay. From the study, it was found out that a major portion of the respond­ ents are not satisfied with the quality of water received in terms of smell, taste, cleanliness and color. In fact, all the consumers in the survey use a purifier at home in order to consume the water in various forms like drink­ ing and cooking. Most of the households in Guwahati have an alternate source of water, not only because of issues of quantity or quality of water received, but also because only about one-third of the population receives piped water supply. Those water sources are private in nature and take the form of bore-wells, water vendors, etc. As a result, the monthly cost from the side of the con­ sumer also goes up. From the survey, it was found out that the reason behind opting for a secondary source is primarily linked to factors like insufficiency, reliability, consistency and quality issues. Given the fact that Guwahati is situated on the bank of the Brahmaputra, the source of extracting water should ideally be not an issue if the infrastructure were there. But, in present years, there has developed a scarcity problem because of the inability of the system to meet the demand. This is not only because the existing system has leakages and adds to the non-revenue water, but also because even at full capacity, the system falls short of the demand from the city. To address this issue of high cost and low revenue due to a low tariff rate in the system, the state government undertook a public-private partnership for multiple projects in the city. One of those projects is the JICA project in Northern and South-Central Guwahati. The projects are major and ambi­ tious in nature because the investment is large in the form of official devel­ opment assistance from various institutions. The project aims to supply clean water to a household 24/7. They are yet to be implemented, and are mostly in the developmental phase. Since there would be an increase in the amount of water supplied to the consumer around the clock and an increase in the quality of the water supply, again comes the question of how much consumers are willing to pay. From the study, it was found out that with the improvement in service, consumers are willing to pay more. The willingness to pay depends on multiple factors. If there is an improve­ ment in the quality of the service, or there is an increase in the duration of the service, or a greater quality assurance, or a reliable supply, then the willingness to pay increases. Apart from the price and quantity signals, 174

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demographic factors also play key roles in determining the consumer’s will­ ingness to pay. For example, factors like income, education and household characteristics play roles in estimating the willingness to pay for the con­ sumer. A household with a higher income will have the capacity to spend more, and therefore would be willing to pay more for improved water sup­ ply. A household which has more earning members can pay more for an improvement in services compared to a household with one earning mem­ ber. Individuals who are more educated may understand the value of the improved services, and therefore make a more informed choice regarding the change in the quality of the good. Gender can be a major issue while understanding the willingness to pay for households. It has been proven that women require more water than men in their everyday lives. Consuming a good quality of water is important for survival. When the quality of water consumed is poor, it can have major health implications in the long run. The sample size is too small to draw a conclusion, but it can be argued that individuals value water more than what they actually pay for it—and rightly so. One of the major areas which can be researched upon is the quality of the water which the consumers receive. Since there were indi­ viduals who reported dissatisfaction with the characteristics, the quality can be studied. Another area which can be researched is the sustainability of the resource. Since there is groundwater depletion, and a few respondents agreed that some of the water is thrown away because of its quality, this becomes a major concern, as well. This calls for a better infrastructure for water supply. Finally, it should be remembered that water is scarce and indispensable for the survival of the human race. A pricing strategy might address the problem in an urban setting, but there are people like the urban poor who would not be able to pay as much. There can be government interventions to address those problems, but before that, people need a safe water sup­ ply for their consumption. This is because consuming bad quality water can lead to major health consequences which would be an impediment to a country trying to develop itself.

Notes 1 One cannot be excluded from using the resource (non-excludable) and one person’s use does not diminish another person’s availability of the resource (non-rival). 2 Others can be excluded from using the resource (excludable), which diminishes availability of another person (rival) (ibid.). 3 Non-rival and excludable in nature (ibid.). 4 Rival and non-excludable in nature (ibid.). 5 Demand for the good increases as income of consumer increases. 6 Responsiveness to price change is low. 7 A fixed amount is paid per month with no limit on the use of the resource. 8 A particular amount is decided per unit of supply which is paid.

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9 There are multiple blocks. For each block of consumption, there is one price. With an increase in consumption, the price for the next block is higher. 10 Census of India 2011, Urban Access to Piped Water Supply in Indian States and Union Territories. 11 Ibid. 12 This depends on what we understand by q. Here q denotes the number of house­ holds, but it can also denote the quantity of water produced. 13 People express their valuation of a certain good in a survey. 14 Adjustment in income which gives the consumer their previous utility after a change has occurred. 15 The amount which the consumer would pay before a price increase in order to avert it. 16 Named after John Hicks. Refers to the demand for a bundle of goods that minimises expenditure but provides a fixed level of utility. 17 Also known as the compensated demand function. 18 This refers to the amount of leakage in the system. 19 https://www.guwahatiplus.com/article-detail/guwahati-2-000-families-to-get­ 24x7-water-from-january-in-jica-1st-phase (accessed 2 April 2019).

References Abu Madi, M., Braadbaart, O., Al-Sa’ed, R. and Alaerts, G. 2003. ‘Willingness of farmers to pay for reclaimed wastewater in Jordan and Tunisia,’ Water Science and Technology: Water Supply 3(4), 115–122. Aijaz, R. 2010. ‘Water for Indian cities: government practices and policy concerns,’ ORF Issue Brief, 25. Day, B. and Mourato, S. 1998. Willingness to pay for water quality improvements in Chinese rivers: evidence from a contingent valuation survey in the Beijing Area. United Nations CSERGE Working Paper, 98–01. Dixon, J. and Scura, L. 1994. Economic analysis of environmental impacts. London: Earthscan. Edwin, T. 2019. Less than 2% of rural households in Bihar and Jharkhand have access to piped drinking water, November 27, 2019. [Retrieved from: https://www. thehindubusinessline.com/news/less-than-2-of-rural-households-in-bihar-and­ jharkhand-have-access-to-piped-drinking-water/article30085544.ece (Accessed 28 November 2019)]. Espey, M., Espey, J. and Shaw, W. D. 1997. ‘Price elasticity of residential demand for water: a meta-analysis,’ Water Resources Research 33(6), 1369–1374. Georgiou, S., Whittington, D., Pearce, D. and Moran, D. 1997. Economic values and the environment in the developing world. Cheltenham Glos: Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd. GoA. 2015. Initial environmental examination: Assam Urban Infrastructure Invest­ ment Program – Project 1: Guwahati water supply subproject. Guwahati Devel­ opment Department & Urban Development Department, Guwahati: Government of Assam for the Asian Development Bank [Retrieved from: https://www.adb.org/ sites/default/files/project-document/180810/42265-023-iee-06.pdf (Accessed 12 November 2019)]. GoA. 2019. GMC wards and area sabhas. Guwahati Municipal Corporation, Government of Assam [Retrieved from: https://gmc.assam.gov.in/portlets/gmc­ wards-area-sabhas (Accessed 28 November 2019)].

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GMDA. 2009. GMDA Master plan for Guwahati metropolitan area-2025. Guwa­ hati: GMDA. Hanley, N. and Splash, C. I. 1993. Cost benefit and the environment. Aldershot: Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd. Haq, M., Mustafa, U. and Ahmad, I. 2007. ‘Household’s willingness to pay for safe drinking water: a case study of Abbottabad district,’ The Pakistan Development Review 46(4), 1137–1153. Hoevenagel, R. 1994. The contingent valuation method: scope and validity. Amster­ dam: Vrije Universiteit. Kahn, J. R. 1997. The economic approach to environmental and natural resource. Orlando: The Dryden Press. Kornfeld, I. E. 2012. ‘Water: a public good or a commodity?’ Proceedings of the Annual Meeting (American Society of International Law)106, Confronting Com­ plexity, 49–52. Liu, J., Savenije, H. H. and Xu, J. 2003. ‘Water as an economic good and water tariff design: comparison between IBT-con and IRT-cap,’ Physics and Chemistry of the Earth, Parts A/B/C 28(4–5), 209–217. Mankiw, N. G. 2014. Principles of economics. Stanford: Cengage Learning. Markandya, A. 1992. ‘The value of the environment: a state of the art survey,’ in A. Markandya and J. Richardson (eds.), The Earthscan reader in environmental economic. London: Earthscan, pp. 142–166. Mathur, O. P. and Thakur, S. 2003. Urban water pricing: setting the stage for reforms. New Delhi: National Institute of Public Finance and Policy. NDTV Report. 2019. June 19, 2019 NDTV Report: 21 Indian cities will run out of groundwater by 2020. [Retrieved from: https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/21­ indian-cities-will-run-out-of-groundwater-by-2020-report-2056129 (Accessed 10 October 2019)]. Pearce, D. W. and Turner, R. K. 1990. Economics of natural resources and the envi­ ronment. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press. Perman, R., Ma, Y., McGilvray, J. and Common, M. 2003. Natural resource and environmental economics. Essex: Pearson Education. Tietenberg, T. H. 2000. ‘Sustainable development: defining the concept,’ Environ­ mental and Natural Resource Economics 5, 86–98. Van Dijk, M. P. 2008. ‘Public—private partnerships in basic service delivery: impact on the poor, examples from the water sector in India,’ International Journal of Water 4(3–4), 216–234. World Meteorological Organisation. 1992. The Dublin statement on water and sustainable development. [Retrieved from: www.wmo.int/pages/prog/hwrp/docu ments/english/icwedece.html (Accessed 3 November 2019)]. Yuling, S. and Lein, H. 2010. ‘Treating water as an economic good: policies and practices in irrigation agriculture in Xinjiang, China,’ Geographical Journal 176(2), 124–137.

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11

LOCAL INSTITUTIONS, URBAN

WATER GOVERNANCE AND

FUTURE CHALLENGES

A case study of Shillong

Bankerlang Kharmylliem and Ngamjahao Kipgen

Introduction As cities are growing and many new cities are emerging, the twenty-first cen­ tury has witnessed the unfolding of multiple water challenges. Water avail­ ability has become one of the greatest natural resource challenges. Provision of access to clean water will be one of the major challenges of the present century, the magnitude and the complexity of which no earlier generation has had to face (Biswas 2006). As a consequence, many urban centers will be unable to expand supply to meet the demand because of poor governance (Vo 2007). Urbanisation and growth of population puts pressure on the land resources, which has direct impact on the hydrology of the area. Water, therefore, is a parameter for inclusiveness in cities (Lupala 2014). According to Gandhi and Namboodiri (2009), the water crisis today around the world is due to mismanagement and unsustainable water prac­ tices. The challenges of securing sustainable and equitable access to water are enormous. The extraction, use and distribution of water, reaching water equity, creates a daunting set of challenges to collective action (Bakker 2010). The governance of water resources is inherently a complex process. Complexity arises because the hydrological cycle and the many actors and sectors that influence water resources at multiple scales are inter-connected (Stein et al. 2011). It is estimated that approximately one billion people in the world lack access to safe drinking water sources. In India, although official statistics state that approximately 91 percent of urban households have access to drinking water (MoUD 2006), a recent study finds that only 71 percent of households surveyed across major cities consider the quantity of water supply to be adequate (Shaban and Sharma 2007). Water supply in India 178

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continues to be inadequate and unreliable, despite long-standing efforts by various levels of government to improve coverage. The water supply sys­ tem is marred by problems that include operational inefficiencies, unreliable quality and poor coverage. Some of the associated problems include sub­ optimal resource allocation, poor operations and maintenance practices, uneconomic tariff structures, low collection efficiency and much water unac­ counted for due to high levels of leakage. Rapid urbanisation, coupled with unplanned growth of urban areas, is adding to the problem. Different data indicate that service delivery (as measured by water consumption per capita, hours of water supply per day and piped water coverage) is extremely bad (Tiwari and Gulati 2011).

The setting Increasing urbanisation is a universal phenomenon, and Shillong, the capital city of Meghalaya, is no exception. Shillong is the only major urban center of the state. According to the 1872 Bengal census, Shillong had a population of 1,363 (Hunter 1975). As per the 2011 census, Shillong (both municipal and non-municipal areas) has inhabitants numbering more than 490,000. The population is projected to grow at a rate of 28.9 percent. The city is expanding in area and the physical growth of the city is in the Northeast­ ern direction, where the new Shillong Township is proposed (ADB 2009). Out of the state’s total urban population of 452,612 persons, as per the 2011 census, the SUA (Shillong Urban Agglomeration) has a population of 354,759 which represented nearly 59 percent of the state’s urban popula­ tion. It ranks fourth in terms of population among the cities in the North­ east region of India (Government of India 2011). Despite high rainfall, many areas in Meghalaya face water shortages. Shillong, in recent years, has experienced water scarcity with the onslaught of rapid urbanisation. The city is highly congested, and much of the land is under settlements and roads. Deforestation in this zone is having a detrimen­ tal effect on the water supply in the city. Water demand is rising, whereas supply is declining, possibly due to climate change, land use changes, groundwater exploitation, pollution of both surface and ground water, and degradation of catchment areas mainly through deforestation (Shabong 2015). The growing population puts pressure on the water resources. Shillong faces problems with regards to water distribution similar to those of other urban centers of India. Most hilly urban areas like Shillong face acute problems of water supply during dry season. This is because the water supply in most hill towns is, by and large, governed by seasonal rainfall. The annual availability of surface water in Meghalaya is roughly estimated at 63.204 billion cubic meters, and the estimated replenishable ground water resources are 1.15 billion cubic meters (Meghalaya State Water Policy 2013). 179

BANKERLANG KHARMYLLIEM AND NGAMJAHAO KIPGEN

The main objective of the study is to examine the roles and the influence of the traditional local institutions on water distribution in the urban area. Also, the aim is to understand the water governance system of these tradi­ tional institutions in Shillong. This will provide detailed information con­ cerning the degree of involvement of local institutions in water supply and other related water activities in the localities of Shillong. To achieve this, survey method was employed using interviews as a tool. In-depth, semi­ structured interviews were carried out with headmen of the localities, acad­ emicians and other experts and members of households. A total of ten municipality localities and fourteen non-municipality locali­ ties were covered in the survey. The interview survey was conducted during the period 2016–2017, employing both purposive and snowball probability sampling.

Water supply system in Shillong: problems and issues According to the Master Plan of Shillong 1991–2011, the available quantity of water is just sufficient to meet the demand of about 50 percent of total population of Shillong. The rest of the population depends upon private wells, vendor tankers, small springs, etc. Water supply available to the city is 28.68 mld (million liters per day), against the demand of 51.70 mld for the year 2006. During the dry season, water supply is irregular, as it is evident in most parts of the city. The water that the localities1 in Shillong receive differs in both quality and quantity (PHED 2008). The major issues of the current water supply system in the city are inadequate availability of water supply, antiquated water infrastructure, inadequate financial resources and inefficiency in mobilising capital by the Shillong Municipal Board and the Public Health Engineering Department, absence of integrated approach in service delivery and inability to impose user charges (Department of Urban Affairs 2007). The main sources of water supply are rivers, lakes, streams and springs.2 The water from these sources is fed directly in the piped distribution system and stored in tanks, where it is distributed to consumers through piped water supply (Gupta 2003). Taking the city as a whole, the current system of water supply has failed on various fronts. There is much inequity in access to water, and the current water supply is insufficient even to those having piped water supply. Most of the poor households are excluded from the water network and those with piped connections still get insufficient and irregular water. Revenue does not cover operating and maintenance costs. Households which do not receive water through piped on premises or public stand pipes encounter numerous problems in getting access to water supply services. Access to water and the claiming of water rights is often mediated through institutions (Cleaver et al. 2005). Claims to water resources are made and 180

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enforced through institutions both formal (such as Shillong Municipal Board and the Public Health and Engineering Department) and informal (custom­ ary practices, social relationships, norms of use and access). The informal or traditional institutions have an important role in the implementation and operation of most water schemes. The draft Meghalaya State Water Policy (2013) states that traditional local bodies like the dorbar shnong (local council) should particularly be involved in the operation, maintenance and management of water infrastructure at appropriate levels, with a view to eventually transfer the management of such facilities to the user groups or local bodies. The draft version of the Meghalaya Water Act (2011) specifies the rights of communities to exercise their access right to water resources, benefit from the management of water resources, play a role in water resource management planning and imple­ mentation, be compensated for damaged suffered in relation to water man­ agement, obtain information about and declare objections against water management plans, and file complaints and claims. They also have the duty of ensuring that their water resources are conserved, and to protect water infrastructure. The traditional institutions have an important part in the implementation and operation of the many water schemes in order that the schemes are implemented successfully and to minimise obstacles, and for the schemes to provide the intended benefit.

Local institutions in Shillong: roles and functions of the dorbar shnong There are two bodies of local governance in Shillong, namely traditional (informal) and modern (formal) (Rani 2016). The present governance sys­ tem in the Khasi Hills is ‘a curious mixture of the traditional and the mod­ ern’ (Syiemlieh 2006, p. 133). The Khasi3 society is universally recognised as having a distinct identity historically and culturally, and its traditional polit­ ical institutions are also recognised by the Constitution of India through the Sixth Schedule (Lyngdoh 2016a). The village council of the Khasis called the dorbar shnong is one of the tra­ ditional political institutions of the Khasi people (Lyngdoh n.d.). The dorbar shnong is a traditional assembly of all resident adult males under an informal headman elected by them from among their number (Syiemlieh 1989). The Khasi traditional concept of dorbar (council) is social, political, sacred and divine. So the authority of the dorbar depends on both its political authority as an institution and on its sacred and divine authority (Lyngdoh 2016b). The dorbar shnong is the primary unit of administration based at the locality (in the urban areas) or village (in the rural areas) level (Baruah et al. 2005), and it is ethnocentric and semi-democratic in nature (Lyngdoh 2016a). The concept of dorbar emerged as an outcome of a social need felt by the community (AusAID 2005). It is embedded in the Khasi way of life, hence 181

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closely associated with them (Lyngdoh 1952). Every decision taken at the dorbar is considered sacred as the dorbar is perceived to be God’s council. The Khasis have accorded deep reverence to the dorbar. The dorbar shnong is seen as a body outside of the constitutional frame­ work. The dorbar shnongs do not enjoy any legal or constitutional status. Though no constitutional recognition has been accorded to them, the Khasi people identify themselves with such institutions as they are rooted in soci­ ety (Nongkynrih 2015). According to Lyngdoh (2015a), the dorbar shnong today is not totally unconstitutional. Therefore, it has an indirect constitu­ tional recognition. It is linked with the modern political institution of the District Council created by the Indian Constitution (Nongkynrih 2002). Though the Khasi society is known for practicing a matrilineal descent system, the dorbar shnong is a male-centered institution. The Khasis do not conceive the act of attending a dorbar as a matter of right, but as an imposed responsibility or a compulsion (Lyngdoh 2016a). The decisionmaking procedure in the general dorbar is usually through negotiations, discussions and deliberations (Baruah et al. 2005). It is a political institu­ tion of the Khasis, by the Khasis and for the Khasis only (Lyngdoh 2016a). In a sense, authority of the dorbar shnongs fall in line with Weber’s (1968) concept of ‘traditional legitimacy’, whereby authority is established on tra­ ditional grounds. It has the support of the Khasi inhabitants of the village or locality (Lyngdoh 2015a). The dorbar shnong seem to be most important in the politics affecting the day-to-day administration and the lives of the people (Baruah 2004). Each locality in Shillong is governed by a dorbar shnong. Today, most dorbar shnongs have ‘constitutions’ that contain rules that are meant to ensure the moral and social stability of the community, which members of the locality must follow. Interestingly, the present governance system in the Khasi Hills is a com­ bination of traditional and modern elements. Lyngdoh (2016a) opines that the dorbar shnong is semi-traditional; it is traditional in spirit, but modern in structure and composition. The executive committee of a dorbar shnong is a modern governing body bearing a modern name. The traditional con­ cept of ki tymmen shnong (village elders) got transformed into that of the executive committee. The functionaries of the executive committee of the dorbar shnong—like the secretary, treasurer and executive members—are all modern inventions to suit new circumstances and requirements in mod­ ern society. Khasi villages and localities have enjoyed autonomy in the organisation and management of their own affairs, and have exercised collective con­ trol over their resources (natural and human) through the dorbar shnongs. Dorbar shnongs have their jurisdiction over their residents and the natu­ ral resources within their territories (Nongkynrih 2002). These traditional councils function largely on the basis of an unwritten code of conduct, though a number of dorbar shnongs today also have a set of guidelines. 182

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Since most of the dorbars are generally without any written constitution, they function in different ways. The state administrative machinery depends on these institutions for a great deal of support. The major functions of dorbar shnongs includes the maintenance of peace, law enforcement and developmental works such as the construc­ tion and maintenance of roads, bridges, water sources and sanitation. It also includes providing and maintaining civic amenities to its residents. In the urban setting, some of the functions of the dorbar shnong have been modified to suit the needs and contexts. Their roles include acting as the administrative functionary of the government at the local level with regards to health service, education, census enumeration, election processes, crime detection and other developmental services. They are also engaged in many welfare works like the practice of periodic pynkhuid shnong (cleaning the village/locality) (Lyngdoh 2015b; War 1998). However, the dorbar shnongs are sometimes blamed as being impedi­ ments to development and improved service delivery. On the other hand, formal institutions have also been charged with hampering development and with the inability to respond to local needs. Critics of the dorbar shnongs claim that these institutions are exclusivist and extend an ineffective form of rule that ought to end. They stress that the headmen usually lack skills and resources required for increasingly bureaucratic and complex urban admin­ istration, and various other infrastructural arrangements that need to be in place. Another problem is a lack of transparency (Karlsson 2017). This study indicates that despite the historical moorings, transition and shortcomings, the traditional institutions are of immense importance to the Khasis’ way of life. The dorbar shnong has the support of the Khasi inhabit­ ants of the village or locality as a spontaneous social authority that emerged from within and not imposed from outside the society. So as far as the Khasi society is concerned, the dorbar shnong is perceived to be sociologically legitimate, though it is not fully democratic (Lyngdoh 2015a). The dorbar shnongs may be functioning and strong, but they are not on an equal foot­ ing in terms of their control, influence, contribution to people’s welfare and recognition as modern political institutions (Rao et al. 2013). The revival of traditional institutions is complex and socially significant (Karlsson 2005).

Findings and discussion Based on the study, some of the major findings of water-related roles of the dorbar shnongs follow: 1 2

A No Objection Certificate (NOC) is required for a house water con­ nection, and is issued by these institutions. In many of the non-municipality localities, there are plumbers who are attached to a particular dorbar shnong for rendering service to that 183

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3

4

5

6 7 8 9

particular dorbar shnong only. A dorbar shnong pays the plumbers from its own funds. There are dorbar shnongs which own property (community land) like forests. They are committed in protecting these forests. Also, they over­ see the protection of reserved and protected forests of the government. Protecting these forests aids in preserving both surface and underground water. The dorbar shnong of localities outside the ambit of the municipality have to intervene for better water supply. They seek support and aid from local Members of Legislative Assembly (MLAs), Members of Dis­ trict Council (MDCs), the Public Health and Engineering Department and others. The dorbar shnongs collect water fees on behalf of the Public Health Engineering Department. They also have their own funds, which they collect from the residents. These funds are utilised for water related works besides others. They construct water infrastructure like water tanks, structures around springs for washing of clothes and other minor water-related infrastruc­ ture. They also maintain public standpipes and bore-wells. They protect water sources and catchment areas. A dorbar shnong acts as a medium for complaint for problems beyond its capability. Dorbar shnongs resolve water-related conflicts.

There are significant differences in the nature of water governance exer­ cised by the dorbar shnongs of different localities in Shillong. While closely examining a few localities in terms of water governance, the study reveals that there are successful cases of water governance practiced by the dorbar shnongs in the locality, namely Lawsohtun and Nongkhyriem.4 In Lawsohtun and Nongkhyriem, there is community engagement and a sense of belonging that encourages people to gain a better appreciation of their capacity to bring about change within their local community by networking and re-invigorating a more contemporary interpretation of community values in a ‘networked society’ (Hearn and Stevenson 2011, p. 359), making these age-old traditional institutions apt for present times and demands. Since cities are marked by secondary and tertiary relations (Gottdiener et al. 2016), it is all the more pertinent for these institutions to take advantage of their social capital. Regarding equity in water provisioning, it can be said that water is equi­ tably distributed in many localities, mostly the municipality localities. There are exceptions where there is intermittent supply during particular periods, differences in the daily duration of supply, etc. Overall, water equity in the municipality localities is better than that in the non-municipality localities. In most non-municipality localities, water is not equitably distributed. Yet 184

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in non-municipality localities, there are standout exceptions like the locali­ ties of Lawsohtun and Nongkhyriem. Equitable distribution exists in these two localities, but it does not imply that water is enough to meet daily requirement. Taking the city as a whole, the current water supply system has failed on various fronts. There is much inequity in access to water, and the current water supply situation is insufficient even to those having piped water sup­ ply. Most of the poor are excluded from the water network, and those with piped connections still get insufficient and irregular water. Revenue does not cover operation and maintenance costs. Households which do not receive water through piped water on premises or public standpipes encounter costs in getting water from other sources. The survey data reveals that the water supply system is uneven. In some localities, the water supply is twenty-four hours daily whereas in some, it is less than thirty minutes in a day. There are localities where water is not supplied on a daily basis. What emerged from the study is that there is a vast difference between the municipal and non-municipal areas in terms of the number of hours of water supplied. For instance, households within the municipal area get more water, more regularly and of better quality than those outside the municipal administrative area. But there are exceptions in the two areas. In the municipal area, most households have piped water on premises. However, outside the municipal area, the percentage of house­ holds having piped water on premises is lower. Public standpipes are also an important means to get water in the non-municipal area. Other sources include wells, tube-wells, water vendors and springs. But even in these two areas, water supply is not homogeneous. The nature of water supply and access depends heavily on the formal and informal institutions. The dorbar shnongs have different measures of influencing water distribution and roles for water management. Further, as already mentioned, the study indicated that water supply is better in municipality localities. The government has shown keen interest in the expansion of the municipal area, i.e. the inclusion of more localities under the jurisdiction of the municipality. This could mean better water sup­ ply for more localities, but the dorbar shnongs are firm against such steps. They are unwilling to be under the purview of the municipal authority. The study found that the following are some of the main reasons for their (locali­ ties’) unwillingness and desire to remain outside the purview of the Shillong Municipal Board and the Meghalaya Urban Development Authority: 1 2 3 4

They are used to living ‘outside’. They see it as a kind of anarchy. They can avoid paying taxes like house tax, water tax and holding tax. No permission is required for construction of houses in the nonmunicipality localities. 185

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5 6

When the government ‘encroaches’, many complexities arise. Dorbar shnongs want to avoid cumbersome paperwork.

Future challenges and opportunities The study identifies a number of impediments to good water governance confronting the dorbar shnongs. The city of Shillong has around one hun­ dred localities, each with its own dorbar shnong and each different from one another. One can imagine the complexity of their governance of water systems and the results thereof. Each dorbar shnong functions on its own accord, and each is accountable to no higher authority. Perhaps this is one of the chief causes for the present state of water supply in the city. Let us have a look at the challenges faced by the present state of structure and functioning surrounding these institutions and their opportunities thereof to achieve the goal of good water governance. First, dorbar shnongs in the urban arena faces problems of division, disin­ terestedness and impassivity. In this context, Wirth (1938) argues that size, density and heterogeneity of the urban population paved the way for imper­ sonal, transitory, and secondary social relationships based on anonymity, formality and rational interest (Abraham 2014). The relationships of urban­ ites are impersonal, superficial, transitory and segmented (Wirth 1938). For the sake of self-preservation, modern people tend to develop a defen­ sive reserve around his personality to shelter from the overwhelming social forces around. Also, selfishness brings about human interactivity in our cit­ ies (Moroni 2018). Individuals living in today’s mass society acquire what Simmel (2002, p. 121) calls the ‘blaśe attitude’ which involves antipathy, repulsion and utmost particularisation. This attitude precludes them from interacting with others fully. Instead, people interact with one another in the most rational and impersonal way (Abraham 2014). Second, as ‘representatives’ of the citizens, members of dorbar shnongs feel duty-bound (Hearn and Stevenson 2011), and the feeling may not be shared equally neither inter- nor intra-dorbar shnong. This results in the dif­ ferences in water governance system of these institutions. Another reason is that water governance depends on how determined and ‘powerful’ the dor­ bar shnong is. It is surprising that there are even headmen who are ‘forced’ to take up their positions because there are no others willing. The kind of service rendered is affected in different ways. Moreover, headmen and other office bearers of a dorbar shnong are not paid any form of remuneration. Third, the interaction with other institutional systems, such as local gov­ ernment, is low. Instead of acting as a vital bridge between the community and the administration, most of the dorbar shnongs are instead prompting confrontation with state government. This has produced governance of con­ frontation instead of governance through cooperation (Blah 2016). Com­ munication between different dorbar shnongs is also inadequate. This has a 186

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glaring impact on the way water flows through the city. This shortcoming produces a situation whereby co-operation is reduced. Finally, in the municipal area, most urban water systems are excessively centralised and heavily dependent on public funding, which bolsters weak institutional framework at all levels—including the dorbar shnongs (Bar­ raqué and Zandaryaa 2011). This in turn has given rise to a lackadaisical position of these institutions in the municipal area. Tucker (2014) maintains that struggles over access to natural resources are associated with resource degradation and institutional failures. Taking this in point, the water governance in Shillong involves a hybrid kind, and blaming only the dorbar shnongs for failure is inappropriate. But criticisms against these institutions points to their general and specific shortcomings that contribute to bad water governance. As discussed earlier, one draw­ back of the dorbar shnongs is their unwillingness to be under or merge with the municipal authority. The general perception is that had the municipal area expanded in size—i.e. the inclusion of more localities under its ambit— water supply might have improved drastically. The main argument for this inference, besides the obvious finding drawn from the comparison of the two divisions (municipal and non-municipal), is that Shillong gets a lot of funding for municipal development and most of it is either unutilised or spent hastily and carelessly. One could say that the funding is too much for a small municipality. It could be utilised for a much larger area. This is a major criticism of the dorbar shnongs. On the flip side of the argument, the dorbar shnongs are applauded for protecting cultural identity against unwanted government influence, thus staying free and retaining traditional authority in the city. The existence of this duality makes the water issue all the more complicated. By and large, an institution is democratic to the degree that it is account­ able to society. Elections are one of the most common means for establishing downward accountability of local authorities. There is some evidence that elected local authorities can improve natural resource management (Ribot 2004). However, elections to these institutions are far from perfect. Earlier, only men were allowed to vote (by voice). But in September 2017, elec­ tions were held in the locality of Malki using secret ballot and all were allowed to vote, including women. Gradually, the dorbar shnong is evolving by instilling inclusiveness and flexibility into its structure and functioning. The degree of accountability and transparency as indicators of good govern­ ance, vary from one dorbar shnong to another. Not only in terms of these two elements do they differ, but also in a whole range of other issues and characteristics. City cultural resilience, by the maintenance of these traditional institu­ tions, can be enhanced and sustained, and it will increasingly be intertwined with the rise of ‘citizen-driven collaborations’ (Duxbury 2014, p. 168). One major hurdle is the inclusion of non-tribals into these institutions. Non-tribal 187

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population is increasing in the city. Social sustainability is achieved in cities when diversity and respect go hand in hand (Pareja-Eastaway et al. 2012). But this is not easy, according to a former headman, non-tribals can never be genuine constituents of dorbar shnongs because they, being non-Khasi, can never understand the concept of dorbar shnong.5 So solutions are required, because water problems and other challenges require a shared understand­ ing and commitment in order to address them (Perry and Atherton 2017), and the well-being of the city itself depends on local structures, which in turn rely on horizontal ties and shared interests (Rusca and Schwartz 2014). It is not uncommon to see that there are contestations in support and renunciation of the dorbar shnongs in local media. Patricia Mukhim (2012) contends that the dorbar shnongs seem to suffer from some deep psychosis that they would rather remain stagnant than opt for change, which is for the melioration of the city of Shillong. She was referring to the refusal of these institutions to support the holding of elections to the municipality and blaming these institutions for the present crisis of civic management. Of course, there are those on the other side who want to see change while keep­ ing traditions intact. Another major criticism against the dorbar shnongs is their relevance at present in the urban arena. They are considered rigid and staunch in their unwillingness to adapt. They are basically village councils in an urban setting. Institutions associated with the management of natural resources need to be adaptive because of the inherent complexity of natural systems (Pagan 2009). Another key finding of the study is that communities in an urban setting, through the traditional institutions, can effectively govern the common-pool resource of water. Localities where these institutions practice good water governance witness equitable provision of water. Another important obser­ vation is that the social network is strong in these institutions. This inherent asset in some of these institutions is a major reason for effectiveness in water service delivery, whereas in other institutions, social capital and network­ ing is dwindling or dormant. Successful cases—such as in Lawsohtun and Nongkhyriem localities—demonstrates that the traditional institutions can adapt themselves in the city by transforming their practices and preserving their exclusive cultural characteristics. The study also observes that there is currently no definite power accorded to the dorbar shnongs. The distribution of power and authority is ambig­ uous. People have a lot of respect for them, yet their role is not clearly defined. The prospective actions of the dorbar shnongs can include pro­ viding assistance in rainwater harvesting, water quality testing, renovation, water conservation and disseminating water-related information to the peo­ ple, among others. The current situation of water supply system in Shillong is being ques­ tioned because of shifts and differences in water availability. The lack of water accessibility has raised questions about the governance of water and 188

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the people concerned. The growing commodification and commercialisa­ tion of water in Shillong will make water governance more complicated. Solutions to water-related problems depend on several factors, and governance of water by the traditional institutions is one such possible approach. Water governance is considered to be good when their capac­ ity of achieving results is carried out in a fair and inclusive manner. Such steps would be complimentary to sustainable water management practices, which in a way also contributes to ensuring water security in the future (Akhmouch and Correia 2016). Though the dorbar shong is a dominant local institution within the city, it evolved along with two other bodies by partly overlapping and competing with that of the administrative structures of the Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC) and the state government. This has only led to a state of affairs that is highly complex and confusing.

Conclusion The water future of Shillong heavily depends on the functioning of the urban village councils. The challenge of securing equitable access to water is enormous. The nature of water and the multiple roles of actors in water governance produce challenges to collective action. Also, water circulation is dependent upon institutions and practices because it is not only socially produced, but also socially enacted (Bakker 2003). The chapter argues that institutional arrangements that can promote equity can be made possible with the dorbar shnongs. Criticism and support for these institutions have their advantages and limitations. However, both these will play an immense role in shaping water governance in Shillong. For a better urban prospect in terms of domestic water, it is imperative that Shillong formulates its own specific strategy based on the presence and capacity of the traditional institutions of the dorbar shnongs. Hence, in the present context of Shillong, the traditional institutions are essential constituents in urban water governance. The dorbar shnongs can be an institution that plays a role for the improve­ ment of water management. Such an institution matters for providing good quality water in adequate quantity to urban areas to reduce poverty and increase social welfare. The kind of governance and much of the effective­ ness and efficiency of the same depends on the individual character and nature of the dorbar shnongs themselves. Their structure, elections, makeup, location, attitude of leaders, educational level of office bearers, participa­ tion, connection with outside organisations, etc., determines whether the dorbar shnong’s governance is good, bad or somewhere in between. This overall governance is translated into the nature of water governance. It has been established that (in)action of a particular dorbar shnong produces dif­ ferent outcomes. The adherence of different dorbar shnongs to governance 189

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principles of transparency, accountability and participation, based on core values of honesty, equity and professionalism, varies. As argued by Linton (2010, p. ix), ‘water is what we make of it’—what water will become to the citizens or community will severely depend on how it is influ­ enced and transformed as it flows through the hydro-social cycle, and in this cycle, the dorbar shnongs play a significant part. As a relational substance water will be constituted by many relationships among these and other institutions. The city of Shillong has the potential and opportunity to move toward a more sustainable water future if good water governance is given due impor­ tance, and hence consequently supports urban sustainability. In order to encounter the future challenges, it is important to ease out the social capital inherent in the institutions of the dorbar shnongs, thus strengthening the social networking. Taking the dorbar shnong as an institution that remains closest to the majority of the people in the city and their successful cases of equitable water distribution, we can say that avoiding a tragedy of the com­ mons (water) can be expected in the future.

Notes 1 Shillong is divided geographically into localities for ease of administration. The city has more than one hundred localities. 2 The discharge of water from these sources has reduced considerably in recent years as a result of massive deforestation and stone and sand quarrying in the water catchment areas. 3 The Khasis are one of the dominant tribes in Meghalaya.

4 Based on the fieldwork conducted during 2016.

5 Interview with a former rangbah shnong (headman) of Umsohsun locality, dated

4 March 2016.

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Simmel, G. 2002. ‘The metropolis and mental life,’ in G. Bridge and S. Watson (eds.), The Blackwell city reader. Malden: Wiley-Blackwell, pp. 11–19. Stein, C., Ernston, H. and Barron, J. 2011. ‘A social network approach to analyz­ ing water governance: the case of the Mkindo catchment, Tanzania,’ Physics and Chemistry of the Earth 36, 1085–1092. Syiemlieh, D. R. 1989. British administration in Meghalaya: policy and pattern. New Delhi: Heritage Publishers. Syiemlieh, D. R. 2006. ‘Traditional institutions of governance in the hills of North East India: the Khasi experience,’ Man and Environment III, 117–137. Tiwari, P. and Gulati, M. 2011. ‘Efficiency of urban water supply utilities in India,’ Water Resources Development 27(2), 361–374. Tucker, C. M. 2014. ‘Creating equitable water institutions on disputed land: a Hon­ duran case study,’ Water International 39(2), 216–232. Vo, P. L. 2007. ‘Urbanization and water management in Ho Chi Minh city Vietnam issues, challenges and perspectives,’ Geo Journal 70(1), 75–89. War, J. 1998. ‘Panchayati Raj and traditional Khasi institutions: a comparison in power,’ in M. N. Karna; L. S. Gassah and C. J. Thomas (eds.), Power to people in Meghalaya. New Delhi: Regency Publications, pp. 69–82. Weber, M. 1968. Economy and society: an outline of interpretative sociology. New York: Bedminster Press. Wirth, L. 1938. ‘Urbanism as a way of life,’ The American Journal of Sociology 44(1), 1–24.

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SOME ASPECTS OF URBAN WATER MANAGEMENT IN DARJEELING, HIMALAYA A study of Darjeeling town Suvechha Ghatani and Vimal Khawas

Background Water is the basic element that plays a significant role in our everyday life. All the dimensions of security in life, like food and economic security, largely depend on water resources. Thus, the crucial importance of water in every aspect of the world makes it an essential component for international, national and local security. Still, a large number of human beings lack access to clean and safe drinking water. The problem of water shortage is pre­ dominantly experienced in the cities and towns, due to rapid urbanisation, especially in the developing countries as more and more people are trying to live in urban areas than in rural areas. Therefore, there has been a constant problem regarding the availability of safe drinking water to the onslaught of inhabitants in urban areas. The share of the urban population in India has risen from 27.81 percent in 2001 to 31.16 percent in 2011 (Census of India 2011), which has led to the striking challenge in the management practice of water resources. Consequently, many local governments fail to provide their people with such basic needs of life, and access to clean and safe water relative to human demand has become one of the serious challenges faced by the people in the present times. The hill town of Darjeeling is no excep­ tion in this matter. Although the Himalayas are referred to as water towers, providing water to the downstream people, many hill towns like Darjeeling suffer from acute water scarcity. The increasing gap between the demand and supply of water for human consumption due to the rapidly increas­ ing urban population has become a serious issue in Darjeeling. Everyday uncertainty and anxiety over access to safe and clean water is common for the people in urban Darjeeling Hills. Additionally, the subsequent failure of the planned effort made by the municipal water supply infrastructures and 194

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the government’s inability to provide sufficient water to this hill station has made the problem more complex. The Himalayan town of Darjeeling is situated on the lower part of Darjeeling-Jalapahar ridge in the Siwalik Himalaya, located between 26˚31˝ and 27˚31˝ North latitude and between 87˚59˝ and 88˚53˝ East longitude (Dozey 2011). The region is located at an average elevation of 6,982 feet (2,128 m) in the Darjeeling district (Gorkhaland Territorial Administration region)1 of West Bengal state. The name Darjeeling came from the Tibetan language, in which dorje means thunderbolt and ling is a space or land; hence, Darjeeling means the land of thunderbolt. Due to its scenic natural beauty with snow-clad mountains, tea gardens and pleasant climatic condi­ tions, Darjeeling is popularly known as the Queen of Hills. Darjeeling Municipal Town represents one of the oldest municipalities in India, established by the British in 1850. The town covers an area of 10.75 sq. km and comprises 32 municipal wards with a total population of 1,20,414 people (Census of India 2011). The town is also an administrative headquarters of the district and is the largest among all the hill towns situ­ ated in the district. The town receives an average annual rainfall of about 309.3 cm, ranging among the highest in India. The average temperature in the town ranges between 16˚–17˚C during summer months and 5˚–6˚ C dur­ ing winter season. Further, the growth and development of hill town of Darjeeling was dif­ ferent from that of plains counterparts, as these towns were predominantly built up by the British as sanitariums to relieve the British rulers from the heat of the plains, predominantly selected for their own comfort and needs, whereas the cities of plains have multifunctional values. Urban water management is highly complex and a fundamentally impor­ tant issue. It possesses a range of management aspects, including water resource allocation planning, urban development planning and environ­ mental protection, each of which has different goals and priorities. Urban population has been growing at much faster rate than the total popula­ tion, and this has placed tremendous pressure on water resources. Due to this, water has become one of the most critical resources for the growing urban area. Various works on urban water issues have been carried out by scholars in the past like Akkaraboynia and Adem (2018), who stated that the provision of clean drinking water has been a major challenge in the urban centers due to the imbalance between demand and supply. They further mentioned that the availability of water sources is being depleted due to the rate at which the urban population is increasing. According to the World Health Organisation (2004), the basic indicators of water acces­ sibility include optimal access (water supply through taps continuously), intermediate access (water supplied through multiple taps continuously within 100 meters and within five minutes), basic access (about 100 meters and 5–30 minutes away) and no access (more than 100 meters and more 195

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than 30 minutes away). This reflects the extent to which accessibility chal­ lenges time, distance and affordability. The Himalayas are often referred to as natural water towers, highlight­ ing their importance as a prominent water source. The Himalayas in the Indian context are perceived as an inexhaustible freshwater source, but only a small fraction of stream flow is stored and consumed by the com­ munities living in the mountains (Shah and Badiger 2015). About the water resources in Darjeeling, Drew and Rai (2016) mentioned that the regular access to water is one of the major pressing resource challenges faced by the residents of Darjeeling. The existence of centralised and decentralised water management systems and the different (contradictory) roles played by this system of water resource management has led to scarcity of water in the town. Samanta and Koner (2016), discussing the water issues in Darjeeling town, highlighted the role of co-existing institutional approach to water management by state, communities and market. They further stated that all of these three are inequitable and operated in an unregulated manner. Thus, the boundary between these market, state and communal approaches to water management have led to injustice in the governance, and the diversified management approach has led to inequality in water supply. Chettri and Tamang (2013) stated the problems associated with population growth due to rapid urban development in the proper manage­ ment of water resource.

Implications of the study With the research problem set as previously explained, this chapter attempts to understand the following major objectives: 1 2

To assess the public water supply provision in Darjeeling town. To identify the existing problems related to inadequate water supply in Darjeeling town.

The chapter attempts to comprehend public water supply provision in Darjeeling town and identify some of the prominent problems faced by urban water resource management in Darjeeling Municipal Area. The study adopted a mixed methodological framework. Primary and second­ ary data sources were used to generate information. The secondary data was collected from the published and unpublished government documents such as Annual Reports of Darjeeling Municipality, reports of the Public Health Engineering Department, reports of the Forest Department, District Statistical Handbooks 2010 and 2011, and District Census Handbooks 2011. Further, additional information regarding the water resources of the region was also collected through different academic literature, newspaper reports, etc. 196

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The primary data was collected through various sources. The methods and sources for collecting the data were based on the objectives of the study. The household survey was conducted using a structured schedule in order to obtain individual views and people’s perceptions of water use and the management of water resources. An in-depth interview was conducted with the officials of the Darjeeling Municipality’s Water Works Department and Public Health Engineering Department. They are chiefly associated with the operation and maintenance of water supply in the town. Semi-structured interviews were also conducted primarily to comprehend the ideas related to water resources from the supplier’s point of view. Both the structured and semi-structured methods were carried out by visiting households. The questionnaire survey was needed to quantify the number of phenomena. Thus, the semi-structured interviews were based on the open-ended ques­ tions, depending on the interviewee and the response of the respondent. It was very necessary to observe a wide range of areas and people to under­ stand how the problem of water scarcity is connected to the seasonality and the socio-economic status of the people. Moreover, it was important to understand what role the institutions are playing regarding the issues related to water crisis. Therefore, direct observation was made, by staying in the different locations in the area. Analysis of the data collected is theoretically descriptive, with the empiri­ cal evaluation of relevant statistical data. The data collected was sum­ marised and analysed using relevant statistical techniques, while the data generated through interviews and discussions were analysed in a qualitative (descriptive) manner.

Water resources scenarios of Darjeeling Springs and streams are the major sources of drinking water in the Dar­ jeeling Hills. The region of Darjeeling Himalaya is mainly characterised by high hills and deep valleys, and due to the higher relief and steeper gradient of the area, groundwater comes out as seepages and springs whenever the land surface intersects the local groundwater table (Guha and Kujur 2009). Therefore, the region of Darjeeling has a good number of perennial and semi-perennial water bodies in the form of hilly springs. Hence, the water supply in the town largely depends upon these natural springs. Darjeeling Hills is also mainly characterised by high rainfall. Therefore, natural pre­ cipitation is the primary source through which these springs are recharged. It is important to note that rainy season is the predominant season in Dar­ jeeling and occurs twice a year, once after the summer from mid-May to late October, and another in the winter which lasts from early November to early April (Shah and Badiger 2015). July is the wettest month, with the maximum number of rainy days. Some of the major sources that facilitate drinking water supply in Darjeeling are discussed below. 197

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Sinchel catchment area Springs and rivulets in the Sinchel range located about 10.5 km south­ east of Darjeeling town is the major source of water in the town. Hence, the Sinchel wildlife sanctuary, located at an elevation of 7,000–8,000 ft. (2,134–2,438 meters) above sea level, is the chief water harvesting area for the Municipal Water Supply (MWS) in Darjeeling. This sanctuary covers an area of 3,860 hectares, out of which the catchment area covers 1,060 hectares (Rasaily 2014). At present, 26 springs emerge from the northern and the southern part of Sinchel range. Water from these springs are col­ lected in an arrestor tank and fed to the masonry conduit line (which is about 8 km in length) that brings water on gravity to the storage reservoir, namely North Sinchel Lake and South Sinchel Lake. These two lakes are of vital importance for municipal water supply in the town. The North Sinchel Lake was constructed in 1910 and is located at an altitude of 7,444.50 ft. above sea level. The lake has a capacity of 20 million gallons of water. The South Sinchel Lake was constructed in 1932 with a capacity of 13.5 million gallons of water (Water Works Department, Darjeeling Municipality 2012). These lakes were constructed during the colonial period for providing water to the small number of population (about 10,000 people) who thrived in the region during that period. Sindhap Lake Sindhap Lake is another important source that provides water to the town. It was constructed by the Public Health Engineering Department (PHED) in 1978 to cope with the problem of water shortage in the town. Water in this lake is pumped from Bangla Khola and Khong Khola, located in close prox­ imity to the lake, and also from the springs located in the vicinity of the lake. It helps to provide additional water to the twin Sinchel lakes during the dry period when the volume of water in the lake decreases. Therefore, this lake is usually operated only during the dry season. Sindhap Lake is also located in the Sinchel range, which has a capacity of 15 million gallons of water, but due to the poor quality of reservoir and several leakages, Sindhap Lake fails to provide satisfactory results. As per the municipality report, the lake now can store only half of its anticipated capacity. Khong Khola This is a small perennial river located near the town of Darjeeling. Dur­ ing the dry season, when the yields of springs are not sufficient to fill up the lakes to meet the demand of the people in the town, water is often pumped from Khong Khola to the lake. About 75,000 gallons of water per day are pumped from the Khong Khola to Sinchel Lake, mainly during the dry period (Ghatani 2015). 198

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Rambi catchment area Apart from the three lakes located in the Sinchel catchment area, water from the Rambi catchment area is the other important source through which water is supplied to the town. It is located about 20 km away from the town. Rambi catchment area consists of streams like Rambi Khola, Kalik­ hola and 11 other natural springs through which water is provided to the town during dry seasons. About 70–80 gallons of water per day are pumped to the town from this area. Thus, the Rambi catchment area is known as the other major lifeline after Sinchel for the people of Darjeeling that helps with additional water supply to the people. Natural springs located within the municipal area Apart from the formal water supplied by the municipality through the pipe supply system, natural springs located within the town are the other major sources of water. There are more than 65 natural springs available within the Darjeeling Municipal Area. Although these perennial springs are located within the municipal boundaries, they do not fall within the purview of the municipality. Most of these springs are maintained and managed by the local communities; i.e. Samaj, located within the close boundary of springs. Further, the religious and social group also plays an important role in the management of these springs. These natural springs at an average serve about 20,000 gallons of water per day (Rasaily 2014). Some of the springs located within the municipal area are listed in Table 12.1.

Table 12.1 Location of natural springs within Darjeeling Municipal Area Sl. no. Spring 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Bhote Dhara Haridas Hatta Muldara Jail Dhara Vineeta Gram Dhara Pul Dhara Nayabasti Dhara Victoria Falls Dhara Khalashidhura Dhara Sunar Busty Dhara Navin Gram Dhara Redrose Dhara Kholi Ghar

Elevation Sl. no. Spring

Elevation

1,897 m 1,947 m 1,911 m 1,908 m 2,157 m 1,973 m 1,798 m 1,984 m 2,151 m

14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

Lal Dikhi Giri Dhara Police Dhara Dhara Gown Naag Dhara Krishna Villa Dhara Nimki Dara Dhara Rani Hitti Ghum Dhara

2,035 m 2,006 m 1,869 m 2,055 m 1,918 m 2,091 m 2,046 m 1,977 m 2,246 m

2,157 m 1,911 m 2,081 m 1,911 m

23 24 25 26

Lebong Dhara Jwarbusty Dhara Rani Hitti 2 Merry Villa Dhara

1,800 m 2,064 m 1,984 m 2,091 m

Source: Author’s compilation from the field survey

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Existing water supply system and distribution networks The existing water supply system of Darjeeling town was commissioned during the colonial period (1910–1915), and is entirely dependent upon the natural springs from the catchment area of Sinchel forest and wildlife sanctuary. At present 26 natural springs from the Sinchel range serves as the major source for municipal water supply in the town. Water from these 26 springs is tapped and collected in an arrestor tank that drains water through the masonry conduit line extending around 8 km, covering all the springs. According to the municipality report, the average discharge of water through the open conduit during the dry season is 14,000 gallons per hour, i.e. 3.36 lakh gallons per day, and during the non-lean period, the average discharge through the open conduit is 80,000 gallons per hour or 9.2 lakh gallons per day (Water Works Department, Darjeeling Municipality 2012). Water from these conduit lines then flows down to the open reservoirs (Sinchel Lake). The entire system of water supply from the collection, trans­ mission and distribution is done through gravity due to the high altitude and steep slope of the land. There are three storage lakes: North Lake (storage capacity of 20 million gallons [MG]), South Lake (storage capacity of 13.5 MG) and Sindhap Lake (storage capacity of 15 MG). However, due to seep­ age and leakage, the third lake (Sinchel Lake) can hold only 50 percent of its capacity. From these storage reservoirs, water is then directly discharged to the fil­ ter house located at Jorebonglow for purification, where filtration of water is done through five pressure filters, each having the capacity to filter 16,000 gallons of water per hour (Water Works Department, Darjeeling Municipal­ ity 2012). From the filter house, water is fed into St. Paul’s and the Rockville tank through the main pipelines that have the capacity of holding 56,651 gallons and 58,012 gallons of water, respectively. From these reservoirs, water is then distributed over the town, either directly through the reser­ voirs or through the subsidiary tanks distributed at different places in the town. The existing water distribution system was originally constructed during the colonial period to meet the demand of about 10,000 population living in the town during that period. However, the population of the town at present time has increased to 1,20,414 in 2011, and with the beginning of tourist season, another 25,000–30,000 will be added, for whom water must be provided. However, the town still today depends on the two reservoirs and the old distribution system constructed for 10,000 people. Accord­ ing to official records, the demand for water is 15 lakh gallons, but the availability of water for the public is just 5 lakh gallons. Hence, there is a wide gap between the demand and supply of water in the town (Ghatani 2015). Table 12.2 presents the average water demand-supply data, while Figure 12.1 shows the water distribution networks of the town. 200

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Table 12.2 Calculation of average water demand and supply in the town Parameters

Gallons/day

Total water storage capacity of reservoir (North Sinchel Lake, South Sinchel Lake, Sindhap Lake) Water production per day Wastage (25 percent) Net water available Fixed supply (army, hospital, St. Paul School) Water available for public Total demand of water Total water available Total deficit

4.75 million gallons 850,000 212,500 637,500 11,000 627,500 3,564,000 527,500 3,036,500

Source: Darjeeling Municipality (2010) and Ghatani (2015)

26 springs from the Sinchel range Sinchel Lake North: capacity 20 MG Sinchel Lake South: capacity 13 MG Jorebonglow filter house

Rambi catchment area

St. Paul storage reservoir

Rock Vail storage reservoir

Distribution in the municipal area

Figure 12.1 Water distribution network of Darjeeling Municipal Town Source: Water Works Department, Darjeeling Municipality (2012) and Ghatani (2015)

Prevailing issues and challenges Despite the prominent natural endowment of the region and its location in the high average rainfall region with an abundant number of springs, it is surprising to note that freshwater is in short supply in Darjeeling town. Irregular and insufficient access to water is one of the persistent challenges 201

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faced by the residents in the town. Insufficient and unreliable supply of water from the Municipality Water Supply infrastructure in the town has com­ pelled the people to look into alternative sources so as to ensure that there is enough water at least for drinking purposes. Hence, buying water from the private vendors has been the common practice of people in the town. Due to the paucity of water, selling of water has become a profitable business in the town. Water vendors are commonly seen in the area operating without any legal framework, and this water business has provided employment oppor­ tunities to many unemployed youth of the town, as this has become one of the easiest modes of earning. Some of the prominent factors responsible for the scarcity of water in the towns are discussed below. Rapid population growth Darjeeling has experienced unprecedented growth in population and exten­ sive urbanisation of the town. The trend of urban concentration in the town reveals that the population of the town has increased from 19,005 in 1911 to 57,603 in 1981 and 120,414 in 2011, and the growth rate of population in the town has increased from 12.30 percent in 1991 to 34 percent in 1981 and 49.9 percent in 2001 (Ghatani 2015). Apart from the natural increase in population, rural-to-urban migration has encouraged an increase in the population of the town, and there is a growing gap between the demand and supply of water. Thus, the physical and demographic growth of the town has posed a challenge for sustained water supply to the residents. This has also led to severe challenges upon the municipal water supply system to accommodate with efficient water supply service. As a result, people in Darjeeling experience severe water problems even during the rainy season. Old distribution system About 95 percent of the distribution pipelines and valves in the town were laid during the colonial period (1910–1915). Very little maintenance work has been taken up since then. However, most of the repair and restoration work has been done on a temporary basis only. The network has not been maintained properly from the time of installation, excluding some patch­ work projects only; as a result, a large volume of water is wasted from the leakages of pipelines adversely affecting water supply. In some places, it is seen that the broken pipes get mixed with the damaged sewerage lines run­ ning through the town, leading to severe contamination of water. Illegal tapping of water In addition to the old distribution system, which lowers the actual pro­ duction of water supply, illegal tapping of water has further reduced and 202

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degraded the amount of water supply. It is the bitter truth of Darjeeling town that most of the connecting pipelines are seen to be vandalised at vari­ ous places from where the water is illegally tapped. Valves are often seen to be broken due to illegal tapping, mainly during the nighttime. Shortage of storage tanks and reservoirs Darjeeling has plenty of water resources in the form of springs and streams located within the town and its immediate surroundings, but due to an insufficient number of storage reservoirs, a large volume of water is wasted every day. According to the municipal report, 26 springs are tapped in the Sinchel catchment area for public water supply. However, during the rainy season, the collection of water from eight springs becomes sufficient to fill up the existing reservoirs and the rest of the water has to be drained off into the nearby jhoras (urban stream) due to the limited capacity of reservoirs. Similarly, there are several numbers of springs located within the town, but the absence of storage facilities leads to heavy loss of water (see Table 12.3). Further, the absence of a water treatment facility is the other major factor adding up to water scarcity in Darjeeling. Large volume of wastewater runs through sewerage pipes, jhoras and roadside drains every day. Recycling and reuse of such water would be helpful in checking the situation of scar­ city, but the absence of facilities like recycling and reuse of wastewater has resulted to contamination of water and wastage of water in long run. Deforestation The absence of proper planning such as land use planning or town plan­ ning has inspired unplanned growth of the town, with haphazard construc­ tion. This has encouraged illegal felling of trees in the region. The inflow of

Table 12.3 Storage and distribution reservoirs in Darjeeling Sl. no.

Storage reservoir

Capacity (in millions of gallons)

1 2 3

North Sinchel Lake South Sinchel Lake Sindhap Lake Total

20 13.5 15 48.5

Distribution tank

Capacity (in gallons)

St. Paul Storage tank Rock Vail tank Rock Vail Masonry tank

235,812 56,651 58,012

1 2 3

Source: Water Works Department, Darjeeling Municipality (2012)

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water from the springs of the Sinchel range has been gradually decreasing at an alarming rate, due to the massive felling of trees in and around the sources. Rasaily (2014), in relation to this, stated that out of 3,860 hec­ tares of the total area, approximately 770 hectares (18 percent) of the area was completely deforested in 1984, and it was further increased to about 50 percent by 1986. The degradation of the Sinchel natural resources has a great impact on water harvesting capacity and water supply to Darjeeling. The rapid deforestation has led to denudation of the hills and resulted in decreased conduit discharge. This has become one of the serious reasons for the shortage of water in Darjeeling today. In spite of the region being located in a water-rich region, the authori­ ties are finding it difficult to harness these resources so as to make them adequate to the people for drinking. Some of the challenges pertaining to the efficient management of the available water resources in the town are discussed in the next section. Limited institutional capacity The shortage of skilled workforce is one of the critical issues faced by the Darjeeling municipality. This is, in fact, one of the major limiting factors for attaining the desired service provision in the town. In addition to its inadequate equipment facilities, insufficient materials have added more problems in the proper management of water. Further, the municipality also suffers from a lack of long-term vision, strategy and proper action plans to facilitate an efficient management system. These are some of the major con­ straints rendering proper management of water resources at the municipal level. Inadequate budget Delivery of water supply requires a high level of investment. The existing amount generated by the municipality is not sufficient to meet the required demand; thus, lack of sufficient funding has limited the quantity and qual­ ity of water supplied at the municipal level in Darjeeling. It is mainly due to lack of adequate funding that several leakages are observed within the pipelines and left unchecked, even when the scarcity is acute. Lack of effec­ tive funding has seriously hampered the management system. Further, sev­ eral projects concerning water management have been left incomplete in the town due to the insufficiency of funds. Similarly, chlorination of drinking water in the filter house has been stopped in recent times, and filtration of water is done simply by adding bleaching powder, which is not adequate for that purpose.

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Absence of community participation in decision making The decision-making process in terms of water management at the munici­ pal level in Darjeeling is typically centralised and bureaucratic in nature. The participation of local people in the decision-making process relating to water management is almost absent or non-existent. Public participation in decision making is restricted until election of the representatives of ward councilors. The decisions are generally made by the people who own the majority in elections; hence, public opinion and suggestions are usually not entertained. This is the other major challenge relating to the proper manage­ ment of water resources.

Suggestions for improvement Recognising water as a vital necessity for life, its management and conserva­ tion play a crucial role in enabling the sustainable urban environment. The following interim suggestions may be considered productive for efficient and sustainable management of water in Darjeeling: • •

•

•

•

There is a need for repair and renovation work for the improvement of an old and complicated water distribution system to make a uniform supply system. A large volume of water is wasted through drains, jhoras and springs due to lack of proper harvesting system. Encouragement of rainwater harvesting and wastewater treatment plants would lead to proper con­ servation of water. In the case of Darjeeling, the development of plans and policies have always been in favor of those who hold power; hence, the manage­ ment strategy implemented for water resources will not be sustainable, as sustainable management of water resources depends upon the inter­ est and participation of the citizens. However, the involvement of the community and community-based organisations in the decision-making process will help to bring the issues in people’s hands and make them aware of the issues. This will help to make the system transparent and efficient. A long-term proper plan should be developed, keeping in view the rational utilisation, protection, conservation and management of water resources based on community needs and enforcement of strict laws against illegal connection and misuse of water. The presence of responsive bureaucracy is of vital importance. However, in many cases, the plans and decisions made by the previous boards are often not followed or completely quashed with the changing political situation. Thus, bureaucrats ought to play an active role ensuring that

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•

•

the previous projects and plans are not abandoned or affected by the prevailing political situation. The budgetary aspects of public utility services should be optimised to maintain its service levels. The existing unsatisfying tax collection on utility services can be improved by imposing strict penalties for late payments. It is essential to organise an awareness program in every ward by munic­ ipality to educate the masses about the causes of degradation, depletion and pollution of water resources and resulting threats, and inspire the society about the importance of preservation, restoration and rational use of their resource.

Conclusion Darjeeling has an adequate amount of water resources available in the form of springs and jhoras located within the town and its immediate surround­ ings to meet the daily demand of people in the town. Further, the region falls within the high rainfall receiving zone, with its annual rainfall ranking amongst the highest in India. In spite of being located in such a water-rich region, the town experiences acute water scarcity. Water resources in Dar­ jeeling have been severely stressed in the present period by a rapidly growing population, increasing urbanisation, massive deforestation and a huge num­ ber of construction activities taking place, causing haphazard growth of the town. Such detrimental anthropogenic activities have resulted in the drying up of sources of water, and the cumulative effect of all this has resulted in an acute scarcity of water in the town. Therefore, apart from natural calamities that threaten the environment, increasing unmonitored anthropogenic activities have added many more problems to the environment of Darjeeling hill, eventually leading to extreme problems of water scarcity. Although the town has been develop­ ing rapidly in many respects, including its external face, the fundamen­ tal infrastructure and the basic necessities of the people have remained unchanged. In spite of the presence of sufficient water resources to sustain the needs of people, authorities are unable to harness these resources to make them adequate for drinking. At present, there are quite a few initia­ tives aimed at improving the water crisis in Darjeeling. Further, lack of public awareness is also the other crucial reason leading to water scarcity in Darjeeling; for instance, most of the connecting pipes along the roads are sometimes seen to be convincingly vandalised by people illegally tap­ ping water, not realising that this will ultimately lead to more water scar­ city. The pipes are sometimes left cut or broken for a long time without anyone caring to join them again, due to which large gallons of water gets wasted, causing further shortage in the long run. Furthermore, we also 206

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notice water overflowing from the water tanks of the houses. The owners of the house do not take any initiatives to conserve water, which flows away in waste. Scientific and long-term planning is therefore needed for the proper management and maintenance of the available water resources in the region.

Note 1 Gorkha Territorial Administration is a semi-autonomous administrative body formed in 2012 for the Darjeeling Hills of West Bengal State.

References Akkaraboynia, M. K. and Adem, H. A. 2018. ‘An assessment study of the challenges of urban water supply in case of Galkayo town, Puntland, Somalia,’ Journal of Emerging Techniques and Innovative Research 5(4), 464–470. Census of India. 2011. [Retrieved from July 12, 2019: www.censusindia.gov. in/2011- common/census_2011.html] Chettri, B. and Tamang, L. 2013. ‘Population growth and associated problem: a case study of Darjeeling town,’ International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention 2(5), 63–67. Darjeeling Municipality. 2010. Annual report 2010. Darjeeling: Darjeeling Municipality. Dozey, E. C. 2011. A concise history of the Darjeeling district since 1835. Siliguri: N. L. Publishers. Drew, G. and Rai, P. R. 2016. ‘Water management in post-colonial Darjeeling: the promise and limits of decentralized resource provision,’ Asian Studies Review 40(3), 321–339. Ghatani, Suvechha. 2015. Sustainable urban water management in Darjeeling. Unpublished MPhil dissertation. Department of Geography, Sikkim University, Gangtok. Guha, R. K. and Kujur, A. R. 2009. ‘Roof top rainwater conservation in Darjeeling town an option to mitigate the crisis of water supply-A case study of Raj Bhawan Darjeeling West Bengal,’ Bhu-Jal News Quarterly Journal 24(1), 85–90. Rasaily, D. S. 2014. Darjeeling PaharkaNagarpalikaKshetra ko Vikash Ra

KhanePani Ko ItihasSanchiptaMa, San.1835–2012. New Delhi: Rasaaily, D. S.

Samanta, G. and Koner, K. 2016. ‘Urban political ecology of water in Darjeeling,

India,’ Sawas Journal South Asian Water Studies 5(3), 42–57. Shah, R. and Badiger, S. 2015. ‘Conundrum or paradox: deconstructing the spurious case of water scarcity in the Himalayan region through an institutional economics narrative,’ Water Policy, 1–16. Water Works Department, Darjeeling Municipality. 2012. A report on water supply system of Darjeeling municipal area. India: Darjeeling Municipality. World Health Organisation. 2004. Water Sanitation and Health (WSH) water, sanitation and hygiene link to health, facts and figures. [Retrieved from: https:// www.who.int/water_sanitation_health/en/factsfigures04.pdf (Accessed 23 Janu­ ary 2020)].

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13

IMPACT OF URBANISATION

ON THE HIMALAYAN SURFACE

WATER QUALITY

A study of Sikkim Lakpa Doma Sherpa

Introduction Globally, at present, around 3.6 billion people live in urban areas and the next few decades will be the most rapid growth of urbanisation in human history, with around 2.6 billion additional urban dwellers expected by 2050 (UNDP 2011). The process of urbanisation greatly enhances demographic structure and economic and social development (Ren et al. 2014). In a sharp contrast to many of the studies in the past, Shi-Jun et al. (2002) found that rapid urbanisation and economic activities do have serious impact on the environment. Nevertheless, ever-increasing urbanisation and population in the 21st century have led to more demand for water, and the interac­ tions between human activities and surface water quality in urban areas have increased significantly (Teng et al. 2011). A large number of studies on climate change that focused on the implication of water availability have grossly ignored water quality issues, which generally affected urban dwellers (McDonald et al. 2011). On the other hand, many other studies have validated that the growth of urbanised areas today is creating serious ecological problems, resulting basically from the contamination of water resources through unscientific disposal of waste products from industries, urban townships and sewage channels (Desai and Tank 2010; Shrivastava et al. 2013). With the rapid growth of population and urban centers, there has been a significant threat to natural resources, water and environmental quality. It has been scientifically proven that the establishment of indus­ tries in various parts of the developed regions has deteriorated water quality (Teng et al. 2011). Rivers are one of the important sources of surface water for human con­ sumption and other allied activities. The quality of surface water—river 208

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water in this context—is a serious concern at present, primarily due to urban sprawl, industrialisation and deforestation in the recent past. In order to attain sustainable development and provide safe drinking water, surface water quality and quantity must be monitored (Seth et al. 2016). Until very recently, around 80 percent of India’s population drank unsafe and polluted water, and more than 2 million people died annually due to water-borne diseases (Kirch 2002). Sikkim, the erstwhile independent Buddhist kingdom in the eastern Him­ alayas, merged with the Indian Union on 16 May 1975 and became the 22nd and second smallest state in the country. Sikkim has two important rivers, namely the Teesta and Rangeet, along with their tributaries. From the left bank, the tributaries of Teesta are Lachungchu, Chakungchu, Dikchu, Rani Khola and Rangpochu; and from the right bank, the tributaries of Teesta are Zemuchuand Rangyongchu. At Melli, bordering West Bengal, the Teesta joins with river Rangeet, which originates from the Rathong glaciers. The major tributaries of Rangeet are the Rangbong, Relli, Rathong and Kalej (GoS 2015). Today, most of the river water in the world is becoming polluted due to human activities, domestic waste, weathering of rocks, etc., which in turn affect the physio-chemical and biological properties of water (Kulkarni and Pawar 2006; Lamture et al. 2014; Patil et al. 2014; Scheili et al. 2016). The same is also happening in Sikkim and its water bodies. A study conducted by Kirch (2002) investigated the impact of urbanisation on water bodies, especially the river water, and found that development and growth of urbanisation negatively affect water quality. Moreover, poor management of urbanisation process exacerbated the problem.

Urbanisation in Sikkim While conceptualising urbanisation, one must understand its connection with water quality. As urbanisation increases, which also affects the exist­ ing infrastructure and environmental quality, the policy towards sustainable development for the future generation with the available resources is now a matter of great concern. A research study conducted by Teng et al. (2011) in China found that urbanisation deteriorates river water quality by dis­ charging polluted waste materials from the factories, household wastes and other economic activities. There is an increased in water pollution param­ eters such as coliform, chemical oxygen demand, nitrates and biological oxygen demand. The same study further explored that industrial expansion led to more effluent bearing heavy metals and that caused degradation of surface water quality. Understanding such river water problems, Seth et al. (2016) constructed a water quality index to measure water quality and found that major contributing factors for deteriorating river water quality might be tourism, urbanisation, etc. Similarly, another study by Ren et al. (2014), considering four dimensions of demographics, economics, land and 209

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social urbanisation, constructed the urbanisation index. This study found a positive correlation between urbanisation and water pollution index, and concluded that when urbanisation level is below 25 percent, the level of pol­ lution created by it seems to be low, and when the urbanisation level reaches between 25–40 percent, stream water quality deterioration will become irreversible. On the other hand, as per Brown et al. (1970), if the river water quality (water quality index) crosses 50 percent, the stream water becomes irreversibly poor quality. Peierls et al. (1991) showed a strong cor­ relation between nitrate concentration and population density, while as per the World Health Organisation (2008), the presence of microbials in water is greater in areas where there is higher density of population. Therefore, water quality is a declining function of human activity. However, water quality may be improved to a large extent by adopting proper policy and technological advancement. As per the 2011 population census (Census 2011), Sikkim’s total popu­ lation stands at 6.07 lakh, identifying it as the least populous state in the country. However, the pace of urbanisation in the state had increased rap­ idly from late 1930s until the early 1980s, due to large-scale migration from the neighboring countries. After the state’s merger with the Indian Union in 1975, internal migrants—especially the Nepalese/Gorkhas from Darjeel­ ing (West Bengal), Hindi and Bengali-speaking populations coming from mainland India—increased manifold, much higher than that of the hith­ erto international migrants, coming from Nepal, Bhutan and Tibet. Since then, the migrant population (internal and international) outnumbered the local population, estimated at 61 percent of the total state’s population in 1981, but it marginally declined to 57 percent in 1991 (Bhutia and Sriv­ astava 2014, p. 2). The decadal growth rate of population in 1981 in the state was around 51 percent, the highest population growth in Sikkim’s history. Urban centers being the destination of these migrants, East Sikkim district—includes its capital city, Gangtok—is the most preferred destina­ tion for the migrant populations mentioned. For instance, 65.02 percent of the total migrants live in East Sikkim district alone, mainly in Gangtok and its surrounding urban centers (Bhutia and Srivastava 2014, p. 3). In this manner, urbanisation pace has been growing very rapidly in Sikkim, especially in East Sikkim district. In simple parlance, the process of shift­ ing population from the rural to urban centers is considered as one of the major forces of urbanisation in the state, if not the exclusive force. In this context, Pradhan (2004, p. 177) said, ‘rapid population growth is one of the main reasons for increasing the number of people on the move for liveli­ hood, and migration has been a major factor of rapid population growth in urban areas in less developed countries’. Growth of urban population, driven by migration, is one of the important components of urbanisation. In the economic front, Sikkim has improved significantly in the post-merger period. With the growth of urbanisation at this pace, the question of service 210

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delivery—especially water supply to the public—has become an important subject. The basic facility of access to safe drinking water in urban Sikkim has decreased drastically from 96.8 percent in 2001 to 92.1 percent in 2011. At the same time, the households having water on the premises has reduced from 85.5 to 79.8 percent during same period (Census 2001, 2011). This reflects a big shortage of the water quantity as well as quality in the state.

Importance and water quality estimation Limited study is found on Sikkim, mainly on the carrying capacity of water resources and water quality monitoring, especially in the urban centers and the rivers around the urban centers. Therefore, this study is the modest attempt to assess the impact of urbanisation on water quality, especially the rivers which flow in and around Gangtok. The water quality at the source, the glaciers in the upstream Himalayan range, is generally considered as good and clean, but urbanisation has greatly affected the downstream water quality. This chapter assesses the management of safe drinking water in the study area. The study is based on both secondary and primary data. The second­ ary data were collected from government reports, especially different series of population censuses and central statistical organisation data published annually for the period of six years from 2010–2015. The primary data were gathered through a field survey, conducted in the months of June and July 2018. In order to assess the availability and accessibly of safe drinking water in East Sikkim, 355 households were interviewed in East Sikkim dis­ trict. Descriptive statistics have been employed to understand the nature of water sources available in East Sikkim district. Many scholars (e.g. Bhagat and Mohanty 2009; Bairoch and Goertz 1986) used urban population growth rate as urbanisation level. In this study, we use three dimensions—demographic, economic and social, to add up to an urbanisation composite index. Under the demographic dimension, four indicators—migration population, urban population, total number of household and main workers involved in non-agricultural activities— have been included. In term of economic dimension, we included four indicators—total amount of tourist flow in Sikkim, total number of regis­ tered and functioning industrial units, total number of registered vehicles and per capita income. In terms of the social dimension, we included only three indicators—urban road length, literacy rate and density of population. To arrive at the individual index, the values of the indicators were normal­ ised by using the following formula: Index =

Actual value − Minimum value Maximum value − Minimum value 211

LAKPA DOMA SHERPA

Second, a composite index is arrived at by adding the individual indices. For data on river water quality, information collected by the state government (the State Pollution Control Board, Government of Sikkim, Gangtok) from nine different stations of the major rivers flowing from upstream, Chungthang under North Sikkim district to Melli, which falls under the premises of the bor­ der between Sikkim and West Bengal states, have been used. In order to see the difference in physio-chemical parameters of water—pH, conductivity, nitrate, biochemical oxygen demand (BOD), total coliform and fecal coliform—the information collected from the nine river stations were for the periods from 2010–2015. The monthly water quality data were also analysed, and assess­ ments have been made based on the comparison of different parameters, with their threshold values defined by the World Health Organisation (WHO). The water quality index (WQI) is one of the most useful and efficient methods for analysing surface and ground water quality and its suitability for drinking (Seth et al. 2016). The WQI provides valuable information pertaining to the composite influence of different water quality parameters to the concerned citizens and policy-makers (Akoteyon et al. 2011). In this study, we employed the weighted arithmetic index to construct WQI by using six water quality parameters mentioned previously. WQI �

�WiQi �Wi

(1)

Wi is the unit weight for each water quality parameter and calculated using the following equation: (2)

Wi = K / Si

Where K is constant proportionality and Si is the standard permissible value, set by the World Health Organisation (WHO) of the ith parameter. Further, quality rating Qi is calculated by using the following equation: (3)

Qi = Vi/Si

where Vi is estimated value of the ith parameter at a given sampling point. The standard rating of water quality given by Brown et al. (1970) is depicted in Table 13.5, and we have compared it with water quality of nine river stations located in Sikkim.

Empirical findings Urbanisation has been very rapid in Sikkim. The indicators used for construc­ tion of urbanisation index are given in Table 13.1. The state’s population 212

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Table 13.1 Indicators of urbanisation in Sikkim, 2010–2015 Urbanisation indicators

Year-to-year growth

CAGR

Total migrant population Total urban population Total urban household Total main worker in non-agricultural activities Total urban roads Literacy rate Density of population Per capita income Total number of tourist flow Total number of registered and functioning industrial units Total registered vehicles

3.55 9.88 10.64 7.73

3.55 9.88 10.64 7.73

26.60 1.79 1.24 6.60 0.26 1.09

11.06 1.79 1.24 6.43 0.30 0.81

4.50

3.04

Source: Author’s estimation

Table 13.2 Urbanisation index and its dimensions (2010–2015) Year

Demographic index

Social index

Economic index

Urbanisation index

2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

0 0.68 1.42 2.22 3.07 4.00

0 1.41 1.82 2.25 2.51 2.85

1.24 1.80 1.45 2.12 2.66 3.89

1.24 3.89 4.69 6.58 8.25 10.75

Source: Author’s estimation

increased from 1,37,725 in 1951 to 5,40,851 in 2001, and further rose to 6,10,577 in 2011 (Bhutia and Srivastava 2014). The average growth rate (year-to-year growth rate) and compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of urban population during this period was estimated at 9.88 percent. The growth rate of urban roads has also increased significantly from 2010– 2015, to the tune of 26.6 percent (year-to-year growth), and its CAGR was found to be growing at around 11.06 percent. The growth rate of per capita income was found to be rising at around 6.6 percent, and its CAGR was 6.43 percent. The growth rate of registered vehicles in Sikkim recorded about 4.5 percent, and its CAGR was 3.04 percent during the same period. The growth rate of registered and functioning industrial units in Sikkim was found to be rising at around 1.09 percent from 2010–2015. This reflects the urbanisation rate at which Sikkim is witnessing, and the same can be seen in Table 13.2 for urbanisation index and its dimensions. 213

LAKPA DOMA SHERPA

Urbanisation index

12 10 8 6 4 2 0

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

Urbanisation index

Social

Demographic

Economic

2015

Figure 13.1 Growth trend of urbanisation index and its dimensions, 2010–2015 Source: Author’s estimation

In this study, we have constructed an urbanisation index incorporating three dimensions. From the analysis of secondary data available, we found that demo­ graphic and economic indices have contributed enormously to the urbanisa­ tion index. Figure 13.1 also depicts the trend line analysis of the composite urbanisation index along with its dimensions. The CAGR growth rate of urbanisation level is about 51.5 percent over the period from 2010 to 2015.

Water quality index Sikkim lies in the eastern Himalayan range, which is a source of fresh water for its inhabitants. The state has many rivers, lakes and ponds, which provide sources of water to the public. Most of the urban settlement and establishment of industrial units are in the East Sikkim district. The role played by rivers is carrying off effluent from Municipal wastewater, indus­ trial effluents and agricultural wastes are generally discharged into water bodies, and it leads to water pollution, especially the rivers, streams and ponds. Urban growth and industrial effluents are one of the major sources of chemical store to river ecosystem (Mishra 2010). In order to check the status of surface water quality, the present study focuses on different water quality parameters, namely pH, conductivity, nitrates, biochemical oxygen demand (BOD), total coliform and fecal coliform. To evaluate the effects of contaminated water of different urban river sites in East Sikkim district, we analysed each parameter through the comparison of water quality status of different locations vis-à-vis WHO water quality standard. 214

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Table 13.3 Descriptive statistics of water quality parameters, 2010–2015 Variable

Observation Mean

Std. dev. Min.

pH Conductivity μmhos/cm Nitrate mg/l Biological oxygen demand mg/l Total coliform MNP/100 ml Fecal coliform MNP/100 ml

54 54 54 54

6.37 275 2.47 3.43

0.18 11.93 0.28 0.70

54 54

163.14 70.91 59.04 39.47

Max. WHO standard

6 6.5 250 300 2.2 3.2 2.15 4.5 40 23

300 170

6.5–8.5