Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants [1 ed.] 9789988647544, 9789988647285

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Copyright © 2010. Sub-Saharan Publishers & Traders. All rights reserved. Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE H.C. Monrad (1805-1809) Johannes Rask (1708-1713)

Volume II

A Description of the Guinea Coast and its Inhabitants Copyright © 2010. Sub-Saharan Publishers & Traders. All rights reserved.

by

H.C. MONRAD

Translated from Danish by SELENA AXELROD WINSNES

SUB-SAHARAN PUBLISHERS

Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

Published in 2009 by SUB-SAHARAN PUBLISHERS P.O. BOX LG358, LEGON, ACCRA, GHANA © Selena Axelrod Winsnes 2008 ISBN: 978-9988-647-77-3 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in a form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, other than for reviews, without the permission of the copyright owner and the publishers.

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The translation of this publication was kindly supported by the DANISH ARTS COUNCIL H.C.ANDERSEN BOULEVARD 2 DK-1553 COPENHAGEN V

Typesetting and Cover design by Kwabena Agyepong

Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

Dedication

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TO MY CHILDREN Peer, Randi, Mari, Torbjørn

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Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE VOL. II MONRAD (1805 - 1809)

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Contents List of Plates

5

Translator’s Introduction

6

Acknowledgements

14

A Description of the Guinea Coast and its Inhabitants

15

Dedication

16

Foreword by Christian Molbech

17

Author’s preface

26

Monrad’s Table of contents

31

Monrad’s Text

32

Appendix

276

Bibliography

279

Index

281

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Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

List of Plates 1. Forts and Castles mentioned by Monrad Adapted by L.Svalesen from A. van Dantzig Forts and Castles of Ghana 2. Danish-Norwegian Plantations on the Gold Coast Adapted by L.Svalesen from Peter Thonning 1802

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3-4 Danish-Norwegian establishments in 1838 Based on Peter Thonning’s map of 1802 5-6 Christiansborg Castle Danish-Norwegian headquarters 1661-1850 From L.F.Romer/1760 )2000 plate 3 7. Preamble to Edict of 1792 abolishing the export slave trade from Africa. Danish National Archives.

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Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE VOL. II MONRAD (1805 - 1809)

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Translator’s Introduction Hvad har stakkels Neger gjort, At den blanke Mand ham hader? Er han ond, for han er sort? Er Gud ikke Alles Fader? O! beklag den sorte Mand. Han er Træl i fremmed Land.1 H.(ans) C.(hristian) Monrad was born 4 May 1780 in Ærø, where his father was the vicar at Bregninge and Søby.2 The Monrads were descendants of a long line of clerics, dating back to the seventeenth century. H.C. Monrad studied first under his father; then completed his theological studies at the University in Aarhus. He was ordained in July 1803 and given the post of chaplain for the establishments on the Gold Coast, where he lived and worked from 1805 to 1809. Back in Denmark, after two years of recuperation, he was appointed vicar of Greis and Sindberg parishes in Ribe diocese. In February 1823 he was given a new post in Mehrn in Zeeland, where he died on 7 March 1825. Abolition of the export slave trade Abolition of the slave trade was the leit motif during H.C. 1

`What has the wretched Negro done, To make the white man hate him so? Is he evil because he is black? Is not God the Father of All? O! Pity the black Man. He is a Slave in a foreign Land.´ This poem comes from a musical drama `Peter’s Wedding´ performed in 1793; written by the Danish writer Thomas Thaarup (1749-1821).

2

It is apparently the custom in Denmark to use only the initials of the two names, Hans Christian [viz. the author H.C. Andersen.]

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Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

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TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION

Monrad’s stay on the Gold Coast , and it permeated his writing. Both as a prelate and a humanist he found the slave trade immoral and unacceptable, and in this respect he was in tune with the government in Copenhagen. An Edict forbidding that trade had been made public by the King of Denmark-Norway in 1792, to go into effect on 1 January 1803.3 During the latter half of the eighteenth century the abolition movement had been growing ever more powerful and widespread. There was never any organized movement, in that respect, in DenmarkNorway – only isolated voices raised here and there, but ever more frequently. Perhaps remarkably, a leading voice was that of Count Ernst Schimmelmann, a gentleman who was himself deeply involved in the commerce that was absolutely dependent upon slave labour. He was a director of the Baltic and Guinea Trading Company which held a monopoly on the trans-Atlantic trade; he sat as a board member on at least five important trade and finance organizations; above all, he was the Minister of Finance in the absolute monarchy. Those were his official posts. Privately, he was a member of a family that exercised substantial control over all aspects of the `triangle trade´, not least of which was ownership of four large sugar plantations in the West Indies, worked by about one thousand enslaved Africans. But he was a humanist and looked to reform - ideally, to continuation of the sugar plantations, but humanely. One possible solution was to establish such plantations in Africa - using slave labour, as was the custom there - so as to eliminate the horrific transport to the West Indies. This was Dr. Paul Erdmann Isert’s idea, in 1788, and Schimmelmann supported it as a pilot project.4 Tragically, it failed with Isert’s death. The export of enslaved Africans was uncertain and very expensive. The African establishments had been showing very little profit for years; and the maintenance of the forts and Christiansborg Castle on the Gold Coast continued to be a drain on the economy. 3

For the text of the Edict of 1792 see Appendix.

4

See Letters on West Africa and the Slave Trade: Paul Erdmann Isert’s Journey... (1788/1992), trans. and ed. by S.A. Winsnes, Appendix 3.

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TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE VOL. II MONRAD (1805 - 1809)

Meanwhile, the Danes were keeping a keen eye on events in the UK and France, in this respect. The abolition movement there was growing and would certainly show results soon. An alternative lay close at hand: make it possible for the slave force on the plantations to be self-sustaining – to stay alive, stay well enough to work, and especially, to reproduce. Therein lay the chief purpose of the Edict. Since there would be opposition on the part of the plantation owners in the West Indies, several ideas were incorporated: first, there would be a 10-year period of adjustment; second, mechanisms would be included that would encourage the importation of as many enslaved Africans as possible during that period, so as to build up a work force as large as possible before the edict went into effect; third, tax on enslaved women would be removed to encourage export of women, so the plan for reproduction could be realized; fourth, the working conditions on the plantations had to be reformed so as to preserve life and health among the slaves. Still with an eye to the UK, the Danes were well aware that abolition would soon be a fact in that country, and as a result, pressure would be exerted on the smaller nations to follow suit.5 Given the 10-year period of `adjustment´ built into the Edict, the Danes could safely make their own declaration, notably, as the first nation to do so. They published the Edict on 16th March 1792 – to be enforced on 1 January 1803 - and, indeed, it was held up by Wilberforce before the British Parliament, as `...a noble achievement, and should make Britons blush to have missed the opportunity of leading the glorious example.´ 6 This `glorious example´ held sway until 1807, when the British declared the Abolition of the Slave Trade. Following the Danish plan, about 10,000 more slaves were imported into the Danish West Indies during the decade of adjustment..

5

Erik Gøbel, `The Danish Edict of 16th March 1792´ in J.Parmentier and S.Spanoghe, Orbis et Orbem..2001.

6

See W. Cobbett, ed. The Parliamentary History of England….´ vol. XXIX, 1791-1792, London 1817, column 1071..[ I am indebted to Erik Gøbel for this information.]

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Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION

Plantations on Gold Coast With an (anticipated) end of the export slave trade Denmark-Norway had two choices for the future of the Gold Coast: sell the forts and leave the Coast entirely; or replace the slave trade with an alternative source of income. The obvious solution was to establish plantations for the production of saleable products, particularly sugar, coffee, cotton. Thus we have a subordinate theme in Monrad’s book.7 He treats of this in Chapter XI. Plantations were indeed established, whose chief export would be those products, but great profits from but a few of those planations were never realized, for various reasons: illness among the owners; absentee ownership; vagaries of climate and attacks of insects, etc. Later the chief product for export would be palm oil, and, as the demand grew, it was found to be wiser to purchase that from the African farmers working their farms in the interior, and sell it to the European ships.

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The situation within the Gold Coast during Monrad’s time there There were constant conflicts mainly between Asante and Fante, always involving their allies and/or tributary nations. The goal was control of the trade on the coast and the trade routes to the interior; the former for trade with the European ships, as well as with coastal peoples for salt and dried fish; the latter for provisions to the coastal areas: slaves, food, forest products for trade with Europeans. Clearly, the Europeans would constantly be involved in these conflicts – despite the claim that they were not there for political engagements but only to trade. During Monrad’s time there (1805-09) there were a number of dramatic events. In 1807 Asante invaded Fanteland and took over the forts at Kormantin and Anomabu. For a short time, the Asantehene, Osei Bonsu, had his local headquarters at the English Fort 7

For an extensive report on the Danish-Norwegian government’s interest and efforts in the investigation of plantation possibilities in Africa, see Daniel Hopkins `Danish natural history and African colonialism at the close of the eighteenth century: Peter Thonning’s `scientific journey´...in Archives of Natural History (1999) 26 (3): 369-418.

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Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE VOL. II MONRAD (1805 - 1809)

at Anomabu, and the English had to pay a large sum for a cease fire and acknowledgement of Asante sovereignty over Fanteland. Rental for the English forts would thereafter be paid to Asante. Asante then installed commissioners in all the European forts on the coast to maintain their control. In 1806 Asante declared a trade boycott against Christiansborg as a result of the Danish governor having chosen – in a particular conflict - to ally his forces with an enemy of Asante. Asante instituted capital punishment for anyone who traded with Christiansborg and Osu, thus not only trade goods but vital provisions were forbidden them. To lift the boycott the Danes had to send great quantities of gunpowder, plus other articles, to Asante. The relationship between the Danes and Asante continued troublesome for years to come. This was often problematic in respect of establishing and running plantations. Wars interrupted that work; some were demolished by Africans during these conflicts.8

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Continuing slave trade Although the export slave trade was now officially prohibited, it was still in practice. The Governor during Monrad’s first years in Africa was J.P.D.Wrisberg, there for his second term.9 Wrisberg started plantations - one even on an island in Cameroon - but continued the slave trade. He reported that the Africans tolerated the Danes only for the sake of trade; and since it would take time before the plantations could produce sufficiently for trade, the slave trade had to continue. If stopped abruptly it would actually endanger the lives of the Danes on the Coast. The government in Copenhagen could not accept this, and insisted that the Edict forbidding that trade was still binding at the Danish forts. Wrisberg reported, soon after this, that the cessation of the export slave trade left the Castle with so little money that it could not send valuable gifts to the important people in Asante, as they had done before. He implied that this was also responsible for 8

Cf. G. Nørregård Danish Settlements in West Africa 1658-1850 (1966) 186-202.

9

Johan Peter David Wrisberg held the governorship twice; August 1795 – Dec. 1799; Oct. 1802 – March 1807.

10

Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION

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the boycott in 1806. When the Danes had had to `lend´ one thousand pounds of gunpowder to the Asante to raise the boycott, half of the cost was covered by private traders at Osu.10 As noted above, Monrad was absolutely in tune with the government in Copenhagen regarding abolition of the export slave trade but clearly this was not the case with Wrisberg. Relations between the two were not entirely amicable, and this is illustrated in Monrad’s heated defence of Pastor Grundtvig.11 In 1821, a few years after Monrad’s departure, when P.S.Steffens arrived to take over the post of governor, he found the slave trade still being practised. He reported that the free Euro-Africans claimed that no one had told them about any abolition of the trade, so they knew nothing of the European declaration. Furthermore, the Danish king had no right to tell them what to do in their own country. The question is posed: what were the clergy doing on this issue? 12 Clearly, Monrad had little effect while there. On the contrary, he was obviously and constantly harrassed for his attitude – a fact that colours his book throughout. Further, he was not replaced after leaving in 1809; the post of chaplain was still not filled in 1822, as noted by Molbech in his Foreword to the book.

A Description of the Guinea Coast and its Inhabitants After his two-year period of convalescence, Monrad revised his notes taken during his six-year stay on the Gold Coast, and wrote the book based on them. Furthermore, he now had access to materials written by others who had been there, too. However, he states that he wrote his own text prior to reading those of others, whom he subsequently addressed in his many footnotes, frequently to disagree with them. After having written his own text he read the Danish books which preceded his own: those of Johannes Rask, Ludewig Ferdinand Rømer and Paul Erdmann Isert. He also refers to Willem Bosman and T. 10 Cf. Nørregård (1966) 183-4. 11 See Monrad’s text [371-74]. 12 Cf. Nørregård (1966) 184.

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Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

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TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE VOL. II MONRAD (1805 - 1809)

Edward Bowdich. 13 He then had ample time to revise and edit his material, and include comments to those earlier writers. It was clear that Monrad felt a need to justify his entrance in the field, and it is precisely these comments he uses to that end – to prove that he had much to enlarge upon and, indeed, correct, what they had written. I personally do not agree with him at all times, but I have chosen to stay out of the fray, only correcting occasional errors - such as dates - or providing identification.His intention throughout was to present as objective a view as possible – carefully avoiding, he hoped, any sign of sentimentality. In that latter respect, the reader will notice that Monrad did not dwell on his own physical illnesses or discomforts, mentioning them in passing; but he makes no secret of his mental and spiritual distress, indeed anguish. Monrad’s book is very well organized and carefully written – a translator’s delight. He was clearly interested in literature, and undoubtedly wished his book to be seen precisely in that respect. I have followed the chapters and paragraphs as he wrote them. I have also kept the sentences as close to the original as possible, consistent with their being readily understood by modern readers. I have, however, refrained from capitalizing nouns. Original pagination is included throughout as [100]. All inserts in (--) are Monrad’s. The orthography of proper names has been kept as in the original. All chapter headings and paragraphing are also as in the original. Since Monrad was generous in providing notes to the text I have indicated my own notes by [--]. The same applies to my comments within Monrad’s notes, as well as within the text. The book was translated into German in 1824 by H.C. Wolf; published in Weimar as the 37th volume of Neue Bibliothek d. wichtigsten Reisebeschreibungen.

This translation As stated in Volume I, the following is a translation, as close to the original as possible, but not thoroughly edited, as in my previous 13 See Bibliography for titles.

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Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION

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translations. Various conditions of health have made that type of work impossible for me now. My intention, then, is to make the translation,at any rate, available in the public domain – as raw material. It is my hope that it will be treated as such. The reason for my `combining´ these two books into a two-volume edition – each one, however, complete in itself as regards apparatus – was that I was taken by the parallels and opportunities for comparisons between the two: both ministers, both young men with the same provenance; the same appointments; living in the same place on the Gold Coast; both there for about the same length of time. For both it was a first time out of northern Europe. They described the same things, but were worlds apart in their mind-sets. And their worlds were totally different: Rask at the real beginning of the full-scale transatlantic slave trade; Monrad at the official end of that era. It is my intention that readers will see this in the same way, above all in the changing image of Africa seen in the two texts - a study made available, and easier, in two separate volumes that can be read side-by-side.

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Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE VOL. II MONRAD (1805 - 1809)

Acknowledgements I wish to thank Senior Archivist Erik Gøbel for his unstinting help and advice at all times. Peer Winsnes and Leif Svalesen have been ever-willing and expert in providing me with illustrations and maps. Mary Esther Dakubu was always available for help in translating special terminology. My sincere thanks are owed to the Norwegian Non-fiction Writers and Translators Association (NFF) for a research grant to support the realization of these two volumes.

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Selena Axelrod Winsnes Rælingen, Norway 2008

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Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

CONTRIBUTION TO A DESCRIPTION of THE GUINEA COAST and ITS INHABITANTS, and to a Description of the Danish colonies on this Coast, collected during my stay in Africa during the years 1805 to 1808 by H. C. Monrad Vicar of Greis and Sindberg Parishes

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with a Foreword by Professor and Library Secretary G. Molbech

Copenhagen Printed by Andreas Seidelin Publisher to the Palace and University 1822

Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE VOL. II MONRAD (1805 - 1809)

YOUR MAJESTY KING FREDERIK the SIXTH

Among Europe’s Regents, the First Who heard Africa’s Sons Cry for Salvation, Whose humane Work it was That the Negro’s heavy Slave Chains For the first Time were broken by Law, And whose Eye, as Father of the Nation, Watches even over his most distant Subjects. Most humbly dedicated by the Author

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1

1 Translated by S. A Winsnes

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Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

FOREWORD

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Foreword That confidence which the Author, living at a great distance from the capital, has shown me by entrusting me with both the examination of his handwritten book and the arrangement for its publication, moves me even more to fulfil his desire, that I introduce it with this Foreword. But were this, even in itself, less superfluous than it is, or could I consider myself authorized to undertake this project for any other reason than the Author’s request, yet it would not fall easily for me to write, since the book speaks eloquently enough for itself. Neither is it the place, nor the occasion, to treat exhaustively or sufficiently, such material as is found in connection with its contents. This alone will commend itself to inquiring readers; and the Author’s treatment of the material, culled from his own experience and careful observations, will certainly reap for him the acclaim of the discriminating and the knowledgeable. [vi] Admittedly, our literature is not lacking in descriptions of those African coasts where Europeans, even in the centuries of enlightenment, bring shame upon themselves by slave trade so outrageous to all human feelings. It is the Danish servants in Guinea (Rømer and Isert), known up to the end of the previous century, who have presented the most trustworthy reports of conditions in that country, of the Europeans’ establishments there, and of the slave trade.2 But that the most recent of these writings is already thirty and some years old, and that nothing has been made known of our colonies since the termination of the slave trade, or, more correctly, of its abolition, is enough to justify a new 2

[Paul Erdmann Isert Letters on West Africa and the Slave Trade (1788), 1992; reissue (2007); Ludewig Ferdinand Rømer A Reliable Account of the Coast of Guinea (1760) 2000.]

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Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

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TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE VOL. II MONRAD (1805 - 1809)

description of Guinea and the Danish establishments on that coast as desirable, useful and instructive. It would, however, perhaps not be seen as superfluous on this occasion to make an account of, and touch briefly on, the older Danish texts, or texts found in Danish literature concerning Guinea. The first, and absolutely one of the oldest and rarest books which treats especially of this part of Africa is the following: Die Africanische, auf der Guineischen Gold-Cust [vii] gelegene Landschaft Fetu, aus eigener achtjahriger Erfahrung beschrieben durch W. J. Müller, Hamburg 1673, 287 octavo pages, including a glossary of the Fetu language.3 The book was reprinted, page by page, in Nürnberg, 1675. The author, who was born in Haarburg, informs in his dedication to King Christian V, that he was appointed Vicar for Guinea in 1661 by the Danish Africa Company - which had been established under Frederik III - and that he was ordained in Krempe. The following year, in December, he arrived at the Danish Fort Frederiksberg, and remained in Africa for eight years.4 He complains of his unhappy and helpless condition, a consequence of all the terror, distress and mortal danger to which he had been exposed, and seeks, on those grounds, a promotion by the King. The Hamburger priest, Rud. Capel, praises him in his Foreword: “..he has not been credulous, but has, for a number of years, industriously investigated everything concerning the country and the condition of the inhabitants and their way of life – often, indeed, with apparent danger to his health and life – in order not to offend Truth nor report to the world uncertain and doubtful descriptions...” , and this praise is decidedly not undeserved by this author. The learned and critical Geographer P.I. [viii] Bruns also judged Müller: “...he was a very painstaking observer who deserves to be placed alongside the best authors writing about Africa.” 5 [Müller] has presented his 3

[ For an English translation see Adam Jones German Sources for West African History 1599-1669, (1983) pp.134-328.]

4

[The Danish Fort Frederiksberg was in Fetu, on Amanful Hill, overlooking Cape Coast Castle. It was sold to the English in 1685 and renamed Fort Royal. Few traces. (G. Nørregård Danish Settlemenets in West Africa 1658-1850 (1966) 32-33.]

5

Versuch einer systemat. Erdbeschreibung der entferntesten Welttheile, Afrika, IV Th. Fst. Am M. 1796. S.338

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Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

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FOREWORD

material in good order, and the style is, on the whole, satisfactory. One discovers throughout that the author has taken great pains to be truthful and precise in his descriptions, which touch especially on the ‘fetish´ concept, the Negroes’ political condition, activities, customs and way of life, war, natural products and trade. Yet slave trade is not mentioned at all, presumably because it was carried on less from this part of the Guinea Coast. In the first section the author communicates considerable little-known historical information concerning the European establishments and forts in Fetu, where the Danes owned the Fort at Cabo Corso [Cape Coast] and Frederiksborg, which they lost by means of the Dutch cunning in trade, and by the treachery and faithlessness on the part of the staff, the first one in 1659, the other in 1685. What Mr. Monrad, on pages 354-55, calls an unfounded saga of the method by which the [ix] Fort Christiansborg (built in 1659) came into Danish ownership during the war with Sweden, is to be found in Müller’s book, p.10, based on events around Fort Cabo Corso (established by the Swedes under the name of Carlsberg) which, in 1658, by an unexpected attack, was captured by Henrik Karloff, and thus came into the hands of the Danes, along with several Swedish settlements in Guinea. 6 The next Danish text on Guinea is: Erik Tillemann’s Liden enfolding Beretning om det Landskab Guinea and dets Beskaffenhed langs ved Søkanten, Copenhagen 1697, 163 octavo pages,7 in which are found examples [sic] including a map of the coast, a prospect and floor plan drawing of Fort Christiansborg. The book is fairly true to its title. It contains a short, but what appears to be a detailed and precise list of the European forts and establishments on the entire coast, according to their geographical location and their condition at the time, with an indication of their staff and some historical information. There are included, as well, some reports about trade and, finally, a somewhat more detailed report on the gold and slave trades, and with reference to [x] the ships to be used in the latter trade – to the immorality of 6

[The Swedish fort at Cape Coast was Carolusborg.]

7

[Erick Tilleman A Short and Simple Account of the Country Guinea and its Nature (1697) Wisconsin-Madison 1994. Trans. and ed. S. A. Winsnes]

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Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

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TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE VOL. II MONRAD (1805 - 1809)

which the author seems not have given the slightest thought - how they should be fitted out in Europe, including ‘ten potter of brandy for each slave´ for the journey to the West Indies. The author, who calls himself ‘former Lieutenant at the Danish Fort Christiansborg’, and who stayed in Guinea for nine years, assures us at the book’s end that ‘..everything is truly to be found as it has here been stated simply...‘, for which reason he hopes ‘...it will be accepted for the time being, at least until something better is available.‘ It was not long after Tilleman that Chaplain Joh. Rask was in Guinea (1709-12), but his Korte og sandfærdige Reisebeskrivelse til og fra Guinea [sic] was not published until a long time afterward , with a Foreword by the Bishop Nannestad of Trondheim, and printed (with a strange and poor orthography) in Trondheim 1754, 320 pages octavo, including the Foreword and an index. The author, born in 1678 in Halsted in Lolland, died in 1744 as chaplain in Foldernæs in Nordland [Norway]. The book has an air of honesty, truthfulness, and an attitude of religiosity and integrity, but, as it appears, the author had not been around the country very much, [xi] and his reports are limited largely to what he had seen and heard at Fort Christiansborg. He judges the Negroes very harshly at every opportunity, and attributes to them every possible vice. Thus, on p. 43, they are called ‘some especially degenerate creatures´; on p. 85, ‘a people of very wicked customs and manner of living´; on p.137, ‘an arrogant people´; and one finds on pp. 141 and 273, that ‘...both sexes are in the highest degree addicted to drink, moral laxity, thievery, deception, infidelity and treachery.´ A curious contradiction appears on p.140 where he says of the Negroes that ‘...they are by nature very foolish, cowardly and unfeeling - yet, when nature prevails, most of them show dexterity and mental alertness.’ Undoubtedly, the author judges only on the basis of those he has seen in the Fort. He characterizes the slave trade, on p.271, in all its atrocity. His reports are not in any kind of order, and are written in the form, largely, of a diary. This publication, which is quite rare, has hardly become as well known as the two later ones of Rømer and Isert,

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Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

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FOREWORD

nor has it been translated into any foreign language.8 [xii] Rømer, who had lived a few years as a trader and Chief Merchant in Guinea, in the service of the West Indian Company – which was dissolved in 1760 –went out again in 1744 and came home for good in 1749. He first published, anonymously, Adskillig Folks Handel paa Kysten Guinea og i Vestindien, Copenhagen 1756, 63p. quarto; and later, Tilforladelig Efterretning om Kysten Guinea, Copenhagen 1760, 348 p.octavo, which includes a map and three copper plate engravings. The latter was translated into German, Copenhagen and Leipzig 1769. Some excerpts from the latter appear in Deutscher Mercur. 1783, IX, pp. 178-91. Rømer’s information included a number of things which the earlier writings lack, although most of the material in the Dutchman Wilh. Bosmann’s Reise til Guinea (published in French, Utrecht 1705 9 ) is far more detailed and complete – with the exception of the Hollanders’ unconscionable and most basely motivated system of trade, or of their immoral and impious way of life and trade amongst themselves in Guinea. Scarcely does Rømer, on the other hand, belong among the very “reliable” authors, and it appears that a lack of breeding, and a credulous desire to narrate very singular things about that foreign region, has enticed him into accepting much without proper consideration, or into distinguishing truth from falsehood. His book [xiii] contains, moreover, a good deal of unimportant and certainly considerably unfounded and fantastic information, for ex. about the tremendous decrease in the population of Africa. The most recently published account of Guinea is Isert’s Reise (1788) nach Guinea und den caribäischen Inseln in Columbien, Copenhagen 1788, 376 p. octavo. A second printing came out in Berlin and Leipzig in 1790. (Translated into Danish, Swedish, Dutch and French. S.Thaarup’s Danish Statistik VI, D. 618 pages.10) That this book 8

[It has, since then, been translated into New Norwegian: Ferd til og frå Guinea, transl. by J.R. Øvrelid, Oslo 1969; and now as Volume I to this edition.].

9

[ See W. Bosman A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea, 1705, reprinted 1967. For discrepancies in the translation see Albert van Dantzig `English and Dutch Bosman: A comparison of Texts´ in History in Africa vols.2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 11.]

10 [Reference is to Thaarups Archiv for Statistik, Politik og Huusholdnings-Videnskaber, 4 vols. Copenhagen, 1795-1800.]

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has become so well-known and widespread through translations into foreign languages shows, at least, that it has the interest of novelty. Nor can it be denied that, in its time, in spite of the poor style and its errors of language, it could have been entertaining enough to read. The author is praised as an industrious and proficient researcher in natural science, and Recensenten i Københagen: Lærde Efterretninger 1788, p.622, is of the opinion that especially from their point of view the account deserves recommendation. In Allg. Deutsche Bibliothek,, vol. 91, p.157, he is judged less favourably as an author in the field of natural science. However, in another German Recension (Goett. Anzeigen 1789, p.267), it says that, ‘..everywhere one comes upon new facts, or at least things of interest in their context, [xiv] that are important equally for the philosophic student of mankind as for the students of natural science, for the medical doctor and the politician.´ Should that [opinion] be invalid now that Africa is much better known than it was in 1788, and should even not all of the things in the otherwise undoubtedly truthloving Isert’s reports be dependable (his manner of writing casts some suspicion on him for having embroidered here and there on the things he narrates) yet his writing, up until most recent times, been the chief source for those seeking knowledge about the Guinea Coast. Much less known than some of the writings mentioned here are the Bidrag til Kundskab om den danske Strækning paa Guinea Kysten, which have been included in Mr. Statsraad Thaarup’s Archiv for Statistik, Politik, etc. vol.2, pp.309-11 and vol.3, pp-161-268, and yet these are not without interest, both in geographical as well as in historical and statistical aspects. Among them is a report from the Governor and Council at Christiansborg from 1774, both about the conditions in the country and the Negroes’ way of life, as well as the trade situation at that time (pp. 161-92); a detailed report by Governor Bjørn recently deceased in Copenhagen - about the Danish [xv] forts and Negro settlements, on the condition in which they were in 1788; and, finally, the remarkable documents which inform of the history of the colony establishment in Aquapim, to which the government, in 1788, had assigned Isert who, with great eagerness, began to found this

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FOREWORD

establishment.11 From his report about the progress of this project (dated 16 Jan. 1789 from Frederiksnopel in Guinea – the name that he wished to give the new city) we learn that he had truly purchased a considerable stretch of land from the Negro nation in Aquapim, for which a proper contract in the name of the King of Denmark was drawn up with the Head of that nation. [We read] that in a formal ceremony he had taken into his possession that land which had been transferred to him, and here he had begun to raise buildings. Likewise, with the help of the Negroes, for three weeks, he had cleared a way down [xvi] to the coast, through a wooded stretch of land one and one-half miles wide. But as early as January he died, and his death brought a complete stop to the establishment of a colony which appeared to have held great promise. The author of the present contribution to a description of Guinea has not, until his appointment as chaplain for the Ribe diocese, had the opportunity to collect and arrange his notes written in Africa. He has limited himself to these thus far, since he lacked access to published and unpublished sources located in the capital. Not until his manuscript had been completed did he read through some of his predecessors’ writings, and in some instances he has included some notes to correct those [authors]. In so doing he has missed many opportunities [for others?] to correct the older sources describing Guinea. But his work has lost nothing by being an independent account of the country and its inhabitants, based more on his own observations than on a critical discussion of the narratives of others. Furthermore, every reader who compares this writing with the older ones will readily be aware of how much the author excels over his predecessors in completeness, order, discrimination and accuracy, and that he speaks with force and 11 The author [Monrad] describes this establishment on p.316-17, but according to Isert’s report it appears that, since the extent of the colony comprised a length of 20 miles and from 5 to 10 miles wide, with a distance of 5 to 6 miles from the coast, it was not on this side of the mountains. And difficulties in transportation seem, according to his report, to have been considerable. The entire cost of clearing the abovementioned distance – which required the work of 100 to 200 Negroes for three weeks - was about 400 rdlr; and the entire sum for the purchase of land is reported to have equalled the value of 5 slaves, or about 650 rdlr. [Details concerning the plantation Frederiksnopel can be found in Isert, Letters (1992), Appendix 3; idem (2007) Appendix 3.]

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ardour [xvii] for the cause of the Negroes and of mankind is a service which, at the very least, ought to be appreciated in that country whose government took the first step toward the abolition of the slave trade. In regard to this subject, the reports are also important and interesting not only as to the political value and importance of the Danish settlements in Africa, but also because the author, in the eleventh chapter of the book, has information on the agricultural establishments which were started in Guinea in this century, partly at public expense, party by the Danish personnel and traders. Albeit these plantations have not yet yielded any considerable harvest, it is clear that the cause of this [failure] must be sought more in the lack of zeal and strength on the part of those concerned; or that their selfishness and penchant for the immediately more advantageous slave trade led to unwillingness for the cause, rather than being due to local obstacles. Since Isert’s death it does not appear that any vigorous effort has been made in this cause. Yet it is without doubt that, even with those sums which have already been expended on the Danish settlements in Guinea since 1788, much could have been accomplished in the establishment of a new colony on this coast, whose importance in that connection certainly will [xviii] be recognized in time – perhaps when it has become too late for us to avail ourselves of the favourable opportunity which has not been lacking us. When the author, in describing the personnel of the staff at our forts on the Coast, reports that since his departure from there in 1809 there has been no priest appointed, this struck me as quite improbable. But I discovered that it really is so, and that there has, therefore, not been held a Christian church service at the Danish settlements in Africa for thirteen years. Perhaps the Europeans there have no need of one, but it does seem that one should also take into consideration the Mulatto congregation and their children, and, as long as our missionary movement has not been entirely terminated, it appears that the Guinea Coast is a place to which it ought, with advantage, direct its activity.

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FOREWORD

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Copenhagen, 12 March 1822 C. Molbech 12

12 [Christian Molbech (1783-1857) was a very well-known and exceedingly prolific writer, interested in history and literature. He was Chief Secretary of the Royal Library in Copenhagen from 1823 until his death.]

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Author’s preface [xix] When I discuss Africa I limit myself, for the most part, to the stretch of land from the River Sacuma 13, which runs about one Danish mile above [west of] our main fort Christiansborg, to close to 12 miles below, or east of the River Volta, where the last Danish fort, Prindsensteen, lies.14 This coastal land extends, from west to east, not over 40 miles, and lies between [xx] 4 to 5 degrees north latitude.15 The heat here is intense, and even at the equator, in my experience, it is not found to be more scorching - indeed it is more tolerable there, at least at sea. From Sacuma the land on the stretch closest to the sea is nearly always level and sandy. Farther inland, however, in especially clear weather, one catches sight of mountains, heights and vast forests. Above Sacuma the coast is often steep and rocky. Rich expanses of earth, large forests, smaller and larger rivers, considerable lagoons, mountains and 13 This is also called the Accara Lagoon. 14 The `leaping river´. But it merits this name only at its outlet to the sea, where, as are all the African rivers I know of, it is muddied and foaming. Otherwise it flows quietly in its bed, except during the rainy season. During half the year, from May, approximately, its water is fresh, since it is then higher than the sea; the other half of the year the opposite is the case. The water is then, at the very least, brackish. Although I have made my way farther up the river than any European, I have no reason to assume that, as Isert says, it should diminish 60 miles inland. Granted, it divides above Malphie, or, more correctly, forms a number of small islands, but it becomes wide again, and no Negro has been able to give me complete information about its end. [Translation of the name Volta as `leaping´ is incorrect: actually volta means `return´ in Portuguese. The misconception, constantly repeated, undoubtedly is due to what was said by earlier writers - perhaps going back to Bosman p.328. Fort Prindsensteen/Prinsensten is in Keta.] 15 [The old Danish mile = 12,000 alen/7.5 km.]

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AUTHOR’S PREFACE

valleys alternate in the part I know best, making it extremely attractive and lovely. The stretch of land below Prindsensteen, as far as to the other side of Cabo Lopes down towards Luango – along which I have travelled mostly at sea on an English ship – also appears, for the most part, flat and sandy. With a timid foot do I tread the road of authorship, since no one can more clearly than I, myself, feel that my work, especially as regards form, lacks that perfection which, under more fortunate circumstances, I ought to have given it. [xxi] My isolated position, in which I am deprived of all literary aids, my health weakened by a multitude of adversities and illness, and a burdensome office, all placed obstacles in my way which I did not quite succeed in overcoming. What moved me, nonetheless, to publish this book was not only the encouragement to do so by my friends who had read through my notes, but also the thought that, at a time when the voice of greed is again being raised high in favour of the slave trade, it could be considered a word spoken at the right moment. Among others one can name the Englishman Bowdich who, in his Journey to Ashantee, 1817, has tried to demean, indeed even hold up to ridicule, the feelings of noble-minded persons towards the African.16 He mocks the philosophers who would judge nations, without knowing them. I wonder, does the merchant know anything other than the nations’ exteriors? The philosopher tries, at any rate, to penetrate their spirit. So have I, as best I could, taken note of the African’s character, and I have found in it nothing that could excuse, much less justify, that trade. [xxii] Admittedly there been have launched fearful descriptions of the Negroes in the West Indies, but they have neglected to note what part personal greed and passion could have contributed to this. It should never be forgotten that slavery oppresses the human spirit and deprives it of its fine nobility, and that the observer of mankind will find a world of difference between the free African and that wretched, debased slave in the West Indies. He has been called faithless, fawning, quick-tempered, without any feeling of compassion. 16 [Reference is to T.Edward Bowdich Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee, first pub. 1819, Third Ed. 1966.]

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None of this applies at all to the African as he is in Africa. Generally he is as law-abiding and faithful as many from a cultivated nation. He is unbendingly proud rather than fawning. He flares up, but he also knows how to conceal a feeling for a number of years and sacrifice himself to it. Even in St. Domingo it appears to me that the Negroes have revealed this. Compassion is not exactly the chief trait in their character, which inclines to gruesomeness, yet I have frequently seen even men shed tears of compassion. That Englishman [Bowdich] reports, among other things, that the ‘cabocirers´ (actually cabuseers) [xxiii], or the superintendents of the Negro towns in Ashante, desired intensely the restoration of the slave trade. This is just as logical as the European slave traders wanting it introduced. These Big Men have only advantage from it. They are not sold. Even if they are captured in war they are invariably killed, if they are not ransomed, which sometimes occurs. Finally, he asserts that the Africans, nonetheless, and to a great extent, kill one another. If this happens, without there being a clear cause, then we could look upon it as a decision of providence. Then could the Europeans who wish so strongly to sell Negroes, inhabit and cultivate this beautiful and rich part of the world with that much more safety. It has always appeared to me less gruesome that the Negroes, in a wild feud, massacred one another than that the so-called Christians, coldly and unfeelingly, cast into chains their fellow human beings who had committed no crime, and led them to the shambles in the West Indies. It cannot be considered much better, in fact, to transport people by the thousands against their will to another part of the world, where they could not properly propagate, [xxiv] and where they, in general, are held in bondage until an early death. That they, in recent times, are treated well on some plantations are still only the exceptions. Huge numbers of slaves in the West Indian islands and in America long for release. I admit, also, to have nourished the thought that my writing, in other respects, might, despite its imperfection, provide useful and not entirely uninteresting reading for a liberal public, which I have perceived to accept works with noble tolerance and good will, works whose contents were without basis in reality – which can be said to 28

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AUTHOR’S PREFACE

be the opposite of mine. Admittedly, there have been writings before about Guinea, and I can, therefore, not relate totally new things from there. Yet I have reason to believe that, precisely because I went my way independently, I have come, in some respects, to different, if not more numerous [sic], conclusions than my predecessors, whom, before I myself wrote, I knew of only slightly. Furthermore, should one write only of things of which there had never been anything written before, so must, indeed, most of the scientists remain mute. Just as several lights better illuminate the same room and all [xxv] its contents, so it can be said that several books on the same subject display it more clearly. I also hope that it will not be unwelcome for the observer of mankind to see at what stage of development the Negroes now stand; whether it is the same at which he has stood for centuries, whether he has advanced or declined. But in general and in particular, I have tried to present things as they appeared to me, and to sketch, without artifice, a true picture of Nature and the people in Africa. I harbour no fears that anyone who wanders through those regions with my book in hand will come up against any significant inaccuracies. My intention, at any rate, would not in the least contribute to that [possibility]. Far more do I hope that, in many respects, it shall be able to serve as a guide for those of my countrymen who, after me, shall set foot in those places where I wandered. I have attempted as best I could to give useful advice, here and there, even to students of science and tradesmen, without this writing being directed especially to readers of those categories. That when talking about a number of arrangements, customs, [xxvi] laws, etc. in Africa I was not able to reveal everything, or was not able to present it as clearly as I wished, the reason lay, for the most part, in the nature of the matter. Where much is uncertain and wavering, it behoves the truth-loving man to speak with care. Despite a soul filled with painful memories from Guinea, I have endeavoured to write without passion. It is with gratefulness that I recall the good will shown to me by some, especially in times of illness, and I have also, in Africa, had occasion to experience that man is more often deluded and sensual than actually evil. In order not to offend anyone 29

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I have avoided using names as far as possible; I have endeavoured to speak the truth without pointing out persons. May my work be received with tolerance! If it profit some, especially the holy cause of humanity, then will my keenest expectations be fulfilled, and that care with which my weak hand has written it down will be fully rewarded. Greis diocese at Veile, 10th December 1821 The Author

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Table of contents (Monrad’s pagination) I. II. III. IV. V. VI.

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VII. VIII.

IX. X. XI. XII. XIII. XIV.

Fetishes, the Negroes’ religious and moral concepts, as well as relevant ideas, customs and laws. p. 1 Love, marriage and domestic conditions among the Negroes. p. 46 The constitution of states, form of government, justice and political regulations. p. 65 War, the institution of war, prisoners of war, et al. p. 110 Hunting and Fishing. p. 123 Some notes on the African natural kingdom p.142; mammals p. 142, birds p. 154, marine animals p.164, snakes p.176, insects and crawling creatures p.180, the plant kingdom p.192, about poisons and poisoning p.205, the realm of stones p. 209, the soil p. 221. Cultivation of fields, cattle husbandry, sailing p.224 The Negroes’ clothing, manner of living, recreation, crafts, etc. p.233; the Negroes’ manner of living p. 239, music p.244, games p. 248, about the Negroes’ products and work p. 249, about currency p. 255, some characteristics of the Negroes’ way of building and living p. 239. The climate and illness in Guinea, with some useful tips in this respect. p. 263 Information about trade, and in particular about the slave trade in Guinea. p.284 Agricultural establishments in Africa, and something about the Lower Coast and the islands in that vicinity. p. 311 Some historical tales, and topographical details about the Guinea Coast. p. 349 The Europeans in Africa, and their way of life p. 363 The secular and clerical administration at the Danish Establishments, and other relevant matters. p. 370

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TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE VOL. II MONRAD (1805 - 1809)

Chapter One

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Fetishes, the Negroes’ religion and moral concepts, as well as relevant images, customs and rules The Negroes recognize, without exception, a Supreme Being, who, in the Accara [Accra] language, is called Jongmaa. 17 They believe that this Being truly exists, and that the fact of mortality is based in this. They do not precisely believe in an actual either moral or physical worldgovernment which is directly ordered by this Being, but that subordinate to it, on the other hand, there are a number of supernatural beings created by it - that is, a kind of angel or lesser god, called ‘fetish´.18 To these gods is entrusted the [2] administration of the fates of the world and mankind. Yet, on occasion, one hears the Negro directly address the Supreme Being. Has he been painfully insulted and is unable to revenge himself, he often bursts out, with his eyes lifted toward heaven, ‘May Jongmaa punish you! He will certainly repay you for this´. Also regularly used is the phrase ‘Jongmaa ba is coming´ when they want to warn that a storm or a hurricane is approaching, with wind, rain, 17 It is incorrect when other authors spell this word sometimes Jungo, sometimes, as do Isert and Rask, Numbo. According to the pronunciation it should be spelt Jongmaa, or, perhaps more correctly, Njongmaa. [ Isert, op. cit. (1992) 127; idem (2007) 170 ; Rask (1754) //86//] 18

In Accara a fetish is called Jjong. The term fetish is said to come from the Portuguese fedes, (Lat. fides) and refers not only to supernatural beings but also to that cult which, in the most various ways, is dedicated to them in Africa. [Monrad would like to base the term in `faith/belief´, but actually the term - indeed from Portuguese - derives from feitiço, Coast-Portuguese fetisso, originally meaning anything constructed or manufactured, but came to be used generally by the Europeans for all religious objects, rituals and beliefs among the Africans .]

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CHAPTER ONE

lightning and thunder.19 Possibly the Negroes imagine Jongmaa himself in the storm, or that it is his direct work, since it is certain that they make no gentle representation of the godhead and fetishes. They honour them, not out of love but out of fear, and sacrifice to them, usually, in order to avert their supposed destructive effects. Although they do not actually look upon heavenly bodies, as well as objects in general, as gods, yet they offer the moon a kind of worship in that, as often as it shines, and especially during a full moon, they spend the night with music, dancing, drinking and singing. They believe that it shines precisely so that they will do this, [3] and unbelievable is the noise caused thereby, to the great discomfort of those who live in the vicinity.20 In the beginning, so they believe, God, or Jongmaa, created many black and white people, the former first and the latter last. He then brought forth two covered gifts of different sizes and allowed the Blacks to choose first. Greedily, they chose the largest gift, which only contained things needed to worship the fetishes, and the necessities of life. The gift, on the other hand, which fell to the Whites contained books and the sources of everything by which the Europeans distinguished themselves from the Negroes. Nonetheless, by no means do [the Negroes] envy [the Europeans this gift]. They consider themselves not created for the Europeans’ bliss here on earth, and do not, therefore, covet it, but exist, in general, very happily in their own sphere. Many assume that the deceased Negroes become as wise – thus did they express it – as the Whites, and as a symbol of this [4] they sometimes stand at funerals with open books in their hands. 19

That the Negroes normally mock the thunder and believe, as Rask says, that God is `bringaring´, that is entertaining himself, is incorrect. One or another mocker might permit himself to express himself thus (how often does not frivolity also express itself among us in this matter?) but it is certain that also the Negroes, generally, look upon this great natural phenomenon with fear and awe. [Rask //88//. Bringar is from Portuguese brincar, to jest, play.]

20

It is far from the case that the Negroes indulge in observation of the heavens. If one asks them about the heavenly bodies they will answer quite naively, `Why should I understand them? There is so much on earth that I do not understand´ . – Of the evening star, which so faithfully and brilliantly follows the moon, they usually say, jokingly, that it would like very much to be as large [as the moon], and it swaggers jealously beside it.

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Even though the Negroes acknowledge a sort of difference between right and wrong, yet it has not, despite all my possible efforts, been within my power to shed light completely on to what degree they assume the influence of good and evil deeds on bliss or misery in the future life, which they, without exception, are certain exists. It is true that they make little of uprightness in ordinary life, and look upon bliss in the next life as something which mostly depends upon external advantages [in this life] and a thereby fitting funeral. The brave, powerful, rich man, as long as he has been honourably laid to rest, must of necessity come to live hereafter in glory and joy; but on the other hand, one would hardly assign the poor, properly but poorly buried slave a miserable shadow existence after death. He is given much honour in being allowed again to serve his former master. The Negroes’ virtues are limited solely to their own tribe. To do a favour for a stranger is something they would, in general, find ridiculous. 21 Castaways, be they Europeans, Negroes or [5] are sold or killed without mercy, and they consider all shipwrecked goods, including the castaways themselves, as a gift from the sea, to which they offer a kind of worship – at least, at times, they turn to it with their prayers. ‘The Sea´, they say, about shipwrecked things, ‘has made us a gift of this.´ I shall relate an example of their lack of mercy. During my time there a poor, old, foreign Negro came to the town of Ussue [Osu], which lies close to Christiansborg. 22 He was not suitable for sale. No one bothered about him since, according to the rules of hospitality, the most a Negro is bound to give to a stranger is a drink of water, after which he must move on. Neglected by everyone, he was, at night, torn to pieces by a beast of prey. I did not hear about the story until it was too late to help. When, one evening, together with one of my Negroes, I passed the place outside the city where he had been killed, I asked 21

Therefore I cannot, in general, endorse Isert’s comments on the Negroes’ unselfishness and obliging good will. When the Negroes show themselves thus to a stranger, even to a European, it is most often a case of self-seeking: namely, they expect gifts from every White who arrives there, and if they are disappointed in this expectation, the good will certainly disappears.

22

It is spelt according to the way it is pronounced – Ussue, and not Ursue or Ursoe, as others have spelt it. [The modern spelling is Osu.]

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CHAPTER ONE

my Negro if it wasn’t a pity that no one had taken care of that unhappy man. He answered that, on the contrary, the deceased should have stayed in his own country, and that one should only help those who are of his own people. Breach of chastity is considered punishable only as an encroachment on property rights, that is, [6] when one man has intercourse with another man’s wife, or slave, as both are considered objects. Among the unmarried in Accra, however, an entirely too intimate intercourse is not considered punishable. Lying is by no means common among the Negroes, who most often reveal a candid character. On the other hand, they can keep a secret entrusted to them with unbreakable silence, and show themselves to be very true to their word. We have examples of Europeans having entrusted secrets to the Negroes, on which [the European’s] welfare to a great extent was dependent, and that they, under no condition, had revealed them. Thus, a European who had to flee, confided to his Negro where he had hidden his gold. He was absent for several years; the Negro never revealed the secret, and the owner eventually recovered it entirely. In this respect the Negroes have no confidence in us, saying, ‘The White Man (Blanke) cannot keep a secret.´ To his own, the Negro is usually upright and honest, and I do not believe that he can justly be accused of greater tendencies to thievery and swindling than the Europeans at a lower level of development.23 He does not look upon it as very wrong [7] to take and misappropriate small things, such as brandy, tobacco, and the like. The Negroes who live among the Europeans could actually, and with reason, consider their less upright relation to these items as jus talionis.24 The Negroes are not unfamiliar with the noble feelings of friendship and love. Friends often come together and spend time in talking, smoking tobacco, drinking brandy, or, lacking that, palm wine or pytho – a kind of ale which is brewed from maize. They help each other in 23

Petty thievery is considered by the majority among us as fairly innocent; and how often do we not hear one congratulate himself on having tricked another? One hears less frequently of grand larceny, house-breaking, arson and assassination in Africa than in Europe.

24 [Jus talionis, the right of retaliation, `an eye for an eye´]

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word and deed, and at times, make not inconsiderable sacrifices for one another.25 Driven by an admirable respectability – also undoubtedly due to some pride on the part of the man – married people are never seen to display any form of consideration for one another publicly, nor do they give each other a caress. But one often finds that they live together harmoniously and happily, and mourn deeply when they are separated. Indeed, I remember that when a Negro at Fort Christiansborg went to see his wife who had been snatched and sold, overwhelmed by their feelings, they sank into each other’s arms. It has been said, ‘The Negroes are devoid of true love, they have not even a word for it.´ True! No abstract term – no substantive – but [8] should the one who frequently, in the gentlest of tones, declares, ‘Mismo akæ mi Tye´ (‘I love you as my own heart´ ) not be able to harbour those tender feelings? Gratitude, even, undaunted to the sacrifice of [?his own] life, is one of the Negroes’ virtues. Not only do they declare the most ardent appreciation when they are given something, but even after a long passage of time they consciously recall favours, and repay them if it is in their power. One Governor Kiøge, who, after a number of years is still remembered by the Negroes as a humane and noble man (he is said to have been a man of extraordinary knowledge, who devoted most of his time to studies) had a slave whose benefactor he was. During an uprising a Negro aimed at the Governor. His Negro, seeing this, threw himself in front of him and received the fatal shot. 26 Another Negro, by the name of Kri, who belonged to another European – whom I knew well - covered him with his own body in an uprising, and was pierced through. ---Such sacrifices are not rare, especially on the part of EstateNegroes who, when they are sold consider themselves loosed from all [previous] civil ties, and cling, often with life and soul, to their master, if the latter just treats them reasonably well. For this reason, in the event 25

A [display of] mutual goodwill is not lacking in interest for the observer. One almost never treats a Negro to anything edible or drinkable without [experiencing that] he will share it with everyone around him.

26 [Adolf Kiøge was Governor 1780-88, when Isert was on the Coast. They became fast friends, and there are references to him throughout Isert’s book. He also wrote an obituary on the occasion of Isert’s death. (Isert 1788/1992 Appendix 4/ idem 2007).]

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of dangerous situations at the Forts, one can place greater trust in the so-called Inventory-Negroes, or royal slaves, than in the free Mulatto soldiers, who have a family relationship to the [9] Negroes living in the environs. An Englishman who undertook a journey inland in the vicinity, had occasion to liberate a young Negro who was condemned to be sacrificed. The latter sought to show his gratitude in the clearest way possible, followed his benefactor and [now] master, like a shadow, and was attentive to his least wish. The Negroes distinguish themselves, also, in general, by their decorum and courtesy in word and deed – which one often seeks in vain among the so-called civilized people. They also reveal, on many occasions, a keen power of judgement. Their sensibility and respect for the Good One are often expressed by calling one they consider to be an unusually good person Jongmaa bi, that is ‘God’s child´.27 Everywhere it is my deep conviction, based on many years of experience, that the spire of the development of reason, of the ennobling of the heart and life, is commonly found among the Negroes. Why should I have any doubts that [10] more humane times await them? Is it not implicit in the great Divine Plan that the heathens’ salvation shall be part of God’s children’s glorious freedom? And what dare one not await - upon the total and true abolition of the slave trade - of well-ordered missions and beneficial Bible associations? On the other hand, it cannot be denied that the Negroes are inclined to gruesomeness, revenge, drunkenness,

27 The Negroes frequently show the most intense concern and sympathy. I shall never forget the genuine display of joy and jubilation with which I was received by the Negroes in Ussue when, for the first time after a long illness, I stumbled out of the Fort. Thousands of expressions of good will were shouted aloud to me, and yet I was only tied to those people by bonds of good will. –Were one merely a human being, only a human being among the Africans, one would not so frequently feel justified in calling them unfeeling barbarians!

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lust, dreadful superstition and ignoble national spirit.28 Bliss after death, according to the Negroes’ manner of representation noted above, depends, clearly, on one having amounted to something in this world, and that one has been given an impressive funeral. Many Negro families have been ruined because of that. Many members of the family are sold in order to provide a prominent member a splendid funeral. One of my Negro servants [11] told me that near Fort Fredensborg, in the city of Ningo, there lived a rich Negro who never treated others but brooded over his own [wealth]. After his death he was, indeed, given a proper burial, but he appeared every night in the cottage of his surviving brother, complaining that he was not comfortable where he was, and asked that [the brother] hold a more costly ceremony for his funeral. This was done, and the deceased found peace. Perhaps the brother made up the story so as to have an opportunity to live high with his family and friends, since the Negroes generally love a certain liberality. For miserliness one is held in disdain, and [even] if one is altogether inhumane, yet he is respected among them relative to his show of generosity. The Negroes believe that everything that is used at the funeral, for example, all the precious things such as goods, beads, gold, etc. which the deceased takes with him in his coffin or grave, all the cowries used to pay for the funeral, all the brandy drunk on that occasion, all the tobacco smoked, in short, every single thing that, in any way, is used on that occasion will reappear in the other world, along with the deceased, to be used to his advantage.29 The slaves who, at certain places, are 28 I shall not speak of how much the burning climate, which brings the blood to boiling and inflames the power of the imagination, can nourish these vices. But what have the Europeans done to diminish them? Have they not, much more, given them nourishment? Rømer believes that God must change the Negroes’ temperament before they can become Christian. But the unprejudiced and impartial consider it more necessary that the Europeans change their temperament and conduct in Africa. Thus would an essential obstacle be removed. There is still spoken among the Negroes of a dim tradition about `a happier time before the arrival of the Europeans´; and, can it be denied that when one considers America and Africa, a heavy burden of guilt and blood-debt rests on old Europe? 29

Coris [cowries], as they are generally known, are a variety of shell brought from the Maldive Islands to the coast of Africa, where they are used as coins.

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slaughtered at the grave, rise again [12] as the interred person’s servants. It is assumed that the deceased is witness to the survivors’ [display of] sorrow, shouts, songs and music, and that all this together delights his soul. When you come to a wake without having actual duties there, you are expected to bring along a gift. You show the gift to the deceased – in the case of a European bringing the gift this is done by one of his Negroes – and if the gift is brandy some of it is sprinkled on the face and other limbs of the deceased. If the gift is panties, or something else that cannot be immediately consumed, it is placed in the coffin or close to the corpse.30 The closest relatives probably keep a large proportion of such gifts themselves; yet, in their opinion, this is of no great importance since, in order that the deceased can have use of it, it is enough that it was given. What the Negroes, on the whole, offer to other spiritual beings, for example, to fetishes, such things as chickens, eggs, maize, etc. are laid, in midnight’s quiet hours, either in paths or at roads where it is believed the fetish passes. They do not concern themselves that beasts of prey eat them, or other people take them. [13] ‘It is enough for me´, they say, ‘that I have given my gift.´ The Negroes usually bury their dead 24 hours after death, which is made necessary by the hot climate. With Europeans and Mulattos this is also the case, and for the same reason. At times it is done even sooner, and many who died in the morning are interred by evening. At the Mulattos’ burials, if they have been in royal service, they are saluted by only one cannon shot, just as is the case for the Negroes. Much is made of the casting on of earth. They believe that they thus prevent the deceased from rising from the dead and doing harm to the survivors; and at the same time they make certain that the coming life will be more like that of the Europeans.31 Often have Mulatto families 30

Panties is a piece of cloth, 2 to 3 fathoms long, with which the Negroes cover the middle of the body, and it can, therefore, be opened out. This is the case when they are cold or when they go to bed, when it then covers the entire body. It is made of cotton, calico, silk, domestic cloth or some other kind of cotton cloth. It resembles a toga when it is spread out and carried, like that, over the arm. In Accra this piece of cloth is called mammalé. [ Panties is derived from the Dutch pantjes – waist cloth or loin cloth.]

31 This same superstition obtains in the area of Jutland, where I am now living; and I have been expressly urged to cast earth on [the coffin] in such a way that the deceased will not be able to harm the surviviors .

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– which, for the most part, are made up of Negroes and Negresses – lined up in rows from the grave and, both in words and by throwing themselves down in the dust [before me], given me witness of their gratitude, in the most heartfelt manner, for the performance of this, my duty. As soon as a Negro of importance is dead a number of musket shots are fired outside the house and also around the town – here called the Negeri.32 . Thus the death is made generally known. On such occasions, and commonly at feasts of whatever kind, [14] the Negroes load their guns so heavily that you think you are hearing a cannon shot when they are fired. Nor is it seldom that they explode, killing or injuring people. To avert this they eagerly invoke their favourite fetish and pound on the gun before firing. Without noise the Negro is not in his element. To be quiet is, for him, to be without joy, unless he is thereby freed from work, when he then, from the bottom of his heart, declares with the Italian, ‘Dolce e divino far niente!´33 A number of women of nearly all ages now betake themselves to the house of mourning.34 During proficient drinking of brandy, partly at the family’s expense, partly of that which either they had brought along for the deceased, or which had been brought by others, they set up a howling and weeping, the like of which you can hardly conceive if you have not yourself been witness to it. Both truths and untruths are called out to the honour of the deceased. They beat themselves dreadfully, especially on the breast, clap their hands, and tears roll, literally, over the entire bodies of the raving matrons, some of whom are sitting (each one brings her own stool, or if she is a prominent woman, someone has brought it for her), some are standing in and around the house of sorrow. The closest female relatives are close to the body, dressed [15] poorly, and awash in tears, which, in fact, are 32 [Negeri/Negerei is a term used generally in these early sources. I have found no better translation than `Negro settlement´.] 33 34

[Italian : `How sweet, and divine to do nothing´.] Often there are many gathered around the dying one, asking him in the most endearing manner, Why does he want to leave them? Had they not shown him enough love? And they ask him urgently to stay yet longer with them.

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often sincere.35 This, however, is by no means the case with the rest of the howling swarm. A Negress can cry at will, and when asked about this, she answers honestly and naively enough, ‘For what else have I my tears?´ A Negro male considers it unmanly to cry, and he does so only in very extreme circumstances. One might say that to have seen the most extreme expression of pain, one must have seen a truly grieving Negress. Indeed, one day I came upon such a group on the beach, grieving over a dead relative. They filled the air with their screams, threw themselves down in the sand, which they scratched up with their nails, demanding the return of the deceased from passers by, from the fetishes, and from the ocean which had swallowed him. They tore their clothing to shreds and injured their bodies. Their pain was evidently intensified by the fact that they could not show the remains of their beloved the final honours. The women wash the body, dress it in its best, as it was in life, and then lay it in the coffin. Besides the other aforementioned things which the deceased is given to take along, in certain places a pipe and tobacco are also given, regardless of whether it is a man or a woman.36 The reason for this is said to be the following: all the deceased from Accara must cross [16] the River Volta. An ugly old woman, covered with sores, sits near that spot and tries to stop the traveller. If he comes to her without a pipe he is forced to linger a long time with her and lick her sores. But she is afraid of fire, and when she sees the lit pipe she screams, ‘Hurry on your journey!´ In the Negro mythology she is a kind of Cerberus.37 We are told of a spiritual ferryman who, after receiving something from among the things the deceased brings along, will ferry him over the river’s various arms to a large, sandy plain which is formed near its mouth. Here the spirits, in their thousands, are said to flock at night and celebrate even more merrily than they did in their first lives. The Negroes who live near the river, in the town of Adda [Ada] - which 35

In times of sorrow they are usually dressed without all their ornaments, and they let their hair grow.

36 Negresses, especially the older ones, usually smoke tobacco. [The pipes are always small white clay pipes, usually imported from the Netherlands. ] 37 [Cerberus, in Greek mythology, the three-headed dog guarding the entrance to the underworld.]

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lies close to the Danish Fort Kongensteen – have told me that they have often seen the dance of the dead on that plain, and heard their music. What does one not often see and hear in imagination? Once, while I was staying at Kongensteen on official business, a cabuseer died, and I was told in great detail in the morning how he, during the night, with joyful clamour, was borne by spirits in a boat past Adda, and how clearly one could make out his favourite music.38 I must here remark that every Big Man (by a Big Man the Negroes mean one who is wealthy and able to achieve respect for himself in the world [17] – though he were the greatest fool and villain) often, when he travels, has a troupe of musicians with him. At least, he never appears without them in any honourable assembly, in war, at palavers or trials, etc.39 They are his slaves whom he has had instructed in the use of the country instruments. When Governor Kiøge, who had lived on the Coast for several years, died in Denmark, the Negroes believed that he had come to the plain at the River Volta. It happened just then that the Danish ship which had brought news of his death was driven by the current past the main Fort Christiansborg and Fort Fredensborg, to down east of the river. How could it, then, be otherwise than that Kiøge’s spirit had been on board and forced the ship to go out of its way (ships are always supposed to stop at the main fort, where the governor resides) in order to, with ease, reach that happy plain? Every European who has lived in Africa for a long time and is not too much hated and despised, may hope for that happy end. On the coast the body is laid in a wooden coffin. For this purpose, they purchase from the Europeans gun-chests which are remade into a suitable form.40 [18] At times, however, they are used unaltered, indeed, sometimes ship’s chests and other cloth chests are used. I have often, at Mulatto funerals, cast earth upon such [chests]. Farther inland 38

Cabuseer, the chief counsellor in a Negro settlement. [Cabuseer is from Portuguese caboceiro, `head man´.]

39 [Palaver, from Portuguese palavra, word, speech. The term was used widely to mean speech, argument, disagreement, trials. Monrad describes the latter circumstance in detail below [74-82]. 40 The Europeans, too, use gun chests, and there is an expression among the English on the Coast when someone is very ill, `He only wants a gun-chest.´

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wooden chests are more rare. There the body is laid on a large mat made of plantain or other leaves. On the coast the poorer Negroes are also buried in such mats. When one can afford it the chest is covered with Salem-puris, a kind of blue woollen cloth, which the Negroes also use as a mourning cloth. The Christians fasten a small cross made of white ribbon on top of the coffin, and accompanied by much clamour, shooting, drumming, howling and shrieking, those being mourned are lowered into the grave. At times, when a very prominent man dies it happens that they bury his coffin in one place and his body in another, out of fear that it could be dug up and mishandled. This is especially feared when he leaves behind him debt or powerful enemies in the vicinity. There is a strong belief that the deceased can be tortured by the maltreatment of his body. In war, therefore, graves are often vandalized and sometimes, in times of peace, they are attacked by greedy hands, although this happens only rarely.41 The Negroes’ corpses are so beloved by their survivors that they bury them, most often, in the house where they actually lived, about 2 alen deep in the earth.42 [19] One would think that this would cause a stench in the houses, and thus greater mortality. Yet this is not the case. The reason, without a doubt, is that the doors and the openings which are used instead of windows are nearly always left open, thus admitting fresh air. During the first days after the burial foodstuffs are placed on the grave daily. This is also done after several years have passed, at about the same time of year when the body was buried. They rarely, or never, know the date precisely. In general, it is not essential for the Negroes to know when this or that happened. Facts, however, are remembered especially well, even to the least detail, and all the slightest circumstances. This is because such events are constantly the subject of their conversations, both in large assemblages as well in smaller, friendly meetings. The narration of events of bygone times is one of their dearest occupations. They reckon the month according to the phases of the moon, and the year 41 I have never heard about this being done by Negroes, but certainly by Mulattos. 42

However, in war they try to protect the corpses from the rage of the enemy by burying them somewhere else. [Alen = c. 63 cm. Equal to a cubit.]

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according to the seasons. If you are surprised that a Negro does not know his exact age, he will answer, ‘Of what use is that to me? If you want to know it approximately, I was born at the time when such-andsuch a fort was built, when that war was carried on, when that palaver was decided´, etc. Then you have a good spoor to follow. The European cemetery is outside of the town [20] of Ussue, close to the small redoubt Prøvesteen, which helps in the defence of the main Fort Christiansborg. It is well enclosed with the so-called ‘prikkelthorn´, a succulent, thick and broad-leafed plant with numerous long and sharp thorns, which forms an excellent hedge. The entrance to it is through a black iron-barred gate which hangs on two large brick posts. Inside the cemetery there are beautiful palm and coconut trees. Before the cemetery was so arranged the bodies there were, as in the open fields, dug up and devoured by jackals and other wild animals. Despite the fact that they now rest securely, we can hardly persuade the Christian Mulattos to bury their dead there. It is said that, earlier, they had disappointed the chaplain by letting him cast earth in the cemetery on an empty coffin, while the body was buried at home. To prevent this, in my time, the body had to be shown in the morgue. The natives’ tender love for their dead, mixed with fear of doing them harm, and that they might be restless in the cemetery, makes it highly probable as I have often been told by reliable people – that even Mulatto corpses that had been buried there in the daytime were dug up at night by the family and brought to the houses in the village. When the body has been buried the actual so-called ‘death-custom´ begins. This lasts for one, two or three, sometimes even eight days, seldom more, during which time they dance, make music, [21] carouse and fire muskets. It is as if they want really to drive away the sorrow over the departed. If the family is poor, or not sufficiently wealthy to bear the cost of the custom immediately, it is postponed to a later time, sometimes the year after. At times it is not held until after the passage of several years. Such postponements often occur during times of unrest during wars, and after the war the usual custom is often carried out. In like manner this ceremony is held for those who drowned or died in other ways such that they cannot retrieve the body. This custom is 44

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believed to have a great influence on the welfare of the deceased. That its soul, in the meantime, would be tortured or suffer, as in purgatory, is not really considered, but it is in an in-between state where it is less happy. The custom makes it as happy as it can be. On the contrary, [lack of making] custom, or a poor burial, much diminishes its bliss in the coming life. Despite the fact that the Negroes are said to have a devil, called Abunsa, they do not believe in an actual hell, or a definite place of punishment for evil [deeds] after death.43 This Abunsa is, to their way of thinking, as far as I can tell, simply an exceptionally powerful fetish in Accara.44 Even though [22] they attribute all the evil in the world to the fetishes, yet it is not because these, or some of them, are absolutely evil, but, rather, because there exists, presumably, a constant shifting battle among them; such that those who maintain the upper hand injure the people and things which are under the influence and protection of the weakened fetishes. The Negroes, therefore, when they are suffering in one or another manner, seek with gifts to make a great many fetishes favourably disposed towards them, in order to make more certain the removal of the evil. Song is an important element of the death-custom. This consists, most often, in tones carefully adapted to the mournful music. In this the life and works of the deceased are praised. The Negro loves to sing at all stages of life, when he is glad or sad, indeed even when angry he often airs his anger in mocking song. The Negroes are totally lacking in coherent poetry. Their songs, for the most part, are made up of fragments of sentences and are, not rarely, improvised. The Negroes in Accara usually sing short songs which they have learned from neighbouring nations, the Fantees [Fante] to the west and Crepees [Ewe] to the east, 43

Some authors have, incorrectly, called it Susa. [In Ga it is Abonsa (M. E.Kropp Dakubu Ga-English Dictionary 1999)]

44

There are authors who, absolutely incorrectly, say that the Negroes in Accara worship the Devil incarnate, who, in the spirit of the times, considers them to be his unmistakable property. There are even those who believe that the Negroes, in general, grow so old so they can be tortured for all eternity.[sic] Müller and Bosman are in agreement in this. Is it any wonder that one, here in the world, so willingly took upon himself the side of the Devil against them? [sic]

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and from which it is difficult to extract any coherence. [23] The Negroes have no fear of death, and it is undeniably to the advantage of the undeveloped people that they are free of this fear. To be ill for a long time before dying, or, as they express it, to be plagued for a long time by the fetish, is considered to be a great misfortune. Indeed, they believe that in respect of happiness after death it is far better to leave here in good condition than to be weakened by a lingering illness. They enjoy life happily as long as they can, but suicide, which is quite common among them, is not considered wrong at all. ‘Why´, they will ask, ‘should one not have the right to die when one has no desire to live?´ The suicide is also buried with all the usual ceremonies. The Negroes who live in the Akwapim hills north of Accara look upon suicides as especially holy. They do not bury them in their houses but outside [the houses] and raise a straw roof over the place, as well as putting food out on the grave for a long time, as if the deceased had need of it. They must assume this, since if one asks them ‘Why´, the answer is, ‘Well, they have not lived as long as they could have!´.45 There are found, here, some so-called holy women who, when they are angry at someone, kill themselves on his account, or in his name, by severing a blood vessel in their thigh. Then, the one [24] on whose account they declare this was done is now a dead man. If he runs away one of his family is killed. But if he kills himself that ends it, since the woman’s intention is thereby fulfilled. Many examples of suicide and revenge could easily be reported here. I myself have, once, in Accara, seen a young Negro who quarrelled with his mother, left her in bitterness, and immediately sent a bullet through his head. Once while I was staying in Augna [Anlo], which lies not far from Fort Princensteen, it happened that a Negro who was living in enmity with his father went to his mother’s brother – (it must be noted that the mother’s brother, as in many places in Africa, has greater authority over the sister’s children than the father; the latter can always be in doubt, the former cannot 46) – and said, ‘I 45

It most certainly have been the heads of suicides which Isert had seen there, in a circle, and about which he could not get any information. [See Isert Letters...(1788/1992) 170 and n.22; idem (2007) 225.]

46 [This is because the Akan people – with whom Monrad would have been in frequent contact - are matrilineal.]

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shall kill myself because of my father.´ He actually did this, and then the maternal uncle went to the father and demanded – according to the rules of the country – either a considerable compensation, or his death. The father chose the latter. How small a price the Negro seems to set on life can be shown thus, that when someone who is his guardian asks him to perform a hazardous job, he will answer, ‘Yes, I can certainly do it, but on your cabes, i.e. on your account.´47 If he should die in so doing, his family is usually paid the value of one slave – a considerable compensation for him. A strange way of killing one’s self in Accara is done by stuffing a clay pipe with gunpowder, breaking the stem off close to the bowl [25], placing [the bowl] in the mouth and lighting the gunpowder through the small hole in the pipe. That slaves, who lead an unhappy life, kill themselves in various ways, even by starving themselves to death, is not at all uncommon. To prevent this, attempted suicides are punished severely. Most often the European masters sell them out of the country. I have been told with certainty that a Mulatto had ordered such a slave to be hung up and disembowelled, as a warning and to frighten his other slaves. When someone has died there is often talk of poisoning, and no other cause of death is considered, other than that the fetish has killed that person. Perhaps this is simply to say that someone has died, since without the fetish [involvement] nothing, neither good nor evil, can occur. Often there is talk of someone’s death as if the fetish, moved by gifts from enemies of the deceased, has killed him. The Negroes believe that dreams are brought about by the dead, in order, in this way, to enjoy the company of the survivors. When, during illness, they dream of deceased friends, they imagine that it is the [deceased] who are waiting, as they say, to fetch them. In general, they suppose that the dead haunt them, and exercise great influence over those survivors with whom they had been in close contact; indeed, that they are capable of killing them. I shall give an example of this here. A European died, who, following the custom of the country, had 47 [Cabes, from Portuguese cabeça/ head, was the unit of value in the cowrie monetary system. ]

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been married to a beautiful, young Mulatto woman, [26] with whom he had not lived in the happiest of circumstances. Without doubt she, herself, was also somewhat to blame, because, after his death she saw and heard him every night in her bedroom. The family told me that they, too, could hear him. She lived a short time in unrelieved anxiety, screamed in the night, suddenly fell ill, and died, and nothing was then more certain than that he had killed her. Among the customs of the funeral it must be noted here that when the body is sunk into the grave, frequently an animal, for example a lamb, is slaughtered outside the house of the deceased. Its stomach is split open and it is left to lie there without being eaten by people. I have asked why this is done, and have received as an answer, ‘In this way the deceased is prevented from haunting.´ This is also, at times, sought to be prevented by, at the very end, throwing his habitual clothing into the grave. I have often seen that, when the coffin was set into the grave, a number of women came running with the daily clothing of the deceased, and his household articles, and thrown them all into the grave, all the while with the most frantic gestures and screams, as if to say, ‘Take your things and leave us in peace!´ It is certain that there is generally much fear mixed with the Negroes’ love for their departed. Just as the dead are believed to carry on their work at night, so does that time actually belong to the fetishes. They imagine these subhuman beings, and picture them, in company with their families, dressed in long clothing, wandering around at night. If you catch a glimpse [27] of one of them you must immediately look away if you do not want to bring about a misfortune. It is highly probable that behind these suppositions there lie deceit and invention on the part of the fetish priests, since they, on many occasions, certainly play the rôles of the fetishes themselves.48 Entire nations, some persons, rivers, seas, land, large stones and trees, and even, at times, termite hills or large anthills 48

On the whole, we, in respect of our happy circumstance as Christians, ought to judge fetishism with some leniency. Without it there would be less faith and law among the Negroes; without it there would be less security for property. With it comes some degree of protection, and at times, encouragement, as seen at the fetish feasts, to lead an upright life. The fetish is then presented, in speeches, as one who despises evil and punishes the criminal.

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have their own special fetishes. Indeed, one might say that probably everything, according to the Negroes’ conception, has a soul or is under one or another being’s direct influence. They have images in their houses, in and outside of the towns, which represent fetishes. These images are, most often, made of clay with human limbs [sic], of which the head is disproportionately large in comparison with the other parts. Such clay figures are often without any colour other than the natural colour of earth, but even more frequently, they are smeared with white or red colour or earth. Outside some of the houses you regularly see a pole, 1 to 2 alen high, raised and coloured in the same way, with white and [28] red earth, which is found in the country. Sometimes you see these posts inside the houses, where you also see small, painted human figures, and similar curios. As I see it, there can be no doubt that all these are in intimate connection with their cult there. But what concepts they actually attach to these things, and how they worship them, is not possible for me to ascertain with certainty. Perhaps they dare not reveal this. Perhaps they are ashamed to tell about it because the Europeans usually mock their fetishes. It is enough to know that when you ask them about their religious ceremonies and images, you are never given a perfectly satisfactory answer. They turn it into a joke, or laugh good-naturedly about it. They, themselves, are very tolerant, have great respect or esteem for our religious practices, and it is far from their wish to wage a religious war. They would much rather seek to acquire the stranger’s gods, and please them. In front of, on top of, or close to those abovementioned posts and images food is often laid out, on the supposition that the fetish living in them takes nourishment from the vapours. The figures that stand in, or, more often, outside the towns or settlements, are covered with a straw roof, approximately like those we put over our beehives, but larger, naturally. Outside the settlement Ussue, at Christiansborg, there is, on the western side, a fetish image of clay in the form of a human being, and [29] on the northern side there is a sacred anthill around which has been set a loose fence of sticks in a semi-circle large enough to hold 20 to 30 people. In the middle of the anthill is hung, at times, a piece of cloth [to serve as] panties or clothing for the fetish living in it. Within 49

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this circle the Negroes undoubtedly hold their services at night, since I have, in the early morning, often come across individuals kneeling and praying there – especially old people. The cloth is often given by such devotees. Otherwise the town’s fetish priest must provide the anthill with it. He also sees to the maintenance of the fence around it. About 1 mile up country, in a straight line with this one, there is a similar sacred anthill dedicated to the fetish on the occasion of a heavy, beneficial rainfall after a long-lasting drought. This one is entirely fenced in, and the entrance is between two posts with another post across the top, from which there hangs a bottle. A European must not step into the area within the fence. When one European who once was accompanying me did this, and, a short time later became ill and died, one of my Negroes brought to my attention that that had happened because he had angered that fetish. To ‘make fetish´, that is, to make a sacrifice to the fetishes, they use the darkness of the night. Such sacrifices are made to avert evil or to attract good, or simply out of devotion. The sacrifices - usually consisting of chickens, maize, eggs or other small things which are laid at public places - are usually brought [30] by the fetish priests. At such places one often sees a clumsy, oblong wooden figure, about one half alen long, surrounded by small sticks. Close by there has been laid crumbled maize. The wooden figure represents the fetish, and the maize is intended as his food. The reason for choosing public pathways is the belief that the fetishes regularly use these at night, and, thereby, they come upon the sacrifices placed there. Sometimes a clay crock, like a Jutland pot, is place there, close by the path. This, too, is set about with sticks, and in it can be found maize, carved wooden objects, red and white earth, etc. for the fetishes. Often there is, as well, close by the paths, a pole 3 to 4 alen high, on whose upper end hangs a fetish sacrifice of a white chicken. Other gifts, such as brandy, panties, cowries and more important things that are brought by the Negroes to the fetish priests as sacrifices for the idols, are kept by the priests themselves, to their advantage. At most, the fetishes are given only a small part of it. For example, [the priest] will sprinkle a little brandy on the image, place a couple of cowries in front of it, etc. 50

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There are so-called sacred paths which the fetish priests, of whom there are different ranks, have cleared or established. It is believed that the fetishes regularly walk along these [paths], and the uninitiated are prohibited from using them. This can easily happen by mistake, since the paths, which are the width of ordinary field paths, often lead to other public paths. If you come upon such a path, you are [31] warned by the Negroes to leave it, so that you will not insult the fetish to whom it is sacred. Sometimes, perhaps as a warning signal, you find a large pole set up on one of these paths. Close to, and on these paths you frequently find the aforementioned wooden figures, crocks or pots, and other sacrifices. Desecration of such things is considered by the Negroes to be the greatest insult they can suffer, and, once, when some Europeans, in an uncultivated manner, had misused a number of the Negroes’ sacred pots, and shortly thereafter an epidemic broke out, it was generally declared that it was the fetishes who were reaping revenge. There are many fetish priests in a town. One has a higher rank than the others and is treated by everyone with veneration, as befitting an especially holy being. He usually has his hut or residence on the edge of town. Beautiful, large trees have been planted around the hut, even near the coast, and it is surrounded by a fence of sticks or poles. He is believed to be in direct contact with the fetishes, who are said to visit him regularly. Since he is paid by the supplicants in proportion to what they request of the fetish, his income is very good. Once I had a lesser fetish priest in my service. He insisted, often, on staying outside the fort at night in order to, as it is called, ‘make fetish´. Since he lived only ½ mile from the fort, in a town called Labodei [Labadi], I accompanied him sometimes, and stayed overnight with him, in order to be able to go [32] hunting near the river early in the morning. I often heard him get up at night, mumbling long, incomprehensible prayers, during which he splashed some water; then he absented himself for several hours. Despite my requesting it several times, I was never allowed to accompany him at night to see how fetish sacrifice was actually performed. He answered me, ‘The fetish cannot tolerate that, Father!´ 51

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Every village has one or another animal that is particularly sacred. Thus, it is the jackal or, as it is called in Africa, the ‘bush dog´ that is sacred in the village Ussue at Christiansborg, and in Ningo, at Fredensborg. The fetish priest at the latter village has told me that this animal comes to him every night to be fed. In the village Adda, near Kongensteen, and in Qvitta [Keta], near Princensteen, it is the crocodile that is particularly sacred. Regardless of how sacred these animals are, yet the Europeans can obtain permission to shoot or kill them, against the payment of a certain fee for the cost of the funeral. The priests receive this fee and prepare the usual funeral custom for the sacred animal. In the village Labodei, which I just mentioned, the bird acamba is sacred. (This is undoubtedly the Egyptians’ ibis, since it answers quite closely to the description given of it by Herodot.) The dog is considered, in certain places, to be profane. They must absolutely never come into this village.49 [33] The most important priest here, a grey-haired old man of honourable appearance, enjoys great respect. If you want to visit him you must absolutely not have any gold or metal on your person, at least it must not be visible. I have experienced the same thing in the town of Agraphie [Agrafi], on the River Volta. There it was swarming with fetish priests.50 On some of these the sun must never shine, and they never go out, except at night. Some said that they had never left the town where they were living. I came upon a crowd of them sitting in a circle under a shelter, or roof, with water crocks containing sacred plants in front of them, by the use of which they alleged they could cure illness, avert misfortune, bring benefits and, in general, influence the spirit world.51 The crown bird, a delightful bird about the size of

49

That Negroes eat dogs, as Rask claims, I have, on the contrary, never experienced. [Cf. Rask (1754)//178//.]

50

The Negroes in the interior of the country are, on the whole, far keener devotees of fetishes than those at the shore and at the European settlements, where their character is also the worst.

51

A bushy plant which grows in water is frequently found in such fetish pots. Perhaps everyone does not know that they are in water pots, thus they are considered to be extraordinary because the plant does not wither in the extreme heat.

52

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a turkey, is also considered to be sacred.52 When a European who had eaten one of them died soon afterward the Negroes said it was a punishment because he had devoured a [34] sacred animal. Several birds are considered to be sacred, or bearers of misfortune. Thus, I once shot a grey bird the size of a sparrow hawk, with an unusually large beak, and one of my Negroes immediately informed me that I would, now, never be able to gather gold, i.e. become wealthy. The priests’ costumes are not very remarkable. Besides the ordinary panties they wear a thick garland of leaves (plantain or other leaves), smeared with blood or red colour, around their necks, and, on their heads a pointed cap, also of leaves or hide, for ex. the ear of an elephant. In one hand they hold a staff on the end of which is fastened a tuft of long hair from an elephant or cow tail, and in the other, a pole. When, shortly after my arrival in Guinea, I had what the Danes called ‘country illness´, or ‘coast fever´, and [what] the English call ‘the seasoning´, a fetish priest, wearing this handsome attire, came to see me, halfsurprising me, and mumbled a number of prayers over me. After he had been well served with his nectar – brandy – he retired with the usual closing blessing, ‘May Fortune be with you!´ Some fetish priests have long feathers in their caps. Still others, instead of the usual tuft of hair, have a beautiful collection of feathers on the staff they carry in their hands.53 [35] To ‘eat fetish´ or acca is the same as swearing an oath would be among us.54 This fetish-eating is prepared by the priests. They meet the person, or those persons, who are going to eat fetish at an appointed place, for example, the Fort - since the Europeans receive the oath of loyalty in this way, and seek, then, to arrive at the truth. The priests 52

It gives forth a sound very much like the blare of a trumpet, and is, therefore, called the `fetish’s hornblower´. [ For the crowned crane (Balearica pavonina) see Isert Letters (1992] 34 and n.c ; idem [2007) 50 n.c.]

53

One fetishman, or priest, in Agraphie, used to obtain gifts for himself by throwing his cap - which no Negro dares to touch - into the houses, and removing it only against the reception of a gift. A European once cured [them] of this superstition by desecrating the cap in an uncultivated manner, and thereupon, tramping on it. When it was seen that no accident befell him, the cap lost its respect.

54 [Ga àkà, trial or ordeal.]

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then encamp in a circle and have, between them, a large wooden bowl or a brass basin, covered with an animal hide. They are also provided with brandy and a stalk, or ear, of maize. In the basin there are two oblong pieces of wood, besmeared with blood, or with red or white earth. These undoubtedly represent the fetish and are not shown, except at the moment they are to be used.55 The one who is going to ‘eat fetish´ is asked, after he has placed himself outside the circle, if he takes comfort in this, and upon his answering ‘Yes´ one of the priests sets fire to the cornstalk, or the ear, holds it up, smoking, in front of the mouth of the petitioner, who thereupon walks quickly, three times, around the circle, under the priests’ wild hooting. This is repeated three [36] times. Exactly the same is done with brandy, except that the petitioner drinks a little of it. Then the fetish priest pours some of the brandy on the wooden sticks in the basin, takes one in each hand and, under some slowly pronounced words, touches the petitioner on both sides of the head with it and continues down along the body, touching all the joints. I have often seen Negroes who, during this acca-eating ceremony, have trembled throughout their entire bodies. The entire ceremony is obvious enough, signifying that if the petitioner swears falsely all his favourite food and drink will become him ill, and the fetish will crush his limbs, or kill him.56 This could be done, in cases of necessity, by the priests themselves - who have great and secret influence everywhere – or they can have it done. [As payment] for the oath-taking procedure the priests demand of the petitioner a small quantity of cowries, brandy, tobacco and cloth. This fetish-eating is performed when a cabuseer – the most prominent secular person in a village – on behalf of himself and his village, swears an oath of loyalty to the Danish king. On this occasion it must be noted that the Negroes in the African towns are not actually Danish subjects, but only allies. The Danish governor receives homage which, after the oath has been given, [37] comprises this: that the new cabuseer holds 55

That there, in the opinion of some authors, is supposed to be a large chunk of gold in them is not very likely.

56

Normally the oath is sacred to the Negro, yet he can, at times, buy his release by a more powerful fetish from an oath made by a minor fetish.

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a short speech, suitable to the occasion, for the assembled Europeans and Negroes, holding in his hand a sword (which, along with other presents, he has been given by the governor at his installation 57) that he swings, now and then, with great fervour. When the speech is finished he holds the sword handle towards the governor and the point against himself, all the while making declarations of his devotion to the king and of his zeal against all his enemies, against whom he will fight to the death. The Negroes, in general, love that symbolic manner of uttering their thoughts and feelings. When a young man, on such an occasion, was chosen to be cabuseer in preference to an older, much enfeebled man, after swearing the oath, he showed him great respect by throwing himself to the ground in front of him where he sat, taking hold of his legs and placing [the older man’s] feet on his own shoulders. It is everywhere a handsome trait of the Negroes’ character that they have the greatest respect for age, and show it all honour. The Negroes have twice shown me remarkable ways of testing one’s innocence. The acca-man brings a basin, or bowl, with water in it. Apparently there is nothing else in it. All of those [38] who are accused or suspected of one or another crime, must, after the acca man has stirred the water with his horse- or cow-tail, wash his face in it. The innocent experience no discomfort by doing this; but in the case of the guilty, their eyes swell with the greatest pain. When the latter have confessed their crime, the acca-man provides relief, as it appears, by blowing out of their eyes something or other, for example, cowries, porcupine needles. The whole thing looks like conjuring. This test, which destroys the eyesight of many, is used especially often to discover faithlessness of women. A European, once, when a robbery had been committed at one of the forts, was guileless enough to submit to the test along with a number of Negroes. After that time his eyesight was constantly weak, so the blame fell on him, although he was certainly innocent enough. That by this method there can be found, and truly is found, much injustice and deception is easy to believe. The other 57

The Negroes generally have old, curved and very broad swords that were not made by Europeans but are said to have been inherited from time immemorial. They are held in high esteem.

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method of discovering the truth is that the acca man has the accused drink of the stirred water. The innocent one experiences no pain, but the stomach of the guilty one swells up fearfully, and not until the acca man has made him vomit does he recover. 58 Many Negroes, especially priests, do expose stolen goods, and this, they say, [39] is incontestable. This can be explained by the latters’ very extensive connections, by which they undoubtedly prevent much evil. The Negroes in Accara celebrate three feasts annually: one on the occasion of the earth’s fertility, which comes in about the end of July. The dates are never fixed exactly. This is called the ‘yams custom´, and before it is celebrated they are not permitted to eat of the new yams or of the year’s harvest. It is believed that it would be dangerous, indeed fatal, before this [celebration]. Amid song, dance, gambling and carousing is held the sacrifice to the fetish of yams, maize, gobbegobber (a variety of red beans), etc., and as long as the festivities last yams are eaten, as well as other products cultivated in the earth at that time of year. 59 At all their feasts the Negroes come singing and dancing to the Fort, each carrying his piece of firewood as a gift to the Fort, where they are then given gifts by the governor, at royal expense. These consist, generally, of brandy, tobacco and cloth. Another, also a feast of thanksgiving, is celebrated for fishing. It falls in the month of August when, on a bank (which the English call ‘the Portuguese bank´) about 3 to 4 miles from land, they catch a large, very rich fish called ‘cinque-sous´.60 This is offered as a sacrifice to the fetish. Otherwise, the fetish is honoured in the same manner as the [40] aforementioned. This period is called ‘cinque-sous season´ and is often foggy and very unhealthy. Perhaps the consumption of so much 58

Not inappropriately, one could here compare this to the 4th Book of Moses, ch. 5 , verse 12, to the end. [This is Numbers describing the ordeal prescribed for a woman whose husband’s jealousy demands that she be tested; also with water mixed with dust from the ground, which will make her belly swell, etc. if she is guilty.]

59

Cannot this be readily compared with 5th Book of Moses, ch..12, verses 17-18? [Deuteronomy on prohibition against eating foods before sacrifice at a special place.]

60 [ Cinque-sous, to the best of my knowledge was a term used only by the Danes; also spelt sinkesu. The fish is the red sea bream called sikásika (golden gold), tsili, and a number of other names, depending on the particular variety, but never cinque-sous. See note t in Isert (1788/1992 )126; idem (2007) 168-69.]

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rich fish also contributes, in part, to the prevalence of illness, especially fever, which is predominant then. Once the Negroes have, as they say, made cinque-sous custom, they may eat the fish, but not before. Almost immediately after this feast follows the new year’s feast, called ‘The Black New Year´ to distinguish it from the so-called ‘White New Year´. It lasts for almost eight days, during which time the Negroes indulge in the most wanton enjoyment of life. In the town Labodei, whose fetish is held in the highest esteem, this feast is celebrated on one special day, with religious songs and dances.61 During this a fetish priest is carried around on the shoulders of others in the procession. He pretends to be not himself, but possessed by the god. The Negroes follow him, in droves, to the hut of the highest priest, where the dances and racket are carried to the extreme. In the beginning only the possessed fetish man dances, but after a time the fetish possesses others, too, men and women; and finally a very drunken mob tumble around, confused, frothing at the mouth, under the most singular gestures and contortions, in wild dances that are led by the rumble of the drums, the reports of the muskets, and the exalted shrieks and hooting of thousands. Many of the possessed become so exhausted that they are unable to stand on their feet, and are carried [41] away half dead. The Labodei fetish is called Jemmavong - called by the Negroes the Great Inconceivable - and at the celebration the priests speak at the hut, admonitorily, in his name, to those assembled. To be possessed, or, as it is called in the country, to be panyarred by the fetish, is something truly remarkable.62 A Negro or Negress might be walking, sitting or tending to their work quite properly, but suddenly he, or she, is out of control, talks to him- or herself, does strange things, and must be watched over by others. This condition sometimes lasts only a short time, sometimes longer, seldom longer than a night and a day. On such an occasion everyone gathers in the hut of the possessed and plays music for him or her, who, with screeching and disjointed uttering, shouts, dances violently, sometimes absolutely naked, for 61 62

[The Labade fetish] : A similar, highly respected fetish, is found not far from there, in the town Prampram. Panjare, from Portugese, to steal, seize violently.

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the encircling assembly. Although I have spent many hours in the evenings observing this, I have, as yet, not been able to discover the true intention of it. When such a possession lasts a long time there is certainly one or another kind of deception behind it. Perhaps he or she wants to give the impression of an intimate connection with the fetishes, by which one enjoys greater respect and more personal security. When, however, the possession is very fleeting, one might consider it, quite rightly, as temporary confusion. At least, I have seen many a respectable Negro, when in such [42] a condition, do things and perform acts that he would hardly have done had he been fully in control of his senses: for example, to throw himself from a high point down onto stones, where he injured himself fearfully, and where, in all probability, he should have broken his neck. Could not the burning climate here be able to exercise its influence by producing momentary madness? If a Negro who is a slave is frequently panyarred by the fetish, it usually costs him his life, since we have examples where the master has him, while in this ecstasy, whipped to death. A European, whom the Negroes called Ku, was, in my time, known for being able, they claimed, to chase the fetish out by flogging. When the sinner fainted because of this, or, it was said, simulated that, a bucket of water was thrown over the bleeding man and the treatment began again until he awoke. One owes no one an accounting of the murder of one’s slave. ‘Have I´, they would ask, ‘not the right to do with my own property as I wish?´ Thus one sees among the Negroes, on occasion, that a runaway slave is ransomed purely so that his master can have the pleasure of ‘taking´, that is cutting off, his head. It is only when a runaway slave ‘sits on the fetish´- a popular expression which means to put himself under the protection of the fetish - that his master cannot easily recover him. [The slave] then stays constantly close to the fetish hut and carries out the orders of the priest on behalf of the fetish, and other such things.[43] If, however, he is seen outside the district of the fetish whose protection he has sought, his master may kill him, if he can. The priests never hand over fetish slaves; they treat them very well, and many slaves find their salvation in this way. But it is not unheard of that 58

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the priests, having been bribed by Europeans, have remained passive while they, with armed might, have removed the runaway Negro from the fetish hut. [In the case of] Europeans this is not taken so seriously, since the fetishes are not considered to have so much power over them as over the Negroes. In order to secure themselves against the desertion of slaves, the Europeans who have had plantations inland sometimes make an agreement with the neighbouring princes that they would immediately decapitate the deserter, whether his intention was to sit on the fetish or not. If, however, that has already happened, [the slave] cannot be killed. If someone conceals a runaway slave for more than eight days, that person is held to be the thief. Within eight days he ought to report such fugitives. In the vicinity of the towns Adda and Quitta there are a number of women, both married and unmarried, who are dedicated to the socalled Abbe fetish, i.e. the country’s most important divinity. In the event that a man marries one of these women, he must acknowledge her authority, which otherwise among the Negroes, is, in the most narrow definition of the word, the opposite. When such a wife considers herself insulted by her husband or anyone else, or just on a whim, she simulates [44] madness, smears her entire body with white earth, clay or mud, wraps grass and reeds around her head and other parts of her body, and – at least when someone is watching –wanders or crawls on all fours from town to town. The Negroes speak of her as dead, and if you talk to her she nods her head dementedly, without answering. When she comes to a town she seeks to conceal herself in a dark nook in some hut, preferably in that of a fetish man. If she goes out into the street she is usually armed with a whip in each hand. The Negroes crowd around her while she hoots, sings and dances, with all manner of ridiculous gestures. Sometimes she also takes the liberty of striking the spectators, with her pole, in the head or wherever she can reach; however, she is very careful to avoid hitting Europeans. She usually continues this performance until the man, or the one with whom she is angry, placates her by making a sacrifice to the fetish. Such sacrifices usually consist of offering brandy, etc., of which she 59

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and her sisters take the greatest part, and the entire farce then ends with joyful dancing to the honour of the fetish. These women often assemble in different parts of the towns to, as they say, ‘dance fetish´, i.e. enjoy themselves by dancing to the honour of the fetish. They smear their entire bodies with red earth, but their faces with white, and dress in a frivolous manner so that not even those parts which modesty forbids one to mention are covered on all of them. With the most voluptuous gestures and movement they dance around [45] in a circle, one after the other, without holding hands.63 Their music is the whining song of the most prominent women, who stand in the middle of the circle. All these beauties are supposed to be very persuasive. While they are thus ‘dancing fetish´ they receive gifts from both the Negroes and the Europeans. They express their thanks to those from whom they have received gifts by dropping to their knees, bending their faces to the earth, and, while clapping their hands, they utter blessings to [their benefactors] from their fetish. At a feast in 1807, when several thousand of these women had gathered, an epidemic of illness is said to have broken out among them at Qvitta, due to lack of foodstuffs, and to have snatched away the majority of them. Such lacks occur easily among the Negroes when, on their journeys they seldom provide themselves with anything other than mamu, or ground, roasted maize meal, which, when mixed with water, produces a both pleasant, refreshing and nourishing drink. With this, the strongest among them, and those with the most stamina, can live a long time. But it is entirely possible that this also finally weakens the stomach, and gives rise to nervous illnesses which are so prevalent in this country.

63

During such sacred activities they permit themselves gestures and postures which otherwise are never seen among the Negroes in their daily life. In these cases they are possessed by the god and can, therefore, allow themselves anything.

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Chapter Two

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Love, marriage and domestic conditions among the Negroes [46] When a Negro wishes to enter into marriage with a Negress he never, or at least extremely rarely, approaches her directly. On the contrary, he goes to the parents or, in the event that they are dead, to the closest relative, or the head of the family. This cannot take place without gifts, negligible ones, of brandy, tobacco, etc. If these are accepted it is a sign that his choice is approved. Even when the girl is an infant one can, with the agreement of the family, become betrothed. Sometimes, too, the parents arrange a betrothal between the children in their childhood, indeed even determined before they are born, which must be honoured when they are grown. If the Negro has been promised a girl, a day for the union is decided, and on [47] that day the so-called casarre custom is made.64 This consists, usually, in his giving the family approximately the value of a female slave, in beautiful panties, brass basins, pipes, tobacco and brandy, gunpowder, et al.65 The girl is given her share of the first two articles. The family keep the rest or consume it in company with relatives, friends and neighbours. On the day of cassaring the girl is adorned in the best possible manner, with beautiful panties 64

Casarre is said to mean in Portuguese `to take up residence´. In general, the language of the Coast Negroes is full of distorted Portuguese words. This is easily explained by the discovery of Africa’s southern coast by the Portuguese, and by their once so lively trade there. [From Portuguese casa, house]

65

[The price of a female slave] normally amounts to 128 dlr. slaveprice, which is about 25 percent less than the Slesvig currency.

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(sometimes several, one over the other), precious and costly beads, gold rings and gold jewellery, etc. After her family have enjoyed the day, she is, in the evening, taken to her fiancé’s cassa, or house. Some of the most closely related women accompany her there. When they have entered, they are treated with spirits, and the bride‘s mother, or closest relative, first holds a short speech for her in which she informs her of the loyalty, obedience and love she owes her husband, as well as the fact that, from now on, she is subject to him alone. ‘He is now´, she says, ‘your father and [48] your mother.´ Thereupon she addresses her speech to the groom and asks that he be kind to his wife – a request that, at least according to our concepts, is rarely honoured in Africa. For a few more days, after the wedding, the bride goes around, adorned differently every day, making visits, and receiving, thus, the usual gifts. Sometimes both Negroes as well as Europeans casarre in a much more costly manner, but the customs followed are, in the main, the same. Sometimes, too, a much poorer custom, as it is called here, is made than the one described above. Each person’s situation has great influence on this. Nor on the casarring days is there any lack of the Negroes’ chief enjoyment – noisy music and dancing. From the moment a Negress is married she is her husband’s property, and he can, on grounds of adultery or other crimes, sell, kill, or mistreat her with impunity.66 However, this is not the case with the Mulatto women whom the Europeans casarre. These women, too, marry, as is the custom, in the Negro manner, but since they cannot easily be brought to account for their relationships, and, at least, cannot be harshly punished for their excesses, they indulge themselves greatly; and by no means do they, in that respect, bring honour by their conduct to that religion to which they confess. Excesses between [49] the unmarried is looked upon as permissible, although not an honourable affair, and as things now stand on the Guinea Coast, one makes one’s self rather more ridiculous by agitating against it, than does one accomplish anything. Moreover, the Mulatto men and women are much more proud of the European blood that flows in their veins than 66

With the exception of certain cases, when she is absolutely innocent of any crime for which she has been accused. Then her closest family sometimes takes care of her.

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are the Europeans themselves, and I know of no instance of a Mulatto woman lowering herself to marry a Negro. Mulatto men, however, often marry Negresses. If a girl is of wealthy family, and if she desires to enjoy the baser delights of marriage without being under the heavy yoke of a man but without in any way bringing shame upon herself, she casarres herself, as it is called, to the wall; that is, she goes through a proper casarring custom and from then on she makes love promiscuously, and raises her children as she pleases. This custom is found in Accara. I was once witness to an even more remarkable and dissolute custom at casarring among the coastal Fantes. The bride goes to the beach with a group of women. A number of young men go there, too, and drag the women already there, as well as women passing by, out into the water. They duck them under and, it is said, indulge in the greatest indecencies. This is especially true in the case of the bride. Only very wealthy Negroes, and some Europeans, have true seraglios, in spite of the fact [50] that polygyny is so common that a man is never satisfied with one wife, unless he is so poor that he cannot casarre several; and even in that event he often enters into a temporary relationship for a small payment. Rarely does a man have more than 20 or 30 wives. A Negro’s wife is usually his beast of burden, and while he usually sits at home, smoking his pipe of tobacco, playing and drinking with his friends, or, and on the whole, is little occupied with the house, fields, or hunting, she must go to the fields, often daily, three to four miles inland. She must purchase and carry home fruits such as yams, plantains, bananas, etc., fetch firewood, mind the children, prepare the meals, wait on her husband, and, even far into the night, she must grind maize on a stone.67 Early morning calls her to the same labours. It is astonishing to see the burdens under which she strains. Besides all manner of duties she has often, all day, one or two small children bound to her back or to her sides. They are bound with her panties and 67

The Negroes eat in the morning, at 10 o’clock and in the evening at 6 o’clock. Often they make no proper meal before the evening, when the women come home. In spite of the fact that the Negroes have no clocks they can quite accurately tell the time from the sun, or, rather, what part of the day it is. The regular course of the sun at the equator makes this, indeed, very easy by paying a little attention.

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embrace her with their legs. This is certainly the main cause of [51] the Negroes being bowlegged, since their legs must, from the very beginning, as children, grow crookedly.68 To be infertile is considered a disgrace for a Negress. Indeed, the more children, especially sons, the more honour is shown her. When the women are pregnant they make fetish often, that is, sacrifice to the fetishes, and go to the places which are sanctified to them, especially those after which they, or some of their family, are named. On the whole, the Negroes seem to attribute to the pregnant woman a certain sanctity. Thus, I have seen, in the village Ussue, once when the rainy season was long absent, that all the pregnant women in the town went in formal procession, and with song, to the nearest river to pray to the fetish for rain. When a woman is ready to give birth, female relatives and friends come to her, since they have no proper midwives. By pressing extremely hard on the stomach of the woman in labour, even, indeed, by tramping with their feet, they attempt to aid the birth. It is considered a disgrace to scream or groan during the contractions, and in order to [52] prevent this they even cover the mouth of the woman in labour. Not a few Negresses die in childbirth. If this happens before the birth is completed, they are denied burial and are thrown out into the bush, to be devoured by wild animals. They have not, according to the Negroes’ concepts, fulfilled their true purpose, to give birth to children, and do not deserve, therefore, the highest good, an honourable burial. It even brings disgrace upon the family that a female could not bring forth a baby, and, if one does not wish to insult them, one never mentions that fact in their presence. However, if a woman dies after the birth, she is buried in the usual manner. When a Negress has given birth to her child, the closest relatives gather together around her to wish her happiness and, as usual, this 68

I cannot grant that Isert is correct in saying that the woman does not support the man in Africa. There are exceptions, but as a rule, especially at the coast, it is so. The women have, at times, so little sense of kind treatment that I have heard some say, `We need beatings, and without that we would think that our man is indifferent to us.´ To what cannot mankind become accustomed to consider appropriate? [Cf. Isert (1788/1992) 136; idem (2007) 182.]

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consists of treating themselves to drink, etc. The child is laid in the middle of the floor, water is poured on it until it cries, and then the father, or one of the men present, picks it up in his arms and wishes all sorts of blessings over it. This custom is practised in Accara, at least, and is perhaps only an imitation of the Europeans’ christening.69 If a woman gives birth to twins - or several babies [in the same birth], which I have never seen - they are, to her honour, displayed for a short time outside her hut so that all the passers-by can see them. If a woman gives birth to children who die, one after the other, she promises the next child to a fetish [53] or, as it is said here, gives it to the fetish. It is then given the name of the fetish to which it has been dedicated, and when it is grown it is, for the most part, under the authority of its priest. The priest can, for example, order it to work for the fetish. The Negroes believe that the soul of the deceased child moves into the next child, who then is said to be, in fact, the same as its immediate predecessor. Otherwise, I have not been able to discover, as have some authors, that the Negroes believe in transmigration of souls. The mother gives the baby its name, and this is often determined according to the order in which it is born [into the family]. Thus, in Accara, the third son is always called ‘Tetté’, and the son who is born after a twin birth, ‘Tavia´. I have had a Negro servant who was named after a river in the vicinity of Christiansborg, or, rather after the fetish of that river, to whom he had been given. He was named ‘Cloté’. On the whole, the Negroes’ names are soft and melodious: as Coti, Notei, Asjong, Aeua, Ativi, Tetele, etc.70 The last three are women’s names. The Negroes’ children, directly after birth, can scarcely be distinguished from those of the Whites. Only a black stripe on the scrotum and the ears distinguish them. Other than that, they are white, or rather, like our [54] newborn babies, red. But within a short time they become darker, and, within two years they achieve the colour 69 [ This is clearly the `outdooring´ or naming ceremony of the Ga, kpojiemo. It takes place on the 8th day after birth. See Marion Kilson African Urban Kinsmen: The Ga of Central Accra, New York 1974, 49. It undoubtedly pre-dates exposure to European rituals.] 70

Biblical names are also found among the Negroes, such as: David, Adom, Abihu, Ammon,etc. (Cf. Rask’s Reisebeskr. pp. 173-75, where many more are listed; and Bishop Münter’s Remarks on the Negroes’ use of Hebraic names. Athene, I. p.198).

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they keep for the rest of their lives. Even blue eyes are found among the newborn Negro children. It is known that there are found many nuances of the black colour: ‘red Negroes´ is often heard in Africa. They are, at least, copper brown. Even totally white or deathly pale Negroes are found here. I have seen two of that sort in the town Lagos, near the river of the same name. There are also found some of that sort in the kingdom of Ashantee, north of Accara. The Negroes make much of these people, perhaps because the Europeans, out of politeness, are generous to them, and this profits the family. While the Negro children are small, the family, if they can afford it, hang on them, on their wrists, ankles, knees, arms and necks, strings of beads, gold and silver, as well as the outermost tuft of the tail of an animal that the Negroes call ‘duum´, and which lives mostly underground. All this, and especially the latter, are believed to have great power for preserving the child’s health and contributing to its growth. Sometimes they also stick parrot feathers and other ornaments in the child’s hair. The first years of youth [sic] are spent in childish games and uninhibited physical activity. When the boy is about 7 or 8 years old he is subjected to circumcision, here in Accara. A Negro trained in this, sometimes a fetish priest, travels around the towns at certain times of the year and performs this operation, for a fee. This is undoubtedly [55] a religious custom here, since it is not at all common, for example, among the neighbouring Fantees. Nor is it reasonable that it is performed for the sake of cleanliness, since the Negroes wash themselves one, two, indeed sometimes three times a day. However, when asked the reason for this, the answer given is either, ‘It is custom´, or ‘Mi nu!´, meaning ‘I don’t know´. When the Negroes or Negresses in Accara reach maturity, they must observe a [certain] custom, or ´make custom‘, without which they cannot be entitled to the rights of the adults, and, among other things, would be buried less honourably if they die before this is done. For instance, there is no shooting over them [during the funeral]. In the case of the young men this rite is called the casa, i.e. house custom (from the Portuguese casa, house); and for the young women [it is called] the panties custom. The former consists in this: that the young Negro treats his male friends of the same age, after which he is shut 66

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into a small clay hut, roofed with straw.71 After he has been in that for some time he is given permission to run to the beach, and, when has reached it, he is free of maltreatment by the others. But before he gets there he is often, if he is not well-liked, badly beaten by the others, by caning, fire, hot water, dirt [56] and the like, by which he is, during his flight, quite overwhelmed. He is never spared all of it. Being shut up in the hut signifies that from now on he is, himself, capable of managing a house. The injuries [he endures] he may now consider to be the last that can be inflicted on him with impunity. The panties custom: the young girls, some even before puberty, are most beautifully adorned with a cap made of a variety of reed, plaited and set with bright colours and gold, and nothing around the waist except a thin strip of cloth which covers them very imperfectly. They dance, mostly in circles, around the entire town, taking great pains to exhibit their charms to the full. On this occasion they receive, as did the boys during their custom, gifts and good wishes, and they enjoy themselves with relatives and friends. The entire affair seems purely to have the intention of making it generally known that they are now and here I may use an African expression – ready for use. The so-called Christian Mulatto men and women consider confirmation in about the same way as the Negroes do these customs. They marry or casarre before confirmation, without the Government making any objections, and, alas, one may strike out any possibility of chastity. The Chaplain who points out their duties to them, is the only one for whom, in this case, they have any respect. Although the Negroes have a propensity for voluptuousness, and in their dances - which are considered a kind of cult - much coquetry and indecent [57] movements are the rule, yet in their relationships regarding the opposite sex, otherwise, they display a certain decorum, which is so often missing even among cultivated Europeans. This is partly based on a kind of pride, since the Negro considers it beneath his dignity to concern himself much with women, whose main purpose, 71

Treating consists in carousing and making merry, since the African does not indulge in real feasting. Granted, he eats not exactly little, but his dishes are few and very unimaginative, such as bread, dried fish, and oil soup, and the like.

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for him, is to please him, to serve him and bear children. Thus, she does not eat with him, and he shows her little or no respect in public. Even with European women it is difficult for him to show respect. The Negroes are deserving of the testimony that they are not addicted to unnatural vices (for which those Europeans trading in Africa, especially the Portuguese, would provide many examples), and look upon them with the most livid disgust. Furthermore, each young Negro has his mistress, with whom he lives in the most intimate manner, although he seldom marries her. Young, and unmarried, women shave themselves on all parts of their bodies where hair grows. They do not continue this after they are married. Although Negresses do not directly tempt the Negroes, it does occur, however, in an indirect but unmistakable manner. When they are in love with a man, they send him a dish of tasty food and pytto or palm wine.72 He takes the offered hint and acts on it, if he is so inclined. Just as the Negroes in Accara are circumcised, so are a number of the Negresses in Ningo, near Fort Fredensborg, subjected to an incision, which does not bear closer description. They do this in the belief [58] that it increases feelings of desire.73 It is common that the Negro is represented as ugly, with thick lips, flat face and, especially, a flat nose, deeply-set eyes, etc. Though this undeniably borders on the normal, and to a degree is considered beautiful by the Negroes, yet there are numerous exceptions to this, and the stubborn must admit that there is much which can make a Negress highly attractive. Could not the greatest cleanliness, flourishing health, a decent appearance coupled with a subdued desire to please, the loveliest physical form which, not uncommonly, is associated with a beautiful oval face, a lively eye, lovely teeth, the finest skin which, also, just as the white, can, by changing colour in the face, respond to an expression of passion – could not all this make up

72 [Pytto or pito is a beer made of maize. See Isert (1788/1992) 127; idem (2007) 170.] 73

It is without grounds that Isert denies this fact, which sensual Europeans would be able to confirm. [See Isert (1788/1992) 131 n.dd / (2007) 175 n.dd.]

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a beauty?74 On the whole, the free Negro, because of his friendly and, on certain occasions, often noble bearing, holds a certain attraction for the student of mankind. That relationship in which he has, hitherto, stood in connection with the European has not ennobled, but, much more, corrupted him. If one looks at the misfortunes that trade [59] connections between [different] parts of the world have caused, one might raise the question of whether the friend of mankind might wish it had never taken place. He can only console himself with the fact that this relationship, hereafter, will, perhaps, work in a beneficial manner. Forbidden relationships for marriage are of no concern to the Negro, and, apart from the fact that siblings do not marry each other, no strict attention is paid to family relationships otherwise. The husband can commit adultery with impunity, the wife, however, cannot She is punished for that by whipping, being sold, being cast out, even, indeed - when, for example, her husband is respected, powerful or wealthy - by death. In this respect, I have seen a [case where a] man had his unfaithful wife hung up by the arms and whipped to death by his other wives; and another who had his wife, who had transgressed in the same way, drowned. The fine a man pays for too intimate intercourse with another man’s wife, is different in different places. In Accara it is often the value of one slave’s price; in Crepe on the Rio Volta, the price of seven slaves; and in Fantee, above the River Sacuma, a man, just as for any other encroachment on his property, can demand a huge compensation for damage. The Fantee asks, ‘Who can set a price on what I own?´ 75 If a Negro in Accara cannot pay [60] his ´whore palaver‘, as it is called, he is often sold himself. In the other 74

As an effect of modesty or shame, for example, the face colour of the Negress becomes darker.

75

The Fantees appear to be an expecially corrupt Negro race. They have been in contact with the Europeans for a very long time, and if it is true that the Ashantees have now wiped them out, the world has not lost by it. A moralist – Doctor Bastholm, I believe - has asked if it is not permissible to wipe out corrupt nations. At any rate, it is best if they do it themselves. In this respect there is the abolition of the slave trade – always a disgrace for cultivated Europeans – that will be beneficial. That the Negroes, as Rømer says, have already, in great measure, exterminated one another is something that I have not observed anywhere. Africa is still swarming with people, more so than any other part of the world. [See Rømer (1760/2000) 118.)

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two countries mentioned - sometimes the guilty one frees himself by flight - there are also sold members of the family or of the same nation. Not rarely, a Negro is so decent that he strikes a compromise with his ´amorous debtor‘, and is satisfied with less than that to which he is strictly entitled. Sometimes, in villages that lie close to each other, they enter into reciprocal contracts of what fines will be demanded in such cases. Thus, the Negroes of Ningo and those of Actim (both places are close to Fort Fredensborg) pay fines of no more than 4 rdlr. for such crimes. In the year 1808, in Accara, it was, in like manner, decided to pay 4 rigsdaler for intimacies with another man’s wife. Formerly it was established at 12 dalers.76 Thus does culture advance! Formerly, in such a case a governor paid the value of a male slave, a commander the value of a female slave and [61] any other European the value of 12 dalers. Such decisions are taken in the political meetings of the elders, or, as the meetings are called, asapharings, and they are made public by striking on a basin.77 That is, a Negro walks around in the town, mostly towards evening when everyone has, by that time, come home from the fields. He strikes a basin, or some other resonant piece of metal, with a pole or a stick, and calls out what is to be brought to public knowledge. In this way casarrings are made public, lost articles announced, etc. Sometimes a Negro initiates a pleasing speculation: that his wife travels to an area where she is not known and acquires a number of lovers. After a time the husband arrives there, demands an accounting from her, discovers the guilty ones, and demands his fines from them. Thus, not rarely, from having been a poor man he suddenly becomes a man of means, and if he was formerly neglected and unnoticed, he now has a multitude of Negroes around him, who are very attentive, as long as he can, and is willing to, treat them. Thus, everywhere, one has friends during days of good fortune. This situation seldom lasts long for the man, since it is especially true here: easy come, easy go. The wife usually comes out well, unless the man is tired of her, since he then has good reason for letting her go the usual way, namely, as a slave [sent out of ] the country. [62] The guilty Negro often goes the same 76 [The daler/rigsdaler was divided into 6 marks of 16 shillings each. ] 77

To hold asapha [asafo] means to hold council.

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way, since it is not in all places that the offended party is duty-bound to receive payment. It is only when the offender is a prominent man, that is, wealthy and free, that this can be omitted. A European is rarely satisfied with less than the sale of the offender. If a man’s wife has been very profligate (there are examples of those who have been accused of having had some hundred admirers) the man does not collect the usual fines, but must be satisfied with less, or, at times, with none at all. The latter is the case in Accara, and its surroundings, when a wife has been involved with more than seven men. Although the Coast Negroes do not normally pay attention to a woman’s relationships before casarring, there are certain places, for example Aqvapim [Akuapem], where they set great store by a girl’s unblemished way of life. After the wedding night the man, there, must slaughter a chicken in a public place in town: a white one if the wife was chaste - if not, a black one. But if a black one is slaughtered and the man, as is often the case, does not want to cast her away – which he has the right to do – no one may ever speak of it in her hearing. The Negress’s love for her children is usually very tender, and she has them always around her, and nurses them until they are 3 to 4 years old. 78 That Negresses throw [63] their breasts over their shoulders to nurse the babies, who are sitting on the backs, is something I have never seen. The reason for that myth is, without a doubt, the long and hanging breasts of the Negress who has been a mother often, and this is undoubtedly, at least partly, a consequence of the breasts never being bound up, as is done with our women; since among the young Negresses they are not larger than among our young women. In the town of Agraphi, at Kongensteen, I have, in fact, seen a woman whose breasts hung almost to her knees, but this was probably a result of illness. The most common manner of breast-feeding the baby tied to [the mother’s] back is to pull the baby under the arm, whereby it can, itself, take the breast. Castration is not practised among the Negroes who live on the 78

Therefore, the Negroes have a very strong and tender love for their mothers. A testimonial by [in the name of] their mother is very sacred for them. At times they also swear by their beloved deceased [mothers].

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coasts of Africa. There exist, however, in the kingdom of Ashantee – which carries on a great deal of trade with the Danish forts – both total and partial eunuchs. Those who have indulged in forbidden intimacy with the king’s wives - or those of other prominent men – are sometimes punished by total castration. Otherwise, for this crime the usual punishment is said to be live burial. The partial eunuchs are employed as servants. It is also said, in the case of intimacy with the king’s [64] wives, that they are punished much more severely than the paramour, since it is assumed that the latter would not dare to act unsolicited. Among the remarkable customs in Ashantee – as well as in the Augna kingdom - is this, that it is not the king’s eldest son, but his sister’s son who succeeds him. The Negroes believe that by this succession it is more certain that the government continues in the family, than it would by the usual method.

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The constitution of states, form of government, justice and political regulation [65] All along the coast, as far as I know, there are no true kingdoms, since the kingdom of Augna, in the vicinity of Fort Princensten [sic], and Dahomey and Vida [Whydah/Ouidah] near the English William’s Fort [Fort William], all lay farther inland, although the king of the latter kingdom is sovereign down to the coast.79 The Negro kings often rule with unlimited power and, not infrequently, in a despotic and tyrannical manner. At all gatherings their [66] executioners, with shining axes or swords, are at their sides, and, at the whim of the king they deprive his subjects of their lives, or, as they say, remove their heads. Here even nature’s generous gift, beauty, invites death. Thus, at times, the king of Ashantee might say, in a gathering, ‘Such or such a man is too handsome to breathe in my presence,´ and - his head falls. 79

Re Vida: I do not know why some travellers call it Fida. As regards lesser states, there are, from Fort Christiansborg in Accara, to the west, Fantee; to the north Aqvapim. From its highest mountain, in the northwest, Aqvamboo[Akwamu]; in the northeast, Akim [Akyem]. North of these two is Ashantee. From Fort Fredensborg – which lies in Adampe [Adangbe]– one can see northward to Krobbo, to the east is Adda. North of Fort Kongensteen lies Crepée [Ewe], and Augna [Anlo] furthest east. North of Fort Princensteen is Augna, toward the east Popo. I do not think one should, as did Isert, give a precise report of the size and strength of such states as long as they have not been specifically investigated by travellers. They can not muster more than some 1,000 men, and they are scarcely average more than 20 [?square] miles. I do not think Rømer’s political tales are worth including here. [ The reference to Rømer (1760/2000) may be to his Chapter 4 pp. 110-187, where he goes into the history of many of the nations of the Gold Coast. ]

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If the king becomes angry at one of his vassals, or prominent men, he sends a messenger for his head, and [the victim] is not so unreasonable that he offers resistance. There are examples of him offering to bring it himself, and, in a good-natured way, rescue it. In this way a powerful man, when appearing before the king, is said to have so pleased him by his fine dancing and humour that he regained the lost favour. The most eminent Ashantees are distinguished by a long, thick beard on their chins, and I heard one, when he was asked why they let their beards grow, answered – although probably as a joke - ‘So that my head, in the event it be cut off, may be presented to the king with decency.´ [67] In contrast to the above, in the settlements where the form of government approaches the patriarchal, far more mildness holds sway. This applies to the towns that lie near the coast and the European establishments, which can be seen as informed kingdoms. The Negro towns at the Danish forts are: Ussue at Fort Christiansborg; Thessing [Teshi], at the redoubt, or the uncompleted Fort Augustaborg; Ningo at Fort Fredensborg; Adda at Kongensteen; and Qvitta at Princensteen. Between Ussue and Thessing lies the town Labodei, especially worthy of note because of the great influence credited to its fetish and it servants. Between Thessing and Ningo are the towns Themma and Punie – near the latter of the two flows a river on which sailing is forbidden by superstition. Close to Adda are Agraphie and Malphie.[Mlefe] All of these towns, with the possible exception of Qvitta, could reasonably be called allies of the Danes. However, their inhabitants can hardly be called subject since they have their own jurisdiction, and do not recognize any dependency on the Europeans, be it in spiritual, civil or military matters. Only as far as the Danish forts’ cannons can reach can we, in the strictest sense, be said to be masters. In the event of serious conflict between the fort and the town that lies within shooting distance, the inhabitants simply withdraw farther inland, and remain there inviolate. The Negroes of the above-mentioned towns are in league with the Danes, and have a right to protection [68] if they are attacked by Negroes from the interior or by neighbours, and are [in return] required, in the event that the forts are attacked by such [people], 74

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to bear arms in their defence. Furthermore, the Danes can easily, in return for payment, prevail upon dukes of more distant places, such as the duke of Aqvapim and the king of Ashantee – both of whom are in a friendly trading alliance with us – to provide several thousand men for our defence in times of war. But these princes, in contrast to the settlements in the vicinity of the forts, are not given the socalled custom – that is a form of tribute, or tax, at certain times, in return for their attachment to us. Each town that lies in the immediate vicinity of the fort receives, on Sundays, its weekly custom, which comprises tobacco, pipes and brandy. The gifts – also at the [Danish] king’s expense - which are given to the neighbouring Negroes at the so-called Black New Year, and at the Yam and Cinque-sous feasts, as well as similar times of festivity, can hardly be considered other than as tribute. The Negroes make a claim for these tributes, but show themselves, nevertheless, very acknowledging and grateful for them, which is a natural trait in their character. Every town has its cabuseer, who is always of an ancient and free family, the most eminent secular man there, and a person of authority. To him there are always assigned a fairly large but indefinite number of grandees, or the eldest in the town. (Their number seldom exceeds one hundred, and is usually [69] less than that. One can readily see that both terms: cabuseer and grandee are of Portuguese origin.) All of these, in company with the most prominent fetish men, or priests (every town has its chief priest) make up the ruling council. Asapho means the young men or the middle-aged men. These, too, have a voice in all important cases, and when the elders are unable to maintain their respect and influence by wisdom, there are examples of the younger men’s arrogance and predominance. This was the situation, at times, in both Ussue and Adda. At times, too, the cabuseer is such a clever person that he directs everything in the town, and all the rest of the government are seen only as a shadow. Thus, in my time, the cabuseer Ussu in Qvitta, at Princensteen, was virtually an absolute ruler. Not only was he able to keep the Negroes in awe of him, but even towards the Danish commandant at Princensteen did he often put aside his respect, [and], for example, lie down on the sofa and demand gifts of 75

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him. [The commandant] dared not refuse, since he knew how easy it would be for the cabuseer to rouse the neighbouring Negroes’ enmity toward him.80 [70] The settlement Qvitta is one of the smallest under the Danish forts, and stands, in a certain respect, in a contentious relationship to us. The reason for this is that several years ago (in about 1790) it was destroyed and its inhabitants driven out by the Danes. The occasion was the murder of the then-Commandant Thessen by a number of Qvitta Negroes, resulting in this destruction and expulsion. The situation, as told to me by contemporaries in Guinea, is this: Commandant Bjørn - who later became Governor of the Establishments – had, during a disturbance in Qvitta town, rushed out, armed, among the Negroes, pursued one of them into his hut, and there had run him through with his sword. At the time this happened, Thessen – who later succeeded Bjørn as commandant of Princensteen – was the assistant there. The family of the murdered man thirsted for revenge, which, if not satisfied, is still seen as an extreme disgrace. Bjørn became governor shortly after this, and since he had travelled by sea to the main Fort Christiansborg they could not take revenge on him for the murder. But it is absolutely in accordance with the Negroes’ concept of justice that the guilty person’s family, relatives or countrymen can, and should, suffer for the crime he had committed. Thessen was summoned to the main fort some time after this, and in spite of having been warned against a journey by land, he set out, with some other Europeans, on the journey, in a hammock. Only a few miles from the fort he was attacked by some Qvitta Negroes, and killed from behind by bayonets [71] which were fastened to long poles. Finally, they even shot him. The murderers fled inland, and the Negro who first laid hands on Thessen is still alive.81 Meanwhile Commandant Richter, from Fredensborg, was sent to 80

This cabuseer died in the year 1807, and was buried at a place known only to his closest family, for fear that, as a man in debt, he would be dug up by his creditors and mishandled. His name was Qvau, and Isert speaks unfavourably of him.[See Isert (1788/1992) 76;idem (2007) 104-05 for a description of the hatred felt for him by the people in Keta (Qvitta).]

81

Thessen’s long pigtail is in keeping in the family, as a sign of their revenge. His hammock was once brought to Princensteen for sale.

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Princensteen to inflict punishment for the murder by unconditionally burning down the town of Qvitta. Yet this man, with the moderation and consideration by which he is so deservedly distinguished, is said to have secretly given the inhabitants a hint of when the town was to be set on fire. Therefore, when this was done by shooting fiery balls from the fort, all the people had fled and not a single person lost his life thereby. It is clear that, as well as [acting] with concern for his own safety, he acted very politically correctly. Several people were later seized and sold out of the country to revenge this misdeed, and, to express myself as do the Negroes, this palaver, or process, is not dead but still sleeping. After the passage of so many years a number of Negroes have gradually moved to the place where the old Qvitta lay, and the new one was growing in my time. The Negroes love the spot where they first saw daylight, and where their ancestors’ dust is mouldering. Yet they are treated here – as is natural – with greater mistrust by the Danes than under any other fort. They also appear to me to be, here, of a very [72] restless, quarrelsome nature; just as the Negroes in this part of the country are remarkable, as well, by a very impressive body growth, and they could well be called Africa’s Patagonians. Each town is divided into certain quarters, 2,3 or 4, according to its size, and each quarter has its military chief who, in Accara, is called Lieutenant. This military position is considered the highest among the Negroes, and they can absolutely not get it into their heads that, for example, a captain could be somewhat higher, and when a European lieutenant advances to the rank of captain, they see this as a demotion. The reason for this may lie in the fact that they have no particular regard for the ‘slave captains´, or those in charge of the slave ships, who are also called simply ‘captain´. 82 These quarters, in one and the same town, sometimes come into bloody conflict with one another. Such a conflict, in 1807, occasioned the murder of the Dutch Governor Hagebaum.83 Two quarters of that 82

A person of high military rank is, otherwise, called brafoe in their language, which also means hero, or courageous man.

83 This Hagebaum was actually a usurper, since, after the death of the true Governor, he elevated himself to that high rank with the aid of the military, [a rank] which usually goes to the oldest commandant. Hagebaum had been secretary, or chief trade assistant.

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town - which lies under the Dutch main Fort St. George della Mina – drew out into the fields and fought, [73] causing a number of them, on both sides, to fall. When they returned the Governor ordered them to be fired on from the fort, into the town, because they had not received his permission to go into battle, or, at the very least, to have informed him of it. A number of the Negroes who were neutral had been killed, among them a woman and her child. No wonder, then, that they had sworn a bloody revenge on him. One evening, when he and some other Europeans were outside the fort, at a lovely place for recreation not far from there, he was overwhelmed by more than a thousand people and murdered by blows and stabbing, despite his making the greatest offers of gifts in order to save his life. The chief of the Dutch military, who had assisted in the firing, also received many wounds, from which, however, he recovered. The other Europeans, among them Chaplain von Dieppen, were unharmed. Without a doubt the Negroes expect a gruesome revenge on the part of the Dutch. To effect this the Dutch, at least, wrote to Europe [for permission]. The European governors and commandants, at times, usurp rights over the free Negroes, based purely on [superior] strength. The Negroes are forced, from time to time, to work for them, for example, at unloading ships, which can be done only by canoes or boats because of the strong surf. Their fishing canoes, by which they live, are taken from them by military might, brought into the fort, and kept there until they show obedience. This was done at Christiansborg during my time there. By such violence the Europeans make themselves thoroughly hated. By [74] giving a negligible gift they could just as easily achieve their goal and be loved as well. The man who had had the Negro canoes brought into the fort was so hated that, when he left the country, fetish sacrifices were made on the beach so that he would drown in the waves. Out of fear, as well, the assembled Negroes were forbidden to fire a salute before he was well out of range. It is not like this when a beloved governor or commandant leaves the country! It is striking that the Negroes have the same name for a governor, a commandant and a tiger. They are all called ‘lumo´.84 84 [Lumo simply means leader, king, governor.]

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In addition to the lieutenants or the military chiefs for the town’s quarters there is, in each town, a so-called Great Lieutenant, or the supreme war chief (brafoe), who leads all the troops when, assembled, they march into battle. In Ussue there is also a broker who has high standing among the Negroes, but since he is actually the trading agent for the Europeans, he cannot, in the strictest sense, be counted as one of their persons of authority. In those cases when a crime is demonstrably clear, no palaver or court is held. My thief, for example, is my slave if he has been caught in the act, or if others have witnessed the deed. If he flees I panyar, that is, capture people on his cabes, or account. In other words, I make good my loss by taking and selling one or several innocent Negroes, in accordance with each region’s custom and law. The same applies to other crimes, [75] such as adultery, etc. Only in those cases where the matter is in doubt do the town’s cabuseers, fetish men, grandees and sometimes asaphos assemble to, as they say, ´hear and speak palaver‘. If the matter concerns the fort or Europeans they participate and take a seat in the palaver, and I have often been appointed to attend such a meeting. When the case is of great importance the town’s elders are often summoned so that more opinions can be heard, and decisions are given that much greater weight. By beating the cymbal in the town, and by messengers sent around the country, the invitation is given for day and time determined. The assembly is held in a large open place – of which there are several in each town – or in the courtyard or outwork of the fort. [The participants] form a large ring, or circle, so that each quarter, or, for more important cases, each settlement, sits in a separate group. The free, judging Negroes sit on their low chairs, which look much like a stool and provide a very comfortable seat; their slaves or servants, however, sit on the ground. When Europeans participate they sit on chairs with a table in front of them, yet often in such a way that they are part of the circle. Very prominent, or rich, Negroes are usually accompanied by a military troop and musicians. The latter lead them, playing, to and from the palaver place, indeed they often play music in the intervals when the case is in recess, or, as is always the case, when they refresh themselves with drink. When a [76] Negro rises from 79

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his seat he, or his slave, always turns the stool on its side, and when a round leather cushion is on it, as is the case from time to time, that, too, is turned. This is done out of fear that, as they say, their deceased forefathers might sit on it, which they believe could injure them, and especially that it might bring upon them an early death. Every quarter, or settlement, has its own speaker who, in Accara, is called the secretary. One of these speakers first stands up, holding, at times, a costly staff, horizontally, with both hands, and with deep bows, greets first the Europeans and then each town or quarter separately. He then begins his speech with an introduction of which the drift often is that he has nothing to say, meaning very little. Yet most often he speaks at great length. He explains the entire background of the case and gives his opinion. Then another speaker stands up, presents the matter in another light, and states his objections to the first one. On the whole, everyone concerned with the case is free to speak. Nor are the accused denied this right. In this way, the case continues for several days, indeed weeks or months. Time is never precious for the Negro. The Negro speaks a great deal in similes and metaphors. ‘He has broken the stick´ means that he has violated a commonly accepted resolution. Perhaps this expression derives from the fact that a stick or a small pole is often set as a landmark. The conflict whose resolution is in doubt is sometimes compared to a pregnant woman [77] [the gender of] whose unborn child is unknown; sometimes to the sea which one beholds, ignorant of what ship it will bring or from what nation. Truly, one cannot without admiration, see and hear an African speak. How lively are his gestures! How full of expression his face! How clearly and fluently does he not speak, even for hours on end, without any other preparation than his prior consideration of the case! And this talent is far from being rare, it is, rather, quite common. Granted the Negro does at times resort to exaggeration and repetition of things that have been said, but he certainly forgets nothing. His recollection, even of the most insignificant matters, is admirable. It is inconceivable to me that reasonable Europeans who have lived in Africa can seriously insist that the Negroes are stupid by nature. It is absolutely clear to me that both in intellectual ability as well as external bearing, they excel 80

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by far the uneducated northerner. Consequently from the aspect of ability to comprehend, there is not the least to be said against their civilization.85 At palavers a Negro interpreter, or as he is called, the fort’s Big Boy, speaks on behalf of the Europeans. The Europeans tell him briefly what he is to present, and without further preparation he makes an entire speech to the assembly. He also translates the most important [78] aspects into Danish for the sake of the Europeans who are not quite at home with the Negroes’ language. Big Boy Krie, at Fort Kongensteen, was, in my time, one of the greatest Negro speakers, and equally one of the most handsome men I have ever seen. During the palaver the elders often leave the assembly to asaphare, or hold secret council. Sometimes the assembly becomes furiously bitter and they shout and scream at each other, but they usually begin a normal session again the next day. One must not imagine that the Negroes sit all day in palaver without some refreshment.86 It does not begin until late in the day, 10 o’clock or 11, and lasts until close to evening, 5 or 6 o’clock. The person or persons who have won the case are, as they say, ‘given white earth´. ‘I have been given white earth´ means ‘I have won my case.´ 87 One of the most prominent Negroes strokes the winner [79] with this earth, first on his arms and then over his entire body. It is indeed remarkable that also among the Negroes the colour white is that of innocence. When Europeans win the white earth is simply brought to them, or, at the very most, some of it is brushed on their hand. The Negro, or Negroes, who have won, having been brushed over with white earth, and accompanied by song, music and dance, walk 85

The Negroes often bring their half-grown children with them to the palavers, so they can listen and learn.

86

That the Negroes, as I think I have read somewhere, chew a certain root in order to ward off hunger and thirst on such occasions is unknown to me. But the stick that they constantly keep in their mouths and chew on it is for the purpose of keeping their teeth clean. However, it would not be difficult for people who are in no way given to gluttony to fast an entire day. From time to time, on such occasions, they are treated to brandy and pytho, a kind of maize beer.

87

To be sprinkled over with white earth, or, indeed, ordinary earth or sand, is supposed to symbolize a blessing. `Your seed shall be as sand in the sea.´ A large progeny brings honour and joy.

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around the town in procession. Indeed, sometimes they are even borne around, lifted high on the shoulders of friends and relatives. The procession, which in itself resembles a dance, sometimes goes through several towns, particularly when the road from the palaver place to their home goes through them. In order to give an idea of how justice is administered in Africa I shall relate the facts of a couple of palavers that I myself have witnessed. 1. A post bearer goes from one Danish fort to another. The towns through which the post has to pass had ‘eaten fetish´, i.e. had sworn an oath, that he could travel unobstructed, and that anyone who placed any obstacles in his way, or actually seized him, would have to pay the equivalent of a male slave. The bearer, with his sack or box, is detained at the town of Agraphie, not far from Fort Kongensteen, by a Negro trader from a town that is not on the postal route, and [the bearer] was sold out of the country. The post bag is destroyed and the Agraphie Negroes are held to be guilty of the detention. The commandant of the fort panyars, or takes as prisoner, from a plantation, an Agraphie Negro who is [80] the son of a cabuseer, and puts him in the so-called ´slave-box‘ [?dungeon], to be sold. The cabuseer falls ill and demands to speak to his son. Permission is not granted. The father dies shortly thereafter, and the son, when he learns of this, hangs himself in the prison. The family of the deceased demand compensation from the commandant, claiming that he has killed [both of ] them. A palaver was called, and several thousand Negroes came from the neighbouring towns: Adda, Malphi, Agraphie, Tøfri, etc. A commandant from Fort Fredensborg, whom I accompanied, was sent there, as well as a number of respected Negroes from Accara. The Negroes at Adda were extremely bitter and threatened to kill the Europeans. Therefore we travelled in the middle of the day, during the greatest heat, and with an armed escort. Fort Kongensteen was, on our arrival, put in as good a defensive condition as circumstances permitted. The cannons were kept loaded, and, often threatened with attack, we were always provided with weapons and prepared to sell our lives as dearly as possible. The case was handled off and on for about six weeks, and the assembly was held in the forecourt of the fort where it was 82

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partly shaded by trees. The Negroes asserted that they had not violated the commitments they had agreed to, and demanded blood for blood. The Europeans maintained that the post had been stopped at a town where they also had ‘eaten fetish´ and that they should have prevented the detention. Therefore, [the Europeans] insisted that they should be acquitted. The entire case centred on this continuously, giving an opportunity for numerous speeches. The wealthiest, [81] thus most respected, Negroes most frequently lead the palaver on behalf of the Negroes, and if they are first won over by gifts, the case usually has the desired outcome. This is what the Negroes call ‘to turn the palaver´. The case dragged on and certainly cost the government a great deal. Some highly respected Negroes from Malphi declared in favour of the commandant of the fort. The family of the deceased, whom the Europeans had also approached privately, proved to be conciliatory, and the case ended with the commandant begin given white earth. 2. Two Negroes – Coti and Tettecume - who evidently had close connections to the main fort, or at any rate, to the governor, were accused of having poisoned a free and respected Negro who had died suddenly after having drunk a glass of brandy with them. It resulted in a palaver, and there it was decided that they should be either acquitted or convicted by acca, or ‘eating fetish´. They submitted to that decision and travelled down-country to an acca man, accompanied by the accusers, who were the male relatives of the deceased. 88 [Under the auspices of] the acca man, where they drank the sacred water described above, and became extremely swollen, they were declared guilty. Then they were taken back to the fort for execution, but the [82] governor opposed this, had them arrested at the fort, and summoned the family and the Ussue Negroes to a palaver whose purpose was to urge them to let the convicted ones remain alive.89 Along with several other 88

The acca man could reasonably be called a soothsayer. The Negroes use him, as described earlier, to discover the truth in cases that are in doubt.

89 The family was really extremely bloodthirsty. On such an occasion they let their hair grow until revenge has been taken, they go around dressed in dirty clothes, with a mournful countenance, and the women, especially, act, at times, as if they were possessed by the spirit of the murdered person. With knives in their hands, and with singular gestures, they demand the blood of the murderer.

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Euorpeans I was present at this palaver. By persuasion and gifts they succeeded in getting the family to agree that the accused be sold out of the country, which, by the Negroes, is considered to be a kind of death.90 The governor was criticized by them for having taken the side of the poisoners, even accused of being their accomplice. The case against the accused was unclear, but it was impossible to uncover the complete truth. The accused were sent to the Danish West Indian islands, and the sale [of the two] probably diminished the certainly great expenditures necessary from the royal treasury for the palaver. [83] 3. A Danish merchant had a plantation near Ussue which he worked daily, even on the so-called fetish days, Tuesday and Friday, when, according to the Negroes’ religious concepts at that place, it is not permitted to cultivate the earth, or, as they say, ‘to injure it´. During the following rainy season very little rain fell, and what could better be the reason for this than that the fetish was angry at the merchant’s desecration of its day of rest? 91 After a Negro council had been held the basin was struck in town [to inform] that no one was permitted to, as it is called, rosarre (cultivate or hoe the earth) on those days, under penalty of the value of a male slave.92 This announcement was approved by the governor, thereby making it applicable to the Europeans. However, the merchant continued to cultivate his plantation at all times, on the excuse that he was not a Negro and did not need to follow the Negroes’ customs. The result was that the youth of the town, or the young males, on one of the fetish days when the merchant’s people were rosarring, went out to his rosarre place (as a plantation is called), uprooted a number of cotton trees, plundered and broke down a small house he had standing there. The governor was absent just then, being 90 If a Negro, because of a crime, should have been sold out of the country but, instead, stays there and commits some new crime, then he is not held accountable - `He is, in fact, dead´, they say – but the person who kept him back is [accountable]. In general, a master must always answer for his slave’s actions. The latter is considered a dependent being, just a thing. 91 Other planters refrain from this, or come to an agreement with the fetish by a gift, thus being given permission to cultivate the land when they wish. 92 [ Rosarre, from Portuguese roçar, to plant.]

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on his plantation [84] Dacubie, about 4 miles inland. The merchant addressed himself to the assistant who was in temporary command of the fort and wanted him to fire on the destructive Negroes, but he dared not do this before he received instructions from the governor. When the governor came home the merchant complained to the council, which, besides the governor, is made up of the commanders of [all] the forts. The council was summoned, along with the Ussue Negroes. I took a seat in the absence of one of the commanders. The palaver was held in the fort. The merchant demanded that the Negroes be punished because they had stolen from him, and they, in turn, [demanded his punishment] because he had, as they say, ‘broken the stick´, or violated a general resolution. The case was settled justly, in my opinion, in that the merchant paid the value of a slave as a fine, and the Negroes compensated him for the damage caused by the plundering. A consequence of palavers is often panyarring, or the seizure of individuals. This occurs when the person or persons sentenced to pay a certain fine are unable to do this; then there is panyarring on their account. In general, when someone is sentenced to pay me a certain sum, when he is in my debt or has committed whatever kind of provable crime against me, and I cannot get hold of him personally, or in the event he has not given me full compensation, then, to use the African expression, I ‘panyar on his cabes´, that is, I seize, or arrange for the seizure of, one or several [85] of his family, townsmen or countrymen. Then, if he or his family are unable, by a fixed date, to effect the payment or compensate me for my losses, I sell one or more of the panyarred people until I am satisfied. The family of the innocent individual or individuals who have been sold do not hold me at all responsible for the seizure or sale, but rather the family of the one on whose cabes, or account, these people were panyarred by me. This procedure is, according to the Negroes’ concepts, correct, both by law and right, and it is also practised by the Europeans; but who cannot see, in this, an abominable seed of misery in thousands upon thousands of families? The individual who has a case against the Fort panyars from among the king’s Negroes, that is the so-called inventory Negroes at the Fort. And when the Fort has a case against the Negroes, 85

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presumably the opportunity is taken to panyar them. It often happens that Negroes who come to the Fort on errands, or to sell something, are detained by the guards and thereupon, on orders from the Europeans and [effected] by Christian soldiers, they are struck, as they say, in double irons, or placed in chains around both legs. This is the case with all those panyarred. Can one not easily imagine how fearfully depressed such an innocent person becomes when he is suddenly, without warning, deprived of his freedom. and forced, sometimes for the rest of his life, to bear the terrible yoke of slavery. Not so few make an attempt to starve themselves to death, but only very few have the stamina to accomplish this. No Negro who travels alone in Africa, can be sure that he will not be [86] panyarred before he reaches home. This happens to the Ashantees and others, from far away, who come down to the coast where, possibly, one of their countrymen has committed a crime of some kind.93 I have imagined that the Negroes at Accara refer to this uncertainty when, at a departure, they say farewell to each other; the one leaving says, ‘Mi ja kæ ba´, that is, ‘I go and come´, or rather ‘Would that I go and come back!´ To this the answer is, ‘Ja kæ ba´, meaning ‘Would that you go and come back.´ In spite of all this one must not conclude, as some allege, that the Negroes live an unhappy life in their own land. For that they are too much the children of generous Nature, who happily enjoy the present moment and are never troubled by fear of the future. Those who are sent out by someone to panyar for him are armed with cudgels, knives, ropes, etc., and receive, in Accara, 12 cabes cowries in payment. 94 At convenient places they lie in wait for their victims, assault and bind them. If such an ambassador is killed in [performance of] his noble assignment, it falls on his own head, or as they say in Africa, it happens against his own account, [87] therefore no one can make a claim against the one who killed him. At the places where they want to panyar they sometimes tie the long grass together over one of 93

That time is now past when the Negroes from the interior believed that there were monsters in the sea that came up on land and snatched them. The coast Negroes are said to have acted out such monsters, and then hidden themselves with the help of Europeans. Thus they probably had a good catch of slaves for sale.

94 12 cabes cowries is about 12 rigsdaler in gold.

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the paths by which the country is intersected everywhere. Then, when [the intended victim] takes that path, he trips easily, is caught up with, and seized. I have been told by a slave trader that such a trap, made of grass, resulted in an Ashantee Negro being sold in a remarkable manner: several Ashantees are going to Accara. One of them loses a pouch, and the one who is walking behind him picks it up and insists that it is his because he found it on the path. The former allows that reasoning to prevail, but, when the other one happens to be walking in front of him, and, unfortunately, trips over a grass trap, the first one rushes to pick him up, and insists that he is now his property and his slave. The others agree with him and the one who had fallen is sold at the Fort. Otherwise, when Ashantees bring slaves to the coast for sale they are often accompanied by free Negroes. I do not know the reason for this - some say it is done on the orders of the kings or of some prominent officer. It had been decided that these free Negroes are also to be sold, unbeknown to them. The Negro merchants who have such individuals in their company, make the necessary arrangements with the European traders at the Fort, and they send them in, one at a time. The warehouse Negroes, i.e. Negroes who are used in trading, and some of the soldiers detain him in conversation, while others, behind him, [88] cover his mouth and stop him from making a sound. Then he is attacked on all sides and taken, struggling desperately, into the slave dungeon. Once he is there his fate is decided, and those concerned are given their payment for him. But, if he senses that something is wrong, and, before being thrown into the dungeon he manages to swear, by the head of the king of Ashantee, that he wants to be brought before him, then he cannot be sold but must be taken back, and it is said that he must then forfeit his life. When someone in a Negro family has been murdered, the closest members of the clan, especially the men, let the hair on their entire head grow until either they have taken revenge, or the case has been settled by palaver. Usually accidental murder is punished as severely

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as manslaughter.95 This is so much more unreasonable since such accidents can easily occur in a country that is, nearly everywhere, covered by forests through which many hunters roam. To fail to take revenge for the murder of a relative is looked upon as the greatest shame, and the one on whom the duty for such revenge rests, namely, the murdered person’s closest relatives - for example, the eldest son if the father has been killed - must often listen to unpleasant remarks when he finds himself in unfriendly surroundings. [89] They say, ‘He cannot speak with honour before he has taken his blood revenge.´ I have known one – incidentally the very brave Mulatto son of the aforementioned murdered Commandant Thessen – for whom it was always a sorely bitter thought that he had not yet found the opportunity to eradicate the Negro who had first stabbed his father. I also knew a Negro woman in Qvitta who was very highly respected among her people – who gave her the name ‘a man´ - because she knew how to revenge her husband’s death so cunningly. The facts of the case are these: Her husband had been murdered by a Negro from a far distant settlement. She goes there, ingratiates herself with the murderer and lives with him on the most intimate terms for a short time. But one night she avails herself of the opportunity, while he lay most safely asleep, to cut off his head with a knife and bring it successfully to Qvitta. It has been noted earlier that, in order to avoid punishment for a certain crime the Negroes ‘sit on the fetish´, that is, place themselves under his protection. But a murderer, when he has killed one of his own countrymen, is not safe here, either, from those seeking revenge. He is handed over to them. Hate and revenge are very common [feelings] among the Negroes, even concerning unimportant things, and if one has come into conflict or disagreement, one even performs a symbolic act that expresses eternal enmity. This consists of their holding each his end of a large leaf [90] and tearing it vigorously apart. It is called ‘to pull the leaf´ and means, ‘As impossible it is for this leaf ever to be whole 95 An exception was made to this recently in Aqvapim, near Accara, where the Regent Qvau has set aside a sum of money, about 4 rigsdaler, for such unintentional occurrences.

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again, so impossible is it for there ever to be friendship between us again.´ One finds this custom even among the Christianized Mulattos, and I have often taken great trouble, in vain, to effect a conciliation. When they served as soldiers at one and the same fort– which at times was the case – one of them was sometimes sent to another fort to prevent a possible murder. It is not unusual for even relatives and brothers to ‘tear the leaf´. In the Negroes’ gatherings they speak constantly of the palavers that have been held in the past. By tradition these go from generation to generation, and can, to a degree, be considered law. Therefore, when a palaver begins we often hear that they cite an earlier, similar, one whose resolution, not infrequently, is again a decisive factor. In their tradition there also live the memories of remarkable occurrences in the past, of great wars and of the persons who had played important rôles in them. In spite of this I have never been able to discover among them the faintest idea of the time when the Portuguese first sailed on their coasts. They can only remember or say, at times, that they had had a happier time before the arrival of the Whites. They say that they have known since time immemorial that white people and great ships existed. I find this also reasonable since there are more connections between [91] the most distant parts of Africa than one would believe. Such connections exist because of the slave trade that has been carried on in the country itself since the most ancient times; and possibly could even have been found to exist during the times when Carthage and Egypt were flourishing. Slaves are brought to the coast from the interior of the country, and from the northern coast of Africa; indeed, slaves have been sold at the Danish forts right up to my time even from Arabia itself. Not infrequently do Moors come here, who are a kind of Mohammedan. They understand Hebrew, especially the Hebrew names for the Supreme Being are known to them. They wear turbans and are dressed in a manner similar to the Turks. Sometimes they carry Moorish writings with them, of which I am in possession of some pages given to me by one of the Moors. This writing is either bound in small books - or at least, well wrapped in paper – by which they set great store. These people write very fluently and are constantly saying 89

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prayers. They told me that they had often seen ships on the opposite side of the country [sic] and had been in larger cities there. This must without a doubt have been on the Barbary Coasts. These Moors nearly all speak the Ashantee language, which is apparently just as widespread in Africa as Mungo Park’s Mandingo language, so it is very easy to find an interpreter among the Coast Negroes.96 [92] It has been noted earlier that the government in the towns on the coast can be considered to be patriarchal. However, it cannot be denied that, in spite of the respect shown the elders, there must be some degree of aristocracy because an eminent and especially a wealthy Negro will always have great influence. Also, inasmuch as the commoner‘s voice counts for something, the constitution has a touch of democracy. In purely family matters the majority do not meddle readily, and the greyhaired father (an old Negro with snow-white hair is a venerable sight) rules fairly unimpeded in his family, and is treated with respect, as are old people in general. Inheritance among the Negroes is not always precisely defined, and often gives rise to palavers that consume the entire inheritance. One of the definite rules is that a father inherits from his children, whose property, in a way, even when they are grown, is always considered to be his. If the father dies, his brother, according to age, inherits mastery over the family, and by this, a kind of right not only to all the material things but also to persons, wives, children and slaves in the family.97 If he is not survived by a brother, the inheritance is supposed to go to the eldest son of the eldest brother, [93] but this often gives rise to conflict. At any rate, that is the way it is in Accara. This kingdom was formerly very powerful, before the Europeans settled there. The old royal line still lives in the town Accara, close to the English Fort St. James, where the king’s residence, according to tradition, is said to have been. This family is now without wealth 96 Ashantees tell about the wars they have waged against people northwest [of their country]. Might these not be the Moors from Africa’s northern coast? 97

Sometimes a brother takes the widow of the deceased as his wife, and the children are then considered to be his, to raise as his own. Yet, this can only be done in the case of the brother not having any children himself. [Note that the Ga – the people in Accra - are patrilineal.]

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and has, therefore, lost much of its respect and influence. Yet, their eldest are granted front seats at palavers and other formal occasions. The Negroes also say that the eldest among them could be king if he were capable of making, as the say, the ‘king custom´, but this would be far too costly. Each Negro who is promoted to one or another high position among them must ‘make custom´, that is he must prepare a feast whose cost is dependent upon the importance of the post. During my time it happened that a very poisonous snake and its young were found in the home of the man who had the closest claim to the kingship, and since neither he nor his family were injured by it, respect for them grew among the Negroes, who believed that they must have been under the special protection of the fetish. Otherwise, the king of Ashantee claims over-lordship over Accara and along the sea coast down to the Rio Volta, and, to assert this position, from time to time he [sends a reminder] of by way of ambassadors who, however, do not actually collect any tax, but are certainly given a [94] voluntary gift. Shortly before I left Africa he sent, to the abovementioned eldest, royal Negro in Accara, a gold shackle, like those in the chains of iron that are fastened around the legs of the slaves. This was a reminder of the obedience he and the Accras owed [Ashantee]. The Negro even wore this large gold shackle as an ornament on festive occasions. The Aqvapims, who live north of Accara, are vassals of the Ashantees. In turn [the Aqvapims] demand obedience from the Accaras, and occasional clashes between them occur from time to time. Most frequently it is the latter who give in, since it is very important for them to keep peace with the Aqvapims, not only because their mountains provide the seacoast with many natural products, such as yams, maize, plantains, etc., but also because they could place insurmountable obstacles in the way of trade at Accara by stopping the transport of slaves and ivory from the interior to the coast. I recall that the ruling prince at Aqvapim once, when he was dissatisfied with the Accaras, sent the following threatening message to them, ‘I shall come, bathe my sword in your blood, and wash it clean in the ocean that washes your shores.´ The king of Ashantee’s person is considered by many Negroes to 91

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be so sacred that one must die if one has looked upon him. ‘I must die, since I have seen the Master.´ could well be used here. When this king, in the war with the Fantees in 1807, was in the vicinity of the shore – to which he [95] absolutely never comes - some Englishmen who visited him in his camp died shortly afterward, so it must, naturally, have been because they had looked upon the king. Among them was also the English Governor Torrane. Some Negroes believe that the Ashantee king can assume the form of an animal, so that after an unsuccessful battle he left the battleground in the form of a hog. At palavers punishments are announced which consist of compensation for damages, in money or the equivalent value. Free Negroes are condemned to no other corporal punishment than death. One does, indeed, see many free Negroes with badly mutilated bodies, but this originates most often from duels of fights with knives, which is called ‘to draw knives against each other´. If neither combatant is killed there are no palavers on that account, unless an eye or other limb [sic] is lost thereby. If a slave allows himself to be drawn into such a serious battle, or tries to kill himself, he is sold out of the country since he is then considered to be an uncertain object [sic]. There are other means of punishment used only on slaves, who are treated by their owners in an absolutely arbitrary manner, without [the owner] being accountable to anyone, even in the event they deprive the slaves of their lives. The most usual way of depriving of his life one condemned to death is to cut off his head with a knife. For this they use a kind of large, yellow-handled knife that is brought to the Coast from Europe. Sometimes the head is cut off with a type of long axe that resembles our kitchen axes. These are made by the Negroes [96] themselves, using iron they buy from us. Otherwise, they kill people also by other, and more painful, methods. Sometimes the head is sawed into two halves, from the crown down. I remember that this was the manner of death inflicted on a cabuseer in the vicinity of Qvitta. He was so unfortunate as to fall into the hands of his enemies, who believed that they could torture him much more severely after death by melting down his fat and, at certain times, burning it in a lamp. A Negro at Qvitta, who had killed another by a knife wound in the abdomen, was condemned to be 92

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buried in the earth up to his head, and then killed by the townspeople using clubs and cudgels. Delinquents are also, at times, buried alive. When someone has committed a serious crime and is not willing to submit to his sentence, he is punished whenever and wherever the opportunity arises. Thus did it happen, in my time, that a respected Negro, from Puni, had sought to take his brother’s life, and had hired murderers to attack and murder him between Thessing and Puni, when he was on his way from Accara. At at a given opportunity, he himself was murdered by a number of his townsmen by being stabbed and thrown to the ground. His mother shared the same fate when she threw herself over him in an attempt to save his life by sacrificing her own. [97] The intention had been to judge the perpetrator in a proper palaver, but he refused to appear, and stayed in his house. There he had set up a number of barrels filled with gunpowder, and had the elders and grandees report that in the event anyone had anything to say to him, they could come to his house. They dared not do this for fear he would blow up them and himself. It is not unusual for Negroes to kill themselves in this way. Had this Negro appeared for judgement, his fate would, without doubt, have been more tolerable, since the brother had not been killed, but only injured. Many Puni Negroes, out of fear that his powerful family would seek revenge for his and his mother’s death, have since fled to the region Acutim or Crepee, northeast of Puni. There they live in a very dependent relationship to the Acutims, and will probably be sold, in time. In some places criminals who are condemned to death are hung on a certain variety of a tree with a thick trunk that is studded by nature with thorns along its entire length. One of the methods to cause death is still that the delinquent is tied, naked, to a stake, and ends his days by the stings of thousands of insects, and hunger and thirst.98 Pawning occurs often among the Negroes, and it is not only such things as gold ornaments, costly [98] beads, etc. that are pawned, but freeborn persons as well. Even eminent persons, such as kings and cabuseers, not infrequently pawn their children or other members of 98

However, during the years I have been in Guinea, I have experienced exceedingly few of such severe punishments.

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their family to the forts or to our government, or to wealthy Europeans or Negroes, in return for receiving a considerable sum, most often in goods, which shall be repaid within a fixed time, usually within one or several years.99 If this is not done the pawn is sold, and if that does not suffice to cancel the debt, [the creditor] reserves the right to [pawn] other members of the family. If a Negro pawn dies he is not buried but is placed, as they say, ´on poles‘. At a short distance from the town they pound 4 large posts - about 4 to 5 alen in length - into the ground so that they form an irregular rectangle the length of a person’s body. On these they place, in the length and width, other, smaller poles, and on this the dead pawn is laid, either in a gun crate or wrapped in a mat. Such carrion, of which there are particularly many at Christiansborg, spread a disgusting stench. In Accaraish this type of post carrion is called akba, which is one of the terms the Negroes use for Europeans who are particularly hated among them. Since the Negroes set extraordinarily great store by an honourable funeral, the [pawn] thus laid there is redeemed as quickly as possible by the family - if they are at all able to do this - and [99] carefully taken to their home. There, depending upon the family’s reputation and capability – and often far beyond that – he is buried in the ground. However, the family’s inability to pay for this is not infrequently the reason that the deceased remains lying there as prey for wild birds and other animals, such as hyenas and jackals who often dig around the posts so that the corpse falls down. If a corpse is consumed the pawnbroker does not lose his claim on the family. He confirms this by having laid it there, witnessed by all. However, if he had buried it he would have lost his claim. When a frivolous Negro leaves so great a debt that the family can by no means honour it - although it is done extremely rarely because the Negroes love their deceased exceedingly well - he is also laid on the poles, and when his creditors make claim for his debts, they answer, ‘He is lying there. Go and demand it of him himself. He must, indeed, be paying severely.´ Sometimes even Europeans make use of this method with their subjects. This was the case when a Christian Mulatto soldier, Lindberg, shot himself. He was laid on the poles because the family 99 Debts increase considerably among the Negroes - about 100 percent annually.

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could not pay his debts, nor would the commander at Princensteen pay it out of the public treasury. Where these akba or ‘pole carrion´ lie, especially if they are close to humid areas, as at Accara, one always sees, at night, flashes of fire or glowing vapours, that among us are called will-o´-the-wisp, but which [100] African superstition holds to be supernatural beings, or more specifically, humans who can change themselves into nocturnal being and, in fiery forms, injure, even kill, others, especially those whom they have come to hate.100 It is believed that they suck blood from people, make them ill, and bring about an early death. What makes this kind of superstition particularly terrible is that they are sometimes convinced that an entire family belongs to this kind of being – which the Europeans call ‘werewolf´. Such a family is not allowed to live among others; it must be wiped out to the last soul. Just as old crones among us are at times held to be witches, so do they believe in Guinea that old women in such families are the very worst of them. Among the Mulattos whom I have taught I have honestly worked against this and other superstitions, but have certainly accomplished little. One of them told me that he was totally convinced of the existence of such beings, since, one night he met that flame on his way, and immediately afterward he met an old woman, whom he had sufficient courage to beat nearly to death, which he insisted was absolutely the correct thing to do. Another one assured me that I would yet be convinced, thus it happened that one night when he, as a soldier, had watch on the battery, he woke me in order to show me, from the Fort, an illusory night fire. In their imagination the Africans see spirits, ghosts and supernatural beings everywhere at night. Such unfortunate families are, at times, not killed but - urged by the Europeans - [101] sold to them, to be sent out of the country. This happened to a family in Labodie, in my time. It was large, and was made of up snow white old men and women, as well as men and children. The Europeans profit greatly by buying such unfortunates, whom they receive for disgracefully 100 [This is ignis fatuus (´foolish fire`) a phosphorescent light hovering over the ground in marshy areas, evidently caused by spontaneous combustion of gases emanating from decaying material.]

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low prices, since what the Negroes get, both for them and for others who are condemned to death, is as a rule burnt up [sic]. Nor do old Negroes and children, especially when they are going to be sent out of the country immediately, have great value for the Europeans since the slave captains do not pay very much for them. It is absolutely impossible to treat human nature with greater contempt than is done in Africa, where one, normally, has no other standard for human worth than the most base self-interest. When slaves of poor quality - that is those having one or another bodily fault - cannot be sold with some gain, their heads are cut off rather than having the inconvenience of leading them back. A very decent Negro who was at the Danish plantation Frederiksberg, or, as the Negroes called it, Kuku, nearly suffered this fate. He had been sold to the West Indies; accompanied his master to Denmark where he had learnt the Danish language right well; and was, as a consequence, very useful at the Danish forts. Freed by his master he came to Africa and returned to his countrymen, the Crepees. There, unfortunately, he killed another man by an accidental shot while hunting. [102] He was condemned to death or sale. They dragged him from place to place, and since it was not easy to dispose of him because he had only one eye and was advanced in years, they were frequently about to cut off his head. Yet, they postponed this until they tried to sell him at a Danish establishment, where they were successful. He later became the assistant inspector on the aforementioned plantation. He has often told me how indifferent he was to his fate, even in the event he was to be deprived of his life. On the whole, one must admire the true calm with which the Negro submits to his fate. And it is undeniably an advantage of which Nature’s raw [sic] son is in possession, that fear of misery and death are usually less distressing to him than they are to the educated person. When Negroes bring pregnant Negresses from the interior for sale at the coast, and they give birth on the journey, the baby is most often thrown into the bush or high grass, where it soon dies or is eaten by wild animals. This is done because the nursing mother, with slack breasts and a thin body, cannot easily be sold. Neither do the Europeans set store by the Negresses having small children with them on the ocean 96

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journey to the West Indies, since [the children] weaken the mother, and they usually die.101 Even European [103] traders, in order to be able to sell her more easily, often separate the infants from the mothers so early that they normally die. Such unfortunate slave children are treated, at times, with the greatest arbitrariness and cruelty. I recall that such a little child in Accara, because it cried one evening, was thrown by the female slave’s owner into some thorn bushes, where, as I heard later, it was eaten by jackals. Such examples of a deep and distressing contempt for human beings are, alas, not uncommon. One does, indeed, find cases of slaves, or female slaves, being freed in Africa. The individual who is going to be freed is dressed in better clothing than usual, rubbed all over with white earth, and his freedom is made public by striking the [metal] basin. Yet, in spite of all this, the freeborn Negroes can never really get it into their heads that the individual in whose veins the blood of slaves flows can, in the true sense of the word, be free and honourable. The poorest but, as they say, freeborn Negro is, among them, more respected than the wealthiest one who, even from a distant generation, is descended from slaves. They are, therefore, on careful guard against entering into matrimony with anyone who is not, since time beyond memory, born free. The descendants of the family that originally owned a [freed] male or female slave acquire a kind of lordship over the descendants of the original slaves. Thus, a wealthy Mulatto family in Accara (the same one who had the aforementioned child thrown away) who, long before, was descended from a female slave owned by a Negro family in Ningo, had to pay, annually, [104] or on demand, certain sums to that family, on the grounds that they could never be considered free and independent. Such freed Negroes are, at times, under all manner of poor excuses, sold again, because, the Negro says, ‘How can a slave be free?´ However, it cannot be denied that the domestic slave’s condition is fairly tolerable among the Negroes, just as it was, no doubt, among most of the old nations who kept slaves. Villeins in Europe, generally, hardly have such a good life. 101 Sailors from the slave ships have told me that at times they use such small, dead Negro children to bait their large fishing hooks in order to catch sharks.

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In the political arena the Danes in Guinea played a fairly unimportant role in the years I spent in Africa, in comparison to either the Negroes or the English, who, here as everywhere in the colonies, have an absolute majority. The slave trade that was formerly carried on actively and directly to the West Indies, no longer enables them to pile up riches and thereby surround themselves with splendour and pomp, which, indeed, always dazzles the multitudes, and by which one, in many instances, can exercise powerful influence on them. It has always been considered an affront to start conflicts or practise violence in the vicinity of the European forts. This happened frequently during the war between the Fantees and Ashantees in 1807 and 1808, close by the Danish main fort. The Fantee Negroes were pursued by the Ashantee out into the sea under the cannons of the Fort, had been taken prisoner and either sold or massacred. Indeed, it even went to the extent that a number of the Fort’s staff, [105] led by some Europeans, were, in the most insulting manner, driven back to the Fort when, during this war, they were once sent out into the town of Ussue to chase an Ashantee raiding party who were raising havoc there. It even happened that two prominent Ashantees, in the name of their king and accompanied by a considerable force, demanded a tariff from the Danish governor to spare the Fort. They left, not entirely emptyhanded, but the governor’s suggestion that all the Europeans should contribute to a considerable gift was not followed. They asked, ‘For what purpose does the Fort have cannons?´ Furthermore, I admit that our position was extremely critical for a time, since all communication with the motherland was cut off, and wisdom counselled toleration and submission.102 In former times the Europeans often involved themselves more forcefully in the Negroes’ affairs; now they seldom attain their intended goal. This is the way the Danish governor attempted to save an Accara Negro in 1806. He sent a legation with the Danish flag to the [106] 102 It was reported later that those messengers were swindlers and were acting on their own; and that the king, informed of their method of enriching themselves, had both hands cut off one of them, and both eyes removed from the other. In this war prisoners were so plentiful that a slave who otherwise would have cost about 150 dlr. was, at times, sold for a few foodstuffs, for example a single goat.

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Negroes who were in battle, but his mediation was in vain. 103 The facts in the matter were as follows. The Accara Negroes who live under the Danish as well as the Dutch and English forts were, in alliance with a number of other coastal Negroes from Labodei, Thessen, etc, at war with the Aqvapims. An Accara Negro, by the name of Apho, marched out into the field along with his countrymen.. Since he, as can so many Negroes, was able to play entire sentences on the war drums, he is supposed to have informed the enemy of the position of the allies before they had assembled, and thereby contributed to their being beaten separately. He was, some time after this, called to account, but he did not want to appear, and sought refuge, instead, with a rich Dutch Mulatto merchant in whose service he had once been. Here he found protection that resulted in serious episodes when the inhabitants of several towns gathered around the merchant’s house, which due to its high walls was like a sort of fortress. They burnt and plundered all around it, [107] and finally began to pull down the walls. Since Apho also had supporters among the tumult-makers, the Negroes began to fight amongst themselves, and some were injured and fell. Both the governor at the Dutch Fort Crevecoeur – which, destroyed by the English St. James Fort lying closeby, is in wretched condition – and the Danish governor tried to settle the conflict.104 When this failed the hard-pressed Dutchman Nieser had to deliver Apho to the Negroes’ rage. They threw themselves upon him immediately, murdered him, and cut his body into several sections so that each of the towns involved in the conflict could have its portion. At Danish Accara, close to town, there is a river [lagoon] called Clote, which sometime rises so high that its water reaches up to the walls of some European buildings there. This river is sacred to a 103 When a person sends his Negro somewhere on an errand he is always provided with a baton that is intended for this use; that of the European usually has a large gold knob, and that of a Negro one of silver. This messenger is called a `baton boy´. If he is charged with an oral errand he shows his baton as a sign of his trustworthiness, although he usually also has the baton with him when he is carrying a letter. A baton with a silver knob is also among the things with which a cabuseer is presented at his installation. 104 The English governor remained neutral. In general, the English interfere little in the Negroes’ internal affairs.

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powerful fetish, and the Negroes reserve for themselves the right to cut through the narrow strip of land that separates it from the ocean, and let it run out there. The Europeans at the Fort wanted, at one time, to spare them this inconvenience, but were driven, with shrieking and the throwing of earth, into the Fort. In the governor’s absence there was, in fact, firing on the town [ordered] by the commanding assistant. Some of the houses were damaged [108] but there was no personal injury. The governor who, on his return home disapproved greatly of the entire exercise - instigated by people who seemed to have a great desire to see the town burnt down - settled the matter to the Negroes’ satisfaction. Thus must one, at times, give in to the Negroes. Even in times of peace the English seem to assume for themselves a kind of superiority over the other Europeans in Africa. In 1805 the English governor was not on very peaceful terms with the Danish governor and threatened, as it was reported, not only that, given the opportunity, he would have him seized and arrested, but he even sent a ship carrying English soldiers down to the English Fort St. James, which lies scarcely 1 ½ miles from the Danish main fort. It was generally assumed that their intention was to assault the [Danish] fort and carry out their threat. Upon their landing the bells at our Fort were rung, and since we held us prepared, both day and night, for an attack, everything went off peacefully. It is not unusual for the English forts to shoot at foreign ships sailing by if they do not want to stop there and trade. Especially are the Portuguese - who are mainly Mulattos from Brazil - treated with great contempt. When the war broke out between Denmark and England in 1807 the Europeans from both kingdoms maintained peaceful relations with each other in Africa. Yet the English allowed themselves all kinds of liberties against us, which our governor, following an undoubtedly wise policy, ordered our men [109] to tolerate, since lack of provisions and ammunition made it impossible to offer the English any serious opposition. Thus, they sailed in over the Danish roads [in pursuit of] enemy ships or Portuguese ships that had sought to avoid them. When those [being pursued] came in under our cannons I have seen them towed away at night by English barges manned by large crews and illuminated by lanterns. English warships 100

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often lay in the Danish roads without being disturbed from our Fort. Indeed, they were sometimes offered refreshment of water and fruits. An English Captain Parker was once offered good, fresh water for his cabin, or [only] for his own use, with the apology that they could not provide the entire ship because of the absence of the rainy season; whereupon he gave the unexpected answer, ‘I am not permitted to drink better water than my people.´105

105 Normally there is poor, brackish water in Guinea. At the main Fort Christiansborg, at least, we have no other good water than what is collected during the rainy season and kept throughout the year in the cistern.

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War, the institution of war, prisoners of war, etc. [110] It is only in the interior of the country that wars are waged for the purpose of producing prisoners for sale at the coasts, although all wars result in the capture of many prisoner who are then sold. Border conflicts, jealousy because of growing power, palavers which, as the Negroes say, have slept for many years and are of great importance, national enmity – as, for example, that between the Fantees and the Ashantees that has existed from time immemorial – all these provide the usual causes for war along many miles of the coast. In the years 1807 and 1808 an extremely destructive war was waged between those two nations, in which the Ashantees won over the Fantees at every turn, and marched victoriously through their entire nation. Several thousand Fantees were, in some cases killed, in some cases sold, and everywhere the enemy left burnt down villages. I had occasion to see this for myself, when, at the end of 1808. I was at the English Fort Winnebah that lies in Fantee, about 10 miles west [111] of Christiansborg. During the war numerous Fantees concealed themselves in the forest, in the mountains and in caves, and after the Ashantees had returned to the border of their country, they came back to their towns and were greatly occupied in restoring them. Shortly after this an armistice for 3 years was concluded since the victors, as well, had suffered a great deal and were exhausted. The downfall of the Fantees, accelerated by their moral decline, appears to be imminent. The Accaras are already, as a nation, as good as destroyed. The further away from the Europeans, the more vigorous are the Negroes. Thus, the Ashantees and Crepees

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CHAPTER FOUR

are very warlike. Admittedly, the destructive brandy is also brought to these [people] yet it is never as accessible as it is in the places where the Europeans live and trade, and it engenders lust, laziness and villainy. In that same war the Ashantees also attacked the English Fort Annamabu, not far from Cape Coast, because its brave Commander White refused to pay them the tribute they demanded. But they were driven back and suffered considerable losses. About 2,000 men were shot down from the fort, whose commander received two wounds and where, in addition, some of the troops fell. A well-manned European fort is almost invincible for the Negroes, but by the throwing of bombs it could easily be conquered, yet not from the sea since because of the strong surf ships must lie up to a mile from the beach. [112] The Ashantees’ endeavours, although perhaps not clearly apparent, are aimed at laying the groundwork for the most extensive kingdom in Africa. Thus, intent on destruction, they have waged war for many years against a small, courageous nation that inhabits the large and exceedingly steep mountain Krobbo, about 20 miles inland, northeast of Christiansborg – from which it can be seen clearly, as if floating, white, in the air. Thus far they have not succeeded in subjugating them, and a huge number of lives have been lost in the effort. The mountain is thickly covered with forest, has several towns and plantations on all its slopes, and is said to be unapproachable except by the few places that are very well known by those born there, and where, both by weapons and by rolling stones down the slope, they have been able to defend themselves against their enemies. The approach must be exceedingly difficult since, in other cases, it comes easily to the Negro to make his way through the most dense bush and up the highest hills. To this end they carry a small, somewhat long axe in their hands, and, hacking in all directions, they move fairly quickly forward in places where the Europeans could hardly crawl through. One can believe that the forests in Africa, densely filled with enormously large trees which are, to some degree, covered with sharp thorns, would make this part of the world impregnable for the Europeans, even if the unhealthy climate would permit their armies to function there. The Negroes could shoot from the bushes almost without being seen, and thus destroy the strongest 103

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European power. [113] To burn off the forests is physically impossible, since the trees are so full of sap in general that they would not be able to catch fire even at the root, let alone sustain it; and to cut down all the forests in the country would be a more than Herculean task, even for the strongest army.106 The Negroes most common weapons are flint-lock muskets, knives or daggers that are worn in a sheath held by a strap on the left side, and most often [they have] an effective club that is long and thick at the end, by which the blow is struck. Not infrequently they are provided with swords or sabres, and with a rope of raffia with which to tie prisoners. Every so-called Big Man – that is, a free and wealthy Negro - has his own weapon bearer who not only carries a number of his weapons during battle, but even, on formal occasions, either carries beside him his real arms, or at least a kind of very broad and short sword that is, at times, engraved and seems to serve more as ornament than for use. Such a man is, on all public occasions, and especially in war, surrounded by his armed domestic slaves. His weapons are often very costly, and those parts that commonly are made of bronze or a poor metal, are of gold and silver. The Negro carries ammunition, powder, balls and flint stones in a kind of square bag, not unlike [114] cartridge pouches, hanging on a strap. This is usually made of tiger skin, but, lacking that, other hides with fur are also used, mostly that of antelopes.107 At times they also use, for this purpose, a kind of white and blue leather that the Crepee Negroes, especially, prepare very beautifully. The Africans going into war are seldom concerned about [carrying] large amounts of edible provisions. The only type they always take along is mamu, or ground meal of maize which, when mixed with water, makes a refreshing and nourishing drink.108 Otherwise, they live from hunting, fishing, plundering, and on 106 Trees in Africa must be felled first, then dried or allowed to wither for a long time in the burning heat of the sun, and not until then can they be burned. This method is used in the establishment of a plantation. 107 [Tigers are not found in Africa, but the early writers used the term for all large felines. ] 108 [Mamu is a flour made of dried cassava or roasted maize.]

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CHAPTER FOUR

edible roots and fruits in which the whole of Africa is so rich. It is only far inland that bows and arrows are still used in warfare. They are said to be very common in a nation called Duncos, whose stupidity and ignorance have become proverbial among the Negroes, ‘He is as stupid as a Dunco.´, is what they say.109 It is certain that those slaves who come from Dunco are very stupid people and cannot, as regards intellectual ability, bear comparison to other Negro nations known to me.110 [115] At times the Negroes also have battles at sea. This happens either when canoes from enemy places meet accidentally at sea where they may have gone to trade with ships sailing by, or, more rarely, when large canoes with armed [crew] seek out one another and have a battle in a river or at a beach; and especially in the places where the ocean forms a bay, on whose opposing sides they are enemies to one another. Such clashes are most common on the so-called Lower Coast, east of the Rio Volta. Thus, I have been witness, in the Bight of Benin, to such battles between several canoes that were, in some cases, manned by more than 100 men each. The most prominent, or those in command, sit under a kind of shelter made of mats. During battle each tries to overturn the other’s canoes, and if they succeed with one canoe the entire crew are usually massacred or captured, since when those swimming can no longer stay under water and are forced to surface, they are either shot or seized.111 [116] The Negroes treat their prisoners of war very harshly and give them barely enough to eat so they can stay alive until they are killed. If they are 109 [Dunco/Dunko is not a `nation´. Odonko was a term used by Asantes to indicate people from the northern areas, purchased or captured to be made a slave.] 110 Undoubtedly other weapons have been used in Africa in ancient times; at least, stones have been found there that indicates this. In appearance they resembles serpentine, and appear to be well-polished, wedge-shaped or round, and have a flat, pointed end. Possibly they have been fastened to a shaft and used as a battle axe. I find it remarkable that I have never found that kind of stone except in that form. The Negroes call them `fetish stone´ and believe that the person who owns one has, as they say, a strong, protective fetish. A well-informed European has assured me that the Negro is in great fear of swearing falsely when shown such a stone, and this frightens him into speaking the truth. 111 The coastal Negroes are nearly all excellent swimmers; they can dive under the breakers and, after several minutes, surface where the sea is more calm. In this respect they nearly have an advantage over the fish themselves. At least I have seen large fish, such as sharks, thrown up on shore by the surf when they have come too far into the breakers.

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going to be sold, interest invites the opposite. They are, at times, killed in the most gruesome manner. Sometimes the prisoners are made to dance around amongst themselves, and they are slashed with knives or other sharp weapons until blood finally flows from them. During the dance pieces of their backs are cut off and shown to the wretched ones - who defy their enemies in spite of the most gruesome tortures – with the question [asked them] of whether they have ever seen it before. Usually their heads are cut off and their bodies quartered. The heads of the fallen, especially of the most prominent, are often carried away, and in order to preserve them they are smoked. Later they are cooked and the bones cleaned. Many prisoners are kept until the war is over and then sacrificed in various ways at the ‘war custom´, or ceremony that is always conducted after a successfully concluded war. Thus, after the war between the Fantees and Ashantees, a great many prisoners were killed by the latter at the great ‘custom´ which is held in Ashantee. On that occasion, those to be slaughtered for sacrifice are placed in long rows with their hands on their knees and their necks stretched out, and, at a sign given by the king or those in command, their heads are cut off. [117] In order to display his might an African king sometimes puts on this performance en miniature, or with only a few slaves, when he receives European travellers. Normally it is the more prominent prisoners of war who must endure exquisite torments. Those who have fallen in battle are dragged away, if it is at all possible, by those defeated and in flight, especially if they are free and prominent men. They are not particularly concerned about slaves. The victor never buries his fallen enemies, because burial is, after all, an act of kindness. On the contrary, his intention, even after death, is to torture them. To that end, especially if they are powerful enemies, he takes possession of their jawbones, teeth, earlobes and other small parts of their bodies, binds them fast to the war drums, weapons – indeed, at times the teeth are even worn as necklaces or on a string around the wrists – and believes that he is, thereby, inflicting unbearable punishments on the deceased. It is believed that particularly the din of the drums disturbs them greatly. The [other] remains of the dead enemies are given as a prize to the many beasts of prey, who devour them quickly. The victors, 106

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CHAPTER FOUR

however, bury their own freeborn and fallen men in secure places, or, if they are very prominent, carry them in coffins to their own homes. It is certain that the bodies are even smoked, at times, in order to preserve them better. This was the case with the king of Ashantee’s mother, who had accompanied the campaign and died in the war against the Fantees. Women do not, in fact, go into battle but they do accompany the warriors, [118] partly to wait on them, partly as a means of enjoyment. Sometimes those in retreat settle for cutting off the heads of their fallen comrades and carrying them with them. This is done to prevent the heads being borne in triumph, or displayed, by the enemy. Sometimes one sees Negroes returning from a conflict carrying with them a whole series of heads on a string. When the heads have been cut off it is supposed to be difficult to identify whom it is one has killed. After a war has ended they also make a burial custom for all the fallen. Before going into battle the Negroes besmear themselves with various colours, especially white, red or blue, or tattoo themselves, in order to present a wilder and more warlike appearance. But this is not always the case. However, they make much of having one or another small thing with them, like a nugget of gold, a small human or animal figure made of wood, metal or clay, and especially a tuft of hair, or rather, the outermost part of the tail of a small animal which belongs to the porcupine family, is considered sacred, and is called duum in Accara. The Negro calls such an object ‘my fetish´. He believes, namely, that he has thus ensnared such a protective being for himself, and whenever he enjoys something edible or a drink, he shares some with it, for example brandy, which he sprinkles over it.112 [119] In spite of the fact that many individual Negroes show great courage in battle, one can hardly assert that bravery is a common characteristic of the African, at least it is not enduring. On the other hand, a certain wild rage overcomes them often. Thus, it was truly in a rage that the Ashantees, as mentioned earlier, stormed the strong English Fort Anamabu, since they must certainly have realized that their attempt - all bravery aside - was doomed to miscarry. That they 112 The Negroes also carry such things with them on journeys. The purpose of the gold nugget is also to pay for the cost of the funeral, if he should die on the way.

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did realize this is clear from the fact that it was mostly domestic slaves - that is, people the loss of whom was of little concern to them – who were sent out to storm the fort. In the Fantee war this rage sometimes even fell upon the women, so that hundreds of them were massacred by the brandishing swords of the far superior enemy. A few years ago, when some Negroes around Christiansborg were fighting each other and, in one battle came too close to the Fort – this was considered an insult – they were fired upon with some cannon shot from the small redoubt Prøvesteen, which lies close to the main Fort. It happened that the Negro who was carrying the flag fell at the very first shot, and the entire flock took flight in fear.113 Even the manner in which the Negroes fight does not reveal much courage. They never fight in properly positioned ranks but in spread skirmishing.114 [120] After they have fired a shot they conceal themselves behind the first and best bush or stone in order to reload. Then they come forward and fire again. Rarely do they fight hand-to-hand. Normally it is only the first shot which is fatal, since, when they have exchanged some shots they become so excited that they hastily load powder and ball loosely into the musket, with the result that they cannot - unless at very close range - inflict injury on one another. Therefore you can occasionally see Negroes marbled, as it were, from bullets that had not penetrated deeply. Thus, I once saw a Negro in Adda who had taken two bullets in his nose. Had the gun been properly loaded this would necessarily have been fatal. The Negroes do not aim in battle, but hold the gun at their hips and shoot thus at the enemy – many times with their faces averted because they believe that if they look into the eyes of their fallen enemy they must themselves die. ‘His spirit fetches mine.´ they say. When they have fired they perform a few leaps in the air, withdraw, and come forward again, as described above, until one party wins the upper hand. The Negroes often lie in ambush and, thereby, inflict great injury on 113 Every Negro town that is allied with the Danes is given a Danish flag by the Fort. 114 I have never seen anything like the true and regular manner of fighting mentioned by Isert. [For his descriptions of battle during the Sagbadre War (1783) in the Volta area, see Isert (1788/1992) 51-55; idem (2007) 72-77.]

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the enemy; just as some raiding parties - in which it is considered very honourable to participate - also spread fear and destruction constantly. Wherever they appear they plunder everything and the towns go up in smoke. The Duke of Aqvapim has, in this way, [121] won for himself much honour, as the vassal of the Ashantees in the war against the Fantees. When conflicts between individual quarters, towns, provinces, at times entire kingdoms, cannot be settled by palavers – as described earlier, meaning legal assemblies of the most respected persons - then war breaks out. [War], in turn, is regularly resolved by palavers, which can well, in this case, be called the congresses of Africans, although the wars, not infrequently, result in the total destruction of one of the parties. In the course of the war they often send each other ambassadors, who are respected. The European fort chiefs often involve themselves as negotiators in a conflict, and settle it, especially when it is between individual quarters in an allied town. I have never kown them to act as peacemakers between entire nations. Peace is rarely of long duration between the Negro nations. If a prince wants to offer another war or peace, he makes his claims and then shows the messenger or ambassador grain or a sword. The Negroes love to express themselves symbolically: in times of peace one can, namely, bring forth grain from the earth. More often, contending neighbours begin war by destroying one another’s plantations – or socalled rossare places 115 – and killing the Negroes working at cultivation and living in the huts there. Sometimes, however, some free Negro families live on the plantation, too, especially during harvest time. Actual tents are not used by the Negroes [122] but if they camp for a longer period they raise small huts, at least for the more prominent individuals. Such huts are made of poles and turf and have a couple of openings. When the army advances they light fires at night and make camp, making merry the entire time. Despite the fact they live in a burning climate the Negroes hate the strong heat of the sun, therefore nobody ever goes out during the warmest part of the day, unless forced 115 [Rossare is from Portuguese roçar, to plant.]

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by necessity.116 The more prominent Negroes also carry - in war and on other occasions - very large umbrellas under which there could be room for 20 to 30 people. Nor does the Negro expose himself willingly to the rain. Against both these phenomena the great forests provide them with comfortable shelter during their marches.

116 Both the vigorous rubbing of fat onto the body – which the Negroes do – and the pointed straw, or cane cap, like a sukkertopp [Danish: a cone-shaped sweet] that they wear on their heads, is intended to protect them from the burning heat of the sun.

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Chapter five

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Hunting and Fishing [123] The hunt is practised by the Negroes more as a craft than as a leisure activity and for enjoyment. The latter is probably never the case. They could not conceive of why the Europeans wanted to, as they said, plague themselves by walking, let alone hunting. For them the greatest pleasure is most often to lie stretched out on a mat on the ground, gossiping, drinking, smoking tobacco, gaming, etc. But every wealthy man keeps his own hunter - who is called bombefoi in the Accara language – and such a one often becomes, by habit, a hunter in heart and soul. At the forts one or more hunters are also kept, who constantly provide game. The somewhat remarkable thing about their costume is that they always wear a pointed, straw cap, leather sandals, and a rectangular cartridge pouch of tiger skin. Their weapons are a flint-lock musket and a dagger, or a long knife that hangs in a sheath on their left hip. A true bombefoi never shoots while running or in flight. He smiles when he sees a European [124] do this, even when the latter hits [the target], which he considers a stroke of luck. But no one can show greater proficiency in stalking game than he does. Also, the patience and perseverance he often displays during the hunt are remarkable. Exposed to all the difficulties of the hunt, in a land of burning heat, surrounded by beasts of prey on all sides, he often stays out for several days and nights in a row. If, towards morning or at any other time of day, he sees that a specimen of large game, for example an antelope, is hiding in the bush, he will in no way disturb it, nor will he leave

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the place. No, he has the patience to creep through the bush until he is within shooting distance, and then lies there until evening, when he knows the animal will go out and graze calmly, so that he can successfully shoot it. These regions, just as the regions around Ada and Ningo, are so rich in game that the Negroes around there very quickly come upon stationery targets.117 When the Negroes stay [125] on their plantations, or rossare places, they usually have their muskets with them, both to be able to defend themselves in the event of an attack, and so that they can kill wild animals who destroy their crops, upon which wild boar often inflict great damage. They also shoot other useful and edible game. A bombefoi always has his tinderbox with him, partly to be able to light a fire when he does not sleep in a tree, as is often the case, partly to be able to prepare his food when he does not settle for fruit and bread, which he often carries with him, or which he can purchase for cowries in every town on his way.118 Hunters make a soup that is named after them. It is called ‘bombefoi soup´ and is made of the stomach of the felled animal with undigested grass in it. This is cooked in water and palm oil and is flavoured with cayenne pepper, which grows in quantities in Africa and is called schattoe in Accara. This soup is very tasty when it is fresh. But when the hunter has buried the animal’s stomach in the ground because he did not have an opportunity to consume it immediately, and then digs it up after a few days and makes the soup, one must then have the Negroes’ [126] taste for half-rotten, or, as he calls it, snuf meat or fish, to be able to eat it. If a Negro has felled an animal so large that he cannot carry it home or to the nearest town, he cuts off a piece of an ear, or of the tail, and 117 Not infrequently, one does see, close by, whole herds of several hundred antelopes. Many authors, such as Isert, speak of hart in Africa, but since the hart actually has antlers, or branched horns, as a characteristic, and all the African animals lack these, they are more correctly referred to as members of the antelope family. Isert says that no antelopes are found in Aqvapim. This is incorrect, but because of the thick forest they are rarely seen, except after heavy rains when, to avoid the dripping trees, they resort to open places, paths, plantations, etc. [Isert (1788/1992) 126, 136; idem (2007) 169, 181.] 118 Steel and flintstone are not found on the Coast but must be purchased from Europeans. But sponge and easily inflammable fibres of leaves are plentiful. The Negroes know how, in cases of emergency, to start a fire by rubbing two sticks together.

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CHAPTER FIVE

takes it to his master or family, where he finds helping hands. To steal a piece of game so marked is considered to be robbery, and I have known a Negro who was sold because of it. That kind of crime is, in fact, committed very rarely, since, on the whole, things that are standing or lying in the fields or near a town are seldom, or almost never, taken by a thieving hand. This includes such things as chopped wood piled in large heaps, and large stacks of oyster shells to be burnt for lime. The main reason for such things to be left in peace must be found in the fact that the owner has, as it is said, had fetish made over it by a fetish priest; that is, on or near it, he sets one or several sticks to which he binds a chicken, some maize, etc. for the fetish. Such things are, then, considered to be sacred until the owner has need of them, and it is believed that anyone who violates this invites misfortune. When a Negro brings some considerable game to his master he is usually given a gift of brandy and cowries. The first time a hunter shoots a very large or dangerous animal, such as a buffalo, a tiger or the like, he must make ‘custom´, during which they indulge in drinking, dancing, etc, as is usual with ‘custom´. [127] When a Negro at Adda shoots such an animal for the first time, he becomes, or rather pretends to be, possessed (the fetish has panyarred him, as they say) and he rushes, in this state, raving, over marshes and rivers and through the bush to his birthplace, without paying the least heed to any obstacles in his way. There they know what this means and accompany him to the place where the animal was felled. I was once witness to such an ecstasy during my stay at Kongensteen. The Negroes do not shoot at buffaloes when they are in a herd, for fear of being killed by the others. Rather, they try to sneak up on an individual. Thus, once when I was in Adda we shot a large buffalo who had a calf. We captured the calf but were unsuccessful in [attempts to] raise it. Meanwhile, a single buffalo kills the hunter if he has, unfortunately, hurt or injured it without its dying immediately. It happened once in my time that the hunter and buffalo were found lying, dead, next to each other. Should a hunter shoot a lone buffalo and there are several others are in the vicinity without the hunter noticing it, it can happen, at times, that they seek out the bombefoi. 113

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One of these hunters told me that he, so threatened, fled up into a tree, and the herd of buffalo circled around the tree, snorting in wrath, but did not leave it until hunger forced them to. I have been told that the buffalo, in such rages, can breathe their froth - which is believed to be poisonous - on a fleeing hunter, and if it hits him [128] it will kill him; but this sounds like a fable. The hunter must also fear other animals. Not rarely is a hunter torn apart by a tiger if he wounds it, or comes upon it unexpectedly. A bombefoi with whom I have often gone hunting, had a strange meeting with a large tiger one day. He sighted an antelope and began to sneak up on it to within shooting distance. A tiger, whom he did not see, was also sneaking up to within attacking distance. When the hunter came to a small thicket from which he intended to fire his shot, the tiger appeared on the other side, and had he not been lucky enough to fell the tiger just as it was preparing to spring on him, he would have been finished. It is not without joy that I still recall my hunting trips in Africa. It was these that, to a high degree, toughened me to able to bear the thousand discomforts under which the thinking and feeling man suffers. Yet, how beautiful is it not, when, in a small canoe, you twist your way, while bird hunting, through the river’s many crooked arms, at times for miles on end; and in the shade of majestic, ever-green trees that arch over the river’s mirror-clear surface; [trees] in which flocks of birds are swinging, or [the river] whose calm is sometimes broken by a surfacing hippopotamus. How pleasant are not the expanse of fields in cooler evening, under an eternally blue sky, for the quiet hunter when, weary, he listens to the mournful sound of millions of crickets, and to the various tones of the many animals that awaken to life when the [129] Master of creation closes His eye. Or when the speckled partridge, calling from the top of the tall termite hills, shines in the friendly evening sun, still inviting the hunter to a catch.119 The hunter has so often been harshly censured. Yet, is not everything pure for the pure? The true hunter certainly does not take joy in shedding blood; he takes joy in his proficiency in being able to strike from different 119 The hunters know that the cocks among the wild special of fowl cackle, towards evening, to summon the entire flock that often spreads out during the day to find food.

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CHAPTER FIVE

positions; he delights in Nature’s multitude of beautiful and changing scenes. The very dangers and difficulties that he bravely overcomes give him a pleasant feeling of his powers. His life is the very picture of mankind when it is at its happiest. It is a life of pleasant hope, a life of anticipation alternating [between] suspense and fulfilment. I would not advise any Europeans in Guinea to go hunting from the morning hour on, since not only is the very high grass and bush so moistened by the fallen dew that you will be soaked through in a few minutes, but you also go toward the increasing heat of the sun, to which even the Negro does not want to expose himself, and for the European, especially when he has not been in the country for a long time, is nearly fatal. From 3 o’clock in the afternoon [130] until evening it is, on the contrary, most tolerable and most comfortable. You can also walk in the gentle moonlit nights, but then the mosquitoes are such a plague then that you can scarcely stand still, which is sometimes, of course, very important for the hunter. The Negroes can better tolerate those stings since their skin is toughened by the constant rubbing in of fat, and since they seem to have a double skin, one white and one black. In vain do we arm ourselves with clothing against the mosquitoes’ stings, since they sting through the nanquin, which we normally use.120 This is something they cannot do through leather, so he who can tolerate it would do well to wear leather trousers and gloves. Because of snakes and other dangerous crawling animals one must, as a hunter in Africa, wear high boots. Even in the daytime you are not free of the mosquito in shady and cool places, and they are by far more bothersome than any other insects. In appearance they are not much different from our long, thin mosquitoes, but their sting is more poisonous and painful. Where the wind blows strongly, such as in high places and on the beach, you are not much bothered by them. They are the worst in marshes and low places, for example at the marshy [area around] Kongensteen, where you cannot sleep at night without having a mosquito net, or so-called pavilion, of exceedingly thin canvas, or cotton, over the bed. If you are ill you are not stung by these insects. The European usually has a number of Negroes with him for the 120 [ Nanquin, nankeen, a cotton cloth dyed yellow, originally from Nanking, China]

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hunt so they can chase, [131] or make their way through the bush and grass, while he, standing still, can always have a chance to shoot. Dogs cannot very well be used in hunting because they are not careful enough to watch out for snakes that very often lie in the grass; and not infrequently do [the snakes] inflict a fatal wound if the hunter has been so unfortunate as to step on one. Nevertheless, the Negroes at the beach use a kind of small, middle-sized African dog that resembles our bastards. They never bark, have a mediocre sense of smell, and are, therefore, not very useful. Those are the only kind of African dog I have seen. A number of them perish during hunting after having been bitten by a snake. They die under convulsions, usually a couple of hours after having been bitten. Hunting dogs have often been brought to the Coast from England, at times also from Denmark, but – as is the case with other animals from Europe – they can only very rarely tolerate the change of climate, and even if they survive, they become sluggish and, for the most part, unsuitable for hunting. 121 The bombefois prefer to go hunting alone, except in the case of elephant hunting, which is rarely undertaken on the coast. Several ally themselves [132] and travel for a number of weeks into the interior. The tusks of the felled elephants are buried in the earth as the elephants are killed, and the Negroes penetrate further in the country. [The tusks] are taken along when they return home. At times such expeditions are undertaken from Aqvapim. The Negroes find the meat of the elephant tasty, but what they cannot finish eating during such a long hunt is left lying there. They also search for elephant tusks, which are said to be shed every seventh year. The bombefois have what they call fetish with them on the hunt, that is, they carry certain small things that, on the one hand are meant to protect them against the dangers of the hunt, such as: seizure by others, attack by ravenous animals, snake bite and especially the explosion of the guns, which happens frequently since the Negroes sometimes load them too heavily. And, finally, [the fetishes] are 121 Yet I have seen swine and geese as the exception; the only peculiarity in the latter case is that they never reproduced. As far as my experience goes, swine tolerate the change of climate even better than people. Could the ease with which they benefit from, and thrive on, almost every kind of food perhaps contribute to this?

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meant to bring them luck in the hunt. These things are bound by a string around the neck, wrist, at the butt of the gun, or on the hunting pouch, and are made up partly of dried bits of animals [133] that have been killed, partly of wooden or clay figures, along with other trivia that have been consecrated to the fetishes, and which they can carry without any inconvenience.122 In Ningo, at Fredensborg, as well as at other game-rich areas, I have seen that the Negroes who are bombefois have raised outside their huts, or in an open place nearby, a small fence made of sticks and twigs placed in a circle, in which they pile horns of the animals felled, [horns] of the most varied forms: straight, curved, twisted by Nature, etc. This is partly a matter of honour, and partly because they believe that they are thus acknowledging the fetishes that protect them in the hunt. Such places are sacred, or, in a way, sanctified, and outsiders are not permitted to enter. The Negroes on the coast do not concern themselves greatly with capturing animals, though, in cases of need they are not lacking in skill. Thus, I have, at the English Fort Winnebah, seen a considerable number of traps for catching tigers and leopards. This fort lies in Fantee where these beasts of prey reproduced in great numbers after the population was diminished by [134] the war with Ashantee. At first they were considered to be [an instrument of] punishment used by the fetishes, and were spared, but when they finally became so aggressive that at that fort alone – where I was staying, for the sake of my health, to be treated by a doctor - they killed up to 40 people, some traps were set out in which I saw a considerable number of tigers 122 One thing that is often used is the piece of skin that surrounds the anus of the civet cat. Also often in use is the outermost tuft of hair on the tail of a small animal called sanna, in Accara, and which resembles a weasel, lives mostly on fruit, has grey-brown bristly fur, is accompanied by an evil stench, is easily tamed, but it gnaws to pieces clothing and anything else it finds in the room. But nothing is more preferred for this use than the skeletonized head of the small animal duum, which lives in underground holes, eats fruit, belong to the species swine, and is sometimes seen in great herds – like a flock of small pigs – on the plantations, in the evening. They are brown, and because of their swift movements in the bush and their slipping down into the earth, they are most difficult to shoot. I have never managed to do this. The head [?skull] of this animal is considered to be especially health-bringing and is commonly used as an amulet, especially for small children. They must be most difficult to obtain since one sees so few of these heads, and those who own them set great store by them.

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caught and killed. These traps had a very simple construction. They were made up of poles pounded into the earth in a long rectangle that was open at one end. Logs were laid across the top of these [poles] and large stones placed on top of them. A trap-door, raised by a rope, would fall down in the middle of the trap. Inside, the rope was fastened to some small poles forming a fence around a kid or a lamb. When the tiger entered the trap to eat the lamb he had to first push these poles aside, and then the trap-door fell and he was a prisoner. There was just enough room between the poles to stick the barrel of a gun in and kill the animal. When the tiger has first tasted human flesh he becomes, as is well known, especially greedy for it. The tigers had settled in the bush around the entire town, and when the people went out into the fields on their errands, they were attacked by the springing animals and torn apart. Otherwise, I have often, on hunting trips, met, or rather seen at fairly close range, tigers, leopards, and jackals, but it has been my experience that these animals do not attack without cause. But one must take care not to approach them too closely, or, even more important, not to injure them, since then, without exception, they will attack and kill. Sometimes the tigers approached [135] the main Fort so closely that some individual [animals] entered the town at night. Bait was set out for them and they were shot to death, since at Accara, in contrast to other places, they are not held to be sacred animals.123 Where this is the case, it is said that the fetishmen can easily capture and tame them, and just as do other sacred animals, these come to the fetishman at night and are fed. It is not impossible that they can be lured to receive food at a certain spot, but it is more likely that, under this pretext, gifts are gathered for the sacred animals, and they themselves [i.e. the fetishmen] live well by this means. If the plantations are much bothered by beasts of prey, especially wild boar, deep holes are sometimes dug and covered with a thin layer of twigs and earth, and usually some animals are caught in this way. I have seen some jackals, antelopes and wild boar caught by this method 123 A Negro, in Ussue, who, from his house, had shot and injured a tiger, was pursued by it. It rushed at him and he would have been killed had he not fled quickly and got help. The tiger was then felled by several shots.

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in the vicinity of Aqvapim. An excellent bird glue is made of rubber from a tree, melted together with clay. This is applied to long, naked twigs and sticks that are fastened to trees or other places where a catch can be expected, and [the Negroes] are very clever in driving the birds they wish to catch [to these traps]. [136] Even larger birds, such as parrots, parakeets, etc. are caught in this way.124 When they do not care if the bird is killed or not, it is also caught in a rather large trap in the form of a semi-circle. This is set so that it forms a slanted angle to the ground. Under the trap grain is placed as bait, and it is placed inside of a small arrangement of sticks which, when touched by the bird, make the trap fall down and kill it. In this way, in particular, many and various partridges are caught in and around the plantations. Small birds are caught in a particularly neat way, namely by a single, flexible twig whose end is fastened into the earth, and on the other end a snare is set. This is then bent to the earth in a curve and fastened with small sticks so that when the bird, lured by seeds or bits of fruit, steps on it the twig springs into the air and the bird is caught by the leg. [In hunting] they also use a kind of long stake with some iron fastened at the end, resembling a bayonet. I have seen this used at Qvitta, in the same way the Negroes use them in warfare. They practise with them in striking a given target, which seldom fails in a cast from a distance of 20 to 40 paces. This weapon is especially useful in that it does not frighten the animal away. Fishery is an occupation for the poorer groups of Negroes. Each town that lies [137] near the sea or a revier [lagoon] normally has a number of fishermen and fishing canoes.125 On some lagoons the fetish 124 Parakeets are a variety of small, green parrots with red beaks. 125 Revier means, in Africa, not only a river but a kind of stagnant inland lake, formed by Nature, close to the sea. These are found at Christiansborg, as well as at Fredensborg and Princensteen, the latter revier being especially large and rich in fish and birdlife. That one is connected by an arm to the Rio Volta, so one can sail on it from Kongensteen to Princensteen. These reviers have brackish water and are, at times, connected by an arm to the sea. And, since the water is always brackish, it is reasonable to conclude that where no such connection is visible, there must be an underground connection. It is known that seawater, by being sieved through sand, loses much of its salinity. Therefore, when there is great lack of water in Africa the Negroes dig deep holes in the sand close by the sea, in which there soon accumulates some drinkable water. Not far from the sea, and in the sand at Qvitta there can be found quantities of the most delicious water.

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forbids the use of canoes, for example on the Punie Lagoon, which is connected to the sea by a broad arm, and since you always have to cross it when travelling by land, in a hammock from Christiansborg to Fredensborg, you are in danger of losing your life, especially at high tide and at night. This has happened to me at least once, when I was making an official trip to Fort Fredensborg. The Negroes believed that we could cross over in the dark, but the water had risen, and in the middle of the lagoon [138] the current pulled us out toward the sea. It was only by the greatest exertion on the part of the swimming bearers that we came to a small holm, from which we successfully reached the other shore. On certain fetish days in the week it is forbidden to fish in the lagoon, on others, in the sea. These days are unalterably fixed in some places, in others they are determined arbitrarily by the fetish priests. Sometimes they cut out, as they say, a small, stagnant lagoon, that is they lead it out into the sea by [digging] a channel. This is usually done at a certain time of the year, such as after the rainy season when it is very full. For this they need permission from the cabuseer or, especially, the fetishman or chief priest. When this is done the water in the lagoon becomes very shallow, and an abundance of fish are then caught. The most usual method of fishing is with a net. The net is round, about 3 to 4 fathoms in diameter.126 At intervals of ½ alen small lead weights or stones are hung around the entire edge. In the middle a rope has been fastened, which the Negro holds wound up on one hand while, with the other, he throws the net so that it spreads in a circle over the surface of the water, and, by means of the weights, it sinks into the depths. To be able to perform such a cast correctly requires special ability and much expertise. Using the rope the fisherman hauls in the net in such a way that the fish cannot escape once they have come under it. The meshes in these nets are very tight, and the net is made of [139] fibres of palm, plantain or coconut trees. Not only do they fish successfully with this net in the lagoon and at the shore, where the net can sink to the bottom, but also out in the ocean where this is not the case. It is my guess that the fish there, [disturbed] by 126 [ Fathom here is a linear measure of about 6 feet.]

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the tumult caused by the throwing of the net, rise to the surface and are thus entangled. Even large fish are sometimes caught in this way. I have seen sword fish caught in the nets. The Negroes say that as soon as its sword is entangled in the net, it loses its will [to fight] and allows itself to be handled in any way. When free it is said to be able to run its sword right through a canoe, if the crew are not on their guard and turn it away in time. It is most often so large that the fisherman in their small canoes cannot bring it all the way in to land through the surf that is always so strong. Therefore, they usually cut it into portions in the sea and bring it in in pieces. Since they always get wet while going through the breakers in those small canoes, and the heat of the sun – against which they cannot protect themselves by raising a sun sail on such canoes – as the day advances, in my experience, is strong enough to cause blistering on the skin when one is sitting very still, fishing in this manner in the sea cannot be a source of pleasure. To stand on the shore of a lagoon or a river, under the shade of trees, and angle, however, is absolutely possible. The Negroes rarely fish with hooks since this would scarcely produce a rich catch. Yet, certain [140] varieties of fish, such as the cinqe-sous that stay in the ocean near Accara, are always caught with hooks. I have never seen worms [for bait] in Africa, but they make use of meat, pork and the meat of newly-caught fish. In the Rio Volta they ram poles down from the river’s edge to 30 to 40 paces out into the river, which, in some places is very wide – about ¼ mile. A long net is fastened to these poles, in which are caught the fish, who often follow the river’s edge in schools. I have also seen a truly unusual method of fishing which, to one who has not been an eye-witness, would seem unbelievable. [In places] where the river forms a small bay with calm waters and a narrow entrance, the Negro fences it in with sticks and twigs. Then he sprinkles a quantity of herbs [?seeds/leaves] of a certain plant on the surface of the water, and when these have lain there for a while, the drugged fish float up to the surface and can be taken quickly by hand. They soon recover from the drug. When he has helped himself to as many as he wishes he removes the fence. Many also catch turtles by hand, some of a particular variety that are found in the river, 121

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some of a variety that come from the ocean and swim into its mouth. I have, myself, taken part in the catching of turtles in this way; when the turtle is sleeping quietly on the surface of the water, by letting the canoe float noiselessly toward it, and when close enough, to overturn it onto its back in the boat. The Negroes tell us that the turtles, in mating season, swim up the river in great numbers, [141] and, standing upright against each other, embrace one another with their flippers. They are then in such a senseless condition that one can sail right up to them and catch them. When sea turtles go ashore in the sand near the seashore it looks like a wagon has driven there. The Negroes then follow [the track], overturn it onto its back, and it is caught. Jackals are also said to know how to take possession of the turtle, when they are out in packs seeking prey.

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Some Notes on the African Natural Kingdom [142] It is certainly not my intention to describe, here, Africa’s animals and natural products with a scientific pen; nor dare I hope that I have made any considerable discoveries in that respect. However, since, in a sketch of Guinea, I cannot entirely omit the natural kingdom, it will hardly be generally unwelcome to my readers that I, hereby, touch on what I found remarkable; just as it will certainly be convenient for those of my countrymen who, in future, come to wander in those regions, to know by which of the larger creatures and things they will be most closely surrounded. In that respect I shall name most of them as long as they have not already been described in another connection – without being able to bind myself to any strict order. There are no lions on the Gold Coast itself. However, it is probably that they are caught or killed not far from the coast since, at times, there are brought down fresh hides of these [143] animals for sale. On the coast of Benin – where I have been with an English captain – I heard their roar in the evening, and have been told that there were not a few of them there. Nor does the elephant come near our settlements down at the shore; if so, it must have lost its way and been chased. In this way one was once felled not far from the Danish Fort Fredensborg. It had many old bullets in its thick hide, and had, apparently, wandered around a long time before it was felled by several bullets to the head. Elephants are not rare at Vida. 127 Tigers are not very common, yet they are often confused with 127 [Lions and elephants are savannah animals so would not normally be seen at the coast – the exception being in the so-called Dahomey Gap, a small area where the savannah stretches down to the coast.]

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leopards, which are far more common. When young they can be tamed fairly easily, and I have seen a young leopard at the home of a Dutch commander, so tame that it played around him like a happy dog. The two that were once kept at the Veterinary School in Copenhagen were of this species.128 [144] The jackal, or golden wolf, is found everywhere, and in great numbers, along the coast and has, at times the hyena for company. The jackals come into the towns nearly every night and steal swine, goats, etc., if the Negro has not succeeded beforehand in chasing them away by shouting and running after them with a lit torch.129 In certain places, as at Accara, you must pay a certain sum for their burial if you kill them, since they are sacred there, and the Negroes consider it inviting misfortune to kill them. If one of these animals is found dead, or, as is sometimes the case, perished in a water trap that the Negroes dig here and there, it is buried by the fetishman.130 [145]The animal called ‘tiger cat´ in Africa is about twice as large as a fully grown tame cat. It has the tiger’s colour, though it is a bit more flamelike; its neck is considerably longer than that of our cats. It does a great deal of damage to smaller, tame creatures, since - as I have seen myself at Fort Prindsensteen - it dares to come close to the town and the fort even in 128 It was the deceased Major and Governor Wriisberg who had presented them to the government, after having brought them home, at great cost. The question, and answer, which our king - then crown prince - asked and gave, gives immortal honour to his heart, and was told to me by Wriisberg. H.M. asked this, `How much meat can such an animal digest weekly?´ A certain quantity was mentioned. `How many of our indigent subjects could not live on that!´ was the reply of our humane prince. 129 That the jackal - which is flamed in colour, or grey with black spots – seized people, as Isert claims, is unheard of. That must be when, in a pack, they come upon a lonesome traveller. [Ref. is to Isert (1788/1992) 128-9 and n.cc; idem (2007) 172]. 130 I have seen not only jackals but other animals also caught in such water traps. Among others I have seen a very strange animal caught there. It belonged undoubtedly to the amphibiæ, since it lived in the water trap as well as spending several days on land. It was nearly 3 alen long, had close, strong, brown scales all over its body, which ended in a point. At a first, casual, glance it resembled a small crocodile, but was, yet, not smaller.[sic] The head, in which sparkled two lively black eyes, resembled that of an antelope more than a crocodile. Along the belly, or underneath from the head to the end it was quite black and soft. It might have been about one alen wide over the chest, and became gradually thinner toward the outer sides. It had no feet, but could - which it did when frightened – roll itself up tightly so that it when laid on its side it formed a horizontal circle. In this way, and with its strong scales, it was protected against enemy attack.

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daylight. I have even shot one from there in the middle of the day. I have seen it sneak slowly up on its prey, taking a long time, until finally, when it is close enough, overcomes it in one leap. It even catches birds in the same way. The civet cat is not uncommon. The Negroes domesticate it, keep it in large cages, and regularly scrape out the fluid which collects in the pouch under its tail. Since this fluid is used as perfume, especially by the Negresses who rub it into their skin, it is sold at a very high price. Every wealthy Mulatto woman and Negress likes to keep a civet cat; then she never lacks an important item for her toilette. The buffaloes that I have seen in Africa (close to Kongensteen whole herds are often seen) are fully as large as our largest oxen. They are more fleet of foot, and when pursued [146] they often, with a great roar, leap over high places and through the rustling bush. When they are not under attack they always flee from travellers. They are usually red or greyish, with long hair on their heads and especially on their necks, and they have horns that curve backwards. Antelopes are often seen in the hundreds, especially between Fredensborg and Kongensteen. There are many species and variations; we see red antelopes about as large as our hart; and red ones with white stripes along the sides, which resemble, at first glance, our fallow deer. There are also some that are almost black, but of the same size, but these are far more uncommon. None of them are more common than the red and white striped ones. There are also those that are mouse-grey, about the size of a half-grown lamb. On the whole, the antelope family seems to range from the size of the hart down to nearly a minimum [sic].Thus, one finds small, fully-grown antelopes that are not larger than that they could stand comfortably with all four legs on the palm of a mediumsized hand. They are dark brown, have lively black eyes and pointed horns that stand straight up. I hardly know of a more beautiful animal. The Europeans tame them and have them wandering around in their rooms, but it is very difficult to keep them alive.131 [147] It is generally 131 Beautifully, and ingeniously [sic], do the Negroes tell about this little animal: that it was once the largest of all the animals, and their king. It tried actively to establish peace and happiness, but harvested small reward for its trouble. Exhausted by its burdensome life, it complained pitifully to the fetish, asking that it could become the smallest of the animals. Its prayer was answered, and now it is the happiest and most beloved of all the animals, feared by none.

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known that the antelope does not have antlers, like the hart, but, rather, horns. These are very diverse. Among some they point forward, others backward, still others stand nearly straight up. They are also of varied colours, and the horns of some are twisted, among others rather flat, even others that are straight and pointed. These variations are best seen in such sacred horn collections, which I have described earlier are sometimes found among the bombefois or hunters. In the daytime, in the heat, the antelope lie mostly scattered around in the bush, and, with the help of some Negroes to drive them out, one can easily shoot them. In the morning and evening they appear in large herds, on lovely plains surrounded by forest, treating the traveller to a pleasant sight. Seldom disturbed, they approach people with a fair show of courage, and only when one shoots among them do they flee in all directions. Of wild boar there are both red and black, and I have seen some that weighed 260 pounds. They cause much damage on the plantations, and are usually shot at night by the bombefoi who lie in wait. They are not dangerous to follow unless they have been injured. At least, I have tracked one a long way and it never made a move [148] to threaten me. They are, moreover, well-armed with large tusks. They have hair on their bodies like an antelope, but along the back and at the end of the tail they have stiff brush like our pigs. Their snout is especially broad, and their ears are large and hang down. They have no real pork but their meat is white and tasty. Domestic pigs, which live very well in the burning climate, are found in multitudes in the towns, and their flesh makes one of the Negroes’ favourite foods. As the Negroes’ only domestic animal they are fenced in at night in a pen, mostly of thorny bush that forms an excellent enclosure. But in the daytime they wander around in the scrub and tall grass near the town, and proof of their intelligence is shown, in my opinion, by the manner in which they gather and go to their own homes in the evening. The Negroes and Negresses go out and call out certain words, for example, ‘Hussa! ´bi bi a bi! Each pig seems to recognize the calling voice, goes to meet the one who is calling him, and follows that person home. The porcupine is rather more uncommon; at least we see them less often, but there are different varieties. I have seen some as large as 126

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ordinary pigs. They have very long, variegated black and white quills, and present a fearful sight. In some places in the fields we constantly find quantities of such quills, about ½ alen long and more, and we can use them not only as toothpicks but also instead of [149] writing quills. The Negroes tell us that when the porcupine is angry and needs to defend itself against an enemy, it shoots its quills in all directions, and that is the reason we find so many of them; but I doubt that any nature expert would accept this theory. When they are fleeing the quills cause a rustling sound. I have also seen a very small porcupine that had been captured. It had brown quills, and by means of these and especially with its tail, which had a tuft of them, it could give forth a rustling sound. It had a fairly long neck and was very swift in its movement; this also applies to the larger porcupines I have seen. The African dogs I have seen are of medium size, do not bark, and are, by nature, of little use because of their stupidity. There are multitudes of cats, and many Negroes take pleasure in eating them. I have never seen such large rats as those in Africa. They are scarcely smaller than a small cat. The Negroes in Accara do not normally eat them, but in other places in the country they are considered a delicacy. Thus, I have seen that slaves coming from different regions have, in the courtyard of the Fort, tried eagerly to get hold of the rats which were caught in the warehouses. This could not have been due to hunger since it is contrary to the slave trader’s interest to feed the slaves poorly who are intended for sale and export. The precise opposite is true, so that they will look good in the eyes of the slave captains when they come ashore from the ships to examine them. [150] Domesticated goats are kept in great numbers, and from them is obtained the little milk that is used in Africa. Milk is considered, there, to be absolutely unhealthy. There are, in fact, cows but they are not milked, at least not at the Danish forts.132 Entire herds of them are kept at the forts on the king’s account. By paying instalments from their salaries the royal servants could purchase a cow for about 12 riksdaler 132 Sailors have told me that in Senegal and Gambia cows are milked and very good butter is produced. This could also be done at our settlements in Afarica, where butter is purchased from Europe at a very high price.

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gold, but they are sold by the fort chiefs to the foreign ships for a much higher price. They have undoubtedly been brought out from Europe since they are, for the most part, small and thin, and thus do not seem to have descended from the large buffaloes. During the daytime they are driven out into the fields by the Negroes, and in the evening they are herded into a large pen surrounded by thorny bush outside the Fort, where they are very well protected against beasts of prey. Regarding sheep, which are also found on the coast, I have noticed the remarkable fact that they usually lose their wool and become covered with thin fur such as animals here have. If they were brought back to Europe, they would get their wool back. I cannot recall ever seeing, anywhere else, completely red sheep, or those having the colour of a roe deer. It is unusual to see horses at the Danish establishments. Some horses, brought at great cost from Europe or America, died of the heat. In fact, [151] some small horses are brought from the interior of the land for sale at the coast, but they are usually sluggish and indifferently proportioned. But they could not rightly tolerate the temperature there, at least they could not hold out under the great exertion of riding - the only thing for which they are used. At the coast they cost just as much as a slave. However, I recall that in Benin there are many horses, which is also said to be the case far into the interior.133 I have shot many hares. They are scarcely half the size of ours and since, partly hindered by the tall grass, they are not able to run nearly as vigorously as ours, they can be caught easily, even with the mediocre dogs they have in Africa. Sometimes the Negroes and Mulattos run them in themselves, and beat them to death with clubs. One of the most numerous of the animal classes in Africa is certainly that of the monkey. There are countless varieties of them, from the orang utang down to the very small monkeys that are hardly the size of a lap

133 When Africa, some day, becomes cultivated and they no longer use the Negroes as beasts of burden, they could, to great advantage, use donkeys which, with little expense, could be brought from the Cape Verde Islands, especially from Majo where they are found in great numbers. The Portuguese already use them very commonly at certain places in Africa, for example, at the flourishing colony at Loango. They are also found at Vida.

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dog.134 Some are thickly covered with hair, some thinly so. Some have very long [152] tails, others very short ones. There are brown monkeys, reddish ones, black and variegated, or black with a white ring around the neck.135 The Negroes undoubtedly ascribe to this class of animals some higher spirit. They are called the ‘fetish’s Boy (meaning ‘servant’) and are sacred at certain places, such as Aqvapim. The Negroes tell us that when Jongmaa (meaning the highest Being) created people the fetishes wanted to imitate him, and behold: there were brought forth semi-people, the monkeys, and that these sometimes go down to the sea to make custom or perform a ritual bath. We are also told that when the monkeys go out in a pack, to plunder the plantations, individuals are put out on guard, or look-out duty, and that these are killed if the rest are taken by surprise. It is asserted that the large one, especially the orang-utan, seek intercourse with Negresses, and that they can be impregnated thus. Indeed, they say they have examples of Negresses having been bound to trees by the apes, who have thus satisfied their lust, one after the other – tales whose veracity I must leave to the experts of the natural kingdom to verify. In the region around Kongensteen, where there is an incredible number of them , they are often seen promenading with a stick in their hands. At times they have, with these sticks, beaten single travelling Negroes to death; therefore, one travels, preferably, several together where there are many monkeys. [153] On the whole, they are timid, especially the large ones. When, from a great distance, you fire into a flock, there arises a confused activity among them. Because of the shot whistling around them they clasp their hands to their heads and other parts of their bodies, thus causing them to collide with each other. They seize their young, and carrying them under their arms, and with a fearful shrieking (some have shrill voices, others coarse) they take to rapid flight. The smaller varieties are not so timid. When we sail on the rivers under overhanging trees they often follow the canoe, shrieking, from tree to tree, for miles, hanging 134 [ The orang-utan is found only in Sumatra and Borneo. Monrad may be thinking of the chimpanzee or baboon.] 135 The Europeans seek these eagerly, and call them `priest monkeys´.[Mona monkey (Cercopithecus) .]

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by their long tails from the branches and swinging back and forth. If one of them is shot, the noise increases, but from a greater distance. The very small monkeys are eaten by the Negroes in many places. In this case, too, I knew a European who had a soup made of them, and found it tasty. But I admit that when I was once going to eat it, too, the desire deserted me at the sight on my plate of hands and feet that could have been of small people. On the whole, one can well call the monkey a cheerful, hilarious animal. Most of their time is spent in animal tricks and play, and I have often, unnoticed, watched them with delight for hours on end. They are very industrious on the plantations in pulling up what has been planted, and one has trouble enough trying to keep them away. The old ones throw the young into the air, and train them to climb rapidly up the trees. Crabs, which have their holes in the ground near the water - for whom the monkeys have the patience to wait for a long time [154] until they appear - as well as other small animals that they catch, are thrown up into the air by the monkeys, who enjoy themselves noisily with such ball games, but it happens, at times, that the crab gets hold of the monkey’s finger with its claw, and then the joy is replaced by complaints and pitiful screams. Of birds, there is an endless abundance in Africa, especially near the rivers. At some places there are such multitudes that they nearly hide the river and darken the air. Along the Rio Volta there is a very large bird that I have not seen described anywhere. It is almost three alen tall and is dark blue on the body, mixed with some red and white on the wings and especially on the breast, neck and head. It has long black legs and beak, and because of its short wings probably does not fly very high. Although it does not swim it lives on fish, and one regularly sees a great number of these birds standing in long rows on the river bank, which, from a distance, resemble a whole rank of soldiers. This fact, and their colour, have undoubtedly provided the excuse for the Europeans in Guinea to call them ‘Dutch soldiers´. The Negroes are afraid to approach them, and say that they sometimes attack and kill individual people, but I have never, regardless of how often I have approached them, had occasion to experience that they would attack people. [155] Pelicans lie here and there on the river and fish with their 130

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lower beak, which they use like a scoop. They let it glide along on the bottom and lift it constantly into the air in order to investigate what they have caught in the large pouch that hangs under the beak. Towards evening they go to rest in large trees, and just as I have felled nearly all of the African types of animals, I have also shot a considerable number of these birds. Some had a spread of close to 3 fathoms from one wing-tip to the other. The Negroes say that when they have filled their pouches they fly around until they have digested its contents. When we have been told that the pelican picks a hole in its breast to feed its young, this would mean nothing other than that it lets them take their food out of its deep pouch. The spoon bill; many varieties of wild duck; various, at times very large, snipes; blue, grey and white heron are found in countless flocks at the rivers. It is very easy to tame the herons and feed them fish. When they walk around in the courtyard of the forts one can, from a considerable height, throw fish down to them which they seize in the beaks very adroitly. Flamingos are seen in flocks and it is a lovely sight when they seem to play about in the higher regions and their scarlet-red wings in the clear air seem to reflect the rays of the sun. The so-called crab-eater is a large bird that mostly hovers along the lagoons and lives, for the most part, on crabs, although it does also take fish. It is about [156] the size of an eagle, has mixed brown and white feathers, a short and slightly crooked beak, and medium-sized claws. It certainly belongs to the hawk family, but it seems to me to be among those birds that are not described in the usual natural histories. Acamba - to which the Europeans give a vulgar name - lives close to all the towns, and performs a great service by devouring all kinds of offal and unclean things.136 It is about as large as a small turkey, has a naked head and neck, brown and some white feathers. I consider it to be the Egyptian’s ibis, and at certain places, such as Labodei, it is sacred. Plovers are also found in Africa but are distinguishable from ours by two small, sharp spikes on the wings, one spike on each wing, in the middle, almost on the edge. The Negroes say that when it becomes old, or sick, or is in trouble, it kills itself by pressing these spikes into 136 [ A vulture? Possibly, in Ga, akpaŋa. The vulgar name may be referring to what Rask reports as Dutch stront vogel- ´feces bird`. See Rask (1754 ) //121//]

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its breast. This sounds exceeingly fabulous. Since this is not a bird of prey, nature must have given it these spikes for defence. It is certain that I have seen them on all the birds of this kind that I have shot. What distinguishes the African crow from ours is that they are snow-white on the back where ours are light blue; one might call them pied. They are so full of vermin that one must leave them lying there when they have been shot. [157] With just a slight difference in colour we find both sparrows and swallows in Africa, the former quite grey and the latter mostly black. The Negroes have a prejudice against the sparrows, [believing] that you become blind and mute if you eat them. A variety of turkey is also found there; they are brown, and resemble the domesticated ones slightly in the head, but the fact that they have legs and a beak resembling those of the chicken is sufficient proof that they belong to the same family. They, too, like the partridge, hide in the tall grass, but when they are hunted they sometimes fly up into high trees. It is exceedingly difficult to find this bird since it always lies alone, and when flushed out it is difficult to get a shot at it. If one had a bird dog in Africa to set, one could find them by the thousands. The ‘crown bird´ is a lovely black and white bird, taller than a stork, with a bushy crown on its head, and white cheeks under the eyes.137 It gives forth a sound like that of a trumpet, is easily tamed, fed with maize, and walks around in the courtyards of the forts. This, too, belongs to the chicken family [i.e.gallinaceous]. There are great flocks of guinea fowl on the plantations. Especially in the morning and in the evening do they come out of the bush in swarms and run around the plantations, making a clucking sound. Then one can shoot many of them. When they are being chased they spread out like grouse and partridge and it is difficult to find them in the bush and tall grass since they do not fly up before one nearly steps on them. There are two varieties, both larger than those we see occasionally at home, [158] but one is distinguished by a curly crown on its head and dark blue fleshy flaps on the head, or rather, on the sides of the head and somewhat down the neck. That 137 [This is the Crowned Crane ( Balearica pavonina)..W.Serle and G.J.Morel Birds of West Africa London (1977) 63, 64.]

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variety is rare, and when tamed the Europeans make much of them, even to letting them walk around freely in their rooms. The partridge is half again as large as ours, and whitish grey. It is found very frequently in the vicinity of the maize plantations. There we also see the so-called field hen, a lovely bird which is no larger than a 3-week-old chick, has a red beak and legs, is black with red and white spots over its entire body, and has a small crown. These wild species of chicken provide especially tasty dishes; in particular do the wild turkeys make pleasant eating. The ‘bell bird´ is dark green with a black beak and legs, and has a domed, semi-circle-shaped crown on its head. It lives mostly on fruit and is sold as a rarity to the Europeans. The Negroes say that it shrieks every hour. It is true that it is a very screeching bird; when pursued it flies, screeching, from one tree to another. It is about as large as a dove. Of the same size there is also a bird, far in the interior of the country, that we call ‘night raven´ because it gives forth a shrill and melancholy sound throughout the entire night. It has red and green feathers, is rare, at least it is difficult to catch. I have never shot one but have only seen it at some distance. [159] The turtle-dove whimpers constantly from the treetops. There is also another kind of larger, brown dove with a black ring around the neck, only half as large as the turtle-dove. It is called ‘stone dove´, is light brown, somewhat whitish on the neck, and has lovely wings on which red, green and blue feathers glisten. All of these doves, especially the medium-sized ones, descend in flocks on the plantations during the time the beans and pulse are being harvested. There is also a quite light-green bird that, in shape, resembles a dove precisely, but it lives, in its wild state, on fruit; yet I have tamed them and accustomed them to eating grain and maize. Several varieties of parrots are found there; the grey-blue with a red tail is the most common. But one also finds the small green one with a red beak; the green, long-tailed and the large light-green varieties, of which the latter is very rare. The former variety are brought by the hundred to the coast for sale, and it is said that the sellers from the interior kill those who speak best so they will not betray their secrets. In the forests one finds a variety of long, brown and white magpie, 133

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which is very tasty. Besides this there are found in the forest and bush a number of smaller birds of the most varied colours, in addition to swarms of the small grey, red-beaked ‘social bird´. Further, there is a small, blood-red bird that prefers [160] to swing on the long stalks of grass; the honey bird, with its shining dark green feathers, that flutters restlessly from tree to tree and shows where there are bees - which are frequently found in holes in the trees.138 There is also a bird about the size of a magpie which has a yellow beak and nearly all the other colours. All these captured my attention during my constant wanderings. As wonderfully beautiful as are the feathered swarm, yet there sounds no bird song in Africa. No songbird soars toward the blue sky, none charms the wanderer in the shade of the trees.139 Indeed, all of living nature wakens toward evening to a teeming life, and from forest and bush and field are heard the most various sounds, but no trilling song. Rather, sad and wild screeches remind the Master of creation that he is in the most unhappy part of the world.[sic] It is striking for the observer what a deathly silence, especially during the day from 10 o’clock until 3, rests there over all of nature. It is as if one were in an extinct world. Nightime is the time of life in Africa. [161] At the rivers and other waters you frequently find a very beautiful water bird. It is shiny black with yellow beak and red legs. When young it is grey, then it becomes green, growing darker and darker, and ends up, finally, as black. It is somewhat larger than a snipe. A white and black wader, with a nearly quarter-alen-long, curved beak and long, black legs. It is the size of a chicken, and is seen wandering and fishing along the river banks. It is easily tamed, so that it walks around among other small creatures in the courtyards. A small, grey, long-beaked bird, with long legs, is also seen running along the beach. The Negroes call it metri, the same name given to a 138 Undoubtedly Rask was thinking of this when he described a bird that changed colour. But it is, in fact, very common that birds of different ages have different colours. [Cf. Rask //116//.] 139 Isert speaks of a nightingale in Africa, but this is absolutely incorrect. In Guinea they still speak mockingly of his tale, and call a shrieking bird `Isert’s nightingale´. Few Europeans in Guinea have lived more in free nature than I have, but I have never heard a true birdsong there. [For nightingale, see Isert (1788/1992) 80; idem (2007) 109-10.]

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European who had a habit of walking from one fort to another.140 At the beach, and on the river banks, there is a multitude, and many varieties, of gulls. One large bird, like the gulls themselves of whitish grey colour, distinguishes itself by irritating the gulls who have caught a fish for such a long time that the gull finally lets the fish drop, whereupon the former snaps it up as it falls. As a superficial observation, it is as if by being pecked on the back it lets its excrement fall. Sailors, therefore, report, without grounds, that it is a bird that, [162] described in this way, lives on the droppings of the gulls.141 Swarms of gulls and other water birds move, at moulting time, to certain islands in the Rio Volta that are overgrown with forests and bushes. I have seen them there in the thousands, half-naked, scrambling around in the trees, and if only the marshes and closely-thorned trees had permitted it, one could catch them in unbelievable numbers by hand. Of tame birds there are: Turkish ducks, called dabbedabbe, that are fairly large, and are sold for up to 3 marks apiece; chickens, which are very small, about the size of a half-grown chick, sold for about 6 shillings apiece; as well as pigeons, of which many die before they become acclimated. They also have large Spanish hens. Geese could also live in Guinea, but they do not reproduce. I have, just at the equator, often shot a very large, white and brown bird, resembling a stork. Sailors say that it has its home here, and I have not seen it anywhere else. The English call it ‘the line bird´. Close to the Tropic one constantly sees a small, white, screeching gull with a split tail; the English call this one ‘the tropic bird´. As you approach Europe you are met with another variety of pied, screeching gull that the English [163] sailors have named ‘welcome home!´. On the ocean’s immeasurable surface, where everything is so uniform and so boring, you find amusement in taking notice of the least thing: a bird, a fish, a starfish, seaweed, all draw the observer’s attention. With deep longing he thinks of his country. He feels that he is not an aquatic animal. Even 140 The name given by Negroes to a European is based on something prominent or remarkable about that person. To travel on foot is something unusual for a European. 141 This is undoubtedly the fish hawk. Moreover, there are several varieties of hawk there, and I have seen some that are the size of a turkey, and even larger.

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the sailor, who is justifiably proud of the thousand dangers he defies on the ocean, is, in my experience, very bored there. Even hundreds of miles from land one sometimes sees gulls who are so little accustomed to being disturbed by people that, when rowing out to them in a small boat, I have shot so many that I could provide the entire crew of the ship. Not until many shots had been fired did they learn to flee a little away from us. In the most stormy weather, the ship, far out to sea, is surrounded by a fairly large sea swallow that sometimes rocks on the tops of the towering waves. The English say that it warns of bad weather coming, and call it ‘Mother Carey’s chicken´.142 As we know, it is common [164] that birds, during a long journey, rest in the ship’s rigging. When it is a bird whose home is on land, this is a certain sign that we are not far from land. Of the animals and fish found in the river and sea around the Guinea Coast, the following seem to me the most important. Frequently the river elephant is seen rising up to the surface of the water in the Rio Volta, and its huge body sets the water on all sides in motion. Its teeth [tusks] are not very long, about a half alen, but they are whiter and finer than ordinary ivory. What the English call the sea-cow is without doubt the hippopotamus. This, too, is seen rising [up out of the water], and it is remarkable that noise on the surface, for example someone playing a flute, lures it up. When they have surfaced because of this and looked around, with their great heads and eyes, I have sometimes fired on them, but have never succeeded in killing any. It does happen, although rarely, that in surfacing they upset the canoes. The Negroes say that they often do great damage to the plantations that lie on the banks of the river, and one does see the kind of grooves or places where they have dragged their large bodies ashore. This is where the [165] bombefois lie in wait and shoot them.This is done frequently, yet in all the time I have stayed at the Rio Volta I have never been lucky enough to see any shot. Crocodiles, called ‘kaiman´ in Africa, are found in all the lagoons. 142 I asked them, `Who is Mother Carey?´ The answer was, `A witch!´. The sailors also have their prejudices. For instance, it is said to be bad luck to whistle in a storm. I did it once, without thinking, and the English captain came to me and said, very angrily, `Do not whistle! By God, it blows hard enough!´ Sailors also see death ships which, according to them warn of approaching shipwreck.

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Not infrequently, on the river bank or on sand bars or small islands and holms in the river, one can see whole rows of crocodiles which, at a distance, look like canoes or boats that have been drawn up on land, and, with open mouths, seem to be enjoying the sun’s burning rays. In the vicinity of the Rio Volta the crocodile is sacred and must not be killed, unless you pay its burial costs and an unspecified sum to the fetish priests. If a crocodile goes up on land for any length of time – which happens at times – the entire time is sanctified, with instruments playing, Negroes singing and dancing in their usual manner, partly circling around the animal. I have seen a crocodile (undoubtedly a sick animal) of more than 20 alen’s length, lying at Adda, and being thus honoured for a long time. After having lain quietly on land for several days it got up and went down into the river again. I have shot several crocodiles, and it is not difficult if you have loaded with buckshot and aim at the side of the head, right over the eye. Here they are easily killed, but along the back even a solid lead ball will usually bounce off the hard scales; and on the softer parts of the body, such as the belly, the bullets might go through without [166] causing injury, at least without killing immediately.143 The Negroes believe that its gall is a strong poison. That the crocodile, with its shriek, lures people close enough to kill them is a fantasy that has long since been dropped. It is only rarely that, at the Rio Volta, it has done any damage, although there are cases of its snapping up individuals. During my stay there it happened that a Negress, with her child on her back, waded over a small arm of the river and a crocodile seized the child, which the mother tore back from the monster, but it had been so badly injured that it died shortly afterward. At some places on the river they are said to be so peaceful that, in the morning, they approach the fishermen who go into the water to draw their nets, and are fed by them with fish. Indeed, the fisherman are said to be able to push them away when they become too insistent. However, I have not seen this myself, but I have often seen Negroes go and fish without injury in the water where there are crocodiles. At other places, as in the large lagoon at Popo, 143 [I am indebted to Gudmund Fjeld for information about the two varieties of shot Monrad names.]

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which lies east of Princensteen, they are said to be very bad, and often, with their long tails or the lower part of their bodies they can make a powerful splash on the water, pull Negroes out of their canoes, and eat them. As far as I have able to discover, this lagoon is a large arm of the Rio Volta, which forms a large lake at Princensteen and, from there, runs towards the east. At the rivers there is an animal, found in great numbers, which resembles the crocodile [167] except that it is much smaller, cannot move the upper part of its head, which is short and rounded, and is grey, in contrast to the crocodile that is most often flamed. It is completely amphibious since it can stay both on land and in the water for very long periods. Its half-alen-long body, flexible stinger, or, more correctly, harmless tongue, which ends in a point like that of a harpoon, swings often to all sides, and it is undoubtedly for the purpose of catching insects. The entire animal is one to two alen long, and at Accara it is called mampam.144 I have never seen an animal more tenacious of life; one can beat it so long on the head that it seems quite dead, yet it soon revives, sometimes after ¼ of an hour, or thereabouts. One can shoot it clear through so that the innards spill out of it, and yet it runs away. Indeed. I have seen a doctor cut it into small pieces and the different parts, especially the innards, kept moving for a long time afterward. I have reason to believe that it sees and hears very poorly. At least, one can shoot at it at close range without its moving from the spot unless it has been hit, in which case, with rapid movements, it hides away in the reeds or in the water. The crocodile also hears poorly, since, when it is lying in the tall grass at the river’s edge one can bakaie (this means to paddle a canoe) close up to it. If, however, it is lying at a spot from which it has a wide view, then it is difficult to come close to it. Sometimes it comes up out of the river close to [168] the splashing canoes, and not until it sees them does it distance itself. I seen a great many crocodiles especially at Tuberuku, a lovely island formed by the Rio Volta. Nor have I, anywhere else, seen larger flocks of all varieties of birds and animals than on this island. In addition, this region is fertile and breathtakingly beautiful, and since it is also located conveniently 144 [This is mampaŋ, the land crocodile, or monitor lizard.]

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for the slave trade, some Europeans had a factory here during the period when that trade was flourishing.145 One can still see the ruins of the dikes around the factory, and the remains of a plantation, or rather, a number of fruit trees. Now some Negroes from Adda – from which it lies at a distance of a few miles – only raise small huts on the island during the time for cultivating the earth, or rosarring. Should the time ever come when Europeans colonize Africa humanely, then this pleasant spot on earth certainly deserves, in every respect, to receive fortunate settlers. How many Europeans would not wish, under such conditions, to live in one of South [sic] Africa’s enchanting and fertile regions! Many edible fish are found in the Rio Volta. Especially notable is a shining, white fish, somewhat larger than a mackerel. We call it hardis, and the English call it ‘mallet´.146 There is also one the size of a perch, and not unlike it. The Negroes find it so tasty that they call it aprapedi , meaning ‘it is good for my [169] darling´.147 The catfish, which I have often caught with a hook, is like a small cod, fairly white on the whole body, and has a square head, not unlike that of a cat. What even more enhances its likeness to that animal is that it has some long tentacles around the mouth - which is very wide - and it gives forth a growling sound when it is cast alive on land. Also caught by hooks and nets is a small fish which, in appearance and taste, resembles our crusian carp. These and more edible fish are found in great quantities everywhere in the rivers, and they can be caught at any time with little trouble and expense. When you sail in the canoes, not infrequently they jump into the boat by themselves. At times ocean fish swim up the Rio Volta, especially at certain times of the year when its water, for a distance of several miles, is mixed with seawater.148 According to claims of the Negroes there are often bitter battles between the crocodile and the shark. I myself have seen a large crocodile in the river which had lost more than two alen of its tail, in such a battle, it was said. 145 Many slaves are brought from this region, and especially from Crepee. 146 Hardis is probably the grey mullet (Isert 1788/1992, 34, n.12; idem (2007) 50 n.12). 147 [ Aprapedi: Twi mpra/mpena means lover; pe, like; di, eat. (p.c. M.E. Dakubu).] 148 See the remarks about Rio Volta in the Foreword.

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Turtles swim into the mouth of the river for mating. It is known that they lay their eggs in the sand to hatch in the warmth of the sun. The Negroes say that the turtle knows at what time the eggs are hatched, and that it then comes back to scrape the sand aside. When the young then creep down to the sea [170] the mother eats as many of them along the way as she can manage, since otherwise their number would be too great. Granted this sounds very fabulous, but it is certain, as I have seen myself, that the sea turtle - which often weighs more than an ox - lays a surprising number of eggs, I dare say several bushels full. Presumably only a small number of this enormous quantity are hatched. In the river itself a kind of turtle has its home. It is much small than the sea turtle, and is distinguished by having no hard shell on the back or belly, but only a fairly thin one around the breast and neck. It has a grey, dirty and ugly appearance, and is not eaten with the same relish as the ordinary ones.149 In Africa I have seen two varieties of small land turtles. One is totally grey, the other mixed light and dark brown. They are rare, and are seen moving around in the rooms without being given anything to eat or drink. Presumably they live on insects. The turtle is, on the whole, an animal very tenacious of life, which can live a very long time without any nourishment. On an English ship, on which I was to sail to the West Indies, we found, [171] after a couple of month’s sailing, one of these small land turtles in the hold. It was right lively, despite its having suffered some degree of starvation all that time. It had probably come aboard in the bundles of twigs which, at times, are carried for fuel. In the ocean they catch a variety of fish that resembles the cod; another one that, in shape, is fairly like the mackerel but much larger. There are also some shining, very flat small fish that in appearance, but far from taste, at first glance resemble shellfish. There is also a kind of small flounder that the English, probably because of its wizened figure, call ‘old woman´. Also found on the African coast is the squid, which releases a black fluid, especially when pursued. There are also, by the 149 A treat of turtles and oysters is, for lovers of that dish, an everyday affair in Africa. The Europeans find the newly-caught turtles much too fat; therefore they are laid on their backs for weeks on end, without any other nourishment than that they are splashed with water daily. They can live this way for a very long time.

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thousands, the rapacious sharks. It is not uncommon that the Negroes are eaten by them when their canoes overturn or they fall overboard, and I have, myself, been eyewitness to such a fearful sight. When, from the ships - which the sharks constantly follow in whole schools - bodies are thrown overboard, I have seen that they have torn them apart in a moment, in spite of the fact that they had been sewn, as is usual, into their hammocks and had been weighted with stone balls, bullets, etc. in order to sink. The weight must be so great that the corpse can sink immediately, if one wants to be spared that hideous sight. At Popo the shark is sacred, and I have been told that the Negroes can swim freely among them. It is not impossible that they can be worse at one place than at [172] another, but in this case the superstition can be attributed to the influence of the fetish men. There are also several varieties of shark of which the small variety are not concerned with large prey. What makes the shark less destructive, and easier to avoid, for the good swimmer, is that its wide mouth, set with several rows of teeth, is actually under the forward part of the belly, and that it normally must turn itself onto its back, in the water, and thus raise itself up toward the prey. However, I have also seen that it can, very greedily, with a swing, cast itself over its prey on the surface of the water, but one can easily see that this latter movement is less natural to it. On the ships there are usually large iron hooks that hang in a rope down into the water, either from a yard-arm or from the stern. These are provided with several pounds of meat as bait, and in this way they often catch large sharks. Regardless of the strength of this fish, I have seen it, at times, thrown up on land by the violent breakers on the coast. The swordfish is seen cutting through the water with its long, serrated spear. I have seen it up to a size of five to six alen, and have found swords of more than two alen in length. The teeth, which are flat, horizontal, and sit on the sides of the sword at regular intervals, about 1 ½ inches apart, are literally as sharp as a razor, and give the appearance of a large saw. [173] The excellent fish that is caught at a certain time of the year, in the month of August, is called, both by the Negroes and the Europeans,

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.

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cinque sous.150 It is rather flat and two to three times as large as our ordinary cod. The coastal Negroes dry this one especially, and other sorts as well, and carry on a not inconsiderable trade with the people in the interior of the country. During the time when it is being fished the Europeans pay a bit and get, thereby, a certain number of the fish caught. Without having seen it one cannot easily conceive of the teeming life that obtains around the equator. Fish by the millions swarm around the ship and often play around the bow, which causes a soughing sound in the water, and at night produces a luminous light, sometimes straight out, sometimes in semi-circles, depending on the movements of the fish.151 Then they are, at times, struck with harpoons. Entire schools of flying fish shoot up into the air. The ship’s motion [sic], or the pursuing dolphins - as the sailors call them – [174] as well as albacore, or dorado, chase them.152 This flying fish is somewhat larger than the herring, and is very tasty. Sometimes they fall down on the ship’s deck when, in flying, they collide with sail or rigging. They do not actually fly, but by lifting themselves in a leap of 20 to 30 alen into the air, and spreading their long fins, which stand out very stiffly, they are often driven several hundred paces, wherever the wind carries them. The dolphin and albacore can also leap several alen into the air and, with their large mouths, snap up the poor flying fish after it has come out of the water, where it is also often seized by birds. In the water the dolphin has the loveliest white, blue, light yellow and green colours. The albacore, however, is dark brown, but it is approximately the size of our cabliau [large cod], but flat and, on the whole, of a different structure. The springer [sic], a long, black fish, can leap very 150 This name is said to have come from this: a long time ago, some Frenchmen who could not make themselves understood by the Negroes, offered `cinque sous´ [`five sous`] for one of these fish. The Negroes believed that that was the Frenchman’s name for it. Now it is used commonly. [This is the sea bream. For a discussion of this term, see Isert (1788/1992) 126 n.t.; idem (2007) 168-69 n.t ] 151 At times the water itself, far and wide, resembles a sea of fire, especially when it rains. Some maintain that this is due to the countless number of small animals who set it into a swinging motion. Others say it is an electric or phosphorescent illumination in the sea. 152 [Albacore is a variety of tunny, dorado is the dolphin.]

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high out of the water.153 Entire schools of springer some times tumble around the ship, leap up high into the air, and fall, with a splash, back into the water. This is undoubtedly a game for them, and provides a right handsome performance for the sailor, Based on the leap of the fish is the manner in which they are sometime caught from the ships. Out of a quill pen you make something that resembles a medium-sized fish, and fix a hook toward the end of it. This feather-fish is fastened to the end of a rope that hangs down from the jib so that it can just, by the rocking of the ship, touch the surface of the water. The predatory fish, [175] seeing it bobbing up and down, believe that it is a flying fish, and when they leap up to catch it, they themselves are caught. Fishing is also carried on in the ordinary way, with large and small hooks, as well as with harpoons. Sometimes the larger fish are shot from the side of the ship. Among others, I have, from an English ship, shot a large, dark green and crooked sea animal that had a valve on top of its head, by which it could, like whales, spout water into the air. But it was particularly distinguished by a long, hornlike trunk that was several alen long, and it seemed strange to me that such a large animal could ingest its food through so narrow a tube. The English call it ‘the butternose´.154 A large, black fish that the English sailors call ‘grampum´[grampus] moves along over the surface of the water, as a rule several together, far from all land. It looks like small black dinghies thrusting forward, raising foam. The sailors say that the wind will come from the direction in which they are moving. At times these fish stand upright in the water, and when they are many in this position, it looks like they bob, or rock, up and down. When such schools, at a great distance and in windy weather, spray water high into the air, it is as if one is seeing entire battalions firing away. This kind of performance is even given by the nordcaper in the North Sea.155 When the large, wet fish thus frolics in the sun you have a beautiful sight; on their skin glows the greatest variety of colours. Herring is found in all the zones, though nowhere, 153 [ Springer is used, loosely, for dolphin or tunny.] 154 [ This is undoubtedly the narwhale.] 155 [ Nordcaper is a North Atlantic species of whale.]

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Copyright © 2010. Sub-Saharan Publishers & Traders. All rights reserved. Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

Copyright © 2010. Sub-Saharan Publishers & Traders. All rights reserved. Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

Copyright © 2010. Sub-Saharan Publishers & Traders. All rights reserved. Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

Copyright © 2010. Sub-Saharan Publishers & Traders. All rights reserved. Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

Copyright © 2010. Sub-Saharan Publishers & Traders. All rights reserved. Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

Copyright © 2010. Sub-Saharan Publishers & Traders. All rights reserved. Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

Copyright © 2010. Sub-Saharan Publishers & Traders. All rights reserved. Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

Copyright © 2010. Sub-Saharan Publishers & Traders. All rights reserved. Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

Copyright © 2010. Sub-Saharan Publishers & Traders. All rights reserved. Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

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TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE VOL. II MONRAD (1805 - 1809)

I believe, in greater numbers than in the torrid zones. It looks [176] rermarkable when, at dead calm, as far as the eye can see, the enormous schools set the surface of water into a kind of shivering movement. In the warm climates the so-called sucker-fish hangs in great numbers under the ship’s bottom. It is somewhat longer than our mackerel, and the upper part of its flat head is provided with a suction skin full of small tubes by which it attaches itself with great force to the ship. It is caught with hooks, but is seldom eaten because it lives on the most disgusting, unclean matter which falls from the ship. With those fish caught on deck, I experienced the force with which it can attach itself, so that you are hardly able, with all your own strength, to pull it loose. Destructive also, for the fish kingdom, are the water spouts that, in enormous columns on the Atlantic Ocean, rise up toward heaven, whirled by the wind over the surface of the water, and carry with them fish, as I have seen, who, choked and nearly crushed, fall down again. It is well known how dangerous they are for the ships. It is said that when they approach, attempts are made to break through them from the ship by firing cannon shot into them, causing them, by the air pressure, to collapse. Happily, they are, in their most fearful aspect, uncommon. I have only seen smaller ones. Of the African snakes the so-called constrictor, or ‘glutton snake´, is the most remarkable. Its colour is black and white intermingled, [177] or flamed. Its length is about 10 to 20 alen, and from the fact that it can swallow an entire animal, a calf, etc., one can imagine the elasticity of its circumference. I have often seen it wind its way through the grass and the plantations, and at a fair distance one can see how the vegetation waves as it moves forward. It kills its prey by choking it, thus crushing it, and then sucks it in. As far as my experience goes, it does not seek people, but when surprised, it is certainly able to kill them. I have, in fact, once come headlong upon such a snake, which lay curled up. It raised its head high into the air as if to attack, but I was lucky enough to get away. It is not poisonous, which is even proven by the manner in which it is said to be caught. Provided with a good knife, the Negro goes to the place where the snake lives, lies down close by as if to sleep, with his legs spread apart from each other. Then, it is said, the 144

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CHAPTER SIX

snake will usually come out to suck him in. He allows it to get hold of one leg, then he splits the snake from the head, down along the body. When it has been killed he hangs it up to skin it. I have seen some of these skins that are brought for sale. At some places the meat is eaten. A more usual way to kill it is, in the dry season, by burning off the grass where it is found. It is then found choked and half-roasted. This snake is one of the more rare varieties. [178] A small grey and yellow snake is frequently found, even in the towns. Indeed, I have seen it more than once in the houses, where it sometimes kills animals and people. It is very poisonous, rarely more than two alen long, and as thick as a small arm. Its two fangs are very pointed and hollow. They lie bent inwards as long as the snake is not irritated, but, when that happens, it rises as it lifts its head, and stings, or rather, bites. Then the teeth put pressure on the venom pouch that lies beneath them, from which the venom is injected into the wound. During hunting one is often in danger of being bitten in this way.156 Such a bite is not immediately fatal. At least, a European, whom I knew very well, was bitten by such a snake while hunting, but was saved from [poisoning] by promptly cutting out a fairly large piece of flesh around the wound. If the venom once gets into the blood there is no hope, and the person dies in convulsions. The bite of some snakes has the strange effect that the blood of the person who was bitten seeps out of different parts of the body (perhaps as a result of the extreme swelling) until an attack of cramping brings an end to his life. [179] There are several varieties of small snakes which I have no reason to believe are poisonous. Of these I include some black ones that are often seen along roads and paths; some blunt brown ones that, at first glance, look like they have a head at both ends; some green ones that are seen crawling around in the trees and living, possibly, on leaves or 156 It is wisest to use boots when hunting, since the smaller poisonous snakes cannot lift their heads higher than the boots when they bite, and they cannot bite through thick leather. I can without a doubt thank this caution for the fact that I have never been bitten, since the dark has often surrounded me on my tours far from the forts; often have I wandered at night through the tall grass; and more than once have I trod on a small snake.

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aphids. The small green snakes are most often seen at watery places, and these, as well as snakes in general, can, with heads raised high, swim across rivers and small lakes. The Negroes tell about snakes that shoot [their venom] down on people and animals from the trees, but this has never happened to me.157 When you travel in the evening and at night, with torches, you often meet snakes on the way. These are sometimes killed by a shot or beaten to death with clubs. The life of the snake begins at night, and you can hear it moving all around, rustling in the bushes. The number of snakes can be reckoned by the number of [moulted] skins that the hunters so often find in the grass. Although it has never happened to me, yet it does happen often that those who travel on foot ‘are bound by the snakes´. This consists in one kind of snake wrapping itself swiftly around [180] the traveller’s ankle. He stands, then, very quietly for a few minutes, whereupon the snake, without having done him any harm, unwraps itself and moves away. This is spoken of among the Negroes as a common occurrence, and I have often wondered at the fact that it has not happened to me. When out hunting once I met a young Negress who had, in this way, just been ‘bound´ by a snake, which I and my Negroes beat to death. She was very anxious, and the skin on one of her legs was a bit wrinkled, but otherwise she was absolutely unharmed, and remained so later. Otherwise, one must not think that snakes frequently do great damage. On the contrary, it happens rarely, and in my experience, the beasts of prey in Africa are in no way as fearful and destructive as they are so often reputed to be. Africa is swarming with countless numbers of insects and crawling creatures. There are three kind of crabs: land-, river-, and sea-crabs. The first variety has the loveliest white, blue and dark red colours, is of the size of our largest crabs, and lives here and there on land, especially in the vicinity of marshy places. It digs fairly deep holes in the ground for itself, usually lies in wait for insects at the opening of the hole, and slips down into it if anyone comes to close. At first, when I had just come [181] to Africa, I thought they were small snakes that had stuck their 157 Tigers are also said to spring down from the trees, at times, onto their prey.

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heads out, but by shooting one I disabused myself.158 In the evening they leave their holes, and by their rapid and rustling movements in the grass and bush, they often frighten the wanderer. Small boys catch them in the following way. On the end of a long string they fasten some bait (such as meat, fish, etc.) and place it at the opening of the hole. The boy stays at some distance away and holds the other end of the string. When he sees the crab come up and take the bait in his claws, he pulls the string very slowly and lures it, thus, little by little, from the hole so that he can run out and grab it. Sometimes, however, the crab is so wise that it will not go farther from the hole than where it can just slip down into it, thus the catchers are frequently disappointed. [182] The other kind of crab lives mostly in the rivers where they have their holes on the banks. Sometimes they crawl up on land a little way; and at Adda I have seen trees very close to the riverbank whose trunks were so covered with crabs that they had the appearance of ugly monsters. This kind are brown, or rather, somewhat black, and more tasty than the former. The third kind are found in unbelievable numbers along the beach. When walking on the beach, very frequently one can hardly see the sand, at some places, because of the pink crabs that cover it as far as the eye can see, and several fathoms in breadth. It would appear that they find enjoyment in being tumbled back and forth by the always powerfully rolling breakers. When you approach them they try to escape out to sea, but you can, nevertheless, catch as many of them as you want. They are lean and rarely eaten, except by the birds on the beach, who consume them in great quantities. Termites (Termes fatalis) have their proper home in Guinea. Everywhere on the plains you can see their 5, 6 to 7 alen high and stonehard, clay-like hills peeking out from between the bushes, like Negro 158 I asked the Negro who was accompanying me if it was a snake and he answered in the affirmative, because he did not understand my Danish. It is difficult for every newcomer to make himself understood by the Negroes who are assigned to him for service, or whom he hires, because they are expected to understand Danish. One soon becomes accustomed to speaking a kind of Danish to them, which is a mixture of the Negro language, German, English, etc. and which is distinguishable by its un-Danish forms. Most of the Europeans, after a few years have gone by, learn to speak enough of the country language so they can manage by themselves. Some even achieve perfection in this, especially due to trade and marriage.

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huts. You can climb up on them, especially when the ants in them have died out, and frequently have a pleasant view out over the area. Larger birds often rest on their tops, and the hunter very often sneaks from hill to hill until [he is within] shooting distance. These anthills actually have a conical shape, are several fathoms in diameter at the bottom and rise gradually to a point, like a [183] sugar loaf. At the bottom of the hill, which is criss-crossed by countless holes, there is a large vault with small holes. Now and then the so-called ‘king of the ants´ lies there. [This ant] is about ½ span long, and his movement consists entirely in a kind of pulsation, or slow twisting, on the spot where it lies. Nonetheless it has small feet on both sides, a mouth, and digestive organs, and looks like a clump of white fat.159 It can never come out of its vault, in which there are only very small holes through which the ordinary termites bring it food and carry its droppings out of the vault - which is always very clean. If you chop off a piece of the hill there comes a pounding and hissing sound from the inhabitants, and you must distance yourself very quickly in order not to be overwhelmed by them. Within a short time they repair the broken section. The Negroes drive them away in various ways, for example by hot water or gunpowder, and break down the hill when it stands in their way.160 Sometimes ants move in enormous swarms from one place to another, and cause destruction wherever they come. These wandering ants are only a little larger than our ordinary ones. They undermine the earth and travel under it as in subterranean channels, for great distances. When, [184] as is not uncommon, they break through the earth’s crust it is as if they pour forth like a black mass, like a great river, and anything that is in their way is doomed. They attack grasshoppers, small snakes, etc., cover them by the thousands, and kill them under violent contractions.161 They even possess smaller houses that are in their way, 159 Could one of the termites grow to such a size on its own? I have not been able to find out. 160 I have never heard anything of the incense which Rask writes is said to be found in these hills. [Cf. Rask (1754) 200.] 161 Their sting, or secretions, must be extraordinarily sharp. In genereal, it seems that the sting of insects in the warm climes bring twice as much pain. This is so, for example, in the case of mosquitoes. Could it be that the heat acidifies the stinging liquid?

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and hollow out the walls to such an extent that they are of little use later. I saw this on a plantation a short distance from Christiansborg. Here there had been some pigeons and chickens which, in a single night, were all killed by the ants and as neatly skeletonized as possible. Even at the forts they sometimes break through in smaller numbers, and must be chased away by gunpowder and fire. Thus, one night I had to drive away an intruding swarm which, as I lay ill in bed, I first noticed by the anxious fluttering of a bird that I had in my room, and that was already under attack. Although the path of these ants winds a bit, yet it seems to go in one direction. I found that they nearly always move from east to west. When they have wandered above ground for some time, they bore their way down again and wander a long distance, at times for miles on end, underground, [185] before they surface again. It has struck me that they wander mostly in the hottest season, in the months of September and October, just as they only go through dry areas. You can, to a degree, conceive of the size of such swarms when I assure you that it took 2 to 3 days before the swarm that destroyed the small hut mentioned above had passed by in large columns. I tried, along with the man who owned the hut, to change their path by blowing millions of them into the air with gunpowder, but it was absolutely in vain.162 There is still another kind of small, red ants that build their hills in the branches of trees, where these hills hang down like beehives. They have sections made of clay and earth which the ants carry up there. These ants make it dangerous, or at least uncomfortable, to fell trees. Sometimes they assault the Negroes felling the trees, so that they become quite ill.163 The Negroes tell us that these, and other ants, sometimes attack larger animals, like antelopes, and kill them, which strikes me as entirely credible. A countless number of crickets and grasshoppers of different varieties and sizes fill the air throughout the entire night [186] with their unpleasant screeching. At Adda I have seen the so-called Egyptian 162 The claim that, according to Rømer, there are to be found winged ants in such numbers that, at times, they formed a crust on the ocean, even up to 50 miles from land, is, however, clearly hyperbole. [Cf. Rømer (1760/2000) 19.] 163 A planter told me that his Negroes once became ill with high fever and diarrhea from this.

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grasshoppers, which are green with black and red stripes on their sides, and are of medium-size. Though rare on the coast, they are driven like clouds by the wind across the land, and devour everything wherever they land, until the last straw. When they have consumed everything, they die, and spread a stench, and often illness, unless the wind drives them to another flowering region. It is only in the case of such dire need, caused by these insects themselves, that the Negroes take to eating them. The reason that they are more uncommon near, and on, the coast is that the wind that blows them from east or northeast during the period in which they come, usually carries them out to sea.164 The scorpion is fairly common. It is dark brown in appearance, fashioned in front much like a crab, although not as broad, and ends in a long, pointed tail on whose outermost part there is a small, round ball the size of a pea. This ball is filled with a very sharp, if not in the highest degree poisonous, liquid. On the ball itself there is a pointed and hollow stinger by which, by bending its tail upward, it can inflict a sting that causes great pain, fever and a severe reddening and swelling at the place which was stung. It sneaks into the houses and rooms, at times, though I have been lucky enough never to have been stung [187] by it, in spite of the fact that I have discovered it in my bed, under a plantain mat. It is also true of this harmful and ugly animal that it rarely injures anyone unless it feels itself threatened. The largest scorpion I have seen was more than one quarter [?alen] in length. A kind of worm that very much resembles our millipede, except that it is much longer, produces a strange effect. One midday, when I was lying on a mat in the heat, I felt a glowing warmth, first here, then there, on my body. I investigated the reason for this and found long, red, swollen stripes on my body. I lay down again, but the pain continued. Finally I discovered that it was such a worm, or insect, that moved from place to place, and produced this effect on the places where it rested. Beyond that I felt no discomfort afterward. Just as mosquitoes are a plague in the rooms, there is also found here a kind of small animal called hakediser. They are very beneficial in that they constantly pursue and eat mosquitoes and all kinds of flies which, 164 It is during harmattan, or the dry season in December, that the wind blows easterly.

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due to their great numbers, cause great problems, especially during the drier seasons, and in low places. We try in every way to protect ourselves against mosquitoes and flies by stretching thin, close nets over the places where we rest. When Europeans rest during the hottest part of the day, many of them have a slave, preferably a young Negress, standing by the bedside with a [188] fan of leaves, or long feathers on a pole, partly to chase all manner of insects away, partly to cool them. The aforementioned hakediser have the appearance and size of a lizard, are brown or, more often, light yellow. They stay behind mirrors and furniture, and can, with the greatest speed, run up the walls to catch their prey. They can be made so tame that they take mosquitoes out of your fingers. Generally they make a most uncomfortable impression on every newcomer, who thinks the room is crawling with lizards. Later he learns to love them, who are not only absolutely harmless, but also very useful creatures. When you walk in the fields you meet whole swarms of bees that move from place to place. They resemble ours and store their honey in hollow places, both in the earth and in trees. The Negroes know very well how to melt the honey and wax out, but I hardly believe that there is, in the vicinity of the Danish forts, so much honey and wax that they could be articles of trade, as they are, at least, on other parts of the Coast. On an English ship I saw a quantity of wax formed by the Negroes into large cakes like the bottom of a barrel and nearly ¼ alen thick, which made up a considerable part of the cargo. There is a small, reddish insect that gives off a substance for dyeing. Perhaps it could provide a substitute for the cochineal insect, since it does not seem to me to be the pure cochineal. A Danish trader [189] has made some uncompleted experiments with it. I lost some samples of the colour, along with some other things, on my homeward journey. Of large and small gadflies, which often inflict painful stings on the traveller, there are far too many. A multi-coloured profusion of butterflies flutter around in the air. There are several kinds of a large insect which apparently belongs to the beetle family, with long, sometimes black, sometimes brown and beautiful antlers, or horns. I took special notice of a particular one, among the many small and 151

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beautiful insects, which, in the evening, flies in circular patterns and twinkles like fire in the darkness around the wanderer. It is somewhat larger than a fly and its belly, which lights up at night, looks white in the daytime. A kind of insect with wings, not unlike the earwig, loses its wings at certain times. This happens when they swarm, and I have, at times, in the morning, seen paths as if bedecked with their gauze wings. What a limitless treasure does not Africa’s natural kingdom contain for the researcher and expert! Even after our worthy countryman Councillor Thonning’s discoveries, there would certainly still be much to find.165 How often have I not regretted that I, myself, when I came to Africa lacked both insight and books about natural science. My few and imperfect remarks will, therefore, alone be able to turn the experts’ attention to what is, for a large part, still unknown natural phenomena which obtain in these regions. Of snails or conches there can be found [190] a number on the beach.166 They are neither great in number nor in exquisite beauty. The most beautiful ones I have seen are a large, white, nearly circular variety, edged in large and smaller circles. Inside they look almost like motherof-pearl. The solid and spotted conch shells of which snuff boxes are made are fairly common, but neither the largest nor the most beautiful of their kind, as are found elsewhere. A kind of large, long, and white mussel shell is remarkable, as far as that goes [sic], since it is coated on the inside by a swamp-like and sharp mass that is used for polishing. Shellfish are often injured in the breakers when they are cast up on land, and this happens, naturally, to the finest and most beautiful ones. 165 [Peter Thonning- (b.9 October 1775; d. 29 Jan. 1848) was a medical student sent, in 1799, to Guinea to study Guinean plants, and to investigate cultivation possibilities for a number of useful plants. He collected a number of plants and many unusual objects, which he sent home in 1801. On his return to Denmark in 1803 he brought even more plants and materials. His own collection was destroyed in a fire during the bombardment of Copenhagen by the British in 1807, but duplicates he had given to friends were collected, and there was a large collection of notes and drafts in the papers of a commission appointed later to study the Danish colonial policy. For a full description of Thonning’s work, see Daniel Hopkins `Danish natural history and African colonialism at the close of the eighteenth century:.`.in Archives of Natural History (1999) 26 (3) 369-418.] 166 Small stones do not cover the beach, as they do at home. Here you see only sand and, at some places, outcroppings of rocks or reef.

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Occasionally the sea also casts up petrified sea-grass, or varieties of seaweed that have a lovely appearance. Oysters and mussels are found in great numbers, both in the sea and in the lagoons that are in direct connection with it. The former are eaten and, in the opinion of experts, they are excellent. All manner of oyster and mussel shells are collected by the Negroes and sold to the Europeans, who build up great stacks of them, with small layers of fuel in the stacks, and burn them to produce lime.167 [191] I have found many varieties of mussel shells even on the different levels of the Aqvapim mountains. They have not been carried up there, but surely point to the time when the earth was under water. The thought of the distant [sic] similarity there is between a kind of small conch shell and some coral beads leads me to touch on these here. There are, originally, several varieties of beads that are used for decoration, especially by the women, and are of a much higher price than the artificial beads that are brought out for sale by the Europeans. The Negroes do not exactly seek them out with desire, although, for lack of better ones they do buy and use them. Those normally seen at the Danish settlements come from the area of Popo and Whyda, where they are said to be found in quantities, and where the people there are said to be expert in giving them the beautiful polish that they have, for the most part.168 Some are white, long, fairly common and the least [192] costly. Others are dark blue and clear; they are more rare and usually cost 1 rd. gold apiece. Still others are dark red and long, like the last mentioned. Even others are yellow, and these are, for the most part, round. Both those last two varieties are very expensive relative to their size. There are also beads in the interior of Africa, and some of such 167 When these stacks are burnt they give off an intolerable stench and suffocating steam. Burning them in the vicinity of human habitation is a bad habit that ought to be abolished, especially in a country where there are so many causes of illness. At Christiansborg they were burnt within the outwork (a kind of breastwork which runs along the western part of the Fort, and in which the artisans have their working quarters) from which the wind usually (except during harmattan) blows right into the Europeans’ rooms, and, during many days and nights, nearly suffocates them. 168 Isert’s guess that they must have come from Egypt is, however, most improbable. The Negroes say that they dig them up out of the ground in the interior of the country, and then polish them. [These are apparently aggrey beads. See Isert (1788/1992) 114; idem (2007) 153-54.]

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great value that princes and wealthy men – when they receive great quantities of goods from the Europeans – offer sums great enough to pay for many slaves. Even the king of Ashantee had, in my time, pawned such costly beads to the Danish governor. If the pledge is not honoured within the prescribed time, the holder considers himself justified in panyarring, or capturing people, on the mortgagee’s account. Since, in many places in Africa, the traveller views only immense forests, and in all the places where I have seen such views, and during journeys of many miles seeing nothing but trees and earth, it follows that there must be found many different varieties of trees, which, on closer inspection, could give the expert in natural history a multitude of sources for study. I shall name the trees that appear to me most remarkable. The canoe-tree grows to a very considerable size, which is easily seen when even the largest canoes, that can carry more than a hundred men, are hollowed out of a single tree [193] trunk. This tree grows near the river, where it is felled, hollowed out and, with some trouble, is brought down the river, and from there to its destination. It is sponge-like, does not crack under the heat of the sun, and, because of its elasticity and light weight, it is eminently suited to ride over the high breakers, in which European boats and ships would be crushed. Even new canoes sometimes break the first time they go through the breakers. A very tall tree, undoubtedly the so-called ‘pagoda tree´ sends its long branches toward the earth, fastens them there so that they grow up and form a new tree, which in turn, does the same, and so on.169 A whole grove is formed thus, at times, from a single tree, and it provides pleasant green vaults in whose cooling shade the wanderer refreshes himself, while flocks of turtle doves coo in the heavy foliage of the branches above. Such places are held by the Negroes to be inhabited by fetishes and, at times – such as across from Fort Prindsensten – the fetish of the Negro settlement there has a hut under a tree like that; and under that one, or in the vicinity, sacred dances are performed, especially by women. From a large tree that grows commonly on the edge of the rivers, such as the Rio Volta, there hang down several alen 169 [This is the banyan tree: Indian Fig Tree (Ficus religiosa or indica.)]

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long, tough, smooth, brown stalks about the diameter of a thick pole. They sometimes grow fast to the riverbed, and during that time of year when the sea moves high up into the river, they are often [194] beautifully coated, by nature, with a thick layer of salt, which glitters brilliantly in the sun.170 The so-called ‘massanille tree´, a beautiful, large tree with light green bark and round, light green leaves, is remarkable for its great quantities of milky sap. When the tree is cut it is as if milk bubbles out of it. The Negroes consider this milk to be injurious and only very reluctantly do they expose themselves to those drops. I experienced this by shooting birds that were sitting in those trees. Where the shot injured the bark and the milk streamed out, the Negroes fetched the fallen bird very reluctantly. The milk, or sap, is sticky - much like tar. The wood itself is, as are many African trees, very soft. This tree, as well as the tree called ‘capot´ [kapok], is so soft that you can pierce deeply into the trunk with a nail or a stiff stick.171 Therefore, when it is not standing in shelter it is often blown down by the wind, because of its size. The ‘capot´ tree is the largest I have ever seen. It is visible even from the valley of the mountains and their sides, as if it were stretching up to the stars when they hover on the mountain top, and it surely has a circumference, at the base, of 10 fathoms. Another very large tree, called ‘muteku´ is much harder, and is distinguished by the fact that its trunk is closely covered, from top to bottom, by long and sharp thorns. [195] For a long time there has been a lack of good logs for building material. In the Aqvapim mountains, in my time, there was found an excellent hardwood tree which filled this need to a degree. It is citronyellow on the inside, somewhat harder than oak and, therefore, more difficult to work. They could rarely get long beams from it. There is no wood, as far as is known, which completely replaces planks of fir or spruce for ceilings or floors. For lack of anything better, they use 170 Salt is crystallized in this way, and in such quantities at the Rio Volta that it is an article of trade for the Negroes amongst themselves. It is also collected by the Negroes. [ This is the mangrove tree (Rhizophora mangle).] 171 [This is the `silk-cotton` tree, Ceiba casearia.]

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coconut planks, which cannot be made smooth, although they are very solid. Therefore, they are coated with a layer of cement or lime, so that both ceiling and floor can be said to be plastered. You find entire groves or clusters of coconut trees which, with their long, overhanging leaves and the large fruit under them at the top of the trunk, provide a lovely sight, characteristic for the tropical climates. There are three kinds of coconut trees in Guinea: the ordinary one, which bears small, inedible nuts, and a third which has a medium-sized nut that is filled inside with a sweet, jelly-like mass. The second sort grows exceedingly high, up to 20 alen, and because monkeys like to jump around in the tree to pick that fruit the Negroes call it the ‘monkey coconut´. It is wellknown how refreshing the juice is and how nourishing the kernel is of the ordinary coconut. Nature seems truly to have made a gift of this to the African for food and drink. The juice can be collected with little trouble. First you remove the external green [196] shell. Then there is the internal shell which is much harder, but where Nature has formed 3 holes on the upper end of the nut - which is filled with nutmeat. When you carve these out with a small knife the juice flows out. It resembles not entirely clear water and has a somewhat acid flavour. I have no clear reason for its having been compared to milk. The largest coconuts can be as large as a man’s head, and are somewhat long. Trees that are red on the inside are found in such quantities at certain places, especially in Gaboon, that they are even burnt. They are not exported from the Danish establishments, however both east and west have them [sic]. The cashew tree has a large and beautiful crown. I have noticed that there is both a male and female tree, thus these trees bear no fruit unless both are found close to each other. Out of the beautiful, light yellow and reddish cashew apple’s uppermost end grows the tasty cashew nut. The apple itself is very rich in an astringent and pleasant juice. When the apple is pressed [for juice] there is only a spongy pulp left. The juice stains clothing a bluish colour, so badly that I know of nothing that can remove such stains. Citron and orange trees grow wild, but not in such great numbers, at least not in the places I have been. On the other hand, there is an extremely common small citron, the size of a lemon, that the Negroes 156

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call brombras. For a couple of [197] shillings you can buy a whole bushel full of them. Among other things, the juice is also used in great quantities to whiten coloured cloth. It actually grows on smaller trees, or bushes, which form a thick growth here and there, in which the yellow citron with which the fence is covered shows beautifully against the dark-green leaves. The guava tree is medium-sized and bears a very tasty, yellow and meaty fruit as large as an ordinary apple. The tamarind tree grows large and has, in spite of its very small and very dark green leaves, a thick and lovely crown. From top to bottom, it is covered with brown pods containing the tamarind kernels surrounded by a very pleasant, tart substance. The soursop tree, doubtless like the breadfruit tree, has fruits that are sometimes as large as cabbages, but long and thick in the lower end. The fruit is very dark green and has small, raised bumps on the outside. When it is ripe it becomes very soft and then has, inside, a white, tasty, slightly thick, syrupy mass which is eaten with spoons, and is full of black seeds, about as large as those in cucumbers. The so-called American cherry grows on a small bush, is angular on all sides and has a large stone inside, without a shell. [sic] The ‘sandbox tree´ is very small, has a lovely conical trunk which is set with sharp thorns, and bears a greenish [198] fruit which, when cut open, resembles a sandbox, and is inedible. The fig tree that I have seen in Guinea is only very small. The last four kinds of trees are those I have seen only in European plantations or in cultivated gardens, therefore I cannot state whether they grow wild. A very useful tree is the so-called ‘torch tree´. It is split into small and long torches which even give forth a pleasant scent. The pawpaw plant grows to the size of a small tree and has a yellow, tasty fruit filled with seeds. The fruit is twice as large as the largest cucumber, but not as long. This plant is also divided into male and female plants. A small tree, called the sugar apple tree, brings forth a green, bumpy and sweetish fruit. Another small tree, or rather a bush, whose bark and small somewhat round fruits, indeed even the leaves, are for the most part quite a dark red, is one I have seen, but rarely, on my wanderings. On the whole, the wild plant kingdom provides the 157

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natural historian with the richest yields, since the multitude of other trees and fruits are, for the African, some for use and some for pleasure. Thus, there are various green, at times enormously large, fruits, and roots of which very good soap is made. A variety of small, red berry has the strange property that whatever one eats immediately after have chewed it has an absolutely sweet and pleasant taste, were it even the sourest [199] citron. For this reason is called the ‘miraculous berry´. Sugar cane grows in great quantities and there is absolutely no doubt that those products - for the sake of which so many thousands of Negroes are, to the shame of the Europeans, dragged to the West Indies every year - could be produced in Africa at least as well.172 Africa is the continent that is, even now, in that respect, being seen worthy of careful attention on the part of the English. The palm tree, which often covers large areas, and is planted and cultivated by the Negroes is, at the moment, Africa’s most useful tree. The fibres of the bark and the leaves are used for many kinds of cloth and fishing nets. It provides its owner generously with wine and oil. The oil is pressed from the bunches of small nuts that sit in quantities on the upper part of the trunk, or, rather, of the meaty, yellow part which lies outside the hard shell, and of the yellow-white kernels. The nuts are crushed in a press and the cooked juice is sold in large crocks. In most recent years the English have exported entire cargoes of palm oil. In Africa it is absolutely fluid, but when cold it becomes as solid as tallow. The Negroes use the palm oil in Guinea, as do the Europeans as well, for a kind of food, and mix it into their bread and cakes. They burn it in their lamps, which are only a flat dish containing a wick of plantain leaf, or a stick wrapped [200] in cotton that lies burning in it. Since they do not work by lamplight it is not important for them to have strong illumination. The softly burning lamp which, inside the huts is augmented by the bonfire, is sufficient for them to gossip by, or dance by when the fetish has possessed one or another of them. In the dark 172 [It is remarkable that, despite his careful reading, and criticism, of Isert, Monrad handily ignores Isert’s conviction that the same produce cultivated in the West Indies could be cultivated in Africa, thus making the transportation of enslaved Africans unnecessary. In fact, he started a plantation to do just that – a project which cost him his life. Cf. Isert (1788/1992) Appendix 3; et idem (2007).]

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nights, moreover, the Negro goes to bed early, while, on the contrary, by moonlight he dances nearly all night – if necessary, by himself. Palm wine is contained in the trunk of the tree, and it must be felled before it can be tapped. Many set about it in this way: they lay the large, felled tree down horizontally, with a block of about one alen high under each end. Then an elongated, rectangular and deep hole is cut in the middle of the trunk. In this they bore a smaller hole around which there are stuck hollow rods. The wine flows out, for several days, through the rods, down into a pot, or crock, that has been set under it. In appearance it resembles bubbling champagne, and is said to produce a harmless intoxication. The Negroes carry the crocks, covered with large leaves, for sale, but since they mix it with water and, moreover, since it ferments so easily and becomes sour, it should be drunk on the plantation itself, where it is extremely tasty. It is a loss that it can hardly be exported, since it could then be an important trade item. The Negro who owns a palm forest, in whose shade huts are raised for his working Negroes, is considered to be a rich man. The palm [201] tree is said to grow very slowly, and not until the third generation can it be used for tapping. The fruit of both the plantain and banana plants is elongated, like a very thin cucumber, green when unripe, and yellow and tasty when ripe. It is cut open and roasted, and used like bread, but it also tastes very good raw as well as roasted. Both the plantain and banana, but particularly the former, are distinguished by large, broad leaves, certainly the largest borne by any growth, since a couple of people could sit in the shade of a single leaf. Therefore, plantain is also planted near trees that are growing up, for example the coffee tree, so that they can thrive that much better in its shade. The pineapple, one of the most refreshing and tastiest fruits in the world, grows wild in Guinea. It is, however, planted and cultivated both by the Negroes and the Europeans. This also applies to all the other, or at least the majority of, edible fruits. Those fruits that grow closest to the coast, and thus in the drier and less shady parts of the land, are usually the finest and most pleasant in taste, although they are smaller in size. Many fruits could be used to make the tastiest preserves, 159

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which would not be costly, either, since the sugar which is now taken there from Europe, the West Indies and Brazil, could be produced in Africa. Moreover, it is borne out by my own experience, that for [202] Europeans in Guinea it is extremely unhealthy to each much fruit.173 Of yams there are several kinds in great abundance, bur they require very careful tending. The most ordinary kinds of yams are planted by being cut into pieces like potatoes: they grow up like hops, and are tied to stakes. The root of the yam, or potato, is sometimes more than an alen long, fairly thick, and is much used as provision on the slave ships. The smaller ones in particular are very tasty and are also used by the Europeans, sometimes roasted or stewed, at other times cooked and cut into round slices and served, like bread, to accompany other food. One kind called ‘stock yams´ grow like a small bush and have a long root like a cane. Between the fibres lie the potato-like parts which are particularly fine. Another variety, called ‘pig yams´, are used mostly for fodder for animals, therefore the name. The cotton tree, which is more a large bush than a tree, grows luxuriantly and there are entire plantations, just as for the potato trees. Maize grows everywhere in great quantities and yields several hundred to a thousandfold. There is red, black and white, or yellow, maize. The last one is the most common, but the first is considered the most tasty. [203] There is still another kind, called small maize, or millie, which resembles hempseed and is made into a bread that is very like rye. It is, therefore, preferred by many to the ordinary maize bread. Excellent rice grows especially on the Upper Coast. It was not a few cargoes that were carried from the Coast to the West Indies during the years of the American embargo. There are various kinds of pulse, such as lacros, which is brown and not unlike black beans. A kind of gruel is made of these, which I found very unhealthy. Ashantee beans, which are roasted and used by the Europeans as a sweet for dessert, are especially pleasanttasting. Gobbegobbes are a kind of large, red peas, which are prepared about like our Lolland variety. They are found in great quantities and 173 In general it is intemperance of all kinds that certainly has laid more Europeans in their graves than has the hot climate. But there it is the motto of the majority: `a short but a merry life´, as the English in Africa say.

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make up the slaves’ principal diet. The colour has set me to musing that it could have been this kind of fruit for which Esau sold his birthright. Of small berries there are several kinds, among others there are some black ones, not unlike blackberries, which, however, are not much sought after. There are also several kinds of edible roots, of which some grow under stems not unlike ordinary blades of grass. Of melons there are two kinds: one has been named sacre-bonté, is yellow on the inside, and is much used, when stewed, by the Europeans; another is the watermelon, which becomes very large, is dark red inside, and rich in a pleasantly refreshing juice. A variety of ginger is also found [204] in Guinea. The Negroes use many herbs, bark and roots in their fetish cures. I have seen the root of a tree, prepared as porridge, used to perform wonders [in curing] extreme diarrhœa, which normally deprives many of their lives. A good vegetable dish is made of a plant that resembles purslane. Both leeks and very large onions grow in Africa. In that respect, I have seen red onions at the Lagos River nearly as large as a saucer. It is only in England - where they have cultivated garden herbs and berries to an impressive perfection - that similar ones are found, yet not fully as large. Various other European plants have also been successfully cultivated, such as cabbage, radishes, celery and parsley. In the Europeans’ gardens, however, several plants with which they have experimented, for example potatoes, carrots and beets, were unsuccessful. Cucumbers grow to full size and ripeness. They have even tried European grain varieties, such as rye, but they only grow up as straw, and set no seeds. The Danes deserve praise for having exerted themselves in the cultivation of gardens in Africa, emulating the English in this way, who have established beautiful and useful gardens in several places. However, it occurs to me that such European growths lack the proper taste in Africa, and become an unnecessary luxury, since this continent itself has such an overwhelming wealth of wonderful and useful vegetable products, of which I have here listed the most important ones - for the information of the reader who might be interested. [205] In Africa we very frequently hear tales, both among the Negroes as well as the Europeans, of poison and poisoning; and many Negroes are 161

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accused and condemned as mixers of poison. Nonetheless, a number of Europeans in Guinea assert, with a strange, one might even say suspicious, insistence, that the Negroes do not know how to prepare poison, and that they do not have it amongst themselves. Yet, that it is found, both in the plant as well as in the animal kingdoms, no one would venture to deny. One need only think of the many poisonous snakes. Why should the intelligent Negro be incapable of discovering how to extract poison from these animals? Why should he who is very intimately acquainted with the plant kingdom, and who uses many herbs to cure illness, not also be acquainted with, and know how to use, the poisonous varieties, or, at least, some of them? Nor is it reasonable [to insist] that there are absolutely no grounds for what is so commonly expressed. The Negroes even tell of a poison so strong that if one has some of it only under his nail, and dips it into a drink, or food - which would be very easy indeed - even into the plate or glass that is offered to another - one can thereby poison a person. The animals that are spoken of as poisonous, apart from the snake, are: the scorpion, the crocodile and the hippopotamus. The gall of the latter two is said to be poisonous. Due to lack of personal experience, I cannot express a definite opinion in this case. However, I know that an English governor once offered a reward to any Negro who could bring him [206] original poison, but received none. To this it can be said that, according to the laws of the Negroes, there has been established the death penalty for anyone who owns poison. And the Negroes, who have a dreadful distrust of the Europeans in general, would hardly, for the sake of any reward, entrust their lives into those hands. I have reason to believe that the crocodile’s gall is hardly a strong poison because, once when I had shot a crocodile near Christiansborg, we gave the gall to both a pig and a duck to drink, without either of them dying afterward. How far such a test can be considered entirely satisfactory, however, I dare not determine. It is possible that the Negroes, by certain additions, can transform this into poison. Both from what I have heard from some Europeans who have lived among the Negroes for a number of years and have become one with them in nearly all respects, as well as from some experience which I 162

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myself have had, and have had occasion to hear from others, leaves me in no doubt that the Negroes are in possession of both rapidly and slowly working poisons. I have, myself, several times, had such sudden and violent attacks that I could not explain them other than as the result of the administration of poison, and they could only be relieved by immediately using a strong emetic. I will only reluctantly accept that there are grounds for the accusation that the Europeans use the Negroes in this way, in order to get rid of those they have something against, because the Negroes cannot be made to appear as witnesses against them. [207] On the other hand, it is credible that people who found the slave trade absolutely innocent and just, could not have any respect at all for the life and welfare of other people.174 However, the Negroes would not require original poisons for that end, since nothing can be easier than to obtain poisons from Europe or from the apothecaries in Africa. As for the others, I have seen a Portuguese priest, in Popo, who, having let himself in for an argument with the Negroes, was, shortly afterward, offered a drink, immediately after which he died. An English doctor told me that, having been ill for a whole year after having eaten a dish with some Negroes, he suspected that he had been poisoned. And he finally died of it. A European who had lived among the Negroes for several years, and by whom he was much hated - alas, probably deservingly so because of his treatment of them – assured me that he had once been given a strong poison, from which, by rapid help, he was able to be cured, but after this his teeth had become permanently coal-black. Also, on his deathbed, he told me that he had certainly been poisoned by his Mulatto woman’s family [208] who were bitterly angry with him, and that he - to which I myself was witness – had, in his last days, given considerable gifts for which they, along with the fetish priests - who are believed to have supernatural powers for intercession with the fetish - could restore his health. But he received the answer, ‘It is now too late.´ Likewise, I have been told by very credible witnesses 174 Rømer said, without any reservation, that in his time the Europeans and Negroes in Guinea poison each other. If this accusation is true, then we have one more explanation for the high mortality here - and death is often so sudden. [Cf. Rømer (1760/2000) 3940, 162, 221.]

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that a prominent Negro who was being transported from Crepee to Fantee, where he was to be executed for a crime, found, on the way, the opportunity to chew on some herbs, whereby he died a few moments later, in convulsions. I myself have seen a child who came very close to death by chewing a poisonous fruit for a few seconds, and, likewise, a Negro who died very suddenly after having chewed a plant. He was freeborn, had known good days, and had been in European service for several years. But, by gaming and lechery he had finally lost everything and was sold to the Danish main fort by his family - to whose account he had begun to accumulate debts. From there he was, on several occasions, sent with other slave troops to the neighbouring English James Fort, to be sold and exported. Despite his being free of any bodily fault he was constantly passed over by the slave captains and sent back, which gave the Negroes the opportunity of saying that ‘he has a strong fetish´, that is, his fetish was powerful enough to protect him. One day, when he was with others at work outside the Fort under the usual military guard, he found the opportunity [209] to run away. The guard ran after him and found him stone-dead. He was brought into the Fort’s courtyard, where I happened to be with a number of other Europeans. I saw that his mouth was full of finely chewed leaves, and that a green froth flowed out of it and down his breast. In vain did they try, by blood-letting and other means, to bring him back to life. On this, as in so many other occasions, I had to wonder that the slave traders found it punishable or, in their language, ‘a scoundrelly deed´ that a slave tried to set himself free. How eagerly they wished to bring the abovementioned slave back to life, in order to whip him thoroughly! But he was happier, and his freed spirit rose, perhaps at that very moment, above his enemies. A captured slave is often tortured horribly. I have, among other cases, seen that a European has had such a slave thoroughly whipped and bloody and hung about with chains, bound to a tree in the town, hungry, thirsty, burnt by the sun, and left thus an entire day, exposed to the mockery of evil-minded persons. As a mountainous land, whose ground is normally rocky, Guinea has no lack of products from the mineral kingdom, although there

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are, in fact, not many varieties of stone.175 [210] There is absolutely no flintstone to be found there, so this comprises a very important article of trade. It is also striking that the shore - at home covered with countless small stones - at the Guinea coast is covered only with sand and mussels. Sandstone is the most common there. It can be worked very easily with iron rods, hammers, broad chisels, and given whatever form one wishes. It is of this stone, which is found everywhere, both on the coast where there are large quarries worked by slaves, as well as higher up in the interior, that all the European forts and buildings are built, for the most part. When cut open sandstone has a greyish colour, but when it has been exposed to the weather for a long time in bulk [sic] it becomes dark brown. On rare occasions one finds a kind of stone that is light [in colour], something like camphor. When cut into thin slices it is fairly transparent. The largest stone of this kind that I have seen is at Legon, a high hill about 2 miles north of Christiansborg. That particular example was unusually beautiful, and had silvery, brown and yellow veins. In my time there was a modest plantation on that hill. Although the Aqvapim mountains have a beautiful and majestic appearance from the shore, [211] from which they lie at a distance of about 5 miles towards the north, and in spite of their being thickly forested, yet they are, especially on the sides, very rocky, and contain fieldstone, or granite, and gneiss. The paths that wind up them frequently run several hundred paces over stones, where you must jump from one rock to another, making the descent from the mountains, at the steepest places, more dangerous and difficult than the ascent. On the ridges of the mountains I have found the earth extremely fertile, and the temperature comfortable, even at midday. Also, on the tops of the mountains there are settlements and plantations. The first town in Aqvapim, the residence of the prince, is Kommang. It is hardly possible 175 That, as Isert says, there is found absolutely no stone at Kongensteen, is incorrect. There are, admittedly, no very large ones found near the coast, but further up in the Rio Volta, where he did not go, there are stones of surprising size. [Cf. Isert (1788/1992) 37; idem (2007) 55. Actually, Isert did travel further up the river. On his return to Gold Coast to establish a plantation he visited Mlefe, which is more than 30 km. up the river. This was after he had written his book, but he describes it in the book, so he may well have visited earlier, and considered it a suitable place for his plantation.]

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to imagine a more pleasant view than the one from these mountains; towards the south, over a number of European forts, fertile plains, far distant forests and settlements behind which the immeasurable ocean undulates; and towards the north, over the yawning valleys which, again, are lost in the cloud-covered mountains.176 I am unable to state exactly how high the largest of the Aqvapim mountains are, [212] which form a continuous range from west to east, but even in my most vigorous days, when I followed the Negroes at a rapid pace, leaping rather than walking up the mountain, it took us about two hours to reach the top. Yet, I should remark that the paths, at times, ran more or less parallel to the sides of the mountains. [sic] Since I sometimes stayed for several days at the plantations that the Europeans, in my time, very sensibly began to establish at the foot of the mountains - where the earth not only, in itself , is excellent, but where rain falls more regularly, probably because of the mountains drawing the clouds, and where refreshing water trickles down from the mountains in many places - I was able, repeatedly, to see a natural phenomenon that impressed me, at least. From a very deep cleft between two high mountains there rose, about from their middle, a very heavy smoke, as from a chimney, each time it had rained. The place from which the smoke rose is reached only with great difficulty, but nothing is found there except a collection of stones and, in particular, one very large one. It did not look as if the earth contained any lime-like ingredients, but to embark on further investigation of the ground was not in my power. That large stone is held to be sacred by the Negroes. This also applies to a collection of large stones that are found by the Momo lagoon, near Fort Fredensborg, which are called ‘high stones´. [213] The most remarkable sacred stone, or rather cliff, that I have seen in Africa is found in the country Acutim (also called Crepee here), about 29 miles in the interior, northeast of the mouth of the Rio Volta. I made that journey in company with the then commander at Fort 176 In the morning, when the sun reflects on the heavily fallen dew, such valleys look like very large seas. The view was to such a degree misleading that I had to climb down into them to convince myself that there was no water there. Even when the dew has disappeared there rests such a fog over the valley’s lowest parts that, seeing them from the mountains, one cannot determine exactly what they contain.

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Kongensteen and some other Europeans who wanted to establish trade connections in the interior. (Such journeys are very costly because of the not inconsiderable gifts which the Europeans must give in every town they come to, for the sake of honour and if they wish to attain their goal, and I appreciated it as a favour that Commander Flindt at the Fort – where I was on official business - gave me a free journey there.) That cliff is under the care of the fetish priests in the town of Malphie, which lies on the other side of the river, and without the chief priest’s permission one must not climb it. Not only did he give us permission, but he even gave us a younger fetish priest as a guide. We crossed the river in the morning, and after a half-hour’s march we were at the foot of the cliff. Our guide, who knew, intimately, the winding paths in the hard, absolutely naked brown stone, went ahead and showed us the places where we could climb forward. Even though we did not reach the top until far into the morning, we found it comfortable and cool there, to which not only the altitude but also the breeze blowing at that time contributed a great deal. From the top of the mountain, [214] which is broad and even, there is a marvellous view over the region. Forests, plains, smaller cliffs, high mountains which float in the blue distance, the shining river that stretches out broad and narrow arms over which large trees often bend, shading them; and here and there, where it is widest, one sees small islands thickly covered with trees, which, when the river swells in the rainy season, are torn loose from the mainland. All this is viewed in one glance. Also, the region around there is very full of life. Nowhere else have I seen so many large apes. They seemed simply to have chosen the cliffs there for their living quarters. They stayed at a distance of only a couple of musket shots, and it was amusing to see the haste they displayed when a shot was fired against the cliffs upon which they were making merry. How quickly did they come down, but how eagerly did they peek over the edge to see if the danger was over. Sometimes they walked around in the valleys in groups, or two by two, erect on two legs, so that one might believe the region was thickly populated. In general, the area was rich in wild life, especially antelopes and wild turkeys. Before we left the cliff the fetish priest said a prayer, and during 167

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unintelligible mumbling, and from a small pot filled with palm wine, he poured some [onto the stone]. When he found out that I was a priest I was also urged to pour a libation. I did not consider that I ought to have any objections to that, and with a fervent wish to the God of all that a happier future might come to this continent, so richly and beautifully provided by nature, I did it. The grass on this hill, far and wide, [215] is completely tracked down, and I learnt that this was done by the Negro devotees who flock to this place, even from far distant regions, and stay here often for several days, in order to pay tribute to the powerful fetish of the cliff. Just as the Negroes in the interior seem to be more vigorous and uncorrupted than those close to the forts - where there is the opportunity of getting much brandy to drink - so are they also more zealous in their fetish worship. The more prominent fetish priests believe that they are desecrated if they let the sun shine on them, therefore the never go out, except at night and in the morning and evening. They are also distinguishable by the long, multicoloured bird feathers which they stick into the thick hair of their heads. There are entire small villages where no one lives except for fetish priests and people who are particularly under the protection of the fetish, for example: runaway slaves who have ‘sat´ on the fetish, or children who, from birth, were ‘dashed´, meaning consecrated, to the fetish. This makes one think of the tale in the Book of Samuel, I Ch. 11 verse. Precisely in this way are many children given to one or another fetish. One must not go to such places wearing much gold, silver or other metal. These must be taken off outside, or, at least, hidden. If the fetish priests wish, thus, to show their unselfishness is not for me to say, but it is certain that this class is never very rich, in spite of the fact that they live mostly on gifts in natura. [216] A journey like this in Africa [i.e. in a canoe up the Volta] is, on the whole, very comfortable. Under a constantly clear and pure sky, the large canoe often bobs under a canopy of tall, richly shading trees as it moves through the river’s meanderings. The night is mild and warm, and you solace yourself over the sting of the mosquitoes by the good humour and joking that is partly characteristic of this part 168

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of the world, and partly because of the Bacchean gifts with which the travelling European is always richly provided.177 Suddenly we pass one or another settlement. Then the Danish flag waves from the canoe, and a musket shot is fired, both from it and from the settlement.178 At the more important settlements we go ashore and stay for a time. Gifts of brandy, tobacco and trinkets, etc. are presented and gifts of goats – or, as they are called, cabrikker [cabri] – fruit, pytho, palm wine, etc. are served. The most prominent Negroes, sometimes from several towns, are gathered in pomp in public places, and here agreements are made, and rules established for the security and expansion of trade. If you find no pleasure in constantly being present at such gatherings, you can entertain yourself by [217] observing the surroundings, or going hunting at the river or in the fields, where there is always game to be found. Thus, I have penetrated farther into this land than any other European. By constantly following the course of the river, as far as possible, I am convinced – which the Negroes have also confirmed – that it takes a northeasterly direction far into the interior. It is therefore, not so unreasonable that Mungo Park was once expected to come down this river. Now all hope of seeing that noble traveller has been given up. I have spoken with a Negro from Senegal who had seen him before he started the journey to the interior for the last time. That man also confirmed that he was drowned in a river - he asserted that Park had been killed by Negroes – and that he had seen a considerable number of his things, such as clothing, brought to the coast for sale. Even the notice one arouses there, where there is rarely, or never, any white man, is not uncomfortable. In tight groups the Negroes crowd around you, and even in the interior of the land the not-heavilyclothed beauties seem eagerly to want to be noticed, although you can in no way accuse them of being assertive.179 Rather do the Negresses 177 [Bacchean (now obsolete) refers, of course, to Bacchus, the god of wine and spirits.] 178 Here we nearly lost our lives at a village called Hume. The bullets whistled around our ears and in the water. We sent soldiers ashore to investigate the cause, but had to be satisfied with the apology that there were a number of bombefois, or hunters, who, in the moment of surprise had forgotten to take the bullets out of their muskets. 179 That the Negroes at Qvitta, or in that area, go around completely naked, as Rask says, is not the case. [Cf. Rask (1754) 135.]

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distinguish themselves, normally, by an outward decorum which often puts to shame the so-called cultivated women, and never have [218] I been witness, in Africa, to such immodesty as disfigures the most fallen groups among our females. Everywhere we came, we were given a hospitable reception, to which, certainly, the intention of the journey and the desired gifts contributed much, although politeness is a chief trait in the Negroes’ character. It is normally considered that to stay in the interior of the country is especially unhealthy, but, despite the fact that the great forests, many swamps and greater stillness in the air would support that idea, it does not agree with my experience. I, myself, have never been ill there, and of our travelling companions only an Englishman became ill, and died shortly afterward. Rather, I have reason to believe that the higher parts of the interior, such as the Aqvapim mountains, are very healthy. The suffocating heat that is sometimes felt in the interior can well outweigh the terrible ocean mist which comes from the roaring breakers, and in which one is always enveloped at the shore. Next after a sensible way of life and a serene mind I believe that it contributes much to one’s health in Africa that one does not shift living quarters for long periods, since even at a few miles’ distance the atmosphere strikes me as being different, because of varieties in the regions; and I have noticed that many have died after changing posts there. Even at pest-ridden Lagos I found an Englishman who had lived there for many years [219] in good health, but he has not changed his place [of work or living]. Unfortunately, everyone there is exposed to an extreme fever which can inflict a shock on the most sensible man, and on the strongest constitution, from which he never recovers. As far as is known, there is not on the coast of Guinea any other metal than gold, which the Accaras call sika. On the stretches which touch closest to the sea there is found only little of that metal. Most of it is brought from the interior of the land, and especially from Ashantee. The Akim Negroes were, formerly, very industrious gold miners, but in spite of the fact that this nation, which borders Accara towards the north, has still not been destroyed, it brings only a little gold for sale, in comparison to what it is said to have brought in earlier 170

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times.180 Everywhere the gold trade is not nearly as profitable now as it was formerly, since the Negroes know very well how to set a price on it. Gold is found partly in mines, partly in the rivers, and partly on the beach. It is commonly said to be in conflict with the Negroes’ fetish worship [220] to empty a gold mine, thus that superstition is one of the reasons that the gold trade diminishes year by year. In the river, and on the beach the gold is mostly in very small grains, or dust, mixed with sand, and is found only in insignificant quantities. It is only the poor Negroes, and especially old women, who occupy themselves in gathering it from the sand, in a very simple manner. They use a round and fairly flat pan made of wood or clay, not larger than that they can hold it with both hands. They fill this with sand at the place where they assume there is gold, pour water on it, and twist the pan in a circular motion, so that the sand is constantly rinsed off the top. The gold, being heaviest, sinks to the bottom and is gathered, finally, from the bottom of the pan.Often this attempt is made without producing the least result, and a Negress seldom earns 1 rdlr. gold a day, most often much less. Nowhere, except right under the Danish Fort Christiansborg – which rests on a cliff - have I seen gold thus panned from sand, and that has aroused a kind of doubt in me as to whether the gold is originally found in the sand there. You can see clearly that the sea, year by year, washes away some of the land where the town lies. I have, therefore, imagined that the land could formerly have extended much further out in the sea. That the Negroes inter their dead in their houses, and, among other things, also bury gold along with them, formerly in great amounts, is something I have already touched on. Could one, then, not believe that it is, to a degree, such [221] gold which now, thriftily and carefully, is being gathered? Meanwhile, I do not discount the possibility that the

180 The Akims – I do not know why some, after Isert, call them Akenists – are subjects of the Ashantee and, according to reports, must give their gold, or the largest part of it, to them. Africa is still very little explored, also in this respect, and it is possible that the mountains near the coast are rich in gold. [Monrad errs in faulting Isert for the use of the term Akenists/Akani for Akyems. It was used by all of the previous authors without exception, going back to Peter de Marees in 1602, and Isert was simply following the convention.]

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cliff itself might be rich in gold.181 In my time, Europeans spoke often of having the ground, which in Accara in many places sounds hollow when you walk on it, examined by Akims, since Accara, in the very earliest times, is supposed to have been rich in gold. But it remained only an intention. It seems entirely reasonable that Africa contains several metals, and at least iron, since in many places you find the earth covered with a layer that resembles rusty iron, and small stones that lie in such places are covered with the same material. The best gold trade in Guinea is from Fort Akim, above Cape Coast, and down to the Danish Fort Fredensborg. The earth in Guinea is partly sandy, partly clayey, and partly black, crisp and exceedingly fertile. The sandy part touches closest to the sea and produces, in the poorest parts, only stiff grass and small bushes. However, in the better parts [it produces] maize and other fruits, although they never reach perfection, yet have [222] a taste that surpasses that grown further inland.182 The supporters of the slave trade sometimes say ‘Africa’s coast is unsuitable for raising what we get from the West Indies´, but this can only be true for those parts which lie closest to the beach, where the constant mist rising from the breakers, and the intense heat that nearly make the sand glowing hot, have a negative effect on the young coffee and other plants. Yet I have seen cotton trees and sugar cane grow very luxuriously a mere 100 paces from the sea. Further in the interior the land becomes clayey and more fertile. Only ½ mile from the beach the Negroes have very good maize and fruit plantations. But it is actually not until 3 to 4 miles higher up, toward the Aqvapim mountains, that the earth becomes extremely fertile, and the entire vegetation as luxuriant as possible. Even the coffee tree bears fruit here as early as the second year, which 181 Yet, it would be a mistake to do what is told of some Europeans, newly arrived at the Coast, who, having heard reports that there was gold close to the main fort, went down to the beach there and filled all their pockets with sand, in the hope that at least half of it must be gold dust. 182 Isert as absolutely erred in his recollection when he speaks of the beautiful Nature which greets the European immediately upon landing at Christiansborg. From the landing to the Fort there is only naked sand, and one must think immediately of Africa’s sandy deserts. How pleasantly one is disabused later! [Cf. Isert (1780/1992) 28; idem (2007) 44-45.]

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West Indians have assured me is extremely uncommon on the West Indian islands, where the coffee trees rarely bear before the third or fourth year. Nor can this distance from the sea make transportation noticeably difficult.183 With only a little trouble they can construct the loveliest roads, which, [223] because of the nearly constant dryness all the year round, are like a parlour floor. In many places by the river the ground is so black and crumbly that, without a doubt, it contains peat, but nowhere has an effort been made on a stretch of land that is covered with forests.

183 [Yet it was precisely the distance from the coastal areas that was instrumental in the failure of Isert’s plantation attempt in 1789.]

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Cultivation of fields, cattle husbandry, sailing [224] Although agriculture is extremely imperfect, yet it is by no means unusual in Africa. At the shore, or close to it, one needs rarely do more in order to begin to cultivate the earth, than to burn off the tall grass. This is usually done before the rainy season, and burning fields are seen far and wide. They consider it of great importance to cultivate all the land where the grass has been burnt off; therefore, immediately after the rainy season you can see the fields covered in the most vibrant green, which has luxuriantly come through the black layer of ashes.184 Before the grass is burnt off, on the other hand, the fields have a sad, withered appearance, although thousands of green trees put on a display all year round. The ashes fertilize the earth which has been at rest, [225] and it is loosened, or made ready to receive the various kinds of seeds. This is done with an iron hoe on a very short handle, hardly more than an alen long, since the Negroes do not concern themselves at all with digging or ploughing the earth. When the earth has been loosened and there are enough workers, this process, which is called rosarring, procedes fairly rapidly. Actual sowing, or broadcasting seeds in great quantities is not known to the Negroes. Maize and all the fruits are set, or planted by dibbling, which gives the Negro plantation a very regular appearance. In this way maize, yams, pimento, etc. are planted.185 184 Considering the great, fertile stretches of land that lie fallow, Africa can certainly be described as thinly populated. But that land has hardly been populated at all, at least not as far back as several centuries, according to tradition. 185 Piment, or pimiento is what we call Spanish pepper. It grows in the greatest abundance, some oblong, some round. The oblong ones become red when ripe, the round ones dark blue. It is used in great quantities in all kinds of dishes, indeed, when green it is even eaten on bread.

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Further up in the interior, covered by immense forests, the trees are cut down in an area that is large enough for cultivation. This is done with a large axe, not unlike a large knife. When, after having been cut down, the trees have lain there for a short time, the burning sun has withered them and they are set on fire. There is no need to fear a forest fire because Africa’s trees are far too full of sap for that. After they have been burnt, when the rains have mixed the ashes with the soil, this is worked in the usual manner, as described above. After that, when the different varieties of seeds have been planted, [226] which is done twice a year at about the time of our spring and autumn, the plantation Negroes have not particularly much to do, other than to watch over the plantations and keep them clean. Yams are the only earth fruit that requires careful attention, by hoeing and staking them. Indeed, the Negro is not fond of strenuous labour, but he is seen on the plantations, usually occupied in some way, since to sleep his life away is not really his intention. He is then seen plaiting bed mats and caps of rushes, or lying in wait for game.186 On the whole, the Negro is so fortunate that time never hangs heavy for him. As long as he has tobacco and brandy, or even just pytho and palm wine, which he can enjoy in the company of a comrade, he is then certainly the happiest of men.187 On the plantations, or, as they are called, [227] rossar places, during planting time, one sees small huts for the Negroes working there. Rarely do they cultivate a plot of ground for more than one to 186 The Negro’s bed is only a thin mat, rolled out; and among them one sees, daily, how easy it is `to get up, take his bed, and go home´. 187 With the exception of formal gatherings, you do not see the Negroes gather in certain places just for boozing, as do our commoners in some places. Rather, they are seen in pairs, sitting for hours on end and enjoying pytho or palm wine, since they rarely have sufficient quantities of brandy or rum for that purpose. They drink out of calabashes, or gourds, which are dried and frequently carved beautifully on the outside. Such a pair can imbibe a surprising quantity. They have fine drinking names, by which they amuse one another on such occasions; just as they do on other occasions, when, for example, they are carrying hammocks. Such names have partly a manly, partly a jolly significance. Thus, a Negro in my service was called `house breaker´, that is, he was so strong that he could break a house down; and another who was called `triple lover´, that is he has the strength [?endurance] of three men in love affairs. The Europeans, too, who can drink equally with the Negroes, have their drinking names. Before they can begin to drink they always pour a libation, and call, mumblingly, on the fetish who protects them.

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two years, or rather, more than one or two times. Then they take into use a new, fresh plot that gives a richer yield. The Negroes rarely use unripe fruit. There is even a custom, or religious ceremony, before the fruit can be eaten normally. In this way they certainly prevent a number of illnesses. The Europeans use certain fruits when they are unripe. Thus, unripe maize, for example, is cooked like green peas. All varieties of ripened produce are brought to the towns for sale daily, having been brought from several miles away. Great quantities of maize, especially, are sold to the ships in chests. A chest contains about 4 barrels in Danish measure. On the Lower Coast, at Lagos, it is sold in so-called lakuffer, that is sacks made of plaited rushes or cane leaves. One such lakuf contains about one skieppe, comparing closely to the English ‘bushel’.188 [228] The price of this produce varies considerably, but it is frequently a particularly good buy. In spite of the fact that the Negroes, here and there, apply themselves to raising cattle, or animals in general, I know of no place where they live exclusively by this. Especially in the kingdom Augna [Anlo Ewe], several miles north of Fort Prindsensten, one finds many cows, or, as they call them, kobesier. Some are kept in folds made by a plant called prickly thorn, some stand bound to a stake at night in and near the town. In the latter case they bellow fearfully when predatory animals approach them, and, not infrequently, drag some of them off. The kingdom of Augna is, otherwise, quite unimportant. Their king was, in my time, an extremely old man, probably more than 100 years old, and nearly blind. He was even described as exceedingly old by Isert.189 Goats and sheep are also raised in entire herds, in some places, such as Popo. In the vicinity of Prindsensten there are great flocks of small animals that are sold particularly to the Fort, whose commander can then realize considerable profit by selling them himself to the ships that anchor there for provisions. Since the time when the town Qvitta was destroyed by the Danes, the Negroes there have been forbidden to take any canoes out to sea, therefore the Europeans have exclusive 188 [ A skieppe (now skæppe) is an old measure for grain = 17.39 l.] 189 [Cf. Isert (1788/1992) 72; idem (2007) 99.]

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trading rights [with the ships].190 At Prindsensten excellent water is also available. One has only to dig a little way under the sandy crust of the earth. Very little gold and ivory are brought to this Fort, but, on the other hand, there are many more slaves [brought for sale]. Portuguese and Brazilian [229] ships, in particular, call at the Fort at Qvitta, and evidently they even had to pay a form of tribute in earlier times. Among other things they provide themselves there with great quantities of cane leaves, the purpose of which is not known to me. It is improbable that they carry them to Brazil, although such leaves are found innermost in the rolls of tobacco that come from there, with thick donkey hide wrapped around the outside. The Negroes use that [leather] for sandals, and the Europeans use it for soles in nanqvins shoes, which they use at times for want of anything better. Indeed, in Guinea we never lack the necessities of life, and sometimes we have those things that are considered luxury items in Europe, even, at times, in the greatest abundance. In hardly any place on the Coast is there a lack of small creatures. Nearly everywhere there are Turkish ducks, several kinds of chickens, indeed even turkeys and Guinea hens are available in great numbers. At times I have seen ships here provided with these to such an extent that at departure they resembled large, floating, chicken coops. Every single homeward bound passenger takes, at times, several hundred birds aboard. Shipping is still at a very low stage among the Negroes; canoes are their only ships. These are not rowed forward with oars, which would be broken immediately by the surf. Instead they use so-called bakaie paddles, which, on the whole, closely resemble a spade but whose blade is triangular in shape. There are thwarts the length of the boat, two Negroes on each, [230] and in rhythm, which is either beaten or sung, they shove the boat rapidly through the water with the bakaie paddles. A Negro who sits farthest behind is the one who actually steers the boat. The greater the danger in the surf, that much faster and noisier is the boat’s progress, so that you might believe that you are going under at any moment. On the whole, this [form of] sailing through the breakers is an art that the Negroes acquire in the earliest years of 190 [ Cf. ibid: 71; 97-8. ]

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their youth. Yet there are many who lose their lives thus because not all of them are equally good swimmers, and the breakers can be so violent that expertise in swimming is of no avail. The waves churn up sand and gravel in their froth, soon choking the swimmer, and furthermore, the currents drag him violently to the bottom. When the Negroes undertake a longer sea voyage they often make use of small sails for the wind. These are made of plaited leaves, like mats, and are fastened in the front of the canoe with small ropes, or ropes made of coconut or palm leaf fibres. On rare occasions (for example, during the season when they fish for cinque-sous at Accara) the Negroes venture so far out to sea that they cannot see land. When this is the case they are led homeward by the constant wind, after which they can determine their course. As soon as they can see the coast, their intimate knowledge of that coast, for stretches of many miles, tells them where they are. If the canoes are far out after it has become dark their comrades light fires on the beach by which they can set their course. Even though the wind usually blows [231] from west to east, this is not always the case close to land. Towards midday it generally blows, refreshingly, from southwest and towards midnight from northwest. The former wind is called the sea wind and the latter the land wind, which usually brings a nice fragrance with it. Far out from the shore are the southeast trade winds, which, in my experience, sometimes blow several miles north of the equator. During harmattan time the wind blows from the east, which is an exception, since throughout the year it has been blowing westerly.191 In the interior and in the low-lying regions I have not had occasion to experience the temperature drop in the air, but normally it is very still and sometimes suffocating. Even though the Negroes have no particular god for the sea (they consider, rather, that the ocean is spirited by a divinity), yet they believe that each canoe is under the protection of one or another fetish. They bring sacrifices to that one and seek, thus, to capture its attention. A highly imperfect figure of the fetish, painted red and white, 191 [Harmattan, a period of extreme hot, dry winds caused by the north-east trades sweeping over the Sahara before reaching Ghana. The air become very dry and dust-laden, and temperature drops rapidly. Cf. E.A. Boateng A Geography of Ghana 1966, 26. This usually occurs in January-February.]

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is sometimes found fastened to the bow of the canoe. It is there that the sacrifice is placed, usually consisting of cooked maize, some brandy, a small piece of cloth – probably to be used as panties or clothing for the fetish. Strangely enough, whatever the Negroes sacrifice to their fetish is always something trivial. It must be that they think of the fetish either as a spiritual being which requires only very little [of material things], or that he pays more attention to the homage paid him than to the size of the gift. I have also seen that [232] when the Negroes are about to go through the breakers they turn to the sea and, mumbling prayers for a successful breach, pour some brandy into the sea. Likewise, I have seen that mourners, if any of their dead have drowned, have turned to the sea with their complaints, and with much shouting and gesticulating, they wander back and forth on the beach. There are canoes in the greatest variety of sizes: some so small that a couple of men can run with them on their shoulders, and others so large that it takes more than 100 men to bakaie them forward. The very smallest ones can only be used on the rivers, where they are eminently suitable for hunters and fishermen to ride into the narrowest arms of the rivers - or what they call krikker – which are usually swarming with fish and game birds.192 The very large canoes are used mostly in the ocean, and they are most often provided with a large shelter in back, under which one can sit well protected from the burning rays of the sun. I have seen these especially on the Lower Coast, or to the east, where the Negroes, on the whole, operate more in the ocean than they do at the places where I have been, in the west.

192 Krikker are undoubtedly the English `creeks´.

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Chapter eight

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The Negroes’ clothing, way of life,recreation, crafts, etc. [233] The Negroes’ clothing seems, at first glance, to be simpler than it actually is. Normally, there is no head covering, yet at times the man wears a pointed cap plaited of cane leaves on his head, or a European hat when he is travelling or is greatly exposed to the heat of the sun. Sometimes both men and women wear a silk or cotton cloth tied carelessly around their heads. Men and women, especially the old ones, shave their heads completely. At most they leave a tuft of hair, or wool, into which they tie a lump of gold, sometimes in the form of a figure such as a bird, a Negro stool, a crocodile, etc. In shaving each other’s heads one Negro helps another, and you must hide your razors carefully if you do not want them ruined. The young Negroes and Negresses shave their heads in very regular figures, [234] such as flowers, circles, squares, etc. The Negroes shave their beards, except under the chin, where at least many of them let it grow. To let the beard and hair grow long signifies sorrow, or plans for a bloody revenge. They usually let the hair on small children grow. The Negroes rub into their skin fatty and strongly scented substances, such as palm oil, which is very fluid, or, in particular, the secretion of the civet cat. In this way they often appear very shiny. This constant oiling certainly contributes greatly to the dark colour of their skin. I have mentioned before that the Negro children are born nearly red in colour, like ours. During the desiccating harmattan wind this use of salve does not help. The skin cracks, the Negroes become quite grey

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CHAPTER EIGHT

and whitish, and it can be seen clearly that there is a finer skin under the exterior darker one. Small children go around absolutely naked, since the strings of beads, bits of gold, certain berries, small bones, etc. that are tied around their necks, wrists, over the elbows, around the ankles or waist, or the gold or ivory rings that are set on their wrists, must mostly be considered ornamentation, although the adults associate them with superstitious concepts and believe that the children, thereby, are protected against inimical beings. Such ornaments are also intended to show the numbers and ages of the children, so one can sometimes see which is the first-born, the second, and so on. When a child turns five or six years old they are given what the Negroes call a tekle [235] to wear. This is worn by both sexes until they approach youth, when they make custom, as described above, by which they are received into the ranks of adults, and are given the right to wear panties. Had they been Romans one might say they had earned the right to wear a toga, which the panties is not unlike, when it is spread over the entire body and hangs down to the feet, with one end of it carried over the left arm. The so-called tekle is made of a long, thin strip of cotton or calico passed between the legs, and loosely covering the genitals. It is wrapped in front and in back around a string of beads or a long silver chain that is fastened with a hook around the waist. Even when the panties is worn they continue to wear a tekle under it. In the interior of the country you rarely see other covering than the latter; otherwise it must be in the case of a highly respected man or woman. The value and quality of the panties is determined by the status of the wearer. It might be made of the simplest cloth - such as that made in this country - up to the finest silk or velvet, which only the very wealthy and prominent men or women wear on ceremonial occasions. Customarily the panties is worn so that, like a large skirt, it goes from the waistline down to the middle of the leg. But it is also thrown over one shoulder; sometimes over both, when the wearer feels cold, towards evening or in the early morning. If a Negro meets someone to whom he owes deference, and he is thus clothed, he exposes himself to the waist. And this applies [236] to both sexes. The panties is from 181

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two to four fathoms in length and about one fathom wide. When the Negro sleeps he spreads it over his entire body. The poorer Negroes, and slaves, use a much smaller one, or always make do with [just] a tekle. Over that part of the body one sits on, the adult Negresses wear a pointed, projecting pad called toffo.193 This shows the greatest difference in daily wear between that of men and women. Around this pad and their panties the women bind a folded cloth which is knotted at the point where the ends meet over the stomach. In this they often hang, especially as finery, a large bunch of keys made of silver, gold, brass, or even iron, which makes their gait very laborious. The Europeans sometimes even order such keys from Europe, beautifully worked, as gifts for their mistresses. The ordinary woman is everywhere the same, and decoration is the first desire of her heart. At first, you are inclined to believe that the keys are a symbol of domesticity, but you soon discover that all work is a plague for the wealthy Negress, and especially for the Mulatto woman. To dress up and lie half the day, stretched out on a mat, this is her happiness, to which, naturally, there is associated a pleasurable way of life. At times, for fine occasions, the women wear a cloth loosely covering their breasts, which, however, are exposed by the slightest movement. Sometimes they also wear the [237] panties so high that it just covers the breasts. Besides anointing their skin with palm oil and scented products – including musk which they purchase from the Europeans - the Negresses tattoo themselves with white, dark blue, yellow, red and green, but not in the same way as do the islanders in the South Seas. For this tattooing, or painting, the women use round or square wooden stamps into which small figures, such as squares, are carved. These stamps are dipped into the colour and then pressed onto the place they want tattooed, especially their chins, arms, breasts and necks, into which they sometimes rub a yellowish, scented powder obtained from a fruit. Making incisions in the skin in various forms and on different parts of the body such as the face, breast and back, is not practised among the Negroes who live close to the sea. However, there do come many thus scarred from the interior of the 193 [ Àtòfò, a pillow worn by women as a bustle.]

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country, especially from the Dunko kingdom.194 The Negroes do not usually wear anything on their feet. It is only old or prominent men and hunters who wear a type of sandal, fastened with straps over the instep. To remove one’s sandals is a sign of respect and humility. The Negro does this when he enters a fort or the home of a European. The Negroes also have all manner of decorations hanging from raffia fibres around their knees, or bound around their ankles. The Mulattos usually dress in the European manner, using nanqvin or cotton [238] shirts and trousers; unless they are soldiers, who, for everyday clothing. wear blue; and for dress, white underclothing and red shirts with yellow borders. The Mulatto women, especially those christened, are distinguished from the Negresses in their dress in wearing their hair long, artfully tied in the back of their heads, and sometimes decorated with beads and gold ornaments, and they also wear a fine shift. Yet, there are those who dress like European women. On festive occasions, such as cassaring, or weddings, the Negresses and Mulatto women are often so burdened with gold and ornaments, with heavy necklaces of gold, and rings likewise on the hands and ankles that they can scarcely walk. In a warm climate it is truly refreshing to be thinly clad. Therefore, the Europeans most frequently wear no more than a light shirt of nanqvin and trousers that are worn like stockings of the same material. From England we get very light straw hats made very neatly, as are all English goods, and of different colours: especially white or violet. When circumstances require a more formal attire, we dress much as we would in summer at home. It is considered healthy to wear woollen shirts; they strike me as far too hot. The Danes and Dutch have no distinct uniforms; but all the Englishmen who belong to the forts have red uniforms with white underclothing.

The Negroes’ way of life [239]On the whole, this is simple. The Negroes rise very early; especially the old people prefer to get up several hours before daylight 194 [ `Dunko´ was not a kingdom but is an Akan term, odonko, meaning an African from the interior, brought to the coast as a slave. ]

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since the morning air is considered to be healthy and refreshing. You can see them then, wrapped in their panties, [sitting] in one place, lost in contemplation or a kind of dreaming, for which they have a special propensity. To take a walk, or to exert themselves in any way, is not to their taste. What they amuse themselves with, at the most, is smoking tobacco in long pipes. In the morning the Negroes usually drink a kind of gruel made of maize meal. This drink is sold, and hawked in the early morning hours in public places in the towns, where, moreover, the Negresses sell maize bread, fried fish, all kinds of fruit, soap, baked products or oil cakes, fried beans, salt, etc. These are sold all day, but mostly in the forenoon. Fresh maize bread is available every day and is baked in small ovens, of which many can be found at similar public places and outside the houses. There, too, can be found the stones on which grain, or maize, is ground, or, rather, rubbed. On two rather large stones a similar one is laid which is hollowed out in a round shape. Here they place the maize which is ground by a Negress using an oblong stone. She moistens it at times with water from a calabash, or squash, that she keeps next to her. This is done [240] mostly in the evening or early morning. At certain places, such as at Aqvapim, the fetish forbids the baking of bread; therefore the maize is wrapped in a leaf and cooked [steamed?]. Made in this way I find it much more tasty than the baked variety. Bread and fruit make up the Negroes’ main diet, although those living at the shore eat a great deal of fish. Nor are they averse to eating pork and meat, but since they only infrequently set themselves to hunting or raising animals, these are more rarely available to them. Nearly all their food is prepared with palm oil and East Indian pepper, which, in Accara, is called schattoe and grows in abundance there. Some of the most common Negro dishes are: flatta, a porridge made of maize; palm nut soup made with fresh, smoked or salted fish or meat; kokobessa, chicken stewed in palm oil and the root of a plant; flamqvav, a kind of vegetable in palm oil, with dried fish, schattoe, kasiokler195 and eggs; kasiokkel soup made with fish or meat; cabuseer kankies made 195 Kasiokkel is a long, green fruit that resembles the cucumber, although in taste it is totally different. It is slimy and very healthy (Hibiscus). [Okra.]

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of oil, kasiokler, ground maize and schattoe; yams, grated, cooked or kneaded into a very pleasing [sic] dough called fafoi; gobbegobbes, cooked beans or peas; maize, grated or cooked on the cob, or with the kernels removed; fish, fried in palm oil, or cooked, smoked or salted and half-rotten. [241] That last one is called snusfisk. [To continue,] all manner of meat, fried or cooked in palm oil; a soup made on whole crabs, which is also eaten, when cooked, with bread; bombefoi soup made on the internal organs of animals newly felled. Besides this they eat a great quantity of fruits raw, fried and cooked. Palm wine, pytho, that is, ale brewed of maize, and the earlier mentioned mamu make up the Negroes’ usual drink, although they are never so happy as when they have brandy or rum. The Negroes bathe early in the morning and again towards evening. For this they use soap and the fibres of a tree root, with which they finish by rubbing their whole body vigorously, which has the effect of giving their skin its characteristic fineness and softness. Not only are the Negroes very clean about themselves, but they also handle their food very cleanly. That they eat with their fingers becomes less an object of [our] cynicism when you consider that they wash their hands carefully before and after the meal. The hollow hand is their spoon, although they do often drink soup [from the bowl]; they rarely use a knife. They usually make a proper meal of hot food between 10 and 11 in the morning. The hot midday hours are spent in sleep or inactivity, and then it is as quiet in Africa as it is at night at home. The morning hours and evenings are the time for work, if one is not so fortunate as to have no need to do that, [242] in which case the time is spent in gaming, visiting, smoking and drinking. Between 5 and 6 they have another, proper, meal, and from then on all the time is spent in all manner of enjoyment. If there is moonlight they dance and drink the whole night through. Lacking intoxicating drink, or if the night is very dark, they go to bed very early.196 The Negroes are not gluttons but at the shore they are that much more given to drink, and it is far from the case that drunkenness is 196 The nights in Guinea are never as dark as ours, unless a tornado, or storm darkens the air.

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considered a vice. They consider it, rather, a blessing to be able to drink one’s self to intoxication, and see it as honourable.197 And when an individual stumbles, intoxicated, through a town he is seen as fortunate to have had so much to drink.198 Regardless of how carefully we guard our brandy at the fort [243] the Negroes know how to provide themselves with some of it. Even the Mulattos, who are Christian, are not far behind them in regard to drink. Immediately after I had come to the Coast I had myself shaved by a Mulatto, and he very openly excused his shaking hands by saying that he had been dead drunk the day before. I marvelled at his honesty, but became wiser later; it was indeed more a boast than a shame for him. Even many of the Europeans do not lag behind the Negroes in this respect, although with some difference. Thus, an Englishman said to me, very naively, ‘The difference between the Dutch and us in Africa is that they are drunk the whole day through, but we are not before the evening.´ In this respect the Danes in Guinea might be called Englishmen. Everywhere, intoxication seems to harmonize better with the climate than does gluttony. The Europeans, on the whole, imitate the Negroes’ way of life, and as regards bathing, rising early and their nourishment, they act very wisely in this. At least, I have never felt so well than, for a few years, just by eating the same dishes as the natives do. Many European tables are set very differently with all manner of foods from Europe, from which are sent wine, ale, ham, butter, jams, etc.

197 Is it not, unfortunately, so with us that a large number of the common people see it as their dearest enjoyment; the prime incentive for their activities; the soul of all their pleasures; and a remedy for illnesses? 198 This applies, however, especially to the coastal Negroes. Such an inebriate is often a wealthy man who has a whole retinue with him: singing and making music for him, calling out his favourite names, as well as the heroic deeds which he has performed - and not performed. It is called to bringar, and a Negro can often be so happy every week on the day on which he was born, which is always celebrated, and on which he must be dressed up and live pleasurably. [Bringar is derived from Portuguese brincár, to jest, sport, play.]

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Music [244] The Negroes love music and practise it industriously, and although it is to a great degree noisy, yet they also have instruments on which they can produce very pleasant tunes. The constraint under which the fair sex is held is undoubtedly the reason that it is left to the male sex to make music; at least, I do not recall any instance of my having seen a Negress play any instrument. They have drums of very varying sizes. Some are so large that they either rest on a stand that looks much like a sawhorse; some must be carried on the back of another person in front of the player; others are no larger than that they can be carried by the player; and still others are even smaller. They are made of a thin, hollowed out piece of wood, covered with white leather and provided with straps for tightening [the head]. They are struck with a stick which looks like a long hook. The drum cases are more pointed towards the ends and are not unlike small barrels. With these drums they play not only the most varied music, but they can carry on actual conversations with each other, even over long distances. Their drums are accompanied throughout the night by noisy singing, and when I was ill few things have tortured me more than all that together. An Englishman told me that when he was in the same situation, he became so enraged that he leapt up and shot into the noisy crowd. [245] The Negroes have an instrument that is not unlike a guitar, and the tones it produces - as I experienced them - were exceedingly lovely. Alone in a hut, or in the shade of trees, the Negro often sits in the warm evening and plays on it, although without song. Perhaps it was the atmosphere in which I often heard this music that made it so attractive to me, since I myself am no expert in music. It was when, closed in upon myself, I wandered in Africa’s beautiful nature with my thoughts fixed on all that was precious to me, all that I had left behind in my fatherland. The instrument is very simple, being made of a calabash, or a large, hollowed-out squash, through which there is a stick or a long shaft, upon which are stretched four or five strings that are struck with the fingers, or with a very small stick held between them. There is an even smaller string instrument that produces a weaker 187

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sound. It is said that, on the latter one the Negro can say endearing things to another, and arrange meetings, for which reason, at one fort, it has been forbidden for the Mulattos on guard to play it, because they are accused of making romantic arrangements with the Europeans’ mistresses. The Negroes also play a flute. It is larger than our ordinary one and is blown from the end. They can produce very pleasant melodies on it. Sometimes they are accompanied by small drums, and for this music they keep the rhythm by striking two flat, slightly bent, pieces of iron. Sometimes they also blow long horns [246] made of small elephant tusks, which are heard far and wide. They are used at palavers and on festive occasions. The Negroes’ flutes are made of a variety of cane which grows in many places in the country. Every wealthy and prominent man nearly always, and especially on festive occasions, has a large troupe of musicians around him. They also lead him thus to palavers, or court cases, and in the intervals, when the case is not being heard, music is played, often very nicely, by the many troupes. This music is not of the noisy type, as it is at fetish dances; when one or another is panyarred or possessed; at cassaring, etc. On such occasions, as well as in war, they keep to the noisy drums and horns, accompanied by wild song and shouting. Most frequently the Negroes’ song is only tones suited to the music, just as their dancing consists almost only in numerous forms of twisting their bodies to fit the music.199 Sometimes these dancing troups stagger through the entire town, and one can see, at times, old, venerable men, half-naked, jumping and dancing in front of, or with, the troupe. That such dances also took place among the Jews in ancient times is seen by David’s jumping and dancing before the ark. Thus, such dances often recall happy occasions, for example, a palaver that was won, or a rich harvest, etc. [247] There is still another occasion on which there is much dancing and making music which I believe I should touch upon in a little more detail: this is when a prominent Negro or Negress chooses his ocra, or 199 Yet the Negroes’ dances are sometimes pantomimic and express certain occurrences, for example, a battle.

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her ocrava. One might translate ocra as ‘most confidential friend´, and ocrava as ‘most confidential female friend´. Such a person is picked out and elected formally, most often from among the Negro’s slaves - who are usually treated very well, and much more mildly than those of the Europeans. An ocra knows all his master’s secrets, shares in his sorrows and joys, helps him in the realization of all his plans, keeps guard over all that he owns, is nearly always with him. In short, he is one with his master, who hardly nourishes a single thought without sharing it with his faithful friend. In a land where there are so many secret aspirations, it is doubly important to have a person in whom one can completely place his trust. To this end – if this connection has not degenerated – the ocra’s life is tied to the master’s. As a rule, he kills himself when his master dies, as did our foster brothers in earlier times, or he allows himself to be killed at the funeral of the other one, so as to accompany him to the kingdom of the dead. Among the Negroes who live closest to the European forts this arrangement has lost its true meaning. The ocra there is not much more than the most prominent and beloved servant, and a Negro often has several, which, actually, is contrary to the concept of the ocra. Even christianized Mulattos and Mulatto women sometimes choose [248] ocras or ocravas for themselves, since, as things stand, it is common for the Mulattos to participate in both the Negroes’ and the Europeans’ customs, although they are held in disdain about equally by both: by the former because they elevate themselves proudly over them; and by the latter because they want to elevate themselves to their level.

Gambling The love of gaming is not uncommon in Accara, and it sometimes goes to such lengths that the Negro, by gambling, not only destroys himself and his family, but even plays himself away. Such a person plays day and night, and is sometimes sold by his family so that it will not be totally destroyed by him. The game in which the most losses occur is, as they call it, bus, meaning cowries. Several Negroes have a sort of bank of cowries, or the small mussel shells that are used as money. Whoever wishes to play pays in and then throws them [?like dice]. Mostly for 189

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fun they play a form of draughts for which, most often, a stick of a finger’s length is used which has been [whittled to] a point so it can be pushed into the board in which small holes have been made. This is played by only two persons, and not rarely does one see especially old men, in shady places in the towns, engrossed in this game half the day through, as we are in chess. There is a longish board with large holes in it, in which you move several small [249] nuts, or counters, from hole to hole.200 This provides enjoyment especially for women. The wives of prominent men, [women] who never work, spend their time in their seraglios, or enclosures. A game of marbles [sic] in which flat pieces of iron are thrown into the air, is a game I have often seen in the towns that are far from the beach. There is also among the Negroes that game, known to us, played with a number of small sticks in various forms, which are thrown out of the hand.

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The Negroes’ products and work Industry is not inconsequential among the Negroes, especially among those who live at a considerable distance from the European forts. Not only do the wide, cultivated fields seen in many places give evidence of their activity - and many of them occupy themselves with fishing and hunting - but also do not a few of them work with gold and silver. They know very well how to melt gold and shape it, for ornamentation, into various figures, such as small crocodiles, scorpions, chameleons, etc.201 [250] Similar figures are also worked in silver. Although as far as we know there is no silver to be found in Africa, yet there is no lack of it there. Particularly the Americans bring in quantities of Spanish coins, which are sold dearly enough by the Europeans to the Negroes. 200 I have frequently seen used for this game some small grey and flame-grained nuts, which are [also] set in gold and hung on watch chains. [ This game is oware.] 201 There are many chameleons in Africa. They are caught and, since they can live a long time without nourishment, they are kept for the enjoyment of watching them change colour. They produce a high, mournful, monotonous sound at night. When they die they look grey-green and are not able to reflect colours. It is certain that the shifting of colour is due to the fact that any colour that is close to them is reflected in their shining scales, which, when the animal dies, loses its proper lustre [and] its ability to receive the gleam of colour.

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Sometimes the Negroes cast the above-mentioned figures, and all kinds of large and small gold and silver rings, in moulds of stone and other hard materials like large oyster shells, which can be hollowed out. The Negroes also work in brass and iron. They produce nearly all the iron tools they use. Knives, to which they are unable to give the necessary sharpness, are nearly the only iron goods which can be sold to them profitably. In every large town there is a smithy which, normally, is nothing more than a roof resting on four poles, under which they can work in the shade. It is supplied with a hearth, bellows and a small anvil. Sometimes there is no bellows and the fire is blown up by fanning it with a wide bundle of feathers or leaves. [251] Salt production gives the Negroes much to do, at times, since the salt that is formed by itself in certain places at the rivers and lagoons is not sufficient in itself for consumption and sale. When a lagoon that is connected to the sea, is close to being dried out during the hot season, the Negroes are especially busy collecting the salt. They dig many small squares, about two alen on each side, in the bed of the lagoon. Into these they pour [sea] water which is dried by the sun, and leaves a thick layer of salt. This is washed and piled up into small cone-shaped or square mounds, which, at times, cover nearly the entire dry lagoon, and which, to the eyes of the Europeans, looks like a snow-covered field. Many slaves are purchased for salt in the interior of the country, where it is considered especially delicious - more so than at the shore. This is experienced when you have a meal with Negro in the interior: you are given food that is so salty that you can scarcely eat it. This is not at all the case near the coast, and nowhere have I seen Negroes eat salt alone. When a coastal Negro carries a load of salt to the interior, he usually comes back with a good slave from there, which would be worth at least 140 rd. gold in Guinea. The Negroes frequently work in wood, so they fashion some very neat and low stools that have been carved artistically out of a single piece of wood. Equally in wood as in calabashes, and hard shells do they carve very handsome figures, in which there is [252] a symmetry which has mystified me that much more, because in other cases, as with the raising of their buildings, the Negroes do not observe correct proportions at all. 191

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The Negroes make many things of clay, which are used in their daily lives, making both red as well as black bowls and pots. Especially worthy of note is a kind of red water crock which is sometimes so large that it could hold upwards of a barrel of water. They are seen especially among the Europeans, often built into the wall of buildings to hold water, in which it stays very cool.202 They are called bojangs. The Negroes’ black pots closely resemble those that are made in Jutland. The method of making these clay pots is very simple and is done almost completely with the hands. Most of them are made a few miles east of Rio Volta and are carried from there in all directions, by the thousand. They are carried on the head, from place to place, in a kind of very long basket, called bakai, without end-pieces and with flexible sides. When travelling you meet long rows of such bearers, and since the Negroes always walk in single file in the winding pathways that criss-cross the country, such a procession, that often stretches for a very long distance, is somewhat surprising. It is as if an entire troop of soldiers is marching by. [253] The Negroes make several kinds of cloth from the fibres of various plants and trees, especially from the many palm trees. They make especially lovely blankets, called kintee [kente]. The threads in them are so fine, the work so beautiful and sometimes so extraordinary, and the colours so bright and fast, that they are even admired by the Europeans, who use them themselves as bed covers in the country, and export them, both to the West Indies as well as to England. They are about 1 ½ to 2 fathoms long and one fathom wide, and are usually made up of several narrow strips nicely sewn together. These blankets are made, for the most part, east of Rio Volta, and I have seen a number of them from Prince Island. There are, of course, many of poorer quality that are exported as covering for the slaves in the West Indies. The Negroes in Africa also use them as panties, and they could well do without the many types of cloth imported from Europe, but it seems, after all, to lie in man’s nature, most often, to have a preference for things foreign instead of domestic. Of the foregoing it follows that the Negroes, in 202 The Portuguese export small red water crocks from Brazil to the Coast. They are made of very fine clay and are often beautifully worked in various figures. They have the characteristic of keeping water very cool.

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various places, are much occupied with spinning and weaving, and these occupations are not exclusively for the female sex. At Qvitta, where this branch of the industry originates, I have seen Negroes spin in the simplest manner: using a small hand spindle which they move up and down, and with which they even walk around [as they work]. In general, in this region one often has the pleasant sight of Negroes at work. In many places brandy has a damaging effect on activity [254] to a great degree, and always in those regions which border the sea. It is likely that the Negroes, had they not had so much contact with the Europeans, would have, during the last centuries, made greater strides forward towards culture than they have done. This seems to me to be confirmed by the many, and not altogether unreliable stories told on the coast, especially by the Moors, about flourishing kingdoms far in the interior, in the middle of Africa. In another type of work, the Negroes fashion of the fibres of trees many and various kinds of fishing nets and nets. A multitude of plaited articles made of reeds, large and small mats plaited of several types of leaves, also come from their hands. They know how to work leather, both with and without fur, and they fashion a number of things from it, such as: sandals, tobacco pouches, cartridge pouches, pointed caps, etc. The Negroes know how to extract colours from plants, especially an excellent blue. They also know how to dye leather, of which one sees many produced in white and blue. Skins are often used to lie upon, like a bed. The Negroes’ best bed consists of a thick plantain [leaf] mat upon which are laid some rush mats, and together they make a very good resting place. A round pillow of plantain leaves, at times sewn into leather or cloth, is a rare luxury. Finally there is the kintee, or they wrap themselves in their panties. Such a bed, in the Negro huts, sometimes rests on a slightly elevated layer, but most often it is on the bare floor. However, it is by no means common to have such a good bed. [255] A single, thin mat rolled out on a clean place on the floor, or the person himself and his panties, are the Negroes’ most usual bed. One should try to have a hard, and cool, resting place in such a warm part of the earth, and I have always felt best by having my bed arranged like that of the Negroes. 193

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Beads are not only dug up by the Negroes, but they are also very neatly and smoothly polished. Threaded on long strings, they are carried around for sale; and both of those that they have originally and of those they have bought from the Europeans, they know how to string broad, artistic bands and other ornaments, which, due to the admixture of the most varied colours of the beads, are very pleasing to the eye. Of course, this trade gives occupation to many Negroes.

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Currency Certainly, most of the trade in Africa takes place by barter, yet, in some places, a kind of currency has been introduced which is ordinarily used in petty trading. This is the cowrie currency, or as [256] it is also called in Guinea: cauris, boss or snogpander.203 In my experience they are current in the land of the Fantees, or from the small river, Sacuma, that runs about one mile west of Christiansborg, down towards the Congo. They are also used in some places in the interior, for example, north of the Danish Fort Kongensteen and the English fort at Vidah. In general, they are most commonly used along the seashore at the places described above. It is said that very wealthy Negroes in the interior of the country have entire houses built of, or, undoubtedly, decorated with, cowries. This was told to me by an Englishman when I was on a sea journey at Vidah, which lies about 40 miles east of Rio Volta. [He said] that the royal residence in that kingdom is said to be completely decorated with cowries and human skulls. He told me, further, that when he and some other Englishmen visited the king, the king paid them the compliment of having some slaves decapitated. This king has 203 It is known that cowries are brought to the Coast, and other places, from the Maldivan Islands, from which the Dutch, in particular, fetch them. When they are shipped with their mussels still inside, such a cargo is said to be stinking and very unhealthy. On the Coast, when they have not been used too much, they have a shining, white appearance. They are counterfeited to a slight degree by a similar variety of small and yellowish mussel shells that are found on the beach. [ Boss is derived from Portuguese búzio, a univalve sea shell; snogepander may be a purely Scandinavian contribution. It means, literally, `snake skulls´. They were used widely as decoration in Denmark, probably in other countries, too, and perhaps people thought they resembled - or were? - the skull of the snog, a small grass snake.]

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a number of Europeans in his service who, for fear of being killed, dare not leave it, and, on the whole, as I ascertained there, he exercised great authority over the few Europeans who had their factories at the shore, or about a mile from there.[257] At Accara they call 25 cowries a tabo; 40 cowries a damba; 25 damba i rdlr. boss; 40 damba a small cabes; and 50 damba a large cabes.204 When you buy gold for cowries, you pay - at the places where I have been - about 40 damba for 1/16 ounce of gold. In Fantee, where the Englishmen have most of their forts, they do not use cowries as a means of payment. On the contrary, there, as at the Danish forts, and especially at the main Fort, gold is weighed out by the ounce, or in small pieces. The Englishmen there have also introduced a small silver shilling coin; likewise, other money, also, is not uncommon, especially Spanish dollars. An ounce of gold in Guinea is worth 4 pounds sterling, or 16 rdlr. silver. The gold trade is not nearly as profitable now as it was in older times, when, it is said, one sometimes got a handful of gold for a bottle of brandy. Now the Negroes know very well how to weigh and evaluate the gold; and the tricks that the Negroes who are used by the Europeans employ - such as neatly putting some of the gold which is being traded into their mouths - should not lead one to think they would bring any profit to their masters. [258]

Some traits of the Negroes’ manner of building and of living Where the Negroes do not live close to the Europeans, whose buildings, to a degree, they copy - although very imperfectly - you see hardly any other type of building than round houses, or huts, of which you cannot get a better conception than to think of beehives with a roof over them, greatly enlarged, so that 10 to 12 people could lie in them, if necessary. The Negro buildings that imitate those of the Europeans look like very small village huts, and they have this appearance, for example, at the 204 Tabo was worth about 2 shillings silver. Tabo and the rest of the terms about cowries are of Portuguese origin. [ For the history and description of this system, see Marion Johnson `The Cowrie Currencies of West Africa´ Journal of African History, 11, 1970, pp.17-49, 331-53.]

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Danish main Fort. They all have doors, and instead of windows they have shutters, which are nearly always open. The Negroes have not much trouble as regards building materials. Of clay, which is immediately at hand, they make the floor and walls; the long grass provides them with a roof; and they need not search far for the large and small stakes they use in the walls and roofs. If an entire town burns down the damage is not greater than that it can be repaired in a few days. The Negroes never use whitewash, therefore their towns have a gloomy and unclean appearance, although lack of cleanliness is by no means one of their faults. Extremely rarely does the Negro’s luxury go to the extent that he has two storeys to his house, and I have never seen this in the round, and genuine, Negro houses. In such a case, the loft (yet they normally have no loft) is made of coconut logs which are overlaid with clay. In the middle of [259] the floor there is often a fireplace, and through the [window] openings and the door, where the wind has free passage, the smoke goes out, too. They say that the round houses are best kept free of mosquitoes since the smoke there drives them away more easily. --Although the Negroes frequently have a fire in their huts, especially at night,(since then they find it cold and are, furthermore, most bothered by mosquitoes) they never cook their food there.205 [For this purpose] they often have a small place, with a roof over it, outside of their actual living quarters, where they cook their food, brew pytho and in general undertake whatever is necessary for their housekeeping. The Negroes do not in the least concern themselves with the demanding work of raising buildings of stone and lime. Indeed, it seems as if they have a general prejudice against houses of stone. In certain places, for example in Aqvapim, it is absolutely in conflict with their religious concepts to build with stone. A European who, in my time, had a plantation there and wished to raise for himself a house of stone, had to contrive to be given permission for it from the fetish priests with money and gifts, and, in addition, in order to deceive the fetish, he had to have some small pieces of wood plastered into his stone house, which was, in fact, built. [260] 205 At night the Negroes often sleep in the middle of the floor, between two fires; and in the rainy season, when it is so cold for them, they sit around the fire, closely wrapped in their panties.

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The Negro towns are often considerable, having a population of several thousand. They are closely built and because of this, and because of their wide expanse and the high palms which, in many places, tower above the low buildings, they have something imposing about them. The Negroes’ household equipment is as simple as their houses. Aside from the bed you seldom find anything other than some calabashes, a couple of small Negro stools and some highly imperfect images, or figures, of fetishes, along with the most necessary pots for the preparation of food. Rarely does the Negro go to the extent of having a mirror; the Negress, on the other hand, rarely lacks this piece of equipment so dear to women, but she can make do with the smallest one. They have calabashes of considerably varying sizes; some small, round ones with a little piece of cloth inside, for snuff, since the Negroes also know how to use this. For [snuff] they use a beautiful, flat, brown nut; but they have calabashes so large that they can keep their clothing in them.206 Those of medium size are used mostly for drinking pots.207 In spite of [261] having stools, the Negroes do not use them much in daily life; they find it more comfortable to sit in that position which you would rather not see anyone assume. The Negroes can often sit thus in whole groups, and for many hours, when they have something of importance to decide, for which purpose they often gather at night. I have found some individual Europeans who, having lived for a long time among the Negroes, also found this position comfortable. Perhaps it is the most natural way of sitting. Yet, what cannot be induced by habit? One sees it in the Europeans who have lived for a long time among the Negroes, when they adopt much of their fetish worship. To ‘sit on the stool´ means to rule, and it is used commonly about kings and caboseers. This way of speaking is also very biblical. 206 For this purpose they rarely use small boxes or chests. 207 From this they derive that manner of speaking: `to crack the calabash and take the fetish´, corresponds to the Latin pudorem rapere [to deflower]. That the fetishes are offered the first of everything the Negro enjoys (he must not even drink without first sprinkling, at least, a little out of it, under a mumbling sound) and that the calabash, which is closed by nature, must first be opened before it can be used, has certainly provided the occasion for this ungallant way of speaking.

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On the whole, the Negroes love figurative and graphic expressions. To ‘give a word’ means to send someone with a message; ‘the word tastes good to me’ means it pleases me. That ‘the word’ sometimes pleases and sometimes does not, there is ample opportunity to experience at palavers where, during the speeches, approving or disapproving shouts often resound from the entire gathering, along with a strange murmuring.208 ‘Your mouth plagues you’ means, among the Negroes, [262] ‘you are quick to scold’. ‘You have a strong face’ means ‘you are very shameless’. Even the names that the Negroes give to the Europeans, and by which they often speak about them among themselves, are, as far as that goes, descriptive, in that they always refer to one or another trait in the person so named. During my time there a certain European was called Osei (the name of Ashantee kings) because he was one of the first Europeans who, like those great princes, sequestered his many Negro wives, and because he lived high, and was wealthy. Another one was called Amusedam, that is, ‘a cask of brandy’, because he could drink an especially great amount of spirits; a third one [was called] Ku (the name of a kind of small, brittle, knife) because he was small in size and hated by the Negroes because of his strict treatment of them; a fourth one: Alokobialoko (meaning ‘one who goes back and forth’) because he was accused of supporting first one party then the other during palavers; a fifth, Akba (‘a stinking corpse, which is laid out under the open sky’) because they hated him so much, etc. At times one has several names; thus I was called: Atyko, that is, ‘the trunk of a tree’, or ‘a large anthill’, because I was very strongly built; but I was ordinarily called Ballo, that is, the ‘Speaker’; or Asopho, that is, ‘Priest’.

208 To be observant is a chief trait in the Negro, to which he is accustomed early by the fact that young people, indeed even children, are taken along to their gatherings, to listen and to learn.

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The climate and illnesses in Guinea, with some useful hints in this respect [263] Among the usual causes of illness in Africa are reckoned the country’s general character, the seasons and the influence of the sun and the moon. That a land, covered by limitless forests, with high humidity; which, at the shore is increased by the constantly foaming surf and the stagnant lagoons – often stinking of rotting shellfish and, farther up in the country, increased by the larger or smaller rivers that wind through it, cannot be of the most healthful seems highly reasonable. It must certainly be healthier where the forests have been cut down and the wind has freer draft. For this reason it is considered (I know not how correctly) that the coastal areas are healthiest. It is, at least, much more humid here than at the higher places in the country, where one can keep all iron and steel from rusting, while, at the coast, on the contrary, it seems to crumble away because of rust. The heat is, indeed, greater in the interior, but it is also more stable (which I have reason to consider more important). [264] The temperature, in Fahrenheit degrees, rarely rises to 90 degrees at the shore; whereas in the interior it is often 94 to 95 in the middle of the day, varying rarely from this. Only a few times, and in places where there is absolutely no air circulation, have I seen it rise to 100 degrees. The so-called cinq-sous time, which comes in about August, is held to be especially unhealthy; it brings a raw fog that breeds fevers. The real rainy season, which usually comes in the month of March, is also considered to be unhealthy. It does not always rain at exactly that

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time, but when the burning sun shines down on the softened, moist earth it produces a hot, suffocating dampness. `Cold fever` seems to occur mostly at that time. It is a quite incorrect assumption, made by some, that the rainy season in the hot countries falls without stopping for several months. On the contrary, as a rule it rains continually and heavily only during that period. Sometimes, at the outset, the water pours down so heavily that the earth resembles an immense sea studded with large trees. 209 Later, the sodden earth is more capable of absorbing the water. [265] It is also asserted that the seasons in Africa are not now as predictable as they used to be. A European who had lived in the country for 30 years and made a number of meteorological observations, claimed that the seasons were much changed and far more unstable than formerly. 210 I have myself experienced instances of the rainy season not only having been absent for a long time, but that it did not come until long after the right time, and then only sparsely. Harmattan-time, which comes at Christmastime, is the driest and coolest time of the year, and it appears to me that it is the most healthy, although the so-called hot period, in September and October - during which latter month and November there is some rainfall, giving those months the name of the ‘little rainy season´ - is normally considered to be the healthiest. Apart from these rainy seasons, one can count on a cloudless and clear sky throughout the year. The reason for the greater degree of cool weather during harmattan-time is no doubt because of the diminished sunshine.211 During that period the sun appears as pale as the moon. The air is always filled with a dry fog, which makes it possible for one, without difficulty, look directly at the sun all day. [266] The wind blows from the east, and the fog is, undoubtedly, fine dust, 209 It has sometimes happened that at the beginning of the rainy season, I have been surprised by the rain when I was far from the Fort, on a hunting expedition, and I had to wade home in water almost to my knees. Thus, soaked through, I have found it useful, as soon as I came home, to wash my entire body with rum, thus promoting perspiration. 210 It is extremely rare for Europeans to live so long there, and I cannot support Isert’s opinion that we could live as long there as we can here. I have never known of any Europeans who have become more than some 50 years of age. [Cf. Isert (1788/1992) 159; idem (2007)211.] 211 Harmattan is said to mean `dry wind´ in Arabic.

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from the interior of the land, which floats in the air. Thus it forms a thin layer on walls and furniture. The skin on the body becomes dry and flakes off. Everything made of wood cracks easily, and I have observed with wonder that the dessicating character of the air is sometimes so intense that one has difficulty in keeping wet the pen with which one is writing. However, the dryness is not equally intense all the time, and there are days when the sun shines quite clearly. In Africa we miss the beautiful zodiacal light in which the sun here [in Denmark] often drapes itself.212 Indeed, it is even less [observable] in Africa than in the West Indies. Yet I have seen, at the rising of the sun, especially in Africa at certain seasons, more than at any other place, lovely, lighter gold, serrated stripes over the light morning clouds which, at higher altitudes, float very low. Even though the suns burns intensely, I do not believe that I can attribute to it any immediate injurious effect on health. Sunstroke is, at least in Africa, a very rare occurrence; and I have walked many times in the heat of the midday sun without having become ill a single time because of it. However, it is considered dangerous from 10 o’clock to 3, and I would not advise a newcomer to do this. That we, in that country, constantly have a slight fever, about which we do not bother very much, [267] and continue eating and drinking, is more a consequence of the heat in general than it is directly because of sunstroke.213 Equally little do I, along with several others, believe in the harmful influence of the moon. I have most frequently made business trips to the forts at night, by moonlight, and have often, during these trips, slept on the bare ground, without having experienced the least discomfort. The moon usually shines so brightly in Africa that one can read under the open sky, and undertake all manner of business affairs. He whose position allowed of it, would act wisely, in my opinion, in, as far as possible, changing day into night, and the reverse. Every single European who comes to the Coast must suffer through 212 [Zodiacal light is a tract of nebulous light along the zodiac, on each side of the sun. Visible in termperate zones after sunset in winter and spring and before sunrise in autumn.] 213 During the first years of my stay there, every Sunday after church services, I had more or less fever, and on the whole, it seems that one is less suited to mental exertion there.

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a very intense fever which the Danes call ‘the country illness´ or ‘Coast fever´, but the English, more characteristically, call ‘the seasoning´. The gall spills over into the over-heated European blood, he becomes unconscious, his nerves are much weakened, and if the patient does not die (which is often the case) the illness leaves a general weakness; which, however, usually gives way after a couple of months, by the use of suitable strengthening remedies like china, and especially a good glass of Madeira, combined with a proper way of life.214 The confused and bewildered condition, if I may call it that, in which one lives [268] during the illness, terminates; the blood seems to be sufficiently tolerant of the hot climate, and one can, after this time, enjoy the most perfect recovery in Africa.215 It is no great cause for wonder that expeditions to the interior of Africa are failures because of high mortality; we know how important it is to become acclimatized. Anyone who wishes to travel there should live quietly for a long time until he has recovered from the illness, and, to a certain degree, has regained his former strength. It is believed that the violence of this illness can be diminished by using purgatives beforehand; indeed there are Europeans who use such remedies almost weekly, in order to maintain their health. I have never used these things, and I have good reason to conclude that the best means of security in each of these cases is a spare but nourishing diet, abstinence from excesses, together with daily physical exercise. In this way I have, despite a thousand worries and insults, for the most part, maintained unusually good health. He who, by excesses, [269] has weakened his constitution, most often dies when the illness appears. It is considered fortunate if one is stricken shortly after arrival, since there are many examples that those who have become ill after a 214 [ China is a variant spelling of kina or quina. It refers to cinchona/Peruvian bark used in pharmacy. The preparation of sulphate of quinine was not introduced into medical practice until 1820 – quinine, as we know it.] 215 He who is thus acclimatized acts wisely, as concerns his physical well-being, in staying in the country. If he returns to Europe, especially to northern Europe, he suffers almost constantly from the effects of the harsh temperature; and I seriously doubt that anyone who has become entirely accustomed to the African climate will enjoy complete physical well-being, or be able to endure exertion out-of-doors [in northern Europe].

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longer period – sometimes after the passage of a whole year – without exception die of it. Perhaps the body has gradually lost the European strength to resist it? Formerly, it was believed that lean people, without particular physical strength, tolerated the climate best; but it seems to me that a good, vigorous nature does itself proud there and best holds its own. I would, however, advise very full-blooded people, least of all, to seek a stay in Guinea, since the blood rises so readily to the head, causing dangerous congestion and illness. Despite my never having been fullblooded, I had to have myself cupped from the head continuously, because regardless of how well I felt otherwise, my blood rose, especially at night, to such a degree that I became dizzy, and sometimes lost consciousness. Then, when I had myself cupped in the daytime– which the Negroes and Europeans do regularly – I was again in good shape. Congestion in the head sometimes acts so quickly that he who, in the evening, complains of pains in the head, is no longer among the living the next morning. At one time this was almost epidemic. Formerly there was this claim, that ‘Coast fever´ was so fatal that of 100 Europeans who came from the north to Guinea, [270] only 5 would still be alive after a period of 3 years. It is possible that this claim could have been correct at a time when those who were most corrupt in soul and body were sent there, and sometimes all of those travelling there died before the ship left the Coast. Now, however, it is much exaggerated. Now at least a third part survive, and far more would certainly survive if they did not, themselves, precipitate their deaths by their way of life - if they did not fall victim to the doctors’ incompetence. It is certainly understandable that competent doctors do not travel [to that area], and what very special illnesses are found in such places. Even the most competent European doctor must give Death many a victim. There are, however, examples of people without any particular medical or surgical expertise, who, by observing the progress of the illness and by the utmost care for the sick person, have become true benefactors for suffering mankind. Another cause of such frequent deaths from Coast fever, formerly, can also have been the extreme cupping practised during the course 203

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of the illness. According to the doctors today, this is about the same as slaughtering people. Now, during illness, they use only cooling preparations, such as cream of tartar. The head is bathed with vinegar, or completely wrapped in fresh plantain leaves, which I have found to be very soothing. Sometimes the hair of the head is shaved off and a strong vesicant plaster is placed on the back and legs. I have spoken with a very sensible English doctor [271] who assured me that he has used china and port wine successfully during that illness. He said that although this increased the heat and fever momentarily, it still prevented the body, after the fever, from sinking into weakness and death, thereby making for an easier convalescence. These types of strengthening preparations, combined with cold baths, are normally not used until after the crisis has passed. For lack of doctors (they, too, are mortal) we sometimes place ourselves in the hands of the Negroes, who also concern themselves with treating this illness. They use a purgative agent which is made of the bark of a certain tree; of warm baths, in which there are various bitter and astringent herbs; and of cupping. That bark is reddish and has, at times, a very strong effect when it is not taken in very small portions. The Negroes perform cupping using a small calabash in which there is a hole about the size of an ordinary copper shilling, and which is, otherwise, hollow. The air is removed from the calabash by a dry plantain leaf which has been dipped in palm oil and then lit. This calabash is then placed over an incision that has been made in the skin, and blood is drawn out. These incisions are usually made on either side of the head, under the temples, and on the back, below the neck. They then apply charcoal and citron juice to the wound, and this results in blue stains on the face, as if from gunpowder. 216 [272] This country fever is, not rarely, superseded by homesickness which, to a great extent has its basis in the weakened condition of the body. The poor homesick individual goes around as if in a dream; he has no joy of anything, takes part in nothing; withdrawn into himself he is dead 216 Otherwise, sores are easily healed in Africa. If the heat and the character of the air in general contribute to this, I dare not conclude. Finally, I should certainly add that one usually recovers quickly in Africa, even after the most violent illness.

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to everything around him except himself. He perceives only the dark, gloomy images to which his place of residence – if he has a sensitive, feeling heart – gives generously of material. Home floats constantly before his spirit and longing, and scarcely can any consideration keep him from deserting his post. As he does to his home, so does he, in his better moments, look to the Coasts of Fulfilment. If he is not, by diversions, by returning strength and sensible reasoning with himself, forced out of this condition, he soon succumbs to illness and death. A violent fever silences his heart’s fervent longing. On the whole, any fixed and mournful idea can be fatal. Thus, I have known more than one vigorous person to fall victim to the conviction that one cannot live in Guinea. This conviction, when it is allied with an anxious fear, can very often very quickly break down recovery and life. Among others, I have known an extremely amiable young man (an English marine officer) by the name of [273] Stuart, who was on a cruise, and who fell prey to this conviction.217 Both the true coast fever, as well as other considerable illnesses in Africa, often turn into cold fever, and the doctors consider this (I know not on what grounds) to be a good omen for a complete recovery. Even the Negroes suffer a great deal, especially in the rainy season, from cold fever, which, not rarely, degenerates into a putrefying fever. One seeks to get rid of it by cold baths, port wine and china.218 To treat cold fever the Negroes use nearly boiling herb baths into which the patient is lowered during his paroxysms, and is covered with a kente or sheet. Sometimes they smear the entire body, from top to toe, with finely ground Spanish pepper, which causes a burning heat. The Negroes believe that both this, as well as other illnesses, are brought about by inimical fetishes; therefore, in such cases, they bring sacrifices to the fetish and intercede for the sick individual. This is often done by those who take upon themselves the cure, since these people are considered to be especially holy and in a supernatural relationship 217 The [cruise] reference is to the armed cruisers that the English sent out to the Coast in order to monitor the prohibition of the slave trade. 218 I finally got the better of a very stubborn three-day cold fever, which would yield neither to European nor African doctors’ arts, by going to sea for a few weeks. I mention this since someone else may be helped by the same method.

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to the more powerful fetishes.219 [274] During the medicinal bathing of the patient the fetish is summoned by mumbling, and thus the are the medicines also consecrated. Indeed, after the illness has terminated, water is sprinkled, as if in exorcism, in all the corners of the house, presumably to completely chase out the evil spirits. That yellow fever has been brought from Guinea to the West Indies is certain beyond any doubt; but it has acquired there a far more fearful characteristic than it has here, and is frequently fatal. People who have lived in both places for several years have assured me that it is basically one and the same illness, which is called by that name, both there and here. Since I have had it myself, I can, for the judgement of the knowledgeable, state the symptoms in Guinea. It begins with an overwhelming faintness and depression; the entire body turns citron-yellow, even the whites of the eyes and the nails. The patient is in a feverish condition; the urine is sometimes green, sometimes red, almost like blood. Since I was, just then, on a journey to the eastern forts where they have no European doctor, I turned to a Negro who set about curing this illness. Normally the Negro doctor concerns himself with the cure of only one illness; he keeps his medicines secret. However, the cure would be worth the trouble of buying the secret from them. Especially does their cure of yellow fever merit the attention of the West Indian doctors. They say that there grow [275] no herbs for death [sic], but it is entirely possible that the healing herb could grow alongside the illness, or, more correctly, at the place where the illness originated. The above-mentioned Negro to whom I addressed myself cured me both simply and rapidly. Three times a day, morning, midday and evening, he had my entire body washed in water in which a number of both nicely scented and bitter herbs had been soaking for a long time. In addition, I had to drink three handfuls, each time, of the same water in which I was being bathed. After having taken this cure for 3 to 4 days I felt to, a surprising degree, much better, and in a short time I was quite recovered. My doctor called upon his fetish very frequently, and 219 To cure illness is, they say, a gift of the fetish. Yet all such doctors are not, as Isert says, fetish priests.

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forbade me to eat palm oil or legumes during the cure, which, he told me very seriously, his fetish had forbidden. The Negroes do not occupy themselves very much with actual surgery. Sores are well healed by them with the curative palm oil. At least, you very rarely see cripples among them, or people with limbs amputated. It is, therefore, reasonable to conclude that those whose limbs have been broken or crushed in war, or in accidents, die because of their injuries. It is also certain that cripples or deformed people cannot be found in a place where all deformed children are secretly killed. I know that Isert denies this, but I have it from a very reliable source.220 The Negroes readily admit this. [276] Weakness of the eyes is very common in Africa. I seem to have noticed this especially among the people of mixed descent, descended from Europeans. The eye swells, becomes red and causes a great deal of pain. Naturally the intense heat attacks so fine an organ. Among the local causes at the establishments one might count the constantly shining white forts and the white sand, surrounding the main fort especially. It can be seen that everyone who comes from a very hot climate has dull eyes. 221 The Negroes try to treat this weakness partly by bathing the eyes with aromatic fluids, and partly by blowing a very fine powder into the eyes; but the effectiveness of these treatments, in my experience, does not live up to the intention. Venereal diseases are not uncommon in Guinea, but according to statements of the doctors, they are less virulent and, due to the heat, easier to cure than in Europe. Therefore, one very rarely sees any Negro or Negress with faces damaged in so repulsive a manner as is so often the case, especially, in the larger European cities. If the white stains that are found on some Negroes, or if the hardening [277] in testiculis found 220 [Cf. Isert (1788/1992) 119; idem (2007) 160.] 221 This is seen most frequently among those who are blonde. Since the Negroes always have brown eyes, they consider the blondes to be very ugly. `The Whites´, they say, `have cat’s eyes.´ Strangely enough, the descendants of the Europeans in the first generation, namely the Mulattos, never have blue eyes; however it is frequently the case in the second and third generations, namely the Mestizos and Christizos. [Mestizo from Sp. mestizo, Port. mestiço signifying half-Spanish/Portuguese and half-American Indian. Have not found Christizo, but it clearly refers to the third generation.]

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in some and growing to a surprising size, have any relationship to that illness, I cannot judge.222 That spotting on the skin was most remarkable to me in the beginning, and I thought of the ancients’ leprosy, but I was informed that it is absolutely not contagious but either natural or a trace of a previous illness.223 Thus one can, perhaps, say that besides black, white, brown and red Negroes there are also spotted ones. I am totally ignorant of the means used by the Negroes during such illness; only that it has been said that to combat the ordinary venereal cases in which diuretic substances are thought to be so effective, no better remedy can be found than palm wine. An extremely painful illness is what is called - undoubtedly incorrectly - ‘the white river´. It is, rather, a kind of bleeding where the stomach fluid, mixed with blood, is excreted per anum, accompanied by such a dreadfully piercing pain in the internal organs that, in order not to bite his tongue, the patient is forced to hold a stick, or some other hard object, between his teeth. It is epidemic, although not to a high degree, and most of the Europeans must suffer through it, more or less; the natives also suffer from this at times. In general, the stomach is the weakest organ for the majority in Africa. The Negroes [278] cure this illness with starchy dishes made of yams and maize. A Negro I knew made a porridge mixed with a yellowish root, which, eaten by the patient morning and evening, had a speedy effect. I myself have found port wine with grated nutmeg, or muskatblomme 224, especially beneficial. At times this kind of diarrhœa responds to no art; the patient sinks gradually into total weakness, and dies very easily. Both during this, as during other serious illnesses, the doctors administer musk at the end; but I have never, except in one single case, seen it work. It would without a doubt be wiser to use it long before the patient lay in the throes of death. Boils and rashes plague the Europeans not infrequently, and appear most often after a serious illness, possibly as Nature’s method of cleansing. But most of the Europeans are especially plagued by constantly open 222 It is said that excessive drinking of pytho can cause this condition, which is said to be absolutely incurable, and not accompanied by pain or illness. 223 [This condition – vitiligo – is not venereal and also occurs among Whites.] 224 [This is the petal-like covering outside the hard shell of the nutmeg itself.]

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sores on the legs, which could be considered as a constant discharge. It is seen to be so salubrious that one congratulates those who have got them (it is reasonable to conclude that all unwholesomeness in the body collects there) and one dares not, by any means, heal them in Africa.225 Meanwhile, they impose an ugly necessity on the one concerned; they must have themselves bandaged daily, and are absolutely unsuited to tolerate any considerable march, or exertion. The sores seem to originate [279] in those who lead a quiet and gentle way of life; he who is constantly active and lives somewhat frugally will, in my experience, certainly avoid them. That they are not actually endemic can well be proven by the fact that the Negroes are not burdened with them. Sometimes, however, the damaged leg is wholly, or in part, healed, and strangely enough, the skin looses its original [white] colour and becomes nearly as black as the Negroes’. In order to lessen the pains which, especially at certain times, are said to be caused by these sores, I have seen that the patient has the Negroes suck the matter out of the sores, and then cover them with fresh and cooling leaves. The Negroes heal ordinary sores with gunpowder, which they strew over the injured area and then set fire to it. Yet, palm oil is far more common as a medicine. Small pox, which has been brought to Africa, rages fearfully there at times, and snatches away many people. The Negroes do not know how to treat this illness which, as far as I have been able to discover, does not occur in the interior of the country. At least, I have never seen any pox-marked people from there. It would be exceedingly commendable to bring vaccine to the Coast. Although one must reckon with violent fevers of various kinds in Africa, fevers that are certainly wrongly named: yellow fever, jaundice, putrid fever, etc., yet one does, often for long periods, enjoy good health.226 [280] It seems, on the whole, that one is either very healthy 225That these sores, as it is sometimes said, could come from venereal fluids in the body, I dare not say. 226 From the first year I arrived in Guinea and until the last, I enjoyed excellent health, on the whole. I was only unfortunate, during the last year, that a raging fever permanently weakened my constitution. I was infected from an English ship which, possibly, had yellow fever on board. I could have avoided this severe and long-lasting illness - over which, for my part, there rests a shadow – had I been fortunate enough to be able to travel back to the Fatherland when my term of service had terminated; but the war forbade that.

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or very sick; since all the indispositions which, in a raw climate [like that in Denmark], derive from colds, even the terrible rheumatism and chest illnesses, are little, or not at all, known [in Guinea]. I would especially advise those with chest illness to seek the warmth, since I have seen people with very weak chests who, in Europe, would scarcely have survived a year, live and, nearly totally recover in Africa. The so-called Guinea worms fix themselves under the skin in the most various parts of the body, even in the secret parts. They often grow to several alen in length (some examples have been seen that are 6 - 7 alen long); they are white, about the flexibility of a thick steel wire, and lie, like a ball, under the red and swollen skin. After a period of several weeks, or indeed months, they bore through the skin. You then wind them up on a small stick, and daily wind a little bit of it out, until, at last, the entire worm has come out. If you try to pull them out at once they break in two, and you are then forced to go around with them for another long period, until they again come to light. This could even cause [281] putrefaction in the flesh, of which I have seen at least one example. That patient had to have his leg amputated, but died shortly after that. Sometimes a deep incision is made in the place where the worm is lying, in order to remove it all at once; but this is considered dangerous and is, therefore, only very rarely done. It is said to be accompanied by a mild fever and, in the beginning, by itching, as well as, on the whole, great pain. Both Negroes and Europeans can get them, and some people are far more susceptible to them than others; indeed, there are those who never get them, including myself. A person can have several of them at once, and be in such a condition that he must constantly keep to his room and bed, without being genuinely ill. I have reason to believe that the manner of life contributes somewhat to one being plagued by them. At least, I have noticed that those people who are very active, and, on the whole, live frugally, are most often spared this plague. It is by no means certain where these worms have their origin. Some think that they are bred in the flesh, under the skin, by the intense heat and by unhealthy bodily fluids. One could then ask, ‘Why do they breed only in Guinea, and, in my experience, only on particular stretches of the Coast? Why do healthy and decent 210

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people also get them at times?´ Some believe that they come from the poor field- and brackish water that are drunk at times. This reason is generally accepted, and, partly because of this [282] water for drinking is strained through hollowed-out sandstones that are kept standing on suitable trestles, in cool places, and are called ‘drip stones´ because the water steadily drips through them. Indeed, some Europeans are even so careful that they never drink water unless it has been boiled and allowed to cool. It does not seem likely to me that water which has been drunk, and digested, would be able to deposit the worm in the exterior parts of the body; however, I have certainly seen just those people who were extremely careless regarding the use of water, suffer greatly from Guinea worm; just as I myself, without being anxiously careful, have yet sought to get as good water as circumstances would allow. Others believe that this worm comes from the egg of an insect, which is laid in the pores of the skin; yet I know of nothing that supports this concept. I have even seen this worm break through at places where there are no grounds to believe any insect could have access. West of Rio Volta, or on the Upper Coast, the Guinea worm is common; and the water in many places is exceedingly poor - thick, whitish and slimy field-water. At the forts where the water is collected during the rainy season, on the flat buildings, and led by gutters down into underground cisterns, there is always drinkable water available; this is shared out in portions, in the morning, to the Europeans according to rank, so that one gets more, another less. On the Lower Coast, or east of Rio Volta, Guinea worm is not originally found. [283] The water there is also, normally, better, although not without exception. At least, I have never seen the worm there unless it had been carried in the body from the Upper Coast. One can carry it for quite a long time without being aware of it; indeed, there are examples of it having been brought, thus, home to Europe.

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Chapter ten

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Information about trade, and in particular about the slave trade in Guinea [284] It is known that the most important items of trade that are sent out of Africa are: gold, ivory and slaves. Trade in gold and ivory cannot, on the whole, be called considerable; but the slave trade, although it is declining, is still the most important at all times.227 When it was reckoned, formerly, that the English exported 60,000 from Guinea, the Dutch 20,000, the Danes 3,000, the Portuguese, Spaniards and Swedes combined 12 – 14,000 annully – a total of 95- 96,000 slaves, then one might possibly cut that total in half now. The most important things which are still being traded with the Negroes are: guns (among which the [285] so-called Dane guns, which are manufactured near Hamburg and of which the English have made excellent copies and sell them as ‘Danish guns´ are the most sought after); gunpowder, shot, flint stones, iron, lead, swords, knives of various kinds, all manner of cotton, calico, Salem puris 228, silk cloth, woollen caps, quantities of beads, mirrors, and all kinds of similar miscellany like tobacco, rum, brandy and cowries. At the Danish forts the tobacco that is brought from Brazil, in rolls, sells best. Farther west, however, as in Fantee, the so-called leaf tobacco from North America sells better. In spite of the fact that both Danish and English grain spirits are available for sale, very little of it is sold in 227 That the abolition of this trade ,by some nations, would not help at all in diminishing it, is an exaggeration. 228 [Salempore, a blue cotton cloth imported from India.]

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comparison to rum, brought in large quantities from America. Even though the Europeans, also in my time, began to establish distilleries, still these do not contribute much to the trade. Our government has not the least income from the Guinean trade, and only little from tax from the Europeans who are living in Africa. Nor have I reason to believe that the public levies during the time when the slave trade was flourishing, when there was to be paid 10 rdlr. gold for every flawless slave who was exported, was sufficient to have covered the expenses for the upkeep of the forts, the staff and provisions; since, besides the articles for trade there are also sent to Guinea a quantity of foodstuffs, along with spirits, at the expense of the government. These were items [286] the Danish Europeans could receive in exchange for deductions from their salaries. The government’s pure expenses for the forts was said, in my time, to run up to something over 20,000 rdlr. annually. Every European who trades in a large way on the Coast (since nearly everyone is involved in trade, more or less) has a number of Negroes who, frequently, are free, and employees. But some are often domestic slaves, some of whom are called warehouse boys, some negotie Boys [warehouse Boys] , and at times, or rather most often, their duties are mixed. 229 The former are actually supposed to meet in the warehouse at the time trade usually begins, at 7 or 8 o’clock in the morning, in order to act as interpreters and brokers between the Negro merchants and the Europeans. The latter are actually supposed to travel several miles inland to engage, for their masters, the negotiators or traders coming in. These traders are given something, as it is called, [287] ‘in hand´, such as brandy, panties, etc., in proportion to what they are carrying with them for trade, so that they will go to the European from whom they have received the gifts. 229 The Europeans seem, even from the earliest times, to have gone to the trouble of showing their disdain for the Negro people by the appellations used for them. Thus, at our establishments a man is called `Boy´, and a woman `Girl´. Even the most respected Negro, who is used by the Governor or Commander on numerous and most important occasions, is called the Fort’s `Big Boy´. In the beginning, such terms seem very strange to the Danish ear. The negotie- Boys are not always trustworthy, and it is said to be not infrequent that they allow themselves to be bribed, and carry on trade contrary to the interest of their master, by obtaining, underhand, trade articles for another.

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Where nearly everyone is striving towards the same goal, there must of necessity be a crush, and there is hardly any place where jealousy appears in a more ignoble guise than in Guinea. The one trader keeps a careful eye on the other, and tries in every way to seize the advantage for himself. (Rømer relates, among other things, that formerly one trader could declare the other’s goods to be fetish, meaning things carrying a curse that could injure or kill the buyers.) Spying seems to have been developed there into a regular system. The most inconsequential actions and statements are tracked, and since nearly all the people around you are for sale, then, as a Frenchman once told me about Paris, you must assume that ‘the walls talk´. Such hired and spying creatures meet at certain times with the one concerned, to give their reports. Since it is only by such people reports are rendered, and news often goes through 3 or 4 sources, it is easy to see what a wide field is opened for lies and distortions; and that bitter enmity often must arise where there is no sufficient grounds for it. That one here mostly makes use of Negroes or Negresses (the old crones do not here, either, deny their nature) is so much more politically correct, as they could not, in the true sense, bear witness against the [288] Europeans; and they can most easily establish relationships with every [prospective] `employer´. Meanwhile, it must be said that awareness of what is going on is necessary for the officers and governors at such a place. It is regrettable that something so correct in itself easily degenerates and becomes a source of a multitude of unpleasant matters and insults. Every considerable act of dishonesty in trade usually reverts to the one, or those, who committed it; yet there are certain kinds of such acts from which you cannot easily protect yourself. Thus, it is frequently the case that elephant tusks are brought for sale in damaged condition; often with the tip – which is the best part – broken off. When such a tusk is then filed and polished by the European traders, it looks absolutely perfect, and is sold as such.230 When cowries are sold for wages by weight, it can be of no inconsiderable advantage how many are delivered; that all the small ones are collected, that sand or 230 The largest elephant tusk they now have weighs scarcely 150 pounds. A tusk of 100 pounds is even now considered large in Africa.

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CHAPTER TEN

water (for the sake of convenience not always the cleanest) are poured over the cowries that are stacked in great heaps and are hollow inside. When the rolls of tobacco are mouldy and good for nothing, they can, with rum and molasses, give the outermost layer – when they are rolled up - a lovely, fresh appearance; [289] and when they have many powder kegs, much is gained if the bottom is several inches thick.231 Advantage can also be realized when the strong American rum is diluted with a third part of water, and then strengthened in colour by using red dyewood or burnt maize.232 That trade, on the whole, has been of some benefit to Africa is something that no one who is acquainted with it can maintain. How many traders, basically laud that advice (in Guinea it was found to be especially naive) [sic] that an American is said to have given his son when the latter was to travel out into the world, ‘My son, make money; honestly if you can, but let it be sure that you make money!´ [Here Monrad also has the Danish translation of that text.] And how easily can one not, in such far distant countries, console one’s self, as I once heard a Dutchman say in Africa, ‘Heaven is high above, and [290] Europe is far away.‘ It has always struck me as strange and inconsistent that the Negroes are constantly accused, precisely by the European traders, of being thieves, rogues, scoundrels, black dogs, etc. Wealth is not very common in Guinea. You can, as some examples show, with a tolerably good supply of goods, enrich yourself in a few years, if you can keep expenses down. But most people [there] consume as quickly as they earn. Abundant generosity, especially towards strangers, and extravagant social life are the order of the day. Furthermore, it is, in general, more difficult now than formerly to become wealthy there. 231 I have seen that both of these last acts result in anger among the Negroes when they discover [the ruse]. Once the Ashantees threw all the tobacco rolls outside the Fort and panyarred on that account. The Portuguese often buy cowries at the forts on the Gold Coast; sometimes they have them counted out by the Negroes – on whom one could, at any rate, place the blame – counted to a number that was less than what they had bought. But by this one only injures one’s self, in the long run. 232 It is possible that this is an essential part of the trade; but since I am actually uninitiated into it, I cannot judge to what extent this is done normally.

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The slave trade has, indeed, been in practice at all times in Africa; but during the most ancient times, when it was carried out only between the nations of that continent themselves, it is not probable that it could have compared in gruesomeness to that which the Europeans later practised.233 Although the Negroes still have no hesitancy about depriving slaves of their lives, yet I have never had occasion to witness that they torture them, or drive them beyond endurance. The Negroes themselves do not consider being a slave in the country as any great evil, but to be exported is, for them, [291] synonymous with being murdered. You must, in fact, if you are without prejudice, admit that, taking into consideration the slaves’ fate on the journey to the West Indies, and their treatment there - at least in most of the places, and in general – it would be far more humane to kill them than to send them out of their fatherland. That some of them, in the West Indies, are fortunate and have better lives than they probably would have had in their home land, is no excuse for a trade which makes multitudes unhappy. And most of them must be so, as long as the planters in the West Indies, for monetary gain, find it to their advantage to work them to death, and then buy healthy Negroes. Possibly the restriction of the slave trade may have ameliorated their condition, although, to conclude from the bitterness which this restriction has caused among the slave traders I have known, I have no grounds to assume this.234 Meanwhile, one dares hope that the humane governments of Europe will gradually show more regard for the treatment of the slaves in the colonies. If you wish to say to an American slave trader that it is unforgiveable to mistreat, or kill, his slave, you could – and I speak from experience

233 That such internal trade still takes place can be proven by the fact that some Negroes from the most distant regions are brought to the coast for sale. Indeed, some of them even come from Arabia, perhaps having been sold a hundred times [on the way]. 234 [By `restriction´ Monrad is undoubetdly referring to the Danish Edict of 1792 which abolished the exportation of enslaved Africans to the Americas. The Edict went into effect just two years before Monrad arrived on the Gold Coast. Clearly opposition on the part of the slave traders was still running high.]

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- expose yourself to overwhelming derision and coarse language.235 [292] The many wars that are now being waged purely to collect captives for sale, and which bring fearful destruction to Africa’s interior, would, naturally, not have taken place before the Europeans began that intense export of slaves. Directly from this, as well, springs the not infrequent theft, in the true sense, of people, both adults and older children, which the Negro merchants - who travel through great stretches of land before they come to the forts - often commit when the opportunity presents itself. The rules for sale, not only for crimes but also for offences and human error, and that devilish convention that many must pay the fine for another’s crime, also have their origin in this.236 [293] The conditions for the domestic slaves in earlier times, when for the most part – as one still sees it – they cultivated the land comfortably, and performed other, not strenuous household tasks, was also far happier then, because now they never, for a moment, know when their master’s displeasure will hand them over to the Europeans’ heavy yoke of bondage. Granted, among the Negroes you meet very loving fathers and mothers, and in consequence, it is not common that the father uses the authority he has over his children to sell them. Yet it is not entirely rare that the craving for the things the Europeans bring to the coast, and especially for that beloved brandy, drives him to the extent they he stifles the voice of Nature. Although a man truly owns his wife, yet he does not sell her so easily, except in cases of adultery, which is proven 235 I sailed once, on a short journey, with an otherwise not immoral or uncultivated American Captain Atkins, who - since I had voiced my opinion that one still ought to treat one’s slave humanely - in order to convince me of the opposite, he himself, and without the least cause, whipped some slaves until they bled, as often as it pleased him to summon them; or when, by chance, they passed him on the deck. This drill lasted off and on for several hours, and was even exercised on a young, white boy who was serving in the cabin in shirtsleeves. One must absolutely guard against being the spokesman for humanity in Africa. It results most often in making matters worse. 236 For debt, relations with another man’s wife, attempted suicide, etc. the usual punishment is sale. In earlier times, when true criminals were killed, their possessions were burnt. In a way, this is still done. Thus, I saw that the valuables, taken from a murderer and some poor souls who were accused of witchcraft – the entire group were sold out of the land (they could not be permitted to remain in the country) – with many ceremonies, were burnt - at least partly.

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by eating acca, or a fetish test. But if a man has become tired of his wife and has a greater desire for European goods in exchange for her, it is easy for him to have her adultery proven, and she - is sold. This is the way the imported slave trade worked, and still works: indescribably evil. If the slave trade, which, as some assert, had taken a more easterly and northerly direction, towards Egypt and the Barbary Coast, after having become restricted in Guinea, it might then have been less destructive [294] there. This is not to say that I do not recognize that there could be sold as great a number of slaves as were formerly exported. Most of the slaves that are sold in Guinea come from Ashantee, Fantee, Acutim, Crepee and Dunko, and since all of these places lie more or less south of the Sahara Desert, what a long and difficult transport would not that be to the northerly and north-easterly Africa! With continuous sale, some might well get there from the southern regions, but hardly entire, large transports. It is certain that both the Negro princes, as well as the Europeans who trade in Africa, look upon the abolition of the slave trade with bitterness. When the Danish government abolished the slave trade after the passage of a certain number of years, our governor in Guinea – I do not actually know why - informed the King of Ashantee about it by sending a legation of Accara Negroes, who, at the same time, brought a number of gifts, which is always necessary on such occasions. The king answered, ‘The King of Denmark has the right to do in his land what he wishes; but I will do in my land what I wish.´ This answer was greatly admired. That the true intention of the legation was, as the capricious said, to encourage the king to send slaves, I shall not presume to say; however, the number of slaves which were sent to the coast after that, does not argue against it. At every opportunity it was those who were not friends of the [295] slave trade in Guinea who suffered, and then, naturally, most of all Wilberforce. He was looked upon as a wretched, poor clergyman who, in order to earn money, glorified the Negroes’ cause in Parliament. I draw attention to the fact that not only was he a talented and noble statesman, but also a wealthy man. That a wealthy man could thus err, and seek to shine in such a way, was held to be incredible. 218

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CHAPTER TEN

Thaarup’s song: ‘What has the wretched Negro done?´, etc. was called disgusting.237 ‘He ought, rather´, was the opinion, ‘have deplored us poor Europeans who had to die in such numbers in Africa’s grim regions.´ It was said, `He, or for that matter, the enemies of the slave trade, still do not disdain the philosopher’s dust – gold - [296] and would not be willing to do without a glass of rum, which cannot be had without the slave trade.‘ The Englishmen mockingly called them ‘Friends of Humanity´, and there was a common toast among them, ‘May the enemy of the slave trade ride on a horse whose saddle is set with porcupine quills, may the horse jolt roughly, and may the way be long!´ 238 The slaves are brought for sale to the forts or to those European merchants established in the land, at times in great numbers, at times singly. Several of such slaves are called ‘a transport´. The Negro merchants often chain them in such a way that they walk in a row. An iron collar is fastened around the neck, and from there a chain about 1 ½ alen long from the first to the next slave, etc. until the last man in the ‘transport´. Sometimes they are thus bound with ropes of raffia, sometimes with their hands behind their backs, sometimes with one arm bound to the waist. Those who escort them are armed in the Negroes’ fashion, with knives, daggers and, at times, guns. On rare occasions the Negro merchants are provided with iron chains, and then it is most common that the slave’s right arm, up to the elbow, is laid along a round, thick [297] piece of wood, and over that, about halfway, an iron hoop is pounded into the wood. Clearly, because of this weight, the slave is forced to carry the wooden block on his head, thus making him incapable of rebellion or flight. The arm frequently swells 237 [Reference is to a musical drama, Peter’s Wedding,1793, by the Danish writer Thomas Thaarup (1749-1821). The line quoted here is from the poem (directly translated): `What has the wretched Negro done to make the white man hate him so? Is he evil because he is black? Is not God the Father of all? O! Pity the black man. He is a slave in a foreign land.´ (I am indebted to Erik Gøbel for this information.)] . 238 Since I never drank such toasts, or applauded the slave trade, the Englishmen called me `the dissenter´. Otherwise, I recall, gratefully, the good will I was shown by the Englishmen in Africa; and that I differed from them in principle has never resulted in any coarseness towards me as a consequence. Tolerance in all respects seems to be a chief trait in their character.

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up considerably because of this. Sometimes a gag is placed in the slave’s mouth, which is forced wide open, in order to keep him from shouting. This medium is employed on those who are newly panyarred, or stolen, and who, because of this, prove to be the most uncontrollable, and scream for help. This intractability among the slaves as they approach the coast also has its origin partly from their conviction that they are going to be shipped out to places where they will be eaten, where red wine will be made of their blood, and shoes sewn of their skin. It is true that these, and similar convictions, are false. But is an imagined misery less than a real one? Even the most reasonable Negroes could not really get it into their heads that such an immense number of slaves are sent out of Africa only as a work force. The slaves suffer greatly from hunger, poor treatment and exertion when they are transported from great distances. Then they also look exceedingly lean and pitiful when they reach the sea, where they are carefully examined by the merchants and where the least fault, for example, the lack of one tooth, some grey hairs on the head, great leanness, etc. lower the price. They usually reckon 4 dalers less in price for each missing tooth. When the slaves, in time, [298] have enjoyed some calm at the merchants’ places, and have been well fed, most of them regain a good appearance, and can then be sold to the ships for full price. Most of the slaves who know their fate before they come to the forts submit to it with mute, apparent coldness. Those, on the other hand, who are brought there without knowing the fate that awaits them there, for example, young women who had served the Negro merchants as concubines on the way, and such Negroes who had been along to escort the slave transport, and who, by agreement [between the merchants and] the Europeans, are violently fallen upon in the forts and dragged into the slave holes, these surrender to intense pain

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and despair. 239 They, especially the women, throw themselves to the ground, shriek, stretch their hands over their heads and turn their eyes to heaven. This first violent expression, however, usually disappears, and there are only a few of these desperate women who mourn and starve themselves to death, and whom neither persuasion or whipping can make them take food. It has always been incomprehensible to me that so-called cultivated people could, with coldness, indeed even at times with mockery, observe such reactions - or even, since they consider it a kind of bitterness and a trick - then have them punished with the slave whip. God! If it be just in Your eyes that all that heartache and misery that the slave traders have caused shall in time fall up themselves, then, may they suffer tenfold more than the unhappy ones whom they have tortured! [299] When the slaves are sold to the merchants at the shore, or to the fort chiefs, or other traders at the forts, they are, as it is called, `struck into chains´.240 An indefinite number, most often from 10 to 20, are on such a chain, which I have already described in the case of the Negro transport from the interior of the land. They spend the night on wooden planks, one over the other, in dark vaults where only a little air can seep in through a square hole that has been made in the door, which has iron mountings and is provided with iron bars. That no one 239 What can one say about the Negroes when even a white man (it was an American who had begot a Mulatto girl in Guinea) suggested to the man in whose house she had grown up, that he sell her. In order to justify their situation, those who are involved in the slave trade want so much to convince themselves and others that the Africans are some other kind of being than humans. – How they cheered a French doctor who, from the construction of the Negroes’ brain, tried to prove that kind of thing! But what reason and conscience declare against will certainly never be commonly recognized. That even cultivated people have had such an image of the Negroes is seen in Rask, who, with the Negro ignorant of it, undertook an experiment with him which could possibly have cost him his life. Nor can we see that Rask’s publisher, Bishop Nannestad, found it objectionable. [Reference is clearly Rask’s ruse when, having been told that a certain bird was poisonous and should not be eaten, he prepared it secretly and served it to his servant – his Boy. When there were no dire results Rask and the governor ate it themselves. See Rask [116]. ] 240 Several places in the towns there have been established not only by European merchants, but also by Mulattos and Negroes – especially those who have been in Europe and acquired a degree of education. These, in turn, have their factors in other towns farther into the interior of the land, yet never very far inland.

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is suffocated here has always amazed me, since the heat, augmented by the evaporation from many people, caused by that of which one must, at times, rid one’s self, and which are collected in large tubs, produce an extremely abhorrent, mephitic [noxious] stench which, in the morning [300] when the rattling doors are opened, (especially if there are many slaves) spreads over the entire fort and corrupts the air.241 During the daytime they sit mostly in the courtyard of the fort, and suffer no lack of anything. It is important for the traders that the slaves destined for shipping out are well-treated. Therefore, they are also washed daily, and are given no strenuous work. However, they are sometimes used - and this is both sexes - to carry stones on their heads from the closest quarry to the forts, and are then, as always, chained together. They are rarely whipped, since that would give them a poor appearance, and arouse suspicion as to their manageability. During this carrying of the stones in row they are escorted by the soldiers from the forts, who treat them very arbitrarily, and, as they say, use the female slaves much as they want to. Should such use have consequences, this does not, in fact, increase the value of the female slave - any more than it is increased if she has an infant; since small children nearly always die on the journey to the West Indies, not to mention the fact that the pregnant Negress could easily lose her life in childbirth. Therefore they try to get rid of the child before the journey to the West Indies. When the slave captains (the other sailors mockingly call them ‘slave haulers´) or merchants from the ships, come ashore to the traders or the forts, the slaves who are for sale are exhibited in the courtyard, either chained or loose, so that they form a circle. Then the buyers walk around and undertake the most careful examination. The slave must open his mouth wide, show his teeth; [301] they smell in his mouth, and look very carefully into his eyes; he must perform all manner of movements with his arms and legs; the secret parts are examined, during which I have seen many, especially young, Negresses 241 I recall only one single slave who died of the suffocating air, and he had, moreover, been made drunk in the evening, since he had a greater degree of freedom than the others. It is, in fact, sometimes the case that a slave, because of his song, dance and gaiety can earn for himself great favour with his master, and thereby more freedom.

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crying and broken-hearted.242 The merchant marks those slaves he has chosen with a piece of white chalk right across the head. They are then gathered together and brought in chains on board the canoes, whereupon they are taken out to the ships. Sometimes, because the canoes are greatly overloaded, they overturn in the breakers. This was the first sight that met my eyes when I landed in Africa. However, that time none of the slaves drowned because all of them were rescued on some stone reefs at the shore. On board the ships all the male and female slaves are most often separated, so that the latter are closest to the cabin, and the former farthest away, towards the bow, but all are under the deck. They are [302] separated by a strong grating, and their treatment varies on the ships of different nations. In my experience, they are treated the most mildly by the Portuguese who come from Brazil. Only very few of the slaves on those ships are chained in the hold; most of them are on deck, and, to a degree, mingle with the crew. In spite of this, I know of not a single example of the Portuguese ships being, as they say, overrun (the crew attacked and killed by the slaves). On nearly every such Portuguese ship there is a priest, and as soon as the slaves come aboard they are christened, and a crucifix is hung around their necks. Then they are good Christians who must be treated tolerably. The Portuguese captains are often dissatisfied with their padres (at times they might have good reason for this, since I have found, among them, exceedingly ignorant and insipid persons), and accuse them of, instead of instructing the slaves, intriguing and causing unrest among the crew. But the true reason, undoubtedly, is that these padres keep a sharp lookout on the captains, and, when they have returned home, can report them, and have them punished if they have treated the slaves inhumanely. One of these captains told once about another one 242 It is not only men who undertake such shocking examinations. A very reliable man has, as an eye witness, told me that a prominent planter’s wife, in Spanish America, personally undertook such an inspection, fingering of a number of slaves who were brought for sale. How low can a woman sink! I myself have heard from the mouths of women instructions for the torturing and whipping of a Negro or Negress! Indeed I have heard them encourage a continuation of the whipping - even of a mother who had handed over her infant child to the bombai, or executioner.

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who, for having had relations with a christianized Negress during the voyage, was – if one can believe it – condemned to work in the mines. Those Negroes who know of the method of treatment on the Portuguese ships, show little fear [303] of the fate of being sold to them. They see that their comrades often come back to the Coast as sailors, and conclude that the condition of all of them is equally fortunate. However, this said not to be the case, because the slaves who work in the mines in Brazil have a very hard life, and can only live a short time. I myself sailed for a time on a Portuguese ship, once, when I was on a journey to our easternmost fort, and then had occasion to witness the humane treatment of the slaves. Never did I see anyone actually flog the slaves; they scarcely thrust them away with mockery and disdain. Rather, I often saw the sailors make as much of the small Negro children as if they had been their own. The Portuguese willingly buy women with their children, and are, on the whole, not so particular in respect of the [physical] condition of the slaves as are the skippers and merchants of other nations. What surprised me most was that the slaves were not even imprisoned at night, but that most of them slept on deck with a sail spread over them. When, however, arguments broke out among them at times, there could be a applied a few blows of a rope. I have never known people who eat less and, on the whole, live more frugally than these Portuguese who sail the Coast. A very thin gruel and a kind of meal, or rather, small grain (called farine), with a small piece of smoked meat or fish as accompaniment, is their daily [304] diet. The slaves are given about the same.243 On the whole, a freedom and equality holds sway on the Portuguese ships which I have met nowhere else among the other nations. The treatment of the slaves is about the same on the ships of the other nations. If I were to make exceptions, according to my own experience, it would have be that the Dutch and the Americans treat them worst, 243 These people also tolerate the climate in Guinea particularly well. Certainly, one must admire the noble sacrifices which, particularly the English, have made, in order to penetrate Africa. But the goal would surely have been realized better by southern nations, at least in so far as they could better tolerate the climate. That every expedition from the north, if the personnel is not acclimatized by at least one year’s stay in the land, is doomed to failure due to mortality, is easy for the expert to conclude.

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and the English best. The male slaves, especially, are heavily chained in irons below deck, and when the weather allows it, they come up once, or at the most twice, daily to breathe fresh air. Also, they must wash one another with salt water which is placed along the deck in barrels. On all the ships their drink is water, and their food mostly maize, yams and gobbegobbes. Normally they are given only small rations during the entire journey, until they approach the West Indies. Then there is no longer reason to fear a shortage of provisions; and the more generous nourishment and more careful care improve the slaves’ appearance, so they [305] will look better in the eyes of the West Indian planters. In order to provide them with some movement during the journey they must, at times, dance on deck to the sound of a drum; and if they have no desire to do this, it is awakened by the slave whip, which is not spared. But at the least unrest among them, guilty and innocent alike are flogged in the area where the disturbance originated. How could one here have the opportunity to undertake an investigation there? Sometimes the ocean journey is so successful that only very few die; but it is not a rare occurrence that a third, sometimes half, of the slaves die, on a ship that carries from 3- to 4- to 500 slaves. At times they also experience a long-lasting calm – so common in the vicinity of the equator – which forces the slave captain, fearing shortages of water and provisions, to have to drown a number of them. One captain who experienced this misfortune, told me that the slaves were called, one by one, down into the cabin, and, in order not to cause a panic among the whole lot, they were thrown out of the cabin windows. At other times, in such a situation, they have poisoned the food for some of the Negroes. On the ships they usually have cannons which are positioned along the decks so that, in case of a riot, they can sweep the entire deck; and since they are loaded with grapeshot, they can shoot everything down in a moment. In such cases, the sailors rush, partly into the rigging and to the topsail where there are, on certain ships, a sack of caltraps [306] that they strew out over the deck.244 In spite of all the care taken, the slaves, not so uncommonly, find the opportunity 244 [ Caltrap is an iron ball armed with four spikes at different angles, so that there is always one projecting upwards.]

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to loosen their chains, and spread fear and death all around them. I, myself, was witness to this, from another ship, on the Lower Coast. But the uprising was put down by help that rushed in, and only 18 slaves lost their lives, some by drowning, some by being shot down.245 These revolts are most common when the ships lie in the rivers, where the slaves believe that they most easily could run away and hide in the thick forests. Sometimes such revolts occur on the coast as well, but there it is most common that the slaves, even in the event that they get the upper hand, lose their lives: either in the breakers; or are eaten by the sharks that always follow the slave ships; or, if they come ashore, are caught, punished severely, and resold. Unless it is the slaves’ intention to drown themselves, they would, considering the consequences, never attempt such violent action which only worsens their situation. Since there are, moreover, monsters among the slave captains, who find enjoyment in torturing the unfortunates (thus it is told about some: that they have some flogged daily, [307] in order to fill the others with fear; that they spread some gunpowder under them, and by setting fire to it, burn them and they are blown into the air; and that, all decency laid aside, they not only satisfy a certain inclination, openly, with the female slaves, but they even handle them in ways no modest man can even mention) yet it must be said, to the credit of humankind, that there are many who use no stricter methods than what the situation actually demands. However, truth forces me to admit that I have never known any sympathetic and tolerant slave trader. How, indeed, should any noble person take to this disgraceful and outrageous occupation? In Africa the Europeans’ slaves are not kept at work with the same degree of harshness as they are in many places in the West Indies. The so-called `royal inventory Negroes´, or the craftsmen, as well as the merchants’ permanent Negroes, must indeed work all day, yet they are kept at it with the provisions necessary to life, and without constant

245 Isert, too, relates an example of a riot of slaves on the ship with which he sailed from Guinea to the West Indian islands. The author himself nearly lost his life in this revolt, in which 34 Negroes met their deaths, nearly all by jumping overboard. [Cf. Isert (1788/1992) 177.80; idem (2007) 234-38.]

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flogging.246 However, even the least errors, such as coming to work too late, carelessness on the job, etc., are severely punished. The socalled bas (a European who is the overseer over [308] the working Negroes) determines the punishment, which is executed on the spot. This consists, at times, in being put on poor rations for a certain period and, as it is called, `thrown into irons´, meaning chained around both feet so he cannot walk; sometimes in flogging. The slave does not mind the first punishment because time never seems long to him. Since, in addition, this means removing a worker from his work, it is not much used. On the other hand, whipping is most common; and it is either the mild form or the severe form. The former consists in a bombai (Negro who is used to flog another with a leather whip, 2 to 3 alen long) giving the guilty one a certain number of strokes with the whip to his back or bottom, which, administered by a sure hand, always draws blood - yet the sinner stands free before his chastiser, and can, by all manner of twisting his body, lessen the power of the blows somewhat. The number of strokes is most often 25 or 50.247 If [the bombai] is interested in the sinner, or if he shrieks a lot, or, as it is sometimes called, makes a racket deliberately, he can be given a small addition. When the harsher punishment is to be administered the slave is stretched up along a ladder, and bound to it around his legs and hands, which are lifted over his head. Presumably so he will not be injured there, his kente is placed under his secret parts. Then a [309] bombai is placed on each side, and they alternately swing the whips until he has received the determined number of blows, 100 to 200, or more. Such an unfortunate soul appears bloody and swollen over nearly his entire body; and since the whip lashes leave large scars - more on some than on others - there are only a few of the ‘permanent Negroes´ whose entire back does not have the appearance of being studded with black knobs and raised stripes. Certain Europeans drive this whipping to a shameful extent. I have known, among others, one 246 These Negroes, or slaves, are often very capable craftsmen, and, not rarely, live well. They stay in the town, and sometimes marry free Negresses, thus their children are also free. 247 The more serious punishment is determined after a very short investigation by the commander of the fort.

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who handed out 100 lashes for a broken plate and 200 for a platter; but he assured me that things at his place were rarely broken. Another told me that when he hired a new Negro domestic servant, he informed him, under such a whipping, of what was expected of them, and that this method of instruction was very fruitful. At the forts these floggings are the order of the day, and when the governor’s delicate feelings would not permit their execution in the outwork [sic], you have this offensive sight before your eyes nearly daily, because when the traders who live in the village want to have someone punished severely, they usually send him to the Fort. They are actual and deliberate offenses, such as disobedience, petty thievery, etc. which are punished in this way. More serious robberies and crimes, also including attempted suicide, are punished by their being sold out of the land. The English seem to me to treat their slaves far more kindly than we do. The Dutch, probably [310] due to their phlegmatic, choleric temperament, seem to be especially inclined to gruesome treatment of theirs. You might ask, ‘Is not such treatment necessary?´ I hardly believe so, if you were reasonable in your demands, and did not require a far too great submission. It could, with wisdom, gradually be diminished, and finally abolished. They even treat the personal Negroes in this way. I have never found it necessary with mine, and have absolutely always had reason to be satisfied with them. Did we not, formerly, here in Denmark, believe that the farmer could not live and work without the whip of the bailiff? Now it all works right well, without anyone losing by the change.

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Agricultural establishments in Africa, and something about the Lower Coast and the islands in that vicinity [311] It is known that the English have the most important agricultural establishments in Africa, at Sierra Leone.248 It is true that the French Revolution’s destruction also reached to these areas, and this colony, in its very beginnings, was destroyed by a French squadron; but it is now showing great progress. Under the lead of the very humane Governor Thomson – who is said to have replaced a man who managed his accounts by practising slave trading – it promised to bear fruit in the future. It shows a not inconsiderable production of coffee, sugar and rum annually. Education of the Negroes is the chief aim of the administration. Thus, they are trained to be disciplined troops. The clergy have successfully contributed to their enlightenment and ennobling. Some priests have settled a number of miles inland, motivated by religion and [312] humanity; and they live there not only undisturbed, but their noble work has also borne fruit. It appears to be the intention of the English government to establish colonies at several places along the Coast. To this end, in the year 1808 and 1809, an expedition explored Africa’s western coasts, to find out which places could be most suitable for colonization. Several thousand English subjects have, in recent years, emigrated to South Africa, probably to those places the expedition found suitable, but I 248 [For the beginnings of the Sierra Leone project, largely led by Granville Sharp, in the 1780s, see Adam Hochschild Bury the Chains, 2005 Chapter Ten.]

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do not know if the result of this interesting exploration has been made public. Among the Europeans in Guinea this expedition would have been an object of scorn, since it is self-evident that every attempt which aims at the absolute abolition of slavery would meet opposition among them, or, at least, no effective participation. The agricultural projects which they have sought to promote among those who were formerly slave traders, will, therefore, never succeed. Under the mask of agriculture they would carry on their old trade, and that degradation of the individual and contempt for the Negro, which has become a habit, will never allow them to care for him in a humane manner. The improvement of the land and the ennobling of the Negroes would, it is my conviction, not involve insurmountable obstacles; but everyone who, up to now, has taken active part in the slave trade ought certainly to be excluded from this.[313] In addition (you would scarcely believe it, as Rømer also maintains, if you had not become convinced of it yourself) there is the fact that many a European, after having lived a long time among the Negroes, has himself become their like. He shuns the Christian culture like sin; he hardly dares take a step without the permission of the fetish. By the arts of the fetish he keeps his Negroes in awe. Surrounded by his many wives - some locked in the house where the light falls through the roof – he scarcely dares leave them for a few hours for fear of being crowned [sic].249 Sometimes he treats his Negroes and wives with a harshness that shocks every humane sentiment.250 This, admittedly, is an exception, but when such exceptions have, for the most part, come from Africa’s culture, then you might ask, ‘What will be the result?´ Of the majority you can certain always say, with truth, that ‘They live in the world without God´ and without any other guide in life than 249 [I venture a guess that by `crowned´ Monrad means `horned’ or cuckolded. ] 250 Thus, I have known a European who not only flogged them at every opportunity, but even, with a display of pleasure, could see his Mulatto children whip their own mothers; and who, by whipping, gained by force from his very young Negresses those favours which only love is wont to admit. Good God! When you can at times see such a person die peacefully, even after having, in his illness, nearly cut open a wife’s head with his sword, you must immediately sigh over a person having sunk so low, and ask, `Where is retribution?´

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selfishness. I readily admit that [314] you also find, there, simple and good-natured people, whom you must genuinely regret have come to such a state. You can say about them, ‘They know not what they do.´ And then there is the daily example of the dissolute, intemperate way of life which is normally found among such Europeans – what a detrimental effect it has when you are to work on the education of an uncivilized people, not to mention the obstacles that are thus placed in the way of an active and industrious life. The Portuguese colony at Loango is older and has, in a mercantile aspect, advantages over that of the English at Sierra Leone; but as long as they carry on slave trade, and, in the main, do so little for the education of the Negroes, it will never be beneficial for them. Admittedly, they are converted – as it is called - to the Catholic religion, but it is only the ceremonies, mixed with their own, which remains with them; and even the more noble purport of the former seem quite uncomprehended by them. I have indeed visited both of these places on sea journeys, but my stay has been far too short for me to undertake the investigations I would have wished to do. It is also time for me to discuss the Danish projects, which have, on the whole, not yet borne any significant fruit, but which have proved: that the African earth is well-suited to the production of all the articles that are produced in the West Indies, and that there is no need to transport Negroes there in order to obtain these [315] products, if one will seriously take upon one’s self the cultivation of the African coast.251 Even before the slave trade was abolished by order of the king in the year 1803, the humane Danish government, undoubtedly 251 This is one of the slave trader’s main objections to the abolition of this trade, `Africa cannot produce the same as the West Indies can, and we do need the things that are obtained from there. Without the Negro the West Indian plantation could not function, therefore they must be exported.´ For this reason they have always, although they have given themselves the appearance of the opposite, in essence worked against agriculture in Africa, with only few exceptions. Furthermore, it is not my intention that the West Indies should be neglected, but let the planters there learn to treat the Negroes humanely, then they will surely be able to increase in the necessary numbers. `But´, some say, `the mines in South America require, of necessity, the Negroes as sacrifices!´ To which I may ask, `Why should precisely Negroes be sacrificed?´ Let it be criminals of every colour – alas! there will always be enough of that kind - to work in the mines.

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in consideration of that time when this trade was to stop, not only encouraged the establishment of plantations in Africa, but also invested not inconsiderable sums on them, which has also been the case since. However, neither were settlers sent there to cultivate the land, nor were any actual missions established. That which is good was to be brought into being by the old slave traders, and that was certainly [316] a contradiction and a mistake. There was, at times, made sport, in a way, of the sums a noble government assigned with the best of intentions. In that respect, I recall that a planter was given a not inconsiderable sum as a loan free of interest for a certain number of years; but he saw it as free in time, and explained that the government would have to wait for the capital - and I dare say it will wait forever.252 Since the insignificant establishments that were found at the forts were worked by the King’s Negroes, who, in about the same number, were to be supported anyway, it is easy to conclude that those sums for which the government was debited for cultivation would hardly have taken the proper direction. Admittedly, I was never permitted to examine these arrangements; but if it was true, for example, that the government paid 1200 rdlr. gold annually purely for the upkeep of the gardens at Christiansborg, then any expert would wonder at this. The first European who was supported by the Danish government as a planter in Africa is said to have been the German surgeon Isert, known for his Description of a Journey to Guinea and the Caribbean Islands. He was given the rank of captain, and brought some people with him to Guinea as colonists. They died shortly after their arrival, and his efforts to establish plantations, partly on the other side of the Aqvapim mountains and partly at the town Malphi, several miles up the Rio Volta, were fruitless because of his death.253 I have, [317] at neither of these places, been able to discover any traces of these establishments. At both places the earth is excellent. But an establishment on the other, or north, side of Aqvapim, would, considering the difficulty of 252 [Monrad is making a pun here: rentefritt, free of interest; ventefritt, his own version, meaning free of waiting or expectations.] 253 [Actually, Isert never started a plantation at Malphi [Mlefi] because he felt that the climate would be too injurious to the health of the settlers. See Isert (1788/1992) 241; idem (2007) 312.]

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transportation over the mountains, be less advisable than on this side, where the earth near them is equally fertile. Furthermore, the fact that the farther into the interior of the land, the more they would be exposed to raiding parties in times of war, and though, admittedly, there is not yet any example of Danish establishments having been destroyed thus, yet such cases are so common that they even occur between cultivated nations, so what can one, then, expect of the uncultivated? From Malphi, however, transportation down the river would be easy. The Danish man who as the very first, and as far as it is known, at his own expense, is said to have started a plantation close to Accara was the deceased Governor Kiøge. The plantation is not yet entirely in ruins. It has a number of fruit trees, an old gazebo and a skittles alley, but he had hardly thought of it as more than a place of pleasure. Moreover, he is said to have been an unusual, noble and cultivated man, who strongly disapproved of the slave trade; therefore drew upon himself insults from the then active trading company, which appear to have led him to his grave during his stay in Copenhagen - where he is said to lie buried in the garrison cemetery. While the names of one Christen Cornelisen and a Schilderup [318] are now forgotten, yet he is still remembered with respect by many older Negroes.254 One old Negro with whom I once spoke, told me the Bible story of the wealthy man and the poor man, quite correctly, and when I wondered at this he said that the good Governor Kiøge had taught it to him so that he would believe that evil is punished after death, and good rewarded. Kiøge is also the one who laid the foundations for the Forts Kongensteen and Prindsensteen. Scarcely has the government devoted so much to any private plantation as the one on the peninsula Eiebo, between the estuary of Rio Volta and the sea. Coffee, for which expectations were especially high, is not yet produced in any quantity, even 10 years after the coffee 254 They make merry in Guinea over tales of these men. They find it especially humorous that kings are said to have offered them their daughters to wed; but it is true enough that nothing is easier than, thus, to get a king’s daughter in Africa. [It is possible that Kiøge has descendants in Ghana, or descendants of individuals who may have worked for Kiøge and taken his name. A pensioner named Jens Kiøge is mentioned several times in George Nørregård Guvernør Edvard Carstensens Indberetning 1842-50 (1964) pp.387, 388, 389, 392.]

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trees were planted. Much as I wish to do justice to the industry of the settlers, yet I cannot believe that the earth there is at all suitable to the cultivation of coffee: since it is very sandy and, although coffee trees which love damp and crisp earth can also grow in dry and stony ground, in which they bring forth fewer but pre-eminently good beans, yet they can by no means thrive [319] in the sand. Also, it appears that the sea-dampness caused by the surf is destructive to them. Nor could they reach the proper perfection under the shade of large trees where I have seen the coffee trees planted – presumably so that, as young plants, they would not be too badly burnt by the sun in such dry earth; while, as mature trees they love the sun and are exceedingly leafy from the root to the crown, not unlike the yew tree in appearance. Cotton trees, which prefer sandy soil, thrive especially well at Eiebo; where also a number of the country’s native fruits, maize, yams, etc. are produced; and I have reason to believe that they produce much for the not inconsiderable distillery to be found there. Eiebo lies about 2 miles from Fort Kongensteen, whose Commander Mr. Flindt, is the owner and manager. He is a man whose personal kindness to me I gratefully acknowledge. The plantation has never been actually destroyed by the Negroes, but since the owner, as commander, unfortunately has constant palavers and conflicts with the Negroes in the vicinity, they have, at times, blocked his way there.255 Such conflicts always incur considerable [320] expense. The way from the fort to Eiebo, where you find a large and very well-built house, goes most comfortably over several arms of the river, beautifully shaded by trees. In the year 1800, as the time was approaching when the slave trade was to come to an absolute stop, the governor, or council in Guinea received royal orders to apply themselves to agricultural projects at public expense. A plantation was then begun in the vicinity of the Aqvapim mountains, about 4 miles north of the Danish main fort, at a place called Bibiase, which name both the plantation, as well as the house that was built there, retained. Likewise, a plantation was started 255 After my departure, this brave, strict and extraordinarily hardy man was seized, and held prisoner for a long time on Malphi. That he had not been murdered long since, with the opportunities the Negroes had had up to that time, surely is proof that they are not as bad as they are said to be.

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a quarter of a mile north of the same fort, on a hill called Kuku. Here there was built a beautiful stone house and a number of Negro huts for the Negro workers, and the entire plantation was called Frederiksberg because it had been made according to a similar plan. A lovely allée in the same form as the one which leads to Frederiksberg Castle leads to Kuku. 256 With a great deal of trouble there was opened a broad and absolutely similar road from here to Bibiase. It goes through forest and brush, over the mountain-like hill Legon, and, for about a one and one-half mile stretch, it is set with trees on both sides - and its like is not to be found in Guinea. At Bibiase they planted a few cotton, coffee and fruit trees. They even made an attempt with grape vines, but the intense heat dried the grapes before they ripened [321] and they lacked the proper flavour. As inspector over this plantation they set a West Indian of a very timorous character. He constantly saw severed Negro heads and a tiger in every bush, and when conflicts between the Negroes there actually arose, he left the plantation, fled with the Negro workers to Christiansborg and reported that everything at Bibiase had been destroyed and plundered. This was by no means the case. I have since heard from a reliable source that, far from the Negroes destroying anything, they set much to rights in the house, and on the whole, behaved like well-disciplined troops. The establishment was neglected, and fell into ruin from that time on, and there is not now to be found any royal plantation. The opportunity was then taken to conclude, and perhaps write to Europe, ‘It is not possible to plant in Africa since the Negroes disturb the plantations.´ An insignificant royal plantation was also begun on Legon Hill, but it never rightly succeeded. Even in my time there were still a number of inventory-Negroes stationed there, especially to maintain the abovementioned marvellous road. On the other hand, the plantation Frederiksberg, at Kuku, is generally well maintained, and you can see there beautiful hedges, citron, cherry , tamarind trees, and more. The few coffee trees which were planted there were, unfortunately, planted by very inexperienced hands, on a dry and stony hill where they could not possibly thrive. 256 [Presumably Monrad is thinking of Frederiksberg Castle in Copenhagen. ]

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They sickened and faded away in a few years, and now it is said, ‘Coffee trees cannot grow [322] in Africa.´ Yes, it is true that near the beach, in the sandier areas, wrapped in sea mist, they will not succeed. But in suitable soil, near Aqvapim, they grow more luxuriantly than even in the West Indies, and bear fruit as early as the second year, as I, myself, have seen. The cotton plantation at Kuku is the most important. If it were to be expanded, run properly, machines brought in to clean the cotton, there is no doubt that there could be exportation on a grand scale. But thus far the government has only had losses from these plantations. Meanwhile, the Danish flag waves at Frederiksberg; there are a number of small cannon which are fired at times, and as a place of recreation it has, in Guinea, much of interest. Especially in Governor Wriisberg’s time, it stood open for every European. You took a walk [to the plantation] nearly every evening, enjoyed yourself in a very decent manner, and went home by torchlight. Later it was partly closed and was, in all respects, in decline. At, or near, all the Danish forts there are small plantations, adorned with gazebos of stone, which ought, rather, to be called gardens since their actual purpose is for pleasure. Especially do the gardens at Qvitta or Prindsensteen stand out, most particularly because they are planted in a very sandy area. Probably the burnt-down villages stood on the fertile ground where the garden is now found. The one at Kongensteen was much neglected in my time, and the one at Fredensborg was absolutely in ruins; the latter undoubtedly [323] wisely so since the Negroes had opposed the building of a road from the fort to that place because the fetish forbade the building of any road there. Nonetheless, it was done, since the road could be well secured by the fort’s cannons. Perhaps its establishment even cost Commander Captain H. his life. He died suddenly, and the Negroes said that the fetish had beaten him to death – possibly with their help. In general, there is no lack of smaller, very beautiful plantations, or places of pleasure, especially near the main fort; but they do not endure, and fall into ruin gradually as their European owners die, or go back home to their fatherland. It is truly a pleasant trait among the Danes in Africa that, more than other nations, they try to beautify Nature there where it is itself so wild. 236

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In spite of the fact that the royal plantation at Bibiase is neglected, there is, however, a very considerable private plantation which has several thousand coffee trees. It is owned by the oldest European at the Danish establishments, Merchant Meier, who lives there in the house that was built at royal expense. During his entire 30-year stay in the land he has shown a decided propensity for planting. Had he combined steadfastness and love of mankind with his industry, I know of no one who would have been more suited to establishing agriculture there. Indeed, it was his greatest wish to be considered the father of colonization. Although he has often sought royal support, yet I know not [324] if he has enjoyed any other than, in recent times, of sometimes having a few royal Negroes to help him. Many are the places that bear traces of his activity. He has had a plantation at Popo, below Prindsensteen, very long ago; as commander at Kongensteen he had established a plantation with a stone house, which is now sinking into rubble; he had a factory on the island Tuberecco in Rio Volta, and began a plantation there; at Accara he has had, besides a garden, a very large cotton plantation; on Legon Hill , or, rather, close to it; he has had both coffee and cotton plantations; at Adjeadufa, about one mile south of the Aqvapim mountains, he had the most perfect coffee plantation I have seen in Africa. Of some of these plantations there are only insignificant remains, and even the latter, wonderful plantation is much neglected since he settled at Bibiase. Indeed, even that one held less interest for him during the last years of my stay in Africa, since he began to clear other areas under the mountains for planting, and especially to occupy himself with the production of brandy. The most remarkable of all the growing plantations in my time was that of Governor Schönning. It was named Daccubie because of a very high hill which is actually a projection of the Aqvapim mountains. The plantation is set in an exceedingly fertile valley through which winds a fairly large brook. On the hill itself there is a solid [325] yet beautiful stone house surrounded by huts for the Negro workers, and from there there is a wonderful view over the valley, which, on all sides except towards the south, is surrounded by Aqvapim’s forest-covered mountains. Here there is also an excellent spring, a great rarity in 237

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Africa. Indeed, considering that at the seashore there is only cistern or brackish water ( of the former there is always only a little) while in the mountains, which attract the rain clouds, there is seldom anywhere any lack of good water, planting and the establishment of a colony there is much to be preferred. At Daccubie you see more than 50,000 coffee trees in the most luxuriant growth, besides plantings of other useful trees and fruits. The governor was a man who, with intelligence, multiple talents and an extraordinary penchant for physical activity, directed the work, which also, naturally, progressed greatly since he, as chief commander, could put so many hands to work. Even as a place of pleasure, this plantation is extremely attractive, and I have spent many an enjoyable hour in the silent, majestic nature which surrounds it. Presumably to assure it greater respect in the eyes of the Negroes, the Danish flag waves, as usual, from the platning of the house. (All stone houses in Guinea have flat roofs, which usually have a small parapet, and are called the platning.) In general, no governor, or commander, [326] travels in Africa without carrying his nation’s flag with him, which is borne before him when he passes through the villages, and it usually waves at the places where he stays, unless it is at another fort. In spite of the fact that all those who have thus far occupied themselves with planting at the Danish settlements have done nothing directly for the elevation of the free Negroes, have taken no steps towards approaching them, unless interest invited it, yet their examples have not been totally without benefit in economic respects. Encouraged by the richer yields which the more fertile earth in Aqvapim produced, several Europeans, Mulattos and Negroes have begun to establish plantations there, or, rather their so-called rosarre-places, on which the Negro workers live during the period of cultivation. Yet, as far as I understand, only cultivation of the country’s original products, such as maize, yams, etc,. has been the object of their activities. It would be important to join the neighbouring Negroes’ interest to one’s own, and when they saw that coffee, cotton, sugar (sugar grows to a surprising size and is very sweet in Africa), rum, etc. could be sold with profit, and exported, there is no doubt that, especially when the slave export stops, they would apply themselves to such saleable products; since 238

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the Negroes’ indolence - at least in many places, and especially farther inland - is not as great as is generally believed, to which I have tried to draw attention earlier. It has been suggested, at times, that there be raised small fortresses, or batteries, here and there under [327] the mountains for the protection of the plantations; but aside from the expense involved, they would indeed, contrary to the main intention, come immediately into a contentious relationship with the neighbours. Nothing is easier now than to buy considerable tracts of land from them. How much land – indeed more than an entire estate – would one not be able to acquire for only a few barrels of spiritus. This is the way things have been done up to now. It was not a misdeed to defend with might what had been acquired legally.257 It is said that Isert had, by purchase, acquired for himself the right, on behalf of the Danes, to plant at, and near, Aqvapim. I have not been able to find out more about this, but it is possible that the Guinea Government’s archives, or the Royal General Customs House, can provide such information. In such a case the right could then be claimed. It is not only quite possible, but even probable, that those, to a degree, so promising plantations now lie there neglected because death has snatched away their owners. It is also regrettable that such plantations should be dependent upon the life or death of a single person, and [328] that they are not, from the beginning, guaranteed continuity by the participation of several. But I sincerely hope that their memory be preserved as an unfailing proof of that truth: that there is no need of gruesomely carrying Africa’s sons and daughters off to the distant West Indies in order, from there, to obtain the things that our [desire for] luxury calls necessities. The Danes seem to have considered agricultural establishments even outside the actual coast of Africa. In the year 1802 the Danish governor acquired, in writing from the Danish government, under royal protection, the rights to a small, rocky island about ½ mile long and ¼ mile wide, in the Bight of Biafra, not very far from them the 257 When Governor Schønning took possession of his plantation I was witness, in a formal gathering of the most prominent men from Aqvapim, that it was duly made over to him, against certain gifts to them; and in a considerable speech by a Negro, it was made known that Daccubie was his property.

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foothills of Formosa and Gaboon.258 The Cameroon Negroes, who live on the nearest coastal beach, call it Bimbia, and consider it absolutely theirs, but use it almost exclusively as a place of refuge when they are at war with their neighbours. The vegetation there is insignificant, and the refugees return to the mainland when they are confident regarding the peace. If the Danish governor, while sailing down along the coast – which I myself have experienced - came to this island by chance, and simply took possession of it as uninhabited, in the name of the Danish government, is not fully known to me; [329] but no Danish subject can have any doubt that the case has been presented to our government as absolutely just. The possession is, in all respects, insignificant. Landing is quite difficult; the temperature is very unhealthy. There, 200 to 300 miles below the Danish forts, a plantation was to be established and administered from there. What an unreasonable and useless plan! A factory was established there, under the administration of an Englishman, and it was said that more slaves were bought there (which was presumably the aim of the entire affair) than coffee trees were planted. 259 To establish a plantation at that place would also, in regard to the transport of products to the forts, be impractical, since it takes nearly the same length of time to cross against the wind and current from Bimbia to Christiansborg, as it does to travel from the Danish settlements in Guinea to Europe. Only in harmattan time, when the wind blows easterly, does it take less time. Why seek [330] so far afield when you can, as I have shown earlier, settle far closer and better near the forts? The factory was certainly administered at a loss for those concerned, and when it was entirely discontinued, planting stopped as well. The Negroes who were sold on Bimbia from Cameroon, and then taken by boat to Christiansborg, could not, either, justify the expense, 258 The outermost point on this large bight is Cabo Lopez. 259 [The Englishman’s] name was Rayn [?Ryan]. He had been in the slave trade for many years, and was finally murdered in Benin, where, along with another Englishman, he had fallen out with a king. The latter was drunk, and after they had left him he sent some Negroes after them to bring him their heads. Unfortunately [the Englishmen] were overtaken before they reached the shore, and the gruesome order was carried out. By the time [the Negroes] came back with the heads, their master had slept off his intoxication, and regretted his deed, which he could easily imagine would, if possible, be revenged.

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although they cost much less than those on the Gold Coast. Weaker of constitution than the latter, they commonly died on the journey over, especially since they had to live solely on fresh fruit. To mix them with stronger races of Negroes, and thus sell them, could not only be the same as killing them, but one could also, thereby, undermine one’s credit with the slave captains. From the island Bimbia you can see the high Camaroon mountains looming. Although swathed in distant fogs, the largest of them appears to me to be covered at the tops with snow; one of them, too, is said to be volcanic.260 Enormous forests surround them, and a heavy atmosphere darkens these mountains very often, so that they do not make as strong an impression on the viewer as do mountains that stand freer and tower up in clear air, for ex. Pico on Teneriffa.261 [331] Rain, thunder or whirlwinds succeed one another in the Bight of Biafra; at least that is how it was when I was there as a passenger on an English ship that was to take on maize there and sail on to Barbados. We were in danger of our lives nearly daily, especially when the ship lacked sufficient cargo and was a playing ball for [332] wind and waves. We spent a fearful night in this Bight where the River Lagos rushes into the sea. I have often been close to losing my life at sea, but never under such threatening aspects as that time. It was dark and we had not sighted 260 This has been told me by trustworthy Europeans and a Mulatto, who had been a long time at the Bimbia factory and seen it erupt. 261 Beautiful is the sight of Pico [Mt. Teide] when you approach it by sea. As if in shining silver its snow-covered peak floats, [seen] at a distance of more than 40 miles, in the middle of the blue firmament. When closer, its enormous mass, with its jagged cliffs, makes a deep impression; light clouds float constantly around its crown. When a dark cloud draws past the top and is divided here and there, the snow sparkles where the sun strikes it, lighting it through the openings like twinkling, heavenly bodies; it is as if you are looking into lighter and fairer regions. Africa, incontestably, has its beautiful phenomena. The constant glimpses of lightning by which the horizon is lit up, nearly every evening, are that much more attractive to the eye when you know that they have never been known to do any damage. Only one single time, at sea on a ship I was on in Africa, did a stroke of lightning cause such pressure in the air that the man who was standing at the wheel was thrown down to the deck. In higher places in the country the clouds float so low that you think you can seize them with your hands. And when such clouds are gilded along the edges by the rays of the rising sun, I know I have never seen anything lovelier. When nightly fogs lie out over mountain valleys like an enormous sea, and the morning sun seems to transfigure them, there, too, is a wonderful sight.

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the approaching tornado, which normally appears as a black cloud on the horizon, and rarely allows more time than just enough to lower the sails before it has surrounded the ship.262 Our sails had not been lowered before it broke upon us, casting the ship onto one side, and, in spite of all the anchors having been thrown out, drove us where it wished. Animals and everything moveable on the deck were washed away; we hung onto the high side of the ship, expecting to be washed away at any second and become prey to the greedy sharks. What even intensified that fear was the ignition of some rum in the cabin by an overturned lamp, but a calm sailor succeeded in quenching the fire immediately. We awaited our fate; the wind died down, and at dawn we succeeded in warping the ship.263 The single thing that contributed to our salvation was that we were driven out towards the wild ocean. Had this not happened, we would soon have been driven into land and found our graves in the surf, or been killed or sold by the Negroes on these barbaric coasts. It is not unusual that a European who is thus shipwrecked is sold by the Negroes to the nearest European factory. Frequently it is far away, and how much must not that poor castaway [333] tolerate before he reaches it. I have seen an English sailor who had been sold, in this way, to a Dutch Mulatto, who was not a little proud of his white slave. However, such unfortunates usually have their freedom purchased by their respective countrymen. The area at and around Lagos is said to be the most unhealthy in Africa. Here we also lost a considerable number of the crew, who, in the usual manner, were sewn into their hammocks, weighted with pieces of coal or iron, and sunk down into the calm bottom of the sea – if they were not, as was sometimes the case, torn apart by the gluttonous sharks before they reached the bottom. As chaplain, I was always requested by the captain to read at the burial the really beautiful prayers used among the English on such occasions. Burdened with

262 [ This is not a tornado but the ubiquitous line squall, described in all the early sources; giving it names like tornado, whirlwind, travat from Portuguese travado, storm.] 263 [To warp a ship, or boat, is to move it by hauling on a line attached to a fixed, or external object, such as another boat.]

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worries and weakness, I expected each time that it would be the last.264 In general, the rivers themselves are unhealthy places. Surrounding forest hinders the usual winds from cooling them, and putrid mists rise up from the many adjoining morasses and swamps. [334] No wonder, then, that expeditions on the rivers are often failures, due to mortality among the travellers. In spite of the fact that the Negroes at Lagos know how to write (they use letters like those of the Moors, or Arabs), and also that their culture seems to be superior to that of the other Coast Negroes I know, yet their customs are by no means mild. During my stay there they were fighting a very bloody war with the neighbouring people, and at the burial of a prominent Negress several young girls were slaughtered, and the path to the place of burial (a hut at a little distance from her house) as well as the grave itself were sprinkled with their blood. Upon observing the larger rivers on Africa’s coast, and especially Rio Volta and the Lagos River, which are both navigable at their deltas, it has often made me wonder whether the Niger River could have its delta there, or that these rivers, at least, were a branch of it. We could then be free of wondering whether the Niger flows the enormously long way down to the Congo. If the Niger River runs out into the large swamps that are said to be found not far from Burnu, on Africa’s easterly coast, and should the Congo River have its beginnings there, then I cannot see why they, in the strictest sense, they could not be called one and the same river. Furthermore, what is more reasonable than that the water of the Niger divides here into several rivers which take different directions? Both Rio Volta and the Lagos River run mostly from north to south, which does not contradict the guess that they are branches of the Niger. [335] I have not been very far up the Lagos River, and its mouth is scarcely ¼ mile wide, but that does not preclude the possibility of its having a very considerable bed farther inland. Nor, in the same way, is the Rio Volta broadest at its mouth, but several miles inland it has a breadth, in places, which would qualify its 264 Once acclimatized in Africa, one rarely dies of the true Coast illness, but rather by travelling from healthy to more unhealthy places, which expose one to their peculiar illnesses, or fevers of a worse nature. Also, by travelling to Europe and then returning to the Coast, one is [again] exposed to Coast fever.

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place alongside the main rivers in the world: the largest ships would be able to sail there. Especially in the rainy season it resembles, in many places, enormously large seas. The Negroes who have come from far inland and have followed its course for many miles, have assured us that in many places it is very large, and especially at one place there is a large waterfall that cannot be navigated by canoes. The Negroes from Ashantee have also told us that north of that kingdom there runs an extraordinarily large river. Could this possibly be the Niger, which turned there, towards the south, in order to empty itself on the coast? Pondering these things has often occupied me in Africa, and in my most vigorous period I had a great desire to undertake examination in that direction. At that time I also suggested this to the Board of Trade, which is responsible for Guinea. Possibly the warlike conditions in the fatherland hindered those concerned from taking any notice of a suggestion that would involve expenses. Without gifts to the villages [336] through which you travel, you cannot easily move around in Africa.265 You are, at any rate, not welcome, and the Negroes do nothing to facilitate your journey. However, I have no reason to believe that the Negroes, or rather the Moors, in general, would place obstacles in the way of such undertakings. The journey to Ashantee, whose capital is Coromantie, is by no means difficult, and several Europeans have been there in recent times. Yet I believe that a Danish man by the name of Børresen, who travelled there more than 30 years ago was the first European to visit the King of Ashantee in his residence Coromantie.266 He was well received, stayed 265 To take many gifts along naturally makes the expedition larger and the journey more difficult. This difficulty can be overcome somewhat by giving the Negroes written notes on a fort or a known trading house at the shore. The Negroes are not much bothered by having to travel many miles to fetch such gifts: they are excellent hikers, and are not pressed for time. Actually, it is, now and then, wealthy or prominent Negroes who send their slaves after the gifts. 266 [The capital of Asante is, of course, Kumasi, not `Coromantie´. Monrad has clearly confused it with Kormantin, on the coast. The first European to visit the King of Asante was the Dutch David Van Nyendael, who was there in 1701. The Dane was not Børresen, but Børgesen, sent in 1792 by Governor Bjørn to the Asante king to request military support for the Danes in campaigns around Fort Prinsensteen at Keta. The price asked by Asante was apparently too high for the Danish establishment. Cf. Nørregård (1966) 156-57.]

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there for several months, and succeeded in the purpose of his journey, which was to establish trade connections. Granted, he was witness to [the fact that] that nation was powerful and wealthy, but that it did not show any higher level of true culture. The splendour found there is also found, in a somewhat diminished scale, nearer [337] the coast.267 At Aqvapim I have seen the Duke Quau hold a public audience, surrounded by great splendour. Encircled by his most powerful men, who were clad in beautiful, long panties and adorned with gold, [carrying] beautiful swords and guns, he inspired respect. At his side, on the ground, sat his executioners with shining axes whose shafts were decorated with certain parts of severed heads, for ex. dried ears, etc. Among the African islands in the vicinity of the Coast and the Bight of Biafra, Fernando Po (named after the Portuguese man who discovered it) is the largest, at least to the eye. At a considerable distance it rises to the sky like a mountain chain, in bluish fog. In general, it seems probable that these African islands have, by revolutions in the earth, been separated from the mainland; partly since they look like the highest part of larger stretches of land, partly because earthquakes and changes in the earth’s crust have their home just where firespouting mountains are found, as in Cameroon.268 [338] The Negroes on Fernando Po are less black and have longer hair than ordinary Negroes; yet it is possible that this can be accounted for mostly from a mixture with Spaniards, who formerly had their settlements here - of which ruins are still seen when you are very close to land, since the inhabitants do not permit anyone to set foot on it. The island is now quite deserted by the Spaniards, and it is said that they were all exterminated at one time by the natives having poisoned the water where they lived. Fearfully do these natives - with yams and other foodstuffs – approach the ships sailing by, from which they always 267 That European, who was excellently suited to travelling in Africa, died in Copenhagen in about the year 1800. 268 It is, however, not entirely certain that the Cameroon mountains spout fire. As far as I know, no European has observed an eruption at close quarters, and it is at least possible that the fire seen from the sea on the top of the mountains could be the ordinary grass and bush fires which precede the cultivation of the earth. I have seen something similar on the Aqvapim mountains, whose hills are very fertile.

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demand iron, by which they set great store, presumably because it is so necessary to them for use in the fields and for defence. I have seen several Negroes from this island who bear signs of inhumane treatment, in that their hands had been cut off. Nonetheless, they were able, with the stumps of their arms, to paddle their canoes. The friend of mankind would reluctantly accept that Europeans would be guilty of such maltreatment without grounds, but experience has shown, alas, that such people are found in Africa, who, even out of sheer wantonness, cripple Negroes, shoot at their canoes, cut off their ears, etc. One can easily imagine how much that must embitter the dispositions [of the Negroes], and it does not strike one as entirely strange that the Negroes, at times, according to their principles, practise the right of reprisal, horribly, against other, innocent Europeans. One must, rather, marvel that the Negroes sometimes treat the Europeans honourably. [339] In this respect, I have spoken with an Englishman, Stokes, who had been a castaway from a ship on the Lower Coast, and who, for a number of years, lived well among the Negroes until he again found ship’s passage home. If the English ship captains have the right or not, it is indeed certain that at times, because of crimes, they throw their people on land on one or another barbaric coast and leave them there to their fate. In this respect, I have travelled with a very respectable English captain who was not a slave trader, and who picked up two such men who had been castaways. They conducted themselves very well with us, and worked on the ship [to pay] for the journey home. In addition to the fact that the English merchant captains have no permission by law, as ours do, to punish their sailors corporally - unless you include in this putting them under arrest – indeed, they are [340] obliged to treat them exceedingly mildly in the torrid climates. 269 But 269 If the captain whips, or flogs, a sailor, the latter can get witnesses to it and demand to have him punished on arrival home. In this respect, as well, it is pleasant to sail with the English ships, because the slavish tone does not obtain there, but, rather, there is proper freedom between the commanders and their subordinates. The complaints of the subordinates, however, do not always get through. Once a first mate told me, on the Coast, that a slave captain remained unpunished although the crew truthfully bore witness that he had killed a cabin boy by tying him around the legs and hoisting him many times up and down under the yard. It could not be legally proven that it was precisely because of this he died.

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they are commonly treated very harshly by slave captains, which, in addition to the high mortality on the Coast and especially on the rivers in Africa, is the reason that, in England, they found by an accounting that more Englishmen died annually in the slave trade in its flourishing period than during an equally long time in the wars. Between Fernando Po and the promontory Gaboon lies the small island Corusco, whose vivid green pleases the eye as one glides past it, giving witness to its fertility and suitability for cultivation. The long stretch of the promontory Gaboon, itself, and the several islands I have seen in Africa, cooled by the winds, seem also to have very luxuriant vegetation. When the slave trade was going to be abolished by the Danes, the Guinean government (of this I was told in my time) had suggested to the government [in Denmark] that they trade our establishments in Guinea for Prindse Island (Isle de Principe) which belongs to the Portuguese. In an economic aspect it would certainly have been desirable if the suggestion had been acted upon and the exchange made. The island is quite large, not very unhealthy, cultivated, fertile, and it has a not insignificant fort. On the other hand, even at the harbour the best town is poor, and it has many houses that are no better than ordinary Negro huts. The harbour is tolerably good, despite a difficult approach. At present, every ship that [341] sails in there must pay no small tax to the governor of the island – who is always a white man. The rest of the inhabitants are mostly Mulattos and Negroes. The island produces a great quantity of coffee which is sold to the ships, mostly in small lots, since there is not a single house that trades en gros, or merits the name of trading house. However, some of the inhabitants do have small jagte [small boats with one sail] or, rather, large boats in which they sail along the coast, where they take on slaves, ivory, etc. Even for the slave trade, with such boats, in the hands of active merchants, it could have been a central point, and it is based on this generally held belief that the above-mentioned suggestion was launched. With the multitude of ships that constantly go to this island, provision themselves and take on water, such purchased slaves could advantageously be sent to the West Indies. The garrison could not be more wretchedly equipped and 247

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disciplined than those seen here. Scarcely two soldiers resemble one another in uniform: caps and hats, bare heads and feet, boots, shoes, sandals, vests, shirts, trousers of all colours make up a droll hotchpotch for the observer. The guns are not much better, and it is much if only the lock is bound to the shaft. Truly! An enemy would find weak resistance here except, perhaps, from the fort, which I did not find occasion to examine more closely. The dominant religion on the island is, or rather is said to be, Catholicism, and all the slaves who have been baptized in it are very well treated. [342] The many holy days also provide them just as many days of rest. The Danes on the Coast who looked forward with joy to this settlement, hoped, on the other hand, that Catholicism would be abolished and the condition of the slaves altered. As long as mankind in general does not adhere more to the forms than to the essence of the idea [sic], nothing would be easier than to abolish Catholicism [there], since of its very fundament, Christianity, there is little or nothing to be found, as far as I could discover. One might say that the Negroes’ superstition mixed with the ceremonies of Catholicism make up what one finds there of religion. A more dense ignorance than what is found among their clergy is not easy to imagine. Most of the monks were Negroes, and those among them who were considered to be unusually cultivated are sent, for a short time, to Brazil where, when they attain a high [rank], have come so far that they can just barely lead the ceremonies with a kind of dignity, and read some Latin prayers – of which they understand exceedingly little. When such persons come home they are considered to be highly educated gentlemen. They become teachers to their fellow servants, and the simple majority stream to them for indulgences with the last shilling they own. I had occasion to become well acquainted with one of these, who had newly arrived home. With intolerable arrogance he larded his speech with bits of Latin prayers, paraded in an officer’s uniform glittering with gold and silver, and wore a tall three-cornered hat with a cockade. Thus he attracted the admiration of everyone, and they all rushed to him to confess and [343] be absolved. He kept his fast days faithfully and stayed home, but it offended no one that, for the entire day, he had a 248

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CHAPTER ELEVEN

young Negress with him to while away the boring time of fasting. He was a Negro, yet I saw proud and prominent Europeans make much of him, because with his influence he could possibly be useful to them in trade on the island. In other circumstances it would have pained them that they could not sell him.270 At banquets on the island such monks, when they could eat no more, are said to stuff food into large bags that they have under their robes. However, I have not seen this myself, but possibly it is the custom here - as it is in so many other places - to carry food with you from the table. The island St. Thome, which lies under the equator, is said to be a very unhealthy place. It has a tolerable harbour, which we just entered, a number of inhabitants of all colours, is quite fertile and carries on some trade. The most prominent civil servants are white, but it is said that because of the high mortality rate the Portuguese must send new ones nearly every year. The island Annabon, which lies a few degrees south of the equator, has a healthier atmosphere. The inhabitants there also have a touch of Catholicism. Although it is not settled by Portuguese, yet they are said to claim [344] a degree of authority over it, perhaps from the time they discovered it when they sailed along Africa’s coast. It is supposed to have been populated first by a slave ship that ran aground there; and when, at times, very light Negroes are seen in the boats that come from the island to trade with ships sailing by, it is not improbable that they are descended from white people.271 The island has a very vibrant appearance and was certainly suited to colonization; but it is certain that the natives there, as at nearly all the places along the coast, are treated by many skippers in such a way that their very least wish would be to have the Whites settle among them. As proof of this I shall relate a tale which I heard from a slave captain himself, who once came to this island and believed he had truly performed an act of heroism. He entered into negotiations with the most prominent man, or king, for all kinds of provisions for the 270 In my time the English forts also had a black chaplain, but he had studied in England and was a highly cultivated man. 271 Light-skinned Negroes are not entirely uncommon; especially those who have red hair, or wool, are very light-skinned.

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journey over to the West Indies. A number of canoes brought these things out to him. Finally came the king himself, a small, insignificant man dressed in a droll manner, to receive payment.272 The captain was ready to set sail, and ordered that the king be given, as payment, ‘a good flogging,[345] fixed to the mast´ (that is, a real cat [-o’-nine-tails], while bound to the mast).273 Luckily, the king understood the order and slipped in great haste through a cannon port, down into the water, where he was picked up by his subjects while the ship moved off under full sail. Presumably this captain thought that he, at any rate, acted a good deal better than some others who, after they are provided with what they needed, break the Negroes’ canoes into pieces, and take the men to the West Indies. Not even good intentions always safeguarded a Negro against maltreatment. Among several examples I shall relate one to which I myself was witness on the Lower Coast, near Cameroon. A skipper there had come into conflict with several Negroes who would undoubtedly have killed him if a prominent young Negro had not interceded for him most vigorously, and hidden him until he could go aboard unnoticed. That Negro accompanied him to the ship to get the reward he had been promised; but what he got was that he was thrown overboard, and he could thank his proficiency in swimming for not having lost his life. When you see such treatment, the dark picture that is often painted of the Negroes’ behaviour towards many Europeans loses a portion of its shadow. You are less surprised to hear that ships which trade on the Coast, or especially when they go up in the lagoons, are sometimes caught off guard, plundered, and the crew murdered, often after first having been subjected to torture and mockery. A sailor [346] who had been on such a ship reported that they had shaved his head, and made him, on the journey to a factory, suffer, and carry the drum. This is because the Negroes have the insane conviction that one white man ought to pay for another, therefore many an innocent must 272 At times, many Coast Negroes dress up, very comically, in European clothing and think themselves very fine. Yet this by no means applies to all of them; and farther inland a truly prominent man would be an object of mockery in such a fool’s costume. 273 [Monrad has quoted the captain directly in English here, and added his translation in (-).]

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pay for another’s crimes. Thus, if one has been cheated by the ship of one nation, the next ship from the same nation must pay the debt for it. A French ship which, at Popo, had cheated the Negroes by selling them barrels of gunpowder which were solid wood clear through, except for the ends. He got well away; but the captain of the next French ship was detained when he went ashore, and had to pay for his countryman. Of the foregoing it can be seen that, on the whole, with the exception of Sierre-Leone, nothing of importance has been done, along the southern coast of Africa, for the improvement of the Negroes; on the contrary, much [has been done] towards their demoralization. A feeble, but noble, attempt which a number of Herrenhuters from the West Indies made about 30 years ago deserves mention, albeit it failed.274 They settled near the Danish Fort Fredensborg, where, on a rise, can still be seen some traces of their small buildings. Their intention was to provide themselves with the necessities of life only by cultivating the earth; and to make themselves acquainted with the language of the natives, so that, by bringing to them Christianity’s elevated instruction, they could form them into a better people. By their guiltless way of life these noble [individuals] won for themselves [347] the respect and affection of the natives; but the country’s illness, in a short time, snatched most of them away, and the two or three who survived returned to the West Indies. 275 No knowledgeable person can be in doubt that such an attempt, especially at that time – indeed, why hide it?, and also in our time - must have been looked upon with contempt by the trading Europeans, and would sooner experience opposition rather than cooperation. As proof of this can be presented even what Europeans who have grown old in the land told me about these new settlers. It is said that they invited the Negroes from Ningo (the village that lies close to Fredensborg) to hear their sermons daily. They came. The speaker stood on a barrel, and when he had spoken for some time, they remarked that his throat 274 [These are the Moravian Brethren , who had established headquarters in St. Croix.] 275 It is a great mistake to assume that because one can tolerate the West Indian climate, one can live in Africa. The atmosphere in Africa is, on the whole, darker, heavier and more unhealthy.

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must be dry and, as they pointed to the barrel, encouraged him to take a drink, and let them have some as well.276 When this did not happen he lost his entire audience. Based on this, some want to prove that the Negroes were unsuited to receive any nobler education. The truth of the story is, without a doubt, that curiosity had driven the Negroes, at first, [348] to attend the Brothers’ devotions. Then, when no drinks were forthcoming thereby, or simply when it no longer held any novelty for them, they stayed away. That sensible people should gather together to listen to sermons held in a language they did not understand is unthinkable. But where are the holy ones who cannot be mocked?277

276 Drink represents something essential, both at the Negroes’ serious, as well as their lighthearted gatherings. 277 Just as the Negroes in general have an appreciation of the good company they saw among some Europeans, so do they still remember those [earlier] colonists as Jongmaa bi, that is, `God’s children´, or good people.

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Chapter twelve

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Some historical tales, and topographical details about the Guinea Coast [349] It is generally known that the Portuguese were the first to sail along Africa’s southern coast, or perhaps more correctly, to bring it into contact with the cultivated world. Here and there they built forts, or, as they called them, establishments, for the protection and promotion of trade. Traces of their extensive influence on these coasts far back in time are still very much in evidence. Thus, many Negroes, especially on the Upper Coast, still speak the Portuguese language, as all the languages of the Coast Negroes are more or less mixed with it.278 Also, the Negroes on the Upper Coast continue to have practiced using it, because the Portuguese ships that trade in Africa hire Negroes and canoes from there, to be used in trade along the coasts and on the rivers [350] far down the coast. This is because it appears to be difficult to maintain canoes for the transport of goods and slaves to and from the ships, since there are no forts there which could fill this need. Perhaps this is also, for the most part, a Portuguese system, since I do not know that the ships of other nations find it necessary. The Portuguese forts – now mostly Dutch – that I have seen in Guinea are wisely established at such places where the surf breaks against rocky promontories, which are the safest and best places for landing. Yet it is also only possible to land with canoes at these places, or, at best, with very strong sailboats. This can, however, take place at any time, which is an advantage, considering that at many 278 The Negroes appear to find it easy to learn foreign languages.When one includes the African languages, it is not uncommon to find a Negro who speaks 6 to 7 languages.

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of the other forts one cannot land for several days, not even with canoes, because of the raging surf. Otherwise, there are, on the entire coast, no true and safe harbours, and in most places the bottom is silted or rocky, in which the anchors are very often lost. It is only when the ships run into the rivers that they have easy sailing; for, in cases of necessity, in order to be able to save themselves, they must lie fairly far from the shore, which they seldom approach closer than a mile’s distance. Other nations, such as the English, French, Swedish, Danish, Prussian, etc., who have settled there later, have had to be content with less advantageous places. Nonetheless, they have, right up to the Danish chief fort, Christiansborg [351] (and including that one), managed to chose fairly high, and more healthful places for the establishment of their forts. But from there, along the Lower Coast, wherever there are forts, it is level and flat, since the rise on which the Danish Fort Fredensborg lies is insignificant.279 Close to the English chief fort, Cape Coast, or Cabo Corso, the Danes formerly had an establishment, Frederiksborg, which the Dutch have taken for themselves, by force.280 On the whole, one can easily imagine that enmity in trade, in its ugliest form, has swung its allconsuming torch here. If one is to believe everything that is said, the Dutch, in particular - with a cold, gruesome and invidious character - have manifested themselves here with much flagrant violence and many clandestine misdeeds.281 Now the English hold about 14 to 15 forts along the Coast and, as the most powerful, set the tone there. The Prussians have been totally replaced by them and the Dutch. Nearly the same applies to the Portuguese, who had to give way to the Dutch in their most flourishing times. The Portuguese own only a small and 279 [That fort is in Old Ningo, and the very slight elevation, directly on the shore, can hardly be called a `rise´, however insignificant – unless it has sunk into the sand in the course of the last two centuries.] 280 [ The small Fort Frederiksborg (on Amanful Hill, above Cape Coast Castle) was not taken by the Dutch, by force or in any other way. It was sold to the English to repay debts, in 1688, and the Danes moved to Osu, to the fort that became Christiansborg Castle. The English renamed it Fort Royal, but did not maintain it for long. In Monrad’s time it must have been a ruin. For the history, see Tilleman (1697/1994) Introduction 4-5.] 281 Rømer, also, gives the Dutch the worst testimonial.

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insignificant fort in the kingdom Vidah, where the French also have one, and the English have theirs farthest toward the east. In general, the forts end here, and, at the most, there are found some factories below this, such as at Lagos, Benin, etc. The Dutch chief fort, St. George Della Mina, is said to have been taken from the Portuguese by [352] a very base stratagem. The fort is very strong, and can, when well-provisioned and manned, be taken by force only with great difficulty.282 The story is told thus: the Dutch wished to own this magnificent fort which, of all of them, has the best landing place. To conquer it they sent a couple of warships which pretended to be headed for East India, but had been forced to put in there since they had so many sick on board that they could not continue their journey. They asked for permission to carry their sick to land, to a rise that lies above the Fort S. Georg, and on which the Portuguese had a small factory called St. Iago. The Portuguese granted their request, and left the place. The Dutch then built temporary houses there, brought a great number of people up there, some of whom were carried up, some of whom pretended to be so ill that they could scarcely walk. Small earthworks were dug and built up a little; cannons and ammunition were brought up in great barrels which they said contained water and refreshment for the sick. Daily, they pretended to bury a number of dead, and the Portuguese, who feared that they might become infected, never went close enough to the place to investigate what was going on, and of which they had not the least suspicion. When they finally had everything in place, in the required condition, the Dutch, supported by their ships from the harbour, let the cannons from St. Iago [353] play on the main fort, which, in a few moments, was forced to surrender. St. Iago is now a very strong little fortress, to which the Dutch do not allow strangers to go; and from which Fort Della Mina could be fired on and won back if it were to be taken by an enemy. In my time, when the Dutch suffered under the French yoke, their affairs in Africa stood on unsteady feet. No supplies came, the Europeans died off, the forts deteriorated, and, under such conditions 282 Even the English did not appear to dare to venture there during the last, long war with Holland.

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it would certainly not have been so difficult to conquer the chief fort. When a chief fort has been captured, the subordinate forts, no matter how far away they are, most often surrender, since they are always very dependent on it, and are provided from it with the European materials necessary for trade, defence and support. In 1807, an attempt Holland made to expand its holdings on the Coast, failed; partly when the most important ship they had sent out, the war ship Gelderland, was seized off Ireland by the English frigate Virginia. Had it been the wish of the English, they could certainly then have taken possession of all the European establishments in Guinea. Their forts were in excellent condition, and from Europe they could have been sent all the help they needed, but whatever the reason (probably that they could have had no significant use of these settlements, and most of the trade from all the forts was, in fact, carried on with English ships, and the slaves were brought to them, when, as in the past, there were also [354] a number of smugglers - or, as Rømer calls them, ‘interlopers’) one must truly praise the moderation they showed, especially in all private affairs. Even during the war they lived in friendship both with the Danes as well as the Dutch. In general, I must say that the show of respect and good will I have met everywhere from this nation shall remain, for me, an unforgettable and grateful memory. Truly! My countrymen act too hastily when they condemn a great and noble nation because some of their rulers have acted aggressively and shamefully toward us. Many Englishmen, in Guinea and in England, have said to me, ‘It was unfair, nay scandaleous [sic]. Why not have taken the Danish fleet in open combat at sea?´ 283 The Swedes now own nothing at all in Africa. It is said that they formerly held Christiansborg, which, however, was first built by the Portuguese. The Danes have, indeed, bought it from them, but in Guinea the following is narrated. A Swede, who had served [355] 283 [The English text is that of Monrad.] I have spent happy days in England as well, and have there – which, perhaps, many would be unwilling to believe – been even more confirmed in my conviction that a strong people must be a religious people. It is striking, for the Dane, to observe with what solemnity and quiet holy days are honoured, even in the largest places, like Liverpool. Everyone seems, then, to have consecrated himself to spiritual concerns, and have set aside every thought of the profane.

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there as an officer at the then Swedish Fort, Christiansborg, had been, because of a crime, expelled from there. He then joined the Danish service and promised, during the war with Sweden, to take possession of the Fort if he could be provided with a frigate to carry him and the necessary crew thither. His suggestion was approved, and he anchored at Christiansborg under the Swedish flag. He and a number of officers went ashore in long cloaks, under which they had hidden weapons. When they appeared before the governor, they placed their pistols at his breast, and of those present, and threatened to shoot them down if the Fort did not immediately capitulate to the Danes. They chose to comply, and, at a given signal, the Danish flag was raised on the frigate, and shortly afterward, from the Fort itself.284 What seems to me to be more credible is, as it is also reported, that the Negroes have, at one time, taken possession of the Danish chief fort [Christiansborg] and killed all the Europeans there, down to the constable. It was repossessed with the help of the Dutch, and the latter blamed the Danes for not having acknowledged this good deed. What the occasion was for this attack, and how the Negroes were punished afterward, I have nowhere been able to find out.285 Nowadays one has certainly no need to fear this from the Negroes, if they are not given the greatest cause, since nothing would be easier for them, if they had a mind to, to kill the handful of Europeans who live among them. Even the close bonds of family which tie them to the Mulatto soldiers [356] – the constant guard at the Fort – would facilitate the execution of such an intent.

284 [This version of history is somewhat garbled. Not strange, since it occurred in the 1650s. The fort in question was not Christiansborg but `Carolusborg´, later known as Cape Coast Castle. For a description of the machinations in this incident, see Tilleman (1697/1994) Introduction, II.] 285 [ Christiansborg Castle was indeed seized and occupied by Africans (an Akwamu merchant, Assemening) and held for about one year. It was recovered by the Danes, for a payment of 3,000 riksdaler worth of merchandise. However, the Akwamu retained the keys to the Fort, which are now part of the stool regalia in Akwamu. See Tilleman (1697/1994] Chapter Six, n. 144. For a description of a visit to the Fort during the occupation, see Thomas Phillips, `Journal of a Voyage in the Hannibal, 1693, 1694´ pp.227-28, in Awnsham and Churchill, A Collection of voyages and travels, 6 vols. 1746.]

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The character of the Negroes is not as evil as it is often portrayed.286 Meanwhile, the forts are in such poor condition that, according to all that is said here about the Negroes’ propensity for robbery and their gruesomeness, it is astonishing that the forts are not often plundered. Below the Danish chief fort the Dutch formerly had some small forts, which are said to have been destroyed by the Danes.287 The English still have a small one between Christiansborg and Fredensborg. The Danish forts are: Fredensborg; Kongensteen, which lies on an island in the Rio Volta; Prindsensteen, the youngest fort; the redoubt Prøvesteen, close to Christiansborg; and Augustaborg, two miles east of there, in the village Thessen. These have all been built by the Danes themselves.288 The distance between each fort is reckoned [357] to be about 10 Danish miles along the beach, such that the Danish forts lie in a line of 30 to 40 miles from west to east. You can form a fairly correct picture of an African fort if you imagine a whitewashed bell tower without a spire, so considerably expanded that it is, on an average, 50 paces on each side; yet it does not always form a perfect square. Outside the forts, at some distance, there usually runs a wall, 6 to 7 alen high. The wall, and the area thus enclosed, are called the outwork, and they are really intended to receive the allied Negroes in times of war, when they are driven by their enemies. Since several of the forts lie on high ground, from a great distance, and when they have been newly whitewashed, they look like chalk mountains, especially when the sun shines directly on them. It was, without a doubt, these white [structures] which Professor Smith, who was on the Congo expedition, could not explain when he saw them on one of the African

286 I have known Negroes whose attitude would put many so-called Christians to shame. Truly! They showed that the letter of the law was written in their hearts. An example, of many: A European, who had to flee, entrusted to a simple Negro a considerable quantity of gold - his entire fortune - for safe-keeping. He was absent for several years, and it seemed most likely that he would never return. Eventually, however, just that happened, and the faithful Negro delivered his property to him in its entirety. 287 There is said to have been much conflict with the Dutch especially at Kongensteen. 288 In Rømer’s description of Guinea you can find quite correct illustrations of the two Danish forts, Christiansborg and Fredensborg.

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CHAPTER TWELVE

islands.289 As they appear when the whitewash has peeled off, or they are generally in disrepair, just so have I imagined the thieves’ forts of ancient times, on the rocks. And if you picture to yourself the deed which is committed in these forts, then the friend of mankind must, indeed, turn his eye away in horror. The walls of the forts are very thick, and on top of them there is a thinner parapet, or, as it is called, breastwork, built up of masonry in which have been made rather long gun loops, at the bottom of which the cannon poke through. At the very foot of the Fort, towards the sea, there has [358] even been built, at some of the English forts, a battery of strong masonry. The number of cannons varies according to the size of the forts. I have not seen any fort that had more than 40 cannons, lying fairly close together such that the largest were always turned towards the sea. In the courtyard of the fort there are usually the warehouses, cisterns and enclosures for the slaves. Most of the Europeans have airy rooms in the flat buildings on the batteries. The so-called Government Hall is especially distinguished by its size and, at times, its splendour. The redoubts are, basically, the same as forts but on a much smaller scale; they rarely carry more than 6 to 8 cannons, of smaller calibre.290 The chief fort, Christiansborg, had, in my time, about 40 cannons, and the following military staff - which is now said to be considerably reduced: a Chief of the Guard who had the rank of lieutenant 291; two non-commissioned officers; two constables; two [359] drummers, two pipers, some twenty soldiers, besides the Inventory-Negroes who 289 [Professor Christen Smith (1785-1816) was a Norwegian botanist who traveled extensively. He accompanied the English Captain Tuckey on an expedition to explore the Congo River in 1801; became ill with fever, and died there. His Diary from a Journey to Congo in Africa was published posthumously, in 1819, so was easily accessible to Monrad when he was writing this book.] 290 Often, in the vicinity of the forts, Europeans have private buildings which have been raised in the same style as those, but unfortified, and lower, so that the fort’s cannons can shoot over them. Close under the Danish Fort Christiansborg there is also a fairly large official building, the Hospital; but, unfortunately, it has been built on low ground, surrounded by Negro huts and all manner of foul odours from the Negro settlement. For this reason it has not been used for its original purpose. 291 This post was first established in 1802 , presumably in order, in this way, to resemble the English and the Dutch. It is said, as absolutely redundant, to have been abolished later.

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man the cannons in times of war . This fort released some men to the redoubt, Prøvesteen, lying close by, as well as to the small, uncompleted, Fort Augustaborg, where, at times, one of the least able assistants had command over the soldiers who were stationed there. Prøvesteen had 6 cannons, and Augustaborg about the same number. The InventoryNegroes number about 300, of whom some, as noted earlier, are artisans, and others are used at the agricultural establishments. The forts Fredensborg, Kongensteen and Prindsensteen have 15 to 20 cannons each, and, as staff, a non-commissioned officer, a constable, a drummer, a piper, and 10 to 12 privates, along with some InventoryNegroes. However, the staff always varies somewhat. The governor and commanders also have the highest military command, although none of them, in my time, had military expertise. (Yet that could well be considered not so necessary at a place where war can only be limited, at present, to manoeuvring of the fort’s cannons and, with them, to act in defence.) The soldiers are all Mulattos. It is extremely rare for a European who performs very poorly in service to be degraded to the rank of private. However, the soldiers’ situation here is very good. They are paid about 8 rdlr. a month (one can live, in the manner of the Negro, very well on 2), and they have very little training in the use of weapons - perhaps once a year. [360] However, they perform right well as a parade guard. The are not punished by running the gauntlet, but more leniently, by caning. They nearly all know tailoring, by which they occupy themselves, both during and outside of guard duty. A non-commissioned officer is paid 14 to 16 rdlr. courant per month; a constable about as much; the so-called Negro bas - who supervises the Inventory-Negroes and is the hangman’s assistant - receives about the same salary. The Inventory-Negroes are poorly paid and receive, including that paid for wives and children, about ½ to 2 rdlr. monthly per person. With a little more in wages, and milder treatment, their situation, on the whole, would be quite good. As far as I have knowledge of the forts in Guinea, they lie, from west to east, in the following order: Axim and St. George della Mina (Dutch); Cape Coast, Anemabu, Tantum, Winnebah (English); Berku

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(Dutch); St. James[ James Fort](English); Creve-coeur(Dutch292); Christiansborg, Prøvesteen, Augustaborg (Danish); Prampram (English); [361] Fredensborg, Kongensteen, Prindsensteen (Danish); William’s Fort (English). Close to the last named lie the only two small forts I know of that the Portuguese and French own on the Coast itself.293 The last three are very much subject to the King of Vidah, in whose territory they lie. Their commanders dare not, without his permission, undertake any journey. Their every step is watched, and they are, in many respects, accountable to him. The place itself is also unpleasant, since Fort Williams [William’s Fort] lies at a distance of more than 100 miles from the other English forts, and I know of examples of only such persons being sent there as commanders who have displeased the English governor.294 Granted that the Danish forts, in respect of their fortification and staff are not comparable to those of the English, yet we must admit that their situation, regarding trading relations, were, on the whole, good. Fort Kongensteen was the most indifferent. At each fort which lies close to the sea, the respective flags are flown when a ship approaches the road; and also on festive occasions, for ex. on Sundays. Throughout the entire year the wind blows from west to east, except in the harmattan season, when it is the opposite. The main reason for this, undoubtedly, is the solstice, at which time the wind blows in the opposite direction. At the chief forts [362] a warning shot is fired at 8:00 in the evening, and at 5:00 in the morning. After the first shot everyone who belongs to the fort and is outside the grounds must make his way home. And after the latter shot everyone can go out freely. When a European dies at the Fort the flag is flown at half292 The two latter forts lie scarcely 1,000 paces from each other, and the latter - whose miserable condition they tried to express by dubbing it `Heartbreaking´ [French `Heartbreak´] - is said to have been destroyed by the first. It is asserted that, in the past, they have thus weakened one another without the motherlands of the respective nations going to war over it, but I cannot verify that. It could be analogous with that generally praised peace reigning here right in the middle of the last bloody wars in Europe. 293 [For the European forts at Ouidah, see Isert (1788/1992) 96-8; idem (2007) 131-33; Law Ouidah (2004) 31-7.] 294 Thus, one was sent there who had challenged the governor to a duel.

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mast until he has been buried, and in the same way, the deceased is honoured by a cannon salute according to his actual, or appointed, rank. For a soldier only one shot is fired, then it increases until, for a governor three rounds are fired. However, sometimes such honour is shared out haphazardly. Thus, I know of a commander who, for his deceased sister, ordered a salute fired every minute throughout an entire day.

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Chapter thirteen

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The Europeans in Africa and their Way of Life [363] It is a great mistake to form a gloomy picture of the Europeans’ way of life on the Guinea Coast. If you only take into account the baser and sensual enjoyments, then the way of life must be considered comfortable. Concern for nourishment, and lack of recreation are unknown, and the tone is, since Rømer’s time (who describes it as brutal to a high degree), if not ennobled, at least refined. The Europeans like to rise early, in order to enjoy the cool morning air in strolling, either on the batteries or in the vicinity of the forts. After this they take tea, often accompanied by roasted yams, plantains or bread. Then each one takes care of his business until 10 or 11 o’clock, when there is a proper meal of warm dishes. After that they go to rest, if not exactly to sleep, at least to stretch out - often in the arms of pleasure - to be [364] relieved of the burning midday hours. During this time a strange, deep, silence and calm reign everywhere. At two or three o’clock they are aroused to activity again. They are then occupied until five or six o’clock, when most of them partake of an abundant, or even splendid, meal. Only the English usually work uninterrupted until three o’clock in the afternoon, and after that time, not at all. If the governor is a man who loves company, and considers the royal servants around him as his court, he treats nearly the entire personnel to the meal at this time. After this, the time is spent in strolling, company and drink. As late as just before bedtime tea is often drunk. In spite of the fact that coffee grows in Africa - and, if it did not grow there it could easily be obtained from West India - yet it is drunk only rarely, and by very few in Guinea. I cannot recall ever having tasted it there.

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Members of the different nations often gather, and journeys to one another of many miles is no bother.295 No matter how much trade enmity might exist, yet it does not seem to have any noticeable influence on such gatherings, where, at times, the wildest gaiety prevails, with Bacchus [365] in the lead. Frequently they hold brilliant banquets where one is treated entirely in the English manner, with all the dishes set out at the same time, enjoyed with appropriate drinks. After this the table is cleared, dessert is served, and toasts go round the entire table, where the toastmaster, according to the rules, proposes the first three toasts. The elegance and propriety which distinguish the English is also found in Guinea, where they set the tone in clothing and table service. The custom that, after the meal, water in glass bowls is set before each guest so that he may rinse his mouth and hands, has also been established by the English. At the table there are a number of Negroes to serve, so that, at times, several of them stand behind the chair of each European. Instead of chandeliers, which cannot be used where doors and windows are always open, they have oval and round glass bells which cover sperm candles (wax lights melt in the hot climate) placed around on the tables and in the rooms. The Europeans in the warm and dangerous climate are reproached for drinking so much; but to be just, it must be admitted that the enervating heat, the heavy perspiration and evaporation, make some cheering and strengthening drink necessary. At the home of every wealthy man, therefore, there stand spirits, wine and glasses on the table from morning to evening, and in Guinea it is as common to drink constantly as it is in other places to stuff [366] one’s pipe. The most frequent drink is grog of rum and Holland’s geneva. Furthermore, most of the Europeans imagine that their lives will be short, therefore they want, as they say, to exert themselves to enjoy it. Thus, they are only few who save their money in order to use it in Europe. Africa becomes, for most of them, their dearest home, to which habit and love have bound 295 Travel is usually in a hammock – a mat of cloth fastened to a long pole so that the traveller sits on a cushion in the middle. This is borne by two Negroes at a time, carried on the shoulders and not on the head, as Isert and others say. In order to show their strength, the Negroes could, at times, lift the pole to their heads. [Cf. Isert (1788/1992) 32; idem (2007) 48.]

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them, so it is only there that they can be happy. One must be startled at the childish, or perhaps childlike, gaiety which is seen at times; the old ones are as light-headed as the young. Cheerful strolls at night by torch light, games of skittles by torchlight, dancing, card games, travels to the interior, hunting trips in the forest and on the rivers, all this accelerates time, swiftly rushing by. Sometimes, when a fort chief cannot sleep at night, he has the drum go from door to door in the fort. All the men then appear in the large hall, and they set about drinking and dancing, with white and black, at times not in the most decent costumes. However, the atmosphere is not always so gay, since the governor as that being about whom everyone who lacks independence revolves - is the determining factor. And this differs according to the characters of the different men in power – some formal, some unbridled, and so on. He who is so unfortunate as to displease the governor is nearly as if banished, and dares scarcely approach him before matters are resolved. Most unfortunate, then, is he who is unable to stand on his own. [367] At a place where, normally, no tone from on high finds resonance in human hearts, where the chaplain is considered by most of them to be a clowning fetishman, and where no one is more redundant than he who cannot be a supporter and spokesman for the slave trade, at such a place have I, therefore, almost always had to stand on my own. My life in Guinea was, on the whole, a dreadful internal battle, a series of bitter insults; and it is only by the support of God, by whom we, as Christians, truly overcome [our tribulations], that I can still be counted among the living. I lived only in the fulfilment of my duties, and in the cherished hope of again seeing the beloved fatherland. Purely the thought of dragging a half-lived life, and breathing my last there, held a vision of irrepressible charm for me. It is very sad for a sensitive person to imagine that only cold mockery will be expressed over his grave. I maintain that no one, certainly, has ever trod the earth of his fathers’ land with more elevated feelings than mine. Even the very sight of Europe, which I reached after that difficult journey – upon which we were even at risk of starving to death – raised in me the happiest feelings. My journey through, England and Sweden to Denmark, 265

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seemed to me a pleasant stroll around the cherished home. Even my dying lips will bless that Father’s hand which brought me back. To have lived for a long time on the Coast is considered to be particularly advantageous, and a true, old Coastman – as they call themselves – looks down with the greatest pity and haughtiness on the newly-arrived [368] European, who, in his eyes , is scarcely half a person. You are considered inexperienced and uninitiated until you have lived for three years in the land. The natives, on the other hand, generally have no high opinion of the Coastmen. They cannot really get it into their heads that these people have voluntarily settled in their country, but believe that they have been sent there by their king because of crimes committed. At least, I have often come across this thought among the Negroes, and have been asked more than once if it was not true. “How”, they said, “can anyone really wish to leave his country?” Perhaps the Negroes have received this impression by the fact that some nations, such as the Dutch, have, at times, sent trouble-makers to Guinea. Not so few of the most violent Dutch patriots [sic]are said to have ended their days there. Europeans never grow very old in Africa, and I know of none who have reached an age of much over 50 years. The climate and the way of life work against them. The Negroes, however, can grow very old, perhaps over 100 years; although the women, in particular, look old at an early age.296 The very appearance of the Europeans during their stay in the country is sufficient proof that they cannot grow old there. I shall never forget the first impression that the sight of them made on me. [369] I entered the Government Hall through the courtyard of the Fort, where the unexpected clanking of many slaves’ chains (unexpected since this was the year 1805) assaulted the eyes, ears and heart. Many Europeans were gathered there. Yellow, thin, with dull eyes, they seemed to me to be already consecrated to death. Later I came to understand they were consecrated to life as it is lived there, and the climate-fever soon gave me, as well, a similar appearance. It will always be inexplicable why the African climate makes people 296 The black English chaplain, of whom Isert spoke with respect, was still alive in my time. [This was Philip Quaque. See Isert (1788/1992) 150; idem (2007) 199.]

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black. From yellow the colour becomes dark brown, and after several generations, black. It is seen clearly on the Europeans who have lived in the country for a long time, and are constantly exposed to the effect of the sun. They are more copper-brown than white.297 Yet, no hypothesis to explain the black skin colour in Africa is stranger, and more unlikely than Isert’s: that it could originate from perspiring blood.298 Nor would anyone who has lived in Africa believe his assurance that he himself had produced that kind of perspiration.

297 A number of Europeans, especially the fair sex, live so much a parlour life that they are less damaged by the sun. It also occurs to me that the European women hold out better in Guinea, to which nothing can contribute more certainly than their more proper and carefree life. 298 [ For Isert’s theory of the origin of black skin, see Isert (1788/1992) 120-21; idem (2007) 161-63.]

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Chapter fourteen

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The secular and spiritual administration at the Danish establishments, and other relevant matters [370] The execution of justice and all its administration on Guinea are entrusted to the Guinea Council, which is made up of the governor and the three local commanders.299 Formerly, the chaplain of the main fort also sat on the Council.300 It is striking that they have excluded the very man who, at least from the aspect of civilization, should be credited with the ability to participate in the execution of such matters; since it is undeniable that the Council was never, otherwise, made up purely of men who had enough education [371] to rule with proper insight. Formerly, in order to be promoted in Guinea, even to the post of governor, it was quite common that ability to tolerate the climate was sufficient; and there are examples of people who came to the Coast as manual labourers, sailors and clerks having risen to the posts of commander and governor. Fortunately, the power of the government is limited and, in all important matters an accounting is to be made to the Royal General Customs House, to which the colonies in Guinea are responsible. Nor can the Council, as among the Dutch, judge in matters of life and honour. The punishment for the Europeans 299 After my time, the post of commander was abolished, and the governor is, presumably, the one who, in association with the most senior assistants, manages the progress of affairs. 300 When the Danes had only two forts, Christiansborg and Kongensteen, there are said to have been two chaplains; then, only one for all the forts; and now, after my departure, none at all. Would it not be fitting that a Christian mission replaced the slave trade?

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CHAPTER FOURTEEN

is limited to suspension, arrest, fines and loss of privileges. A servant who has been appointed to the royal service cannot be dismissed by the Council, but it can be done when he has been appointed by the Council itself - just as degrading to simple private occurs, at times, according to the decision of the Council. Arrest, for a European, at such a place is a very severe punishment, which, if it is long-lasting, often results in death. I believe I must here report that this severe punishment struck my predecessor, Pastor Grundtvig, whose fine character is attested to here by all who knew him - since all were in agreement that the punishment inflicted upon him was not based on actual guilt. I know all the actors in the case very well, and to salvage the honour of one deceased, in an aura of ambiguity, is indeed not superfluous, and would, at least, be pleasing to his relatives and friends. He displeased [372] the governor. I do not know if it was because he was carrying on a successful trade in ivory, or because he had friendly relationships with individuals who were hated [by the governor].301 It seems to have been a premeditated plan that he should be dismissed. Therefore, they used the excuse that he kept a Negress in his service, at a time when all the personnel of the Fort kept one or more. When Pastor Grundtvig felt himself affronted by this step, which was, in form, illegal and despotic, and, perhaps in a somewhat intrepid manner, asked the governor the reason for this act, he was promptly arrested. A case was raised against him by the Council, and, as it was being considered he died very soon, and suddenly. One must ask, in this case: where in Danish law is it forbidden for an unmarried chaplain to keep a female servant? And if it was the law in Guinea that women were not to stay in the forts at night, why should it apply just to the chaplain alone, and exceptions be made for all the other civil servants? Dare an authority judge on pure suspicion, or must he not have proven facts? And as regards [373] the fear of a scandal, how could it arise in Guinea where nothing seems more ludicrous than 301 Regardless of how little blameworthy trading might be, I would advise anyone who might become chaplain after me to do as I have done, that is, not to engage himself in any form of trade on the Coast. He will thus avoid an important excuse for persecution. And if, because of this, he does not become rich, he will, in this way, more easily preserve the best wealth – a calm state of mind.

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chastity? Where is the European here who does not keep one or more concubines, and among these, even christianized Mulatto women? I have noted earlier that there are even those who keep entire harems. Even the governor, who wanted it to be seen as scandalous that the chaplain kept a Negress in his service, had at one time, [himself] kept two christianized Mulatto women with whom he bred children. 302 And I have, on his orders, confirmed several Mulatto women who were clearly pregnant. I recall that there were said to have been given instructions by one of Skælland’s bishops (according to Rømer it was Worm) which allow every European in Guinea to keep a Negress, on condition that he engage himself in converting her to Christianity.303 One would think that this should have been even more applicable to the chaplain. That Grundtvig, moreover, in the most remote manner, was said to have attempted to cause unrest in Guinea, of which he is said to have been accused, has never been proven, or believed by a single person on the Coast, where indeed, the chaplain dare least of all expect clemency. To exchange some heated words with a single man can never brand anyone with the name of trouble-maker. It is not given to everyone to tolerate everything. It is a bad habit among so many that the christianized Mulattos and Mulatto women do not enter into legal marriages. I have addressed it but the government, which has the executive power, [374] has taken no notice of it. And in response to my encouragement [to marry], the natives responded, ‘The Whites do not marry the christianized coloured women, either.’ They all marry in the Negro manner.304 At our Guinean establishments, besides the Council, there are the following civil servants, next after the Council and the chaplain, listed here according to their rank: the doctor; the bookkeeper, who is particularly responsible for the governor’s accounts; the secretary, 302 [The Governor in this affair was Johan Peter David Wrisberg, Governor for the second time, 1802-07. A somewhat different version of the conflict can be found in F.Rønning `Den grundtvigske Slægt og Guineakysten´, Højskolebladet XXVIII, 1903, pp.778.88. ] 303 [ This was Bishop Christian Worm (1672-1737). For the context, see Rømer (2000) 185.] 304 A Danish chaplain, Jensen, who lived in Guinea, is the only one I know of who has legally married a coloured woman here.

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who takes care of the governor’s current and daily written work; the registrar, who is in charge of all the Fort’s inventory and who, also, is the chief supervisor over the slaves at the chief fort; the assistants, according to their seniority, of whom some sit in the bookkeeper’s office, some help with trade in the warehouses, and some are used at the lower forts by their commanders in all public and private affairs. The only superior military officer is the chief of the guard, who sometimes has the rank of captain, sometimes of lieutenant. In recent years the governor has held the rank of major. His fixed salary, in my time, was 1,000 rdlr. and 500 rdlr. entertainment allowance annually. The salaries of the doctor, bookkeeper, secretary and chaplain are 400 rdlr; [375] the assistants’ salaries are from 250 to 300 rdlr. The commanders had from 400 to 500 rdlr. The salary of the chief of the guard was 400 rdlr.; and the registrar’s 300 rdlr. In my time, the personnel in royal service comprised, for the most part, a governor, three commanders, a chaplain, a doctor, a bookkeeper, a registrar and 7 to 8 assistants, of whom each of the commanders had one. For all the troops there was a lieutenant as chief. At the chief fort there was a Mulatto catechist, with the salary of a non-commissioned officer. In earlier times the most prominent title in Guinea was that of the ‘chief merchant´, and the ‘merchant´ had a position of great importance. The old ‘merchants´ are still honoured next after the Council, especially if they are wealthy, since wealth is the measure of human worth here. Therefore do Europeans associate with the wealthy Mulattos and Negroes - who live in the European manner - as equals. In order to resolve insignificant conflicts and matters of debt, in the last year of my stay in Guinea an arbitration commission was set up, on which I was given a seat and where I had at least a degree of beneficial influence. But all important cases, after having been investigated and judged by the Council, must be sent home to Europe for the final decision. One cannot, in this, but praise the Government’s concern for insuring these distant colonies against the abuse by some individuals of the power entrusted them. [376] It is not correct to consider the chaplain in Guinea a missionary, since he is chaplain only for the Europeans there, for the Mulattos, 271

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and the Negroes who have been in Europe or America, and have been christianized there. As far as I have been able to discover, it has never been his contract to engage himself in the conversion of the natives to Christianity. The congregation, which was spread to all the forts, was made up, in my time, of upwards of 200 members of all colours. Due to the present diminished number of Europeans there, this must decrease annually, and will, at this pace, finally disappear. The church at Christiansborg deserves mention as one of the most beautiful buildings at the Fort, on whose east side it was raised about 40 years ago by Governor Bjørn. Before his time divine services were held in a vault under the [then] newly built large, and beautiful, Government Hall.305 The church is about 40 alen long and half as wide. The pulpit is over the altar.306 Over the altar itself there is a painting representing the Saviour and his disciples at the last supper; and on both sides of it there are two bronzed plaster busts, one representing [377] our present King as Crown Prince, and the other the Prime Minister Count A.P. Bernstorff.307 It is said that these busts were being sent to East India on a ship which came here, evidently wrecked, and that it was, thus, a coincidence which brought these images of humanity’s most noble friends and the most charitable spokesmen for the natives of Africa to a place where human rights have so long been gruesomely trod under foot. In the gallery that is just in front of the pulpit the governor and his family have their seats. On both sides there are galleries for Europeans, and down in the church are the necessary places for chairs for the military, as well as for the rest of the Mulattos and Negroes who belong to the congregation. In my time the church was handsomely painted and, on the whole, had a fine appearance. For some years school was held in the church on weekdays, for which there was also

305 When the chaplain is at one of the lower forts, divine services are held in the fort’s large hall. 306 Since this is close up under the ceiling, the vapours from the entire gathering rise up and discomfort the speaker not a little, especially since divine services are held during the hottest time of day, from 10 to 12. 307 [ The king was Frederik VI. Bernstorff was Prime Minister 1784-97.]

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made available, for a couple of years, a large room in the outwork.308 There was to be a catechist to assist the chaplain in the instruction of the youth. One was, indeed, chosen after my arrival, from among the assistants, but when he died shortly afterward, I had only a Mulatto who was also a sexton, as an assistant. According to the rules the gates of the forts were closed during divine services; the slaves [378] were driven into their dungeons, and the rattling of the slave chains preceded that worship which was to be dedicated to the God of Love. Changes were made in this practice only when there were foreign merchants there to trade, or when the Europeans’ joyful gatherings at that time required free entry into, and departure from, the Fort. The chaplain delivered an accounting of his administration to the governor or the Council, and this went further, to the Customs House, which, when necessary, gave the information to the Bishop of Skjælland [Sealand]. For the support of the Mulatto children who are given instruction, there has been established a so-called Mulatto Treasury, or Fund, into which every European must contribute several marks monthly, in proportion to his salary. Some adults, especially Mulatto women and Negresses who had had children by Europeans, are supported from this Fund. It was first administered by the governor alone, who gave those concerned their support in goods, by which they sometime lost a great deal. Recently I participated in this administration, and I always operated it so that they were given such things on which they could not lose, especially cowries. When a Negress is so fortunate as to give birth to a Mulatto child, she is entitled to support from this Treasury until the child is grown. The most usual amount given her is 2 rdlr. per month. [379] Gifts are given out monthly. When the Mulatto boys are grown they usually become soldiers, although they are not forced to. The soldier’s lot here is as pleasant as can be imagined, if only he behaves himself fairly well. With the exception of this tax to the Mulatto Treasury, and the fixed offering to the chaplain and sexton - for which each individual in royal sevice is debited from his wages after each of 308 The outwork is actually a ring wall with embrasures, equipped on top with a sharp edge and iron spikes; and within this wall the manual labourers, in particular, have their places of residence.

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TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE VOL. II MONRAD (1805 - 1809)

the high holidays, and when they bring children for baptism (there is no particular account made of voluntary gifts) - the Europeans are not liable for the least official tax. A governor’s fixed offering is 4 rdlr., a commander’s 2 rdlr., and so on, down to 2 marks. In an age when an irreligious and frivolous spirit, in nearly all Christian states, expresses scorn for the divine, and especially for the service of God, one can easily imagine that this opinion would be particularly prevalent in Guinea. It cannot surprise the student of human nature that mockery of the sacred is heard everywhere here, even at times in that place where its glorification should be present. Public attendance [at church services] is generally neglected, with the exception of the few, for ex. the soldiers, who are commanded to attend. There are Europeans who – even because of fetish superstition, so it seems - [380] never dare set foot in the temple. Even communion, that holy symbol, which even in the European lands where the churches often stood empty, but seemed at such times to elevate the hearts of the masses to the abode of the spirits, was absolutely scorned and neglected here. Most of the children had, literally, to be forced to baptism, since, being several years old before they were to be baptised, they frequently had to be brought to baptism under horrendous howling and opposition, during which all formality disappeared. Many were not baptised until they were confirmed, which, in such cases, seems far more correct. Perhaps it has been correct, under such conditions, not to send a chaplain to Guinea; but if they have now changed and strictly follow the government‘s humane regulations, then I dare claim that the Mulatto congregation in Guinea will receive religion’s interpreter with open arms, and that he will be able to perform usefully there. The time seems to be disappearing - God be praised – when one could persuade the administrators of the land that those who are ‘the salt of the earth´ should be its corruptors. I soon realized that, in my inexpressibly grim position as chaplain at such a place, if I were to accomplish the least bit it would have [381] to be among the youth. Nearly every day I preached there was, therefore, more or less dedicated to them. Throughout the year I had catechumens, or, rather, confirmands, either at the main fort or at 274

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CHAPTER FOURTEEN

the easternmost fort, where they were gathered from the two [forts] in between. After my Mulatto assistant’s death I managed the school entirely alone for a long time, and by acting humanely I tried always to honour the religion which my lips preached. This may sound like self-praise, but, as a man who of necessity had to stand in opposition to most of the Europeans I lived with in Guinea - and possibly because of this, some of my fellow-citizens might represent me in another light - I consider it permissible, and a duty toward myself, to report this, whose veracity no one would be able to disprove. Omniscient [God] knows my life, my heart’s suffering there. How often has it not bled for mankind, under the harsh blows of fate! When would I cease if I attempted to describe its bitter sentiments? It was my best, my only comfort that You, oh God! might find my deeds pleasing; since what I might have accomplished is hidden to my eye. Could the young be protected from corrupting examples? Could I remove the fact that even the very work for which they were, to a certain extent, hired, [382] was a disgrace to mankind? Impossible! It is my hope, my heart’s prayer, that a lighter day may shine upon Africa’s beautiful lands, and that Christian colonists may settle there. Then would also the lot of the teacher of religion be more pleasing; since the loving Word of life shall find entrance into the hearts of brothers and be reflected in their conduct. Happy shall I be if I have succeeded in the least thrust, in any way, in hastening that time! Then will I not have lived and suffered in vain.

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Appendix EDICT OF THE KING OF DENMARK 16 MARCH 1792 (This translation is presented as published in The Times, London 21 April 1792) WE, Christian VII, by the Grace of God, King of Denmark and Norway, &c.&c. make known by these presents, That considering the circumstances which occur in the Slave Trade on the Coast of Guinea, and in the transportation of the Negroes from thence to our West India Islands, and impressed with the idea, that it would be in every respect beneficial and profitable, if the importation of new Negroes from the Coast of Guinea could be avoided, and our West India Islands, in process of time, cultivated by Negroes born and bred in the Islands, accustomed from their youth to the manner of labour, the climate, and the disposition of their masters, we, in consequence, have made serious enquiries how far, and when it might be possible to accomplish the Abolition of the said Trade. From the result of these enquiries, We are convinced, that it is possible, and will be advantageous to our West India Islands, to desist from the further purchase of new Negroes, when once the Plantations are stocked with a sufficient number for propagation, and the cultivation of the lands; when pecuniary assistance can be given to those who want to purchase Negroes for their estates; and if proper encouragement was to be given to marriage amongst the Negroes, and due attention paid to their instruction and morals. In order, therefore, to withdraw our West India possessions from the state of dependence under which they have hitherto been, and now are, with respect to the importation of Negroes, and to make the importation of Negroes unnecessary in future, We declare our most

Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

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APPENDIX

gracious will on this subject, and order as follows: 1. From the commencement of the year 1803, We forbid any of our subjects to carry on the Slave Trade from the Coast of Africa, or any other place, except in our West India Islands; so that, after that period, no Negro men or women, either from that Coast or other foreign place, will be allowed to be purchased by or for our subjects, or to be transported in our subjects’ ships, neither must they be brought to our West India Islands for Sale; - and every transaction, contrary to this prohibition, shall (after that period) be deemed unlawful. 2. In the mean time, from the present, until the end of the year 1802, it is permitted to all foreign Nations, without exception, and under all flags, to import Negro men and women from the Coast into our West India Islands. 3. For every healthy and stout Negro man and woman, who (during that period) shall be thus imported into our West India Islands, We permit the following quantities of raw sugar to be exported from our Islands to foreign places either in our own or foreign ships, within a year after the importation of such Negroes, viz. For every full grown Negro man or woman, 2,000 lb. weight may be exported, and for every half grown Negro the half of that quantity, or 1,000 lb. weight, without any difference with regard to sex; but nothing is allowed for the importation of Children. 4. The duty which is fixed, by the ordinances of the 9th of April, 1764, and 12th of May, 1777, (which ordinances in every other respect that regards the Slave Trade, are hereby repealed) on the importation of Slaves, We most graciously take off, with regard to the Negro women, who may be hereafter imported; but on the other hand, We impose a duty of 1-half per Cent, more than what is already stipulated, on the sugar which shall be exported to foreign places, for the purchase of such Negro men and women as are imported. 5. It is, moreover, our will, in order to establish an exact proportion among the different sexes, that from the beginning of 1795 and after, the Negro women and girls, who work in the field, and are 277

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not house Negroes, shall pay no poll tax, but on the contrary, from the above mentioned period, a double poll tax shall be exacted for every Negro man. 6. From this present period, We forbid, in the strongest manner, all exportation of Negro men or women from our West India Islands, they alone being excepted from this prohibition who are expelled by law; or, such as our Governor General and Council in the West Indies, may, upon very extraordinary occasions, think proper, according to circumstances, to permit to depart. Wherefore, this our Royal Will, being made known, We order all and every one to conform to it. Given at our Palace of Christiansborg, in our Royal Place of Residence, Copenhagen, the 16th of March, 1792, under our Royal Hand and Seal, C.R. (Scheel) Hagerup Trant Rosenstund Goisch -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------‘The signatures, rendered by The Times in a slightly misapprehended form, are those of the King, Christian Rex; the three leaders of the Board of Customs, namely Joergen Erik Scheel, Ejler Hagerup, Frederik Carl Trant; and Johan Philip Rosenstand-Goiske, secretary ofthe Board of Customs, and an eager abolitionist himself, has countersigned. Besides the rendering of the names there are no errors in The Times’ translation. Although it is rather free, it represents the content of the Danish text precisely and fully. Only the phrase “and the cultivation of the lands”, added in the preamble, is not found in the Danish original.’1

1

I am indebted to Erik G0bel for the above. See his article ‘The Danish Edict of 16th March 1792 to Abolish the Slave Trade’ in J. Parmentier and S. Spanoghe, eds. Orbis et Orbem...Gent 2006, pp.25 1-264.

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Bibliography Gøbel, Erik ‘The Danish Edict of 16th March 1792 to Abolish the Slave Trade’ in Jan Parmentier and Sander Spanoghe, eds. Orbis et Orbem. Liber amicorum Jan Everært. Gent 2001, pp.251-264. Green-Pedersen, Svend F. ‘Dansk vestindisk slavehandel og dens ophævelse’in Festskrift til KristofGlamann, Eds. O. Feldbrek and N. Thomsen, Odense University Press 1983, pp.51-70 Hernæs, Per O. Slaves, Danes and African Coast Society Trondheim 1995 Hochschild, Adam Bury the Chains: The British Struggle to Abolish Slavery New York, London 2005 Hopkins, Daniel ‘Danish natural history and African colonialism at the close of the eighteenth century: Peter Thonning’s ‘scientific journey’ to the Guinea Coast, 1799-1803’ in Archives of Natural History (1999) 26 (3) 369-418 Isert, Paul Erdmann Letters on West Africa and the Slave Trade (1788) trans. from German and edited by Selena Axelrod Winsnes, British Academy Fontes Comm., Oxford 1992. Second edition SubSaharan Publishers, Accra 2007 Jones, Adam German Sources for West African History 1599 -1669, Wiesbaden, trans. from German and edited 1983 Klein, Herbert S. The Atlantic Slave Trade, Cambridge University Press 1999 Law, Robin Ouidah: The Social History of a West African Slaving ‘Port’ 1727-1892 Athens, Oxford 2004

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TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE VOL. II MONRAD (1805 - 1809)

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Manning, Patrick Slavery and African Life: Occidental, Oriental and African Slave Trades Cambridge University Press 1990 Nørregård, Georg Guvernor Edward Carstensens Indberetninger fra Guinea 1842-1850 Copenhagen 1964 —Danish Settlements in West Africa 1658-1850, Boston, trans. from Danish by Sigurd Mammen 1966 Phillips, Thomas ‘Journal of a Voyage Made in the Hannibal of London’, ann. 1693, 1694 in Awnsham and John Churchill A Collections of Voyages and Travels London, 1732 Rask, Johannes Ferd til og frå Guinea, New Norwegian trans. from Danish by Jostein R. Øvrelid, Oslo 1969 Rømer, Ludewig Ferdinand A Reliable Account of the Coast of Guinea (1760) trans. from Danish and ed. by Selena Axelrod Winsnes, British Academy Fontes Comm. Oxford 1992 Rønning, F. ‘Den grundtvigske Slægt og Guineakysten’ in Højskolebladet XXVIII 1903, pp. 778-788. Tilleman, Erick A Short and Simple Account of the Country Guinea and its Nature (1697), Wisconsin-Madison, trans. from Danish and edited by Selena Axelrod Winsnes 1994 Walckenaer, C.A. A paraphrase of H.C. Monrad in Collection des Relations de Voyages, Tome XII, Parish 1842, pp.366-482.

Unpublished thesis Berg, Kjerstin Lagesen ‘...i Afrika ligger en ubetalelig Skat: DanmarkNorges plantasjeanlegg på Gullkysten 1788-1811’, Ph.D. thesis, NTNU Trondheim 1997.

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asaphare/-ing 70,81 asapho-s 75,79 Ashantee-s 27,66,69,72-5,86-87,90,91,98, 102,103,106,107,109,117,154,160, 170-71,215,218,244; King of 73, 91, 92, 107, 154,198,218,244; head of King 87 Augna [Anlo] 46,72,73,176 axes 73,92,103,105,175,245

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Index Abbe fetish 59 abolition 6,7,8,11,17,24,37,212,218,230, 231,278 Abunsa 45 acca[oath]53: acca man 55,56,83; `eat fetish´54,83; test innocence 56 Actim 70 Acutim 93,166,218 Adda [Ada]41,42,52,59,73-75,82,108,114, 137,139,147,149 adultery 62,69,79,217,218 Agraphie 52,53,74,82 aggrey beads 153 ambassador 86,91,109 America/n28,38,128,160,190,207,212, 213,215-217,221,223,224,231,272 animals: sacred 52,53,118; antelopes 104,111-13,118,124,126,149,167; apes 167;boar 112,118,126;buffaloes 113-14,125,128;bush dog 52; civet cat 117,125,180; cows 127,176; crocodiles 52,124,137-39,162.180;dogs 52,116, 124,127-129,132,215;goats 98,124, 127,169,176;elephant 53,116,123, 136,188,214; hippopotamus 113,136, 162;horses 55,128,219; jackal 44,52, 94,97,118,122,124; porcupine 107,126127,219; sheep 128,176 Annabon 249 anthill: 148,198; sacred 48-50 Aqvapim/s[Akuapem]71,73,75,88,91,99, 109,112,116,119,129,153,155,165, 166,170,172,184,196,232,234,236-239, 245 Arabia 89,216 aristocracy 90

banquets 249,264 Barbados 241 Barbary Coasts 90,218 basin was struck 84 beads38,62,66,93,153,154,181,183,194, 212 beard 74,180 beauty 69,73,152 Benin 123,128,240,255; Bight of 105 Bibiase 234-35,237 Big Boy Krie 81 Big Man 42,104 Bight of Biafra 239,241,245 Bimbia 240-41 birds 52,53,94,113,119,125,130-36,142, 147-49,155,168,177,179,180,221 birth 64-5,95,114,168,273; die in childbirth 222 black [skin] colour; 6,33,65-6,208, 219,267; pale Negroes 66 blood 46,53-4,96,145,164,220,227,267 bombefois 116-17,126,136,169 books: at creation 33 ;at funerals 33 Bowdich 12,27,28 bowlegged 64 brafoe 77,79 brandy 20,35,38-40,50,53-4,56,59, 61,75,81, 83,103,107,114,168-69, 175,179, 185-86,193,195,198,212-13,217,237 brass basins 54,61 Brazil/-ians 100,160,177,192,212,223-24, 248 burial/bury 38,43-6,64,72, 106-07,124,137,171,242-43,255; not buried 94. See also funeral cabes 47,79,85-6,195 cabuseer 28,42,54-5,75-6,79,82,92-3, 99,120,184

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TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE VOL. II MONRAD (1805 - 1809) Cameroon 10,240,245,250 cannon/s:39,40,74,82,98,100,108,144, 225,236,250,255,259-60,262 canoes 78,105,113,119-22,129,136-39, 141,154,168,169,176-79,223,244,246, 250,253,254 cap 53,67,110-11,175,180,193,212,248 Captain Parker 101 caress 36 casa 61,66 casarres 61-3,67,70,71. See also marriage castaways 34,242,246 castration 71-2 Catholic/-ism 231,248-49 Cerberus 41 Chaplain von Dieppen 78 chastity 35,67,270 children 24,37,46,61,63-6,68,71,81,98,93, 95-7,117,168,180-81,198,207,217,222, 224,227,230,252,260,270,273,274,277 china 202,204-05 christening 65 church at Christiansborg 272 cinque sous 56,142,178; season/feast 56,75; custom 57 circumcision 66 Clote Lagoon 99 coffin 38-9; 41-44; 48,107 Commandant/Commander Flindt 167, 234; Richter 76;Thessen 76,88; White 103 confirmation 67 council (Negro) 70,75,81,84 cowries 38,50,54-5,86,112,114,189,194-5 , 212,214-15,273 created [myths] 32-3,129 Crepee 45,69,73,93,95,102,104,130,164, 166, 218 custom/make custom: burial custom 107; casarre 61,63,66; cinque sous 57;‘death custom’ 44-5; panties 67; ‘yams custom’56; funeral for animal 52 Dacubie/Daccubie;plantation 85 Dahomey 73,123 dance/-cing 33,42,44,56-7,59-60,62,67, 74,81,82,106,114,120,137,154,15859,185,188,222,225,265 dance fetish 60

Dane guns 212 debt 43,70,76,85,94,96,137,164,217,251, 254,272; ´whore palaver‘ 69 decorum 37,67,170 democracy 90 Denmark 6,7,9,23,42,95,100,116,152, 194,201,210,218,228,247,265,276 desertion of slaves 59 devil 45 dreams 47,184,204 drinking 20,33,34,35,36,40,54,56,60,63, 65,79,104,107,111,114,119,140,156, 162-63,168,175,184,186,197,198,201, 206,208,211,225,252,263,264,265 drought 50 Duncos 105 dust 40,56,171,178,200 `Eiebo´ plantation 233-34 Estate-Negroes 36 eunuchs 72 executioners 73,223,245 express their thanks 60 Fantee/-s 45,66,69,73,92,98,102,106-09, 117,164,194,195,212,218 feasts 40,48,56,57,60,67,75,91 fetish 19,32 et passim fetish days 84,120 Fernando Po 245,247 figure/-s 49,50,51,107,117,178,180, 190-92,197 fines 70-71,269 firewood 56,63 fish 9,56-7,67,78,125,112,120-21, 135-37,139-44,147,152,184-5,224; cinque-sous 56,57,75,142,178 fishing 56,78,07,119,120,134,137,143 Forts: Akim 172; Annamabu 103,107; Augustaborg 74,258,260,261; Cape Coast18,19,27,103,172,254.257,260; Christiansborg7,10,19,52,74,76,78,94, 101 -103,108,119,120,149,165,171, 172,194,232,240,254,256 - 259,261, 278; Fredensborg 38 42,68,70,73.74. 76,82,117,119,120,123,125,166,172, 251,254,258,260,261, in ruins 236; Frederiksborg 19,254; Kongensteen 42,52,71,73,74,81,82,114,115,119,

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INDEX 125,129,165,167,194,233,234,236, 237,258,260,261,268; Princensteen/sten 46,52,73 -77,96, 119,138; Prøvesten [redoubt] 44,108,238,260 261; St. George della Mina 78,255, 260; St. Jago [taken by Dutch]255; St. James [ James Fort]90,99,100,261; William /William’s Fort 73,261; Winnebah 102,117,260 friendship 35,89,256 funeral 33,34,38,42,48,52,66,94,107,189; cross the Rio volta 41

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Gaboon 156,240,247 gold 19,35,38,52,53,54,56,62,66,67,86, 91,93,99,104,107,128,153,168,170 - 72, 177,180,181,182,183,190,191,195,201, 212,213,219,232,245,248,258 Governors: Bjørn 22,76,244.272; Hagebaum 77; Kiøge 36,42,233; Thomson 229;Torrane 92; Schønning 239 grandees 75,79,93 gratitude 36,37,40 grieving 41: gunpowder:10,11,47,61,93,148,149,204, 209,212,226,251 guns 40,116,212,219,245,248 harmattan 150,153,178,180,200,240,261 haunting 48 Hebrew 89 Herrenhuter [Moravian Brethren] 251 hospitality 34 household equipment 197 idols 50 illness: boils and rashes 208;Coast fever 53,202,203,205,243 ;cold fever 200,205;cripples rare 207;eye weakness 207; homesickness 204;Guinea worm 210 -11; smallpox 209; `seasoning´ 53, 202; `white river´208; yellow fever 206,209; Europeans never grow old 266 images 32,49,197,205,272 incision 68,182,204,210 infertile 64 inheritance 90 insulted 32,59

interpreter 81,90,213,274 inventory Negroes 37,85,226,235,259 - 260 Isert 7,11,17,20,21,22,23.24,26,32,34,36, 46,64,68,73,76,112,124,134,153.165, 171,172,200,206,226,232,239,264, 266,267 ivory 91,136,177,181,212,247,269 Jemmavong 57 Jongmaa 32,33,37,129,252 kente 192,205,227 Keta, see Qvitta Kommang 165 Kuku 95,235,236 Labodei [Labadi] 51,52,57,74,99,131 Lagos 66,161,170,176,241,242,243,255 Legon Hill 235,237 libation 168,175 Loango 128,231 lumo 78 madness 58,59 maize 35,39,50,54,56,60,63,68,81,91,104, 114,132,133,160,172,174,176,179,184, 208,213,225,234,238,241 Malphie.[Mlefe] 26,74,176 mamu 60,104,185 marriage 31,61,63,69,147,270,276; betrothal 61. See also cassare Merchant Meier 237 metaphors/expressions 80,198 miserliness 38 mistress 68,182,188 Mohammedan 89 moon/light 33,43,115,159,185,199,200, 201 Moorish writings 89 Moors 89,90,193,243,244 mosquitoes 115,148,150,151,168,196 mourning 40,43 Mulatto men 62,63,67; Mulatto women 62,183,189,270,273 Mulatto Treasury 273 Mungo Park 90,169 murder 58,76,77,78,83,87,88,89,93,99, 216,217,234,240,250 music/ians 33,39,42,44,45,57,60,62,79,

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TWO VIEWS FROM CHRISTIANSBORG CASTLE VOL. II MONRAD (1805 - 1809) 81,186 - 88,219 musket 40,44,57,104,108,111,112,167, 169. See also guns. naming ceremony 65 New Year 57,75 Ningo 38,52,68,70,74,97,112,117,251,254

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Ouidah, see Vida palaver 42,44,69,77,79,81-5,87,89,90,91,92, 93,109,188,198,234;turn the palaver 83; hear and speak palaver79 palm wine 35,68,159,168,169,175,185, 208 panties 39 et passim panyar/-ed/-ing:57,58,79,82,85,86,114,154, 188,215,220 parrot feathers 66 Pastor Grundtvig 11,269 Patagonians 77 patriarchal 74,90 pawn/-ed/-ing 93,94,154 pipes 41,47,61,63,75,184,259,260,264 plantation/-s 7-10,23,24,28,59,82,84,85, 95,103,104,109,112,117,118,119, 126,129,130,132,133,136,139,144, 149,157,158,159,162,165,166,172. 173,174,175,196,231 - 40,276 plants: `prikkelthorn´ 44,;bananas 63,159; gobbegobber56,160.185,225; maize 35,39.50,54,56,60,63,68,81,91, 104,132, 133,160,172,174,176,179,184-85,208, 215,225,234,238,241; plantain 43,53, 63, 120,150,158,159,193,204,263 pointed cap 53,180,193 poison/-ed/-ing;47,83,84,91,113,115, 137,144-45,150,161-64, 221, 225, 245; gall 137,162 Popo 73,138,141,153,163,176,237,251 Portuguese 26,32,33,42,47,56,61,66,68,75, 84,89,100,109,128,163,177,18,192,195, 207,212,215,223-24,231,242,245,247, 249,253-56,261 possessed 57,60,83,114,158,188 post bearer 82 pregnant 64,80,95,222,270 Prince Island 192

procession 57,64,82,192 promiscuous 63 property 35,45,48,58,62,69,87,90,158, 239,258 Puni/-e [Kpone] 74,93,120 punishment 10,45,53,72,77,85,88,92,93, 106,117,217,227,268-69 pytho/pytto 35,68,81,169,175,185,196,208 quarries 165 quarters 77,79,109,153,167 Qvitta [Keta] 52,60,74-77,88,92,119,169, 176,177,193,236 red earth 49,60 revenge 32,37,46,51,76-8,83,87,88,93, 180,240 rings 62,181,183,191 Rivers: Lagos 161,241,243; Sacuma 26,69,194;Rio Volta 69,91,105,119,121, 130,135,136,137,138,139,154,155,165, 166,192, 194,211,232,233,237, 243,258 rosarre 84,238 Rømer 11,17,20,21,38,69,73,149,163, 214,230,254,256,258,263, 270,280 St. Thome 249 Salem-puris 43 salaries 127,213,271 salt production 191 schattoe 112,184,185 secret/-s 35,54,77,81,133,189,206,207 Senegal 127,169 seraglios 63,190 shackle (of gold) 91 Sierra Leone 229,231 sing/-ing33,45,56,59,137,186,187 sit/-s on the fetish 59,88 slave/-s/ trade 7,8,9,10,11,17,19,20, 24,27,28,31,37,69,89,98,127,139,163, 172,205,212 ff.,230,231,232,233,234, 240,247,265,268,276,277,278,279; slave revolt 226;slaves’ reactions 220221; slaves drowned 225-226; milder on Portuguese ships 223-24 snake 91,115-116,144-48,162,194 Spaniards 212,245

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INDEX speech 42,48,55,62,80,81,83,198,239,249 stool 40,79,80,180,191,197,257 suicide 46-7,217,228 sword/-s 55,73,76,91,104,108,109,121, 141,212,230,245 tekle181-82 temperamen 38,228 Teneriffa 241 Themma 74 Thessen/Thessing [Teshie] 74 thievery 20,35,228 Thonning, Councillor Peter 5,9,152,279 tobacco35,38,41,54,56,61,63,75,111,169, 175,177,184,193,212,215 toffo [atoffo] 182 torture 43,45,92,106,164,187,216,221,250 traps 87,104,117-19,124 tribute 75,103,168,177 Tuberuku 138 Turks 89

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Ussue [Osu] 34,37,44,49,52,64,74,75,79,83, 84,85,98,118 Vida[Whydah/Ouidah] 73,123,128,194, 255,261 voluptuousness 67 warehouse Negroes 87 whipped 58,69,164,217,222 white earth 50,54,59,81,83,97 white slave 242 wife 35,36,59,62,69-71,90,217,218, 223,230; beast of burden 63; wives 69,72,90,190,198,230,260; midwives 64 Wilberforce 8,21 witch/-es 96,136,217 yams 56,63,75,91,160,174,175,185,208, 225,234.238,245,263; custom 56 young men 13,63,66,75 young women 66,71,220

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Copyright © 2010. Sub-Saharan Publishers & Traders. All rights reserved. Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan

Copyright © 2010. Sub-Saharan Publishers & Traders. All rights reserved. Two Views from Christiansborg Castle Vol II : A Description of the Guinea Coast and Its Inhabitants, Sub-Saharan Publishers