Turkey, Greece, and the “Borders” of Europe : Images of Nations in the West German Press 1950–1975 9783865968876, 9783865964410

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MEDIEN UND POLITISCHE KOMMUNIKATION – NAHER OSTEN UND ISLAMISCHE WELT / MEDIA AND POLITICAL COMMUNICATION – MIDDLE EAST AND ISLAM

Turkey, Greece, and the “Borders” of Europe Images of Nations in the West German Press 1950 –1975 Douglas Reynolds

Frank & Timme Verlag für wissenschaftliche Literatur

Douglas Reynolds Turkey, Greece, and the “Borders” of Europe

Medien und politische Kommunikation – Naher Osten und islamische Welt / Media and Political Communication – Middle East and Islam, Band 22 Herausgegeben von Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez, Universität Erfurt und Jun.-Prof. Dr. Carola Richter, FU Berlin (in Nachfolge der gleichnamigen Schriftenreihe beim Deutschen Orient-Institut, Hamburg 2000 bis 2005, Band 1 bis 10)

Douglas Reynolds

Turkey, Greece, and the “Borders” of Europe Images of Nations in the West German Press 1950 –1975

Verlag für wissenschaftliche Literatur

Umschlagabbildung: © white – Fotolia.com; © ferkelraggae – Fotolia.com

ISSN 1863-4486 ISBN 978-3-86596-441-0 © Frank & Timme GmbH Verlag für wissenschaftliche Literatur Berlin 2013. Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Das Werk einschließlich aller Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlags unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Herstellung durch das atelier eilenberger, Taucha bei Leipzig. Printed in Germany. Gedruckt auf säurefreiem, alterungsbeständigem Papier. www.frank-timme.de

Acknowledgements

It is to my doctoral advisors, Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez and Prof. Dr. Birgit Schäbler, whom I am indebted most for the successful completion of this dissertation. Their cooperative and supportive attitude toward the project, as well as their assistance to me over the years, were of essential importance. I am also deeply grateful to the FAZIT-Stiftung for its generous financial support, without which this dissertation would have never gotten off the ground.

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Table of Contents 1. Introduction ....................................................................................................... 1 1.1. Current State of Research ........................................................................ 7 1.2. Research Questions ................................................................................23 2. Theoretical Assumptions ................................................................................25 2.1. Images of Nations – Images, Stereotypes Prejudices, Enemy Images ..25 2.2. Frames, Themes and Discourses ............................................................31 2.3. Mental Maps ..........................................................................................34 3. Methodology ...................................................................................................38 3.1. The Selected Newspapers ......................................................................38 3.1.1. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung .................................................39 3.1.2. Süddeutsche Zeitung ...................................................................40 3.1.3. Frankfurter Rundschau...............................................................41 3.1.4. BILD-Zeitung ..............................................................................42 3.2. Methods ..................................................................................................43 3.2.1. Quantitative versus Qualitative Content Analysis ......................43 3.2.2. Qualitative Content Analysis: Text Interpretation, Case Studies and Categories .......................................................44 3.2.3 Status of Primary Resources .......................................................48 4. Historical Background ....................................................................................50 4.1. Antecedent Perceptions of the Turks in Western Europe ......................50 4.1.1. Religion and the Formation of European-Turkish Alterity ..........................................................50 4.1.2. Cultural Images from Greco-Roman Antiquity ..........................52 4.1.3. Cultural Perceptions and Political Cooperation during the Ottoman Zenith .....................................................................55 4.1.4. Developments in the Image of the Turk during the 18th Century ................................................................................58 4.1.5. German-Turkish Cooperation and Negative Images of Turks in the Mid-19th Century ....................................................61 4.1.6. Orientpolitik and Positive Resonance in German Image Generation of Turks ....................................................................64 4.1.7. Intensified Cooperation, Alliance and Resonance in German Image Generation of Turks ...........................................69 iii

4.1.8. Image Generation of Turkey in the Weimar Republic and Nazi Germany: Continued Positive Developments .............75 4.2. Antecedent Perceptions of the Greeks in Western Europe ....................84 5. Press Analyses ................................................................................................88 5.1. The Cyprus Crises of 1963–64, 1967, and 1974: Turkey and Greece as Intervening Powers .........................................................88 5.1.1. Synopsis of Events......................................................................89 5.1.2. Frankfurter Rundschau...............................................................95 5.1.3. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung ...............................................107 5.1.4. Süddeutsche Zeitung .................................................................128 5.1.5. The Newspaper Results in Comparison....................................148 5.2. Images of Democracy in Turkey and Greece: Selected Elections .......149 5.2.1. Contemporary Party and Electoral Systems: Overview ...........150 5.2.2. Synopsis of Selected Election Results ......................................153 5.2.3. Frankfurter Rundschau.............................................................163 5.2.4. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung ...............................................182 5.2.5. Süddeutsche Zeitung .................................................................212 5.2.6. The Newspaper Results in Comparison....................................243 5.3. Images of Democracy in Turkey and Greece: The Military Coups .....246 5.3.1. Synopsis of Events....................................................................247 5.3.2. Frankfurter Rundschau.............................................................250 5.3.3. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung ...............................................261 5.3.4. Süddeutsche Zeitung .................................................................271 5.3.5. The Newspaper Results in Comparison....................................281 5.4. Travel Reports, Tourism and Culture ..................................................283 5.4.1. Frankfurter Rundschau.............................................................284 5.4.2. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung ...............................................314 5.4.3. Süddeutsche Zeitung .................................................................361 5.4.4. The Newspaper Results in Comparison....................................406 5.5. Images of Turkish and Greek Guest Workers in West Germany ........410 5.5.1. Frankfurter Rundschau.............................................................411 5.5.2. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung ...............................................431 5.5.3. Süddeutsche Zeitung .................................................................453 5.5.4. BILD-Zeitung ............................................................................470 5.5.5. The Newspaper Results in Comparison....................................475

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6. Conclusions ...................................................................................................480 6.1. Images of Turkey and Turks in the Selected Media and their Developments over the Research Period .............................................480 6.2. The Comparison with Greece and its Significance for this Study .......487 6.3. Closing Thoughts .................................................................................491 7. Bibliography .................................................................................................493 7.1. Primary Sources ...................................................................................493 7.1.1. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung ...............................................493 7.1.2. Süddeutsche Zeitung .................................................................505 7.1.3. Frankfurter Rundschau.............................................................520 7.1.4. BILD-Zeitung ............................................................................531 7.2. Secondary Sources ...............................................................................531

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1. Introduction The ongoing political debate regarding the admission of Turkey into the European Union and the widespread societal interest in the matter have made research concerning the relationship between this nation and Europe particularly desirable, as the debate both receives impetus from and resonates into the academic discussion. Factors such as separation of church and state, EU absorbing capacity in economic terms and the question of human rights play a significant, if not primary role. Supporters of EU expansion have viewed the Christian religion more as a result of historical developments in Europe than as a basis of the European community. Furthermore, the European Union is intended to be a pluralist entity: “The European Union does not define itself by a common religion, ethnicity, language or fixed territorial borders; considering these elements, the Union understands itself to be a pluralistic community.”1 Nonetheless, concepts and perceptions of what is intrinsic to Europe and what is foreign, in many cases best summarized by the term culture2, play a significant role in the debate: “At the center of the political debate about EU-membership for Turkey is not so much the issue of economic disparities between the EU and Turkey, but rather possible cultural differences.”3 Despite numerous instances of positive interaction between the Ottoman Empire and Europe over many centuries, present-day perceptions of Turkey and Europe often stem from a propagated or perceived historical clash/contradistinction of Orient and Occident, in which the dichotomy of Islam and Christianity constitutes a prominent factor. Indeed, Bülent Küçük has spoken of a present-day renaissance of Orientalistic and Occidentalist resources in European and Turkish identity construction4; the history of this perceived historical alterity continues to influence present European populations through secondary experience, in that it maintains or recreates mental maps, stereotypes, and prejudices. In addition to secondary experience steeped in historical cultural factors, there is primary experience based on interaction with Muslim Turkish minorities in European countries. 1

Jürgen Gerhards: Europäische Werte- Passt die Türkei kulturell zur EU? In: Das Parlament. Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte B 38/2004. Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. Berlin, 2004. p. 14. (Translation D.R.) 2 Alexander Thomas defines culture as a typical system of orientation for a nation, society or group, which is comprised of, inter alia, symbols, values, norms, behavioral patterns and attitudes. See Alexander Thomas: Psychologische Aspekte interkulturellen Lernens im Rahmen wissenschaftlicher Weiterbildung. In: Jahrbuch Deutsch als Fremdsprache 22/1996. Iudicium Verlag. München, 1996. p. 128. 3 Gerhards: Europäische Werte, p. 15. (Translation D.R.) 4 Bülent Küçük: Die Türkei und das andere Europa. Phantasmen der Identität im Beitrittsdiskurs. Dissertation: Fachbereich Philosophie. Humboldt Universität zu Berlin. Transcript Verlag. Bielefeld, 2008. p. 13.

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Supporters of EU expansion have viewed the Christian religion more as a result of historical developments in Europe than as a basis of the European community. Furthermore, the European Union is intended to be a pluralist entity: “The European Union does not define itself by a common religion, ethnicity, language or fixed territorial borders; considering these elements, the Union understands itself to be a pluralistic community.”5 Nonetheless, concepts and perceptions of what is intrinsic to Europe and what is foreign, in many cases best summarized by the term culture6, play a significant role in the debate: “At the center of the political debate about EU-membership for Turkey is not so much the issue of economic disparities between the EU and Turkey, but rather possible cultural differences.”7 Despite numerous instances of positive interaction between the Ottoman Empire and Europe over many centuries, present-day perceptions of Turkey and Europe often stem from a propagated or perceived historical clash or contradistinction of Orient and Occident, in which the dichotomy of Islam and Christianity constitutes a prominent factor. Indeed, Bülent Küçük has spoken of a present-day renaissance of Orientalistic and Occidentalist resources in European and Turkish identity construction8; the history of this perceived historical alterity continues to influence present European populations through secondary experience, in that it maintains or recreates mental maps, stereotypes, and prejudices. In addition to secondary experience steeped in historical cultural factors, there is primary experience based on interaction with Muslim Turkish minorities in European countries. Confirmation of this in the machinery of EU expansion and integration can be seen in the fact that Greece’s entry into the European Community (EC) in 1981 was not accompanied by any debate of comparable magnitude. Geographical proximity, regionally determined similarities, and centuries of shared history made Greece the European country that resembled Turkey most before its admission into the EC in 1981. Yet the predominant religion of Greece is Christianity, and the association of the modern country with ancient Hellas and its corresponding designation as the cradle of Western civilization, constituted major factors in its relatively frictionless accession to the EC. 5

Jürgen Gerhards: Europäische Werte- Passt die Türkei kulturell zur EU? In: Das Parlament. Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte B 38/2004. Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. Berlin, 2004. p. 14. (Translation D.R.) 6 Alexander Thomas defines culture as a typical system of orientation for a nation, society or group, which is comprised of, inter alia, symbols, values, norms, behavioral patterns and attitudes. See Alexander Thomas: Psychologische Aspekte interkulturellen Lernens im Rahmen wissenschaftlicher Weiterbildung. In: Jahrbuch Deutsch als Fremdsprache 22/1996. Iudicium Verlag. München, 1996. p. 128. 7 Gerhards: Europäische Werte, p. 15. (Translation D.R.) 8 Bülent Küçük: Die Türkei und das andere Europa. Phantasmen der Identität im Beitrittsdiskurs. Dissertation: Fachbereich Philosophie. Humboldt Universität zu Berlin. Transcript Verlag. Bielefeld, 2008. p. 13.

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Given this discrepancy, comparison with image generation of Greece is of particular interest for analyses of European perceptions of Turkey, and will therefore be undertaken in this study. Although positive and negative images of Turks existed over the centuries of interaction between the Ottomans and Europeans, Turks were generally viewed as culturally disparate from the onset of their appearance on the European continent, with successive conflicts between the Islamic Ottoman Empire and Christian states continually providing incitation for negative imagery. Yet a special, often overlooked element exists in the Turkish relationship with Germany, the strongest economic and financial contributor to the European Union. Admittedly, perceptions and mental maps from historical confrontations with the Ottoman Empire continue to exist in all European countries, yet the German relationship with Turkey, and likewise German perceptions of the Turks, constitute a special case. In the 19th century, a new era of bilateral relations between the Ottoman and German governments began, characterized by Realpolitik.9 The relations between the two countries improved from 1890 onwards, and eventually led to a military alliance during the Great War, effectuating hitherto unparalleled positive image generation of Turkey in a European nation. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923 and his subsequent reforms represented a profound break with the Ottoman past and a great step towards Europe. Among other things, the dismantlement of the Ottoman Empire gave the new country the chance to effectively implement European institutions and curb the influence of Islam. Relations with Germany remained good during the Weimar Period, and lucrative bilateral trade relations were maintained. Furthermore, certain intellectual currents in Germany praised the rebirth and strength of the Turks, highlighting the Westernization of the country. After 1933, critical trade interdependencies remained a pillar upon which good relations were maintained between Turkey and National Socialist Germany. Thus, from 1890 to 1944, a relative continuity of positive German-Turkish diplomatic relations existed, which acted as a catalyst for positive German image generation of Turkey. Complementing this was the fact that by the time real representational democracy was introduced in 1950, the Turkish elite had managed to convince many intellectuals that Turkey had become “Western”. In light of this exceptional relationship, as well as the intensified negotiations concerning possible Turkish EU accession, the acceptance of which would have enormous 9

Curd-Torsten Weick: Die Schwierige Balance. Kontinuitäten und Brüche deutscher Türkeipolitik. LIT Verlag. Hamburg, 2001. p. 23.

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political and social consequences in Germany and Europe, analyses of German images of Turkey are extremely topical. Particularly so are analyses of image generation of Turkey during the period between the Second World War and the present, for although contemporary German perceptions of Turkey are widely considered to be negative, this was not clearly the case in the early- and mid-20th century. This study of German image generation of Turkey will begin with the year 1950, which witnessed the historic election by which the voice of the Turkish masses became a major factor in the country’s politics for the first time. The analysis period, which spans from 1950 to 1975, is highly relevant for several reasons. During this period Turkey’s democracy and Western orientation underwent several challenges, in which the loosened autocratic grip of the “Westernized” secular elites, rebounding “Oriental” or “Islamic” elements of the pre-Atatürk heritage, as well as economic, social, and demographic developments played a considerable role. In addition to these underlying and gradual developments, Turkish democracy was abruptly put on hiatus by military coup twice, in 1960 and 1971. Internationally, certain crises and conflicts concerning Cyprus brought Turkey into the spotlight of global interest in the context of an intra-NATO and therefore intra“Western” feud, bringing some to question Turkey’s place in the West. An intensifying relationship with Europe, well exemplified by Turkey’s accession to the Council of Europe (1949), NATO (1952) and the OECD (1961), as well as its attempts to join the European Community, put the country under closer scrutiny in Western Europe. Furthermore, the initially strong political cooperation and self-perception of the “free” “Western” world loosened gradually during this period; while fear of the Soviet Union provided a strong binding element for non-communist and therefore “Western” nations in the 1950’s, usage of the term Western or even European became less liberal over subsequent years. Developments in Western images of Islam, e.g. in the wake of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the resulting 1973 oil crisis, were a likely factor in image generation of Turkey as well, it being a predominantly Muslim country. Lastly, a considerable factor in the present discourse regarding Turkey’s place in Europe concerns the Turkish community living therein; in Germany this dimension of interaction with Turks, namely that of first-hand contact on a societal level, was initiated by an influx of Turkish guest workers between 1961 and 1973. Concentration upon a selection of major (West) German newspapers, as will be placed in this study, is highly expedient and useful for analyzing German images of Turkey and Turks during the period. The media’s permanent presence in texts, images and audio, as well as its selective furnishing of information, part of the determination of 4

the public discourse, makes it a former and modifier of (collective) consciousness10 and public opinion. When one considers Walter Lippmann’s view of the public, which he claimed did not see the world directly but rather through “pictures” (partial constructions of reality) that constitute public opinion(s) (pictures constitute public opinions of individuals, and those pictures that are acted upon by groups or in their name are the public opinion)11, the importance of media images becomes clearer. While there has been much dispute over the nature and influence of the public, it, the public sphere from which it arises, and the public opinion which it participates in forming, are considered elements a democratic state cannot function without. In addition to the formative role media plays in the public sphere (an estimated 80 percent of human knowledge comes from media sources in modern democracies12), it is also generally considered a gateway between policy makers and citizens13; the publication and broadcasting of programs, intentions, demands and goals of both the public and government establishes communication between the two.14 Despite differing theories concerning levels of influence in the interaction between the public, media and government15, the media has enormous political significance. It influences the majorities that political power in a democracy is dependent on through its role in forming public opinion16, and enables the communication processes by which representative government is legitimized and held accountable to voters. In addition to enjoying broad powers in reporting, information-providing and intermediation, media also judges and evaluates.17 It orientates with news, something that occurs not only with the selective furnishing of information, but also with language

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Rolf Stober: Medien als vierte Gewalt – zur Verantwortung der Massenmedien. In: Gerhard W. Wittkämper (Ed.): Medien und Politik. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Darmstadt, 1992. p. 29. 11 Walter Lippmann: Public Opinion. Penguin Books. New York, 1946. p. 20. 12 Hermann Meyn: Massenmedien in Deutschland. Landeszentrale für politische Bildungsarbeit Berlin (Ed.) . UVK Verlagsgesellschaft. Konstanz, 2001. p. 34. 13 Gerd Strohmeier: Politik und Massenmedien. Eine Einführung. Nomos Verlag. Baden-Baden, 2004. p. 179. 14 Markus Stöckler: Politik und Medien in der Informationsgesellschaft. Ein systemtheoretisch basierter Untersuchungsansatz. Studien zur Politikwissenschaft. Abt. B, Forschungsberichte und Dissertationen. Bd. 69 LIT Verlag. Univ. Dissertation. Münster, 1991. p. 26. 15 Some important theories are the political economy theory, social organization theory, the social theory of newsmaking, the cultural perspective theory, the news selection and construction theories. The political economy and social organization theories maintain that primary influence emanates from the state. The social theory of newsmaking and the cultural perspective theory emphasize the public’s influence as preponderant. On the other hand, the media enjoys this influence in the news selection and construction theories. There is also the concept of the supersystem, in which the lines between the political system and the media become indistinct. 16 Dieter Fuchs: Eine Metatheorie des demokratischen Prozesses. Discussion Paper FS III 93–202. Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung. Berlin, 1993. p. 61. 17 Stober: Medien als vierte Gewalt, p. 29.

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and image. The press, which is still considered the primary media organ18 and the manifestation of the discursive public sphere, is especially significant: It is the organ for monitoring and criticizing the political, economic and cultural life of the country.19 Like other media organs, the interests and viewpoints of newspapers and magazines are not only expressed through the selection of events and sources, but also through manipulative usage of words and images.20 Another reason why the press remains particularly important is the fact that it has been ascribed structural advantages in the impartation of knowledge. For example, daily newspapers provide a high amount of information and allow the reader to determine the pace at which information is assimilated.21 Moreover, the voice of the media is openly perceptible in the newspaper commentary, which has particular influence on public opinion, especially with regard to politics.22 The media’s influence is not limited to domestic matters, as social discourses also encompass questions involving foreign policy and other international issues. Here it significantly impacts such discourses through its determination of which issues are discussed and which are not23, and correspondingly it is involved in influencing foreign policy. In addition to its power to determine which foreign issues are discussed, the media can put pressure on policy makers through its role in the formation, articulation and representation of public opinion (policy makers can also influence foreign news coverage by enlisting media for public relations work pertaining to their foreign policy).24 Policy makers generally receive less feedback from the public about foreign matters than they do about domestic issues, and hence they often resort to media to obtain it. The press is a preferred medium in this regard, distinguished newspapers with national circulation in particular. In research concerning news about foreign countries, for which the general public is especially reliant upon secondary information sources, such newspapers are of primary importance; they provide the most extensive coverage in

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Strohmeier: Politik und Massenmedien, p. 28. Reinhart Ricker / Christine Seehaus: Medienrecht. In: Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann / Winfried Schulz / Jürgen Wilke (Ed.): Fischer Lexikon Publizistik, Massenkommunikation. Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag. Frankfurt am Main, 2009. p. 267. 20 Christiane Eilders / Friedhelm Neidhardt / Barbara Pfetsch: Die Stimme der Medien. Pressekommentare und politische Öffentlichkeit in der Bundesrepublik. Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Wiesbaden, 2004. p.12. 21 Rainer Mathes: Was wissen wir von den Wirkungen der Presse? Wer Zeitung liest, weiß mehr. In: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung / Otto B. Roegele (Ed.): Die Presse in der deutschen Medienlandschaft. Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, Themenheft 6. Bonner Universitäts-Buchdruckerei. Bonn, 1985. p. 36. 22 Eilders / Neidhardt / Pfetsch: Die Stimme der Medien, pp. 12, 13. 23 Kai Hafez: Die politische Dimension der Auslandsberichterstattung. Band 1 – Theoretische Grundlagen. Nomos Verlag. Baden-Baden, 2002. pp. 183, 184. 24 Ibid. p. 184. 19

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this area and send out opinion forming impulses to other media organs, as well as to those leading influential members of society who take interest in foreign affairs.25 Thus, the continued significance of the press constitutes a strong argument for the expediency of analyzing images of Turkey in major newspapers. 1.1.

Current State of Research

European images of Turks have been a topic of considerable interest in German and English language academic literature in recent decades. Indeed, with regard to those which existed between the Middle Ages and the 19th century, there exists a great quantity of literature. While most of these works concentrate on a particular pre-20th century period, there have been attempts to determine and interpret such images from the appearance of the Turks until the 20th century. Some of these studies are of relevance, as they provide overviews of relevant developments which continued into this study’s period of analysis. One such study by Nedret Kuran-Burçoğlu concluded that European images of Turks, which were characterized by a detestation of their religion and a fear of their military prowess from the Middle Ages to the second siege of Vienna in 1683, were later replaced by predominantly pejorative associations of Turks with weak colonized peoples in the 19th century. Yet she also claimed that positive bilateral relations between the late Ottoman Empire and European powers, the exemplary case being relations with Imperial Germany, could temporarily modify images of Turks. Of further interest is her conclusion that the positive image of Turkey (and Turks) won by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s reforms in the 1920’s was undone by images of Turkish guest workers from the 1960’s onwards, which were characterized by negative clichés (e.g. uneducated, conservative, mistrusting ghetto inhabitants).26 In another study, Margaret Spohn concentrated on certain factors in image generation of Turks in the German-speaking areas of Europe, most notably religion, music, and travel literature. Her main conclusion emphasized the inveteracy of the negative images that clergy and aristocracy had generated in Central Europe from the 15th to the 17th centuries; positive developments in European images of Turks in the following two

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Kai Hafez: Die politische Dimension der Auslandsberichterstattung. Band 2 – Das Nahost- und Islambild der deutschen überregionalen Presse. Nomos Verlag. Baden-Baden, 2002. p. 10. See also: David D. Newsom: The Public Dimension of Foreign Policy. Indiana University Press. Bloomington / Indianapolis, 1996. p. 49. 26 Nedret Kuran-Burçoğlu: Die Wandlungen des Türkenbildes in Europa vom 11. Jahrhundert bis zur heutigen Zeit. Eine kritische Perspektive. Spur Verlag. Istanbul, 2000.

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centuries, e.g. those resulting from curiosity about Ottoman Turkish lifestyles, were merely superficial.27 When the spectrum is narrowed to Western images of Turkey in the 20th century, there are some relevant empirical analyses of literature mentioning Turkey or Turks which should be mentioned. For example, in his studies of images of Turkey and Turks in Western literature of the 20th century, Kamil Aydın came to a conclusion similar to that of Spohn, namely that such images were strongly connected to earlier literature in terms of themes, atmosphere and content. In addition to associations with characteristics historically projected onto Turks, they also tended to be depicted as filthy and smelly workers, terrorists, conspirators, or drug-producers/smugglers. Indeed, Aydın stated that the association with the drug phenomenon was the most prominent image in the texts from the later 20th century.28 Another study of 20th century literature mentioning Turks was undertaken by Nazire Akbulut, who analyzed relevant German literature published between 1970 and 1990. One of her primary research results was that the resonance of the Turkish guest workers’ presence in West Germany came later in German literature than it did in the German public. While Turks become scapegoats and objects of scorn for the German public during the 1960’s, German literature first began to discuss the Turkish guest worker phenomenon in the early 1970’s. When this occurred, the literature took a critical stance towards this treatment of the Turkish community in the country.29 With regard to empirical analyses of the German press and its coverage of Turkey and/or Turks, there has been a considerable amount of interest in the topic, which has resulted in quite a few studies being published. A major reason for the increased interest in depictions of Turkey in the German press has been the process surrounding Turkey’s attempts to join the European Union. Correspondingly, there are numerous analyses of German and other European media/public discourses concerning Turkish accession, most concerning the years 2002 and 2004, in which two milestones in the accession

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Margaret Spohn: Alles Getürkt. 500 Jahre (Vor)Urteile der Deutschen über die Türken. Diplomarbeit Universität Oldenburg. BIS Verlag. Oldenburg, 1993. 28 Kamil Aydın: Images of Turkey in Western Literature. The Eothen Press. Huntingdon, Cambridgeshire, 1999 ; Kamil Aydın: A Popular Representation of Turkey into the 21st Century: From Verbal to Visual. In: Mustafa Soykut (Ed.): Historical Image of the Turk in Europe. 15th Century to the Present. Political and Civilizational Aspects. The Isis Press. Istanbul, 2003. 29 Nazire Akbulut: Das Türkenbild in der neueren deutschen Literatur 1970–1990. Wissenschaftliche Schriften-reihe Germanistik, Bd. 1. Verlag Dr. Hans-Joachim Köster. Berlin, 1993.

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process occurred.30 These studies all applied both quantitative and qualitative/interpretative methods to analyze European national discourses. The only analysis which did not compare two or more such discourses was carried out by Ellen Madeker, who analyzed issues from three major German newspapers and their Sunday editions from 2004 (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Die Welt), as well as those from two magazines (Der Spiegel, Die Zeit). The primary qualitative objective was to determine and interpret exclusionary and inclusionary frames in the accession discourse, namely from the perspectives of religion, geography, historical-cultural similarity and universal values, with newspaper texts written by both European and Turkish discourse participants constituting the research material. She found that all frames were part of a master frame which assumed the existence of a collective European identity. Quantitative analysis of frames found that those which were exclusionary were far more present than inclusionary ones. Nevertheless, although voices critical of an EU accession were to be found in 60 percent of relevant Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung fragments, only 42 percent of Die Welt fragments contained such, and in the Süddeutsche Zeitung, 54 percent of the fragments supported an accession in one way or the other.31 While Madeker included Turkish nationals’ contributions to the EU accession discourse in German printed media, both Seref Ates and Bülent Küçük analyzed this discourse in both German and Turkish media. In addition to analyzing four heavyweights in the German press landscape (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Frankfurter Rundschau, Die Welt), Seref Ates did the same with four comparably important newspapers in Turkey. From texts printed between January 1st and July 15th 2002, Ates was able to come to certain interesting conclusions. One of these was that while the Turkish military was a taboo topic in the Turkish press, in the German press it was discussed in almost half of the articles concerning Turkish EU-candidacy, and this in a positive context; the author judged this to have been part of a post-9/11 media strategy which attempted to legitimize military force as an instrument in foreign policy. Furthermore, the military was considered a guarantor of the established powers in Turkey. Yet the EU accession debate seemed to be of less interest to the German newspapers, which remained reserved towards Turkish internal matters and German30

The first of these milestones was the Copenhagen Summit of the European Council and Turkey of December 12th/13th, 2002, in which the start of negotiations for accession was promised on the precondition that the Copenhagen Criteria be met. The second was the fulfilment of this promise, when the European Union agreed to open negotiations with Turkey in December of 2004. 31 Ellen Madeker: Türkei und europäische Identität. Eine wissenssoziologische Analyse der Debatte um den EUBeitritt. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Wiesbaden, 2008.

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Turkish problems, an example being the fact that the Turkish press’ and people’s considerable efforts to create a dialogue concerning EU-accession were not considered newsworthy.32 Like Ates, Bülent Küçük examined major newspapers from both countries (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung, die tageszeitung, Hürriyet, Cumhuriyet, and Zaman), yet the analysis period included several years (1997, 1999, 2002, 2004). Küçük discovered certain interesting discrepancies between the accession discourses in the years analyzed. While the discourse was dominated by a supposed Turkish incapability of meeting the criteria for accession to the EU in 1997, difficulties with Greece being the most prominent reason, the years 1999 and 2002 revealed a culturalization of the discourse, particularly so in the latter year. During these years, Turkey was not only politically, but also culturally “suspicious”, with its possible accession often being predicted to bring an overexpansion of the EU. The migrant discourse also exhibited interesting developments: In 1997 it was often predicted that integration would be made hopeless by Turkish accession, yet in 1999 the possibility of more Muslim migrants from Turkey was associated with a creeping Islamization, and in 2002 the emergence of an “internal Orient” was implied. Küçük also found that in the German newspapers analyzed, Christian-conservative voices were evident twice as often as those from social democrat, green, or socialist parties.33 Other studies compared the Turkish EU-accession discourses in different European countries. One study compared the German, French, Italian and British discourses, examining two major newspapers from each country (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Le Monde, Le Figaro, La Repubblica, Il Corriere, The Guardian, The Times) and fragments of other nationally distributed print media from the months of November and December 2002. Quantitative analysis found that the German and French newspapers discussed Turkey twice as often as the British and Italian newspapers. Moreover, qualitative analysis revealed discrepancies, the most interesting of which was the fact that only the French and German papers spoke of a historical/cultural commonality of Europe. Likewise, only they expressed concerns about the possibility of considerable migration of Turks after an accession.34 Andreas Wimmel not only 32

Seref Ates: Der EU-Beitritt der Türkei und seine Spiegelung in der deutschen und türkischen Presse. In: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung - Auslandsinformationen, Nr. 10/2002. Konrad Adenauer Stiftung. Sankt Augustin, 2002. ; Edgar Auth (Ed.): Deutschland und die Türkei im Spiegel der Medien. Die Verantwortung der Medien in den deutschtürkischen Beziehungen. Electronic Edition. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. Bonn, 1999. 33 Küçük: Die Türkei. 34 Roberta Carnevale / Stefan Ihrig / Christian Weiß: Europa am Bosporus (er-) finden? Die Diskussion um den Beitritt der Türkei zur Europäischen Union in den britischen, deutschen, französischen und italienischen Zeitungen. European University Studies. Series XXXI, Political Science. Vol. 510. Peter Lang Verlag. Frankfurt am Main, 2005.

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compared the Turkish EU-accession discourses in major French, German and British newspapers (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Le Monde, Le Figaro, The Guardian, Financial Times London) in November and December of 2002, but also attempted to determine if a European discourse existed on the matter. Although Wimmel’s research could not prove the existence of such, he ascertained that the content of the relevant German and French discourses was quite similar. The newspapers from these countries argued based on the assumption that a collective identity was necessary for further integration of the EU; while the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Le Figaro spoke of Christian or cultural/historical commonality, the Süddeutsche Zeitung and Le Monde refrained from mentioning these concepts when advocating the necessity of common identity. These discourses contrasted sharply with the British discourse, which supported Turkey’s candidacy and dismissed the concept of Christian identity as dangerous nostalgia.35 Claudia Freilinger compared the discussion of Turkish EUaccession in certain nationally distributed German and Austrian papers (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Presse, Standard) in an analysis which concentrated on frames in relevant texts printed from October to December of 2004. The study’s main findings were that the relevant discourse in the Austrian newspapers was more positive than that in the German newspapers, and that this discrepancy was also evident in the culture frame. Nonetheless, Freilinger conceded that cultural concerns definitely exist in Austria, and that a qualitative-linguistic analysis would be useful in assessing these.36 Unlike the previously mentioned analyses of relevant discourses in European print media, Jochen Walter analyzed a period over forty years in length (1960 to 2005). Using a qualitative method in his discourse analysis of selected British and German printed media, Walter attempted to determine typical argumentation in inclusionary or exclusionary depictions of Turkey in the context of European/Western identity constructs. The German printed media selected for analysis consisted of the newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and the magazine Der Spiegel. Walter’s results can be very roughly summarized in the following sentences. In the 1960’s Turkey was the object of inclusionary references based on the Cold-War geostrategic interests of Western countries, which could overshadow the negative image of the country and its 35

Andreas Wimmel: Transnationale Diskurse in Europa. Der Streit um den Türkei-Beitrittt in Deutschland, Frankreich und Großbritannien. Campus Verlag. Frankfurt am Main, 2006 ; Andreas Wimmel: Beyond the Bosphorus? Comparing German, French and British Discourses on Turkey’s Application to Join the European Union. Political Science Series. Institute for Advanced Studies. Vienna, 2006. 36 Claudia Freilinger: Der EU-Beitritt der Türkei im Spiegel der deutschen und österreichischen Presse. MasterStudienarbeit im Master Studiengang Europäische Studien der Universität Osnabrück. Osnabrück, 2005.

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people deducible from exclusionary comments about the political and religious cultures in Turkey. In the 1980’s this inclusion was still evident, more so in the form of a discourse expressing a desire to include, yet this was weakened by the Soviet Union’s demise, as well as increasingly strong perceptions of European self-identity; willingness to view Turkey as European also suffered as a result of the Iranian Revolution and the emergence of a Feindbild (image of an enemy) directed at “fundamentalist” Islam. The main result of his analysis of coverage from 1999 to 2004 was the ascertainment of ambivalence in argumentation, a tremendous “discursive battleground” pertaining to the construct Europe, repeatedly referred to by the author as an “essentially contested concept.”37 Yet while the long analysis period ostensibly filled a large gap in research of European/German media discourses concerning Turkey’s place in Europe, Walter’s analysis actually studied fragments (1960–1963, 1987–1989, 1999–2004). Having discussed the relevant literature about discourses pertaining to Turkey, it is necessary at this point to give an overview of existing empirical studies that have concentrated on determining images of Turkey in the German press. The most recently published analysis was undertaken by Christiane Schlötzer, whose analysis period is likewise the most recent among the relevant literature presently available, namely a four week period in early 2009 (15.1.09–15.2.09). Schlötzer analyzed the Mittelbayrische Zeitung and the Hamburger Morgenpost, as well as various other regional newspapers, and found that their coverage depicted Turkey as a country which caused conflicts, was concerned with reconciliation (Armenian tragedy), and had close relations with Germany. Yet these conclusions were based on news topics which were only of particular relevance within the period analyzed, and the only conclusion of particular interest was that the different regional newspapers’ coverage was highly similar, which Schlötzer attributed to the fact that these newspapers did not have the means to keep correspondents in Turkey.38 Like most of the discourse analyses mentioned earlier, Miriam Freudenberger’s qualitative and quantitative study of the image of Turkey in certain German newspapers concentrated on a relatively recent period. Her analysis of the newspapers Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Frankfurter Rundschau, Süddeutsche Zeitung, die tageszeitung, and Die Welt concerned one calendar week in December of 2004, and six artificial weeks in early 2005. She found that coverage of Turkey largely

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Jochen Walter: Die Türkei – ‚Das Ding auf der Schwelle’. (De-) Konstruktionen der Grenzen Europas. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Wiesbaden, 2008. 38 Christiane Schlötzer: Die Türkei in den deutschen Medien. In: Kristina Kamp (Ed.): Die Macht der Bilder. Medienverantwortung in den deutsch-türkischen Beziehungen. Heinrich Böll Stiftung. Istanbul, 2009.

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concerned political matters, with the EU-accession and domestic policies constituting the main topics of interest. While positive depictions included emphasis on the present Western orientation of the country and the certainty of its continuance, or statements that Turkey was exemplary for the Arab world, negative depictions included claims that protection for minorities and respect for human rights were insufficient. Furthermore, although Turkish society and religion were noteworthy topics of interest for the German press, Freudenberger concluded that cultural topics and everyday life in Turkey were generally disregarded. She identified the German press’ emphasis on political topics as the major reason for the negative image of Turkey as deducible from its coverage, and, citing studies by Orhan Gökçe and Mustafa Nail Alkan which shall be discussed in the next paragraphs, associated this concentration on intermittent events with a fundamental lack of interest in the country reaching back 40 years.39 Of the studies with analysis periods in the 1990’s and the 1980’s, many found that domestic tensions with the Kurdish population influenced the image of Turkey in the German press. Gürsel Gür’s primarily quantitative analysis of certain newspapers’ (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Frankfurter Rundschau, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Die Welt) coverage of Turkey printed between 1987 and 1995 found that the newspapers did not maintain continuous coverage of any particular topic, and instead reported in a highly selective manner centered on specific events, particularly domestic problems such as the Kurdish situation and human rights violations.40 Siegfriend Quandt also found that the image of Kurds was an important factor in the German press’ image of Turkey; in his quantitative and qualitative analysis of fourteen newspapers’ (among others the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Die Welt, Frankfurter Rundschau, Süddeutsche Zeitung) coverage of Turkey in the months of March and April 1995, Quandt found that 52% of the press articles analyzed were negative, the assessment of which was determined either by the depiction or nature of the event. As domestic issues in Turkey were preponderant, the volatile situation surrounding Kurdish separatism was of course a factor in this negative overbalance. Furthermore, Quandt summarized the German press’ depiction of Turkey as a foreign and difficult country with opposing orientations, which exported its

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Miriam Freudenberger: Das Türkeibild der deutschen Presse. Wie Tageszeitungen konstruieren. VDM Verlag. 2008. 40 Gürsel Gür: Das Türkeibild in der deutschen Presse unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der EU-Türkei-Beziehungen. Eine Inhaltsanalyse für den Zeitraum 1987–1995. Peter Lang Verlag. Frankfurt am Main, 1998 ; Gürsel Gür: Das Türkeibild der deutschen Presse. In: Siegfried Frech / Mehmet Öcal: Europa und die Türkei. Wochenschau Verlag. Schwalbach am Taunus, 2006.

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domestic conflicts to Germany through its emigrants.41 Alexander Refflinghaus’ analysis of German foreign policy towards Turkey from 1982 to 1998 also found the Kurdish situation to be of considerable importance; while not primarily an empirical study of the German press, Refflinghaus’ analysis included a lengthy empirical segment on the image of Turkey in the German newspapers Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Süddeutsche Zeitung. His interpretative analysis concluded that the Turkish handling of the Kurdish situation was depicted very negatively, and torture was claimed to have been commonplace. Moreover, Turkish democracy was depicted to be insecure, vulnerable to political and religious extremists, and propped up by a political system and political parties that were weak. The military was a guarantor against extremists, yet was the major obstacle to Turkey achieving democracy on par with the Western standard.42 In another study which included some citations from German printed media coverage of Turkey in the 1980’s and 1990’s, Tamer Bacınoğlu claimed that coverage was dominated by reports about human rights violations, which again was in large part connected to domestic tensions involving Kurds. While not based on empirical study, Bacınoğlu claimed that the above contrasted reporting in the 1960’s and earlier, which was said to have usually emphasized positive aspects of Turkey.43 Lastly, Orhan Gökçe’s mainly quantitative analysis of coverage of Turkey and Turks in 22 German newspapers concentrated on a shorter analysis period, namely the months surrounding Turgut Özal’s state visit to the Federal Republic of Germany in 1984. Concentrating on framing, negativism and relevance, Gökçe found that coverage at this time was dominated by news concerning conflicts, while Turks were associated with certain societal problems. Yet he also found that Özal’s visit improved the newspapers’ image of Turkey in certain regards. Despite the fact that the analysis was tied in with long-term topics, the exceptionality of Gökçe’s wide selection of newspapers was limited by the relatively short research period.44

41

Siegfried Quandt: Die Darstellung der Türkei, der Türken und Kurden in deutschen Massenmedien. Die Berichterstattung der Printmedien und Fernsehsender im März/April 1995. Justus-Liebig-Universität. Gießen, 1995. Quandt also analyzed the DPA (German Press Agency), as well as four broadcasting services. 42 Alexander Refflinghaus: Deutsche Türkeipolitik in der Regierungszeit Helmut Kohls, 1982 bis 1998. Regierung, Bundestag, Presse. Verlag Dr. Hans-Joachim Köster. Berlin, 2002. 43 Tamer Bacınoğlu: The Making of the Turkish Bogeyman. A Unique Case of Misrepresentation in German Journalism. Graphis. Istanbul, 1998. 44 Orhan Gökçe: Das Bild der Türken in der deutschen Presse. Eine Inhaltsanalyse der Berichterstattung zum Besuch des türkischen Ministerpräsidenten Turgut Özal im Herbst 1984 in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Wilhelm Schmitz Verlag. Gießen, 1988.

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There are a limited number of empirical studies which have analyzed German press image generation of Turkey prior to the 1980’s. While Kai Hafez’s qualitative and quantitative analyses of images of the Middle East and Islam in the German press (primarily Süddeutsche Zeitung, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Stern, Der Spiegel, Frankfurter Rundschau, die tageszeitung, Die Welt, Die Zeit) mainly from the years 1955–1994 (case studies and random sample) did not concentrate specifically on Turkey, coverage of the country was also analyzed. In addition to ascertaining that the German press depicted Islam in a manner which conveyed the impression that very limited aspects of the religion constituted its entire reality, Hafez found that political topics dominated coverage of the Middle East, particularly after 1967, when the Middle East started to be regarded as a hot spot for political “hard news”, instead of a place of Oriental charm. As the great majority of articles about North Africa and the Middle East in the German press were either negative or neutral, and only three percent positive, the depiction of Middle Eastern life was said to be determined by negative or neutral coverage; the image of Oriental life, as deducible from the coverage analyzed, consisted of over 50 percent wars, catastrophes, revolutions, terrorism, crises, and tensions. Nonetheless, more continuous coverage of the Middle East increased from the 1970’s onwards. His analyses also revealed that media concentration upon any particular country could be associated with its proneness to conflict, political importance, or cultural appeal, yet not its economic or demographic importance. Specifically concerning Turkey, it was one of the countries upon which the greatest concentration was placed by the German press, and this was reasoned to have been to due to its political importance (NATO, EU), the Turkish minority in Germany, and its cultural importance to traditional Occidental interest in the ancient civilizations of Asia Minor.45 Samir Aly also carried out a quantitative and qualitative analysis of German press coverage (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Die Welt, Frankfurter Rundschau) of the Middle Eastern region with a particular emphasis on its depiction of Islam, including coverage of Turkey in the process. His analysis period was much shorter however, it spanning from 1970 to 1981. With respect to his analysis of the depiction of Islam in the German press, Aly concluded that it was characterized by conscious or unconscious propagation of traditional images of the religion. Aly also found that

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Kai Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 2. ; Kai Hafez: Imbalances of Middle East Coverage. A Quantitative Analysis of the German Press. In: Kai Hafez (Ed.): Islam and the West in the Mass Media. Fragmented Images in a Globalizing World. The Hampton Press Communication Series Political Communication. Hampton Press. Cresskill, NJ., 2000.

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Turkey was among the countries which were discussed most often by the German press, although the newspapers analyzed showed variable frequency of coverage. Nevertheless, Aly’s analysis determined that the coverage of Turkey was less event-oriented. He also concluded that Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was often overemphasized in texts about Turkey in all newspapers analyzed. Furthermore, Turkey was depicted as a good NATO partner, as well as a politically and economically sound country capable of serving as a bridge to the Islamic world. However, the author stated that the Turkish minority in Germany was considered a particularity by virtue of its culture and religion, and was even depicted as a modern Turkish peril.46 Empirical studies concentrating on German press coverage of Turkey before 1980 include Korkut Buğday’s analysis of Der Spiegel issues from 1947 to 2001. Like most of the previously discussed studies concerning the 1980’s and 1990’s, Buğday claimed that the Kurdish situation worsened the depiction of Turkey substantially in the 1990’s. He also claimed that the depiction of the Turkish minority in Germany was ambiguous, yet this was based on citations from magazines printed in the 1990’s and 2000/2001. Far more interesting was his conclusion that the use of pejorative, contemptuous, or ridiculing expressions in references to Turkey and/or Turks, some of which could remind readers of the European-Ottoman confrontations of the 16th and 17th centuries, abated sharply after 1968 due to the fact that such became politically incorrect; while the main criticism of Turkey before 1968 concerned its reconciliatory steps with the Soviet Union and domestic suppression of freedom of opinion, it was sometimes accompanied by pejorative terminology or subtle overtones with similar meaning.47 Mustafa Nail Alkan’s study of the image of Turkey and Turkish guest workers in major German newspapers (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Frankfurter Rundschau, Süddeutsche Zeitung, BILDZeitung) printed between 1960–1971 comes closest to this dissertation’s research parameters, in that it applied a primarily interpretative-qualitative method to analyze a similar topic (including an emphasis on stereotypes) in similar newspapers over a similar research period. His qualitative analysis was structured on the attempt to prove or disprove five hypotheses, all of which expected negative depictions in the respective contexts. The author’s particular interpretative analysis resulted in a confirmation of all five hypotheses. According to Alkan, Turkey was depicted as a distant and Oriental 46

Samir Aly: Das Bild der islamischen Welt in der westdeutschen Presse in den 70er Jahren. Eine Inhaltsanalyse am Beispiel ausgewählter überregionaler Tageszeitungen. Band 1, Band 2. Verlag der Deutschen Hochschulschriften. Frankfurt am Main, 2002. 47 Korkut Buğday: The Image of Turkey Reflected in the German Magazine “Der Spiegel”. In: Soykut (Ed.): Historical Image of the Turk in Europe.

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developing country incapable of maintaining a properly functioning democracy. Furthermore, German-Turkish relations were often discussed in the context of German economic, military, or development assistance to Turkey, thus conveying the impression that the country was a financial burden to Germany. The general depiction of the country was also said to have worsened during the 1960’s due to a cliché-laden concentration of coverage upon the Turkish guest workers living in Germany. Only the Turkish military was generally depicted in a positive light. Quantitatively speaking, Alkan claimed that the Turkish democratization process, the Turkish military, Turkish guest workers, German-Turkish economic relations, and cultural differences between the two countries constituted the main topics of interest in the newspapers analyzed.48 While Selman Eriş Ülger published a book with a title which seemed to offer an analysis of a promisingly long and relevant period (1945–1984), the publication was simply a collection of contemporary articles from different newspapers without analysis.49 Ülger also published a similarly titled publication concerning years prior to 1945 (1910–1944), which was likewise a collection of articles from the period.50 However, there is one noteworthy study of German press image generation of Turkey during a pre-1945 period, namely Alexander Refflinghaus’ qualitative-interpretative study of literature and press from the Weimar period (1919–1933). With respect to the latter, he analyzed twelve daily newspapers, which he broke up into three main categories: left-wing anti-democratic, democratic republican, and right-wing antidemocratic. His main analysis results were that the first group was primarily fixated on the Turkish national struggle and depicted Turkey as a victim of Entente imperialism, while the democratic and right-wing groups were almost exclusively pro-Turkish. Yet despite the fact that Refflinghaus’ analysis period spanned fifteen years, there was a definite concentration on coverage from the early twenties, which in large part concerned the contemporary conflicts in Asia Minor.51 The depiction of guest workers in West Germany has been the subject of an extensive amount of analyses. However, those which attempted to make conclusions about specific nationalities are scarcer. Volker Beyer undertook a primarily qualitative analysis of “the 48

Mustafa Nail Alkan: Die Perzeption der Türkei im Spiegel der westdeutschen Presse von 1960 bis 1971. Dissertation. Bonn, 1994. 49 Selman Eriş Ülger: Die Türkei in der deutschen Presse (1945–1984). Schulbuchverlag Anadolu. Hückelhoven, 1993. 50 Selman Eriş Ülger: Atatürk und die Türkei in der deutschen Presse (1910 - 1944). Schulbuchverlag Anadolu. Hückelhoven, 1993. 51 Alexander Refflinghaus: Das Türkeibild im Deutschland der Weimarer Zeit. Magisterarbeit Universität Bochum, 1993.

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guest worker question” in over 40 German newspapers and magazines from the significant phase of guest worker migration (1961–1974), constructing his analysis inductively from the newspaper folders “labor market” and “foreigners” in the archive of the Hamburg Institute of International Economics. Although the image of guest workers as a whole was the main research objective, individual guest worker nationalities could also be mentioned in the analysis. With regard to Turkish guest workers, it was determined that although large numbers of Turks were already living in West Germany during the 1960’s, there was little echo in the press at that time. This changed in the early 1970’s, when Turkish guest workers were associated with considerable social problems, such as ghetto formation and subsequent immigration of family members. These topics were accompanied by political debate about integration from 1972 onwards, which also resonated in the press, for example in 1976, when it expressed deep concern about a possible “Turkish invasion” in the wake of an association treaty.52 Some previously mentioned publications also analyzed the German press for its image of Turkish guest workers in Germany. Korkut Buğday’s study included some Spiegel excerpts about Turkish guest workers and interpreted these to have been ambiguous, yet these sources were primarily from the 1990’s.53 Samir Aly also analyzed press images of Muslim minorities in various countries not considered part of the Muslim world, including those of Turks in the Federal Republic of Germany. Yet the weight of Aly’s conclusions for this topic is marred by the fact that he cited fewer than 15 articles pertaining to Turkish guest workers.54 Mustafa Nail Alkan’s dissertation analyzed the topic as well, as one of his fundamental hypotheses, that the image of Turkey worsened during the 1960’s due to a cliché-laden coverage of Turkish guest workers in Germany, depended on such. Alkan found that the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung depicted Turks positively as employees, with characteristics such as competence, eagerness to learn, and thrift. However, the image of the Turks as human beings was cliché-laden; they were depicted as uncivilized, lacking hygiene, and possessing criminal tendencies. From his analysis of the Frankfurter Rundschau he deduced that the Turkish guest worker was portrayed, among other things, as used to simple living conditions, untidy, ungroomed, industrious yet unskilled, unreliable, disinclined to work, and hot-blooded. Alkan came to the conclusion that Turks were seen positively as workers in the Frankfurter Rundschau, yet the

52

Volker Beyer: Die ‘Gastarbeiter’-Frage im Spiegel der deutschen Presse (1961–1974). Schriftliche Hausarbeit zur Erlangung des Magistertitels der Philosophischen Fakultät der Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel. Kiel, 1997. 53 Buğday: The Image of Turkey. 54 Aly: Das Bild der islamischen Welt.

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human and social aspect of their existence in Germany was ignored. The author’s results for the Süddeutsche Zeitung were similar: Turkish guest workers supposedly had numerous children, and were depicted as unskilled labor unaccustomed to Western civilization. Lastly, the Turkish guest workers in the BILD-Zeitung were depicted as being from an underdeveloped country, unskilled, violent and jealous. Nonetheless, it is important to note that Alkan made these claims while citing only four relevant texts from the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, six from the Frankfurter Rundschau, and five from the Süddeutsche Zeitung. Paradoxically, ten texts about Turkish guest workers were cited in the BILD-Zeitung, the one newspaper that did not contain enough coverage of Turkey for meaningful analysis of images of that country.55 Other studies researched coverage of guest workers in a comparative context. The earliest such publication was Jesus Manuel Delgado’s 1972 quantitative analysis of texts from numerous North Rhine Westphalian regional newspapers printed between 1966 and 1969. When considering guest workers as a single group, Delgado found that 31 percent of relevant texts were reports about crimes, which meant that crime was second only to the topic of the labor market; goodwill reports paled in comparison, making up roughly eleven percent of texts analyzed. In the comparative context, the frequency of reporting about Turkish guest workers was proportionally the highest among the different nationalities mentioned in the coverage, especially in negative categories. Quantitative data on socio-cultural descriptions was gathered utilizing a category system consisting of various positive and negative groupings; Turkish guest workers were mentioned most frequently in five of the eight negative terminology groupings, for example in the categories of “conservatism” and “inaptitude”. Interestingly, Greek guest workers were the second most often mentioned group in the former category, while Turks were followed by Italian and then Greek guest workers in the latter. Although these quantitative results are interesting, especially in the comparative context, the author neither mentioned nor discussed individual passages, relying entirely on quantitative data for his argumentation.56 Klaus Merten’s study of several West German newspapers’ (including the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Frankfurter Rundschau, and Süddeutsche Zeitung) coverage of guest workers from January to August of 1986 also mentioned specific nationalities. His analysis found that Turkish guest workers were depicted negatively more often than were non-Turkish guest workers; this was largely 55

Alkan: Die Perzeption der Türkei. Jesus Manuel Delgado. Die „Gastarbeiter“ in der Presse. Eine inhaltsanalytische Studie. Verlag Leske + Budrich. Opladen, 1972. 56

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the case in local sections of the newspapers and usually evident in reports concerning crime(s), as here Turks were the object of coverage twice as often as other guest worker nationalities.57 One other study included mention of specific nationalities in its analysis of coverage of migrants, concentrating specifically on the topic of crime. Georgios Galanis’ quantitative analysis of Stern and Quick magazine issues from 1960–1982 attempted to determine how guest workers were depicted in this context. Galanis found that articles about crimes involving guest workers were more numerous in times of economic crisis, and that Italians, Greeks, and particularly Turks were “representational” nationalities, as they were reported on in the context most often; 42.6% of texts about migrant crime in the Stern concerned Turkish guest workers, while such was the case in 22.2% in of relevant Quick texts. Galanis concluded that mention of either the migrant status or nationality of guest workers in coverage of crimes emphasized their “otherness”, and in doing so supported a feeling of superiority among German readers.58 Although it did not analyze specific nationalities in detail, Irmgard Pinn’s qualitative analysis of German press depictions of Muslim immigrants living in Germany is also relevant, as it was confined to Muslim minorities, and as such was in large part an analysis of the Turkish minority. Having analyzed a wide selection of printed media and certain television broadcasts from the years 1992–2000, Pinn claimed that for the German media, Muslim migrants in Germany were foreign, oppressive towards women, caused problems and additional costs, dealt drugs and did not want to be integrated. Despite not citing any sources, Pinn listed interesting conclusions from analysis of German printed and broadcast media she claimed to have been collecting from the 1970’s onwards. She summarized the coverage of Muslim immigrants as having had five major characteristics. It was usually triggered by problems and conflicts, was written almost entirely from a German perspective, concentrated on current (preferably as spectacular as possible) events, neglected long-term topics, and was distorted by both historical attitudes towards Islam and interpretation of contemporary political events in Muslim countries. An interesting observation was that coverage recurrently mentioning Muslim migrants in the 1970’s and early 1980’s concerned labor laws, the guest workers’ situation in the companies, their poor housing situation, and their integration through 57

Klaus Merten: Das Bild der Ausländer in der deutschen Presse. Ergebnisse einer systematischen Inhalts-analyse. Zentrum für Türkeistudien (Ed.). Frankfurt a.M., 1986. In: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung / Gernot Dallinger (Ed.): Ausländer und Massenmedien. Bestandsaufnahme und Perspektiven. Vorträge und Materialien einer internationalen Fachtagung vom 2. bis zum 4. Dezember 1986. Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. Bonn, 1987. 58 Georgios N. Galanis: Migranten-Kriminalität in der Presse. Eine inhaltsanalytische Untersuchung dargestellt am Beispiel der Zeitschriften STERN und QUICK von 1960–1982. Express Edition. Rieden, 1987.

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labor unions and leftist political parties. Recurrent topics subsequently changed to insufficient command of the German language, Islamic religious teaching in school, the construction of mosques, the influence of fundamentalist organizations, and integration through socialization.59 As evident from the outline of relevant academic studies, Turkey and Turkish immigrants in the German press have been the subject of quite a few studies. In research of German printed media, the most notable reflection of the increased academic interest in European perceptions of Turkey/Turks in recent years is manifested by the studies which analyzed the Turkish EU accession discourse between 1997 and 2004. Almost all of these combined quantitative and qualitative analyses, and applied a comparative approach by including newspapers from other relevant nations. Yet while these discourse analyses naturally took into consideration tendencies in images of Turkey evident in the media analyzed, they did not specifically concentrate on the interpretation of such. Some relevant studies concentrated on images of Turkey/Turks in German printed media, as the synopsis of the last few pages has also demonstrated. However, the number of published studies in this field is noticeably low for the years this study intends to research (1950–1975); while there are eight studies which had analysis periods either in or through this period, each of which researched topics in one way or the other relatable to those in this dissertation, there are certain deficiencies which evince the desirability of an analysis such as the one to be undertaken in this study. Three of the eight studies only analyzed coverage of guest workers, and while each analysis contained valuable observations, certain factors must be mentioned. Jesus Manuel Delgado’s study of guest worker depictions in the German press provided important quantitative data concerning regional newspapers’ (in North Rhine Westphalia) depictions of the different guest worker nationalities in the late 1960’s (1966–1969). Yet the scope of the analysis was limited to regional papers, and there was no qualitative data from comparative interpretation of the semantics in depictions of the guest worker nationalities. Georgios Ganalis’ study analyzed Stern and Quick magazine texts mentioning guest workers for tendencies pertaining to criminality over a considerably long and pertinent period (1960–1982), providing interesting insight about differences in relevant coverage of the various nationalities in the process. Nonetheless, his analysis was also quantitative, and the media analyzed limited to two magazines. A qualitative analysis 59

Irmgard Pinn: „Gastarbeiter“ kamen – Muslime sind geblieben. Migranten und Migrantinnen aus muslim-ischen Ländern in den deutschen Medien. Gesellschaft Muslimischer Sozial- und Geisteswissenschaftler. Schriftenreihe 4. Köln, 2002.

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was undertaken by Volker Beyer, namely of depictions of guest workers in an important period which spanned from the early recruitment phase to one year after the German government’s recruitment stop (1961–1974). Although the analysis contained some interesting observations with regard to certain tendencies in coverage of guest workers of Turkish nationality, the depiction of guest workers as a whole was the objective of the study, and the attention given to particular nationalities was minimal. Furthermore, there was no concentration on any particular printed media, the media sample being a wide selection of newspapers, magazines and government documents, none of which were cited particularly frequently. Three of the eight studies combined empirical analysis of both texts about Turkey and texts about Turkish migrants living in Germany. However, all of these cited very few newspaper or magazine texts concerning the latter. Korkut Buğday’s qualitative study covered a notably long period (1947–2001), yet only Der Spiegel was analyzed, and the citations supporting his discussion of guest workers were low in number. Moreover, they were taken from Spiegel issues which were printed decades after 1975. In Samir Aly’s study, citations substantiating arguments made concerning the Turkish minority in Germany were partially from the analysis period of this dissertation, yet these were particularly limited in number. Furthermore, while coverage of Turkey between 1970 and 1975 was also analyzed in the selected papers (which included the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Frankfurter Rundschau, and Süddeutsche Zeitung), Aly’s concentration was not on their depictions of Turkey, but on those of Islam. Turkey was one of many countries analyzed, and while there was some qualitative interpretation of coverage of the country, including citations from opinion bearing texts, it was not extensive. Furthermore, the usage of artificial weeks to gather research material from the newspapers, while having advantages, did not take into consideration periods in which coverage of Turkey was more frequent. In Mustafa Nail Alkan’s analysis, a minimal number of articles were cited to substantiate his claims concerning images of Turkish guest workers and, correspondingly, their significance for the image of Turkey. This is of particular importance, as of the existing studies of relevance, Alkan’s study bears the greatest similarity to this dissertation. In addition to the fact that it researched the same nationally significant newspapers over a shorter, yet similar period (1960–1971), it carried out an interpretative analysis which emphasized (among other things) stereotypes of Turkey and Turks, and concerned itself with the question of a possible relation between coverage of Turkish guest workers living in Germany and coverage of Turkey. Nevertheless, the study has weaknesses other than the low number of citations in its 22

guest worker analysis. Alkan’s deductive approach was particularly problematic, for his attempts to prove the study’s hypotheses, which hypothesized different negative images of Turkey, were clearly evident. This shortcoming was exacerbated by the fact that he did not attempt to compare his results with coverage of any comparable country. Kai Hafez’s analysis of several important German newspapers covered a notably long and important period (1955–1994), providing valuable quantitative and qualitative observations of these newspapers’ coverage of Islam and countries in the Middle East. Despite this, the study’s concentration was neither on Turkey, nor on particular stereotypes and their interpretation in the context of Turkey’s relationship to Europe. Jochen Walter carried out a qualitative study over a similarly long and pertinent analysis period (1960–2004), yet while images of Turkey were integral parts of the discourse argumentation he analyzed, emphasis was not on these images. Moreover, the broad analysis period consisted of fragments; only coverage from the years 1960–1963, 1987– 1989, and 1999–2004 was analyzed. The short abstract above has demonstrated that existing qualitative studies of relevant topics covering the years 1950–1975 are limited in number and scope. Furthermore, none of these studies carried out an extensive interpretative analysis of travel reports or texts primarily concerning society and culture, as will be done in this dissertation; such texts often contain statements strongly opinionated or generalizing in nature, and therefore constitute an excellent source for an interpretative approach to studying press image generation of foreign countries. There is a strong case for an in-depth qualitativeinterpretative analysis of highly reputable national papers’ coverage of Turkey over the aforesaid quarter-century. A study dedicated to the determination and interpretation of depictions and stereotypes of Turkey and Turks with these parameters has not yet been undertaken, and will, with the inclusion of a comparison with historical images of Turks, as well as a comparative approach based on an equally extensive analysis of contemporary coverage of Greece, both represent the first of its kind, and close a notable gap in research concerning German press images of Turkey. 1.2.

Research Questions

As alluded to in the previous subchapter, German image generation of Turkey is currently a highly relevant subject in the study of perception, as the lengthy negotiations concerning its accession to the European Union have been largely determined by the question of whether or not the country and its people can be accepted as “European”. 23

The negotiations, and correspondingly this question, have sparked a considerable debate in academia and society, especially in Germany, where the largest minority community is Turkish. Two pivotal factors in this debate are the history of Turkish-European interaction and historical cultural constructs. The following analysis will concentrate on images of Turkey and Turks generated in three renowned West German newspapers (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Frankfurter Rundschau, Süddeutsche Zeitung) between the years 1950 and 1975. The determination of such images will be achieved by analysis of texts concerning selected Cyprus crises and political events, travel reports, tourism articles, texts with emphasis on society and culture, as well as texts which concerned Turkish or Greek guest workers living in West Germany, for which an additional newspaper will be analyzed, namely the BILDZeitung. The main research questions of this study are the following:  How can we interpret the magnitude of exclusionary concepts associated with Turkey or Turks (including Turkish guest workers) in the selected coverage? Were there significant negative developments over the period of analysis?  What are the connections with historical images and image generation of Turks? Can continuity be spoken of?  Do the images of Greece or Greeks (including Greek guest workers) in the selected coverage contain similarities? What do such similarities mean for the assessment of images of Turkey and Turks? In order to answer the primary research questions of this study, research findings from selected areas of coverage must be subjected to two principal comparisons. First, in order to establish whether or not continuity can be spoken of, comparison with historical images of Turks is necessary. Second, comparison with the newspapers’ coverage of Greece is necessary to determine whether or not the selected coverage of Turkey depicted the country or its people particularly negatively, or in a manner which made them appear more foreign due to religious, cultural and historical factors. The desirability of the comparison with Greece lies with the fact that of the countries in Europe, it bore the greatest similarity with Turkey during the years under analysis, both by geographical proximity and centuries of Ottoman administration, with its legacy of shared history. Furthermore, Greece was a country with relatable infrastructural, economic and demo24

cratic circumstances in the 1950’s. These similarities stand in contrast with the acceptance of Greece into the European Community in 1981 and the continued denial of Turkey’s attempts to join. Lastly, a relatable development in the independent country of Cyprus is evident, as despite their willingness to accept a federal solution with Greek Cypriots60, the Turkish Cypriots continue to be excluded from membership in the European Union. 2. Theoretical Assumptions 2.1. Images of Nations – Images, Stereotypes, Prejudices, Enemy Images Human cognition is a subjective processing of an objective reality which is too complex to ascertain, the former being essentially inaccurate and possessing varying degrees of correspondence with the latter. The transformation process of perception produces a “filtered desideratum” in the mind of the perceiver and not reality itself.61 The core of this filtered product is the image, a subjective and simplified construction of reality that Joachim Westerbarkey defines as a schema of cognitive and emotive structures that are attributed to an object62 by an individual or group63, this object being the self or a foreign entity. According to Kenneth Boulding, the image can be divided into several categories, the spatial (picture of individual’s location), temporal (picture of individual’s place in the stream of time), relational (the picture of an individual’s surroundings as a system of regularities), personal (picture of the individual within his/her surroundings) and the affectional (the attachment of emotion to the other image parts) being among the most important.64 The attribution of characteristics to an object or objects in image creation is constitutive for human perception of reality65, as the image categories above 60

Jan Asmussen. Birgit Schäbler / Tilman Lüdke (Ed.): Ungewisse Zukunft – Zypern nach den Referenda. Erfurter Beiträge zur Westasiatischen Geschichte, 2/2004. Universität Erfurt. Erfurt, 2004. pp. 1–2, 14–15. 61 Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, p. 36. 62 Herbert Blumer speaks of objects as: “[…] anything that can be indicated, anything that is pointed to or referred to […].” These can be physical, social or abstract, Blumer stressing that: “the nature of the object consists of the meaning it has for the person for whom it is an object.” See Herbert Blumer: Symbolic Interaction. In: James P. Spradley (Ed.): Culture and Cognition: Rules, Maps, and Plans. Chandler Publishing Company. San Francisco, 1972. p. 74. 63 Joachim Westerbarkey: Public Opinion and Public Relations. In: Klaus Merten / Siegfried J. Schmidt / Siegfried Weischenberg (Ed.): Die Wirklichkeit der Medien. Eine Einführung in die Kommunikationswissenschaften. Westdeutscher Verlag. Opladen, 1994. pp. 206, 208. 64 Kenneth E. Boulding: The Image. The University of Michigan Press. Ann Arbor, 1997. Reprint of 1960. pp. 47–48. 65 Werner K. Ruf: Der Einfluß von Bildern auf die Beziehungen zwischen Nationen. In: Zeitschrift für Kulturaustausch 23, 1973. Conbrio Verlagsgesellschaft. Regensburg, 1973. p. 21.

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evince. In addition to the affective and cognitive elements of images which help with perception of reality, there is also a conative element that helps determine actions.66 In her study on the construction of images of nations in international reporting, Katja Nafroth summarizes these three elements of images: “The image of an object made by a person, as well as corresponding emotional ratings of the image, influence the individual to act in a certain way towards that object.”67 In short, cognitive, affective and conative elements constitute the images made by an individual; the image is a core of perception and results in action based on it. Images are created and relied upon most often for objects about which an individual has little knowledge, or with which minimal first-hand experience exists. As complex societies reliant on mass-communication do not usually allow for this experience to take place with the majority of objects, the image plays a major role in complexity reduction68, which can lead to a loss of truth: “The price of construction [of images] and reduction of reality is often the truth.”69 Indeed, images can even be figments of imagination that possess no relation to any verifiable reality. Yet while images can possess no relation to reality, they can also demonstrate considerable congruence with it. Here it is important to note that the tendency to create images with less relation to objective reality increases with the level of abstractness of the object to be represented by it.70 Images are not created or sustained independently of each other. They are processed by an individual’s image system, and while images reduce the complexity of objective reality, image systems help to organize information in the perceiver’s subjective reality construction. New images can be incorporated into the system or brought into equilibrium with it, whereby the existing image system often is structurally predominant.71 These image systems can be created through direct experience, primary and secondary

66

Siegfried Quandt: „Zur Wahrnehmung der Deutschen im Ausland. Images als Produkt und Faktor der Geschichte.“ In: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung / Dieter Schmidt-Sinns (Ed.): Völker und Nationen im Spiegel der Medien. Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. Bonn, 1989. p. 36. 67 Katja Nafroth: Zur Konstruktion von Nationenbildern in der Auslandsberichterstattung. Das Japanbild der deutschen Medien im Wandel. LIT Verlag. Münster, 2002. p. 10. (Translation D.R.) 68 Nafroth: Zur Konstruktion von Nationenbildern, pp. 11–12. 69 Ibid. p. 12. (Translation D.R.) 70 Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, p. 36. 71 Ibid. p. 37.

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socialization.72 Although an individual can create images, the role of primary and secondary socialization in the creation of image systems and images is substantial. This collective dimension of image formation/sustenance is in fact a necessary aspect of social communication and integration.73 Images (and image systems) play an important role in identity formation, by which individuals or groups seek to partition surrounding environments and “groups” into categories. Correspondingly, discordant images can be factors in social disintegration.74 As mentioned previously, image congruence with objective reality decreases with the increasing abstractness of the object it is made to represent. Foreign nations and cultures are such abstract objects, not only due to their many facets, but also due to the fact that they are rarely objects of first-hand experience due to geographical and cultural distance.75 Jürgen Wilke defines images of nations as an: “[…] aggregate of characteristics and attributes which a person or a society ascribe another nation or society.”76 Secondary socialization, most importantly the media, is of particular significance in the formation of these constructs. While direct experience and primary socialization are essential factors in this process, media is considered to have a dominating role in image formation in the international context.77 Wilke concisely points out this significance of media in images of foreign nations: “Press, radio, and television constitute the dominating and often single source of information about distant foreign countries and cultures.”78 The collective character of images of nations which results from this media influence corresponds with the fact that their collective dimension is considerable, as Katja Nafroth points out: “Existing images of nations are characterized primarily by their general consensus in a society […].”79 Images of foreign nations also help to strengthen group solidarity within one’s own nation, as they provide simple and 72

Primary socialization is a term which was coined by Charles H. Cooley, who essentially defined it as that which occurred with “intimate face-to-face groups”, for example with the family. Secondary socialization takes place in social organizations such as schools, companies or cities. Kurt Mühler defines these as formal, planned, and systematically organized large groups. See Kurt Mühler: Sozialisation. Eine soziologische Einführung. Wilhelm Fink Verlag. Paderborn, 2008. pp. 46–47. ; Charles H. Cooley: Social Organization. A Study of the Larger Mind. Charles Scribner’s Sons. New York, 1909. 73 Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, p. 37. 74 Ibid. 75 Nafroth: Zur Konstruktion von Nationenbildern, p. 14. 76 Jürgen Wilke: „Imagebildung durch Massenmedien“. In: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung / Dieter SchmidtSinns (Ed.): Völker und Nationen im Spiegel der Medien. Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. Bonn, 1989. p. 15. (Translation D.R.) 77 Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, p. 37. 78 Wilke: „Imagebildung durch Massenmedien“, p. 16. (Translation D.R.) 79 Nafroth: Zur Konstruktion von Nationenbildern, p. 14. (Translation D.R.)

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generalized depictions of foreign countries and peoples.80 Yet while the group solidarity/identity-strengthening function of images often leads to the creation and maintenance of negative images, these can be either positive or negative: “The main characteristic of images of nations is that they depict the world in a simplified manner, not how they assess it.”81 Images, and correspondingly images of nations, can change. Certain conditions are necessary to effectuate change, however. Differentiated availability of information and educational opportunities are necessary, both being most effective at an early stage of individual socialization, when images are less likely to have become hardened and more static. An individual’s or group’s socio-political interests and views are also important for change in images. Moreover, existing images or image structures generally necessitate an expedient motivation structure.82 While there is the possibility of change in images (of nations), it is important to note that a core of existing images often remains unaffected. Hans Süssmuth states that images of nations possess a superficial and an embedded structure, the former being susceptible to the continual influx of political, cultural, and economic factors, and the latter retaining a strong core associated with historical dimensions of the national image.83 Speaking of the existence of rigidity in images it is pertinent to mention stereotypes, which in fact constitute an integral part of images of nations, if not the perceptual construct itself84; autostereotypes, collective images of one’s own nation/culture, and heterostereotypes, those of foreign nations/cultures, fulfill primary orientation and group solidarity functions in images of nations. Furthermore, both stereotypes and images (and correspondingly those of nations) are products of perceptual alterations of reality, serve to reduce its complexity, help with orientation, and contain cognitive, conative and affective elements. There are, however, certain notable distinctions between the two constructs. One of these is that while both individual and collective influences can flow into the creation of images, these influences are always collective in the case of stereotypes.85

80

Ibid. Nafroth: Zur Konstruktion von Nationenbildern, p. 15. (Translation D.R.) 82 Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, p. 39. 83 Hans Süssmuth: Deutschlandbilder im Ausland. Wahrnehmungsmuster und Imagebildung. In: Hans Süssmuth / Fritz Pleitgen (Ed.) Deutschlandbilder in Polen und Russland, in der Tschechoslowakei und in Ungarn: Dokumentation der Tagung Deutschlandbilder in Polen und Russland, in der Tschechoslowakei und in Ungarn, 16.-19. Dezember 1992. Universität Düsseldorf / Paul-Kleinewerfers-Stiftung Krefeld. Nomos Verlag. Baden-Baden, 1993. pp. 221–222. 84 Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, p. 40. 85 Ibid. pp. 39–40. 81

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Herein lies a major argument for the claim that images of nations are actually stereotypes of nations: In the case of foreign nations, distance and limited first-hand experience with it or any part of it causes a reliance on social or media intermediaries of secondary experience for pertinent “information”, which in turn results in more collective images.86 Second, as briefly implied at the beginning of the paragraph, stereotypes are more rigid and enduring than images. Similar to Hans Süssmuth’s differentiation of images of nations, Franz Dröge subdivides them into three categories: lasting cultural stereotypes, epochal cultural stereotypes, and contemporarily determined stereotypes87, whereby heterostereotypes are less able to readjust than autostereotypes.88 The existence of these subcategories is correlative to the fact that stereotypes have a strong historical persistence, whereby at a given point in time a synthesis of overlapping types most likely exists. In addition to rigidity, stereotypes are strongly simplified and cliché-laden constructs that generally have less proximity to the truth than images do.89 Correspondingly, stereotypes serve to construct reality in a simpler way and help individuals and/or groups orientate themselves more easily. An important distinction between stereotype and image is that the former consists of an aggregate of different concepts created before or without interaction with the individuals or groups upon which they are projected.90 Another related image construct is the prejudice, which, like images and stereotypes, has cognitive, conative and affective elements. Similar to the stereotype, prejudices are formed before (or without) interaction with the object they are directed at. In fact, stereotypes and prejudices are strongly dovetailed concepts.91 Kai Hafez states that prejudices can be distinguished by the substantiality of their affective element, yet also that the term prejudice can be used to designate the affective aspects of images and stereotypes:

86

Ibid. p. 40. Franz W. Dröge: Publizistik und Vorurteil. Verlag Regensberg. Münster, 1967. p. 151. Cited in Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, pp. 43–44. 88 Nafroth: Zur Konstruktion von Nationenbildern, p. 21. 89 Änne Ostermann / Hans Nicklas: Vorurteile und Feindbilder. Beltz Verlag. München / Wien / Baltimore, 1982. p. 17. 90 Nafroth: Zur Konstruktion von Nationenbildern, p. 17. 91 Wolfgang Pütz: Das Italienbild in der deutschen Presse. Eine Untersuchung ausgewählter Tageszeitungen. Verlag Klemm + Ölschläger. München, 1993. p. 37. 87

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“Prejudices are often designated as an affective counterpart to the cognitive image or stereotype, if not universally so in literature. Here it is predominantly assumed that the simplifications and distortions in images and stereotypes are inevitable, yet latent perceptual refusal inherent in prejudices resists image change/development in an irrationally emotional manner. The distinction between image/stereotype and prejudice is not definitionally stringent, insofar as images and stereotypes are generally attributed with not only a cognitive but also an affective dimension, allowing for the usage of the prejudice as a term for the affective dimensions of images and stereotypes.”92

Nevertheless, unlike stereotypes, which have a certain amount of truth to them, prejudices possess practically no relation to the truth; they are a reaction used to reject anything which questions the contemplator’s self-identity. They therefore have exclusively negative attributes. The fact that prejudices are mainly directed at foreign social groups or individuals from such groups93 means they are often elements of an image of a foreign country, and hence cannot be ignored in an analysis of such cognitive entities. Nevertheless, the extreme inaccuracy of prejudices, along with their emotional and disassociating nature, often contradict the reporting practices of newspapers, especially those renowned for quality. The enemy image is another subconstruct which falls under the term “image”. Like the three constructs discussed previously, enemy images have certain characteristics that set them apart from the others. One of these is the emphasis on the conative element: “[…] [T]he enemy image is based on the assumption that a potential for and intention of hostile action exists, thereby inciting action more so than any other image category.”94 There is also a defining negative affective element presumably arising from the perceived threat, which Katja Nafroth considers the central characteristic of enemy images: “The central attribute of the enemy image is the affective component, which is exclusively negative in the case of the enemy image.”95 These core aspects of the enemy image have two main purposes, namely to help unify one’s own society/group/nation and provide an opportunity for problems and aggressions to be projected onto an enemy.96 While the enemy image’s disproportionate emphasis on hostile/threatening attributes of a foreign entity often leads to a strong distortion of objective reality, this is not always the case. 92

Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, p. 40. (Translation D.R.) Marc Horisberger: Entstehung und Gestaltung von Nationenimages. Eine theoretische und empirische Analyse staatlicher Imagepflege im Ausland aus kommunikationswissenschaftlicher Perspektive. Dissertation, Universität Freiburg (Schweiz), 2002. p. 59. 94 Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, p. 40. (Translation D.R.) 95 Nafroth: Zur Konstruktion von Nationenbildern, p. 26. (Translation D.R.) 96 Ibid. 93

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Given the largely amiable bilateral relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and Turkey during the analysis period, enemy images are likely to be a rarity in the coverage to be analyzed. 2.2. Frames, Themes and Discourses

Images of foreign nations can contain any of the image constructs discussed in the previous subchapter; they can be accurate or inaccurate, sophisticated or vague, positive or negative, or even hostile.97 However, images of nations may generally be considered as almost equivalent to stereotypes, or even enemy images. Without other categories for media analyses, the danger exists that these only ascertain stereotypes and consequently ignore other, nonverbal aspects of coverage of foreign countries. Three international news coverage analysis categories of particular relevance are frames, themes and discourses.98 The first of these, the frame, while not an image construct per say, cannot be considered as entirely separate from stereotypes.99 Klaus-Peter Konerding refers to frames as: “[…] representation models for typic or stereotyped knowledge for any particular category of entities.”100 Nonetheless, frames can be clearly distinguished from stereotypes in that they do not directly ascribe characteristics. They are schemas which assist interpretation of an action, as well as its cause, course and results.101 In defining framing, Robert M. Entman states that it is: “[…] to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item described.”102 Roughly speaking, frames are units that package content in a certain manner so as to influence the interpretation of that content. They are also determiners of what is discussed in media coverage: “‘Frames’ are 97

Gerhard Prinz: Heterestereotype durch Massenkommunikation. In: Publizistik 15, Issue 3. p. 201. Cited in: Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, p. 46. 98 Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, p. 46. 99 Ibid. p. 47. 100 Klaus-Peter Konerding: Diskurse, Themen und soziale Topik. In: Claudia Fraas / Michael Klemm (Ed.): Mediendiskurse. Bestandsaufnahme und Perspektiven. Bonner Beiträge zur Medienwissenschaft, Band 4. Peter Lang Verlag. Frankfurt am Main, 2005. p. 14. (Translation D.R.) 101 Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, p. 47. 102 R.M. Entman: Framing: Towards clarification of a fractured paradigm. In: Journal of Communication. Volume 43, Issue 4. 1993. p. 52. Cited in: Bertram Scheufele: Frames – Framing – Effekte. Theoretische und methodische Grundlegung des Framing-Ansatzes sowie empirische Befunde zur Nachrichtenproduktion. Studien zur Kommunikationswissenschaft. Westdeutscher Verlag. Wiesbaden, 2003. p. 46.

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schemata of interpretation existing in all discourse which unlike most stereotypes are not necessarily prefabricated perceptions but are rather central and recurring formative arguments that pose limits (frames) to any public or media debate.”103 This limitation of topics is especially important in foreign news: “[…] [D]isinformation and selective reporting are more prevalent in foreign news coverage than in domestic reports […].”104 The analysis of frames is not feasible without consideration of themes/topics, which are semantic macrostructure(s)105 of the text, or segments of it that contain microstructures such as frames and stereotypes. Topics are created through certain mechanisms (generalization, summarization, omission) which reduce the complexity of the content to be discussed in the following text or text segment.106 A particularly important aspect of the theme/topic category is the possibility that topic hierarchies exist within a text, the analysis of which also provides insight into the particular medium’s image of the foreign entity or entities being discussed. While the analysis of frames and themes in individual texts is important for certain types of media analyses, the congruencies of these entities are of great importance. Here the term discourse must be mentioned, a simple definition of which is talk or conversation, in linguistics a series of utterances or text.107 While a particular consensus concerning the exact definition of the discourse in academic research does not exist, the definition of discourse most commonly referred to is that of Michel Foucault.108 Roughly speaking, this is an entity which exists when statements assigning relations to objects form sequences.109 More importantly, Foucault speaks of discourse in a broader social sense as a society’s understanding of reality during a particular period of time formed and bound within a discourse structure delimiting discussion of objects/topics.110 These discourses and discourse structures are never entirely static, changing over time due to various factors, or undergoing breaks, Foucault stressing the instability and discontinuity

103

Kai Hafez: The Middle East and Islam in Western Mass Media: Towards a Comprehensive Theory of Foreign Reporting. In: Hafez (Ed.): Islam and the West, p. 32. 104 Hafez: Islam and the West, Preface, xii. 105 “[T]he macrostructure of a text is its overall organization in terms of themes or topics.” See Norman Fairclough: Media Discourse. Edward Arnold Publishers. London, 1995. p. 29. 106 Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, p. 48. 107 Della Thompson (Ed.): The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English. First edited by H.W. Fowler and F.G. Fowler. 9th ed. Clarendon Press. Oxford, 1995. p. 386. 108 Franz X. Eder: Historische Diskurse und ihre Analyse – eine Einleitung. In: Franz X. Eder (Ed.): Historische Diskursanalysen. Genealogie, Theorie, Anwendungen. Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Wiesbaden, 2006. pp. 11, 12. 109 Michel Foucault: The Archaeology of Knowledge. World of Man. Pantheon Books. New York, 1972. p. 107. 110 Sara Mills: Discourse. Routledge. London, 1997. pp. 50–51.

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of discourses and history as a whole.111 Speaking of Achim Landwehr’s theory on discourse, Peter Haslinger also mentions limitation of discussion and continually changing guidelines: “The discourse constitutes […] a reference structure establishing which interpretations are valid, thereby exercising social power. One is only within the bounds of the truth, when the norms of the discourse are followed. Correspondingly, discourses also function with prohibitions and limits, whereby the rules, outside of which it is virtually impossible to be heard, are subject to permanent change.”112

As evident in Foucault’s and Landwehr’s descriptions of discourses, these are societal in scope. Klaus-Peter Konerding also emphasizes this societal dimension, stating that the texts which comprise discourses are public: “The ‘discourse’ is an ensemble of publicly available texts which are connected by a common topic.”113 This means that discourses are reliant upon platforms of social exchange, namely media.114 George Gerbner illustrates this importance of media in discourse by speaking of its dominant role in “institutionalized public acculturation”, which of course encompasses formative influence upon a society’s understanding of reality: “The media of mass communications – print, film, radio, television – are ways of selecting, composing, recording, and sharing stories, symbols, and images. They are also social organizations acting as “governments” (i.e. authoritative decision-makers) in the special domain of institutionalized public acculturation.”115

This formative influence, in the discourse essentially the limitation of discussion through determination of what is discussed and how, is achieved by frames and topics in the media discourse, among other things. When certain frames and topics assert themselves more than others, such limitation of discussion becomes more extensive as there is an

111

Mills: Discourse, pp. 26–27, 62. Peter Haslinger: Diskurs, Sprache, Zeit, Identität. Plädoyer für eine erweiterte Diskursgeschichte. In: Eder (Ed.): Historische Diskursanalysen, p. 29. (Translation D.R.) See also Achim Landwehr: Geschichte des Sagbaren. Einführung in die Historische Diskursanalyse. Edition Diskord. Tübingen, 2001. pp. 78–85 113 Konerding: Diskurse, pp. 21–22. (Translation D.R.) 114 Claudia Fraas / Michael Klemm: Diskurse – Medien – Mediendiskurse. Begriffserklärungen und Ausgangsfragen. In: Fraas / Klemm (Ed.): Mediendiskurse, p. 4. 115 George Gerbner: Mass Media Discourse: Message System Analysis as a Component of Cultural Indicators. In: Teun A. van Dijk (Ed.): Discourse and Communication. New Approaches to the Analysis of Mass Media Discourse and Communication. Research in Text Theory. Wissenschaftsverlag Walter De Gruyter. Berlin, 1985. p. 16. 112

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increased probability that following texts will adapt to the existing discourse structure created by dominant frames and topics.116 Like frames and topics, stereotypes can also be interconnected, constituting important components of media discourses.117 While the correlations of frames and topics constitute core elements of media discourse analyses, an analysis which places a concentration on those of stereotypes in analyzed texts better enables their interpretation in the context of the cultural framework in which they were produced: “Linguistic features of texts provide evidence which can be used in intertextual analysis, and intertextual analysis is a particular sort of interpretation of that evidence – an interpretation which locates the text in relation to social repertoires of discourse practices, i.e. orders of discourses. It is a cultural interpretation in that it locates the particular text within that facet of the culture that is constituted by (networks of) orders of discourse.”118

This corresponds with the fact that media discourses are strongly bound to national/linguistic frameworks, rarely finding resonance outside of the country in which the particular discourse exists. Nonetheless, there are both differences and partial congruencies between national discourses; these congruencies and differences make comparisons of national discourses particularly desirable in media image analyses. 2.3. Mental Maps The analysis of press images of foreign nations cannot occur without considering mental maps, as these are important elements of the cultural framework in which such images are created. The term mental map derives from the term cognitive map, as known in psychology and the cognitive sciences (although cognitive map and mental map can be synonymous terms, mental map is often the preferred term in cultural/social sciences).119 A simplified definition of the cognitive map can be seen in the work of Roger M. Downs and David Stea, who spoke of an abstract term for a process composed of a series of 116

Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, p. 49. While dominant national stereotypes may create aversion towards a foreign nation, such remains without consequence if these stereotypes do not have master frames to implement them, most prominently in the case of crises or conflicts. See Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, p. 49. 118 Fairclough: Media Discourse, p. 61. 119 Angelika Hartmann: Konzepte und Transformationen der Trias "Mental Maps, Raum und Erinnerung". In: Sabine Damir-Geilsdorf / Béatrice Hendrich / Angelika Hartmann (Ed.): Mental Maps-Raum-Erinnerung. Kulturwissenschaftliche Zugänge zum Verhältnis von Raum und Erinnerung. LIT. Münster, 2005. pp. 7–8. 117

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psychological transformations by which an individual acquires, stores, recalls, and decodes information about the relative locations and attributes of the phenomena in his everyday spatial environment.120 Yet the spaces graphically represented in cognitive mapping are not confined to everyday spatial environments; areas processed by an individual in cognitive mapping vary in size121, and the process can also involve structuring and processing of the entire world as an individual perceives it: “A cognitive map is a mental spatial image, a structured map of part of a human’s spatial surroundings. Yet a cognitive map is mainly a representation which shows the world at a particular point in time. It reflects the world as a human believes it to be.”122

The term cognitive map was first mentioned by the psychologist Edward C. Tolman in 1948, who considered it a flexible yet schematized maplike structure that enables an organism to generate hypotheses about the object world and test these hypotheses; these tests serve to corroborate, counter-substantiate or modify the cognitive maps on which they are based.123 In addition to psychologists such as Tolman, geographers and city planners also theorized on the concept of cognitive mapping, adopting the idea that knowledge about spatial surroundings is structured and stored in maplike representations in the brain. Of particular importance are the postulations of Kevin Lynch, who in addition to affirming that cognitive maps are schematized subjective representations of an individual’s surrounding environment helping to create structure and identity from the objective world, added that cognitive maps are also functions of culture-bound systems of reference.124 The interpretive grids or mental maps of humans are, as a rule, products of particular value or normative systems125, which are themselves often part of a specific cultural system. The incorporation of cognitive maps by the social and cultural sciences has much to do with the fact that they assist in attaching meaning and value to

120

Roger M. Downs / David Stea. Theory. In Roger M. Downs / David Stea (Ed.): Image and Environment. Aldine Publishers. Chicago, IL, 1973. p. 7. 121 Alan K. Henrikson: The Geographical “Mental Maps” of American Foreign Policy Makers. In: International Political Science Review. 1/ 1980. Sage Publications / International Political Science Association. p. 498. 122 Claudia Redtenbacher: Kognitive Karten im Spielfilm. In: Peter Vitouch / Hans-Jörg Tinchon (Ed.): Cognitive Maps und Medien. Formen mentaler Repräsentation bei der Medienwahrnehmung. Unter Mitarbeit von Alfred Dier und Günter Kernbeiß. Peter Lang Verlag. Frankfurt am Main, 1996. p. 28. (Translation D.R.) 123 Richard Bjornson: Cognitive Mapping and the Understanding of Literature. In: SubStance, Vol. 10, No. 1, Issue 30. 1981. University of Wisconsin Press. Madison, WI., 1981. p. 52. 124 Ibid. p. 54. See also: Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City. MIT and Harvard University Presses. Cambridge, 1960. 125 Hartmann: Konzepte und Transformationen, p. 9.

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what is perceived, a process which, as Richard Bjornson points out, is dependent on culture: “Besides serving as an orienting mechanism, the human cognitive map provides an interpretive grid which enables people to attach meaning and value to what they perceive. Because the primary coordinates in this grid are furnished by the repertoire of shared symbols in a given culture, the cognitive mapping concept needs to embrace the complex working of an interactive system with three principal components: the individual, the environment, and the network of symbols which constitute a specific culture.”126

The human-group definition of culture is virtually a synonym for society/community127, which highlights the importance of collective concepts in cognitive mapping. Collective concepts of space in text, images and maps constitute a major emphasis of mental map research done in the social and cultural sciences, as Frithjof Benjamin Schenk explains: “Unlike mental map research in cognitive psychology, that done by social and cultural scientists concentrates more on collective spatial concepts retained in text and imagery than on representation forms of spatial knowledge in the brains of individuals. Its general interest primarily concerns schemes and concepts of space in texts, maps and images.”128

The historian concentrates on such as well, and he or she may attempt not only to determine what mental maps are present in historical texts, maps and images, but also utilize mental maps as filters through which past events and interactions can be scrutinized. Collective human transformation of absolute space into relative or socially (or culturally) partitioned space is not only an indicator of the cultural system in which a particular mental map is created, but also of alterity, an axial concept for analyses of contemporary or historical societies’ images of other societies; like stereotypes and images, cognitive maps also play a role in identity formation129, as individuals can

126

Bjornson: Cognitive Mapping, p.54. James P. Spradley: Foundations of Cultural Knowledge. In: Spradley (Ed.): Culture and Cognition, p. 6. 128 Frithjof Benjamin Schenk: Mental Maps. Die Konstruktion von geographischen Räumen in Europa seit der Aufklärung. In: Christoph Conrad (Ed.): Mental Maps. In: Geschichte und Gesellschaft. Zeitschrift für Historische Sozialwissenschaft. Volume 28, Issue 3. Vandenhoek & Ruprecht Verlag. Göttingen, 2002. p. 495. (Translation D.R.) 129 Hans-Dietrich Schultz: Raumkonstrukte der klassischen deutschsprachigen Geographie des 19./20. Jahrhunderts im Kontext ihrer Zeit. In: Conrad (Ed.): Mental Maps, p. 368. 127

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identify with certain spatial areas/concepts and designate others as extrinsic and foreign.130 Mental maps as collective structures are dynamic entities, yet they are not possible without representations from the past: “The orientation function which the practices of mapping enable cannot be understood without its relationship to representations of the past and the continuation of symbolic structures from the past into the present.”131 They depend on memory to define or reconfirm their respective cohesion; memory thus influences the perception, creation, and shaping of relative space.132 Yet despite the fact that mental mapping’s connection to the past and memory helps enable the perpetuation of older conceptions, this condition does not equate with universal continuity. Mental maps can be produced, reproduced, represented, appropriated, removed, broken down, destroyed and compounded.133 Moreover, a mental map may also represent a conscientious break with the past or with a particular value/normative system.134 It is important to mention that mental maps considered in historical research are largely elitist constructs: “[…] [R]esearch of certain elitist representations and communications is heuristically preferred over non-elitist objectivations of mental maps. […] [T]his [is an] attempt to demarcate from research questions in psychology, which from the standpoint of the historical sciences, are far too concerned with the individual.”135

Yet it is not only a matter of preference, as the interpretation of historical mental maps is also highly dependent upon elitist perceptions. Historians often rely on media (textual and image sources) from the periods under examination, and here one must consider that elites have long managed to sustain a domineering efflux of information in media, which stems from their greater use of and access to it. Moreover, being predominantly a field of elites (in the European context at the least), politics and governance have long granted legitimacy and offered instrumentalization to elitist perceptions.

130

Hartmann: Konzepte und Transformationen, p. 17. Sabine Damir-Geilsdorf / Beatrice Hendrich: Orientierungsleistungen räumlicher Strukturen und Erinnerung. Heuristische Potenziale einer Verknüpfung der Konzepte Raum, Mentals Maps und Erinnerung. In: DamirGeilsdorf / Hendrich / Hartmann (Ed.): Mental Maps, p. 42. (Translation D.R.) 132 Sabine Damir-Geilsdorf: Palästinensische Repräsentationen des Raums. Über die Produktion von Bild-Räumen, Macht-Räumen und erinnerten Räumen. In: Damir-Geilsdorf / Hendrich / Hartmann (Ed.): Mental Maps, p. 179. 133 Sabine Damir-Geilsdorf: Vorbemerkung. In: Damir-Geilsdorf / Hendrich / Hartmann (Ed.): Mental Maps, p. 14. 134 Damir-Geilsdorf / Hendrich: Orientierungsleistungen, p. 43. 135 Ibid. p. 59. (Translation D.R.) 131

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3. Methodology

In this chapter, the sources and methods of this study will be discussed. First, the selection of primary sources will be explained (Ch. 3.1), followed by short summaries of the newspapers which constitute these sources (Ch. 3.1.1–3.1.4). After this, there will be brief discussion of the strengths of the qualitative and quantitative methods, and of why the former was chosen to be the method applied in this study (Ch. 3.2.1). In the following subchapter, the type of qualitative method used will be specified, and the case studies and categories necessary to implement that method will be presented (Ch. 3.2.2). The last segment of methodology will concern the status of the primary sources and the manner in which they were examined (Ch. 3.2.3). 3.1. The Selected Newspapers

The selection of newspapers analyzed in this study was chosen for certain reasons. First, the limitation to four newspapers was opted for in light of the extensive period of analysis, which does not allow for a comprehensive analysis of the German printed media landscape. Second, three of the four newspapers were chosen to provide a sample which adequately represents the spectrum of political orientation of quality national papers in West Germany between 1950 and 1975. As mentioned in the introduction, the press can still be considered the primary form of media, and quality daily newspapers with nationwide distribution are especially important for foreign news, as they often have extensive networks of correspondents abroad and provide the most extensive coverage in this area. The three quality daily papers chosen for this study were newspapers of such caliber, namely the Frankfurter Rundschau, the Frankurter Allgemeine Zeitung and the Süddeutsche Zeitung. The significance and political orientations of these newspapers will be mentioned in brief summaries in the following subchapters. In addition to these, one tabloid newspaper was selected for analysis in order to provide a small sample of relevant image generation which the more common reader might have been exposed to. The BILD-Zeitung was chosen for this, and although a tabloid, it has been the best selling national paper in Germany since 1952, making it an undisputed heavyweight in the market for papers with national circulation.

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3.1.1. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung

The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung was, to a certain extent, the successor to the Frankfurter Zeitung, which before its forced closure by the National Socialist regime in 1943 had managed to establish itself as a liberal, left-of-center quality newspaper with considerable prestige abroad.136 This connection caused problems in 1945 and 1946, when the Allied occupation authorities prevented the reestablishment of newspapers which had existed before and during the Nazi period.137 On November 1st, 1949 the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung printed its first issue, in which it was announced that the newspaper intended to become a voice for Germany in the world and a paper for all of Germany, including the Soviet zone. Concerning its orientation, it stated that it desired to appeal to contemplative people from all professions and age-groups with its selfdeclared nonpartisan character and commitment to “objective” coverage.138 While initially at a considerable disadvantage vis-à-vis newspapers which had been licensed by the Allied occupation three or four years earlier, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung soon became a dominant presence in the market for national daily newspapers.139 Throughout this study’s period of analysis the newspaper’s circulation increased140, and it became the best-selling quality newspaper in the country for years. Hence, it enjoyed notable influence in West Germany, and as is the case today, was of particular importance for elites such as higher-level businessmen, civil servants, entrepreneurs and intellectuals.141 It also built a reputation for itself as a newspaper of international caliber: By 1959 it was considered the German equivalent to Le Monde and The Times, and by 1965 its international daily circulation was 20,000 copies.142 Thus, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung succeeded in becoming a significant nationwide paper with major

136

Hanz-Dietrich Fischer : Die grossen Zeitungen. Porträts der Weltpresse. Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag. München, 1966. p. 235 et seq. 137 Ibid. pp. 238–239. 138 FAZ. November 1st, 1949: Zeitung für Deutschland. See Fischer: Die grossen Zeitungen, pp. 240–241. See also Rüdiger Dohrendorf: Zum publizistischen Profil der „Frankfurter Allgemeinen Zeitung“. Computergestützte Inhaltsanalyse von Kommentaren der FAZ. Europäische Hochschulschriften, Reihe 22, 204. Peter Lang Verlag. Frankfurt am Main / Bern / New York / Paris, 1990. pp. 9–11. 139 Walter J. Schütz: Entwicklung der Tagespresse. In: Jürgen Wilke (Ed.): Mediengeschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Böhlau Verlag. Köln, 1999. pp. 112, 125. 140 Jochen Noll: Die deutsche Tagespresse. Campus Verlag. Frankfurt am Main, 1977. p. 12. 141 Thomas Kirwel: Ausländerfeindlichkeit in der deutschen Presse – untersucht an „BILD“, „FAZ“, „taz“ und der „Deutschen National-Zeitung“. Verlag Dr. Kovač. Hamburg, 1996. p. 45. 142 Fischer : Die grossen Zeitungen, pp. 248, 253. See also Wilbur Schramm: One Day in the World’s Press. Stanford University Press. Stanford, 1959. p. 57.

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international importance, yet its intention to remain objective was understandably less feasible: The political orientation of the newspaper has often been designated as classicalliberal with conservative leanings, with its close ties to banks and economic circles also affecting its evaluation of political and economic topics.143 The newspaper’s thoroughness and professionalism render it a generally moderate stance nonetheless. 3.1.2. Süddeutsche Zeitung

The Süddeutsche Zeitung is one of the oldest daily newspapers in post-war Germany, being licensed by American occupation authorities in 1945 and printing its first issue in October of that year. The newspaper was intended to be a local and regional paper, and has understood itself to be such since its founding.144 However, while a majority of sales remained within the region during the period of analysis145, the newspaper gained considerable recognition in the 1950’s and 1960’s146; in 1965 it was considered one of the three best German daily newspapers alongside the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Welt147, and by the early 1970’s it had become one of the most influential papers in the Federal Republic.148 The paper’s readership not only includes qualified professionals, but also people of various social groups.149 In addition to nationwide distinction as a quality newspaper, the Süddeutsche Zeitung also managed to establish a noteworthy reputation abroad. Thus, despite its initial regional limitations, the elite paper is of exceptional importance in the German newspaper landscape. The political orientation of the Süddeutsche Zeitung is difficult to pinpoint, and it has been associated with a more critical stance towards political parties both left and right of center than that evident in other (West) German quality papers distributed nationally.150 Nonetheless, the newspaper is

143

Kirwel: Ausländerfeindlichkeit, p. 45. Beatrice Dernbach: DDR-Berichterstattung in bundesdeutschen Qualitätszeitungen. Medienwandel in Ostdeutschland, Bd. 2. LIT Verlag. Berlin, 2008. p. 24. 145 Heinz Pürer / Johannes Raabe: Presse in Deutschland. 3. Auflage. UVK Verlagsgesellschaft. Konstanz, 2007. p. 151. 146 Ludwig Maaßen: Die Zeitung. Daten – Deutungen – Porträts. Presse in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. R.v. Decker & C.F. Müller. Heidelberg, 1986. pp. 94–95. 147 Günther Gillessen: Die Tageszeitung. In: Harry Pross (Ed.): Deutsche Presse seit 1945. Scherz Verlag. Bern / München, 1965. p. 125. 148 Paul Hoser: Vom provinziellen Lizenzblatt zur “New York Times von Bayern”. Die Anfänge der “Süddeutschen Zeitung.” In: Lutz Hachmeister / Friedemann Siering (Ed.): Die Herren Journalisten. Die Elite der deutschen Presse nach 1945. Verlag C.H. Beck. München, 2002. p. 145. 149 Alfred Dürr: Weltblatt und Heimatzeitung. Die „Süddeutsche Zeitung“. In: Michael Wolf Thomas (Ed.): Porträts der deutschen Presse. Politik und Profit. Verlag Volker Spiess. Berlin, 1980. p. 64. 150 Noll: Die deutsche Tagespresse, pp. 18–19. 144

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considered to have a liberal disposition, and its chief editor from 1960 to 1970 referred to it as somewhat left-of-center151, both designations which have not been the subject of considerable objection. 3.1.3. Frankfurter Rundschau

Established on August 1st, 1945, the Frankfurter Rundschau is also one of the oldest quality daily newspapers in the Federal Republic of Germany. While placing its highest priority on providing information objectively152, the Frankfurter Rundschau has retained a clear left-of-center, social-liberal orientation since its early years. Its initial objective was to provide coverage which reflected an antifascist and antimilitarist stance, unconditional commitment to democracy, and the struggle for an economic system serving the good of the people.153 It has claimed to have in its interest “modern”, liberal, and socially fair reform of the community.154 The newspaper has often taken a stance supportive of unions and the welfare state155, and has been designated as a paper for wage earners by wage earners.156 Its journalistic principles are quite manifest in practice, for example in reports about matters which interest the reader in his/her role as a tax payer, consumer, tenant or voter, or texts which give exceptional attention to the fortunes of individual people.157 Particularly noteworthy is the considerable emphasis on coverage of Third World nations and the regard shown for their interests in the Frankfurter Rundschau158, as well as the newspaper’s defense of the rights of minorities and condemnation of force as an instrument in international politics.159 In the late 1960’s the popularity of the newspaper increased considerably with the German student movement and the social democrat government; in addition to becoming the most popular student newspaper, its subscriptions in other regions of the country increased, a development which greatly

151

Maaßen: Die Zeitung, p. 95. FR. March 28th, 1981: Die grundsätzliche Haltung der Frankfurter Rundschau. 153 Heiko Flottau: Liberal auf schwankendem Boden. Die „Frankfurter Rundschau“. In: Thomas (Ed.): Porträts der deutschen Presse, p. 99. 154 Maaßen: Die Zeitung, p. 101. 155 Ute Volkmann: Legitime Ungleichheiten. Journalistische Deutungen vom „sozialdemokratischen Konsensus“ zum „Neoliberalismus“. Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Wiesbaden, 2006. p. 262. 156 Maaßen: Die Zeitung, p. 101. 157 Ibid. p. 100. 158 Bernd Gäbler: Die andere Zeitung. Die Sonderstellung der “Frankfurter Rundschau” in der deutschen Nachkriegspublizistik. In: Hachmeister / Siering (Ed.): Die Herren Journalisten, p. 164. 159 Pürer / Raabe: Presse in Deutschland, p. 153. 152

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increased the paper’s prestige.160 Although the newspaper’s main customer base has remained in Frankfurt am Main and the region161, it is nevertheless one of the biggest names in the market for nationally circulated quality newspapers, and therefore adequately represents the left-of-center element of this study’s newspaper spectrum. 3.1.4. BILD-Zeitung

While the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung and Frankfurter Rundschau constitute three of the four major quality German papers of importance nationwide162, the BILD-Zeitung is an exception in this study, as it is not a quality newspaper but a tabloid. As such, it can be associated with oversized headlines and titles, large photos, a sensationalized appearance, a proportionally high amount of soft news, and no strict separation between report and commentary.163 Nonetheless, it is a heavyweight in the German press landscape. The BILD-Zeitung attained the status of the best-selling daily newspaper in (West) Germany one year after its first publication on June 24th, 1952, and has remained such ever since, being the only tabloid with nationwide circulation.164 It has emphasized easily understandable topics such as sports, crime, and a populist cut on politics, whereby its articles generally attempt to rouse emotions with the use of simplification, superlatives and personalization. Analysis of this newspaper primarily serves as a connection to the common reader through the opinionforming impulses evident in the BILD-Zeitung. Furthermore, it has been claimed that the BILD-Zeitung negatively depicted groups which did not comprise a strong element of its customer base, including guest workers.165 Due to the high probability that political events and cultural matters in Turkey were of little interest to the newspaper, its analysis will be limited to coverage of Turkish and Greek guest workers.

160

Flottau: Liberal, pp. 101–102. Pürer / Raabe: Presse in Deutschland, p. 151. 162 Jürgen Wilke: Presse. In: Noelle-Neumann / Schulz / Wilke (Ed.): Fischer Lexikon Publizistik, p. 472. 163 Kirwel: Ausländerfeindlichkeit, pp. 46–47. 164 Ibid. 165 Dieter Brumm: Sprachrohr der Volksseele? Die Bild-Zeitung. In: Thomas (Ed.): Porträts der deutschen Presse, p. 130. 161

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3.2. Methods

3.2.1. Quantitative versus Qualitative Content Analysis Method is of decisive importance in any analysis of textual media, and researchers often face the question of whether a quantitative or qualitative approach is more expedient. The strength of the quantitative analysis lies in its concentration on collecting large amounts of data, which it then measures and interprets systematically.166 In addition to the quantitative method’s suitability for processing large quantities of data, its processes have a high degree of transparency, it allows access to the analytical possibilities available in statistics, and offers more precise numerical descriptions.167 Yet although the measurement and numeration of information using quantitative methods has these advantages, the quantification of data is not restricted to the “quantitative method”. Historians have quantified in descriptive form for centuries,168 and the qualitative analysis in its contemporary understanding also allows for this with data in nominal scale variables.169 Moreover, according to Philipp Mayring, a principal component of quantitative analyses is the creation of categories through qualitative evaluation of the subject matter to be analyzed. He continues that quantitative analyses often fail to properly assess/interpret that subject matter, which in turn leads to completely distorting results. While this alone speaks for the necessity of qualitative research, Mayring also states that once the methodological groundwork has been created through the qualitative process described above, quantitative analysis steps may follow, but do not have to.170 Perhaps the most important argument for qualitative analysis is that single texts, statements or terminology can be more effective and significant than quantity phenomena. As Kai Hafez explains in his study about the image of the Middle East and Islam in German press, there is much reason to postulate that Islam was a more significant factor in German perceptions of the Middle East and North Africa (in the 166

Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 2, p. 29. Konrad H. Jarausch / Gerhard Arminger / Manfred Thaller: Quantitative Methoden in der Geschichtswissenschaft. Eine Einführung in die Forschung, Datenverarbeitung und Statistik. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft Darmstadt. Darmstadt, 1985. pp. 2, 4–5. 168 Ibid. p. 2. 169 The nominal scale is used for data grouped into nominal categories, the criterion of which consists of the contrast analogousness-dissimilarity; nominal categories are created with objects or ideas which share a common characteristic, and they cannot be placed in sequential, ordinal or ratio orders. See Philipp Mayring: Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse. Grundlagen und Techniken. 8. Auflage. Beltz Verlag. Weinheim / Basel, 2003. p. 17. 170 Mayring: Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse, p. 19. 167

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1980’s and 1990’s) than were regional and international political matters, despite the latter being far more significant quantitatively.171 This idea can certainly be related to an analysis of press images of Turkey, as the quantitative concentration upon political, economic or military matters in coverage of Turkey cannot be assumed to have been more influential than occasional associations (or disassociations) with the Orient, Islam, the “West”/Europe et al., or characteristics which were often believed to be synonymous with these entities. This study will place a particular concentration on cultural/historical images, which, in addition to allowing easier and simplified constructions of reality which increases the probability that readers absorb them, can also be extremely enduring (lasting cultural/epochal cultural)172, thereby potentially reinforcing a cliché-laden image of Turkey in an effective manner. It is primarily for these reasons that the qualitative method is particularly appropriate for this study. 3.2.2. Qualitative Content Analysis: Text Interpretation, Case Studies and Categories

This study’s primary goal is to interpret statements or terminology containing exclusionary (or inclusionary) concepts of Turkey/Turks, as well as trace their developments within the period of analysis; both the singular importance of particular text passages of relevance and parallels between them will be elaborated upon in the greater context of the medium and case study. Therefore, a qualitative content analysis applying elements of critical-hermeneutic method and the discourse analysis will be used (the same will be done for the analysis of texts about Greece/Greeks, the comparison with which will likewise assist in answering a primary research question). Based on the supposition that the historical texts to be examined played a role in maintaining or changing the cultural fabric or power structure of the societal group exposed to them, the critical-hermeneutic method not only attempts to interpret the dimensions of value systems (inclusionary or exclusionary perceptual structures being part of such systems) reflected in these texts, but also incorporates the evaluative approach of critical theory, allowing for criticism of such systems. The appropriateness of this criticism is dependent upon interpretation that recognizes its own subjectivity (there can be no single authoritative reading of a text), and does not attempt to

171 172

Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 2, pp. 30, 294–295. See p. 29.

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dismantle the otherness of these value systems and their historical context; the understanding of the point of view of those who created the texts, and the appreciation of cultural and social forces that may have influenced their outlook, must remain focal points in the researcher's analysis.173 While the interpretation of relevant exclusionary and inclusionary concepts according to these parameters constitutes this study’s primary emphasis, such concepts will also be criticized, in particular in the context of the comparison between depictions of Turkey and Greece, as well as their respective populations. Hermeneutic method usually emphasizes the hermeneutic circle, or the notion that the entire text and its details are mutual determinants of each other. For the purposes of proper interpretation, this analysis takes into consideration the entirety of each text which contains material pertaining to the research goals of this study, yet it is this material which constitutes its focal point. In this regard, its method is more similar to those of qualitative content and discourse analyses, for the focus is on elements in texts which are of relevance to the research questions set by the particular study, with categories being used to facilitate the analysis of these elements and their recurrences in the texts. However, unlike the discourse analysis, none of the case studies in this content analysis will analyze entire newspaper issues over a certain period of time, each case study instead concentrating on a particular area/type of coverage within the newspaper issues. Hence, unlike the usual discourse analysis, this study will not attempt to make claims about discourses in their entirety. Secondly, although the analysis of frames is generally an integral part of discourse analyses, these will not be analyzed in this study. Despite the facts that frames are an important element in evaluating press coverage of foreign countries, and that an analysis of frames in the texts examined in this study could complement it, the interpretation of relevant text segments, statements and terminology will enable the primary research goals of this study to be attained. In addition to selecting the period of analysis and the media to be analyzed, which have already been discussed in the introduction and chapter 3.1, respectively, the qualitative content analysis requires that categories and case studies be established. This study will analyze samplings from three news categories, namely foreign news abroad, foreign news at home and home news abroad. Although each category has a particular framework, these categories are in fact hybrids, created for international mass communications research in light of the realization that foreign and domestic news are often 173

Hans-Herbert Kögler: Die Macht des Dialogs. Kritische Hermeneutik nach Gadamer, Foucault und Rorty. J.B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung / Carl Ernst Poeschel Verlag GmbH. Stuttgart, 1992. pp. 179–180, 184, 290–291.

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interconnected.174 Foreign news abroad is considered the ideal foreign news category, as it primarily consists of reports about events in foreign countries: According to a 1985 study about foreign news coverage, this category comprises 50 to 85 percent of foreign news.175 Such coverage of events abroad may, however, also be interconnected with domestic news, as the information provided in such coverage can be incorporated into a domestic discourse. The home news abroad category covers events abroad which are, at the least, of indirect concern to the domestic audience. Lastly, foreign news at home concerns matters pertaining to international affairs and foreign persons in the readership’s own country.176 While foreign news abroad coverage places a high concentration on sensational events, home news abroad can provide more insight into social or cultural aspects of a foreign country, and often involves impressions disclosed by fellow nationals abroad, constituting a significant element of a newspaper’s image generation of a particular country and its people. The foreign news at home category is also of potentially considerable importance, especially within the framework of this study. While state visits and visiting foreign sports teams may be events of interest which influence images of the foreign country from which they originate, the likelihood that the presence and media coverage of large immigrant communities significantly influenced images of their respective home countries is high, considering the fact that in certain countries major discourses about these communities arose, the Federal Republic of Germany being no exception. This dissertation will place particular concentration on foreign news abroad, as three of the five case studies will involve such coverage. These will concern:  Selected crises concerning Cyprus: December 1963 – September 1964, November 1967 – December 1967, July 1974 – September 1974  Parliamentary elections in Turkey: May 1950, May 1954, October 1957, October 1961, October 1965, October 1969, October 1973  Parliamentary elections in Greece: March 1950, February 1956, May 1958, October 1961, October 1963, February 1964, November 1974

174

Hafez: Die politische Dimension, Band 1, pp. 139, 185. Ibid. p. 139. 176 Peter Golding / Philip Elliot: Making the news. Longman Publishers. London, 1979. p. 156. 175

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 The Military Coups in Turkey: May 1960, March 1971  The Military Coup in Greece: April 1967 The depiction of these events in the selected newspapers will be analyzed by taking the bulk of that event’s coverage into consideration. In the case of the elections and military coups, newspaper issues from the day of the event, as well as those printed during the preceding and subsequent weeks will be examined for texts with pertinence to the particular event. These texts will be analyzed for conspicuously negative depictions of events or exclusionary concepts. With regard to the latter, text elements of significance will include generalizations or associations which were pejorative and/or had historical/cultural implications, as well as statements depicting Turkish or Greek democracy as inferior, underdeveloped, instable or corrupt. Relatable text elements of a positive and inclusionary nature will be analyzed and discussed in the same manner. The Cyprus crises, particularly in 1963–1964 and 1974, were of considerable duration, being comprised of several events. In these cases, the newspapers will be examined from one week before the first related incident until two weeks following the last. In addition to generalizations or associations with pejorative and/or historical/cultural overtones, outstandingly negative or positive depictions of Turkey or Greece and their actions in Cyprus will be emphasized and discussed. Possible discrepancies in the depiction of the two countries’ actions, or in references to their place in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization/West, will be of particular interest. The fourth case study concerns home news abroad, and will examine texts about tourism, culture or society in Greece or Turkey, as well as travel reports. The search for relevant texts in this case study cannot be carried out with specific historical events serving as orientation. Therefore, if a categorized archive is not consulted, the pertinent sections of the newspapers’ issues printed between 1950 and 1975 will be thoroughly researched. In the content analysis, statements and terminology with historical/cultural connotations will constitute the primary text elements of interest in all text types analyzed; these may be evident in descriptions of people or individuals, particular locations, or social circumstances/developments in the respective countries. Notably positive or negative passages without such connotations will also be of relevance, for example in comments made about the tourism industries and efforts to improve them.

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In the fifth case study, foreign news at home texts about Turkish and Greek guest workers in the Federal Republic of Germany will constitute the object of investigation. The case study will analyze texts that make reference to Turkish and/or Greek guest workers living in the Federal Republic of Germany between 1960 and 1975, while texts or text passages about guest workers that do not explicitly mention these nationalities, or refer to them by context, will not be of relevance. As texts about guest workers cannot only be related to particular events, the selected newspapers from the period between the years 1960 and 1975 will be thoroughly researched for pertinent material if they have not been searched for in a comprehensive and categorized text archive. In the content analysis, passages containing statements or terms which have historical/cultural connotations or are pejorative will again be of primary interest. Additional text elements of interest will include depictions of Greeks or Turks as particularly undesirable, foreign or unassimilable, while clearly negative or positive/empathetic statements will also be of relevance. With the exception of the Cyprus crises, the subject analyses will be divided into subchapters determined by what nation is being reported about (Turkey or Greece), and in the case of the guest workers this will be done according to respective nationality. Each case study will also be partitioned by medium, so as to enable the adequate determination of relevant image generation in each respective paper, the results of which will be compared in the last section of the particular content analysis. 3.2.3. Status of Primary Sources The primary sources consulted for this study consist of newspapers which had wide circulation during the bulk of the period of analysis, and were hence, for the most part, readily available on microfiche in Erfurt. The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung was consulted exclusively in Erfurt. Each issue of the paper’s national edition between 1950 and 1975 was available on microfiche, and was examined according to the parameters of the case studies mentioned in the previous subchapter. From the examined newspaper issues the following number of texts was analyzed: 778. The numbers of texts analyzed according to case study were:  The Cyprus Crises: 278  The Selected Elections: 78

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 The Military Coups: 57  The Guest Workers: 144  Travel Reports, Culture, Tourism: 221

In the case of the Süddeutsche Zeitung, a mixed approach was taken. Like the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, issues from the nationally distributed edition of the newspaper from all relevant years were available on microfiche in Erfurt. Nonetheless, for reasons of time, the first step of research carried out was to visit the Süddeutsche Zeitung archive in Munich, the Dokumentations- und InformationsZentrum München (DIZ). The archive provided the necessary texts printed between the years 1956 and 1965, these being stored in cases categorized according to topics which included country, population, foreign policy, military, and government. While the texts available were from both the Munich and national editions, these were clearly marked as such. For purposes of uniformity, Munich edition texts taken from the archive were checked for correlation with the corresponding national edition text on microfiche in Erfurt. In most cases the articles were identical, yet when there was a discrepancy the article from the national edition was analyzed. For issues printed from 1950 to 1956, and from 1966 to 1975, the microfiche in Erfurt was consulted. A total of 1,106 texts from the Süddeutsche Zeitung were gathered and analyzed, and the numbers of texts by case study were:  The Cyprus Crises: 361  The Selected Elections: 77  The Military Coups: 47  The Guest Workers: 379  Travel Reports, Culture, Tourism: 242

Although all necessary issues of the Frankfurter Rundschau national edition were available on microfiche in Erfurt, the newspaper’s archive in Neu-Isenburg was consulted first in order to save time. The inventory of the archive consisted of folders indexed according to subject area and nation, and the amount of material contained within the relevant folders was comprehensive for all five case studies. However, many of the texts available were originally taken from the Frankfurt edition of the newspaper 49

and therefore had to be compared with those from the national edition on microfiche; in cases of discrepancy, texts from the national edition were analyzed. A total of 830 texts were analyzed, by case study:  The Cyprus Crises: 143  The Selected Elections: 54  The Military Coups: 36  The Guest Workers: 372  Travel Reports, Culture, Tourism: 225

Unlike the other three newspapers analyzed, the BILD-Zeitung was not available on microfiche in Erfurt, and therefore the usage of an archive was a necessity. This was the Axel Springer Verlag INFOPOOL in Berlin, which has been the merged archive of the BILD-Zeitung since 2001. Its inventory includes both materials on paper and on microfiche, both indexed according to topic. Among these materials were texts from the national and Berlin editions which concerned Turkish or Greek guest workers, the sole topic of analysis of the BILD-Zeitung. The number of relevant texts was quite limited, a total of 43 relevant articles being examined. Due to the fact that complete issues on microfiche were not available, the texts from this archive had to be relied upon as the sample for analysis. 4. Historical Background 4.1. Antecedent Perceptions of the Turks in Western Europe 4.1.1. Religion and the Formation of the European-Turkish Alterity

Christian theological perceptions of Turks must be considered a cornerstone of European-Turkish alterity. The profoundest indicator of this lay with the fact that the Roman Catholic Church was the primary image-generator in Western Europe from the 11th to the 14th centuries. During this period the Church feared the spread of a foreign religion in territories which might fall to Turkish expansion; an accordingly hostile stance to the Ottomans was a result. This hostility was pervasive in the Church’s image50

generation of the Turks, the effect of which was greatly assisted by the fact that the Turks were dreaded by most Europeans, the capture of Constantinople eventually triggering an unprecedented eschatological outlook in Christendom: “The advance of the Ottomans was perceived as an eschatological crisis by contemporaries from all social strata.”177 This negative imagery was assisted by the fact that churches served as a medium for information and news for the common people, the homily or sermon being the most effective means. These were later compounded by the printing press. The ruling classes literate in Latin were exposed to this propaganda to an even greater degree. Nedret KuranBurçoğlu mentions some examples of medieval church correspondences with descriptions of the Turks such as “faithless”, “godless”, “remorseless”, “inhuman”, and “immoral”178, all of which would continue to be used as descriptions for Turks for centuries. She also notes that church correspondences were the earliest documents which utilized the term “Turk” as a superordinate concept for Muslims.179 In the Middle Ages, alterity between cultures was heavily influenced by ritus, or rite: “During the Middle Ages the exclusion of human beings from a group was primarily influenced by the discourse of religion.”180 Hence, the polarity between the Christian and Muslim religions was the primary driving force of the alterity of the time. This is augmented by the fact that until the mid 15th century, European cognitive perception of territory was still heavily influenced by the boundaries of the Roman Empire, especially the areas containing the Christian holy sites. Thus, many Europeans perceived both the “Saracen”181 and the “Turk” as outsiders (in a religious sense) out-side of Europe, as they were “occupying” areas still considered part of Christendom. The Middle Ages saw the start of the process by which former “Christian” territories (e.g. the Levant, Asia Minor, 177

Ulrich Andermann: Geschichtsdeutung und Prophetie: Krisenerfahrung und –bewältigung am Beispiel der osmanischen Expansion im Spätmittelalter und in der Reformationszeit. In: Bodo Guthmüller / Wilhelm Kühlmann (Ed.): Europa und die Türken in der Renaissance. Max Niemeyer Verlag. Tübingen, 2000. p. 50. (Translation D.R.) 178 Kuran-Burçoğlu: Die Wandlungen des Türkenbildes, pp. 17–18. 179 Ibid. p. 18. 180 Wolfgang Neuber: Grade der Fremdheit. In: Guthmüller / Kühlmann (Ed.): Europa und die Türken, p. 254. (Translation D.R.) 181 The term Saracen derives from the Roman and Greek terms saracenus and sarakenos, which are believed to have stemmed from Arabic terms for “East” or “Eastern”. It was used by Christian Europeans to refer to the Fatimids, Middle Eastern Muslims, or Muslims in general. In a 1742 volume of Johann Heinrich Zedler’s Great Complete Encyclopaedia of all Sciences and Arts, Saracen was defined as a people originating from Felix Arabia, or Yemen, who were among the first followers of Mohammed. Other possible etymological origins of the term were also mentioned as a reference to an Arabian city named Saraca by Claudius Ptolemaeus, or possible Arabic terms meaning brigand, or someone from the Orient. See Johann Heinrich Zedler: Grosses Vollständiges UniversalLexikon. Band 34. Leipzig and Halle, 1742. 2. vollständiger photomechanischer Nachdruck. Akademische Druckund Verlagsanstalt Dr. Paul Struzl. Graz, 1996. pp. 47–55.

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and North Africa) would come to be perceived as external entities, making an attempt to create an identity construct based on Europe easier. The fall of Constantinople in 1453 was a critical event in this process, Jerusalem subsequently being removed from the center of the medieval mappae mundi. The Ottoman conquerors were significant in this particular process, their military strength and successes in Europe and the Near East also being a major reason for the abandonment of the concept of crusade to free the Holy Land. When certain Renaissance humanists and Roman Catholic clergymen made treatises and appeals to create a united force to face the Ottoman Turks, Europe became more easily definable as Christendom. Thus, within the context of rite-defined alterity, the Ottomans played a critical role in the realignment of spatial self-perception in Europe.182 This realignment was a first step in the formation of a European identity construction: “It was the Ottoman Empire in the late 15th and 16th century which first evoked the term Europe as an exclusionary concept of unity.”183 It is important to note that direct continuity between perceptions of Turks during the 15th and 16th centuries and the Middle Ages is problematic. Nancy Bisaha has spoken of resurrections of reductive rhetoric, and given that European views of Islam had reached a complex and rich variety by the mid-fourteenth century, effluence of negative image generation resulting from Ottoman expansion can also be seen as such a resurrection.184 4.1.2. Cultural Images from Greco-Roman Antiquity Whereas the first written sources bearing reference to Turkic peoples were of 6th century Chinese origin, which referred to them as “T’u-chüeh”, the first Christians to have continual contact with them were the Byzantines.185 Beginning in 563 AD, centuries of loose Byzantine contact with the Turkic-nomads in Central Asia would see these people slowly become subjected to barbarian-civilized dichotomizations which had been made in the ancient Greek and Roman civilizations.

182

Almut Höfert: Den Feind beschreiben: „Türkengefahr“ und europäisches Wissen über das Osmanische Reich 1450–1600. Campus-Verlag. Frankfurt am Main, 2003. pp. 62, 65, 67, 69. 183 Walter: Die Türkei, p. 44. (Translation D.R.) 184 Nancy Bisaha: Creating East and West. Renaissance Humanists and the Ottoman Turks. University of Pennsylvania Press. Philadelphia, 2004. pp. 2, 19. 185 Margaret Meserve: Medieval Sources for Renaissance Theories on the Origins of the Ottoman Turks. In: Guthmüller / Kühlmann (Ed.): Europa und die Türken, p. 423.

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Within the ancient Greek world, a fundamental alterity was characterized by the Hellenic dichotomization of the “civilized” and the “barbarian”, the Greeks perceiving many civilizations as barbaric and as standing in stark contrast to their own. Of these, the Scythians were considered an archetypical extreme of barbarism: “Their image carried a pejorative burden as that of barbarians par excellence from Herodotus onwards.”186 More often than not misnamed, these people were often generalized as fierce nomads by more settled civilizations. Yet it was the Greeks who classified all northern equestrian nomads as Scythians. The use of the term Scythian as a synonym for uncivilized man continued to exist through the Hellenic legacy in the Roman Empire and subsequently the Byzantine Empire, the longevity of which facilitated the persistence of this image. When Ottoman conquests in Europe began to reach threatening dimensions, and in particular after the imperial capital of the Byzantine Empire had fallen, a major impulse for certain Renaissance humanists to utilize both ancient Greek/Roman and Old Testament images of northern nomads emerged: “[…] [T]he classical and secular discourse on the Turks created by humanists was employed alongside religious rhetoric; the two approaches were often interwoven in the same works.”187 A prevalent contextualization of “barbarians” in the Middle Ages had been the association with the biblical peoples of Gog and Magog, described in the Old Testament as horse-riding peoples who were the enemies of Israel.188 This Judeo-Christian concept was combined with the Scythian concept described earlier. An example of this could be seen in the chronicler Jacobo Filippo Foresti da Bergamo’s Supplementum chronicorum from 1483: “The Bactrians and Parthians descended from the Scythians, as did Attila the Great, […] Our Lombards, Hungarians, Castellani, and Goths are all descended from the Scythians […]. The Turks too […] came from Scythia. Indeed the nation of Scythians traces its origins back to Magog.”189

Interestingly, the Scythian analogy partially evolved as a response to another theory pertaining to the Turks’ origins, namely the speculation of some Italian humanists that the Turks had descended from the Trojans. As the Greek struggle with Troy in Homer’s

186

Johannes Helmrath: Pius II. und die Türken. In: Guthmüller / Kühlmann (Ed.): Europa und die Türken, p. 107. Bisaha: Creating East and West, p. 135. (Translation D.R.) 188 Meserve: Medieval Sources, p. 415. 189 Jacobo Filippo Foresti da Bergamo: Supplementum chronicorum. Venice, 1483. Cited in Meserve: Medieval Sources, p. 419. 187

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Illiad was the literary origin of the traditional East-West dichotomy which existed in the Greek, Roman, and Byzantine worlds thereafter, the theory ostensibly conformed to this duality. Ottoman control over former Trojan territory and the imaginative notion that the fall of Constantinople was Trojan vengeance upon the Greeks190 gave this theory a touch of believability for contemporaries, yet there was also strong resistance to this approach. Those who argued against it, of whom Pope Pius II. (1458–1464) was the most illustrious, made light of the logic inherent in the speculation, namely that the Turks could lay claim to what amounted to the cultural inheritance of the Illiad, an epic marking what many learned Europeans considered the birth of the classical tradition. Furthermore, it legitimized the Turks’ possession of Asia Minor.191 Thus, in one of the first examples of “European” exclusionary reasoning pertaining to the Turks, the refutation of the Trojan theory established Turkish presence in Asia Minor and in Europe as an extrinsic element in both geographical and cultural respects. As we have seen, ancient East-West dichotomies, the usage of which had the beginnings of cultural identity formation, and religious reasoning which used scripture to support its image generation, could be combined. Despite obvious inconsistencies, the pagan Greco-Roman civilization and its Christian successor were both perceived by humanists as “European.”192 Among them was one of the leaders of Christendom, Pope Pius II., whom Johannes Helmrath has considered a representative personality of his time.193 Thus, certain spatial and cultural conceptions augmented alterity based on rite, and these additions eventually comprised an enormously enduring factor in the development of European-Turkish alterity: “Humanists […] created something very new and influential that would affect Western thought for centuries to come. Humanists, in short, added dimension and depth to preexisting cross-cultural and religious perceptions and rhetoric […]. Just as they defined ‘Western civilization’ in terms still used today, they shaped Western perceptions of other cultures.”194

190

Wolfgang Friedrichs: Das Türkenbild in Lodovico Dolces Übersetzung der Epistolae magni Turci des italienischen Humanisten Laudivio Vezzanense. In: Guthmüller / Kühlmann (Ed.): Europa und die Türken, p. 342. 191 Meserve: Medieval Sources, p. 411. 192 Höfert: Den Feind beschreiben, p. 298. 193 Helmrath: Pius II., p. 82. 194 Bisaha: Creating East and West, p. 11.

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4.1.3. Cultural Perceptions and Political Cooperation during the Ottoman Zenith

The fear of being overrun by the Turks which galvanized Central Europe from 1453 until 1683 spawned myths that still burden pertinent European historical analyses, states Almut Höfert. By not emphasizing the “internal” threats (those posed by non-Ottoman European states) which then existed and instead aggrandizing the Ottoman danger, a (strongly) distorted historical construct is created: “European history in the Early Modern Era is a literal succession of wars in which European powers justified their expansion attempts dynastically, and it is not justifiable why the likewise expansionist policies of the Ottomans and the wars resulting from them should be viewed differently, simply because these were not dynastically legitimized.”195

Part of this distortion includes considering remote areas of Europe among those threatened by the Ottomans. She points out, for example, that the Turkish threat to Scandinavia was minimal, and hence the perception of the Turkish peril was likely to have been minimal there, or that the eyes of Spain and Portugal were cast elsewhere.196 While she acknowledged the significant efforts to generate an entity that excluded Turks, Almut Höfert saw little difference in the Turkish-European conflicts and those between European states. The confessional split in Christianity in the 16th and 17th centuries had, in fact, weakened the idea of unitas Christiana greatly. It also created a differentiation in image generation of Islam, and likewise of the Ottoman Turks. The new Protestant image generation was in many ways different than that propagated by many humanists and Catholic clergymen; one difference significant to this study was the less pronounced presence of ancient/cultural image factors in the former and its greater emphasis on rite. This concentration was also evinced by polemics against the Pope and the Catholic Church, which sometimes put Catholics on the same level as Turks. For example, the recruiting and initiation processes, disciplinary order, “blind obedience”, and organization of the Pope’s Jesuit phalanx were likened to that of the Sultan’s

195 196

Höfert: Den Feind beschreiben, p. 54. (Translation D.R.) Ibid. pp. 53, 54, 55.

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Janissary Corps in some polemical Protestant literature.197 Protestant polemics also designated both organizations as instruments of Satan: “Both Janissaries and Jesuits [were] considered instruments of Satan, because both persecute[d] the ‘true Christians’.”198 Another example of this was an association of the Papacy, Calvinism, and the Turks with the three-headed anti-Christ, the nemesis of the Holy Trinity: “Johannes Prätorius’ pamphlet interprets the Papacy, Calvinism, and Islam in the form of the Turk as the three ‘personages’ of the Antichrist - analogous to the three ‘personages’ of the triune God.”199 In addition to the splits caused by the Reformation, diplomatic relations maintained between the Ottoman Empire and certain European heads of state also constitute a challenge to the idea of a pan-European fear and negative perception of Turks. Examples of these included the Holy Roman Emperor’s attempt to arrange an alliance with the Ottomans against Venice in 1510, the Franco-Ottoman alliances, or Queen Elizabeth’s I. overtures to find a counterbalance to the power of the Spanish Crown. However, these activities were relatively uncommon and somewhat unorthodox, as their practicality contrasted anti-Turkish sentiments. The Turk remained the most foreign specter on account of his religion: “[…] [W]hilst the Ottomans could be accommodated within Western European conceptions of power, politics, and civility […], their religion […] remains inassimilable, its alien nature becoming abstracted and magnified.”200 This was true in spite of hatred, brutality, and polemics resulting from confrontations between Protestants and Catholics. The fear of Turks also remained pervasive, especially due to the stream of printed literature which expounded Turkish “barbarities” and disseminated other anti-Turkish propaganda. The existence of scarce yet relatively objective reports of some who had traveled within Ottoman dominions201 was overshadowed by the polemical propaganda. Furthermore, Almut Höfert did not take into account the fact that anti-Turkish propaganda was widespread across Europe, even in Scandinavia:

197

Ursula Paintner: ‘Das die Jesuiten die rechte und eigentliche verfolger Jhesu Christi sein’. Polemische Publizistik gegen Jesuiten im deutschsprachigen Raum bis 1618 – Kommunikation und Funktion – Dissertation: Fachbereich Philosophie und Geisteswissenschaften. Freie Universität Berlin, 2006. pp. 343–344. 198 Ibid. p. 342. (Translation D.R.) 199 Ibid. pp. 338–339. (Translation D.R.) 200 Matthew Dimmock: New Turkes. Dramatizing Islam and the Ottomans in Early Modern England. Ashgate Publishing. Aldershot, 2005. p. 55. 201 Maria Todorova: Die Erfindung des Balkans. Europas bequemes Vorurteil. Primus Verlag. Darmstadt, 1999. p. 99.

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“In Sweden too, the Turks were designated the arch-enemy of Christianity. […] In the sermons the country’s clergy preached about the Turks’ general cruelty and bloodthirstiness and of how they systematically burned and plundered the areas they conquered.”202

In France, there was a disparity between the views of the majority and the Ottoman policy of Francis I.; the medieval alterity based on religious confrontation continued to pervade, and the majority of the French population viewed the Ottoman as a foreign, savage, unpredictable and untrustworthy nemesis: “Despite the fact that the Ottoman embassy to King Francis I. was received with all honors in Châtelleraut [1534], and that it was accompanied to Paris by the King, the population viewed the Turks with great reservedness. That [...] the ‘Turk’ was considered the supreme embodiment of evil in wide swaths of the population [in France], also during the 16th century, is indisputable. [...] Closely linked with this was the concept of religious conflict, the perception of Ottoman avidity for conquest and barbarity in fighting against the Christians, as they were considered unpredictable, perfidious and untrustworthy.”203

In England, the break with the Catholic Church did cause reverberations in the literature pertaining to the Ottomans, yet negative imagery remained strong: “[…] [D]espite the breakdown of Christendom as a defining entity, the orthodox opposition between Christian and ‘turke’ remains […] very clearly maintained within an English context.”204 With regard to the Holy Roman Empire, the attempt to organize a pact against Venice made by Emperor Maximilian was conducted secretly205; a likely reason for this secrecy was the Emperor’s use of the Türkensteuer, the special tax on imperial estates for the defense of the Empire against the Ottoman Turks, to achieve dominance over Christian rivals in Italy: “Until his death in 1519, Maximilian concentrated on winning hegemony in Italy through various coalitions and using the Türkensteuer approved by the Imperial States.”206 Nonetheless, it is fair to postulate that knowledge of an alliance between the Emperor and the Ottomans would have caused noticeable resentment in imperial lands.

202

Ingmar Karlsson: The Turk as a Threat and Europe’s “Other”. In: Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies: Turkey Sweden and the European Union. Experiences and Expectations. Sieps. Stockholm, 2006. p. 7. 203 Klaus Malettke: Die Vorstöße der Osmanen im 16. Jahrhundert aus französischer Sicht. In: Guthmüller / Kühlmann (Ed.): Europa und die Türken, pp. 388, 393, 394. (Translation D.R.) 204 Dimmock: New Turkes, p. 46. 205 Höfert: Den Feind beschreiben, p. 108. 206 Ibid. p. 107. (Translation D.R.)

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4.1.4. Developments in the Image of the Turk during the 18th Century

The defeat suffered by the Ottoman Empire before Vienna in 1683 resulted in a major decline in its striking power in Central Europe, and European perceptions of the Ottoman threat subsequently changed. While Maximilian Grothaus states that the lesser educated in Austria clung to the image of the terrible Turk as late as the 20th century207, it had much to do with the proximity to the Ottomans and the tradition of folk tales in the context of a Feindbild formed by first-hand experience. It is important to note that images of Turks among the lesser educated in Europe can be expected to have evolved much more slowly, and that the direct religious dichotomy never completely disappeared in any class. Yet the steady decline of the perception of the “Turkish peril” after 1683, and the advance of secular thought were irreversible in Western Europe. By the latter half of the next century, perceptions of Turks had taken on a strongly derogatory and contemptuous nature, based on different criteria. Initiated in England, Holland, and France208, this eventually developed in German-speaking regions, although to a lesser extent. The factors involved in this transformation included the altered OttomanEuropean power balance, new trade patterns that downplayed the Ottomans’ strategic location, and the emergence of the ideas of “progress” and “civilization”.209 A significant development in European-Turkish alterity during the 18th century concerned the ascent of vita et mores, or customs, within the concept of “civilization”. Whereas Islam still played an essential role in the Turk-European dichotomization210, ritus no longer served as the defining factor. Islam was now analyzed from a secular, anticlerical standpoint, as many Enlightenment contemplators did not reason from a religious perspective. Nonetheless, the spatial alterity disassociating the Ottoman Empire from Europe that had been carried over from the previous centuries (i.e. the religiously defined conflict and Catholic/humanist conceptualizations) continued to exist. Like the ritus alterity, which had produced some positive characterizations of Turks (e.g. piousness, religious tolerance), the newly emerged alterity also exhibited a positive side.

207

Maximilian Grothaus: Zum Türkenbild in der Adels- und Volkskultur der Habsburgermonarchie von 1650 bis 1800. In: Gernot Heiss / Grete Klingenstein (Ed.): Das Osmanische Reich und Europa 1683–1789. Konflikt, Entspannung und Austausch. Oldenbourg Verlag. München, 1983. pp. 64, 66, 68. 208 Ibid. p. 83. 209 Asli Çirakman: From the “Terror of the World” to the “Sick Man of Europe”. European Images of Ottoman Empire and Society from the Sixteenth Century to the Nineteenth. Studies in modern European history. Peter Lang Verlag. New York, 2002. p. 28. 210 Ibid. p. 37.

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“Turcophilia”, which expressed itself in fashion, music, and certain lifestyle manners, appeared among the European aristocracy and wealthy middle-class during the 18th century. Yet this enthusiasm is only to be understood prudently. Referring to the Austrian upper classes, Grothaus claims that such enthusiasm was not synonymous with real interest: “This had little to do with ethnography and true interest in the Orient and Turkish culture.”211 Turcophilia was also an expression of fascination with a chimerical Orient: “For Europeans the Orient was a mysterious, enchanting world, which was identified with the exotic and sensual pleasure.”212 Furthermore, common Turks were still viewed negatively by the “turcophiles”.213 Contrary to the “turcophile” phenomenon, the literary image of Ottoman Turks during the 18th century had little positive to it. According to Asli Çirakman, the diversity in images (whereas it must be reiterated that the positive imagery of the previous centuries was often to be found in the less circulated travel reports) of Turks which had existed during the 16th and 17th centuries was perhaps due to a lack of an analytical framework, something which 18th century thought did develop. Correspondingly, themes such as Turkish character, slavery, tyranny and despotism, which had previously been handled separately, now were part of an ensemble, in which the elements implied each other.214 Thus, a major difference between the Enlightenment era and the antecedent centuries consisted of the reduction in the diversity of imagery, as even travelers fell into the contemporary analytical framework and were to an extent lost as sources of relative objectivity.215 This was compounded by the fact that the travel report had transcended its minimal impact in pre-Enlightenment Europe, and had become a major influence on public opinion.216 As mentioned above, analysis against a background of interwoven factors was a significant element in the reasoning of many Enlightenment writers, for whom: “[…] the general principles of social and political association [could] be rationally established with reference to constant ahistorical criteria–such as human nature, climate or religion.”217 This reasoning was based on an Enlightenment belief that: “[…] the constancy of nature in the physical sciences […] extended to include constancy of intellectual and moral 211

Grothaus: Zum Türkenbild, p. 87. (Translation D.R.) Kuran-Burçoğlu: Die Wandlungen des Türkenbildes, p. 46. (Translation D.R.) 213 Spohn: Alles Getürkt, p. 63. 214 Çirakman: From the “Terror of the World”, pp. 184, 191. 215 Ibid. p. 104. 216 Helga Fischer: Das Osmanische Reich in Reisebeschreibungen und Berichten des 18. Jahrhunderts. In: Heiss / Klingenstein (Ed.): Das Osmanische Reich, p. 114. 217 Çirakman: From the “Terror of the World”, p. 192. 212

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disposition of men in the ‘social sciences’.”218 This “constancy” was a recipe for the formation of stereotypes, prejudices, and clichés which became a significant part of perceptions of Turks in the 18th and 19th centuries. In image generation of the Ottoman Turks, the paradigm for this constancy of “nature” and “disposition in men” was the theory of despotism inherent to the Orient: “[…] [D]espotism in the eighteenth century was not only redefined and established as an Oriental form of political regime, but it also contained a corresponding theory of society […] [which] portrayed a static and slavish society, a backward and corrupt polity, with arbitrary and ferocious rulers governing servile and timid subjects. Moreover, despotic society was assumed to generate a vicious circle in which every despot became a slave of another.”219

This “vicious circle” of Oriental despotism: “[…] not only serve[d] to define the nature of politics and government but also determine[d] the nature of society and individuals in general.”220 The “nature” of Ottoman society could thus be interwoven with the “analytical” interconnection of climate, Islam, and customs221, as well as claims of corruption and perpetual backwardness.222 Considering the above, Ottoman decline could easily be holistically contextualized by contemporaries, facilitating the pervasive “Sick Man of Europe” image which would become prevalent during the 19th century. Although developments in European image generation of Turks were quite negative during the 18th century, there were positive developments in diplomatic relations, most notably the 18th century Prusso-Turkish cooperation: “A gradual change in the parameters of German-Turkish relations was evident from the beginning of the 18th century onward.”223 Prussia’s rise to the status of an important power during the 18th and 19th centuries stood in great contrast to a non-imperialistic role in the Orient; this combination proved to be a lasting attraction to an Ottoman state desperate for powerful European allies. Yet this improvement did not necessarily equate to improved Prussian or German perceptions of Turks. Although the Prussian monarchy and the Ottoman Sultan shared strategic interests (e.g. seeking a counterbalance to Russia/Austria) and maintained good diplomatic relations, contemporary European condescension in 218

Ibid. p. 192. Ibid. p. 216. 220 Ibid. p. 109. 221 Ibid. p. 214. 222 Ibid. pp. 164–165. 223 Weick: Die schwierige Balance, p.7. (Translation D.R.) 219

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perceptions of Turks was not mitigated. Without ever having set foot on Ottoman soil, Frederick the Great stated contemptuously in 1768: “A dull ignorance makes this nation stupid, and while all European peoples have made progress, it has remained primitive.”224 Furthermore, Susanne Zantop has claimed that a German colonialist conscience existed at the time225, which would also speak against any considerable change in the contemporary German image of the Turk. 4.1.5. German-Turkish Cooperation and the Negative Image of Turks in the Mid-19th Century As mentioned in the previous chapter, 19th century perceptions of Turks could be influenced by certain simplistic and condescending classifications which existed during the Enlightenment. Asli Çirakman postulates that 19th century European perceptions of the Orient were dominated by clichés.226 This was most pertinent in the case of the two domineering colonial powers, France and the United Kingdom. Without ruling out the likelihood of discrepancies, the British and French empires of the 19th century, being the primary colonial powers, provided the best requisite scenario for the indirect collusion of imperialist political interest and textual representation of the area subject to colonial ambition, which was an elementary principle of Edward Said’s theory of manifest Orientalism.227 A generally perceived “backwardness” and “irrational nature” of the Oriental, along with the postulations that nothing progressed there, were seen as justifications for the deduction that such lands in question were suitable for colonization.228 Ottomans were especially targeted, as their rule over much of the Middle East obviously prevented direct colonization. Hence, certain negative characteristics of the Turk corresponded to this “necessity” of colonization, some of which included laziness and

224

Politisches Testament Friedrich des Großen (1768). Über den augenblicklichen Stand der Interessen und Verbindungen der andere Höfe Europas. In: Richard Dietrich (Ed.): Politische Testamente der Hohenzollern. Deutsche Taschenbuch Verlag. München, 1981. pp. 354–355. (Translation D.R.) 225 Susanne Zantop: Colonial Fantasies. Conquest, Race, and Nation in Pre-Colonial Germany, 1770–1871. Duke University Press. Durham, NC., 1997. p. 2. 226 Çirakman: From the “Terror of the World”, p. 15. 227 According to Said, stated views about the Orient and its various aspects, in other words its discussion, constituted manifest Orientalism. Furthermore, the designation of something as Oriental meant that it was inferior, and with regard to land and people the designation implied necessary subjugation. See Edward Said: Orientalism. Penguin Books. London, 1977. pp. 206–207. 228 Kuran-Burçoğlu: Die Wandlungen des Türkenbildes, p. 47.

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indolence, as well as an inability to adequately implement Western reforms. Furthermore, the Ottoman Turkish state was considered to be in hopeless decay.229 The development of Prusso-Turkish and subsequently German-Turkish relations between 1835 and 1918 presented a special case within the political-economic context of 19th-20th century Ottoman-European relations; when compared with Ottoman diplomatic relations to other major European powers, the German-Turkish cooperation constituted a “friendship”. Initially it was the Prussians who entertained such cooperation with the Ottomans, which was primarily in the field of military assistance. Although the Prussian leadership undoubtedly desired a strong Turkish military to contribute to Prussian interests, the nature of Prussian interaction with the Ottoman Empire was nonimperialistic, as Helmut Arndt points out: “Prussia had neither territorial ambitions, nor was it attempting to achieve hegemony.”230 Four German military missions (1835–1839, 1882–1885, 1886–1913, 1913–1918) provided an excellent official substantiation of the “friendship” between Prussia/Germany and the Ottoman Empire. The publications of the men in charge of these missions were also of importance, and some not only had a corresponding effect upon perceptions of Turkey231, they also reflected stereotypes and clichés. The first of these were the groundbreaking writings of Helmuth von Moltke, which later became extremely popular after he had made such a name for himself in the victorious campaign against France in 1870–1871.232 When compared with the polemical writings of other contemporaries, e.g. the well-known Jakob Phillip Fallmerayer, Moltke presented a relatively ambivalent account. In his book Letters on Conditions and Events in Turkey in the Years 1835 to 1839 (Unter dem Halbmond), Moltke depicted many circumstances in an objective fashion and defied common stereotypes, such as those concerning the subjugation of women and slavery under the Turks.233 Nevertheless, Moltke also demonstrated the opposite: “[…] It is virtually impossible for Europeans to imagine how low the level of intelligence in the Orient actually is.”234 As many earlier scholars had done, Moltke cited Islam as the main culprit for Turkish inadequacies.235 His subsequent writings for the 229

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