Tulipmania: money, honor, and knowledge in the Dutch golden age 9780226301259, 9780226301303, 9780226301266

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Acknowledgments (page xi)
List of Illustrations (page xv)
INTRODUCTION (page 1)
ONE: Something Strange (page 20)
TWO: Art & Flowers (page 62)
THREE: Bloemisten (page 131)
FOUR: Grieving Money (page 194)
FIVE: Bad Faith (page 253)
EPILOGUE: Cabbage Fever (page 305)
Glossary (page 321)
A Note on Money (page 323)
Abbreviations (page 325)
Notes (page 327)
Index (page 399)

Citation preview

Tulipmania |

Money, Honor, and Knowledge in the Dutch Golden Age —

ANNE GOLDGAR

THE UNIVERSITY of CHICAGO PRESS

| { CHICAGO AND LONDON } - ,

The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637

The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London ©2007 by The University of Chicago All rights reserved. Published 2007 Paperback edition 2008

Printed in the United Statesof America 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 23456 1S BN-13: 978-0-226-30125-9 (cloth)

ISBN-13: 978-0-226-30126-6 (paper) IS BN-10: 0-226-30125-7 (cloth)

ISBN-10: 0-226-30126-5 (paper)

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Goldgar, Anne.

Tulipmania : money, honor, and knowledge in the Dutch golden age / Anne Goldgar.

p- cm. | Includes bibliographical references and index. IS BN-13: 978-0-226-30125-9 (cloth : alk. paper)

ISBN-10: 0-226-30125-7 (cloth: alk. paper)

1. Netherlands—Economic conditions—17th century. 2. Tulip mania, 17th century. 3. Social values—Netherlands—History—i7th century. 4. Netherlands—Social life and customs—17th century. 5. Netherlands—Social conditions—1i7th century. I. Title. II. Title: Money, honor, and knowledge in the Dutch golden age. HC325.G64 2007 330.9492'03—dc22

2006039793 | The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences— Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992.

In memory of my dear friend Michael Montias ,

| and with love to all my other friends especially

Kelly Boyd . | Mark Ledbury | Marina Benjamin Marika Keblusek

Jennifer Kilian

Steve Maughan

| who helped me through

BLANK PAGE

“For pity’s sake, Laura,

, don’t talk about anything so deadly as the bulbs.”

E. M. DELAFIELD, The Way Things Are (1927) ,

BLANK PAGE

| CONTENTS | Acknowledgments, xi List of Illustrations, xv

INTRODUCTION it}

| ONE : Something Strange {20}

{62} |

| TWO: Art & Flowers THREE : Bloemisten 1131}

, FOUR : Grieving Money 1194 }

FIVE : Bad Faith —

1253 } | EPILOGUE : Cabbage Fever 1305 }

Glossary, 321 A Note on Money, 323 Abbreviations, 325 Notes, 327. Index, 399

| BLANK PAGE

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS , | THE MUNICIPAL ARCHIVE IN HAARLEM STAYS OPEN

until 9 p.m. on Thursdays, and for a long period I was usually the , last person to leave (even the man with the grey beard and glasses had usually left before 9). One summer night, as I was crossing the Nieuwe Gracht, I saw a wonderful sight. Twenty, thirty, or

more swans were all congregated together in the water below ,

the bridge. Their quiet, graceful, serene meeting at twilight has stayed with me ever since. It compounds the spirit of place so

; central to the making of this book and indeed to the events discussed in it. lam grateful, therefore, first of all to the people and places of the Netherlands, for the chance to spend so much time

in the last years somewhere I increasingly love. _ / For that chance I must also thank wholeheartedly the Na- _ : | tional Endowment for the Humanities for giving mea fellowship

in 1999-2000, as well as its unflappability when my topic mu- , | | tated from public museums to tulips and collecting. Henk van Nierop and the Department of History and Regional Studies at the Universiteit van Amsterdam were kind enough to make me

a guest researcher in the same year, not to mention protecting a me against the strictures of the Dutch immigration service and

Ministry of Justice, whose understanding of the notion of a sab-

batical year was at best feeble. | ,

Many people were generous with their time, advice, andmaterial, something made all the more necessary by my comparative newness to this field. I was offered ideas and direction early

on by Florike Egmond, Mark Meadow, Claudia Swan, Elizabeth | Honig, Christopher Heuer, and S.A.C. Dudok van Heel. Sam | Segal not only kindly talked to me about the topic, but gave me the run of his magnificent library and his notes on tulips and still

life painting. I was fortunate to be able to talk to Mary Sprunger | about Mennonites; Clé Lesger about tax and banking records; ©

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Corry Azzi and Jim Dana about financial panics and bubbles; Roelof van Gelder about Paludanus and collecting; Frans de Bruyn about the South Sea Bubble; P1-

eter Biesboer about Haarlem burghers; and Marten Jan Bok about practically everything. I received valuable tips, ideas, and information from Annie Janowitz, Stephanie Schrader, Petra van Dam, Wantje Fritschy, Pamela Smith, Paula Findlen, Paul Hoftijzer, Peter Mancall, Elizabeth Wyckoff, Paul Taylor, Stuart Carroll, , Sandra Raphael, Erica Fudge, Sue Wiseman, Ariel Salzmann, Betsy Wieseman, Malcolm Baker, Nicholas Dew, Rudolf Dekker, Machteld Lowensteyn, Peter Mason, Michéle Cohen, George Biddlecombe, Florence Koorn, Margot Finn, A.R.

Braunmuller, Randall McNeill, Tim Spurgin, Kitty Kilian, Paul Dijstelberge, , Henk Looijesteijn, Jelle Bosma, Bram Schuytvlot, Frouke Wieringa, Meghan Pen-

nisi, Doug Hildebrecht, Simon Schama, Lorraine Daston, Lissa Roberts, Katy Kist, Jaap Haarskamp, Esther ten Dolle, Giles Mandelbrote, Ben Kaplan, Judith Pollmann, Bert Goldgar, Julia Adeney Thomas, Kirsty Milne, Richard Unger, and

Francis Spufford. |

Gabrielle Dorren, Marten Jan Bok, Irene van Thiel-Stroman, Garrelt Ver-

hoeven, Johan Koppenol, Michael Montias, Frans de Bruyn, Arjan van Dixhoorn, Piet Boon, Clé Lesger, Christine Kooi, Beth Hyde, Willem Frijhoff, and Susanne Weide all gave me access to either written work before its publication and/or doc-

umentary material I was able to use in the course of writing the book. Daan de Clercg and Agnes Dunselman were both more than generous in their assistance |

with my genealogical investigations in the Mennonite community. , The staff of the many archives and libraries used when researching this topic were unfailingly helpful and interested. The British Library as always has been a paradise and a home; my thanks to everyone working there. In the Netherlands, Liesbeth Strasser of the Nationaal Archief in the Hague (and earlier also of the former Archiefdienst voor Kennemerland in Haarlem, now the Noord-Hollands

Archief ) was of particular assistance and was present at the epiphanic moment when I realized that transactions about tulips littered the rolls of the Haarlem Kleine Bank van Justitie. Piet Boon and his colleagues at the Archiefdienst Westfriese Gemeenten in Hoorn were kind enough to pull up great quantities of notarial volumes on carts for me and to help me with my questions about the

| Enkhuizen archives. In particular I was welcomed and made to feel part of the family at the Noord-Hollands Archief. Besides the brief sighting of a convention of swans, the many pleasant hours I spent reading notarial and judicial records while looking out on the little brick-paved courtyard outside the Janskerk will

remain always in my heart. ,

Overarching discussions about the project and its direction came in particu-

| xii }

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS lar from Michael Montias, Marten Jan Bok, Natalie Zemon Davis, John Brewer, Tony Grafton, and Mark Ledbury. Their comments and ideas did much to shape | the book. I am also grateful for the questions and ideas posed at seminars and talks in Haarlem, Amsterdam, Antwerp, London, Sussex, Cambridge, Manchester, York, Warwick, the Folger Library, the Huntington Library, and the Getty Art

Institute. |

I would also like to thank the students over the years in my course on early modern cultural history. Our discussions contributed greatly to my ideas here; I just hope they didn’t get sick of hearing about tulips. It has been a great pleasure to find myself at last in the capable and sensitive hands of the University of Chicago Press. I cannot praise enough my editor, Douglas Mitchell, and his magnificent editorial assistant, Tim McGovern; not to mention Joel Score, Levi Stahl, Maia Wright, Anita Samen, and Joyce Dunne. I would especially like to thank Sharon Bautista, who did such a wonderful job in helping to obtain the illustrations. My father, Bert Goldgar, was generous with his encouragement and time, especially in helping read the proofs. Justin Elliott also provided invaluable proofreading assistance and support in the book’s final stages. The road to publication of this book has been unusually rocky, and for that _ reason I must thank all the friends who supported me through hard times, and to whom the book is dedicated. Kelly Boyd was always there for a (lengthy) chat, not to mention on-tap assistance in computer emergencies. Marina Benjamin helped me puzzle out the vagaries of publishing world while doling out her usual radiant warmth and wonderful cooking. Marika Keblusek proved a delightful friend and research companion, who with generosity of spirit was permanently on call to help me unravel the rushed and stilted prose of seventeenth-century court records. Jennifer Kilian was herself: generous and kind and always willing to listen. Her cats also provided me with much-needed entertainment. Steve Maughan was a calming influence in various crazy stages of the book, not least the last, while quietly pursuing his own research and doing odd jobs around my house. Mark

Ledbury could not have done more to take me through the writing of the book; , he discussed every chapter with me, before and after it was written, as well as providing encouragement and good cheer via e-mail and phone virtually hourly through the whole period of writing. The late Michael Montias shaped my thinking in so many ways; I will always treasure the times we spent having dinner in Amsterdam chattering away about subjects boring to nearly everyone else in the world (who was whose brother-in-law in 1635 and whether they lived on the Brou-

wersgracht). Michael told me once that there was no one else he could talk to

{ xiii } |

a | ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Soe RS bg about these things but me. This was not true, but it was gracious of him to say So. . ,

whom | adore. .

, The world has lost a great scholar in him, andIhavelostagreatfriend. , Finally, I thank my parents for always having been there, and my colleagues,

| King’s CollegeLondon September 2006

{ xiv | a a

ILLUSTRATIONS

_ Figures 1. Hubertus Quellinus, western pediment of Amsterdam town hall, 1664, after design by Artus Quellinus, in Prima pars praecipuarum effigierum ac ornamenta- | rum... Curiae Amstelrodamensis .. . (1665-1668). Permission of British Library,

shelfmark 788.i1.4. {10} |

2. Christoffel van den Berghe, Flowers in a gilt-mounted porcelain vase, c. 1616. Courtesy of Sotheby’s. {27} 3. Jacob de Monte, Portrait of Carolus Clusius, c. 1584. Leiden, University Library,

Icones19. {35} -

4. Peter Paul Rubens, The Four Philosophers, 1611. Galleria Palatina, Palazzo Pitti,

Florence. Photo: Nicolo Orsi Battaligni/Art Resource, New York. {37} 5. Title page of Carolus Clusius, Rariorum plantarum historia (Antwerp: Christoffel Plantin, 1601). Leiden, University Library, shelfmark 661 A 3. {42} 6. Title page of Rembertus Dodonaeus, Cruydt-Boeck (Leiden: Officina Plantiniana, 1608). Leiden, University Library, shelfmark 659 A7. {43} 7. Tulipa serotina flava from Clusius, Rariorum plantarum historia (1601), p. 144.

Permission of British Library, shelfmark 441.1.8. {45} , 8. Crispijn van de Passe, Spring, from Van de Passe, Hortus Floridus (Arnhem: Jan

Jansz, 1614). Permission of British Library, shelfmark 445.b.29. {46}

| 9. North side of Haarlem. Detail of Pieter Wils map of Haarlem in Jan Blaeu, Toonneel der Steden van de Vereenighde Nederlanden, met hare Beschrijvingen (Amster- | dam: Jan Blaeu, 1649). Permission of British Library, Maps 9.TAB.25. {48} 10. South side of Haarlem. Detail of Pieter Wils map of Haarlem in Blaeu, Toonneel der Steden (1649). Permission of British Library, Maps 9.TAB.25. {49}

11. Adriaen van de Venne, scholar showing an aristocrat a tulip, from Zeeusche Nachtegael (Middelburg: Jan Pietersz van de Venne, 1623). Permission of Konin-

klijke Bibliotheek, The Hague, shelfmark 10 H 23. {54} , 12. Photo of Prinsengracht 483, Amsterdam, bought by Jan Hendricxsz Admirael in 1643. Permission of Rijksdienst voor de Monumentenzorg, Zeist, Nether-

lands. {64} 13. Cabinet of Ole Worm. Ole Worm, Museum Wormianum (Amsterdam: Lowijs _

[xv]

ILLUSTRATIONS | and Daniel Elzevier, 1655). Leiden, University Library, shelfmark Magazijn 5-656A8. {68} 14. Cup made of a nut. Carolus Clusius, Exoticorum libri decem (Leiden: Officina Plantiniana, 1605), p. 193. Permission of Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague, shelfmark 177 A3. {76} 15. Nautilus cup, 1651. Foot made by Willem Claesz Brugman; shell carved by _ Joan Belkien. Stedelijk Museum het Prinsenhof, inv. PDZ 6. Permission of Gemeente Musea Delft. {77} 16. Hortus botanicus in Leiden. Engraving by Willem Swanenburgh after Jan Cornelisz Woudanus. Permission of Atlas van Stolk, Rotterdam, no. 1271-72. {79} 17. Abraham Susenier, shell still life, c. 1659. Permission of Dordrechts Museum, Dordrecht, inv. DM/992/697. {82} 18. Emblem on the folly of shell collecting. Roemer Visscher, Sinnepoppen (Amsterdam: W. Jansz, 1614). Permission of Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague,

shelfmark 341C 4. {84} , ,

19. Emblem on the folly of tulip collecting. Visscher, Sinnepoppen (1614). Permission of Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague, shelfmark 341 C 4. {85} 20. Hendrick Goltzius, Portrait of Jan Govertsz van der Aer, 1603. Permission of Mu-

seum Boijmans van Beuningen, Rotterdam. {91} 21. Simon van de Passe, Memento Mori, 1612. Permission of Museum Boijmans van

Beuningen, Rotterdam. {93} , ,

22. Jacques de Gheyn the elder, Vanitas, 1603. The Metropolitian Museum of Art,

Charles B. Curtis, Marquand, Victor Wilbour Memorial, and the Alfred N. Punnett Endowment Funds, 1974 (inv. 1974.1). {94} 23. Adriaen van de Venne, symbol of widowhood, in Jacob Cats, Houweltjck (Middelburg: Jan Pietersz van de Venne, 1625), part 6, p. 53. Author’s collection;

kind gift of Mark Meadow. {95} : |

24. Joris Hoefnagel, Allegory on the Brevity of Life, 1591. Palais des Beaux-Arts, Lille,

inv. 732. Photo: Réunion des Musées Nationaux /Art Resource, New York. {96} 25. Gebiesd van Coornart, tulip portrait from the tulip book of P. Cos, f. 63. Permis-

sion of Wageningen UR Library. {99}

26. Anon., pencil drawing of man looking at a tulip book. Courtesy of Haboldt and Co., Paris. {101} 27. Hans Holbein, Portrait of Benedikt von Hertenstein, 1517. The Metropolitan Mu-

seum of Art, Rogers Fund aided by subscribers, 1906 (06.1038). {103} 28. Alexandre-Francois Desportes, Diane et Blonde, first quarter of the eighteenth century. Photo: © Nicolas Mathéus. Musée de la Chasse et de la Nature, Paris. {105} 29. Diego Rodriguez de Silva y Velazquez, Portait of Don Sebastidn de Morra, c. 1648. Museo del Prado, Madrid. Photo: Scala/Art Resource, New York. {106}

{ xvi }

, ILLUSTRATIONS 30. Welsenis to Clusius, Leiden, University Library, VUL 101, f. 4. {108} 31. Pieter Holsteyn, tulip portrait, Grebber. Courtesy of Sotheby’s. {111} 32. Frans Hals, Portrait of Paulus van Beresteyn, c. 1620. Louvre, inv. R.F. 424. Photo:

Réunion des Musées Nationaux/Art Resource, New York. {126} 33. Broadside, Liste van eenighe Tulpaen verkocht aende meest-biedende, 1637. Per-

, mission of Wageningen UR Library, Spec. Coll. R337A25,08. {138} 7 34. Frans Hals, Portait of Cornelis Guldewagen, c. 1660. Gift of Mr.and Mrs. MerleJ. , Trees, Collection of Krannert Art Museum and Kinkead Pavilion, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, inv. 1953-1-1. {144} , 35. Diagram of connections among some Mennonites in the tulip trade. {152} 36. Balthasar Florisz Berckenrode, map of Amsterdam, 1647 copy of 1625 map. Permission of Amsterdam City Archives. Here marked with clusters of bloemisten. {154-55} 37. Pieter Wils, map of Haarlem, in Jan Blaeu, Toonneel der Steden van de Vereenighde

Nederlanden, met hare Beschrijvingen (Amsterdam: Jan Blaeu, 1649). Permission of British Library, Maps 9.TAB.25. Here marked with locations mentioned in

the text. {158-59}

38. Cornelis Willemsz Blaeulaken, after Pieter Jansz Saenredam. The Grote Markt , in Haarlem. In Samuel Ampzing, Beschrijvinge ende Lof der stad Haarlem in Hol- _

Haarlem. {160-61} |

land (Haarlem: Adriaen Roman, 1628). Permission of Noord-Hollands Archief, 39. Pieter Jansz Saenredam, Choir and North Ambulatory of the St. Bavo or Grote Kerk, _ Haarlem. Permission of the J. Paul Getty Museum, accession no. 88.GC.131. {162}

40. Cornelis van Noorde, watercolor, 1779, after a painting by Nicolaes Hals, c. 1660. The Grote Houtstraat in Haarlem, looking north. Permission of the Noord-

Hollands Archief, Haarlem. {163} 41. The Hoofdwacht in Haarlem, formerly home of Willem Schoneus. Permission

of the Rijksdienst voor de Monumentenzorg, Zeist, Netherlands. {164} 7 42. Jan van Goyen, The Kleine Houtpoort with the Grote Houtpoort in the distance, 1640. Permission of the Noord-Hollands Archief, Haarlem. {165}

43. Crispijn van de Passe after Hendrick Pot, Floraes Mallewagen, detail show-

ing inn signs on the wagon. Permission of Atlas van Stolk, Rotterdam, no. 1790. {174}

collection. {176} |

44. Photo of gable-stone of Haarlem inn, the Toelast, now Jansstraat 64. Author’s 45. Jan Steen, The Leiden Baker Arend Oostwaert and his wife Catharina Keyzerswart,

1658. Permission of the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. SK-A-390. {178} 46. Wouter Crousen de Jonge’s tulip doodle. Permission of Noord-Hollands Archief, ONA Haarlem 158/sov, not. Wouter Crousen de Jonge, 1635. {181}

{ xvii }

ILLUSTRATIONS 47. Crispijn van de Passe after Hendrick Pot, Floraes Mallewagen, detail showing the collegie in Haarlem. Permission of Atlas van Stolk, Rotterdam, no. 1790. {191}

briefje 6. {206}

48. Coopcedulle. Permission of Regionaal Archief Alkmaar, ORA Alkmaar 87/4

49. Calculations of money owed by Wouter Tullekens. Permission of Regionaal Alkmaar, ORA Alkmaar 87/4, briefje 4. {207}

50. Cornelis Biens, map of Enkhuizen, from Jan Blaeu, Toonneel der Steden... | (1649). Permission of British Library, Maps 9.TAB.25. {214-15} 51. Willem Duyster, Game of Trictrac, c. 1625-1630. Permission of National Gallery,

London, cat. NG1387. {219} | |

52. Willem Buytewech, Lottery on the Groenmarkt in The Hague, c. 1620. Collection

Frits Lugt, Institut Néerlandais, Paris. {220} 53. Signatories to agreement at meeting in Utrecht electing representatives to meeting in Amsterdam to take place on February 23, 1637. Permission of Het Utrechts Archief, NA Utrecht U 009a019, f. 280v. {235} 54. Jan Jorisz van Vliet, Liedjeszanger, c. 1630. Permission of Atlas van Stolk, Rot-. | terdam, no. 2110. {239} 55. “Hoe legh ick hier in dees ellende,” in Het Oudt Haerlemsch Liedboeck (Haarlem:

Vincent Casteleyn, 16307), p. 108. Permission of Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague, shelfmark1C 28. {254} 56. Jan Soet, broadside, Dood-rolle ende Groef-maal van Floortie Flooraas, 1637. Permission of Wageningen UR Library, Spec. Coll. R337A25,25. {259} 57. Title page of Steven Theunisz van der Lust, Nieu-Jaers Pest-Spieghel (Haarlem: Jan Pietersz de Does, 1637). Permission of Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague, Knuttel 4538. {262} 58. Gillis Salomonsz Rombouts, Weaver’s Workplace, 1656. Permission of Frans Hals

Museum, Haarlem, inv. os I-296. {268} | |

59. Title page of Den Spieghel der Schoonheden (Haarlem: Jan Pietersz de Does, 1636). Permission of Stadsbibliotheek, Haarlem, shelfmark 2 F10. {271} 60. Job Berckheyde, Rehearsal of the Wijngaertrancken Rederijkerskamer, Haarlem,

second half of the seventeenth century. Permission of the Stiftung Preutische

Schlésser und Garten, Berlin-Brandenburg. {273} — 61. Rembrandt Harmensz van Rijn, Flora, also known as Saskia in Arcadian Dress, 1635. National Gallery, London, inv. NG4930. Photo: Erich Lessing/Art Resource, New York. {280} 62. Jan Steen, Mauvaise Compagnie, c. 1675. Louvre, inv. R.F.301. Photo: Réunion

des Musées Nationaux/Art Resource, New York. {282} | | 63. Anon., Flora, or Allegory on Tulipmania. Permission of Frans Hals Museum,

Haarlem, inv. os I-83. {284} |

: { XVII } ,

nee ILLUSTRATIONS ce Tec! 64. Crispijn van de Passe after Hendrick Pot, Floraes Mallewagen, 1637.Permission

of Atlas van Stolk, Rotterdam, no. 1790. {298-99} a , 65. Ship of fools from Sebastian Brant, Dat Narren schyp (Liibeck, 1497). Permis-

sion of British Library, shelfmarkI.A.9927. {300} 66. Ship on wheels from 1539 Nuremberg carnival. Stadtbibliothek Niirnberg, Ms. _

NorK 444, f. 68. Permission of Stadtbibliothek Niirnberg. {301}

| 4539. {302} | | | 67. Title page from Cornelis van der Woude, Tooneel van Flora (Amsterdam: Joost , Broersz, 1637). Permission of Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague, Knuttel

68. Arlequyn Actionist, cartoon from De Groote Tafereel der Dwaasheid, 1720. Permis-

sion of British Library, shelfmark 789. g.3. {308} | , 69. Cornelis Danckerts, Floraes Gecks-Kap, cartoon from 1637 reprinted in De Groote

g.3. {310-11} ,

| Tafereel der Dwaasheid, 1720. Permission of British Library, shelfmark 7809. 70. Afbeeldinge van ’t zeer vermaarde Eiland Geks-Kop, cartoon from De Groote Tafereel

der Dwaasheid, 1720. Permission of British Library, shelfmark 789.g.3. {312} 71. Frame from This Modern World by Tom Tomorrow, cartoon published on www

.salon.com, February 22, 1999. Permission of Daniel Perkins. {315} ,

Plates | , PLATES FOLLOW PAGE 172 , 1. Anon., title page of tulip book, Tot lof der eedele tulpa, ca. 1635-1640. © Chris-

tie’s Images Ltd.

~ York. | |

2. Anon., Satire on Tulipmania, second half of seventeenth century. Musée de | Bretagne, Rennes. Photo: Réunion des Musées Nationaux /Art Resource, New

Ltd. | | |

3. Jacob Gerritsz Cuyp, Bed of Tulips, 1638. Permission of Dordrechts Museum,

Dordrecht, inv. DM/977/523. | ,

4. Pieter Brueghel the Elder, Spring, mid-sixteenth century. © Christie’s Images | 5. Conrad Gesner, Tulip in Garden of Johann Heinrich Herwart, 1559. Permission of

Universitatsbibliothek Erlangen-Niirnberg, Ms. 2386, f. 22ov.

| inv. 679. ,

6. Ambrosius Bosschaert the elder, Vase with flowers and shells in a window, c. 1618. Permission of the Royal Cabinet of Paintings Mauritshuis, The Hague,

7. Hans Bollongier, Tulip still life, 1639. Permission of Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. SK-A-799.

8. Frans Francken II and workshop, with Jan Brueghel II, Archdukes Albrecht

/ Exti p Oo OO

ILLUSTRATIONS , and Isabella in a collector’s cabinet, c. 1626. Permission of the Walters Art

Museum, Baltimore, inv. 37.2010. oo

g. Jan Philips van Thielen, Tulip still life, first half of seventeenth century. Courtesy of Johnny van Haeften, London. 10. Michiel Jansz van Mierevelt. Double portrait with tulip, bulb, and shell, 1606. Courtesy of Galerie Sanct Lucas, Vienna. 11, Pieter Holsteyn, tulip portrait, Semper Augustus. Courtesy of Sotheby’s. 12. Jan Brueghel II, Satire on Tulipmania, c. 1640. Permission of Frans Hals Mu-

seum, Haarlem, inv. os 75-699.

13. Hendrick Gerritsz Pot, Floraes Mallewagen, c. 1640. Permission of Frans Hals

Museum, Haarlem, inv. os 1-286. |

Lxx

INTRODUCTION

SOMETIME IN THE LATE 1630S OR EARLY 1640S—

we don't know exactly when—the Haarlem market gardener Pieter Jacobsz was talking to his brother-in-law, Abraham Louwesz. They were talking about weighty mat- | ters, matters of great import. They were talking about tulips. Louwesz recalled the conversation in 1645.

“Before the death of my brother-in-law Pieter Jacobsz,” | Louwesz said, “I was at his house, and he let me see a little

bulb and put it in my hand, and he said to me, that is a , Gouda. Upon which I said to my brother-in-law, then that must certainly have cost you a lot of money. Whereupon my brother-in-law said to me in answer, That is true, but

it still isn’t paid for.” |

“That must have cost you” and “it still isn’t paid for”:

these, in essence, are the themes of tulipmania. Although | Jacobsz was in an unusual position, having actually received a bulb for which he had not paid, it was the high

| prices, and the breaking of contracts, that characterized this famous yet puzzling event. Long after Pieter Jacobsz had promised to buy his Gouda bulb, the seller was still in pursuit of his money, chasing Louwesz now that Jacobsz

was dead. He was far from alone. | In the mid-1630s, Holland famously went wild about

tulips. Nowadays the flowers seem intertwined with | Dutch life; windmills, clogs, cheese, and tulips define the Netherlands in a sort of generalized repertory of national stereotypes. The Dutch flower industry today is

world-renowned, with a market share of 7o percent of the |

i1}

international production of flowers and go percent of the trade; and of these flowers tulips are by far the most im-

Oe rernomueien portant. But the association was anything but obvious in the seventeenth |

century. Tulips then were new to Holland, and they were rare. To us the _ ultimate in Dutch domesticity, in the 1630s this fragile and changeable -_- bloom represented novelty, unpredictability, excitement—a splash of the exotic east, a collector’s item for the curious and the wealthy, rather than a simple and unpretentious flower in a jug on the kitchen table. “[I]t may well bee said, he is not humane, that is not allured with this object,”

-_-wrote the English gardener John Parkinson in 1629 about flowers. The | -_ Dutch, if anything, were even more rapturous in their praise of tulips. | The frontispiece of one album of flower watercolors from 1636, picturing a tulip garden, contains verses addressed to “O noble tulip sweet o highly

| prized flower”; the album itself lavishly portrays 125 different tulips with brilliant red and white, red and yellow, and purple and white stripes and

flames (see plate1).”__ | |

What is rare and curious is also expensive. Tulips, for a short time, | were remarkably so. They had been collector’s items from their first entry into Europe in the mid-sixteenth century, and we hear of high prices

| some decades before the 1630s, but it was in the period starting around the summer of 1636 that prices for some bulbs rose to enormous heights. __ The stories have been passed down through the years: tulips the price of houses; tulips worth fortunes; tulips, briefly, the mad and improbable fo: cus of existence for the Dutch. Tulips, we are told, were the center of life for the bloemisten, as those who grew and traded in tulips weresometimes known. One disdainful commentator wrote in January 1637 that among these people “no one speaks asks about or talks of anything but Flora, so that they have their heads so full of it, that they can neither think nor dream of anything else.” Because for most of the year the bulbs were in the ground, sales came to take the form of contracts for future payment and delivery. After the fact, these came to seem like empty promises, and the trade a windhandel, a business dealing in the empty wind. For almost inevitably—and the legends of tulipmania emphasize this inevitability—such a trade could not last. In early February 1637, the bottom fell out of the market. Buyers for the most part would not pay, and sellers

were left holding the bulbs. An obvious folly—for who, subsequent ac- , counts have stressed, would be so foolish as to pay a fortune for a tulip

bulb?—came to its apparently deserved end.° | Even as the tulip craze was in full swing, it incited amazement among

INTRODUCTION a contemporaries. William Crowne, passing through Europe in 1636 ona diplomatic mission to the Holy Roman Emperor, took note of a variety of wonders for the benefit of the readers of his travel account. Among these were a Moravian baron of eighty-two whose seventy-five-year-old wife had twins, not to mention the bishop of Mainz who, “being much trou-

bled with Mice,” built a tower to get away from them, “but even thither | they pursued him also, and eate him up.” Tulipmania evidently fell into | a similar category, a bizarre event worth reporting to a public hungry for prodigies. For Crowne, the comparable wonder to be noted about the small town of Vianen, south of Utrecht, was that “the rarest thinges in it, are Flowers, for there was a Tulip-roote sold lately for 340. pounds. . . .” In the same way, Laurens van Zanten, author of a contemporary book

of wonders, which divided world history into categories such as earthquakes, storms, fires, comets, plagues, wars, famines, enormous heat and cold, and incredible ways to die, felt tulipmania a prodigy equally worthy of mention. But the tulip craze was not only amazing; it was also stupid. The Haarlem priest Jodocus Cats wrote his nephew, a fellow priest, on February 5, 1637, that, like the plague that had been raging since 1635, now “another sickness has arisen... It is the sickness of the blommisten or floristen.” For Cats, this sickness was a sickness in the head. Never, he said, had the world seen such craziness being committed. One bulb, already a fantastic f6o0, had tripled in price in the space of as many weeks.* The Amsterdam poet Gerrit Jansz Kooch included a poem about “het Wonderlijck Jaer der bloemisten Anno 1637” (“the Wonderful Year of the bloemisten Anno 1637”), probably written in the 1670s, in a manuscript collection of verses which, when they dealt with events, were

mainly about floods or unusual weather.’ | | Nor was it only in the 1630s that tulipmania was a byword for idiocy. “I fear that what I am going to say will command no belief,” the historian

of Haarlem Theodorus Schrevelius wrote eleven years later, in 1648. He | thought the tulip craze was appalling —“I don’t know what kind of angry spirit was called up from Hell” to poison the world, he said—but despite

the seriousness of the crisis, he feared the ridicule of posterity. “Our De- | scendants doubtless will laugh at the human insanity of our Age, that in our times the Tulip-flowers have been so revered.” And so it has proven.

Accounts such as Schrevelius’ have been woven into a tale of stupidity, | greed, and madness that has been told again and again. The outlines of

INTRODUCTION the tale have become legendary, to be invoked almost ritually whenever either the Netherlands or financial speculation is in question. Novels, plays, even operas have been written about the craze. Wild stories are told of huge fortunes won and lost, and all focused on the most improbable of objects: the tulip bulb. It is no wonder that tulipmania is one of the best-known incidents in Dutch history.°

IN 1913 ERNST HEINRICH KRELAGE, A LEADING BULB-GROWER

and vice-president of the Dutch Gardening Council, was already pleading

that “there is more than enough written about |tulipmania].” This did not stop him from spending much of his own adult life on the subject, publishing both a history of the trade and an edition of the satirical pamphlets it engendered in 1942, and, in 1946, an enormous history of three centuries of bulb export with a sizeable section on the tulip. His initial feeling that the subject of tulipmania should be put to rest was, admittedly, founded on his own interest as the head of a major bulb company and one of the leaders of the trade; in 1913 a gladiolimania threatened, and Krelage could only reflect on the damage this taint of insanity might do to his business. But his short-lived opinion that we need no more books on tulipmania lives on. The newspaper columnist Miles Kington, for ex-

ample, who will probably not be writing a book about tulips in thirty years’ time, commented on the spate of such books several years ago that “frankly, one book about tulips is about as much as people can take.” Why, then, another one? A look at the history of the history of tulip-

mania provides food for thought. As we survey the literature through its 360 or so years, certain themes, certain stories, become old friends through their constant repetition. Picturesque tales are told and retold: of fortunes lost when an ignorant visitor ate a tulip bulb (the focus of an execrable French play of 1880, Jacques Normand’s L’Amiral) or of a long list of goods, including two lasts of wheat, four of rye, four fat oxen, eight fat pigs, twelve oxheads of wine, four tuns of beer, and so on, plus a ship

to carry them in, all equal to the cost (which became for some the actual cost) of one bulb of the Viceroy variety. Tulips became so desired, we hear, that the most common bulb, which would previously have been tossed on the dung-heap (Mesthoop, a word repeated in most of the sources), became

worth good money. Bulbs were said to have changed hands hundreds of 14}

INTRODUCTION

times in an ever-rising frenzy of financial madness. This must, we are told, be an irrational, an insane, a crazy trade—indeed an evil one, for not only were fortunes invested in a ridiculous way, but those doing the investing were the wrong people, those who, because of their low social station, should not have been allowed to submit to the temptation of easy money. Everyone in the country was apparently involved. In fact, we hear of a wholesale social revolution, with weavers abandoning their looms en

masse and riding around the countryside in carriages when they are not | drinking the costliest wine on credit. They were not interested in flowers, we learn, but simply in “odious” gain. One influential eighteenthcentury author, Johann Beckmann, tells us that no one ever received the flowers, or wanted to receive them: “How ridiculous would it have been | to purchase useless roots with their weight in gold, if the possession of the flower had been the only object!” To want the bulbs for profit was at least understandable (and thus, in his view, rational). But it was all the more deplorable for that. Fortunately, retribution for the hubris of tulipmania was not long in coming: thousands, we hear, were ruined, and the economy of the Netherlands left in shocked disarray.* These images appear in modern books on the subject, not to mention in the numerous Web sites, newspaper articles, and financial newsletters that have invoked tulipmania as a warning to investors in recent years. Yet the same tales of extravagance were told in the seventeenth century, often in exactly the same words. Critical reading of sources has not fea-

tured large in the study of this subject. If we trace these stories back through the centuries, we find how weak their foundations actually are. In fact, they are based on one or two contemporary pieces of propaganda and a prodigious amount of plagiarism. From there we have our modern story of tulipmania. Most of the modern-day images of the tulip craze are based on Charles Mackay, whose Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds

of 1841 1s still in print and doing well. Mackay’s title is less than unequivo-

cal about his views of the irrationality of the trade, and some of the more

picturesque stories—of tulips being eaten by the unsuspecting; of oxen, | cheese, and rye being delivered for a Viceroy; of the universality of the trade—make their appearance here. Mackay’s chief source was Johann Beckmann, author of Beytrdge zur Geschichte der Erfindungen, which, as A History of Inventions, Discoveries and Origins, went through many edii53

INTRODUCTION tions in English from 1797 on. Beckmann was concerned about financial speculation in his day, but his own sources were suspect. He relied chiefly on Abraham Munting, a botanical writer from the late seventeenth century. Munting’s father, himself a botanist, had lost money on tulips, but Munting, writing in the early 1670s, was himself no reliable eyewitness. His own words, often verbatim, come chiefly from two places: the historical account of the chronicler Lieuwe van Aitzema in 1669, and one of the longest of the contemporary pieces of propaganda against the trade, Adriaen Roman’s Samen-spraeck tusschen Waermondt ende Gaergoedt (Dialogue between True-mouth and Greedy-goods) of 1637.

As Aitzema was himself basing his chronicle on the pamphlet literature, we are left with a picture of tulipmania based almost solely on propaganda, cited as if it were fact. Even the most authoritative Dutch accounts of tulipmania, Krelage’s 1942 book and the articles in the late 1920s and early 1930s of the renowned economic historian N. W. Posthumus, are based essentially on images presented in the pamphlet literature. Although Posthumus, with some help from his fellow economic historian J. G. van Dillen and others, located some archival material on the tulip

trade in Haarlem and Amsterdam, he published it without comment (and | with many errors) and indeed seems not to have consulted it at any length when writing his pieces on tulipmania for the Economisch-Historisch Jaarboek and the Journal of Economic and Business History. While some recent

accounts have made occasional reference to sources beyond the pamphlets or, in the case of Simon Schama, have presented contextualized and useful interpretations of some of those pamphlets, despite the wealth of writing on the subject we remain in largely uncharted territory.’ In fact, as we will see, the excitement generated by tulip bulbs fit al-

most none of the stereotypes. It is thrilling to imagine despairing tulip- | sellers drowning themselves in canals, as Deborah Moggach does in her | _ novel Tulip Fever (and as poetic license permits her to do). But even that exaggerated picture of the winter of 1637 taps into one of the chief images derived from the contemporary propaganda: that it was insane to want to pay large amounts for a tulip. If we take a calmer, more informed look at the tulip craze, we find a story that is different, but equally exciting. Not because people killed themselves over bulbs, or because they joined in the “madness of crowds,” but because the story of tulipmania takes us into a fascinating world. This was a new world, a new country, with a new kind

16}

of culture, a new set of priorities, anew social system, anewimpetusto its commerce and its society. Tulipmania opensa window for usinto that ass, & .

culture anditsvalues° ae oe ao : Genie re ton ee eer os 7 When we delve deeply into the history of tulipmania, instead of merely exclaiming at its excesses, we begin to distrust the stereotypes. | Although it was a craze, although it was a wonder, although it was much oe talked of at the time and ever after, most of what we have heard about itis © not true. Not everyone was involved in the trade, and those who were were

connected to each other in specific ways. The prices of some varieties of _

tulips were briefly high, but many never increased greatly in value, and it remains to be seen whether or not it was insane for prices to reach the levels they did. Tulipmania did not destroy the economy, or even the live-

lihoods of most participants. | But that does not mean that tulipmania was not a crisis. It might not have been a financial crisis, but it was a social and cultural one. In tulipmania, Dutch burghers confronted a series of issues that in any case gripped their culture: novelty, the exotic, capitalism, immigration, the growth of urban societies, and all the problems and excitement such issues raised. People in the 1630s and after found tulipmania a wonder, something to be marveled at, like a fireball, a child with two heads, or a plague of mice. But they also found it to be a warning. That warning, and

the images it raised in the minds of those calling our attention toit,has — | always been treated as if it were a mere fact. Yetthereasonsforthewarn-

- ing have scarcely been explored. a ne sa THE NETHERLANDS WAS NOT LIKE OTHEREUROPEANLANDS. >

While most other Europeans lived in monarchies, the Dutch livedinare public, a federalized state in which power lay chiefly withthe townsand |

provinces rather than the court of the Stadholder (who was appointed, in any case, by the provincial authorities) or the States-General. While other countries were dominated by landed nobilities, the Dutch, at least : in the prosperous west, were largely town-dwellers, led by oligarchies of | wealthy merchants who, despite their money, didnotformanaristocracy. _— While other populations suffered economically in the seventeenth cen- : tury, the Dutch prospered, their high wages attracting immigrant labor __ from surrounding regions. Whereas their neighbors in Europe tendedto

INTRODUCTION rely, often precariously, on subsistence agriculture for their livelihoods, the Dutch relied on the Baltic grain trade to feed their population, freeing labor for specialized agriculture such as dairy farming; for rural industry, fishing, and overseas trade; and for a thriving manufacturing, processing, and commercial culture in the towns. With the rest of Europe enduring what is often described as a “general crisis’*>—economic, demographic, political, meteorological—in the first half of the seventeenth century, the burgeoning Netherlands was an unusual place indeed.” Naturally there were many continuities in this society from the six-

teenth to the seventeenth centuries, but in other ways changes were man- | ifest. The long war of independence against the Spanish, which began in the 1560s and, after the hiatus of the Twelve Years’ Truce from 1609 to 1621, was to continue until 1648, brought many of them in its wake. Although the provinces of the northern Netherlands, unlike their southern ©

neighbors, succeeded in breaking away from their Spanish sovereigns during the revolt that encompassed both north and south, they were functioning as an independent nation long before the end of the armed conflict, indeed from 1579, when seven northern provinces formed what was originally a temporary military alliance in the Union of Utrecht. The Union defined in some measure the relationships between the center and the provinces— giving preference to provincial and local government— and circumstances placed the wealthy province of Holland, which paid far more toward the general budget than any other province, ina position of dominance over the rest of the country. In some ways, the rich towns of Holland, the province where tulipmania took place, and most particularly Amsterdam, were the most powerful parts of this rich nation, able to dictate economic and foreign policy for the whole country. The war also helped to change the makeup of those towns. The tumults of the Dutch Revolt left Antwerp, previously the most important port in northern Europe, economically ravaged, and the blockade of the Scheldt estuary by the Dutch to frustrate Antwerp’s Spanish occupiers

did little to help the situation. One result for Antwerp and other towns | in the southern Netherlands was a great emigration of merchants, with all their expertise, capital, and connections. Many of them, sometimes after a sojourn in the German lands, England, or elsewhere, ended up

18}

INTRODUCTION

in the towns of the Dutch Republic. Antwerp was depopulated, but the northern Dutch towns grew enormously.

| The resultant new faces, new money, and new ideas helped to revolutionize the Dutch economy in the late sixteenth century. The money and techniques of cloth merchants, not to mention the large number of linen weavers leaving the south at the same time, brought new life to the cloth industry of towns like Haarlem and Leiden. Between government intervention and private enterprise, overseas and intraregional trade blossomed in ports such as Amsterdam, Enkhuizen, and Hoorn; products from all over Europe, not to mention the East and West Indies, were | exchanged, processed, and sometimes reexported from such towns. The foundation of the profitable East India Company (VOC) in 1602 and the rather less successful West India Company (WIC) in 1621 brought a host of new products into the country, but much of the trade was carried on by independent merchants who would invest in individual voyages, some-

times turning their attention to widely disparate products and locales. The unusual institutionalization of commerce in the Netherlands—the foundation of a chamber of assurance in 1598; a new commodity exchange in 1618; a public exchange bank, the Wisselbank, in 1609; and a

lending bank in 1614—attracted capital and mercantile interest from all | over Europe. Along with the favorable interest rates and the likelihood of the most up-to-date commercial information, this made a port like Am-

- sterdam a promising place for any European merchant to do business. Although the economy suffered to some degree after the war resumed in 1621, the Dutch continued to succeed economically until midcentury. Capital was abundant, and opportunities for investment—trade, manufacturing, drainage projects reclaiming land from the sea, not to mention luxury objects such as paintings—were growing too. The mixing of peoples and interests in the big towns, though sometimes confusing, was also encouraged by the Revolt. Although a Calvinist-run society, the

Dutch Republic in fact tolerated (with relative amounts of grudgingness) Catholics, other sects of Protestantism such as the Lutherans and : Mennonites, and the Jews, who brought their contacts and capital to the Netherlands. Urban life, through both trade and immigration, was becoming more cosmopolitan and cultured. Amsterdam in particular was becoming a center of the world.

19}

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Bloemisten | the Herengracht just south of the Leliegracht, where Wynand Schuyl, Reymont de Smith, and Francois Hendricksz de Coster all lived, along with Schuyl’s fantastically wealthy brother-in-law, Guillielmo Barthol-

otti, whose house is now the Nederlands Theatermuseum. Altogether a nine bloemisten we know of lived on the Keizersgracht, six on the Herengracht, and four on the Prinsengracht, all relatively near each other. The tall, grand houses along these canals were by this time the province of the elite in Amsterdam. As the canals were dug and the city started __ to expand westward into the newly forming canal ring—the first stage began in 1609—-wealthy merchants increasingly left the old city on the | eastern side of the Dam to take up residence on the new canals, especially | the prestigious Keizersgracht and Herengracht. These houses, moreover, _ unlike those in the crowded old town, were built with capacious gardens behind them. A cluster of tulip buyers here confirms our impression that in Amsterdam this was a trade mainly of the well-to-do. But another area of concentration, around the Zeedijk and the Geldersekade, where four tulip traders seem to have been living in 1637, also housed a large number

of merchants.”° | |

There was another node of flower traders in Amsterdam who, perhaps not surprisingly, lived surrounded by gardens. Several of the bloemisten we have already met—Abraham Casteleyn, Abraham de Goyer, Simon van Poelenburch, and the wealthy professional gardener Willem Willemsz—lived just outside the city gates at the Regulierspoort, around the area of the current Rembrandtplein and Thorbeckeplein. The land around the Reguliershof was at this time a stretch of gardens; De Goyer, we recall, had begun amassing plots of garden land from the beginning of the seventeenth century. Willemsz’s land there will have been partly commercial, as indeed was that of De Goyer, at least eventually.

Jeronimus Victory, the Italian merchant-insurer turned florist—unlike the other flower traders we are examining here, he turned flowers into his profession and was called a “Blommist” in the documents describing his property at death—bought a garden and dwelling on the Regulierspad in

November 1632, although he actually lived on the Herengracht. His 1647 , inventory lists two further gardens bought in this area, on the Nieuwepad and the St. Jorispad, in 1641 and 1642. The gardens of the wealthy and the plots where commercial gardeners operated were in close proximity to a

number of important tulip traders, including Abraham de Goyer, who, 1153 j

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