Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation 9780511097416, 9780521353540

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Acknowledgments (page ix)
Translator's introduction and commentary (page 1)
Note on the text and musical examples (page 32)
TREATISE ON VOCAL PERFORMANCE AND ORNAMENTATION (page 33)
Preface (page 35)
Dedication (page 49)
1 On the qualities of the human voice and its improvement (page 51)
2 On good performance and how to use the voice (page 56)
3 On good performance, with regard to text and music (page 66)
4 On good performance, with regard to ornaments (page 72)
5 On good performance, with regard to passaggi (page 101)
6 On good performance, with regard to the various genres of vocal forms and in consideration of performing in various places (page 110)
7 On cadenzas (page 121)
8 On arbitrary variation of the aria (page 135)
Appendix: Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller (page 155)
Bibliography (page 185)
Index (page 190)

Citation preview

Hiller’s Treatise on Vocal Performance and Ornamentation was published in Germany

in 1780 and is an important manual on vocal technique and performance in the eighteenth century. Hiller was a masterly educator and was active not only as a teacher but also as a critic, theorist, composer, conductor, and music director.

Thus, his observations served not only to raise the standards of singing in Germany, based on the Italian model, but to present complicated material, par-

ticularly ornamentation, in a manner that his peers, the middle class, could emulate. This present edition, translated with an introduction and extensive commentary by musicologist Suzanne J. Beicken, makes Hiller’s treatise available for the first time in English. With its emphasis on practical aspects of ornamentation, declamation, and style, it will be valuable to instrumentalists as well as singers and is a significant contribution to the understanding of performance practice in the eighteenth century. SUZANNE J. BEICKEN 1s Lecturer in historical musicology at the University of — .

Maryland and is also a performer, concert manager, and music administrator. She is founder of the award-winning Maryland Boy Choir.

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CAMBRIDGE MUSICAL TEXTS AND MONOGRAPHS General editors: Fohn Butt and Laurence Dreyfus

This series has as its centers of interest the history of performance and the history of instruments. It includes annotated translations of authentic historical texts on music and monographs on various aspects of historical performance and instrumental history.

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Illustration on title page of Hiller’s Anweisung zum musikalisch-zierlichen Gesange (Treatise on

by John Consoli , , | ,

Vocal Performance and Ornamentation), published in Germany in 1780. Photograph

TREATISE ON VOCAL PERFORMANCE AND ORNAMENTATION BY JOHANN ADAM HILLER SUZANNE J. BEICKEN

CAMBRIDGE (7 UNIVERSITY PRESS

PUBLISHED BY THE PRESS SYNDICATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE

The Pitt Building, ‘Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA 10 Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Melbourne 3166, Australia Ruiz de Alarcén 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain Dock House, ‘The Waterfront, Gape ‘Town 8001, South Africa

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This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2001

Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge Typeface Monotype Baskerville 11/13 pt System QuarkXPress™ [sE] A catalogue record for this book 1s available from the British Library

ISBN 0 521 35354 8 hardback

Contents | Acknowledgments page 1x ‘Translator’s introduction and commentary |

Note on the text and musical examples 32

Preface 35 Dedication 49

TREATISE ON VOGAL PERFORMANCE AND ORNAMENTATION 33

1 On the qualities of the human voice and its improvement o1

2 On good performance and how to use the voice 56 , 3. On good performance, with regard to text and music — 66

4 On good performance, with regard to ornaments 72 5 On good performance, with regard to passaggi 10] 6 On good performance, with regard to the various genres of vocal

7 On cadenzas 12] 8 On arbitrary variation of the aria 135 forms and in consideration of performing in various places 110

by Hiller — 155 :

Appendix: Biographical information on musicians mentioned

Bibliography 185 Index , 190 vu

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Acknowledgments _

I would like to thank the many people who encouraged and supported me in this project: Leonard Ratner, who first opened my eyes (and ears) to a new way of

understanding eighteenth-century music; Joan Smiles, for introducing me to Hiller; Shelley G. Davis, for introducing me to Cambridge University Press and for his careful and thorough reading of the manuscript; the late Bernd Baselt, for

his generosity, Mary Jean Simpson, for her editorial expertise; April Nash Greenan, for her proficiency in checking and editing the musical examples; John

Butt, for being such an astute series editor; Penny Souster at Cambridge University Press, for her long-suffering patience; Lucy Carolan, for her insightful editing; my husband, Peter Beicken, for his years of scholarly and emotional companionship; my father, Leo Bartel, who waited so long for the publication of this work; my mother, ‘Trudy Bartel (librarian at heart) who researched numerous details; and Julie and Sascha for their patience.

1x

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5e°.

‘Translator’s introduction and commentary

INTRODUCTION Hiuller’s Anwesung zum mustkalisch-zierlichen Gesange, offered here in English as

“Treatise on Vocal Performance and Ornamentation,” 1s an important manual on performance practice worthy of being considered in the company of works by such familiar figures as Quantz, Leopold Mozart, C. P E. Bach, Mattheson, and Marpurg, to name a few of the major eighteenth-century theorists. A masterly educator, Huler initiated much improvement in the state of singing in Germany through his teaching and diverse activities as critic, composer, conductor, and music director in Leipzig. With this treatise and the earlier, more elementary tutor, the Anweisung zum musikalisch-richtigen Gesange of 1774 (“Treatise on

Vocal Performance and ‘Technique’, Hiller’s goal was to educate German singers in the elaborate traditions of vocal art emulating the superior achievements of the Italians. As a pragmatic and insightful pedagogue, Hiller aimed at a presentation of performance practice material that would serve to raise the standards of singing in Germany. His 1774 treatise on “Richtigkeit” represents,

according to John Butt, the “most radical break with traditional methods of ‘mainstream’ school singing.” ‘Together with “the originality of his pedagogic approach,” this shows Hiller’s “deep insight into the learning process — or, rather, his method conforms to a more ‘enlightened,’ psychological awareness of the

pupil’s natural learning abilities.”' The subsequent 1780 treatise on “Zierlichkeit” updates the traditional system of ornamentation, particularly the ' John Butt, Music Education and the Art of Performance in the German Baroque (New York: Cambridge University

Press, 1994), pp. 173, 174, 176. Butt considers Hiller “the most notable figure in German music education during the latter half of the eighteenth century” (p. 167). In commenting on the 1774 treatise, Butt observes that it “doubtless reflects Hiller’s experience as a teacher in his own music conservatory” (given that he was yet to become Cantor of the Thomasschule), while also stating that it “was more of a prescription than a reflection of actual practice in school music” (p. 173). In his 1774 treatise Hiller gives “perhaps the clearest

picture of German singing in the 1770s and its relation to the school environment.” According to Butt (p. 167) Hiller also “uncovers what he sees as an unthinking attitude towards learning, one that evidently seemed anomalous in the Age of Enlightenment.” For an older view of Hiller’s achievements, see Friedrich Rochlitz, “Johann Adam Hiller,” Fiir Freunde der Tonkunst, vol. I, 3rd edn. (Leipzig: Carl Cnobloch, 1868), p. 27.

2 Translator’s introduction and commentary work of ‘Tosi—Agricola, from the viewpoint of a new “enlightened” musical sen-

sibility addressing “the more advanced, potentially professional singer, in an attempt to raise the general standard of singing in Germany.” Johann Adam Hiller represents a musical culture that increasingly sought dis_ tinction from that of the court music sponsored by the aristocracy in the eighteenth century. Although he was occasionally employed by aristocratic sponsors, Hiller was a musician who exemplified many of the virtues of his social background: honesty, diligence, versatility, adaptability, and innovation. ‘The histor1cal and sociological situation placed limitations on the middle class in its desire for political and cultural emancipation. As in court life, there was room to assimilate the accomplishments of foreign musical cultures. Hiller was an important figure in the endeavor to shape a musical idiom which gave expression to the feelings and aspirations of his peers. While enlightened despotism and absolutism brought about significant cultural changes, middle-class artists and intellectuals sought to break down many barriers and privileges by popularizing learning and art. This movement, observed as one of the key projects of the Enlightenment, is aptly described in one of the more ubiquitous sources: Philosophy, science, literature, and the fine arts all began to address a general public beyond the select group of experts and connoisseurs. Popular treatises were written to bring culture within the reach of all, while novelists and playwrights began depicting everyday people with everyday emotions. Powerful support for this popularization came from the “back to nature” movement, which prized sentiment in literature and the arts.’

As a versatile composer of Stngspiele, Hiller contributed significantly to the

efforts to create a popular musical culture that reflected the cultural life of Leipzig and aimed beyond its environs. His “pioneering work as an impresario” was groundbreaking in meeting the needs of a relatively new phenomenon, the “theatrical singer.”* Above all, Hiller’s greatest accomplishment was that of mediator and pedagogue for an audience that increasingly showed interest in

musical activity and entertainment. In this context he understood that his purpose as a musician was to be a teacher to the future singers of his nation: “so many elements of his teaching are directly applicable to the needs of his age.”” All aspects of his musical endeavors are to be seen in the light of this personal and professional mission. Hiller the conductor, the performer, the teacher, the

| theorist, and critic can only be grasped fully if one looks at his achievements as 2 Butt, Music Education, p. 177. Hiller’s stature with regard to earlier theorists and his indebtedness to treatises, particularly to the works of Tosi and Agricola, is emphasized by Julianne C. Baird in Introduction to the Art of Singing by Johann Friedrich Agricola, trans. and ed. Julianne C. Baird (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 34: “Updating Agricola by providing specific directions and musical examples of how these orna-

ments should be performed pertinent to his own day, Hiller, the only other notable writer of a German singing treatise in the era of Agricola, used and modernized the Anleiung [i.e. Tosi/Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst (Berlin: George Ludewig Winter, 1757) and supplanted Agricola as the foremost German writer in the eighteenth-century tradition of singing and as an authority on ornamentation.” ° This summarizing view in Donald Jay Grout and Claude V. Palisca, A History of Western Music, Sth edn. (New

. yor necrae W. W. Norton & Company, 1996), p. 443. * Butt, Music Education, p. 177.

Translator’s introduction and commentary 3 manifestations of an extraordinary service and unrelenting dedication to the cause of cultural and national identity. To meet the challenges of the day, Hiller employed his resourcefulness and , versatility in playing several instruments, conducting, and composing, although his greatest love remained the human voice. Ever since he came to know Hasse’s operas in Dresden, his preference was established and reinforced. As a labor of love he painstakingly copied Hasse’s scores, familiarizing himself with his idol’s art and operatic tradition. Hiller followed through with his unwavering dedication to vocal music from the Dresden years (1746—51) to his Cantorship at the ‘Thomasschule in Leipzig (1789-1801). In Hiller the musician and theorist two traditions intersect: the theoretical line of vocal pedagogy as represented by ‘Tosi, Agricola, Marpurg, and Mancini, and the musical practice of Handel, Hasse, C. H. Graun, C. P. E. Bach, and W. A.

Mozart. It is in his vocal treatises that Hiller demonstrates the results of his endeavors in theory and practice to improve the quality of singing in Germany. Having heard many Italian virtuosi perform and through his acquaintance with the writings of Burney and Mancini, Hiller became aware of the superior training available to singers in Italy. He complained often and persistently about the lack of training facilities for singers in Germany, as the German school system no longer placed any special emphasis on this subject. ‘The Italians, however, had special music schools called Ospedah or conservatories: in Venice there were four such conservatories, and Naples had three.® Italy also had many more opera houses; the larger cities sometimes boasted several. In Germany there was no longer much indigenous opera and the comedies often performed by traveling acting companies were unsuited to German singers.’ Hiller found that the state of music in the church also left much to be desired. ‘To improve these discouraging conditions he undertook two major steps: first to provide the opportunity to

learn how to sing properly, and second to motivate singers to acquire such musical training. Since vocal music was of great importance in the eighteenth century, Hiller devoted much time and energy to engendering significant change

and improvement in the German tradition, in the hope of raising it to a level comparable to Italian vocalism. Hiller’s concern for an identifiable German style in singing and vocal music was part of the general movement in the arts through which the German middle class sought to establish its own terrain within the Enlightenment. ‘The drive to create a national theater, led by many artists of the time, among them brilliant writers such as Lessing, Goethe, and Schiller, was an integral part of the movement toward a national identity and culture. In tune with these emancipatory trends, Hiller’s wish to overcome the Italian domination in singing led to his ° See “Preface,” p. 39 below. As Butt, Music Education, p. 176, notes: “In contrast to the German treatises on ornamental singing from the previous century, Hiller lays great stress on the thoroughness of Italian music education.” He also observes that Hiller “is fully conversant with the practices in Italian conservatories.” ” See “Preface,” p. 38 below.

4 ‘Translator’s introduction and commentary pivotal role in the creation of Szngspiel. In his attempt to nationalize opera, he

aimed at a lighter and more popular form. This endeavor to contribute to national culture positions Hiller at the forefront of major cultural developments in the eighteenth century. Whatever opera took place after the Thirty Years War (1618-48) at German courts, especially in Vienna, Dresden, and Berlin, almost exclusively employed Italian singers. The lack of opportunity for German singers was so severe that they had to travel to Italy to study singing and return not only with Italian training but with Italian names as well, essentially coming home as Italian artists.®

The resulting Italianization, for both economic and opportunistic reasons, caused resentment among many Germans and attempts ensued to establish opera companies for home-grown talents as well. Occasionally, there were attempts at creating German opera, notably the Weissenfels court theater and the Hamburg civic opera. The wealthy port of Hamburg founded its own company in 1678 which lasted until 1739. Its most successful director was Reinhard Keiser (1674—1739), whose successor, Georg Philipp ‘Telemann, assumed the directorship in 1722 after Keiser had departed for Copenhagen. Telemann, however, could not prevent the demise of the Hamburg opera, and when German opera failed Italian opera once again gained the upper hand.

| Like Hamburg, Leipzig was another major trade center with a wealthy, culturally aspiring middle class. Steeped in patrician tradition, Leipzig was at the center of some of the most frequented trade routes to Hamburg, Nuremberg, Vienna, Danzig, Strasbourg, Frankfurt am Main, and Breslau. ‘The impact on Leipzig at the hub of the crossroads was overwhelming: its trade fairs became the meeting places for all German merchants.’ Economically prosperous, Leipzig developed a rich and diverse culture with a flourishing musical life. Unlike other important musical centers of the eighteenth century — Paris, Vienna, Prague, Mannheim, and Berlin — which revolved around court life, Leipzig was determined by the tastes of the trade-oriented middle class. Boasting approximately 30,000 inhabitants in the early eighteenth century, this flourishing city had the nimbus of a “little Paris” and a “little paradise” as well.'° A proud city government not only administered to the needs of the people but also sought to keep high cultural standards. ‘The presence of its prestigious university con-

tributed to a lively intellectual atmosphere enhanced by Leipzig’s status as a center for publishing made famous by its annual book fairs. In the 1720s there was hardly another city in Germany (perhaps with the exception of Hamburg) that boasted such vigorous commerce and modern life.

In Leipzig, the churches were an important part of the vibrant cultural 8 Karl Peiser, Johann Adam Hiller: Ein Beitrag zur Musikgeschichte des 18. Fahrhunderts (Leipzig: Gebriider Hug &

9 Eberhard ling Die soziologischen Grundlagen der Stalwandlung der Musik in Deutschland um die Mitte des 18.

Jahrhunderts (Saalfeld, Ostpreussen: Giinthers Buchdruckerei, 1935), pp. 10-11. '0 Arnold Schering, Mustkgeschichte Leipzigs in drei Biinden, Vol. Tl, Von 1650 bis 1723 (Leipzig: Fr. Kistner & C. FE. W. Siegel, 1926), p. 6.

‘Translator’s introduction and commentary D heritage. ‘There were five of them apart from the University chapels, and all had daily services in addition to the special services at festival times. The people of

Leipzig had ample opportunity to worship in churches where music was an essential part of the service. While sacred music was available in abundance, several attempts were made over the years to establish opera in Leipzig and to foster the development of German opera in its indigenous form.

As part of the effort to foster German opera, an initiative in 1743 tried to establish Szngspel in Germany by following an English model. However, this initial attempt resulted in instant failure. Almost ten years passed before Gottlieb

Heinrich Koch, one of the leading comedians and Director of the Leipzig theater, made another attempt in 1752 with the same work, Der Teufel ist los (from the English Devil to Pay), but with new music by Standfuss, a violinist for his ballet

troupe.'! This new effort met with a great deal of success. Standfuss gave his music a certain folk-song quality that Hiller later made a distinctive feature of his

own Singspiele. Both Koch and Standfuss produced another Singspiel, Der stolze | Bauer Jochem Trobs, which also found high acclaim in Berlin. The subsequent performance of the second part of Der stolze Bauer, however, met with a cool recep-

tion; the text seemed outdated, and the music had lost its appeal. As a formula for a German equivalent to the English ballad opera, Italian opera buffa, or the new French opéra comique (better known as comédie mélée d’ariettes, a “comedy [in

“ spoken dialogue] mingled with songs”),'* the Singspiel still had to overcome more obstacles before it became successful. Among the difficulties encountered by this light, entertaining genre was the rapid change in taste typical of this period. ‘hese volatile conditions made a lasting acceptance of the Singspiel difficult.

In the course of time, however, Singspiel was successful. In 1764 Koch approached the well-established poet Christian Felix Weisse, who, in turn, asked Hiller to write new music for Der Teufel ist los, the same opera that had been performed in 1752. Since the performers were actors and not singers, Hiller had to meet the standards of untrained voices by reducing vocal demands. The result was an emphasis on the Lied. As it turned out, this accessible vocal form was both pleasing and entertaining and became an instant hit with the audience. The ordinary burghers enjoyed nothing more than simple tunes which they could hum, whistle, and sing. The popular Lied, replacing the more elaborate Italian aria, was

something common people could relate to and freely imitate. Here, in the strophic Lied form, Hiller found his best musical medium. From the beginning of

his collaboration with Weisse, he was able to use the melodic lines of the Lied adroitly for characterization and comic effect. Consistently tailoring his vocal '' See Hans Michael Schletterer, Das deutsche Singspiel von seinen ersten Anftingen bis auf die neueste Zeit (Leipzig:

Breitkopf & Hartel, 1863) and Georgy Calmus, “Die ersten deutschen Singspiele von Standfuss und Hiller,” Publikationen der Internationalen Mustkgesellschaft, Beihefte, vol. VI, 2nd sequence (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel,

1908). Standfuss, on whom there is scant biographical information, never reaped the rewards worthy of his talents, and he died in poverty in a Hamburg hospital in 1756, according to Schletterer (Calmus gives a different date, 1757 or even later). '2 Donald Jay Grout with Hermine Weigel Williams, A Short History of Opera, 3rd edn. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), p. 295.

6 ‘Translator’s introduction and commentary parts to fit the respective character on stage, Huller used popular melodies for peasants and other members of the lower classes whereas kings and other noble figures were given more ornate, Italianate arias. This distinction also followed the contemporary pattern of presenting characters on stage according to the conventions of the social hierarchy. Hiller’s success in responding to the popular need for enjoyable and entertaining songs is reflected in Peiser’s assessment

which credits him with arousing in the Germans a “Lust zum Singen.”!° Numerous other Singspiele followed, among them Dre Jagd in 1770, which was probably the most popular of Hiller’s works in Germany and abroad.* Hiuller’s musical ingenuity is evidenced by the fact that he sensed the needs of the day while being able to come up with the right formula to satisfy them. ‘The Singspiel was not just a pastime of popularizers and entertainment seekers. Some

of the greatest creative minds and artists of the eighteenth century were attracted to this agreeable and versatile musical form. Goethe, himself drawn to Leipzig in part because of its cultural riches and student life, was intrigued by

Singspiel. While studying at the university, he frequented performances of Singsprele, among them Hiuler’s Liasuart und Darolette which premiered on November 25, 1766. Because of its lightness and comic element, Singspiel held a

particular attraction for Goethe, who subsequently wrote numerous Singspiel texts; one of the most significant examples is his attempt at a sequel to Mozart’s Die Kauberflote in 1798. Years later, in 1824, the aging Goethe remembered his student days in Leipzig and his encounters with the composer whom he endearingly recalled as “der gute Hiller.”'° Before Hiller decided to devote his life entirely to music after years of diverse studies and musical activities, he — like Goethe — had engaged in the study of law. He entered the University of Leipzig in 1751. But his love for music had been with him since his childhood and he did not fail to spend as much time on it as

he could. Giving music lessons partially helped his financial situation as a student.’° Hiller also tried his luck at composition although he considered the works of this early Leipzig period insignificant. His attention was turned more '3. Peiser, Hiller, p. 59. A more recent assessment of Hiller’s Singspiel production is to be found in Kyoto Kawada,

“Studien zu den Singspielen von Johann Adam Hiller (1728-1804),” Ph.D. dissertation, Philipps-

Universitat, Marburg an der Lahn, 1969. |

‘4 A slightly earlier Singspiel is Hiller’s Die Lzebe auf dem Lande. Singspiel in 3 Akten (“Love in the Country. Singspiel

in three acts”). The fair copy of the autograph, estimated to be from the year 1768, was on display at the Dresden exhibition in the Library of Congress, April 1 1—July 13, 1996. See Margrit B. Krewson (ed.), Dresden. Treasures from the Saxon State Library (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1996), catalog, item 151, p. 101. 15 Goethe’s Singspiele are numerous. Here is a list of some from the 1770s: 1775 Claudine von Villa Bella (“Claudine of Villa Bella”) 1775 = Erin und Elmire (“Erwin and Elmire’”’)

1777 = Lala (“Lila”) ,

1777 Der Triumph der Empfindsamkeit (“The Triumph of Sensibility’’) 1779 Fery und Bately (“Jery and Bately”) The references to Goethe are in Goethes Werke, Vollstandige Ausgabe letzter Hand, vols. X, XI (Stuttgart and

Tubingen: Cotta, 1828). 16 “Yohann Adam Hiller,” in Lebensliufe deutscher Musiker von thnen selbst erzahlt, ed. Alfred Einstein, vol. I (Leipzig:

C. EW. Siegel, 1915), p. 35, fn. 10. See also Calmus, “Die ersten deutschen Singspiele,” p. 35.

‘Translator’s introduction and commentary 7 toward theoretical endeavors and his first attempt at writing about music, his Abhandlung von der Nachahmung in der Musik, completed in 1753, impressed Marpurg enough to publish it in volume | of his Historisch-knitische Betrage. Continuing his studies of law at the university, Hiller was encouraged by this suc-

cessful enterprise to persevere in his pursuit of musical matters on his own. Essentially Hiller was self-taught in many areas of interest, both in music training and in scholarship. While he lacked the financial means to afford a proper musical education himself, he managed to achieve a sufficient level of performance on the piano, flute, and violin that would allow him to make good use of it in his future career as composer, teacher, and theorist. However, in his autobiography, Hiller claimed to have no illusions about the limitations of his playing skills.!’ Likewise his compositional output was, by the standards of his time, modest at best. Yet Hiller was confident of his voice and his accomplishments as a singer. [he favorable reputation he had achieved in Leipzig reinforced his preoccupation with the human voice. Like so many of his contemporaries, he considered it the greatest instrument.

At Leipzig University, the renowned Johann Christoph Gottsched!® and Christian Fiirchtegott Gellert!? were among Hiller’s teachers. In 1754, through the assistance of Gellert, the young student was appointed to a position as tutor in the service of the Briithls, an aristocratic family whose residence in Dresden was one of the centers for the arts in that city.*° The possibility of studying music more thoroughly and the opportunity to come into direct contact with the latest artistic activities were particularly attractive to Hiller. Stimulated by this environment and secure in his modest position, he finally gave up his studies of law to devote himself completely to music. Characteristically, Hiller did not pursue music studies with a single goal in mind. A variety of activities attracted him, ultimately leading him to a much diversified career as an editor, musical director, conductor, composer, critic, '7 Einstein (ed.), Lebensldufe, vol. I, p. 14. Despite this claim, Hiller seemed to have some confidence in his abilities as a violinist. He published an instruction manual, the Anweisung zum Violinsprelen fiir Schiiler und zum Selbstunternichte (Leipzig, 1793). This “Tutor On Playing The Violin, For Students And Self-instruction” indicates Hiller’s general teaching interests and his experience as a self-trained player as well. 18 Johann Christoph Gottsched (1700-66): German writer and Professor of Philosophy and Poetry at Leipzig University; a key figure of the early German literary Enlightenment and a major theorist and critic, he com-

piled a catalogue of German plays from 1450, including those with music.

'9 Christian Fiirchtegott Gellert (1715-69): he studied philosophy and theology in Leipzig and served from 1745 as Professor of Poetry, Eloquence, and Ethics at Leipzig University. As author and teacher, he was highly esteemed by the intellectuals of his tme and even was considered the “plus raisonnable de tous les savants allemands” by Frederick the Great. *0 Hiller was in service to Count Heinrich Adolph von Brihl (1700-63), a nephew of Count Heinrich von Briihl, the powerful minister of Friedrich August II, the Polish King and Saxon Elector (1696-63). Being a tutor to the younger Briihl, Hiller attended some of the lavishly produced musical performances at the minister’s residence in Dresden, among them several of Hasse’s operas. The minister is notorious for the enormous wealth he accumulated from state funds, with ruinous consequences for Saxony’s finances. With a weakened army, he entered into the calamitous Seven Years War with Prussia (1756-63), which resulted in irreparable losses for Saxony, including the loss of the Polish crown. Briihl’s legendary book collection of 62,000 volumes was sold by his heirs in 1768 to the Kurfiirstliche Bibliothek (Electoral Library) in Dresden, adding to its status as one of the finest collections in Germany.

8 ‘Translator’s introduction and commentary theorist, and teacher. While the Seven Years War, which had started in 1756, dampened cultural activities both in Dresden and in Leipzig, Hiller, undeterred by the impact of political events, continued his involvement in music, furthering his career by establishing important social contacts. ‘Thus, he befriended Karl Wilhelm Miiller, the future Mayor of Leipzig, who many years later was instrumental in providing a new facility for Hiller’s Gewandhaus Conzerte in 1781, a mile-

stone in the history of public concert performances. Hiller suffered all his life from headaches and hypochondria, ailments that tume and again interfered with his plans and activities. When his headaches became insufferable for a period in 1760, he left Count von Briihl’s service. Despite his ill health he managed to realize his idea of publishing the first weekly music periodical, the Mustkalischer Kertvertreib, which was brought out by Breitkopf

& Hartel in the same year. However, at the time that this anthology of small musical compositions was received with acclaim, Hiller’s health problems again became more acute and forced him to discontinue publication of his innovative serial.

The real turning point in Hiller’s career came in 1762 when he was asked to set up a series of subscription concerts which had been discontinued during the Seven Years War. With it came the opportunity to play a major role in Leipzig’s musical life by way of concert activities. In his earlier years in Leipzig, Hiller had ventured into musical composition, writing a Passionskantate, some chorale melodies for his teacher Gellert, and a collection of songs dedicated to his canary, a dedication made in jest that he withdrew in the second edition.*! Not unaware that he could not excel in composition save for the later Singspiele and cognizant that he also could not compete with such successful peers as C. P. E. Bach, Georg Benda, and Johann Joachim Quantz,”* Hiller shifted his interest to editing and musical directorship, compiling the anthology Lozstr musical, which included some piano sonatas. But when he began the new concert series in 1763, opening it with

a cantata of his own, he marked the beginning of his most significant career as musical director and leading figure of music life in Leipzig. Public concerts had a certain tradition in Leipzig, where one of the first groups to appear in public was the Collegium musicum of the University, a student society which had been founded by Georg Philipp ‘Telemann in 1704 when he was a

student of law and modern languages. After Telemann’s departure for Sorau, Melchior Hoffmann took over this post in 1704 and devoted himself not only to performance, but to practice, teaching, and educating the participants as well.*° As it turned out, the foundation for the future conservatory was being laid. By the time Johann Sebastian Bach became the Director of the Collegium musicum in “1 Einstein (ed.), Lebensliufe, vol. I, p. 18. 22 Tbid., p. 14. *3 Melchior Hoffmann (c. 1685-1715): German composer and conductor, who held the posts of director of music at the Neue Kirche, the opera, and the Collegium musicum — with the exception of a year’s stay in

England (1710-11) — until his death. ,

Translator’s introduction and commentary 9 1729, these concerts were being offered in the coffee houses of Leipzig.** As of 1746 there were three such music groups or Collegia weekly in town, indicating the proliferation of these musical activities and the growing interest among the city’s population. One group was directed by the organist of the Neue Kirche,

the second by the organist of the ‘Thomaskirche, and the third was under the direction of the “Herren Kaufleute und andere Personen in Drey Schwanen im Brihle.”*° This third group became known as the Grosses Conzert and it was the direct forerunner of the Gewandhaus Conzerte. From the beginning the Grosses Conzert was a great success. Hiller himself had previously been associated with the organization before he became its new director. From 1751 to 1754, while studying at the university, he had played flute and

sung bass in the Grosses Conzert. It is possible that he already at that time influenced the programming and selection of compositions performed, in particular the music of Hasse.*° In addition to heading the Grosses Conzert and including as much vocal music as possible, Hiller gave private voice lessons to both boys

and girls. When the number of students he was teaching grew considerably, he established his own Musthiibende Gesellschaft. Several women, respected in the com-

munity for their musical talents, joined as harpsichord players and other members of the orchestra. Subsequently, this Muszkchor achieved such a high level

of playing that Hiller was able to give concerts with them, and the works he selected became increasingly difficult and demanding. Originally the perform-

ances were thought of as rehearsals, but in order to give the group the oppor- tunity to perform in public, Hiller founded another concert series, the Concerts Spirituels. During Advent and Lent, the Muszktibende Gesellschaft performed works

in public which were appropriate to the season. In 1778, owing to a lack of funds, ~ the Grosses Conzert was forced to stop temporarily, while the Muszktibende Gesellschaft

continued to flourish. Encouraged by his success as music director and pedagogue, Hiller founded a

conservatory for students and amateurs in 1776. A public performance three years later achieved much acclaim, and the Muszkiibende Gesellschaft soon became

one of the most esteemed groups in Leipzig, and their concerts “am Markte” in

the Thomashaus were in great demand among the public, as had been the former concerts in the Drey Schwanen. Lacking, however, was an appropriate concert hall. Hiller’s friend the Biirgermeister Karl Wilhelm Miiller was able to fulfill the wish for a new facility. In 1781 the new Gewandhaus was completed, 24 For Bach’s involvement in the Collegium musicum see Eberhard Creuzburg, Die Gewandhaus-Konzerte zu Leipzig

(Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1931), p. 11. For a more recent account see Christoph Wolff, Bach: Essays on his Life and Music (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991), p. 30: “Bach’s directorship lasted into the early 1740s. Unfortunately we know nothing of the programs of the ‘ordinary’ weekly concerts, which took place in winter on Friday evenings from eight until ten o’clock in the Zimmermann coffee house, and in the summer on Wednesday afternoons from four to six in the coffee garden ‘in front of the Grimmische Tor.” 5 Creuzburg, Die Gewandhaus-Konzerte zu Leipzig, p. 12. 2° Arnold Schering, Mustkgeschichte Leipzigs in drei Banden, vol. I, Von 1723 bis 1800, Part II, “Das Zeitalter Johann Adam Hillers 1750-1800” (Leipzig: F Kistner & C. F W. Siegel, 1941), p. 401.

10 ‘Translator’s introduction and commentary ~ and Hiller became its first musical director. He maintained this position until the

winter of 1784-85 when he was appointed Kapellmeister to the Duke of Courland. Finally, having returned to Leipzig, Hiller, who first assisted Cantor Doles at the ‘Thomasschule, took over this post in 1789 and held it until ill health forced his resignation in 1801. — Hiller is best remembered for his pivotal contribution to Singspiel and in his role as first conductor of the Gewandhaus Conzerte, which started a formidable tradition in music making. Another of the lasting effects of Hiller’s musical activities

at the Gewandhaus is the concert format that he created after the design used for the Grosses Conzert: a two-part program, with an intermission to allow for the

audience to refresh themselves and take in the second part of a concert with renewed attention and expectations. Both parts of the concert, largely parallel in design, were designed to provide a fairly symmetrical structure. Usually a symphony would open part |, to be followed by a concert aria, a concerto for soloist

(violin or piano), an aria from an opera, and some more ensemble playing in a divertissement. After the intermission break, the audience was greeted with another symphony, another aria and the final piece, usually another symphony for the entire orchestra. ‘This format served as a model for the programming of the Gewandhaus Conzerte for years to come.?’

In public concerts, Leipzig rivaled London and Paris. Most of the audience comprised wealthy burghers, merchants, churchmen, civil servants, and artisans who not only enjoyed listening to music but liked to perform it themselves. ‘Thus, a demand arose for music simple enough for the modestly equipped amateurs to play in their homes. ‘This type of music — Hausmusik — became increasingly popular and widespread. Entire families joined together, practicing and performing, enjoying each other’s company in the process. Soon they were giving concerts among themselves and for friends. ‘The Hauskonzert became an important socio-cultural event: “A moderately well-to-do comfortable, somewhat educated German burgher family needed music through which to pour the overflow of its

affections; it wanted to participate in music actively at home, even more than listen to it in passive admiration in church or elsewhere.”** Naturally, keyboard instruments played a major role in Hausmusik together with singing. Hausmustk not only fostered Geselligkeit (socializing), it also, as PreuBner has remarked, did much

for the advancement of music: “The enrichment of music (Muszkpflege) owes everything to house music and house concerts: it was the basis for a valuable group of listeners, for a musically enthusiastic youth, and the seed for musical talent.”*? While singing was an integral part of most Hausmusik, the German bur7 For a discussion of the concert format and examples of programs for the Grosses Concert and the first Gewandhauskonzert of November 25, 1781, see Creuzburg, Die Gewandhaus-Konzerte zu Leipzig, pp. 18f. and 23ff.

8 Arthur Loesser, Men, Women and Pianos (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1954), p. 53. 29 Eberhard PreuBner, Die biirgerliche Mustkkultur: Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Mustkgeschichte des 18. Jahrhunderts

(Hamburg: Hanseatische Verlagsanstalt A.-G., 1935; 2nd edn., Kassel and Basel: Barenreiter- Verlag, 1950),

p. 41: “Der Hausmusik, den Hauskonzerten verdankt die Musikpflege alles: den Stamm einer wertvollen Horergemeinde, die musikbegeisterte Jugend, die Keimlegung fiir das musikalische ‘Talent.”

‘Translator’s introduction and commentary ll ghers had to satisfy themselves with such musical forms as the Lied —rather than more sophisticated vocal music — owing to their lack of training.*° One of Hiller’s important contributions to Hausmustk was his successful adaptation of foreign styles, above all the Italian. ‘This required transcriptions, and Hiller supplied quite a few by reducing available music (often his own) to its basic

components and structure so it would be accessible to the educated amateur.

Audiences at public concerts or opera desired to “take the music home.” Consequently there arose a market for piano versions of currently successful music. Since Hiller’s Singspel tunes and melodies had become so popular that they were hummed and sung in the city streets or played on the piano at home, the composer hurried, encouraged by his publisher Breitkopf who gladly took advantage of this trend, to produce piano—vocal reductions of his Singspiel scores. Lottchen am Hofe and Die Liebe auf dem Lande did exceptionally well and went through four editions — 2,750 copies altogether — within fifteen years. Die Jagd

was issued immediately in an edition of 2,000 and in two additional editions of 1,000 each.”!

An equally important contribution to church music occurred while Hiller was at the Thomasschule. Just as he had used the appeal of the Lzed to popularize

German opera, he revised and simplified the German chorale. In 1793, his Allgemeines Choral-Melodienbuch fiir Kirchen und Schulen was published, with two sup-

plements appearing in 1794 and 1797. This work, one of Hiller’s most significant

achievements during his years at the Thomasschule, met with considerable success. It was widely read and remained highly influential long after its publica-

tion. Again, accessibility and simplification served as guiding principles in Hiller’s attempt to foster improvement and change in the state of singing in Germany. The purpose of the Allgemeines Choral-Melodtenbuch was to train children

to sing chorales in the right manner and, at the same time, provide them with enjoyment in their own music learning and making. The Allgemeines ChoralMelodienbuch can be considered as a highpoint in Huler’s life-long dedication to

the improvement of singing and his efforts to enhance the German people’s experience of music. Here, his pedagogical goal is consistent with the educational objectives that he expounded both in his various singing instruction manuals, tutors, and treatises for use in schools** and in his major works, the vocal treatises Anweisung zum musikalisch-richtigen Gesange and Anweisung zum mustkalisch-zierlichen Gesange. ‘These two works, published six years apart and often

referred to by Hiller as Part I and Part II, comprise his manual on the theory and performance practice of vocal music, beginning with the elementary tutor in the first treatise, and his introduction to the art of ornamentation in the second treatise. Beyond using the /zed and its inherent melodic qualities in his Szngsprele, Hiller showed genuine concern for this popular form and its stylistic features, which, in $0 Loesser, Men, Women and Pianos, pp. 53-54. 5! Thid., pp. 153-154. 52 See the works listed in fn. 40.

12 ‘Translator’s introduction and commentary Germany, were greatly indebted to Italian and French influences. Early in the century German anthologists had published, in response to popular demand, a number of Lieder collections. By about 1730, however, the word Lived carried a negative connotation, while the term “ode” was much preferred and respected. The Lied had come to refer to that kind of song — a sort of lower-class ditty —

which was sung by those who frequented houses of il repute. Its position improved in 1736 with Sperontes’ collection of songs called Die singende Muse an der Pleasse, in 2 mahl 50 Oden (“The Singing Muse on the Pleisse in 2 ‘Times 50 Odes”). ‘The author, Johann Sigismund Scholze, using a pseudonym, was apparently too embarrassed to employ the word Lied in the title of his song book. The

, success of this Leipzig collection, however, was so great that, as Rebling accounts, three more supplements appeared by 1745, and the first part of the anthology alone appeared no less than five times by 1751.°° When the Szgspiel became more established, Hiller improved upon it by his innovative development and use of the Lzed. As has been noted above, he not only gave the characters on stage music appropriate to their social station but, for the first time, had ordinary people (peasants, etc.) singing folk songs to the audience. Thus the Szngspiel left a significant mark on the development of the Lzed. Many of Hiller’s Sengspiel songs, with their really tuneful melodies, were light entertainments easily transferable to social gatherings. Perhaps under the influence of his stage expertise, Hiller created the through-composed Lied (durchkomponiertes Lied) .>*

This mnovation is an example of his attempt to make the Lzed more artful and demanding while keeping its popular appeal. At the same time, it demonstrates how Hiller found pragmatic solutions in his effort to enrich German vocal music.”

Song collections grew in popularity, and after 1760 there was a marked increase in editions.*° These anthologies served all purposes, needs, situations, and walks of life. Hiller even assembled a collection of songs for children to poems by his Szngspiel collaborator Weisse, 50 Gerstliche Lieder fiir Kinder. In the

introduction to this collection, he states categorically that he prefers “the easy and natural singable material to the pompous and artificial.”*’ As always, Hiller was sensitive to the special needs of his given audience by using appropriate, appealing, and pedagogically sound materials. ‘Irying to make the songs more attractive to children, he used secular texts instead of the customary chorales and hymns. Altogether, as Rebling states, Hiller felt that “This [music education] must already begin in early childhood, and the little zed served this purpose for him.”°® Hiller replaced the Latin that was left in Lutheran church music with motets and chorales in German. At the Thomasschule he was in charge of fifty°3 Rebling, Die soziologischen Grundlagen, p. 58.

** David C. Taylor and Hiram Kelly Moderwell, The Voice and Vocal Music. The Art of Music, vol. V (New York:

The National Society of Music, 1915), p. 176. 3 Tid. © Loesser, Men, Women and Pianos, p. 55. °7 Rebling, Die soziologischen Grundlagen, pp. 72-73: “Hiller betont in seiner ersten Verdffentlichung von

Kompositionen WeiBescher Gedichte fiir Kinder, daB er ‘das leichte und natiirliche Singbare dem Schwiilstigen und Gekiinstelten vorziehe.” 8 [bid., p. 73. “Das muBte aber bereits in frihester Jugend beginnen, und zu diesem Zweck diente ihm das kleine Lied.”

‘Translator’s introduction and commentary 13 six pupils and initiated many changes to improve the educational environment and ease the daily routines of the young students. He freed them from such chores as fetching firewood and water, simplified the dress code, improved their

recreational reading material, and provided them with much-needed medical care and an infirmary. He also trained them as instrumentalists so that after a

few years he had an entire youth orchestra in addition to the choir at the Thomasschule.*” Hiller used his innovative skills as a teacher to educate the general public about

music, placing great emphasis on the instruction of children at an early age for the improvement of music education.*” Hiller could speak from his own experience as a youngster. In the Preface to his 1774 treatise on “correct” singing, he recalled his own singing lessons: In singing I enjoyed instruction, communally along with others, from my twelfth year onwards, as 1s usual in schools. ‘To be sure, pitching and rhythm were certainly the goal towards which we had to run; but the way was so uncertain and uneven that it took much time before one learned to go without stumbling. The example of this or that interval, written on the board according to the succession of scale degrees, was always soon learned; but 1f one of these intervals should be given out of order, we were like the honorable Corporal ‘Trim in Tristram Shandy, who knew the fourth Commandment very well;

but only when he could begin with the first. Of good use of the voice, of the comfortable drawing of breath, of a pure and clear pronunciation, however essential these elements of singing were, little or nothing was mentioned.*!

Clearly, Hiller critiques an outmoded form of singing instruction that apparently

taught him many more lessons than intended. His own approach to teaching singing tried to avoid the pitfalls inherent in the “backwardness of German °° See Peiser, Hiller, pp. 83-85. It is interesting to note here that Hiller’s enlightened efforts to give the pupils an excellent music education were met with suspicion and resentment by his conservative colleagues and superiors. Apparently, his reform-minded activities conflicted with the traditionalists at the TThomasschule, who were concerned about its academic reputation. ‘The Director, Rector Fischer, took the opportunity in 1795 to weaken Hiller’s position. But the Letpzig City Council, functioning as an arbitrator, found a modus vivendi to appease the feuding parties that allowed Hiller to continue with many of his reforms. See Peiser, Filler, pp. 86-89. *9 Aside from the above-mentioned Allgemeines Choral-Melodienbuch fiir Kirchen und Schulen of 1793, Hiller, in pursuit of his goals as music educator and editor, published widely. Noteworthy are his Letztes Opfer der komschen Muse (Leipzig, 1790); Religidse Lieder mit Melodien, zum Singen beym Clavier (Hamburg, 1790); and coedited

with J. A. Hasse, Bettrége zu wahrer Kirchenmustk (Leipzig, 1791). Additional manuals, tutors, and treatises include: Anweisung zur Singekunst in der deutschen und ttalrinischen Sprache, zum Gebrauch der Schulen, mit ausfihrlichen

Exempeln und Ubungsstiicken versehen (Frankfurt am Main und Leipzig: J. F. Junius, 1773); Exempelbuch der Anwetsung zum Singen, zum Gebrauch der Schulen und anderer Liebhaber des Gesanges (Leipzig: J. F. Junius, 1774); Aurze und erleichterte Anweisung zum Singen, fiir Schulen in Stadten und Dorfern (Leipzig: J. F. Junius, 1792). Compared to

his more advanced treatises, the Anweisung zum musikalisch-richtigen Gesange of 1774 and the Anweisung zum mustkalisch-zierlichen Gesange of 1780, which are more rigorous in their training from beginner to professional,

Hiller, once again, exhibits in the 1792 publication his renewed dedication and service to singing education in schools. Butt observes in his discussion of this “concise treatise for school singing”: “Such are the con-

strictions of the school schedule that Hiller seems to have returned to the more traditional format for German school treatises” (by abandoning the lesson format of the 1774 primer), although particularly interesting “recommendations on the singing of passages” and other directives, above all his choice of examples, indicate his “careful blending of tradition with innovation and his sensitivity to the contingencies of his age” (Butt, Mustc Education, pp. 178f.).

*l ‘This passage from Hiller’s 1774 “Vorrede” is quoted in Butt’s translation from his Music Education, pp. 167f.

14 ‘Translator’s introduction and commentary singing” that resulted from “an unthinking, mechanical attitude to the art,” as Butt rightly observes.*”

Aside from his service as pedagogue, music director, and organizer of concerts, Hiller added to his editorial activities the role of music critic, providing commentary and guidance for his middle-class audience in musical affairs. He initiated what was to become his best-known publication, the critical periodical Wochentliche Nachrichten und Anmerkungen die Musik betreffend (“Weekly Reports and

Remarks Concerning Music”), which appeared between 1766 and 1770. ‘This was the first music journal, which earned Hiuler the flattering title “Father of Music Criticism.”*? In this publication, rather than following the scholarly tradition of treatise writing, Hiller compiled information, review articles, and evaluations which were intended as orientation for his readers interested in the local music scene and musical affairs in general. Hiller’s activities as reformer and innovator show a remarkable degree of consistency. Able to maintain his long-term goals and apply them to the subject that he dealt with, he set out to modernize conditions in a world that, inspired by the Age of Enlightenment,** was in the throes of great dynamic changes politically and socially. One major aspect of the changing culture was the increased importance of music as a vital means of self-expression for the German middle class. Leo Balet and E. Gerhard, taking the sociological factor into account, state, with

specific reference to Hiller’s exemplary achievements: “Everywhere music schools for dilettantes were founded. It would take us too far afield to list even the most important ones here. We would like to mention the efforts of Johann Adam Hiller, who strove, with great energy, to improve the level of singing in Germany by means of personal instruction and theoretical works. All these facts suggest that the middle class enriched its emotional culture through music.”*° Hiuller’s pioneering aspirations were also devoted to helping women achieve greater equality in music. Taking the Italian conservatories as models, he not only set up singing schools for boys and girls but also favored training women in singing, as he was strongly opposed to castration. In his Preface to the Anweisung zum mustkalisch-zierlichen Gesange, Hiller emphatically proposed his new ideals, condemning, at the same time, the injustices suffered by women in the past.*° #2 Butt, Music Education, p. 168. *3 Peiser, Hiller, p. 14. * The effect of the Enlightenment on cultural evolution in the eighteenth century with regard to music has been summarized aptly by an older source: Paul Henry Lang, Music in Western Civilization (New York: W. W.

Norton, 1941), pp. 570-579. *® Leo Balet and E. Gerhard, Die Verbiirgerlichung der deutschen Kunst, Literatur und Musik im 18. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt

am Main, Berlin, and Vienna: Ullstein Verlag, 1973), p. 392: “Uberall entstanden Musikschulen fiir Liebhaber. Hier auch nur die wichtigsten zu nennen, wiirde zu weit fiihren. Wir wollen nur die Bestrebungen von Johann Adam Hiller erwahnen, der sich durch persénliche Unterweisung wie durch Biicher energisch fiir die Hebung des gesanglichen Niveaus in Deutschland einsetzte. Aus allen diesen 'Tatsachen kann man erkennen, in welchem Mafe das Biirgertum die Gefiihlsbereicherung durch die Musik durchfiihrte.” *© Hiller, Anweisung zum mustkalisch-zierlichen Gesange, Preface, pp. 40f. below. Hiller’s youngest daughter, Elisabeth

Wilhelmine, apparently encouraged and fostered by her father’s progressive stance, was reputedly an accom-

plished singer. Married to an official, the “geheimer Kammersekretar” (secret cabinet secretary) Biirde in Breslau (today Wroctaw, Poland), she died there on January 10, 1806, only two years after her father’s death.

‘Translator’s introduction and commentary 15 It was the departure of one of his finest female pupils, Gertrud Schmehling (married name Mara), whose position he found so difficult to fill upon her leaving Leipzig, that gave Hiller the impetus to establish a music and singing school for both male and female singers. His fight for women’s rights is indicative of his persistence in improving untenable situations and obsolete conditions which prohibited middle-class women from most activities outside the domestic realm. Hiller’s attempt to further women in music shows him to be on the progressive side of the German bourgeoisie. His ardent advocacy of the cause of women in music suggests that Hiller proposed changes not only for pragmatic reasons (lack of cas-

tratit in Germany, for example) but also out of the growing conviction that women were endowed with at least equal if not greater vocal abilities than their male counterparts.*’ Consequently, Hiller made significant efforts to provide training opportunities for women to sing and he deserves full recognition for his steadfast support of women’s musical emancipation. The ability to show concern and compassion for his fellow citizens won Hiller many friends during his lifetime. Friends, colleagues, students, and acquaintances were full of praise for a man who was at the center of musical life. Johann Friedrich Rochlitz (1769-1842), a well-known German critic and founder of the important musical review Allgemeine Mustkalische Kettung, who knew Hiller person-

ally (as well as Mozart, Beethoven, Schubert, E. ‘I’ A. Hoffmann, Goethe, and Schiller among other major figures of the time), began his article “In Memoriam Johann Adam Hiller” — which appeared in the Allgemeine Mustkalsche Zeitung one

week after Hiller’s death in 1804 — with a quote by Lessing: “Eimige sind beriihmt, andere verdienen es zu seyn” (“Some are famous, others deserve to be”).*2 Obviously Rochlitz felt that Hiller had not received the fame and acknowledgment which he deserved and, in writing this memorial to him, was attempting to pay due respect to an accomplished man. He goes on to say that some people have genius and create because they must, following an inner neces-

sity but rarely delivering truly impeccable work, whereas others without that special gift are able, through talent, insight, and diligence, to create works which are totally their own, and benefit others at the same time. ‘The former become

famous; the latter do not.*? While not placing him in the category of genius, Rochlitz nevertheless extols Hiller’s talent and diligence. Rochlitz knew Hiller to be a very humble man, less taken by his own compositions than by the works of other composers. Although Hiller favored Hasse and Recognizing Hiller’s championing of women, Butt observes: “His departure from the norms of the conser-

vative church/school tradition is shown even more clearly by his advocacy of the musical education of women, who should have every right to sing church music; the fact that it was traditional to exclude women from church music was, in itself, no good reason” (Butt, Music Education, p. 167; cf. “Preface,” p. 41 below). *” Comparing the God-given talent of men and women to sing, Hiller claims that it is “the other sex which has received this gift to a greater extent from its creator.” See “Preface,” p. 41 below. *8 [Johann Friedrich Rochlitz], “Zum Andenken Johann Adam Hillers,” Allgemeine Mustkalische Zeitung no. 51 (September 19, 1804), p. 845. This article is printed without an author’s name; however, it differs only slightly from the 1768 article in Rochlitz’s Fur Freunde der Tonkunst and can therefore be attributed to Rochlitz.

*9 [Rochlitz], “Zum Andenken Johann Adam Hillers,” p. 845.

16 ‘Translator’s introduction and commentary Graun throughout his life, he was deeply moved when Mozart’s widow came to Leipzig in 1792 with a manuscript of her late husband’s Requiem. According to Peiser,*? she brought the manuscript directly to Hiller, who was so impressed by

the magnificence of the music that he, “taken with joy and admiration for Mozart,” immediately prepared a German translation and performed the work in Leipzig.°’ Noteworthy here is the fact that Hiller found it necessary to translate the Latin text of the Requiem Mass in order to make it accessible to his predominantly protestant audience. A similar event had occurred a few years earlier, when Hiller directed a performance of Handel’s Messiah in Berlin on May 19, 1786. ‘The oratorio, a great favorite of Hiller’s, was translated by him from English into German, but because the most prominent singer was an Italian who could hardly pronounce German, another translation, this time into Italian, was necessary to ensure the proper pronunciation of the text.° In general, Hiller’s contemporaries spoke of him in glowing terms. Among his many admirers was Beethoven’s teacher, Christian Gottlieb Neefe (1748—98). His long account of his relationship with Hiller overflows with praise and affection

for a man, teacher, and musician so capable of great warmth and friendship. One of the things Hiller and Neefe had in common was that they both suffered from hypochondria and, in turn, they showed deep compassion for one another: A closer friendship between Hiller and myself developed out of an affliction, and similar fates usually bring people closer together. Now that I have mentioned Hiller again, I feel duty bound to write about him in more detail. Where can one find a music lover who does not know and adore this intelligent, tasteful and sensitive composer, this musical Gellert! and where can one meet an ingenious performing artist who does not value him! I have never seen such all-out patronage

of his art as practiced by him. He used his financial means and exhibited the most glowing fervor in subsidizing young talent, helping it develop and promoting it. It is this man, then, more than any other, to whom I owe a debt of gratitude. He is the wellspring of my better musical knowledge, though I have never been subjected to his teaching in an organized manner. But his conversations about musical matters, the suggestions regarding my work, his readiness to supply me with the finest examples and to point out their most exquisite beauties as well as the stimulation of further interest by

such books as for instance, Hume’s Grundsdtze der Kntik [An Enquiry into Human Understanding| and Sulzer’s Theor |der schénen Kiinste|, wherein art was dealt with along

psychological lines of thought, all this did me more good than any formal instruction might have done.°?

Neefe’s affectionate appraisal of Hiller vividly portrays a major musical figure who gained the status of model and friend in many people’s lives. It is an assess-

ment which points to the exceptional qualities of a man who played such diverse roles in the musical life of Germany. As a teacher he was “the most °° Peiser, Hiller, p. 94. 5! [Rochlitz], “Zum Andenken Johann Adam Hillers,” p. 857. °2 Peiser, Hiller, pp. 63-64. 3 Paul Nettl, Forgotten Musicians (New York: Greenwood Press Publishers, 1951), Part II, Five Eighteenth Century Musicians as They Saw Themselves: The Life of Christian Gottheb Neefe, pp. 253-254.

‘Translator’s introduction and commentary 17 notable figure in German music education during the latter half of the eight- _ eenth century.”°* Hiller was skilled as innovator and educator, initiator and mediator, patron and participant, and as close friend and selfless colleague. Being personable and generous, he affected others decisively, bringing out the best in them.

To sum up his importance for eighteenth-century German music, there can be little doubt that among Huiller’s greatest assets was his ability to foster the musical development of the middle class. Hiller, who “spent much of his career outside the traditional church and school establishment,”°? employed his many talents to contribute significantly to the process of change by which his own social class assimilated and transformed the musical legacies of the past that had been dominated by privilege and high station. He helped to give vocal music a more

popular appeal while, at the same time, appropriating principles and traditions that engendered high standards of performance.

COMMENTARY

In writing his singing treatises, Hiller examined vocal music from both a practical and a pedagogical point of view. Having gained considerable insight into the state of singing in Germany from his experience as singer and teacher, he strove to improve both the conditions and the teaching of singing with his Anweisung zum mustkalisch-richtigen Gesange in 1774. This “Treatise on Vocal Performance and

Technique” is a tutor concerned with the basics: the acquisition of the elementary knowledge and skills of musicianship, harmony, theory, and performance technique as a singer. Clearly, Hiller had general instructional purposes in mind. His second treatise, the Anweisung zum mustkalisch-zierlichen Gesange, considered by

Hiller as a sequel to the earlier tutor, was to elaborate on performance practice and present a manual on the intricate art of fine smging and ornamentation. As a master teacher, Hiller displays his knowledge of the finesse with which singers embellish music. At the same time, he offers his pedagogical insights into the means by which the student can go beyond basic musicianship and master the intricacies of ornamentation. In publishing this treatise in 1780, six years having elapsed since the appearance of Part I, Hiller fulfilled his innermost wish to use and modify the established system of ornamentation with the goal of creating a model by which German singers could emulate the accomplishments of the Italians. In the Preface to the 1774 “Treatise on Vocal Performance and ‘Technique,” Hiller allies himself with the tradition of the great masters of vocal and performance practice such as ‘Losi, Agricola, Marpurg, and Mattheson. He laments the

substandard singing in Germany, points out the excellence of Italian standards of singing and teaching, and begins to suggest how the Germans could raise the 4 Butt, Music Education, p. 167. > Ibid.

18 ‘Translator’s introduction and commentary level of singing in their country. Although Hiller speaks with unmistakable frustration about the state of things in vocal music, his treatise displays a positive att1tude of encouragement and motivation. In a most logical and organized manner, he teaches beginning singers to become knowledgeable musicians by offering them detailed instructions on how to sing and to practice. In addition, he defines and introduces concepts and exercises leading to the fine art of ornamentation. Already in Lesson 1, Hiller introduces two of the most essential ornaments, the appoggiatura and trill, so that the student 1s made aware of and begins to learn

these difficult but important elements of advanced singing early on. Clearly, Hiller wants the student to start cultivating these necessary techniques in the first stages of training, thereby reaching for the highest levels of singing as soon as the basics are in place. Lesson 13, then, is devoted in its entirety to the importance of passaggi and the difficult patterns that comprise them.

While this tutor is revealing of Hiller’s pedagogy and sensible approach to the development of good musicians and singers, its scope is naturally limited to the fundamentals of both the basic and the advanced levels of singing. Part II, the Anweisung zum mustkalisch-zierlichen Gesange (1780), goes far beyond the elemen-

tary aspects and offers a sophisticated and comprehensive method of performance practice in the late eighteenth century. The format of the 1780 Anweisung or “Treatise on Vocal Performance and Ornamentation” follows the tradition of musical treatises of the eighteenth century and offers a sequence of chapters rather than lessons. More specifically, the body of this treatise or Part I 1s divided into two main sections: the first three chapters briefly review the elements of singing, dealing with “The Quality of the

Human Voice and its Improvements; On Good Performance with Regard to Text and Music.” The second section, chapters 4—8, delves into the actual subject

matter of performance practice: ornamentation, passaggi, cadenzas, and arbitrary variations. Whereas his predecessors, such as ‘Tosi and Agricola, were rich in technical detail, Hiller simplified the presentation of this intricate material and

made the complexities of ornamentation more accessible. Numerous wellchosen musical examples ulustrate the theoretical points. For the most part, Hiuller’s treatment of the material is straightforward and clear, although every so often both language and style become convoluted and laborious.°®° However, unlike his predecessors who elaborate with scholarly rigor and abundant detail, Huler communicates his insights despite his wordiness with pedagogical sensibility and understanding for the psychology of the learning process.

One of the characteristic features in this treatise is Hiller’s inclination to provide aesthetic speculation and critical judgment along with theory. In accordance with his views on music, its essence and mission, he treats ornamentation as an integral part of the musical process rather than an art in itself. Following °© Hiller’s style and manner of presentation did find criticism. Butt (Music Education, pp. 177f.) lists G. F. Wolf, who in his Unterncht in der Singekunst (Halle, 1784) finds Hiller’s treatise “too expansive and rambling,” while J. E Reichardt complains about “not enough order or conciseness” and also “verbosity.”

Translator’s introduction and commentary 19 the direction of ‘Tosi and Agricola and, to a great extent, preserving the Baroque concept and tradition of performance practice and ornamentation, Hiller’s treatises nevertheless represent a changed historical situation. His music aesthetic and sensibility reflect the aspirations, priorities, and tastes of the new cultural class that increasingly takes control of musical life in the late eighteenth century. Considering the virtues and accomplishments of his two vocal treatises, most notably the Anweisung zum musikalisch-zterlichen Gesange, Hiller’s task seems to have

been to adapt the elaborate and sophisticated art of singing and ornamentation of the ancien régime to the tastes of the middle class for whom he wanted to preserve and further a rich legacy by reconsidering and reappropriating its essential elements. It seems to follow that Hiller had to work so diligently to improve the state of singing in Germany: in order to deliver the excellence of a past era to

the present the conditions for a successful reception and assimilation had to be ,

fostered. ,

The following summary of the most significant aspects of the Anweisung zum mustkalisch-zerlichen Gesange will reveal Hiller’s congenial concept of performance

practice and his intention to stimulate new levels of mastering the fine art of singing. Hiller’s treatise is important to performers today because of the invaluable insights it provides into historic performance practices.

Declamation , | In the Italian virtuoso tradition, declamation’’ was a practical skill which placed

great stress on ornamentation, and, at the same time, drew upon gesture for support. The Germans, as indicated by Christian Gottfried Krause,°° found it more desirable to be able to understand words set to music rather than to be merely entertained by sound. For Hiller, whose aim was to improve the level of singing in Germany, declamation was of primary concern because of the intricate relationship between music and text. Since the Italian style set the standard for vocal music, Hiller, as a pedagogue and teacher, sensed that a comparable national style could succeed only if both the singer and the composer observed

the characteristics of the German language in their musical endeavors. , Nevertheless, he recommended learning Italian and becoming familiar with the

Italian virtuoso style, while believing that the Germans could successfully develop a style of their own which would utilize the elements indigenous to the German language. ‘The advance of the Singspiel, which Hiller helped to establish, increased the importance of declamation by shifting the focus from the aria with its florid style to a more folk-like and Lied-oriented type of singing in which the °? For additional information see the article “Deklamation” in Die Mustk in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Friedrich

Blume (Kassel and Basel: Barenreiter-Verlag, 1954), vol. III, pp. 101-114. *8 Christian Gottfried Krause, Von der Musikalischen Poeste (Berlin: Johann Friedrich Voss, 1753); facsimile edn.

(Kassel: Barenreiter Verlag, 1973). Hiller also points out what little training there was in some basics con-

cerning “good voice production, clean and clear pronunciation, smooth breathing,” which “is nowhere thought of, though everything depends on it.”

20 Translator’s introduction and commentary words were more prominent. It is in this context that Hiller devotes an entire chapter to declamation and its impact upon both unembellished and ornamented music.

While Tosi and Agricola are aware of the importance of declamation, they do not devote separate chapters to this subject. However, we can assume that they would have recommended “good placement,” as they discuss various aspects of diction and pronunciation in their chapters on the placement of ornaments and passaggi, giving examples of the syllables upon which ornamentation is inappropriate. Furthermore, they direct the simger away from mere bravura practices and emphasize the projection of affect through well-placed ornamentation, i.e. essential and arbitrary ornaments, which indicate respectively those that are required and others left to the discretion of the performer. To both Tosi and Agricola, skillful ornamentation was an important means of achieving proper declamation. Like his contemporary Rellstab,°? Hiller was an admirer of the Italian art of singing. But he realized that the brilliant Italian vocal style could not be duplicated in the German language because of its

different sound structures and indigenous characteristics. Moreover, the Germans lacked the talent and training of the Italian virtuosi. Considering the

state of singing in Germany, and recognizing the taste of a predominantly middle-class audience, Hiller saw the need for a style that would negotiate between sophistication and simplicity. ‘The shift from the brilliant Italian style to the proposed German style was intended to stay within the declamation principles of the German language while, at the same time, reflecting a modification in aesthetic priorities, particularly by curtailing virtuosity for 1ts own sake. For both Rellstab and Hiller, Affektenlehre took on the meaning of proper and fitting diction.

In discussing basic elements of speech, such as punctuation, meter, and accent, Hiller points out their importance for the articulation of meaning in language, stressing the notion that musical phraseology should reflect and enhance these structuring principles.°° Hiller, like Rellstab, emphasizes that it is the composer’s task to be observant of the patterning principles of language in his compositions. But in the final analysis both theorists point out that it is the good taste and musical sense of the performer which supplant any formal rules.*! Likewise meter, which organizes long or stressed and short or unstressed syllables, requires the singer to make the music follow the rhythmic qualities of the text. Hiller 1s in

agreement with other eighteenth-century theorists, such as Mattheson and Marpurg, and refers the singer to their detailed discussions of meter. °° Johann Karl Friedrich Rellstab, Versuch iiber die Bereinigung der musikalishcen und oratorischen Deklamation (Berlin:

Im Verlag der Musikhandlung und Musikdruckerey des Verfassers, 1786). |

6° For a general discussion of punctuation in music and language see Leonard Ratner, “Eighteenth Century Theories of Musical Period Structure,” Musical Quarterly 42 (1956), pp. 439-454.

6! Rellstab, for example, writes: “Hard and fast rules about this matter cannot be supplied even by the very best masters. Experience, a trained ear, and a fine sense of rhythm will therefore take the place of all rules” (“Formlich festgesetzte Regeln lassen sich auch wohl von den besten Meistern hieriiber nicht geben. Erfahrung, ein geiibtes Ohr, und ein gutes rhythmisches Gefithl werden fiiglich die Stelle aller Regeln ver-

treten konnen’’) (Rellstab, Versuch, p. 15). .

Lranslator’s introduction and commentary 21 Accent is an essential means of modifying the voice. Using the terminology presented in Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s Dictionnaire de Musique and Johann Georg Sulzer’s Allgemeine Theorie der schonen Kiinste, Hiller elaborates on the importance of accent, distinguishing, like his predecessors, three types: grammatical, oratorical, and pathetic. The grammatical accent differentiates between long and short syllables and, according to Hiller, lingers somewhat on the long syllable, which

in musical terms means that it takes up the long part of the beat or falls on the downbeat. The oratorical accent, which Rousseau also calls the logical accent, emphasizes the meaning of speech through the structuring and patterning of

word and sentence intonation. In this it comes close to the pathetic accent, through which speech expresses emotion by various fluctuations of tone, the raising or lowering of pitch, and the change in tempo of speech. While the grammatical and oratorical accents organize the syntactical and the logical parts of speech, the pathetic accent has an emotive and expressive function. Following Sulzer’s notion that music has greater power to modify the affects than does language, Hiller feels that the singer must go further than the composer in expressing, through swellings and mutings of the voice, that which the composer cannot indicate. In cases where a composer disregards rules of prosody, Hiller calls upon the singer to make impromptu decisions to improve upon the perceived imper-

fections of the compositions, or even to correct obvious mistakes by the com- : poser.°” Typical for the Age of Enlightenment, Hiller envisions an educated singer, well versed in history, mythology, and languages, to convey meaningfully the texts that he or she performs. Essential ornaments

For Huller, like his predecessors ‘Tosi, Agricola, Quantz, C. P. E. Bach, and Marpurg, ornamentation is a quintessential part of musical performance.®* There were two major categories of ornaments, the essential and the arbitrary. The essential consisted of the appoggiatura (and the double appoggiatura), the trill, and the turn, which all had to be performed in particular places in the music

whether they were indicated or not. ‘The arbitrary ornaments, namely the mordent, Nachschlag, arpeggio, and vibrato, were left to the discretion of the performer. Coming at the end of a long tradition, Hiller reflects upon the customs and discusses the uses of ornaments while recording, in detail, their diverse functions. Although he affirms the need for ornamentation, Hiller realizes that ornaments are the result of musical development and thereby not an absolute given. They have become a necessity through tradition: “ornaments are not essential to

the melody but are rather arbitrary embellishments which, for our taste, have °2 Hiller, Anweisung zum musikalisch-zierlichen Gesange, p. 27; p. 67 below.

®3 Hiller, the pedagogue, incorporated ornamentation into his teaching instruction at a very early stage. His 1774 treatise on “Richtigkeit” introduces trills right away in Lesson | and again in Lesson 12, while Vorschlage

appear in Lesson 7. As Butt notes: “it is remarkable how many ornamental devices are presented.” Also, “certain elements of ornamentation are relevant even at a comparatively early stage, before ‘Zierlichkeit’ is officially introduced.” (Music Education, pp. 174f.)

22 Translator’s introduction and commentary become a necessity.”°* By linking ornamentation to historical development, Hiller is aware that musical conventions play an important role in performance although musical taste may shift. Because he favored a musical style that incorporated principles of Enlightenment aesthetics, Hiller espoused a concept of ornamentation that reflects the ideal of simplicity. Hence he seeks to provide a framework within which to apply ornaments with skill and taste, effectively limiting excessive or abusive use of ornaments by the performer. Hiller’s attitude toward ornamentation and its application reflects the shift of control from singer to composer. In Tosi’s time, the performer in Italy was at

much greater liberty to place ornaments according to the established rules of performance practice. Hiller, aware of the less favorable conditions for traming singers in Germany, is concerned that not all singers are skilled enough to ornament according to tradition. ‘Thus he suggests, like Agricola before him, that composers not only indicate ornaments but also notate them in large notes so that there can be no question about note values.® A noticeable change in performance practice has taken place here. For ‘Tosi it was unusual even to give signs

for appoggiaturas, whereas Agricola defends the composer’s right to write out appoggiaturas (at least changeable or long appoggiaturas). This shift in attitude is a further illustration of the increased limitations placed on the performer in ornamenting by the likes of Agricola, Quantz, and Hiller. While the change does not reflect any alteration in the actual performance of the ornaments themselves, it serves as an indication of a growing trend among German theorists to abridge the freedom of the performer. What Agricola finds so lamentable, namely the tendency among singers to take too many liberties and have an inflated sense of self, is made fun of in Benedetto Marcello’s I teatro alla moda, a satirical treatment

of the state of affairs in early eighteenth-century opera. With regard to the imbalances caused by the vanity of the singers vis-a-vis the composer, Marcello writes: “Whenever the composer walks in the company of virtuosos, and especially castrati, he should let them walk on the right side; he should carry his hat in his hand and stay one pace behind, remembering that the lowest of them, in the opera, represent at least a general or captain in the king’s or queen’s guard.”°’ * Hiller, Anweisung zum musikalisch-zterlichen Gesange, pp. 34f; p. 72 below. & Hiller, Anweisung zum musikalisch-zierlichen Gesange, p. 40; p. 76 below.

6° It is of interest here that Agricola, unlike Tosi who attacks those who indicate ornaments, defends this common practice among German composers, acknowledging the need to indicate appoggiaturas in small

| notes. In addition, Agricola remarks in jest that there should almost be warning signs where not to place appoggiaturas in order to prevent excesses by the glamor-seeking virtuosi of his time. The difference between Tosi and Agricola also illustrates a distinction between the Italian habit of relying on conventions of ornamentation and the need on the part of the German theorists to provide stricter guidelines due, in large part, to the lack of familiarity with these conventions and performance practices. Cf. Tosi/Agricola, Anleitung, II (h) and (k), pp. 58f. See also Baird, Introduction, pp. 92f. Baird also observes: “Most German and even many of the Italian composers were already indicating the appoggiatura by the mid eighteenth century. Agricola concurs with C. P. E. Bach (and not with Quantz) in favoring the systematic indication of exact note values for the appoggiatura” (Baird, Jntroduction, p. 267, fn. 10). 7 See Reinhard Pauly, “Il Teatro Alla Moda,” Musical Quarterly 34 (1948), p. 384. In general, while many German theorists admire Italian music and art of singing, they sometimes react with reservations as to certain excessive (“oft tiberladen,” Tiirk) and “unrestrained,” “arbitrary,” “bizarre,” and “extravagant” (Quantz) qualities. See D. G. Tiirk, Alavierschule, Faksimile-Nachdruck der ersten Ausgabe von 1789, ed. Erwin R.

‘Translator’s introduction and commentary 23 For Hiller, the notation of ornaments is not a mere provision against a potential abuse or actual capriciousness. ‘The growing unfamiliarity on the part of both singer and composer with what had been common knowledge in the past is of greater concern to him in his consideration of the notational changes in perform-

ance practice. In addition, Hiller stresses that ornamentation 1s a means of emphasis and accentuation in the music—text relationship. In linking ornamentation to declamation, Hiller makes the point that “all musical ornaments are

essentially accents, and should be used to emphasize certain notes and syllables.”°® Ornamentation as accent serves as a point of departure for Hiller, giving him the opportunity to introduce the dot after a note as an arbitrary embellishment which he considers to be of great significance to the basic principles of ornamentation. Hiller’s strategy in presenting his discussion of essential ornaments differs from that of his predecessors. While both ‘Tosi and Agricola devote separate discussions to appoggiaturas and trills, Hiller combines them in one lengthy chapter which he curiously introduces by elaborating on the dot after a note as a minor arbitrary embellishment. Although not identified as an ornament by either Tosi or Agricola, according to Hiller the dot after a note functions as a means of accentuation, namely, “it emphasizes the accent of the declamation.”® The beauty and clarity of the vocal line is of primary concern to Hiller. 'To him, vocal virtuosity is not a means 1n itself. After considering the various ways of using the

dot after the note, Hiller strongly suggests that “the singer, when adding ornaments to beautify a melodic line, must take care not to rely on only one type of ornament and must aim for variety.””° Following these preliminaries, Hiller embarks upon his observation of the essential ornaments in his chapter “On Good Performance, with Regard to Ornaments” by dividing the appoggiaturas into long and short ornaments and giving rules for their application “based upon musical and declamatory principles in accordance with good taste at all times.”’' There follow extensive rules for the other essential and arbitrary ornaments: the Nachschlag, Anschlag, Schleifer,

trill, mordent, turn, vibrato, and others. In establishing the rules for their proper application, Hiller teaches the correct use and distribution of these ornaments, “always bearing in mind melodic, harmonic, and rhythmic situations.”’* When Jacobi (Kassel, Basel, London, New York: Barenreiter Verlag, 1962), p. 404; Johann Joachim Quantz, On Playing the Flute (Berlin, 1752]. trans and ed. Edward R. Reilly (New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc., 1975), pp. 334-335. Quantz also complains: “Some persons greatly abuse the use of the extempore embellishments as well as the appoggzaturas and the other essential graces as described here” (p. 99). Perhaps it is the

realization of these German theorists that the Italians had superior musical training and vocal skills which causes them to put more restraints upon German singers in the practice of ornamentation. 8 Hiller, Anweisung zum musikalisch-zierlichen Gesange, p. 34; p. 72 below. °° Hiller, Anweisung zum mustkalisch-zierlichen Gesange, p. 35; p. 73 below. Butt, Music Education, p. 176, notes: “The

introduction of unnotated dotted rhythms is another feature that can be traced back to the Italianate ornamental methods of the early Baroque.” Hiller, Anweisung zum musikalisch-zierlichen Gesange, p. 37; p. 74 below. " Hiller, Anweisung zum musikalisch-zierlichen Gesange, p. 35; p. 73 below.

” Joan Smiles, “Improvised Ornamentation in Late Eighteenth-Century Music: An Examination of Contemporary Evidence,” Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University, 1975, p. 284.

24 ‘Translator’s introduction and commentary Hiller comes across important material already presented by a predecessor or

, colleague, he quotes freely, always acknowledging his indebtedness. ‘Thus, in this chapter, he incorporates several parts of Agricola’s supplementary notes to ‘Losi’s tutor which reinforce Hiller’s position that the essential ornaments are a neces-

sary part of good performance. |

Another essential ornament, the trill, like the appoggiatura, had to be taught from early on, according to Hiller, who 1s of the opinion that singers had to learn where to place it, as 1t was not always indicated. ‘That cadences were amiong the most important places and required trills whether they were indicated or not is generally agreed upon by all eighteenth-century theorists.’° Hiller even suggests using a trill when an appoggiatura 1s not indicated but warns that the trill may

not be used as frequently as the appoggiatura because its repetition becomes

} boring.’* Considering the function of the trill in cadenzas and at fermatas as very significant, Hiller devotes a major section of a chapter to it: Chapter 7, “On Cadenzas.” As with the appoggiatura, he introduces the trill in Lesson | of the Anweisung zum mustkaltsch-nichtigen Gesange so that the student can begin studying this difficult ornament as early as possible.’? Altogether he lists five kinds of trills:

(1) the whole trill, (2) the half trill or mverted mordent (Pralliriller), (3) the mordent, (4) the turn (Doppelschlag), and (5) the tremolo (Bebung). Hiller goes so far

as to list a variety of alternatives for the singer who is not yet ready to trill or for the singer who is unable to trill at all.”

Throughout his discussion of the essential ornaments, Hiller’s mterest in

, advancing the study of singing in Germany and in improving the state of vocal instruction is consistently maintained. Passage and arbitrary variations As with the essential ornaments, Hiller believes that singers must acquire the skill

of performing and placing arbitrary ornaments, such as passaggi and arbitrary variations, correctly. He notes a general misuse and misplacement or even overabundance of passaggt in Italian and German opera as well as in the church. ‘Io guide the performers against such mishandling of these figures, Hiller devotes an entire chapter in this treatise to the appropriate placement and performance of passaggi. He refers the reader to Lesson 13 of the Anweisung zum mustkaltschrichtigen Gesange, where he included a whole lesson on passaggi and the figures that

constitute them. In that first tutor, Hiller quotes from Marpureg’s Anleitung zur Singkunst to categorize and give musical examples of figures, such as Riickung or Tonwiederholung (syncopation), Schwdarmer or Rauscher (quick repeated note figures),

Lonverziehung (tone displacement, which is like the Italian tempo rubato), ’S Robert Donington, The Interpretation of Early Music (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1974), p. 241.

4 “weil er leicht UberdruB erregt, wenn er zu oft gehért wird.” Hiller, Anweisung zum musikalisch-zierlichen Gesange, p. 66; p. 93 below. ® Hiller, Anweisung zum musikalisch-richtigen Gesange, p. 38. See footnote 63 above. © Hiller, Anweisung zum musikalisch-zierlichen Gesange, p. 71; p. 96 below.

‘Translator’s introduction and commentary 25 Tonverbeissung (truncation), Laufer (in which the singer fills in all the tones between two separate notes), the Walze and Halbzirkel (both consisting of four notes, with

the first and third being alike in the Walze and the second and fourth being alike

in the Halbzirkel), and the Brechung (arpeggio).”’ | Hiller defines passaggx in Part I as nothing more than “arbitrary ornaments or variations of simple melody in particular places.” ’? Distinguishing between those

figures that are either prescribed by the composer or invented by the singer, Hiller elaborates on the composite nature of passaggi, and he indicates that they can be based on the figures he has just listed or that they comprise various combinations of these given figures. Realizing that it is difficult to describe the musical possibilities that such combinations can unfold, Huller includes numerous examples, selecting arias by Hasse, Graun, and ‘Traetta. Although he is aware of the difficulty of the material for the beginner, Huller, for pedagogical reasons,

makes a special point of including it in his first tutor to give the singer a head start in mastering the art of performing passaggi. Huler expands his discussion of passaggi in the Anweisung zum mustkalischzierlichen Gesange. As the function of passaggzis to enliven and enhance the melodic

line, he wants to see them used in a controlled manner and with discretion, but he does not believe that they should be totally abandoned, because they have become part of the musical style and the audience expects them. As music demands variety and change, passaggi serve as a means of diversification. But, as with the essential ornaments, the use and frequency of fassagg: must be subservient to the music. Hiller strongly opposes the manner in which singers have indiscriminately employed passage: to show off their vocal artistry and dexterity,

paying too little respect and attention to the given music. , Hiller asserts that the singer must take ability in performing passagg: into account and be aware of his/her limitations of technique and skill. He also stresses the need to examine the character of a given piece or aria so that the ornamentation can be matched with the musical style and affect. It is probably Hiller’s greatest fear, and in this concern he is consistent with his remarks on essential ornaments, that the singer may be tempted to show off virtuosity at the expense of passion. While composers of the late eighteenth century normally indicated the essen-

tial ornaments, Hiller, like other theorists such as Marpurg and Sulzer, wanted , to provide the singer with the necessary knowledge and expertise to add ornaments where either the composer was inconsistent or the copyist omitted them. In addition, problems arose because many performers were not familiar with all the conventions of placing ornaments and lacked the knowledge of how to introduce them properly. Then, there was another reason to train singers in the art of passaggi and arbitrary variations: theorists saw the importance of teaching the singer to prepare ’ Hiller, Anweisung zum musikalisch-richtigen Gesange, Lesson 13, pp. 175£E. 8 Thid., Lesson 13, pp. 180-183.

26 Translator’s introduction and commentary variations when melodies were repeated or cadenzas were improvised. For this purpose, Hiller devotes an entire chapter, Chapter 8, to arbitrary variations. No matter, however, whether Hiller is describing the simple figurations which constitute passaggt or the extended divisions which make up longer variations, his criteria for tastefully placed ornamentation as an addition to, but not in place of, the essential beauty of singing remain constant. The art of improvising arbitrary variations represents, for Hiller, the culmination of vocal study and performance practice. He calls upon the singer to devote him/herself with patience and diligence to the development of this important skill since the audience, and above all the connoisseur, are to enjoy and appreciate the combination of technique, acquired knowledge, and musical taste.

For ‘Tosi arbitrary variations amount to the most beautiful and pleasing accomplishment a singer can achieve. Hiller, in support of this contention, elaborates on the instructions both Tosi and Agricola present, which he supplies with two extensive musical examples, a German and an Italian aria with completely written-out ornamentation for the repeat of the aria.’? Tosi bemoans the fact that he must forgo the opportunity of supplying musical examples here because of the printer’s inability to print notes, an omission that Agricola acknowledges with regret, as he had hoped to demonstrate with examples what was so difficult to express in words. Agricola, not giving examples of his own, refers the reader to a “treasure chest” of arbitrary variations in Quantz’s Versuch.®° Concurring with Tosi’s and Agricola’s recommendations, Hiller instructs the singer not to go to extremes in the process of adding arbitrary variations, and cautions the performer that a simple rendition of the composer’s written-out melody with essential ornaments 1s more desirable than excessive variations. ‘This warning against excesses reminds the singer that adding appropriate variations in the correct places is as important as the proper execution of the variations themselves.

As far as the technical details are concerned, Huler elaborates on Agricola’s three-fold distinction: either more notes are added to a few, or more notes are changed into fewer, or, finally, a certain number of notes are exchanged with an equal number of different notes. ‘This basic rule of producing arbitrary variations is supplemented by the use of all those figures that constitute passaggi, as well as tempo rubato, and other means of varying the voice. ’9 In case additional examples are desired, Hiller refers to his publication, Sechs italidinische Arien verschiedener Componisten, mit der Art ste zu singen und zu verindern (Leipzig: Johann Friedrich Junius, 1778). ‘This volume con-

tains arias by P. Anfossi, K. H. Graun, J. A. Hasse, F di Majo, and A. M. G. Sacchini. Additional material is to be found in Meisterstiicke des italidnischen Gesanges, in Anen, Duetten und Choren, mit deutschen geistlichen Texten,

nebst einer nothigen Vorrede und einem niitzlichen Anhang fiir Sdnger (Leipzig, 1791). This collection, published by

Hiller at his own expense, contains six arias, two of them for soprano, one for alto, two for tenor, and one for bass voice with an additional duet and choral piece. 8° See Tosi/Agricola, Anleitung, p. 235 (Baird, Introduction, p. 235) and Quantz, On Playing the Flute, Chapter 13,

“Of Extempore Variations on Simple Intervals,” pp. 136ff. Unlike ‘Tosi and Agricola, Hiller supplies the singer with five options of figures at the end of his chapter on fassaggi to aid in the process of learning how to perform da capo ornamentation.

‘Translator’s introduction and commentary 27 | In the da capo aria the arbitrary variations should be left to the discretion of the singer and not to the composer, according to Hiller, who joins Tosi, Agricola, and Quantz in this view. Variations, altogether, should only be applied to arias that are either partially or completely repeated but can be used for both Adagios and Allegros, or any other place that requires particular vitality and brilliance. The strictest observance of the tempo and a firm knowledge of harmony and figured bass are mandatory. To help the singer avoid the common pitfalls in performing arbitrary variations, Hiller selects ten salient rules from ‘Tosi’s tutor, instructing the singer to:

1. make the difficult appear effortless; 2. avoid violating declamation; 3. place legato variations in slow arias and detached ones in allegro arias; 4. balance dynamics and affect; 5. favor conjunct variations, especially chromaticism in pathetic arias; 6. use passaggi in melismatic extensions; 7. avoid the repetitious use of ornaments; 8. emphasize inventiveness rather than technique; 9. avoid variations on unpleasant vowels; 10. enhance the composer’s original intent. As is evident, the rules for applying arbitrary variations had remained, in principle, the same since ‘losi’s time. However, as Agricola’s warnings and Hiller’s cautions indicate, there 1s a greater reluctance to accept excessive passage work. Ultimately, Huller proves to be the executor of a long tradition. Respectful of the legacy of the art of ornamentation, he uses his closing statement on passaggi to set the singer of his time free to use acquired skills, techniques, and knowledge to further the art of vocal music with both sound performance practice and individual taste. On cadenzas

According to Hiller, cadenzas offer, as do arbitrary variations, the singer the true opportunity to improvise freely. Since he favors having all essential ornamenta-

tion written out by the composer, it is quite logical that he should perceive caden- | Zas as a special place to preserve the art of improvisation. Considering the potential for misuse of ornamentation in cadenzas, Hiller is fully aware of Tosi’s verdict against the excesses of his contemporary Italian virtuosi who took advantage of cadenzas for reasons other than artistic purposes, such as fame, fortune, and vanity. While ‘Tosi only allows for small elaborations at the closings of the sections of a da capo aria on the condition that they do not disturb the time of the bass, his remarks reflect the widespread use of cadenzas at the final cadence of the da capo aria. Hiller concurs with Agricola, who vigorously argues against ‘Tosi’s restrictions

28 ‘Translator’s introduction and commentary and defends the singer’s right to show his/her inventiveness, skill, and the need for aesthetic pleasure, owing to his belief that an artful and brilliantly performed cadenza can highlight an aria and please the audience with musical surprises. The most important rules which Hiller lists for cadenzas follow Agricola’s and

Quantz’s instructions: ,

I. CGadenzas must not appear too often and should not be too long. ‘Uhey ought to be sung in one breath. 2. Cadenzas should be based upon the chief affect and main character of the aria and may make use of passages from the aria itself. 3. ‘The singer observes the main tempo marking of the aria but does not follow the meter strictly.

4. The more unexpected the material introduced in a cadenza, the more beautiful it is.

Hiller also discusses fermatas and demonstrates harmonic situations in which they occur. He even gives examples of how to handle those cadences in slow movements which have no fermata but may be ornamented. He includes some occasions in which “holds” occur in the middle of arias, holds that he designates as caesuras but which are also indicated by fermatas. ‘lo decorate them, Hiller _- suggests improvising a small arbitrary passage or substituting a trill without a Nachschlag. Other uses of the fermata include transitions which generally occur in the rondo and those placed at the beginning of an aria. Hiller gives musical examples to cover these instances. To meet the demands of double and triple cadenzas, Hiller suggests that the soloists write out their elaborations and take breaths as the length of these cadenzas increases dramatically over the solo ones. Specifically, he prescribes that im1i~ tations be incorporated, melodic lines contain variety, and that they progress at intervals other than simply thirds and sixths. For the singer less able to improvise cadenzas, Hiller recommends, as a simple solution, that a few tones within the harmony be sung, followed by a trill. In advocating the freedom to add embellishments at cadences and fermatas, Hiller shows his interest in keeping the art of improvisation alive. His aesthetic sensibility is geared to the principle of musical balance. While improvisation should not obscure composition, it also should not overpower a given piece: hence Hiuller’s belief that ornamentation can never make up for a poorly performed aria. Vocal forms and performing in different places

Like the theorists to whom he is indebted, Huller devotes himself to the important aspect of setting for a musical performance, namely proper vocal performance in the church, chamber, and theater in relation to arias, recitatives, duets, and choral music. As the church requires a sacred attitude, Hiller favors those

Translator’s introduction and commentary 29 ornaments that support sincerity and sensitivity. In the theater the singer has greater freedom to ornament, but the role that is being portrayed restricts his/her use of embellishments since the character of a given role imposes psychological and aesthetic limitations upon the musical choices. It is m the chamber then, according to Hiller, that the singer has the most liberty to show off musical and inventive abilities. Hiller agrees with ‘Tosi and Agricola that the da capo aria gives the singer the

greatest opportunity to improvise embellishments and add ornaments because its very structure of repetition invites musical variation. In Hiller’s time, however, changes in the form of the da capo aria had begun and allowed for the replacement of the simple repeat with a more elaborate written out section, effectively

curtailing the singer’s opportunity to improvise. Hiller, aware of this develop_ ment, observes that unless it is an adagio or cantabile movement, the singer has little’

chance to ornament. In his rules for the addition of ornaments to recitative, Hiller agrees with ‘Tosi and Agricola that the place of performance determines how many and what kind of ornaments are to be added. Ample musical examples are given to demonstrate how to place appoggiaturas, mordents, inverted mordents, and Schlevfer in recitative. Finally, Hiller addresses ornamentation by more than one singer. When performing duets, he suggests that soloists should discuss the ornaments prior to the

performance, and if they have no opportunity to do so, should omit the ornaments completely or select only those which other singers can easily imitate. ‘The

more soloists perform together the more each singer must refrain from ad hoc decisions to add notes and must stick to what is written. In choral music, Hiller warns against all improvised variations but allows for

short appoggiaturas, an occasional inverted mordent, and trills only in the correct voices at cadences. In agreement with his predecessors ‘Tosi and Agricola, who also voiced reservations concerning the over-use of ornaments 1n arias and

recitative, Hiller feels that expressive performance should outweigh virtuoso display, no matter where the performance 1s held. Conclusion

Virtually every page of the Anweisung zum musikalisch-zterlichen Gesange gives evi-

dence of the dominating influence that Italian vocal art had upon Huller’s attempts to establish a German singing culture. Apart from the section on essential ornaments, French influence in this treatise is not really manifest. In considering Hiuller’s relationship to the important international styles of his time, one needs to take into account that French music served as an influential model for him as well. ‘The Szngspiel, after all, was modeled upon the French opéra comique and

Hiller’s favorite genre, the zed, represents a counterpart to the popular French chanson. With regard to the concerts that Hiller directed and programmed, he

30 ‘Translator’s introduction and commentary followed fashions that had been influenced by the format and conventions of concerts in France. Both in his music making and teaching the art of singing, Hiller

coordinated important elements from Italian, French, and domestic German influences. In this, Hiller adopted the flexible attitude described by both Quantz and ‘Ttirk as an appropriate German way to enhance musical style. But while both Quantz and Tiirk thought it necessary to take freely from both the Italians and the French to improve German style, Hiller assembled only the best features of the Italian style and to a lesser extent the French model. In amalgamating all these influences, he attempted to make the key elements accessible to the public with the intention of fostering a German national style that espoused the principle of simplification. Conveying exemplary aspects of the Italian vocal style, Hiller felt that the Germans could develop and elevate their indigenous taste and art of

singing. Quantz and ‘Tiirk show, perhaps, a more eclectic assimilation of influences and a more theoretical approach, whereas Hiller pursued more practical interests and pedagogical goals. ‘The use of the international style, envisioned by Hiller, was to give the Germans a vocal idiom aspiring to be on a par with the Italians and French.

Hiller, whose familiarity with the writings of the major theorists such as Mancini, Burney, Quantz, ‘Tosi, Agricola, Marpurg, and Mattheson is beyond any doubt, did not merely copy the tradition at hand. As Bernd Baselt observes: “Referring to well-known experts on a chosen subject does not imply that he [Hiller] slavishly follows the methods as exemplified by Mancini or Tosi— Agricola.”®! Hiller approached his predecessors not uncritically. For example, in the Preface to his 1780 treatise, he distances himself from Mancini, whose unappealing manner and dryness make much of his material unusable. Nevertheless, Hiller shows the influence of recent Italian theorists, as in general he “lays great stress on the thoroughness of Italian music education.”** Aiming to match these exemplary standards, Hiller sought to develop suitable teaching models. In his pedagogy, Huller follows ‘Tosi-Agricola more closely. Whereas ‘Tosi maintained the line of vocal performance practice exemplified by the castrati and Agricola was the preserver of that tradition, Hiller became the transformer who revised the Italian model to accommodate the changing needs of his German audience as the crucial shifts in late eighteenth-century aesthetic sensibility were taking place. Modifying the elaborations of the past theorists, Hiller infused into the treatise tradition a greater sense of the musical culture of the Enlightenment “with its secular leanings, its cultivation of music as an aesthetic, non-functional art.”®° But to inspire his people with a vision of singing that built upon the glory of the past, Hiller went beyond the role of a mere mediator who assimilated the 81 Bernd Baselt, “Afterword,” in Johann Adam Hiller, Anweisung zum mustkalisch-zierlichen Gesange, facsimile edition, with an Afterword and Name Index by Bernd Baselt (Leipzig: Edition Peters, 1976): “Sich auf aner-

kannte Autoritaten der gewahlten Materie zu beziehen, heiBt fiir ihn [Hiller] ketneswegs, sich nahezu sklavisch an die von Mancini oder ‘Tosi-Agricola gelehrte Methode zu halten.” 82 Butt, Music Education, p. 176. 83 Tbid., p. 177.

‘Translator’s introduction and commentary 31 tradition of ornamentation. As his pioneering work as an impresario indicates, Hiller had a keen sense of innovation in his pedagogy which John Butt has characterized as “revolutionary.”®* Such an appraisal recognizes Hiller’s achievement

as an outstanding teacher-theorist. This introduction and commentary together with the translation of the Anweisung zum mustkalisch-zierlichen Gesange are offered

in the attempt to further the appreciation of Hiller’s remarkable accomplishments. 8 Tbid.

Note on the text and musical examples

Hiller’s own footnotes, designated in the original publication by asterisks, are here similarly indicated by symbols, in order to distinguish them from the numbered editorial footnotes below them. The musical examples have been modified to conform to modern notational practice with regard to clefs and initial bracelines and bracketlines.

‘Treatise on Vocal Performance and

Ornamentation

, BLANK PAGE

Preface

When the Anweisung zum musitkalsch-richtigen Gesange was published five years ago, the reader was given the hope that a second work, the Anwezsung zum mustkalisch-

zuerlichen Gesange, would soon appear. ‘This hope has now been realized, later perhaps than many would have hoped and wished, but still too soon for my own satisfaction. ‘There is an extensive field to be explored here. In view of the abundant material which, more often than not, is only derived from minute observations based upon experience and is rarely covered or even sometimes overlooked

in other books, it is easy to understand that the gathering and organization of these facts require due consideration. Hence it occurs that the plan which was designed and accepted one day 1s rejected the next. In all, it is the preparation of such an undertaking that requires more effort than the work itself, and then when other business interferes, the realization of such a project can easily be delayed for years. But why should there be excuses about delay if, perhaps, the publication itself

could have been dispensed with? It could have remained unwritten for two reasons: first, if the execution had not succeeded in treating such an important

subject adequately, and second, if the Germans had never wanted to be advanced a step further in the fine art of good singing. I am more or less at ease about the first point, as Part I [the first treatise — Anweisung zum mustkalischrichtigen Gesange|' has been accepted with success time and time again, in public

schools as well as in the course of private instruction, and has been used profitably. This is by no means an infallible indication of the high quality of the present treatise; but since I have worked on it with no less honesty and care, one may at least give me the benefit of the doubt in assuming that it will be no worse than its predecessor. ‘Uhe first treatise has not only had the honor of being translated into Danish but also has been published in excerpts by Herr Hépfner, the Stadt-Cantor of Sondershausen, although this is not acknowledged in the title or ' Throughout the translation “first treatise” refers to “erster Theil” (Part I) or Anweisung zum musikalischrichtigen Gesange (1774). Together with the present treatise or “zweiter Theil” (Part II), Anweisung zum mustkalisch-zuerlichen Gesange (1780), Hiller envisions a unity of his theoretical endeavors which makes him speak of the two treatises as Part I and II in the present work.

36 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation in the preface. ‘The former is a rather pleasant occurrence; the latter I would have preferred to prevent. The second point deserves to be taken into consideration on its own account. Perhaps I exaggerated in doubting that the Germans would ever be inclined to advance themselves even a step further in the proper manner of singing. They no more lack enthusiasm than they do talent, but it is opportunity and encouragement which they are missing to a regrettable extent. I leave it to the reader to reflect upon the absence of encouragement; I would, however, like to say more about the lack of opportunity to study singing properly and of perfecting their talent.

In the first treatise, I pointed out that, in general, Germany has no other singing schools than its town schools, where singing is one of the subjects taught or, at least, one that ought to be taught. Apart from the ineptitude or laziness of many a teacher who has the obligation to teach music in such schools, no one

school has the intention of producing highly qualified musicians or singers. I would not hesitate to pass judgment on whether this is truly right or not; at least out of gratitude, music should be treated with more respect in the public schools. More care should be taken over the cultivation of this art, as music often invites many endowments out of which teachers’ salaries and inheritances are paid and from which a considerable number of poor students are supported. Should these contributions be collected from the schools along with the money that students have earned through daily or weekly singing in the streets or in the homes, there might be good reason to complain about want and need.

Still another reason should prompt those men who have influence in the school system or those who are in immediate charge of it to sponsor, with greater zeal, the study of a subject which cannot be looked upon with indifference or even disdain without doing injustice to it. Is not singing an essential part of our _ religious worship? Is not good church music, composed in the right spirit, a sure means for the celebration of our holidays and for the awakening and strengthening of our devotion? Who would believe that God can be honored with coarse and wild screaming and miserably ill-performed music as well as with gentle and euphonious singing and music which is full of dignity and strength? Which of these two methods is more likely to arouse devotion in the listener? ‘The answer is simple — and Heaven help us — if it were only as easy to demonstrate that singing and music in our churches do not need any improvement! Let him who wishes take the trouble to prove it; I must object to it. The Italians still have the advantage over us in singing, if not in other aspects of music too, and they may well maintain it for a long time. The reason is that they have what the Germans lack: the encouragement and opportunity to study. As far as these two aspects are concerned, it is worth the effort to pause for a moment and draw a comparison between the two nations. Such a comparison, in addition to providing an expansion of the reader’s insight into the history of new music, also gives the opportunity to express some good wishes and not

Preface 37 entirely objectionable suggestions for improving the study of singing in Germany. Finally, I should like to give a catalogue of famous singing masters and

male and female singers who have become well known in and outside of Italy since the beginning of this century. Let us hope that many an over-zealous detester of music, when he sees that many musicians have been showered with honor and wealth. will be rescued from the erroneous illusion that it is music that creates despicable and immoral people. But you, my young friends, who strive to achieve fortune and honor through practice of such an admirable art, take example from your famous predecessors and let them arouse you to untiring diligence! And when you have reached the summit from which you sweep everyone away with delight and astonishment, protect yourself from a scandalous life-style and unfitting behavior so as not to lose what you have achieved through talent. The historical facts which I would like to present will be taken primarily from two writers on music. The first is an Englishman and a Doctor of Music, Charles Burney, who is probably well known to all music lovers because of his musical

journey, a description of which was published in German translation in Hamburg in 1772. The second, Giambattista Mancini, singing master of the Imperial Court in Vienna, published a book in quarto in 1774 entitled Pensien e Riflessioni pratiche sopra il Canto figurato.° | am sorry that there was little in this book 2 Hiller refers to the German translation of Charles Burney’s musical tours in Europe (The Present State of Music in France and Italy and The Present State of Music in Germany, the Netherlands, and United Provinces, first published in 3 volumes in 1771). Charles Burney, Tagebuch seiner mustkalischen Reisen, 3 vols. (Hamburg: Bode, 1772, 1773): vol. I, Tagebuch einer mustkalischen Reise durch Frankreich und Italien welche er unternommen hat um zu einer allgememen Geschichte der Musik Matenalien zu sammeln, trans. C. D. Ebeling, 1772; vol. Il, Tagebuch einer musikalischen Reise durch Flandern, die Niederlande und am Rhein bis Wien, trans. J. J. GC. Bode, 1773; vol. Ul, Tagebuch einer mustkalischen Reise durch Bohmen, Sachsen, Brandenburg, Hamburg und Holland. Mit Zusdtzen und Anmerkungen zum zweyten

und dritten Bande, trans. J. J. C. Bode, 1773. On the basis of the first edition (1771), the “second edition, corrected” (vol. I, 1773; vol. I, 1 and H, 2, 1775), additional manuscript material omitted in the first and second * editions, and the editorial footnotes of the German translation, Percy A. Scholes has edited Dr. Burney’s Musical Tours in Europe, 2 vols. (London, New York, Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1959): vol. I, An Eighteenth-Century Musical Tour in France and Italy; vol. 11, An Fighteenth-Century Musical Tour in Central Europe and

the Netherlands. Subsequently, all references are made to Scholes’ edition, except for Hiller’s own references to

the German translation which will be cross-referenced with the Scholes edition. Hiller had actually met Burney in Leipzig in September, 1772, when he acted as Burney’s host. Noting Hiller’s hospitality in his Musical Tours, Burney had these kind words to say about his character and status as a musician: “This gentleman, who is not only an eminent writer on the subject of music, but the first and most popular composer of comic operas in the German language, was indefatigable in his endeavors to serve me the whole time I remained in Leipsic” (vol. II, p. 153). During his visit, Burney and Hiller attended a performance of a comic opera in Leipzig which prompted Burney to make the following remarks about the quality of singing in Germany: “The performers did not charm me, either by their singing or acting; all were out of tune, out of time, and vulgar. I hardly ever was more tired” (p. 154). Burney repeated his criticism after visiting the playhouse where one of Hiller’s comic operas was in rehearsal. “I found this music very natural and pleasing, and deserving of much better performers than the present Leipsic Company can boast; for, to say the truth, the singing here is as vulgar and ordinary as our common singing in England, among those who have neither had the advantage of being taught, nor of hearing good singing” (p. 154). Hiller must have felt quite pleased with Burney’s praise for his musicianship when he came across it in the German translation of the Musical Tours. He also must have been quite encouraged about his own efforts to improve the state of singing in Germany, having a reliable critic chastising the poor quality of singing and acting. It is no surprise, then, that Hiller makes frequent references to Burney as a source in his Preface. 3 Giambattista Mancini. Practical Reflections on Figured Singing (Vienna, 1774), trans. and ed. Edward Foreman,

Masterworks on Singing, vol. VII (Champaign, Ill.: Pro Musica Press, 1967).

38 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation of which I could make use. Practical examples are almost entirely absent. ‘The

author dedicated his work to the Archduchess Maria Ehsabeth, whom he instructed in singing. He says of her in the dedication: “She was able to execute the greatest subtleties with such precision and confidence that few other examples of such exceptional ability can be cited.”* Burney learned from Mancini, whom he met in Vienna, that he had taught eight of the Archduchesses to sing, most of whom had good voices. They had achieved considerable proficiency,

particularly the Princess of Parma and the Archduchess Elisabeth who had “.. good shakes, a good portamento, and great facility in executing simple divisions.” Mancini may well be a good singing master for princesses, but whether or not he is a good writer I do not wish to discuss here because I would like to use his work now and then as a reference. And now to the point: it is very encouraging for an Italian singer to have so many opportunities in and outside his homeland to show his talent and to be handsomely rewarded for it. Every city of considerable importance in Italy has an opera house where tragic or comic operas are performed. ‘The larger cities have several theaters, as for example Venice, which has seven* named after the saints of the churches where the theaters are located. San Moisé, San Samuele, San Benedetto, and San Cass[i]ano are for tragedies, whereas San Luca, San Grisostomo, and Sant’Angelo are for comedies. It is well known to what extent Italian singing is appreciated outside of Italy, at the various German courts, in England, in Russia, and in almost all the European realms. Not only the theater but also the church strives to search for musical talent and to reward it. Any church in an Italian city celebrating the feast of its patron saint or some other important feast will not fail to call upon the most famous virtuosi

from other regions and contract them by paying considerable rewards for helping to make the festival more beautiful through their singing talents. Everyone knows what the state of music is like in the theaters and churches of Germany. Although we still have no opera, something resembling it does exist,

but it is restrained by comedy. Under such conditions opera cannot easily become the gathering place of German virtuosi. And the churches — O dear God! — it is sad to say at what price music 1s to be performed there to honor God,

to promote the devotion of a Christian congregation, and still to assert 1ts own dignity. Can music performed under such circumstances be anything but bad, so that many reasonable men consider it to be completely dispensable? Yet, should music really be permitted to fall victim to such disdain — something which was always considered an essential part of the service, which was so beautiful and splendid in the time of David and Solomon — a science which the great Luther ranked immediately next to theology? The Italians actually surpass us not only by encouraging musical talent, but * D, Volkmann. Historisch-kritische Nachrichten von Italien, vol. M1. Leipzig: Caspar Fritsch, 1778. p. 617.

* Ibid.,p.1. ° Burney, Musical Tours, vol. Il, p. 115.

Preface 39 also by having institutions to train these talents and lead them to a certain degree of perfection. At the present time, Italy is still the only country which has established music and singing schools and has thereby found a means to further the successful careers of poor children of both sexes, at the same time making the Italian art of singing predominant throughout Europe. These music schools are called Conservatories or Hospitals. Venice has four and Naples three. ‘Those in Venice are for girls while the Naples schools are set up for boys. The Ospedale della Pieta in Venice has the most pupils: it is attended by more than one thousand girls of which seventy study music with the best teachers. Not only do they sing, but they also play the organ, violin, flute, violoncello, and even the Waldhorn.

Every Saturday and Sunday evening there are performances in each of the four conservatories, Just as there are during the major church festivals. At each conservatory a maestro or Kapellmeister is in charge of the curriculum; he writes

music for the school and generally conducts the performance himself. ‘The present Maestro della Peta, Signore Furnaletti, 1s a friar. This hospital is a kind of foundling home for ulegitimate children and is under the protection of several noblemen, citizens, and merchants who, no matter how high the institution’s income, contribute yearly to its maintenance. The girls are educated there until they get married or find further support through their music. The cost of music lessons at such a conservatory is supposed to be minimal, as only five or six teachers are paid for instruction in singing and various instruments, while the older girls teach the younger ones. With respect to vocal and instrumental training, Burney prefers the Ospedale agl’ Incurabili to the other three schools in Venice. ‘This institution is said to offer not more than forty musical subjects, fewer than are taught at the Ospedale della

Pieta. However, the compositions of a certain Galuppi, the maestro of the Ospedale agl’Incurabili, and perhaps the better teachers of this conservatory, give it an advantage over the others. Hasse was once its maestro. He wrote a Maiserere for two sopranos, two altos, with two violins, viola, and bass accompaniment, which 1s still performed during Passion Week and which Padre Martini has called a wonderful composition.

Burney attended a concert at the Conservatorio de’ Mendicanti which the Prioress, an elderly lady, conducted herself. Every instrument, including the bass, was played by some young woman. It was here that the two famous musicians,

Archiopata, now Sgra. Guglielmi, and Sgra. Maddalena Lombardini Sirmen, who is famous in both England and Germany, received their training. Ser. Bertoni is the Kapellmeister at the Conservatorio, and Sgr. Sacchini at the Ospedaletto a Giovanni e Paolo. Most of the children in these three conservatories are poor orphans, although other children who pay for room, board, and tuition are accepted and taught. The three conservatories in Naples, namely Sant’Onofrio, la Pieta, and Santa Maria di Loreto, are, as I said before, for boys only. ‘There are ninety students in the first conservatory, one hundred and twenty in the second, and two hundred

40 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation in the third. ‘They receive instruction in singing, various instruments, and composition. Each of these conservatories has two chief conductors, one who looks

at and corrects compositions and the other who is in charge of the vocal program. For instrumental instruction there are other teachers available, who are known as maestri secolan. Piccini, Paisiello, Boroni, and many other Italian composers are indebted to these conservatories for their education.

What then do we have that can compare with the Italians? Do our itinerant boys’ choirs and boarding schools compare to their conservatories? ‘These schools must provide us with singers for our church music. Since, however, none are accepted for the sole purpose of becoming outstanding musicians and since

a young boy who shows an exceptional inclination for this highly esteemed science [1.e. music] inevitably meets with reproach and vexation in many places, it is no wonder that he never seeks to achieve anything more than mediocrity. Rather, he looks at this education only as a means of having his needs taken care of in a public school for nine or ten years. Therefore, our church music cannot have much appeal as far as performance is concerned. Burney, however, doesn’t paint a very rosy picture of the average church singer in Italy either, when he says:* “All singers in the church are taken from the rejects of the opera houses, and rarely in all Italy does one find a singer with a tolerable voice who works for the church. ‘The virtuosi who only occasionally sing on the high holidays are generally hired foreign singers who are paid for

their services.”” However, when Burney says that most of these singers do not have good voices, he does not exclude the possibility that they could be welltrained and intelligent singers, as they have previously been singing opera for a long time. ‘Uhis is not at all true for our church singers. ‘They seem to lack experience and insight above all, even if they occasionally have the advantage of a good voice and a sound knowledge of music.

: In another passage Burney says that opera in Italy deprives the church of many good singers because it offers better pay.° Again, this is not the case in Germany, since many a singer performs in our theaters who would not be employed by the church, as there, in the church, he would be required to know at least the principles of music. Female voices, indeed, are not permitted in church music in Italy, as their parts can always be replaced by castrati. Since we cannot exclude women and do not

want to have castrati, the only reason that women are not included in church music is that this matter has not been considered seriously enough and without * Burney’s Jagebuch, vol. I, p. 227. [Burney states: “Indeed all music: in the churches at present are made up of

the refuse of the opera houses, and it is very rare, to meet with a tolerable voice upon the establishment in any church throughout Italy. The virtuos: who sing there occasionally, upon great festivals only, are usually strangers, and paid by the time” (Dr. Burney’s Musical Tours in Europe, vol. I, p. 248). Burney explains the term

musi in a footnote: “The word mustco, in Italy, seems now wholly appropriated to a singer with a soprano or contralto voice, which has been preserved by art.”’]

® See Ibid, p. 231. Burney refers to suggestions “not to expect to find the music of the Pope’s chapel so superior in the performance to that of the rest of Italy, as it has been in times past, before operas were invented and such great salaries given to the principal singers.”

Preface 4] prejudice. If God primarily endowed humans with the splendid talent of producing a melodic tone with the throat in order to praise Him, then it is highly unfair to exclude the one sex, which has received this gift to a greater extent from its creator, from worshipping Him too. “It was not customary in the past,” it is said. ‘The reason that it did not occur in the past is based on conditions that do not apply in our times. Should we evaluate as good only that which was valuable

in the past, then we are badly advised about the order of this earthly world as well as about the goal of our stay on earth. I would think that if we do know how to do something better, it would be our duty to improve it without first asking

permission of the past.

Another disadvantage is brought about by the poor conditions of our church and theater music. Here, young talents never have the opportunity to hear anything excellent which could serve as a model for them to imitate. This 1s, at least, the case in all those cities where the court has no chapel. These cities are more numerous by a ratio of about thirty to one. Italy has a great advantage over Germany in this respect. Considering all the churches, cloisters, theaters, and private concerts which are found not only in the more important Italian cities but also in the smaller ones, it is no wonder that the street virtuosi* in Venice put certain German concert orchestras to shame. For this reason alone, a trip to Italy is very advisable for a young talent. From the given description of the state of music in Italy and the comparison with the German conditions, there is little doubt which of the two countries is to be preferred. We are obviously still behind; but shouldn’t we attempt to catch up? Perhaps we can never count on the encouragement and support which the study of music has in Italy, but should we therefore neglect it completely?

According to God’s wise counsel, music is intended for our enjoyment. It is surely the most noble and innocent pleasure that humans can have on earth. In order to give this pleasure greater charm and subtlety, could and should we not then feel obliged to make its improvement and refinement our goal? We have a means which could easily be put into practice in most places without much difficulty. Concert societies and weekly rehearsals could be established according to the conditions within a community, with the main focus directed upon the * Burney’s Jagebuch. Vol. I, p. 100, [vol. I], p. 104. [Hiller makes two references here; the second one is actually from volume IT of Burney’s Tagebuch. The first one refers to Burney’s experience of street musicians in Venice: “The first music which I heard here was in the street, immediately on my arrival, performed by an itinerant band of two fiddles, a violoncello, and a voice, who . . . performed so well, that in any other country of Europe they would not only have excited attention, but have acquired applause, which they justly merited” (Dr. Burney’s Musical Tours in Europe, vol. I, p. 110). A few pages later, Burney notices the “great number of vagrant musicians” with the resulting effect that the performance of “street-music is generally neglected, as people are almost stunned with it at every corner”; but he is quick to praise the Italians for the “taste and discernment” with which they “express rapture in a manner peculiar to themselves” when “they do admire” (Lbid., p. 114). Hiller’s second reference relates Burney’s experience of street musicians performing on wind instruments (“French horns, clarinets, hautboys, and bassoons”) at the Golden Ox, an inn in Vienna, which prompted his disparaging remark: “all so miserably out of tune, that I wished them a hundred miles off.” Burney then proceeds with the statement Hiller paraphrases: “In general I did not find that delicacy of ear

among the German street-musicians, which I had met with in people of the same rank and profession in Italy” (Dr. Burney’s Musical Tours in Europe, vol. Il, p. 114).]

42 Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation improvement of singing. One should not again, however, make the mistake of excluding women. Of course this demands a hardworking and understanding person who devotes himself more out of love for music than for a considerable reward, one who is willing to commit himself to such a tedious business as the instruction of singing truly is. Our concert societies and the singing schools connected with them will never achieve the stature of Italian conservatories, nor will they have as much influence on music as a whole. But they would not be entirely

without use since the music which is performed in churches will certainly improve, insofar as it would be performed by the members of such a society who practice together. Furthermore, this society could regularly select such pieces for performance which are taken from church music. I am speaking here from per-

sonal experience; and if I do not further elaborate upon it, it is to avoid being accused of vanity. And now I would like to present the promised list of famous singing teachers and male and female singers from Mancini’s above-quoted treatise. Even if this

should not contain anything for the betterment of the unfortunate detesters of music, I do not doubt that a more intimate knowledge of these singers would serve as an encouragement or glorious emulation for young people who wish to

follow such a career. :

“The most respected and famous schools,” says Mancini, which have had the highest reputation in the last fifty years are those of Francesco Antonio Pistocchi in Bologna, Brivio in Milan, Francesco Peli in Modena, Francesco

Redi in Florence, Amadori in Rome, and of Nicolo Porpora, Leonardo Leo, and Francesco Feo in Naples. ‘The merit of these schools, in respect to the teachers as well as

the pupils, cannot be praised enough. :

So that I can proceed in an orderly manner, I will briefly mention those worthy men who gained fame at the end of the last century. At that time Cavaliere Baldassarre Ferri, who was born in Perugia, had the most beautiful, extensive, flexible, pleasant and melodious of all voices. He was such an admirable* singer that throughout his lifetime the sovereigns in Europe competed for his presence, showered him with honor and riches

, and, after his death, Italian muses sang his praise. His contemporaries said that the beauty of his voice and the charm of his singing could not be expressed with words. He possessed, to the highest degree, all the characteristics of perfection in every respect: he was lively, daring, ceremonious, tender at will, and he tugged at every heart-string when he sang with expression. With a single breath he was able to sing two full octaves up and down with connecting trills. He achieved, unaccompanied, all the chromatic intervals with such exactness that, when during the improvisation the orchestra accidentally struck the same tone which he was presently singing, be it indicated by a flat or sharp, everyone was astonished at how clean and in tune it was. The famous singers Siface and Cavaliere Matteucci were both extraordinary due to

the unusual beauty of their voices and because they knew how to touch the heart. * In Walter’s Dictionary [Johann Gottfried Walther, Musikalisches Lexicon, oder musikalische Bibliothek (Leipzig: W.

Peer, 1732; facsimile reprint edn., ed. Richard Schall, Kassel: Barenreiter Verlag, 1953)] he is mentioned as an outstanding instrumental musician, and for proof Bontempi Istoria Musica is listed.

Preface 43 Matteucci, after having served the Spanish Court for many successful years, retired in his

old age to his home town, Naples, where he still lived in 1730 and sang in the church every Sunday night, purely out of devotion. Although he was well over eighty, he still had such a fresh and light voice and still performed all the ornaments with such lightness and fluency that every listener who did not see him was forced to think that this was a youngster in his most lively years. The outstanding Gaetano Orsini, who died in service at the Imperial Court in Vienna, also had the good fortune of maintaining his beautiful, flowing, and flexible voice until he was very old. At the end of the last century Francesco Antonio Pistocchi, who was initially hired by

the Oratorians at Forli, settled in Bologna, his birthplace. Here he opened a singing school where he taught each student with so much love and insight that one need only consider the success which his efforts had in order to be convinced of his knowledge. The most distinguished of his four famous pupils was my teacher Antonio Bernacchi, who came from Bologna. As nature had not endowed him with a very good voice, something which he himself admitted, he decided upon his friend’s recommendation to study with Pistocchi, who not only accepted him very willingly but also immediately gave him exercises which he had to practice diligently in order to achieve the skill which would bring him success. The obedient student did not hesitate to undergo the trouble, although it was irritating and difficult, and practiced for some time following his master’s instructions, while visiting him every day in order to get his advice on all matters. During this time Bernacchi did not sing in any church or on stage; he did not even want to perform for his closest friends. He remained steadfast until his master advised him that the time had come to be assured of general admiration for having achieved perfection. This great success was due to the assistance of a good master and the untiring diligence of a willing student. My pen would undertake too much if it were to write down all the praises which this great man deserves. It is enough when I say that he was universally admired and that he was one of the finest singers of his time, as anyone who has heard him (many of whom are still alive) can, without doubt, testify. From this account the student may come to the useful conclusion that with continuous diligence, a bad voice can be made into a good one under the direction of a gifted master. Bernacchi was not only one of the foremost singers of his time, but he also imitated his master by opening a school for the benefit of young people. Almost all his students have died; only the renowned Tedeschi Amadori, good old ‘Tommaso Guarducci, and the famous and well-known Anton Raff are still alive. ‘These three Professors* gained general approval in each of their various, selective, and individual styles and showed such a worthy way of life that art is obliged to honor their memory. Antonio Pasi of Bologna, also a student of Pistocchi’s,t became famous for his masterly singing style which was of the rarest taste. As a result of his solid portamento and * That is the way every musician who has accomplished something outstanding in his art is called in Italy. [Burney actually addresses his source, Signor Mancini, as “this able professor” and uses the term “scholar” to mean “student” when he states: “Bernacchi was the scholar of Pistocco” (See Burney’s Musical Tours in

Europe, vol. Il, p. 115).] |

+ It is therefore an error when Burney, Tagebuch. vol. II, p. 249, states that the aforementioned [Antonio Pasi] and the following two [Giambattista Minelli, Bartolino da Faenza] were students of Bernacchzi’s. [In refer-

ring to Bernacchi and his principal students, Burney states, listing a first name different from Hiller’s Bartolino da Faenza: “His principal scholars were Antonio Pasi, Gio. Battista Minelli, Bartolomeo di [recte Bartolino da] Faenza, Mancini, and Guarducci” (See Burney’s Musical Tours in Europe, vol. I, p. 115).]

44 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation complete evenness of voice, he made certain ornaments his own, such as Schleifer, mordents, and distortion of the beat [tempo rubato]. Executed to the highest perfection in appropriate places, they produced an individual and admirable style. Giambattista Minelli, also from Bologna and from the same school as well, sang the range of contralto with a firm tone and a good portamento in his voice. As this was combined with deep insight, he became very well known for his style. Bartolino da Faenza, also a pupil of the aforementioned Pistocchi as well as a fellow student of Bernacchi, was one of the most outstanding singers of his time.

Senesino* and Giovanni Carestini became famous as a result of a very original manner of singing and excellent acting, ‘The latter was born in Monto Filatrana in the

region of Ancona. As a boy of twelve he came to Milan, where he took the name Cusanino in honor of the benefits he received from the Family Cusani. Although his voice was beautiful by nature, he did not neglect to improve it by diligent study, achieving skillfulness in all types of singing to such a degree that already in his youth he attained great fame and confidence. He had a resourceful mind and very fine powers of judgment so that he was never satisfied, no matter how agreeable his inventions were. One day a

friend came to him as he was practicing and applauded his fine singing. Carestini, however, gave him the following answer: “When I myself cannot accomplish enough to my satisfaction, I certainly will not be able to do it for others.” He then practiced this aria again and again until he discovered a manner that gave him satisfaction. Therefore, in his singing, he was all discrimination, reflection, and grandeur. He did not neglect acting, but rather studied it very assiduously. ‘Thanks to a good figure, he succeeded in perfecting all the characters he performed and became famous for this reason alone.t

And now I take the enchanting opportunity to name the memorable ladies who flourished at the same time as the aforementioned famous singers. The first place, without doubt, belongs to Vittoria ‘Tesi ‘Tramontini, who was born in Florence, where she received her first training in singing from the famous maestro di cappella Francesco Redi. Subsequently she went to Bologna, where she continued her studies under the direction of Campeggi while, at the same time, she attended Bernacchi’s school. Although she never neglected the study of singing, she followed her natural inclination more toward practice in acting. In the year 1769, she had the honor of being awarded the medal of faith and constancy by the King of Denmark.

(Tesi was endowed by nature with a strong, masculine contralto voice. Several

times in Dresden in the year 1719, she sang arias which are generally set for basses. Now, however, in the year 1725 while she was singing in the opera house in Naples, she acquired a pleasing and flattering style in addition to her splendid * He acquired this name from his town of birth, Siena. His first name was Francesco Bernardo. In 1719 he sang with the opera in Dresden, then went with Handel to England, and finally returned to his home country with glory and 15,000 pounds. J. Hawkins, General History of Music, vol. V [London, 1776; Novello, 1875], p.

t All that is mentioned about Carestini here is very true. I have seen this man, who is certainly great in his art, perform in the operas Archidamia, Leucippo, and Demofoonte in Dresden. He sang contralto, ranging from high

2” to as low as eb and d. His low tones were unusually secure, full, and strong. His modesty was still as great as his dexterity at that time. t Mr. Mancini, in describing the achievements of these women, 1s a little verbose and obscure. I will therefore

borrow what Quantz has to say, which appears in volume I of Marpurg’s Beitrdge [Friedrich Wilhelm Marpurg, Historisch-knitische Beytrage zur Aufnahme der Musik, 5 vols. (Berlin: 1754-62, 1778)| and put it into

parentheses each time I quote him.

Preface 45 and serious singing. The range of her voice was extraordinarily large. Singing either high or low caused her no trouble. It was not her habit to make use of many passaggt. She seemed to be born to captivate her audience by acting, especially in male roles, which she performed to her own advantage in a most natural manner.) Immediately following is Faustina Bordoni, the wife of Hasse, the Electorate of Saxony’s leading conductor. She was born in Venice where she studied singing under the direction of Michelangiolo Gasparini Lucca.

(Faustina had a not too light but penetrating mezzo-soprano voice whose range, in the year 1727 when she sang in London, stretched from b to not much higher than g”, but which, after a time, did reach a few tones lower. Her style of singing was expressive and brilliant (un cantar granito). With her agile tongue she was able to enunciate words rapidly, one after the other, and still to pronounce them quite clearly; she had a very dexterous throat and a beautiful and very practiced trill which she could make use of with the greatest of ease wherever and whenever she wanted. She knew how to perform passaggi at the fastest possible tempi, so skillfully that her execution equalled that of instruments, whether the passaggt were set as runs or leaps or consisted of many rapidly repeated notes. Undoubtedly, she is the first simger who performed such passaggi, which consist

of many notes based on a single tone, with the greatest success. She sang Adagio[s] with great affect and expression, except for when the movement was dominated by an all-too tragic passion, which could only be expressed through slurred notes or constant portamento of the voice. She had a good memory for improvised ornaments and a keen sense which enabled her to give the words their suitable emphasis by performing them with the greatest clarity. She was especially talented in acting. Because she was, to a great extent, gifted in the art of représentation, or what Mr. Mattheson calls Hypocntiks she could mime at will as she pleased. ‘Therefore, serious roles as well as those of tender lovers fitted her equally well. In a word, she was born for singing and acting.)’ Francesca Cuzzoni from Parma was a pupil of Francesco Lanzi, a meritorious singer. In London she married the great keyboard and organ player, Sandoni.

(Cuzzoni had a very pleasant and light soprano voice, clear intonation and a beautiful trill. The range of her voice stretched from c’ to c’”. Her manner of singing was innocent and moving, and because of her sweet, pleasing, and ” Mattheson, in Der Vollkommene Capellmeister (Hamburg: Christian Herold, 1739; facsimile reprint edn., ed. Margarete Reimann, Kassel and Basel: Barenreiter Verlag, 1954); trans. Ernest C. Harris (Ann Arbor, Mich.:

UMI Research Press, 1981), Chapter 6, “Von der Geberden-Kunst” (“The Art of Gesture”), §1, facsimile, pp. 33ff., Harriss translation, pp. 132ff defines hypocritica as the art of gesture, referring to pantomime which uses gesture to act out what is otherwise sung or spoken. ‘Thus Mattheson adopts Cassiodorus’ idea that pan-

tomime is silent music because it presents, in gesture, what goes beyond words or sound. Later in this chapter . (§22, p. 37; Harriss translation, p. 137) Mattheson views gestures, words, and sound as three elements which must be in perfect harmony to achieve the greatest impact upon the audience. Tosi, on the other hand, doubts that a great singer can also be a great actor because he believes that one cannot perfect two different means

of expression at the same time (Chapter 9, §31, p. 152). :

46 Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation smooth performance, her ornaments did not appear to be unnatural. Moreover, because of this gentleness in performance, she captivated all her listeners. In Allegro[s], however, she did not sing passaggi with the greatest dexterity, although she performed them in very rounded, amiable, and pleasant manner. Her acting was somewhat cold and her figure was not too favorable for the stage.) Gaetano Majorano Caffarelli was born in the province of Bari. In his youth he went to Naples, where he set upon his singing studies with such diligence that he gained the admiration of all the experts within a short amount of time. ‘Uhereafter, he sang in many theaters in Italy and thus made a big name for himself. As he is still alive, I would not like to speak too extensively about his merits, as they are known throughout Europe.* Carlo Scalzi, a Genoese, succeeded in his art to such an extent that he was considered to be one of the leading singers. Since that time the following have become famous:

Giovacchino Conti Gizziello, Agostino Fontana, Regginella, Domenico Annibali, Angelo Maria Monticelli, Giuseppe Appiani, Felice Salimbeni, all from Milan, and finally the two good tenors Gregorio Babbi of Gesena and Angelo Amorevoli of Venice. Among the female singers who have gained fame in the course of time are: Peruzzi, Theresia Reuther, a chamber singer at the Imperial Court in Vienna, Catarina Visconti, Giovanna Astrua, and Mingotti. My plan is not to undertake an extensive laudation here, as I do not wish to dally too long in this article; also, I am convinced that the reader has already gained some knowledge of their accomplishments from other sources. Nowadays there are still some who know how to maintain the honor and dignity of their art. For example — Rosa ‘Tartaglini, the wife of the worthy tenor ‘Tibaldi, who left the theater out of her own choice some years ago: Catarina Gabrielli, Lucrezia Agujari, Anna de Amicis, Elisabeth ‘Teuberinn, Antonia Girelli Aguillar, Antonia Bernasconi, Catharina Schindlerinn, and her granddaughter, Marianne Schindlerinn. Among the

male singers: Santarelli, Giovanni Manzuoli, Filippo Elsi, Ferdinando Mazzanti, Giuseppe Aprile, Gaetano Guadagni, Pasquale Potenza, Carlo Nicolini, Ferdinando Tenducci, Carlo Conciolini, Giuseppe Millico, Antonio Goti, Venanzio Rauzzini, Antonio Grassi, Giovanni ‘Toschi, Giuseppe Cicognani, Consorti, Pacchiorotti, and various others. Since these artists are still alive and acquiring so much honor and glory for themselves through their skillfulness, it would be presumptuous for me to believe that I could increase their fame through my praise.

~ So much for Mr. Mancini. He gave us a rather dry and incomplete register of names which I could easily have made more comprehensive and instructive if I did not fear to draw this introduction out too much. I shall have the opportunity of filling in this author’s loopholes on another occasion if God grants me life and health. Now [I shall proceed with my intended work. If it is to present the doctrine of mustkalisch-zierlicher Gesang, | need only indicate that everything in singing which * ‘This is saying a great deal, but of no less importance is what Burney says about him, calling him the sire of song [Dr Burney’s Musical Tours in Europe, vol. I, p. 279] (Altvater). This famous singer bought a dukedom which

his nephew was to inherit after his death. His title is: Duca di Santo dorato. He is very rich, yet he often sings for money in churches and cloisters. He had a very imposing manor built for himself above whose gates the inscription reads: Amphion Thebas, ego Domum (Amphion built Thebes; I built a house).

Preface 47 is to be considered as embellishment and ornamentation has to be based upon the rules of harmony and melody if the result 1s to be good. Consequently, everything is to be considered bad and despicable which the singer undertakes at free will without insight into, and the necessary knowledge of, the principles of music.

Here I have found it useful to integrate the material to a greater extent, since it is, unlike the material of the first treatise, not the subject matter of a learning process which advances from one lesson to the other, but rather the subject of continuous consideration and practice. ‘The division into chapters seemed to me to be more advantageous than the previous division into lessons.® A certain good friend openly accused me of presenting the lessons in disorderly fashion and also

criticized various items 1n the former work. As he himself admitted to me, he , was, at the time of his critique, in a position only to reproach, when he would have preferred to praise. ‘Thus it frees me from the troublesome duty of seeking

justification against his criticism. In the eyes of the unbiased I was already justified beforehand; now, I am also rehabilitated in his eyes, and we are friends as before. I do not flatter myself in any way that I have presented everything about good

and ornamented performance in the present treatise as clearly and easily as some would have wished and demanded. ‘The material is often so intricate that it can only be grasped through intuition and never fully expressed by words. Likewise, even notation cannot represent it well, or 1f so, only with imperfections. Nevertheless, it is a good idea to give some notion of this subject matter. Although this notion may be somewhat fanciful, it can nevertheless be easily realized in an appropriate form if there is the opportunity to hear a good singer.

Actually, familiarity with the practice of performance serves as a means of hearing such a singer more profitably. Some general remarks on singing instruction, for students as well as teachers, may conclude this introduction. ‘The study of singing should not be taken lightly. Aside from learning the principles of music which every instrumentalist also has to know, singers must exhibit great diligence in the training of their voice and pay a great deal of attention to the clear pronunciation of syllables and words. Often, there are many obstacles, and only with much assiduousness and patience can they be overcome. ‘Therefore, the teacher must show as much concern and understanding as the student. It is a misconception to think that in one year, let alone in a few months, it would be possible to train a perfect singer even if he/she knows something of the fundamentals of music. Even with the most dedicated teacher and in the best-equipped singing school, three years will always be necessary for the education of a singer. Learning the rudiments of music and their application to pitch and rhythm easily takes up a year and may continue through the following year with a different method. In the Italian schools, they do nothing but solmization for more than a year; 1.e. they sing with letters and the Guidonian ® Hiller is referring to the structure of the Anweisung zum musikalisch-richtigen Gesange.

48 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation syllables. ‘Teachers in German schools should not rush this instruction either, as it is the foundation of all musical knowledge. ‘Teaching scales and keys as well as

intervals must be included in the first period. In the second period all this material should be diligently repeated, in order to make certain that the student has it at his command and, at the same time, to prepare for pure pronunciation of words by means of certain syllables; in the first treatise the seven syllables da, me, ni, po, tu, la, and be were suggested.’ If all this is appropriately pursued with diligence and patience, one can proceed with certainty to standard vocal music and apply all the artistic means which belong to good performance, a subject matter which constitutes the content of the present work. If the student asks how many and which hours of the day he should practice singing, the answer 1s that three hours are not too much and that two hours are not too little. One hour in the morning and one or two in the afternoon, although not right after one another and at least a few hours after the meal, should be set aside and only be omitted if one does not feel well. However, there is also another method of studying: by practicing in one’s head or merely by putting one’s hand on the keyboard; this can be just as beneficial to the singer as when he practices

| aloud for hours at a time. It is a necessary aid for the singer to play the piano. If the study of another language, for example Italian, 1s added, then everyone will realize that idleness does not make a good singer. 9 Ibid., Lesson 6, §16, pp. 100-103.

DEDICATION

Lady ,

To the most illustrious Princess and Lady, Anna Amalia! Born Princess of Brunswick, widowed Duchess of Saxe-Weimar and Eisenach. Most illustrious Duchess, Most gracious Princess and Lady,

The attention and respect with which Your Serene Highness has, at all times, honored music are among the great privileges of which this estumable art may be proud, for the good reason that Your Serene Highness does not acquiesce in a merely idle pleasure, but has achieved a high level of performance and has deeply penetrated into its theoretical secrets.

I may consider myself fortunate to have recetved Your Serene Highness’s acknowledgment in the most benevolent and gracious manner for the little which I have contributed to music in various ways, as far as my circumstances permitted. I hereby acknowledge it before the world with the deepest and most sincere gratitude. Such crucial acclaim was and always will be of the greatest encouragement to me. 1 Anna Amalia [Amalie], Duchess of Saxe-Weimar-Eisenach, was born in Wolfenbiittel in 1739, and died in Weimar in 1807. The daughter of Duke Karl I of Brunswick and a niece of Frederick the Great, she received a fine musical education in her youth. Anna Amalia married Duke Ernst August Konstantin of Saxe-Weimar

in 1755. After his early death only two years later, she conducted the regency until 1775 when her son ascended to the throne. She continued her studies in composition and keyboard playing with Ernst Wilhelm Wolf, the leading Weimar musician (and future court Kapellmeister). A key figure in bringing together promiment poets and scholars of the time (Goethe, Herder, Wieland), she created what has been called the “court of the muses.” A great supporter of music, particularly Singspiel, Anna Amalia had Hiller’s most successful Singspiel, Die Jagd (the score of which is dedicated to her), performed in Weimar in 1770. She also sponsored the first performance of Wieland/Schweitzer’s Alceste, the first German opera. Her own compositions include a Singspiel based on Goethe’s Erwin und Elmire (1776). Above all, her significance as a musical

figure lies in the exceptional role she played in cultivating and inspiring the intellectual life and music of “Weimar Classicism.” (ew Grove, vol. I, pp. 439 f:)

I was also fortunate enough to be able to present Your Serene Highness with the results of my efforts concerning the study of singing. For this work the most gra-

cious recognition of such an eminent and discerning connoisseur has also strengthened my courage and inspired me not to abandon this useful project, be it as limited as it still is at this time. May this work, which I venture to present most directly to Your Serene Highness, be so fortunate as to be considered by such enlightened eyes with leniency and benevolence.

I devote myself with a most thankful and respectful heart. Most illustrious Duchess Most gracious Princess and Lady

| Your Serene Highness

Leipzig , Your most Humble and faithfully Obedient Servant

October 12, 1779

Johann Adam Hiller

I

On the qualities of the human voice and its improvement

8] In the Introduction to the Anwersung zum mustkalisch-richtigen Gesange the good and

bad qualities, preservation, and improvement of the human voice were discussed at great length. ‘That is why there is little left for me to elaborate on, except to add a few more random remarks. §2

A beautiful voice is a glorious gift of our gracious Creator, and it would show little gratitude were we not to attempt to use it in the best possible way to praise Him and, at the same time, to bring joy to others. Those who never had the opportunity to receive proper instruction in music, particularly in the art of singing, are to be pitied but not reproached. This does not hold true for those who have wasted the opportunity out of carelessness, laziness, or disdain. 83

It is no less than a sin against God if the voice, this blessed gift (of our Lord), is not preserved with the care it deserves. What is more, those who wish to base their future career upon singing work in their own interest if they pay full attention to preserving the beauty of their voices and try to avoid everything that could ruin it. It is a fact proven by experience that a singer, although in possession of artistry, dexterity, and musical interest, will please very little because of his poor voice, whereas a singer with a brilliant voice but less artistry will be admired. In the aforementioned Introduction, the necessary remarks about preserving and ruining the voice were presented in paragraphs 18-21. $4

Pure Intonation* is probably one of the most eminent characteristics of a good voice, contrasted by the horrid defect of singing out of tune (Distonieren). “There is nothing worse,” says Mancini, “than a singer who sings out of tune; it would * ‘The reader should not immediately regard the repetition of certain items which I have presented in Part I [Anweisung zum mustkalisch-nchtigen Gesange] as superfluous. Even if I should not present new ideas, musical

terms will be made more familiar.

51

32 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation be better if he were to sing from his throat or from his nose.” * Mancini seeks to give a natural and accidental reason for this flaw: the natural reason is that a young person lacks a good ear. “It is impossible,” he says, “for such a person to have any success in singing. His ear cannot be re-built like an organ pipe which can be expanded or narrowed until it produces a pure tone.”' Aside from the fact that

the comparison between the human ear and the organ pipe is somewhat far-fetched if not entirely invalid because the ear is only a receptive organ and does not produce the tone, the aforementioned impossibility of correcting a bad ear may not be valid after all. A person is certainly not gifted for singing if he believes he is producing the correct tone when a note is sung or whistled to him for hours and he always responds to it with another note which often does not have the slightest harmonic relationship to the given tone. If, however, he is able to produce something close to the given pitch, three or four notes of passable purity, then chances are favorable that, with effort and diligence, singing in tune can be attained in time. Singers who generally sing in tune can, at times, have difficulty with pitch due to accidental causes. For the most part, it is a small physical disturbance or weakness, distraction, fear, sluggishness, or an extreme strain which is at fault. As soon as the cause is eliminated, the disturbance disappears by itself. ‘The teacher is at fault if he gets annoyed at the student in such a case, especially if physical weak-

ness is involved. The student, however, is also at fault if he does not prevent himself from making such errors or does not seek to abolish their causes as much as he can. 85

I have had the opportunity to make still another observation. Some voices go out of tune only within a certain range and are otherwise completely in tune. A few notes, for example g” and a”, are always sung sharp. Little can be accomplished by practicing scales, as it is especially here that the defect becomes most apparent. It would be better to put these two troublesome notes at the extreme end of a descending line — a self-resolving dissonance, such as the false fifth [diminished fifth] or the minor seventh. The thirds which fall in between must not be considered independently, but rather have to be explained by the ratio they bear to one another, and the fact that one is always smaller than the other:? c#”, e”, 2”; d#”, * Pensieri e Riflessioni sopra i canto figurato. Art V. p. 49. [In Edward Foreman’s translation of the Mancini treatise

“Practical Reflections on Figured Singing” this passage reads: “There is nothing more insufferable and more inexcusable in a singer than bad intonation, and one will tolerate throaty or nasal singing more often than bad intonation.” Original published in Vienna, 1774; trans. in Masterworks on Singing, vol. VII (Champaign, Ill.: Pro Musica Press, 1967), article V, p. 22.] | In Foreman’s translation of the Mancini treatise, Practical Reflections on Figured Singing, article V, p. 22, this

passage reads: “Such a youth cannot have success in singing; for no one can succeed in changing a poorly formed organization of the body, in the manner that one can in an organ, where the pipes may be pushed in or drawn out, until the proper voicing is found.” ? Hiller means the ratio of the major third to the minor third.

On the qualities of the human voice 93 ff”, a”; or, as a seventh: a’, c#”, e”, ¢”; b’, d#”, f#”, a”. A-c#, b-d# are major thirds in a ratio of 4:5; cH-e and d#—f# are minor thirds in the ratio of 5:6; e-g and f#-a are likewise minor thirds [that is, they sound harmonically the same, even though they are mathematically different intervals]. In this combination, however, their ratio is no greater than 27:32, and as a result they are larger than the thirds c#-e

and d#—-f# by the syntonic comma 80:81. The student should practice these thirds diligently and use the two obstinate tones sometimes as false fifths to c# and d# and sometimes as sevenths to a and b. If one sings them together with the notes of the two scales, a and b, they will finally adjust to being in tune.’ 86

Because of the accidental signs, the sharp (#) and the flat (b), a singer must become aware that the sharp should always be sung slightly sharp and the flat somewhat flat if they are to be noticed, which is what the signs are intended for. They are frequently the indication of a modulation into another key and must, therefore, clearly and unmistakably show this process. This applies to the natural sign as well; however, as it has a double meaning, its function needs to be clear. The natural sign raises, if it follows a flat, but it lowers if it comes after a sharp. In the first case, the interval down is a whole step, and the interval up is a half step. In the second case, it is reversed unless another accidental intervenes. 87

The mistake of singing out of tune can occur when shifting from the chest reg-

ister to the head or falsetto register. ‘The singer must proceed in the way just described if this defect is to be corrected. ‘There is not very much that can be

determined with certainty above the register break. Mancini says that it is between c” and d” for the soprano voice. “If one has a soprano sing the four tones

of the scale g’ a’ b’ and c”, one will find that he produces them clearly and strongly without any effort because they come from the chest. If, afterwards, he wishes to sing d”, it will give him trouble if his chest is not strong enough or if there is something else wrong with his throat. It is here that the voice register changes.”? What has to be done to connect the two registers has already been stated in §15 of the Introduction to Part I.° Since the highest tones of the chest register will always be somewhat more shrill than the neighboring tones of the falsetto register, the point is to make some of the former tones milder and the latter ones stronger, which can be achieved through diligence and practice. > Hiller makes an error here, claiming that 27:32 is smaller than 5:6; it is larger. * Hiller suggests his system of interval practice to help the student achieve good intonation and pureness of tone according to mean-tone not equally tempered tuning, Likewise, Koch is of Kirnberger’s opinion that unequal temperament (ungleichschwebende Temperatur) is preferable to equally tempered tuning, because it preserves the individual character of the scales. Heinrich Christoph Koch, Mustkalisches Lexikon (Frankfurt, 1802;

facsimile edn., Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1964), col. 1501. > Mancini/Foreman, Practical Reflections on Figured Singing, article IV, p. 20. © Anweisung zum musikalisch-richtigen Gesange, §15, p. 11.

88 |

34 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation By uniting both registers, the voice can be expanded to cover a considerable range. Contrary to Mancini’s belief, female voices have, most often, different limits for both registers. For the most part, their voices are chest or head voices; with the former it is possible to go lower, and with the latter to go higher. It is therefore not unusual to find female voices which reach up to f” or g”. I do not thereby wish to imply that this is an enviable advantage worthy of the emulation and imitation of all others, particularly because these female singers have, out of

ignorance or carelessness, failed to use their chest voice to strengthen and augment their lower register. Young students of singing, both male and female, especially those with a wide chest range, cannot be cautioned enough against the

, dangerous practice of trying to force their highest tones, as they will not only lose their voices but do harm to their bodies and health as well. One good tone in the low register is worth more than two in the high register when they sound like a

| piping bird. ‘The admiration which is paid to those who do sing very high should be ignored. Moving and pleasing 1s a more noble goal than arousing admiration. [I have witnessed the reverence for a virtuoso who gave concerts on the comb and

also on a violin without strings. It is even advisable for a singer who has to perform very high passaggi in an aria to sing them a fourth or fifth lower when he is practicing, so as not to strain and tire his voice in the upper register. §9

Altogether, teachers and students cannot be advised strongly enough against forcing nature while learning to sing. Rather, it 1s wise to accomplish everything gradually by considerate and continuous diligence. It is possible to sing in tune

and to extend the range of: the voice as was explained before; however, this should not be done all at once, that 1s to say in one day, but rather little by little. In the beginning, the singer should use only a small range of the voice, which allows him to produce the tones with ease, lightness, and in tune, even if only eight or ten notes are employed at a time. It 1s advisable to add one note in the higher register and one in the lower register from week to week, or, preferably, from month to month. Be assured that within half a year, one will have mastered eighteen to twenty notes, which is almost more than needed. It is easy to recognize that the bright vowels a, ¢, or o provide the best method for practicing the singing of the scale. Begin, for example, with a scale from f’ to f"; the following

month add e’ to g”;’ then in the third month the range can be increased to d’ and a” — etc. Thus, in the sixth month a and d” will have been reached; and then consider whether in the seventh month one wishes to attempt g and e”. Nothing will be lost if this final step is omitted or unsuccessful. Even a weak voice can eventually be made stronger through intelligent practice. ‘This exercise must be undertaken with sustained notes rather than with fast runs and passaggt. It can be combined well with the previous exercise if the singer, ’ Hiller has g’ by mistake.

On the qualities of the human voice 53 as I have said before, does not rush through the scales, but rather proceeds slowly

by using whole and half notes. In addition, chorale melodies can be used profitably for this purpose. Mancini even considers it possible to improve poor voices through diligence and practice and gives, as proof, the example of the great and famous singer Bernacchi, whom the reader will remember from the

before. | Introduction to this work.® I can say nothing more about this case, however, since a voice can be bad in several respects, and Mancini does not specifiy the particular deficiency of this singer’s voice nor does he indicate through what method of studies he [Bernacchi] improved himself: The seventh article of his book con-

tains some pertinent information, but it does not differ from what I have said

In short, diligence, practice, and patience can improve all natural flaws which hinder the development of a good voice, except for the complete absence of a musical ear, as described in $4. §10

Aside from the deficiencies in the voice, defects in pronunciation can also sometimes occur. Some of them result from irregularities of the speech instrument: at tumes the tongue is too long or too thick, causing stuttering; the nose is either too open or too stuffed and one talks through the nose; the consonants 7, /, or s cannot be sufficiently clearly or distinctly produced, in addition to other symptoms as well. It is difficult to improve these defects, although I do not consider it impos-

sible. It is a shame if they appear in connection with a good voice; they are unpleasant and, if they cannot be improved, they impair the voice so that one cannot depend upon it. Often, however, these flaws are due to negligence and habit, which naturally did not originate in the nursery, but ought to have been corrected in school. Since this is unfortunately not the case, the singing teacher - must be prepared to instruct the pupil not only in the art of singing, but in speaking as well. In order to improve the aforementioned defects, the teacher must arm himself with patience and not allow himself to be dismayed if his goal has not been totally achieved at the end. Naturam expellas furca, tamen usque recurnit.°

Other flaws, such as bad habits or negligence of pronunciation, are of lesser importance. It is not the most difficult task to produce pure vowels and diphthongs or to make a distinction between hard and soft consonants. In order to accomplish this goal, the reader may consult Part I, where the necessary advice is supplied.'? Graun’s syllables Da, me, ni, po, tu, la, and be may still be used with great profit. ° Anweisung zum musikalisch-zierlichen Gesange, p. xviii. See preface, p. 43 above. | ” Hiller misspells the words expellas and recurnt. They should read expelles and recurret. Thus, the quote reads: “You may cast out nature with a pitchfork, but she will soon find her way back.” Apparently a very popular

statement to be found in the works of Cicero and Catullus, this exact quote stems from Horace, Epistles, Book 1, Poem 10, Line 24. '© Anweisung zum musikalisch-richtigen Gesange, Introduction, §§22fF.

2 On good performance and how to use the voice

8]

The singer who has a good voice, who has mastered any defects and has no trouble with rhythm and intonation must also know how to make good use of these skills; that is, he must know how to perform well. ‘The Italians call good use of the voice portamento di voce, or simply portamento. By this term they understand

nothing more than a connection of tones* which progresses either by stepwise motion or by leaps. In German this has been literally translated as carrying of the voice (Tragen der Stemme). ‘This translation can be accepted as long as one is aware of what actually is to be understood by this term. 82

The essential feature of the so-called portamento or carrying of the voice lies in the fact that while progressing from one tone to the next without a gap or break, no unpleasant slur or pull through smaller intervals should be detected. In the first case one says: the singer pushes; in the latter, he howls. In the first case the fault lies in the fact that the singer attacks the tones too strongly and also pushes them

forward as his chest is too weak to sustain the tones evenly; in the second case semitones can be heard which do not have a harmonic relationship to either one of the other tones. In the beginning the singer should practice with only two slow notes, subsequently three, and then four, and pay particular attention not only that the preceding note gets its full value, but that it is correctly sustained, always with some intensification. The Italians call it consumar la nota, that is, bringing a note to its end. The next note must then follow so lightly and securely that neither a pause, nor a break, nor a false semitone can be heard. ‘This holds true not only for a * For this portamento it is a question of nothing but a passing, connecting the voice from one note to the next with perfect proportion and unity in ascending and descending motion alike. “Per questo portamento non s’intende altro, che un passare, legando la voce, da una nota all’altra con perfetta proporzione ed unione, tanto nel salire, che nel discendere.”’ Mancini, 1. c. art. VII. By this portamento of the voice is meant nothing but a passing, tying the voice, from one note to the next with perfect proportion and union, as much in ascending as descending. [Mancini/Foreman, Article VIII, p. 40.]

56

On good performance and how to use the voice 57

5 a Seo pL

single syllable or vowel, but for several as well; not only for stepwise progression, but also for upward and downward leaps. For example:

) = fe "“--”-".-.——o OD _ OW@][VLVcT....-_1_ or _"_ Es ist voll - bracht, ——____ es ist voll - bracht.

Doo Fo SOOO OOo7 A ON Aa._.-—..-. ca LL RO ee LT ISNT,

aYN a SO NXOun-—a_—(_—"_ en oeee eo tS OEE OC eeeOO OTT.._ _ eo ihe yo@_e-_ |, __ vs, a “ws a — pe a a oe Ne ee Oe ES. eo BS LA SE 7 ee: Xe _—_-@¢ a? oe ia ere ‘Al- ler Fem - de——— — Macht. Got -_ tes Er - be seyn. —_____

— —@ eT Cy I .__ TS Al- ler Fein - de Macht. Got -_ tes Er - be seyn.—___--

Cy. | £ .-------.....-...2r.... @...._ TI; A2—=-.2.see DD EEO |GR iE eee a ——— |ey @&ye | 8 = ee eee LN) > SSOraeee esEe eee = La eT —o py oo Se-——-—-— sO A ----—"0r°”@"“-V000Wo—7

ANS 9 SEE © SET DURE EEN SSEINTS UCU (OEE >” ASE OY EUUUUUURONINY SA ORO oats,

Be’ ST eee, Pe ee eee ee" ee ee 2. eee eee Oe

Quan - to lie - to, se

[nant Lp fe Fe VT ETT "eg -— ——

|a

pp poo, -—Eee es Aeee Lay YF po_s - tes - Si,a can ~|. mmsSs ge p a’ ee ee eee a ed ee Lye eae Ree OT NSF © AES CO OO po - tes - Si, can - ge -

ify YP ee pj pe Tp, UU) ee OO

FO 8Aa DS OR I, Fn CN” © SOE NN SENSES (RNS (ONCE NG I NUNN SEES ADE SO

6) OT _—oONv0----.-" OE elO—-X’’7-] A SE AS ES SS CE NY EEE UY NY CTS cA ES

LD LULU ed OT —eeeEE TS = 91SD ———_— 7SE GE A Ak C—O GEE cee, HEES », Wf . a—f—+—, eeBS | ee Ve aEEOE = OTS 9| ; NS A SS SE A = A BP rei con te di sta - to.

f\ —a A iconSO eee TT EL |rei_—=s DV ate adiES = "es | sta - to.

, oy oO Oe

FE 8 a A A «= OY SNS SEE Mee, MT», RE 8 NS A AS ST (ONO SONNE OS Rh A NUE” WL US 3

pet 2, fe — mb Um TTTt—‘“—S _—_——...... $13 : A SOE SESE i, AE. | , ASI SE RESTENOSIS a aeSE 9 aA eTMU IS DARIEN: CURIE SERRE (SERENE 4 STEER OO OS 68

Between the minor and augmented second, where the appoggiatura is not permitted, the cercar della nota must be used. Altogether, it is more useful than appoggiaturas before almost all dissonances approached by leap, as one can see from the following examples which demonstrate both instances.

as Sa

On good performance, with regard to ornaments 89

po app} eet Hee ee ee

LSE eT (SS SST NN LD

Likewise, it is easy and useful to employ the cercar in descending intervals.

$14 Another type of cercar della nota, which is also called messa di voce crescente, takes

§15 ,

place on ascending and descending minor seconds when the tempo is moderate and not too fast. It doesn’t lend itself to notation. It consists of an imperceptible gentle moving up or down of the voice through as many subdivisions or commas

of a half tone ([minor] second) as can be performed from one step of a half step to the next. It is most difficult to accomplish at the tempo which is best for it, for either the continuity of the beat is disturbed by overaccenting which gives the

impression of forcing the tempo, or the singer falls into danger of losing the

tempo altogether. Usually, mediocre singers do not bother with it unless it is used at a fermata where they are sure not to disturb the beat.

The double appoggiatura (Doppelvorschlag), called Anschlag by some, combines the two short appoggiaturas which can be added to a note from above and below. Its purpose, likewise, is nothing other than to make the melody livelier and to stress

the accentuation of certain syllables and tones. Therefore, it occurs only before

long syllables or before notes which take up a long (strong) part of the beat (Tactthel). According to this description, the double appoggiatura always consists

of two short little notes forming the interval of a major or minor third which must be produced quickly before the tone to which they are attached. In general they should be executed more softly than the main note. In slow movements the first note of such an Anschlag can last longer and be more accented than the second, for the sake of expression if the duration of the main note permits. In this case, a dot is usually added to the first little note, and the tempo, length, and meter of the note which is preceding this dotted Anschlag guide the performer. The more tender the affect he should express, the longer he will hold the first note of this Anschlag.

Se ee Peey Ze i— s—_ it —ee YY tee et eo r = — ae YY

86 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation

hay — OT mi ly Gn Ene EEE. eee Dich schaut mit un - ver - wand - _ ten Bli - cken.

ENS VA, © DERE 0) RENO SRN 2 EN DONE EE AS A SD ED A A B.S

: nection. , ,

In the third measure of this example, one should take note of the opportunity to introduce the double Nachschlag between disjunct notes for a more firm con-

Although the dotted and undotted Anschlag can, at times, share the time of the main note according to the rule of the changeable appoggiatura, there are also cases, especially in slow movements, where this is not allowed. ‘he longer the main note, the truer it 1s.

f) . _™ 2 rr TT PETE Lento. —

AY AEee Eh Pe oe Soe ae= CE eeBeeeWEeeee,eee An - se. pro - var mi vuoi, chie - di- mi, oh = Pa- dre il

Eee SS ae ee ee ee —e ns oo « a 7

Loe TE

, san - gue, chie - di- mi, oh | Pa- dreil san - gue.

To be sure, the first double appoggiatura of this example could take away 2/8 of the value of the note; however, for several reasons it is better to give it only the value of an eighth. For the other two there is no choice but to make them short and quick before the long main note. 816

However, there are also Anschldge with an interval greater than a third, if the first note of two disjunct notes is repeated again by means of the Anschlag. ‘The interval of the Anschlag is always a step greater than the interval of the two main notes.

> a ee eee ee eee ee ee

pat I GR _ Je ae

1 Oe ee a

On good performance, with regard to ornaments 87

LN en ee Ee EE

) —)— A 4 -—— hh e — 1 A Ee eee ee eee eee eee) eee =e eee. eee SE TEE STERETTETSTEODN CONDONE DURIURUCDNENONEDTIITDEE ESULUUTUEISUOUINN NUNEIEION: 1 SISUSTIDUNINIININSIIIOISNEINOISOIRORONUGNONIN (ISISSIOIININOUINNIININNOUIOUINNNINOUNIUIIRNNORONINES &

The last four measures show what their value is before the dotted note and in what time they need to be performed.

gl? |

When an Anschlag which consists of a third 1s filled in with the note in between, one gets the so-called three-fold or three-note Schleifer.* Like the Anschlag, it can only be

introduced before a somewhat long note on a long part of the measure or before a short note ina slow tempo. It can be performed fast and slow, though, in the latter case, 1t may not take away more than half of the main note. ‘Then, however, one has to take care that it doesn’t become sluggish and dragging since its performance is supposed to be somewhat faint (feeble) and weak (soft, or unaccented). It is best placed before a note which is preceded by another note on the same pitch; or it marks the first note of a melodic phrase. As mentioned in §7, main (large) notes should preferably be approached by appoggiaturas from a half step below; the same is true for the Anschlag and Schleifer. There is less danger of bringing discord

to the melody because they are performed in a short and unaccented (weak)

ee ee ee ee me

manner, as opposed to the long and strongly accented (executed) appoggiaturas.

ed a eenn ee Lenn

fe eee So a gran ge - ni - tor, per - do - * na!

—~

schwankt mein . Le - __ ben; zwi- schen Angst |_| eee SR ees see

The two-note Schlezfer, whose similarity to the double Nachschlag was discussed in $11 of this chapter, is one of the easiest ornaments if it consists of two short notes of equal value which approach the following main note quickly and with emphasis. Nowadays, composers have the habit of combining it with the main note into

* Ido not want to be reproached for innovations in theory, otherwise I would rather consider this Schleifer amongst the Anschidge, since it is of the same nature. One may call it whatever one wants as long as one knows what to do with it.

ee ey

88 Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation

one figure [in large notes], and they write it as in example C. It is most appropriate and easy to add this Schleifer to ascending fourths.

a ae a a AY ——- pf —__- 9 —___ pd

f\ N ~~. 4 py C

819

This Schleifer also occurs in a dotted form and presents some difficulty because of its division into the following note. In his annotations to Tosi’s Odservations,'” Agricola dealt with this matter very comprehensively and thoroughly. For lack of anything better to say about it, I will make use of his text and examples. The dotted Schleifer should be preferably placed between two disjunct notes in slow movements; however, at times it can be found between ascending stepwise notes. ‘The first or

dotted note is always accented while the other note next to the main note is always left unaccented. The value of the first note is more changeable than in any other ornament. For the most part the affect determines its value with consideration for the bass and the harmony. Thus, the main note of the melody either receives half its value as in example (a), or is sung with only the second note of the Schleifer at the very end of the time allotted to it, as in example (b), or at times it is absorbed into the time of the main note which it follows, as in example (c).

5th a A eee ee |

it OO Orr oT eT 22Ses(0.

VAS “ARE REE DRE i0-_____________ son op - pres - sa

DE’ l) Se ee ee. We | |Wtfb(nL ©22 © ee| ee es 2 TU A —@§ee ee 2" ee”, ee en... eee Ud eee f)

HANS FARE RO NO Af i0—.____________. son Op - pres - sa

pe | Pp ef | EE LL Te Le ES Rens l“"“—eg

_Lr.e —OUL|C tc CU OO Ol CO Um tOMOCC“C‘CRNNNNN gy ss se Fd

[0 Se ee EE , e)

—O+ OR en»eee Ye LA. bl[aQO eeSen" TT eae SB. TONY _LYJee DD gg?

ED ee eee

en) an eee ay rN~--— ooo

SANS 0 AA nd AEE 2

These short ornaments, the mordent and the inverted mordent, must be brought out with the greatest possible speed and clarity. At times, some singers replace the inverted mordent (b) with the mordent (a) after a long suspension or appogeiatura. Nothing 1s spoiled by this; as a matter of fact, it seems to come out more clearly.

a) b)

\A = i6 EE Gg \2 SY RRft ES an,eo 0 al!een Coot ge Ee 5ae 8? le lege 0 ete

In this and in similar cases, the lengthening or doubling of the mordent is more for instrumentalists than for singers.

'© Hiller uses the word Hiilfsnote, which is the old form of Hilfsnote or auxiliary tone.

|

i

§26 ,

96 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation ‘Too many spices spoil the taste of the meal, and too many trills harm the noble simplicity of the melodic line. Good singers avoid them, at times, out of wisdom. Bad singers, however, who cannot yet trill, have to avoid them. Both are eager to accomplish this and there are several ways to avoid the trill. A few words of explanation will be sufficient here: (1) a simple appoggiatura (a) may be placed on a note which should or could have a trill; or (2) the trilled note may be transformed into a figuration (b) which is made by adding notes which belong to the harmony; or (3) a turn (c) may be introduced in the same place which 1s indicated by the sign over the note.

aOOeT ee

Eee eee |ON TT ne tala ee si men - ZO - gner non é. . a)

= ——Y

si men - ZO - gner—________.___ none.

C)

ONsi men Ee -eee eee Ee ee ee . SE ———— pig a ZO - gner non é.

oy OY Ee ET .}}--~°..——— EET §27

In other cases the turn takes the place of the trill with the happiest results; as a matter of fact composers of vocal music always include it as a possible interpretation of the tr sign. In the so-called chain of trills* (catena de’ trillz) turns are just

as effective as real trills whenever they should be executed with considerable speed. ‘This is indicated in the following examples.

* Please see §10 in the twelfth lesson of Part I [Anweisung zum musikalisch-nichtigen Gesange]. I only wish to repeat

that the ascending scale is better and more suitable for this than the descending scale; at best the latter can only have chains of inverted mordents; and in the latter one should understand that it would be better if the Nachschlag were omitted.

fr tr tr fr fr a | ro) a At a ee te = ——

On good performance, with regard to ornaments 97

LeesFs|RR | dT C=: SYESYL oeEEef RNS OE l™"—ghs TE EE TE EE NETTIE. SY OS

5-9 a9 ee 0 IN fr fr

Some composers take the trouble to write out these turns. For example:

in Achteln, in Vierteln. [in eighths] [in quarters | This gives an opportunity to note that in fast tempi the turn consists of four equal notes; on the other hand, in slow tempi, the first and second notes are taken faster than the third and the fourth. In addition, the turn is found on various notes, (a) steps as well as (b) leaps; and (c) also if a note is repeated several times, a turn can be introduced on each one. When three notes ascend one after another, it is customary to place a turn on the middle note to enliven it (d).

f\femw sh je7SUL Teee>LeeaN ee |(Ay OD |oe =e DS TN A ~~ eae ee =e “=p St a) d)

NS ES TE ene 0 LR I DIES 100 EES, OI RUNES (ad SOE SOO SURED AIO 9

Ope #7 oy 6 Eee

}py?Zu dir Herr wei - net mei - ne See - le. mii ea) UU Ud hl 8 €@ @ @ | @ @ @ €@ @ @ | 2 a a 2 26 |. £84 62 J

YZ we OA ft ee eee ee Pe ee TE: EAR: SEN SURRENDERED UREN NUNN) ROUEN SNR DONS WAN DORN SRSNUS SRRN HESURS NORE NON Wd ARES DONT NNT EEN ONL HOE SUN PN TT

b)

f.] ‘AE ‘ Ow i... Le) LE Ee7) RSET eeeNPEEE F< TE dC ET ETT MASUR | SES NORE OO NE —- OR

EL A EEeee EE ee | "T_T, WEEEE EE eh.EEE SE 0 LMS eeeAN eee

EET PP Le ne TN

_&pe Te eeEeee. OLEEE" “ee LA le awy ld TLE EOE

}aund dirBU, mein aHerz - wig LE. a reaufAe A A weyhn. A A (OSE

b) ~~ ~frY i) O° ~~ ' ee f\ i | AI) De ee Teeee Ee ee Eee oy: QEe o.oo iad 8 > EE A2 A A9 OE4» A A A| Ty ey =EE = §eT nee | Ln Eee AE EE © EE A REE ERSTE Nl LUNNISUERNITUNEN SUSDUUNUNIEINSTON (ONNSTTDNSNNINUINN (0 (OUUISUSNSSEISOIINL IENOSENNNSNSISOUTN NUNUNINONSINISNNN I SUNDENNSSUNUNUNINONIN RSSONIIISOORRIOO (OURS &

TW A A ST

C) tr Tf [DT Ca) ee — ee 0. 7

98 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation

f) Qo OS _)

Se a oe| Tt oe |. | apee

Hasse, at the beginning of an enchanting short Anette from the opera L’Afilo d’Amore,’ uses the following indications, and it becomes quickly evident that he had nothing other than such turns in mind.

p gr ofr Ay| |2g. | fo) ® Ly | 2,» #@%F | * #a,

LTAN we ea nn A a YO Sn ny Lf ib eF @ Mm [)\ pf wy | hme eULULULULULTlg(l OOUMLhUOULUCULCCEC CCC ‘(‘ ‘“ yO

| 47h © | Ee

}|_érze sen - za la-.A ma - bi A - le di|eCi teEl- #34 fa 8)A #3» #3Dio 4 nS .- [|g 4 J0 i ON > A A EE| 2. A A2» 8 nA A pA vA I A OO ES PE ERNE ON ORNS NRRUNNIETS SUNN ON ERS ERNE (OSOUESOTOUSUONEE 100d EUENURNENESE ORRIN RUNES |

Also, a turn can be introduced between two notes which form an ascending

aTE: |Ff —— . A — —? a Se ee ee ee ne ae ce

interval if the tempo is somewhat slow. It can even be found between dotted notes written out by the composers.

L_&we | i De DOT a TS — — “a en a a nF oe en 2 es | ee ee ee SS A {Se A ee Dich schaut mit un - ver - wand - ten Blicken.

in”? CAD CR Me Ye ee ee ey ee Ieee See Jee eee eee

| ye | [Gian] Franc[esco di] Majo.

@ (4. VA Ce Pe =. «ae 2 ee es ee eee

.—_——. Pd aearnOE ET —____—_——

The last example may become a bit tiresome to many singers, like the trilled turn (prallender Doppelschlag), as Bach called it.'® In any event, the singer can be satisfied with the turns explained up to this point, and leave these trilled turns to '7 Premiered in Naples, Summer, 1742. '8 Tn §27 of his chapter on embellishments, C. P. E. Bach explains the trilled turn as follows: “The turn allies itself with the short trill when its first two notes are alternated with extreme rapidity by means of a snap. The effect of the combined ornaments can be most easily realized by thinking of a short trill with a suffix” (Essay on the True Art of Playing Keyboard Instruments, trans. and ed. William J. Mitchell [New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1949], p. 121).

On good performance, with regard to ornaments 99 the keyboard player, whose only unusual feature is that the first two notes are repeated twice with the greatest speed and clarity. §28

Now a word about vibrato (Bebung), which arises when one does not permit a long sustained tone to sound firmly, but rather allows it to fluctuate without changing

the pitch. On string instruments it is done most easily by the rocking back and forth of the finger which is placed on the string. It is more difficult for the singer if he simply wants to bring it out with his throat; some make this easier for themselves by moving their lower jaw. Carestini did this often and always with success. ! §29

The ornaments which have been explained up to this point are an essential part of good performance. They are all the more worthy of a singer’s attention, since he may be certain to make an impression with his singing if he uses them with understanding and knows how to perform them with ease. It is possible to say everything or to describe with words or musical examples where good taste and feeling can lead a singer. From listening to a good singer one can learn much and understand more clearly what may appear obscure in a book. Even hearing a good instrumentalist can be worth while, although they cannot be considered as models for singers with regard to their use of ornaments. Instruments, by nature, require much that a singer does not need. The latter can hold a tone as long as he wants and can allow it to grow or decrease in volume, which is not so easy to

accomplish on all instruments and is completely impossible on some. One attempts to remedy this deficiency by means of the frequent uses of various ornaments.?° And were this not the case, then it is still certain that the tone that flows out of a living human breast with spirit and feeling has far more irresistible power than the tone of the most perfect instrument. If words are added with which the singer can give his tones definite meaning, then there can be no further doubt

that the human voice deserves preference over all instruments. Therefore, the singer does not have to make his melody as lustrous as is necessary for the instrumentalists. Simplicity, which does not degenerate into stiffMess and awkwardness,

should be the chief characteristic of his performance. He should attempt more to be understood and felt than to be admired and viewed with astonishment. Above all, he should earnestly attempt to gain control of the sound and the volume of his voice. In this way, as Agricola* points out, he will be spared the * Tosi [/Agricola,] Anleitung zur Singkunst, p. 122. [Baird, Introduction, p. 150.]

19 See Preface, p. 44 above, in which Hiller discusses Carestini while giving an account of the most famous

20 Obviously Hiller is particularly concerned with keyboard instruments here, and although by the time he

was writing this treatise fortepianos were in vogue, he is clearly more interested in harpsichords and their | specific limitations.

100 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation many notes which instrumentalists must use to make up not only for the lack of words, but also in part for the limited control over the duration or volume of their sound.”! “I Expounding upon one of his favorite themes, Hiller highlights the importance of simplicity as the most significant aspect of good performance. He refers to Agricola’s final remark in the chapter on trills that singers, because of using a text, have an expressive advantage which instrumentalists must satisfy by using more embellishment.

J On good performance, with regard to passaggi

8]

The German term Passagie' comes from the Italian passaggio, which means passage. In application to music it signifies nothing more than two or three notes

which are included in the transition under the control, as it were, of one harmonic tone. It can also be translated by the word Ubergang (transition). Altogether this might have been the way in which passagg: originated (as the term itself suggests): by filling in the notes that form a leap in a stepwise fashion, instead of per-

forming a mere jump. Thus, two or three notes which replace a single one already constitute a passaggio, although one generally applies this term to continuous figures which often consist of chains of many measures, with two- , threeand four-note figures. The word figure, then, is the most convenient term by which to label the individual part of such a passaggio. Some music teachers employ the Greek word melisma to designate both a single figure and passaggio, although the latter is sometimes referred to as a melismatic extension, as well.

$2 |

While many singers, both male and female, have caused a sensation (and still continue to do so) with their use of passaggi, they have been met both with great admiration and with disdain. This, however, is not the place to put this matter on trial and pass a verdict. But the following can be said without bias: people on either side go too far if, onthe one hand, they only appreciate singing using ascending and descending passages at a galloping tempo, or if, on the other hand, they always require singing that proceeds tone by tone, syllable by syllable in a clumsy manner. Passagg: are, however, not essential to the beauty of singing. Singing can be beautiful without passaggi; but the kind of singing which consists entirely of irregular figures would hardly please anyone. Likewise, | Hiller uses the German word Passagie, which, as he states, comes from the Italian passaggio. There is an entire list of terms that could be applied here (see Robert Donington, The Interpretation of Early Music [New York:

St. Martin’s Press, 1974], p. 160, Table [TV for Terms for Embellishment). Galliard, in translating Tosi’s passaggio, uses the word diminution; Agricola, translating Tosi, uses the German word Passagie. In English writings on the subject the word passages is also used frequently.

101

102 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation passaggi contribute little to moving the heart; they are really nothing more than the means by which a singer shows off the particular skillfulness and dexterity of his voice. Favoring them has become so fashionable and popular that it could

have a damaging effect upon good singing if the art of performing passagg: should take the upper hand and, finally, replace that admirable talent — singing beautifully without their use. The misuse which currently prevails is very great,

not only in the Italian, but unfortunately m the German theater as well. The most intolerable misuse occurs in the church, and annoying examples are not lacking when one examines the sacred cantatas of some church composers. Although one cannot oppose these misuses strongly enough, it would be unjust and exaggerated to ban the use of passagg: from vocal music altogether. Music demands variety and change; passaggi serve as a good means to this end if they are combined with other, more simple and declamatory passages. ‘They do not have to comprise the greatest part of a piece, but to grant them no place at all would be too drastic except in those places where it is obviously contrary to expression and passion. The dexterity of a singer has to be taken into account with each performance and one should not deprive him of the opportunity of showing, in any particular piece, how much is possible for the human voice to accomplish through diligence and practice. However, he should not attempt to be brilliant at the expense of passion and to replace by passagg: what he neglects in sensitive delivery.

- §3 As passaggi can always, with the proper qualifications, be considered something

beautiful in singing, they deserve to be studied and practiced with much diligence. In the thirteenth lesson of Part I of this treatise, ample opportunity for this exercise was given.” In addition, the most common figures which comprise the larger passaggi were introduced with their names and their structural features.

The reader is advised to make himself familiar with this matter if he has not already done so, as he will better understand the further remarks about passaggi, and he will learn to create his own passaggi in arbitrary variations and cadenzas.

Good performance of passaggi demands not only a very dexterous and fluent voice but also a strong and firm chest; since all singers were not granted the same gifts by nature, it follows that not every singer may achieve that which he has noticed and admired in others. Nevertheless, the desire to sing passaggi has been going to singers’ heads for some time already, and nothing can quite stop them except another, even more meaningless desire, to sing up to f” and g””. Regardless of the piece, a singer will not reach his goal and the appropriate degree of perfection if nature has not laid the foundation with a fortunate talent. In the meantime, it is still better to have achieved something through diligence and practice. Should this path not lead to any progress, one should choose another, since there 2 The matter of passaggi is so important to Hiller that an entire lesson is devoted to it.

On good performance, with regard to passaggt 103 are, as Mancini says,* many paths in the art of singing and many a way to acquire the coveted reputation of a good and splendid virtuoso. $4

The entire beauty of passaggi lies, as ‘Tosi says,t in their being performed on pitch, : staccato, roundly and clearly, evenly, with articulation, and fast. He only had to say clear and pure, as everything beautiful in music must be reduced to these two main features. Before speaking about them further, we must take a look at the figures from which passaggi are formed. ‘They are, according to the meter, divided up into either two or three parts; with respect to their form, they may be runs, leaps, mixed, or syncopated. At times, short appoggiaturas are added. Their performance is either legato or staccato; in addition, dynamics have to be considered.° 85

The so-called triplet is considered to be a three-part figure; the rest are two-part.

Running figures are those which proceed in [major and minor] seconds, and from this it will become evident what is meant by leaping and mixed figures. In addition, some examples might serve as explanations.

Laufende. [Running] Springende. [Leaping] f\ en eae —

| —| iw, _ ——— , Vermischte. [Mixed] Syncopirende. [Syncopated] All of these figurations can appear in other meters as well as in larger or smaller notes. The given tempo determines whether they should be performed quickly or slowly. 86

There are two ways in which these figurations and the passaggi made up of them can be performed: one 1s /egato, the other 1s staccato. ‘The former is primarily found

in slow, tender and sad pieces, whereas the latter is more often used in fast and fiery passages. In the legato performances, the vowel, which is pronounced with the first note, will be held, without repeating it, for an entire breath just as a violinist plays a number of notes with a single bow. ‘The tone, however, must not become unclear, but must, rather, be firmly on pitch. In fast movements, legato * In questa professione le vie sono molte, varj sono 1 generi ed i caratteri, per giungere al desiderato onore

d’essere un ottimo, un egregio virtuoso. |

+ [Agricola,] Anleitung zur Singkunst, p. 133. [Baird, Introduction, p. 158.]

3 Hiller says that their performance is either “geschleift oder gestossen,” which has been translated as legato’ or staccato. He also says “Starke und Schwache,” which has been translated here as dynamics.

104 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation performance includes only a few notes which, in addition, should be descending rather than ascending. ‘Uhe following figurations sound good when they are performed legato:

Se Sa aS A SM SN A a

a S| 6a aOe 0

Ne eee ee ee ee eee

When the pattern of the triplet is reversed, that 1s, when the second note is a step lower than the first and third, they must be performed in a more staccato rather than a legato manner. §7

When passage: proceed in a chromatic fashion, one finds legato the only means of performance. Should one wish to call it by another name, the term drawing out or dragging (?ET oh be iffp0 as Ge eT The following kind of passagg: should also be performed legato, although a few separated notes can be included.

aaa —§— hg Gy bye eet|,tte * 2 the 2‘2 f 6=p" 9 08 fiv

}oye a so-CCU spi - rar. -UP—Pe- — OT- -OO A I ereemnncecnee TE SOEEUTNESSSUN UNO SUEN ESTED

A ; ! ; | pode lo!

O_o _.o-....?..._ 6.4waza 1 1 é ’ , “All

|

On good performance, with regard to passagat 105 88

In passaggi, staccato 1s indicated by a short line above the note which the violinist performs by a repetition of the bow stroke. Wind instrumentalists achieve it by means of tonguing.* A singer can produce a staccato neither by bowing nor by using his tongue; as a matter of fact, he must keep his tongue completely quiet in his mouth. For him it depends upon gently repeating the vowel with which the passaggw is sung, so that each note can be heard separately. He must, for example,

pronounce as many a’s as there are notes in the passaggi. However, he must beware that he does not say ha or ga, instead of a. Only chickens may sing passagt like this, which is why the Italians call it clucking (scagateata). Maintaining a

pure and uniform vowel sound is so necessary and important that it is an offensive error for singers to permit all five vowels to be heard one after the other during a passaggio. ‘The reader will already know how to handle double vowels from the Introduction of Part I: They are pronounced separately, so that all the notes of the passaggio are sung on the first vowel, and the second is taken with the last note.°

Since this manner of singing passaget: demands much practice and a good chest, certain inconveniences arise if the singer is deficient in either one or the other. Either tones are left out or they are not performed purely enough in pitch. With other singers, who have to force it, the air in their mouth goes the wrong way because it either pushes against their palate or passes through their nose. The singer who thinks of nothing other than being able to perform passaggi very quickly will never be safe from these errors. He who first attempts passagg? slowly, observing all that belongs to these good performances, and then speeds them up little by little until he has achieved the level of speed he wished to attain, is more secure. It is certain that not all singers will achieve the same level of skillfulness, as nature has not endowed everyone with the same talent. At times, some singers have such inflexible voices and perform in such a dragging manner that the listener becomes uneasy when the singer starts torturing himself to execute passaggt. Others start fresh, but tire in such a short time that their passagg: become dull; perhaps their chests are not strong enough, or they are not cautious enough to see where the chest could be more protected, and more breath could be saved. In another place [Chap. 2] enough was said of the necessity of furnishing oneself with breath without letting any opportunities go by.° If, however, some singers behave as anxiously as those with narrow chests and every moment breathe with such great effort that it fills the audience itself with fear, it is as bad as the case when others hold their breath so long that they turn red and brown 1m the face. * Hiller is expressing a most common observation on articulation, and his comments here resemble those of Quantz in his sixth chapter, “Of the Use of the Tongue in Blowing Upon the Flute.” Quantz states: ““The tongue is the means by which we give animation to the execution of the notes upon the flute. It is indispensable for musical articulation, and serves the same purpose as the bow-stroke upon the violin” (Quantz, On Playing the Flute, Ch. 6, §1, p. 70). > Anweisung zum musikalisch-richtigen Gesange, Introduction, §§23, 24, 25, and 29.

° See Chapter 2, §§4-8, pp. 58-63 above.

106 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation Those who need time to take a breath, thereby missing a handful of notes or getting out of rhythm, are the worst of all. 99

We do not wish to dwell too long on the subject of those passaggi which have to be executed staccato. In the thirteenth lesson of Part I, enough material pertaining to this matter was supplied.’ It is generally accepted that the singer may, at

times, in order to perform with greater ease, connect some tones with legato instead of singing each note with the same sharp staccato. This method is also practiced by instrumentalists of some orchestras. Such a mixed manner of per-

LN ee ! — | ——

forming passaggi gives the violinist a variety of bowings with which a singer can acquaint himself to his advantage. ‘The effect is very different according to which notes are made legato or staccato. One should start with the following triplet in order to see for oneself:

J pp ee Ud gee eT

ee ———— oe a ee —— | | |

We have already become acquainted with some four-note legato figures.

Nothing will be spoiled if the third and fourth notes of the given case are made more staccato than legato; or, the other way around, if the first two notes are performed legato where they were to be staccato. ‘Thereupon, however, one must be careful that the first note is always completely in tune, for certainly the following ones will not be, if the first one is not. Further, this note must enter exactly in the time of the beat on which it 1s indicated, as otherwise one comes into danger of losing the tempo either through rushing or dragging. It is therefore always necessary to give the first note a little emphasis, permitting the others to follow a little

bit weaker: |

, f a|, eegerererhes = —.. —ae Sadeaaae ——_ =< -_ a se |SSS

ae a aareee AOE fg

MANY, —=— nan a — an | —_}-_$§\ lassi — LU

——————— lr | ——— a ae ry

If, however, a passaggio contains more than four notes, be they ascending or descending, then every note must be performed staccato:

SS eS ES — eee

Sa a ES EE

es ——— $e Laer a a —

’ Hiller is referring to Lesson 13, §7.

pa|

ee aNe ce Oe er

On good performance, with regard to passaggt 107

Other passaggi, containing leaps, must be dotted and at the same time legato:

——

ANS 9 A Nee

This example is written out as it is to be performed. One must imagine,

Se eS

however, that it appears without dots or slurs, as that is the way it 1s generally indicated on paper.

f\ ] it eee

There is yet another type of passaggio which I wish to note which actually must be performed legato although the first note of four always 1s staccato:

a ee a 2 Se See se ee | ee ee a A §10

A short appoggiatura or mordent, as it is called by the Italian singers, can only

be applied before the third of four notes, of which at least three must be in descending motion if the tempo is not too fast:

—- ——_ th} 9 re i Pe 9

In other cases, before triplets, and so forth, the composer normally writes them in himself. How this should be handled was explained in the section on appoggiaturas in this book.® $1] Syncopated passaggi, be they anticipations of the following notes or prolongations of the preceding, must be performed in such a manner that the note which comes between the beats will always be somewhat more stressed rather than held longer.

A # 47 fr aT? Te T= SS ee ESE ee ee TT

Nevertheless, the note must be maintained in such a way that the listener does not hear two notes for one.

tt a ra ag a a dal bar - - - - - - ba- ro fu - ror.

yb} 9 92 0 8 ete 6 ee

8 See Chapter 4, §6, pp. 75-77 above.

108 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation Tempo rubato, as the Italians call it, is nothing more than such an anticipation or prolongation of a tone from one beat to the other. One steals, as it were, some time from one note, in order to give it to the other. ‘This serves as a means not only for varying the execution, but also for greater stress, and it occurs in passaggt and the pronunciation of words as well. But the singer must exactly observe the rhythm when he makes use of it, so that he does not end too soon or too late.

a "4 4 a

Adagio. a—————_——— ce In Tosi/Galliard, Observations, pp. 128f (see also Baird, Introduction, pp. 205f.), Tosi chides the virtuosi of his time who have used cadenzas for primarily nonmusical reasons, i.e. fame, wealth, and vanity. While he shows some understanding for the economic motivations of his colleagues, he rigorously defends the aesthetics of music against such excesses. Tosi therefore restricts the use of extensive ornamentation and allows only small

elaborations. He is of the opinion that there should be absolutely no cadenzas that interrupt the time of the bass at any of the section endings of the da capo aria. ‘Thus, the singer should be permitted nothing more than a small elaboration at the three main cadences of the aria. * Hiller shows understanding for the singer’s need to gain acknowledgment for his art, furthering the argument that Agricola presented in his refutation of ‘Tosi’s restrictive instructions. Agricola defends the singer’s

need to show inventiveness, to highlight the affect of an aria, and to employ the element of surprise. He

favors a cadenza on the final cadence of the da capo aria and gives detailed rules that are designed to prevent abusive ornamentation. In this context he refers to Quantz and his instructions outlined in Chapter 15. See Tosi/Agricola, Anletung, pp. 203-206 (Baird, Introduction, pp. 210-213) and Quantz, On Playing the Flute, pp. 179-181. ° Mattheson, Der Vollkommene Capellmeister, Part I, Chapter 3, §39, p. 116; Harriss translation, p. 273.

On cadenzas 123 their throats are so stiff and their intonation so insecure that the listener suffers with them through the troubles they took to make their cadenzas. If one takes everything into consideration it does not seem to be quite definite whether the

use of these improvised cadenzas is to be praised rather than criticized and whether they are to be permitted or forbidden. No matter how much applause they receive from most of the listeners, there have always been men of taste and insight who declared themselves against cadenzas. Nevertheless, since music requires variety throughout, since everything that pleasantly surprises the listener adds to the effect of the whole, since no opportunity should be taken away from the singer to show his skill, the increased use of cadenzas might be justified and therefore is worth a closer investigation. §4

No matter how many ideas the singer has, he should not leave anything to chance. Therefore he should pay attention to the following rules:® 1. Gadenzas must not appear too frequently and must also not be too long. Actually, no breath should be taken in between; thus, as a result of this rule, it is not permitted to last longer than the singer’s breath allows. ‘This rule cannot be kept without exception, simply because the very different strengths and weak-

nesses of the chest and other random circumstances allow sometimes more, sometimes less, and at times all too little expansion. And yet an idea that is supposed to be complete and of some importance needs such expansion. ‘Thus, if the singer has to breathe it can only be done with speed and on those notes which

do not disrupt the continuity. ,

2. At all times, the cadenza must be based upon the pervading character and the chief affect of the aria. A cadenza consisting of numerous slurred notes would be just as much out of place in a fiery aria as one put together of wild runs would be in a slow aria. In order to make a cadenza suit the aria, a few beautiful places from the aria itself should be utilized, and, if possible, inserted with skill into the cadenza. 3. Identical figures should not be repeated too often. Rather, different figures must be combined and interchanged so that they appear more similar to a skillful combination of single independent phrases than to a regular arioso melody. For this reason, one is not permitted to follow the meter strictly although one takes the tempo of the aria somewhat as a measure and must not sing a cadenza allegro in an adagio and vice versa — not sing an adagio cadenza in an allegro movement. 4. The more unexpected material that can be introduced in a cadenza, the more beautiful it is. All kinds of figures, runs, leaps, triplets, and so on may be used there. We shall soon investigate more closely how they are introduced and what they are based upon. ® For the following rules, Hiller relies mainly upon Agricola’s instructions. See Tosi/Agricola, Anleiung, pp. 203f.; Baird, Introduction, pp. 210f.

124 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation 85

The entrance of the cadenza is always on the first of the three melodic notes with

which it is customary to form cadences in the upper voices. ‘The harmonic accompaniment is constructed so that the bass remains on the fifth [V] of the key for the first [I §] and second note, and afterwards returns to the tonic [{] with the final note. The harmony that belongs to the first note is nothing other than

the tonic triad, major or minor, as the nature of the aria indicates. In the case described above, since the bass has moved to the fifth of the key, this triad forms a ° chord, which is customarily followed by a 3 chord, because the trill which

appears at the end of the cadenza immediately before the final note is always introduced on this chord. Everything the singer wants to perform from his imag-

ination must belong to the scale or the harmony of the tonic note. This then would be one type of cadenza. Another type arises when one chooses the harmony of the fifth instead of the harmony of the tonic, and only incidentally touches upon the tonic. Finally, the third type occurs if one makes use of small turns and modulations to distant keys. However, one must be aware of all too foreign notes and must always make certain that all dissonances against the bass receive a proper resolution.

36 |

If the singer is guided by the demands of a cadenza, he must become familiar with the various types of figures which form passaggi, insofar as cadenzas are made up of runs. In this way, all kinds of ornaments, appoggiaturas, and trills can also be put to use. In fact, the triad and the scale are the most secure foundations upon which good cadenzas can be built. If one knows how to vary by means of all kinds of figures and to enliven and beautify with various well-chosen

and well-performed ornaments, one has sufficient means at hand to invent cadenzas. Since words are not specific enough to describe these things, examples may say more about it: VARIATIONS OF THE SCALE (1) Upward

1) Aufsteigend. [Upward] 1 —_

A.” — ; ns

TT —— a ED "eee TL LL oe or

4 me 5

On cadenzas 125 _—__———— ot 6

|I)7

LAQa > _APA — | EE. 2 © 4. “eee @eee. i. «» @ee | tIY ln =... eee Oe. EAS) Sn. en ee ee ee eee ee eeJf.eee eeTTeee =[,>.@ aFfee|

| PnAFRYT 4 Ec em TANS RE ND MNRE ne ere OUSe OE A yw ns © , EEE ga f

Ee

A. b. | gg @ © | | | le FT ee | ue hh hLFCUThLCULT UhUrdTS UCT UTC UTC UT hUCTlhULdT UT!

AFF | on ee sea 8frreten fatatentes OT oe OS SST e———— = LL re fib | Je @2i” Boalt” OF) Ii) ttetfesioftesée’’ec".._y_ 3-2 a 0 a... re” -—-O0-= OO FI Ay a "SE et eS _ Se _.nuwVu9)—0"”’-vr’--_ a ea ‘ringt von de-nen die dich has -_ sen, tragstdu, mein Heil, dieLast_______._ all -

7dTSeg ,_NON -?._ aFO OT OT —— 7:ae OD-_--—— I OTT on oF yo eee LL" eo eo OO >s$_ —”xrxv.-_"@|»—sm>3vNnvWwnono.

a — —s ~~ ES = a s — — at | rae “2 = — a? ee ee ae Pl Ne ee), A Pe! > eee FA Ci ed (ed Pe aeee re Oe eenre eet | | owe ee ween |. _@? @aawitttt Pana! el OO eT Oe|

— ~~ ne ee

~—— a eee lem, die Last+-_-SESE —_—_———___ ~~ == a —

iNlein,eee Oe he die Last,_-___SE—

AaLS « _——— /7nan aroma A) me eectn= YO a. Oa 7) 2 LO OM YD (Asp ree OMe CO ett Shwe, etht Te NT ee OT ——— ee, Te TN Oeeeo_o SF _eee ae Ly, —— | ee || ‘estenne uments

Ne a a nee eee

Cy Fo ooo e=m=—o6é#™#4.V00-’wrohKseMqrTIIIIII} TO }: 4X"—_ gae2 OOO BSTT oT "§8---Ze eh= enOOO _, 2 ODE TS OE or

fr 5 | ss | al , _

nn en A .| eS — -F ~ = fr SS 7 Jn eb hd

140 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation

4xt ae. eesTB ce ot _ 6i._0VUVW7V7— ots. RNGoe| aASTi TSees ©eS (oy Se hae hetaOh eee 2OTT eee Ne —______.._____. die_——_ Last al - lein, — tragst du-—___ die —- Last-_______ al -

ao A TT —~—i— eS ——__—™ frTTF ee a ao ES TT Oe a | a_i o_ Origa, oa it til fe BT EET ta .| Tt fS_o ga, | -_ CZ sos, Fo .3HéAWMr/-.”.-—”0”0._ SW SS —" s ~ —— 2 Ee oe SOS. "7“""-WnnnNnW TT —____________. die Last al - lein, tragst du-_—_ die _____.__ Last al -

a ee en

a » — —_

oye fe ttt eeeieEeLLiN EOE PFO NnMWc-0ocuvuwv"wWnnw] Fee ae esqO0 sO Sy _WHN-N’}.."’w’-2—1_EDO] oOo 7" _OoCpstaahaa!* ta CS T_/:1.42---2-828-—2--—-—n..Na

SUNSET Tcl Ace (OO | | ss ey es Vom

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On arbitrary variation of the aria 149

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150 ‘Treatise on vocal performance and ornamentation

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APPENDIX Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller

Aguillar, Antonia Girelli “presently [1790] one of our most famous Italian singers”: G. Mancini, Pensiert. (Gerber, vol. I, p. 19)!

Aguyjari, Lucrezia Born 1743; died in Parma, 1783. Lucrezia Agujari, called La Bastardella or La

Bastardina, was an Italian soprano, celebrated for her high notes. She first appeared at Florence in 1764. She married Colla, an esteemed composer, and sang in London for some years at the Pantheon, where she was at one time engaged at the enormous salary of 100 da per night for singing only two songs. Agujari was a truly wonderful performer. She had two octaves of fair natural voice, from a to a”, and in early youth she had more than another octave higher. Sacchini said he had heard her go up to Bb in altissimo. (Blom, p. 311; Heriot, p. 50; Sainsbury, vol. I, p. 10)

Amadori, Giovanni Tedeschi [Tedeschi Giovanni, called Amadori] Singer; born in Bologna c. 1720, where he studied in the class of the renowned Bernacchi. He was in the service of the Capella Reale of Naples and for a few

years participated in important opera theaters in Italy (Florence, [Teatro] Pergola; Naples, San Carlo, 1748; Genoa, Falcone, 1750-51; Milan, Ducale, 1751, 1753-54). In 1754-55 he was employed at the Royal ‘Theater in Berlin, where he was among the first performers in Graun’s Semtramide and sang in many

other operas. Upon returning to Italy, he settled in Rome where he founded an excellent school of singing, living there until c. 1780. (Schmid, vol. I, p. 584) Amicis, Anna Lucia de [De Amicis (De Amicis—Buonsollazzi), Anna Lucia] Born in Naples, ¢. 1733; died in Naples, 1816. Italian soprano. Taught by her father, she began performing comic operas with her family in 1754. In 1762 at the King’s Theatre, London, “she acted and sang for the whole family” (Burney). Making her début there as a serious singer in J. C. Bach’s Onone in 1763, she left comic opera. As prima donna in Milan (1764-65), Venice (1764), Innsbruck ' Works cited in the Appendix are listed in full in the Bibliography, pp. 185-189 below.

155

156 Appendix (August 1765) and Naples (1766), De Amicis became involved in theatrical disputes and wished to retire. However, after her 1768 marriage to the Florentine physician Francesco Buonsollazzi, she resumed her career, singing in seven productions in Venice (1768-69, 1770-71) and eight in Naples (1769-70, 1771-72). Mozart, who heard her in both cities, praised her highly. In 1769, she threatened to walk out on a performance in Naples if Pacchierotti sang; he was replaced by Guadagni. In Milan she ensured the success of Mozart’s Lucio Silla (December

26, 1772). Engagements in Naples (nine productions, 1773-76), ‘Turin (four operas, 1776-79), and the Italian premiére of Gluck’s Alceste (Bologna, May 9,

1778) concluded her brilliant career. She sang for at least ten years more in

, private Neapolitan productions. De Amicis amazed listeners with her vocal agility. Burney described her as the first to sing staccato divisions and the first to

“oo up to Eb in altissimo, with true, clear, and powerful real voice.” She was equally impressive as an actress: Metastasio himself wrote that “among the dramatic heroines . . . there was absolutely no one but the signora De Amicis suited

to portray the character . . . with the fire, the boldness, the frankness and the expression necessary.” (Heriot, p. 164; New Grove, vol. V, p. 288)

Amorevoli, Angelo (Maria) Born in Venice, September 16, 1716; died in Dresden, November 15, 1798. Italian tenor. After establishing his reputation in Porpora’s operas Mitndate and Siface (Rome, January—February 1730) and in Hasse’s Dalisa (Venice, May 1730),

he sang in Milan from 1731 until 1735. Between 1736 and 1740 he appeared in ten Neapolitan productions, including Leo’s Achille in Sciro, which inaugurated the ‘Teatro San Carlo (November 4, 1737). Horace Mann heard him in Giuseppe Scarlatti’s Arminio (Florence, June 1741) and recommended him to Horace Walpole, who reported that Alexander in Persia, a pasticcio given its premiere in London on October 31, 1741, was unsuccessful until Amorevoli joined the cast in mid-November. He sang in ten other operas and several concerts at the King’s Theatre before the end of the 1742-43 season. In 1744—45 he was in Milan. Except for visits to Vienna (where Metastasio praised his singing in 1748) and Italy (Milan, 1748—49 and 1760-61), he made Dresden his home from 1745 in order to sing Hasse’s music. After retiring from the stage in 1764 he remained at that court as a chamber and church singer. Burney wrote of him: “Amorevoli was an admirable tenor, I have heard better voices of his pitch; but never, on the stage, more taste and expression.” (Baker's, p. 49; New Grove, vol. I, p. 332)

Annibali, Domenico [Dominichino] Born in Macerata, c. 1705; died in ?Rome, 1779 or later. Italian alto castrato. His first known appearance was in Porpora’s Germanico at Rome in 1725. He sang in one opera at Venice in 1727 and in two in 1729, when he was engaged for the Saxon court at Dresden at a salary of 729 thaler. His principal fame was at the court of Dresden, where he remained from 1729 to 1764. He sang in almost all of the numerous operas of Hasse, as well as those of other composers, but was

Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller 157 often given leave to take outside engagements: at Rome in 1730, 1732, and 1739, at Vienna in 1731, when his performance in Caldara’s Demetrio won the approval of Metastasio, and from October 1736 to June 1737 as a member of Handel’s company in London. He sang at a concert a few days after his arrival nm London and made his stage début at Covent Garden in a revival of Poro on December 8, when he introduced two arias by Ristori and one by Vinci—one of only two occasions on which Handel is known to have allowed this practice in one of his own operas. Annibali was in the first performances of Handel’s Arminio, Giustino, and Berenice, and revivals of other works. While Annibali was in London, the Saxon envoy offered him an increased salary, and he returned to Dresden. He left in 1764 with a pension of 1,200 thaler and the title of Aammermusikus. He was living in his native town in 1776 and three years later moved to Rome. According to

Burney “his abilities during his stay in England seem to have made no deep impression, as I never remember him to have been mentioned by those who constantly attended the operas of those times, and were rapturists in speaking of the

pleasure they had received from singers of the first class.” His main strength seems to have been his coloratura, and his voice was an exceptionally high one, attaining F in altissmo. Mrs. Pendarves wrote, soon after Annibali’s arrival in London, that he had “the best part of Senesino’s voice and Caristini’s, with a prodigious fine taste and good action.” ‘The parts Handel composed for him, Arminio, Giustino, and Demetrio in Berenice, confirm this with regard to range (a to g”). Other accounts emphasize his brilliant and flexible coloratura, though some found his acting wooden. The aria “Fatto scorta” in Arminio, with its many changes of register and clef, gives some indication of his powers. Hasse made similar use of them, employing a slightly wider compass (g to g”), but in Demofoonte (1748) this had shrunk to a to f”. (Heriot, pp. 84-85; New Grove, vol. I, p. 440)

Appiani, Giuseppe, detto Appianino Born in Milan, 1712; died in Cesena or Bologna, 1742. He studied with Porpora and made his début at the Teatro San Giovanni Grisostomo, Venice in 1731 in Prediere’s Scipione il Giovane. He sang in various Italian cities until 1738, when he was invited to Vienna. He was apparently very successful; when he returned to Italy in 1742 and sang at Bologna in Eumene, he was paid the huge sum of 3,400 lire bolognese. According to Quadro, he died “leaving the cities of Ferrara and Venice where he was headed and awaited, with the regret of seeing themselves prevented for ever from hearing so admired a singer.” (Heriot, pp. 85-86)

Aprile, Giuseppe [Scirolino, Sciroletto] Born in Martina Franca, ‘Taranto, October 28, 1732; died in Martina Franca, January 11, 1813. Italian male contralto and composer. He began music studies with his father Fortunato, who had him castrated at the age of eleven. On April 28, 1751 he began to study singing in Naples at the private school of Gregorio Sciroli (hence his nicknames); on September 23, 1752 he was engaged as soprano in the royal chapel of Naples. He made his opera début the following season in

158 Appendix a secondary role in Jommelli’s Jfigenia in Aulide. After further operatic performances in Rome and Parma he gave up his place in the royal chapel and began a brilliant career, singing in the most important theaters of Italy. In 1756 he went to the court of Wiirttemberg in Stuttgart, where Jommelli was Kapellmeister; there he performed in many of Jommelli’s works and toured often in Italy and elsewhere. Schubart, who heard him in Wiirttemberg, wrote: “In him the art and nature were marvellously combined . . . he sang with the purity of a bell up to E above the treble stave [7ecte soprano clef], and had a profound knowledge of vocal

technique, as well as a warm and sympathetic personality.” In the season 1765-66 he sang in Naples and Palermo, then returned to Stuttgart, at an annual

salary of 6,000 gulden, with his brother Raffaele, a violinist. He left the Wiurttemberg court in 1769 with considerable debts against the treasury. In 1770 Burney heard him perform in Naples, and Mozart heard him there and in Milan

and Bologna. He performed throughout Italy until 1783, when he succeeded

: Caffarelli as first soprano in the royal chapel in Naples. Having retired from public performance in 1785, he became a successful singing teacher; among his pupils were Domenico Cimarosa and Lady Catherine Hamilton, and the exercises of his highly appreciated vocal method (The Modern Itahan Method of Singing,

with 36 Solfegg, published by Broderip in London in 1791) were frequently reprinted throughout France, Germany, and Italy. He was pensioned by the royal chapel on July 12, 1798 and spent his remaining years in his native town. Aprile was considered one of the greatest singers of his time, as much for his acting as for the quality of his voice and the diversity of expression he brought even to

, bravura passages. (Baker’s, p. 68; Heriot, pp. 86-87; New Grove, vol. I, pp. 910-511)

Archiopata [recte Lelia Archiapati] Wife of Italian composer Pietro Alessandro Guglielmi (1728-1804). During his _ five years in London, from 1767, Pietro wrote several operas, including Ezio (January 13, 1770), in which his wife sang. They returned to Italy in 1772.

(Baker's, p. 907) , , Astrua, Giovanna

Born in ? Turin, 1725; died in 1758. Prima donna, active around 1748. She was an excellent singer, at first in the service of the Sardinian and subsequently of the Prussian court. (Heriot, p. 145; Sainsbury, vol. I, p. 40)

Babbi, Gregorio [Lorenzo] Born in Cesena, November 16, 1708; died in Cesena, January 2, 1768. Italian tenor and father of Cristoforo Babbi. His first post was that of a virtuoso to the

Grand Duke of Tuscany, Gian Gastone de’ Medici. He made his début in Florence in 1730-and for the next twenty years sang in the leading theaters of Italy. He became a member of the Bologna Accademia Filarmonica on January 9, 1741 and shortly thereafter entered the service of Charles III, King of Naples.

Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller 159 In 1748 both Babbi and his wife, Giovanna Guaetta [Guaetti], were engaged at the Teatro San Carlo, Naples. He remained there until 1755, when he went to Lisbon to perform Mazzoni’s Antigono. By spring 1756 he had returned to Italy

and sang in Naples until 1759, when he received a pension and returned to , Cesena. Babbi may have sung in London, Vienna, and Madrid. Being a tenor, he sang only secondary parts for much of his career, but because of his reputation as one of the best exponents of the expressive style, he commanded salaries comparable with those of the leading castrati. De Brosses, who heard him in his prime in 1741, described him as the “loveliest high tenor [haut-taille]” and a good actor and compared him with the French tenor Jélyotte. Burney called him a “dignified, splendid and powerful performer,” with the “sweetest, most flexible, and most powerful voice of its kind, that his country could boast at the time.” Acccording to Lalande his range was two octaves, c to c”, in full voice and even higher in falsetto, a fifth higher than most Italian tenors of the time and equal to Jélyotte’s and Amorevoli’s ranges. Babbi is not known to have composed; the

pieces attributed to him by Schmidl are by his grandson, Gregorio Babbi. (Baker's, p. 101; New Grove, vol. I, p. 764)

Bernacchi, Antonio Born in Bologna (baptized June 23), 1685; died in Bologna, March 13, 1756. Celebrated Italian castrato. He studied voice with Pistocchi and G. A. Ricieri. In 1700 he was a soprano at the church of San Petronio in Bologna. He made his operatic début in Genoa in 1703. Between 1709 and 1735 he had a number of engagements in Venice and between 1712 and 1731 made several appearances in Bologna. He also sang in London (1716-17) and in Munich (1720-27). In 1729 he was engaged by Handel as a substitute for Senesino for the London season of the Italian Opera. Failing to please the British operagoers, he returned to Bologna, where he opened a singing school. In his singing he cultivated vocal embellishments in the manner of the French roulades. His marvellous technique was praised by some and condemned by others, who reproached him in particular for introducing instrumental and other unsuitable idioms into his cadenzas, imitating flutes and oboes and also bird songs. He also composed some worthwhile pieces. (Baker's, p. 240; Heriot, pp. 87-89)

Bernardi, Francesco, detto Senesino: see Senesino

Bernasconi [Wagele], Antonia Born in Stuttgart, c. 1741; died in ?Vienna, ?1803. German soprano. She was the daughter of a valet of the Duke of Wiirttemberg. By her widowed mother’s second marriage in 1743, she became the stepdaughter of Andrea Bernasconi, who instructed her in singing. Her successful début followed on January 21, 1762 as Aspasia in Bernasconi’s Temistocle in Munich. In Vienna from about 1765-66, she first performed in opere buffe by Piccinni and Sacchini and in 1767 was highly successful as Alceste in the premiére of Gluck’s opera. J. A. Hiller gave a detailed

160 Appendix account of her in the Wochentlche Nachrichten of October 24, 1768. In December 1770 she sang Aspasia in the premiere of Mozart’s Mitndate; it 1s also possible that the part of Ninette in his La finta semplice was composed for her. In 1771—72 she sang at the ‘Teatro San Benedetto in Venice, in 1772-73 and 1774-75 at the

Teatro San Carlo in Naples. From November 1778 to May 1780 she was a member of the Italian opera company at the King’s Theatre, London, and in the

summer of 1781, supposedly at Gluck’s request, she returned to the Vienna Burgtheater. Mozart’s letters are severely critical of her intonation and German

declamation, although he said he would have trusted her with a part in the German performance of /domeneo that he was planning. She 1s supposed to have married, under the name of Rieler. (New Grove, vol. II, p. 621)

Bertoni, Ferdinando Gioseffo [Ferdinando Giuseppe] Born on the island of Salo, near Venice, on August 15, 1725; died in Desenzano, December 1, 1813. An Italian organist and composer, particularly of operas, fifty in all, he also set the same libretto that Gluck used in Orfeo. A pupil of Padre Martini, he was twenty-two years old when his first opera was produced by his

teacher. In 1752 he was appointed first organist of San Marco in Venice and served as choirmaster at the Conservatorio de’ Mendicanti from 1757 to 1797. Several of his operas were performed in London, which he visited twice. In 1785 he succeeded Galuppi as maestro di cappella at San Marco. (Baker's, p. 248)

Bontempi, Giovanni Andrea [Angelini, Angelini-Bontempi] Born in Perugia, c. 1624; died in Brufa, ‘Torgiano, near Perugia, July 1, 1705. Italian composer, castrato, writer on music, historian, and architect. From December 12, 1635 he was educated by Sozio Sozi, father superior of the Oratorio dei Filippini at Perugia. Born Angelini, he took his name from his early

patron Cesare Bontempi. ‘The latter placed him in the care of Cardinal Francesco Barberini in Rome, where, as a castrato, he studied singing with Virgilio Mazzocchi. In 1641 he was taken to Florence for an apparently fruitless

audition, but from 1643 to 1650 he was a singer at St. Mark’s, Venice, under Monteverdi, Rovetta, and Cavalli. In 1650 he entered the service of the Elector Johann Georg I of Saxony at Dresden. Schiitz unsuccessfully nominated him as

his deputy in 1651. After the elector’s death he was appointed joint Kapellmeister along with Schiitz and Vincenzo Albrici. ‘The favor that Albrici enjoyed with Johann Georg IJ and the arrival in 1667 of Carlo Pallavicino were given by Bontempi, in the preface to his Historia della ribelhone d’Ungheria (Dresden,

1672), as reasons why he turned his attention away from music; but he had already been appointed stage designer and master of the machines at the court theater in 1664 (and was later inspector of the comedy house), and his first nonmusical publication, a (lost) discourse on civil architecture, appeared before his ENistorien des durchlauchtigsten Hauses Sachsen (Dresden, 1666). From 1666 to 1670 he

was in Italy, but by 1671 he was back in Dresden. After the death of Johann

Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller 161

Georg II in 1680, he returned for good to his villa near Perugia. He sang at the ) Collegiata di San Maria at Spello, near Foligno, in 1682 and was maestro di cap— pella there from January to July 1686, but he devoted most of his time to study and writing. Apart from his history of music, he published an Historia dell’origine dei Sassont (Perugia, 1697) and in the same year was elected to the Accademia degli Insensati of Perugia. Bontempi is remembered for his two surviving operas (Il Pande, 1662, and Dafne, 1671) and his Historia musica (1695), which was the first history of music in Italian. (Baker’s, p. 301; New Grove, vol. III, pp. 37-38)

Bordoni, Faustina Born in Venice, 1700; died in Venice, November 4, 1781. Famous Italian mezzosoprano, wife of Johann Adolf Hasse. She came of a patrician family and was

brought up under the protection of Alessandro and Benedetto Marcello; her

singing teacher was M. Gasparini. She made her début in 1716 in C. FPollarolo’s Aniodante and was so successful that she was soon called the “new Siren.” She was then, and remained for many years, in the service of the Elector Palatine. When she sang in Florence in 1722, a special medal was issued in her honor; she was equally successful in Naples. She sang regularly at Venice until 1725. In 1718-19 she made several appearances with her future rival Cuzzoni. She performed in Reggio Emilia (1719), Modena (1720), Bologna (1721-22), Naples (1721-23), and Rome (1722) and made her German début at Munich in October 1723. Enjoying great success, she returned to Munich in 1724, 1728, and 1729, and was still more successful in Vienna, where she sang from August 1725 to March 1726 at a salary of 12,500 florins. Her first visit to London was in spring 1726, when she made her début as Rossane in Handel’s Alessandro; she returned in the two following seasons. Her professional and personal rivalry with Cuzzoni was notorious; encouraged by the partisans of both singers, it culminated in an exchange of blows on stage at a performance of Bononcini’s Astanatte on June 6, 1727. Despite the scandal they were engaged for the following season and sang together at a St. Cecilia’s Day concert at the Crown and Anchor Inn. Faustina’s illness brought the last Royal Academy season to a premature end in June 1728. She sang at Florence in winter 1728-29, Parma in 1729 and 1730, Turin in 1729 and 1731, Milan in 1730, Rome in 1731, and frequently at Venice in 1729-32. She married Hasse in May or June 1730. From that time she was chiefly associated with his music, devoting her life to his success without abandoning her own career. From 1731 to 1763 they lived in Dresden, then in Vienna until 1773, when they settled in Venice. ‘They had two daughters who were both trained as singers. Faustina was universally ranked among the greatest singers of her age. Quantz described her voice as a mezzo-soprano, “less clear than penetrating,” with a compass of b} to g”, which was later extended downwards. She was a very dramatic singer, endowed with equal power and flexibility, and a fine actress, at her best in heroic parts. Arteaga spoke of “a matchless facility and rapidity in her execution; dexterity in her breath, exquisite shake, new and bril-

162. Appendix lant passages of embellishment, and a thousand other qualities.” ‘Losi contrasted her eminence in lively arias with Cuzzont’s gift for the pathetic and considered

7 the virtues of the two singers as complementary. Burney emphasized Faustina’s perfect intonation and exceptional breath control, which gave her “the art of sustaining a note longer, in the opinion of the public, than any other singer.” (Baker's, p. 961; New Grove, vol. I, pp. 46-47)

Boroni, Antonio Born in Rome, 1738; died in Rome, December 21, 1792. Italian composer. He studied under Martini in Bologna and continued his tutelage at the Pieta dei Turchini Conservatory, Naples, under Girolamo Abos and Lorenzo Fago. Upon his return to Rome in 1758, he gave music lessons to Muzio Clementi, to whom he was related. In the following years, he traveled from Venice (where his first comic opera was performed) to Prague and Dresden, where other works of his were produced. In May of 1770, he came to Stuttgart, where he succeeded Jommelli as Kapellmeister. He held this position until 1777, when he returned to Rome. His last opera was staged during Carnival in 1778, and on March 21 he was named maestro di cappella at St. Peter’s. In 1782, he was also named maestro dt cappella at San Luigi de’ Francesi. His career as an opera composer was rela-

tively short, but his comic operas were, in general, very successful, especially L’amore in musica, which was widely performed. (New Grove, vol. II, p. 63)

Brivio, Carlo Francesco An Italian singing-master and composer of vocal music at Milan, active during the first half of the eighteenth century. (Sainsbury, vol. I, p. 115)

Caffarelli, s. Majorano (real name, Gaetano Majorano) [Cafaricllo,

| Cafarellino, Gaffarello] Born in Bitonto, April 12, 1710; died in Naples, January 31, 1783. Italian mezzosoprano castrato. He was a poor peasant boy endowed with a beautiful voice. He was taught by Domenico Caffarelli, who discovered him and later sent him to Porpora in Naples, where he studied for five years. In gratitude to his patron, he assumed the name Caffarelli. As Caffarelli he became a master of pathetic song and excelled as well in coloratura. He read the most difficult music at sight and

was an accomplished harpsichord player. After several years’ study under Porpora at Naples, he made his début at Rome in 1726, taking a female part in Sarro’s Valdemaro. His success was rapid. He sang in Venice in 1728, then in Milan and probably Florence before returning to Rome in 1730 as a chamber virtuoso to the Grand Duke of ‘Tuscany. In 1734 he received a post in the royal chapel at Naples and soon became a favorite of the king. In the next twenty years Caffarelli was heard constantly in the San Bartolomeo and San Carlo theaters

and in the royal palace. His Naples appointment did not prevent him from appearing elsewhere. Following his last public operatic appearances, he was engaged for the Lisbon court opera at a salary of 72,000 pesetas. In March 1756

Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller 163 he was in Madrid, and after returning to Naples he retired from the stage. In 1763 he refused an invitation to manage the San Carlo theatre. Having amassed a substantial fortune, he bought himself a dukedom, an estate at San Donato in Calabria, and a palace in Naples. He continued to sing occasionally in churches and at court. Caffarelli’s voice was a high mezzo-soprano. By many judges he was ranked second only to Farinelli, and by some above him. Caffarelli was notorious for overbearing arrogance both to fellow artists and to the public, combining the boorish obstinacy of the peasant with the vanity of a pampered virtuoso. He was at times placed under house arrest for assaulting his colleagues, occasionally wounding them. He 1s said to have mellowed in old age and to have given large sums to charity. (Baker's, p. 397; New Grove, vol. III, pp. 595-596)

Campeggi, Francesco One of the most famous organists of his time, Campeggi was born in Bologna at the turn of the seventeenth century. He succeeded Floriano Arresti as organist at San Petronio and was also an excellent voice teacher. He was initiated into the Accademia Filarmonica in 1719 and was elected “principal” in 1731 and 1736. He composed church music and sonatas for keyboard. His “Laudate Dominum” for eight voices in full chorus survives in a 1719 manuscript at the Library of the Accademia Filarmonica in Bologna. (Schmid, p. 283)

Carestini, Giovanni, detto Cusanino Born in Filottrano, near Ancona, c. 1705; died in ?Filottrano, c. 1760. Italian alto castrato. He was trained at Milan from the age of twelve under the protection of the Cusani family and was occasionally billed as Cusanino. He made his début in 1721 at Rome in a female part in Alessandro Scarlatti’s Gnselda and sang there the following year in Porpora’s Flavio Anicio Olibrio and in March 1723 in an oratorio by Caldara. ‘The following month he was engaged by the imperial court at Vienna at a salary of 1,440 florins. He remained there until 1 October 1725. He was engaged in 1726 at Parma and Genoa, in 1727—30 at Rome, in 1728-29 at

Naples (where he quarrelled with Bernacchi, who tried to veto his further employment), and in 1729 for two operas at Venice. He sang frequently at Milan between 1727 and 1732, and in 1731 once more at Venice. During this period he was described as chamber virtuoso to the Duke of Parma. In 1731 he entered the service of the Elector of Bavaria, and he was still nominally employed by the

elector as late as 1741, but often sang elsewhere. Carestini made his London début on October 30, 1733 and was at once acclaimed (in Lady Bristol’s words)

as “an extream good singer.” He sang in London for three seasons (1733-35, 1739-40); he sang mainly in Italy until he transferred his activities to Germany in 1747. There he entered the service of the Elector of Saxony at Dresden. He sang in Venice and Milan in 1749 and was then summoned to Frederick the Great’s court at Berlin, where he spent four years (1750-54). Because of ill health

and Frederick’s lukewarm attitude, Carestini moved to St. Petersburg in June 1754. ‘The Empress Elizabeth presented him with 1,200 roubles on his depar-

164 Appendix : ture in 1756. In addition to being the most traveled of the castrati, he was also one of the greatest. Burney wrote: “His voice was at first a powerful and clear soprano, which afterwards changed unto the fullest, finest, and deepest countertenor that has perhaps ever been heard.” Burney credited him with rendering “every thing he sung interesting by good taste, energy, and judicious embellishments.” He had great agility in executing difficult passages. According to Burney, “It was the opinion of Hasse, as well as of many other eminent professors, that

whoever had not heard Carestini was unacquainted with the most perfect style of singing.” (New Grove, vol. I, pp. 778-779)

Cicognani, Giuseppe Born in Bologna. Italian alto. He is known to have sung exceptionally well in 1770 at the church in Bologna. (Gerber, 1977, vol. I, p. 282) Concialini, Carlo [Hiller (p. 46 above) identifies him as Conciolini] Born in Siena, 1744; died in 1812, Berlin (?>Moscow). Castrato singer, alto. After

his début in Venice, he sang at the Bavarian Court in 1763 and then joined the court of Frederick II of Prussia in Berlin where he was much admired for the beauty of his voice and his great agility in singing trills and stylish cadenzas. (Gerber, pp. 294f.; Schmidl, p. 362)

Conti, Gioacchino, detto Gizziello Born in Arpino, February 28, 1714; died in Rome, October 25, 1761. Italian soprano castrato. He derived his nickname from Domenico Gizzi, who taught him singing at Naples from the age of eight; it was sometimes corrupted into Egizziello. His début at Rome on February 4, 1730, in Vinci's Artaserse, was a spectacular success. He sang in Naples in 1732-33, in Vienna in March 1734, in Genoa and Venice in 1735, and in other Italian cities before being engaged by Handel for London in April 1736. He made his Covent Garden début on May 5 in a revival of Anodante; having insufficient time to learn the title role, he substituted arias from his Italian repertory. A week later he created the role of Meleager in Alalanta on the occasion of the marriage of the Prince of Wales.

The press reported that he “met with uncommon Reception”; the poet Gray admired him “excessively” in every respect except the shape of his mouth, which “when open, made an exact square.” Handel also admired him, and Conti remained in England until June 1737, appearing in several of Handel’s works. In Esther he sang the role of an Israelite in Italian, with several new arias adapted or specially composed for him. He sang at Rome in 1738 and at other Italian cities. In 1742 he became so seriously ill that all hope for him was abandoned; upon recovery he was compelled to sacrifice da capos in order to save his strength. He went to Lisbon in 1743, then to Naples in 1746 and 1747. He

was often heard in Venice and also sang in operas at Lucca and Padua. From 1752 to 1755 he was employed by the Lisbon court theater, where he sang in

Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller 165 many operas. At an unspecified date, Farinelli invited him to Madrid, where he

maintained his success in court circles. Burney claims that Conti narrowly escaped with his life from the Lisbon earthquake in November 1755 and “was impressed with such a religious turn by that tremendous calamity, that he retreated to a monastery, where he ended his days,” but not before he is said to have imparted much wisdom to Guadagni. Conti’s retirement, which certainly occurred at this time, may have been hastened by poor health. ‘There is evidence

that he was both pious and superstitious. One of the greatest of eighteenthcentury singers, Conti had an exceptionally high soprano voice with a range of at least two octaves (c’ to c’”; he may have sung as low as a). He is the only castrato for whom Handel wrote a top C. The four parts Handel composed for him

(Meleager in Alalanta, Sigismondo in Arminio, Anastasio in Guustino, and Alessandro in Berenice) indicate that he commanded great brilliance and flexibility as well as unusual powers of pathetic and graceful expression. (New Grove, vol. IV, pp. 682-683)

Cuzzoni, Francesca Born in Parma, c. 1698; died in Bologna, 1770. Italian soprano. She was a pupil of Lanzi. Her first known appearance was in an anonymous Dafne at Parma in 1716. She sang in Genoa and Bologna in 1717 and made her Venice début in 1718, where she sang with Faustina Bordoni. The future rivals appeared there again In two operas the following year. Cuzzoni sang in ‘Turin in 1720 and Venice | in 1721—22. There was talk of her engagement for London in 1720, but she did not arrive until the last week of December 1722, having married the composer and harpsichordist Pietro Giuseppe Sandoni on the way. Her reputation as an extraordinary singer preceded her and was repeatedly mentioned 1m the press. Her King’s Theatre début on January 12, 1723 as Teofane in Handel’s Ottone was one of the most sensational in London’s theatrical history. Half-guinea tickets for the second night exchanged hands at two and three guineas. At her benefit on

March 25, with three new bravura arias, “some of the Nobility gave her 50 Guineas a Ticket.” This was in addition to her salary of £2,000 a season. She remained a member of the company until the Royal Academy closed in June 1728, and sang a leading part in every opera. The rivalry between Faustina Bordoni and Cuzzoni, the two greatest sopranos of the age, was notorious. It became a public scandal when ovations, whistles, and catcalls in turn led to a scuffle between the artists on stage during a performance of Astanatte on June 6, 1727 in the presence of the Princess of Wales. Cuzzoni visited Paris in summer 1724 and made a sensation at Fontainebleau in church music by Bononcini. She

spent the winter of 1728-29 in Vienna at the invitation of Count Kinsky, the imperial ambassador in London. She made a great impression in court circles but was not engaged for the opera because she demanded the exorbitant salary of 24,000 florins. By 1742 she and Sandoni had separated. Cuzzoni continued

166 Appendix to sing in various locations in Italy, Germany, and Amsterdam and was engaged as a chamber singer to the court in Stuttgart on December 28, 1745 at a salary of 1,500 gulden. She remained there for three years, then absconded to Bologna in autumn 1748, leaving many debts. In 1750 she revisited London and gave a benefit concert at Hickford’s Room on May 18. Cuzzoni was arrested for debts of £30 and was bailed out by the Prince of Wales. CGuzzoni sang twice more,

giving a pathetic farewell. She went to the Netherlands, where she was again _ imprisoned for debt. ‘The prison governor allowed her to discharge it by releasing her under guard for occasional concerts. She spent her last years in Bologna, supporting herself by making buttons. Guzzoni died in obscurity and extreme poverty. She was neither a great actress nor a beautiful woman. In her prime, however, she was, by universal consent a superb artist, excelling equally in slow and rapid airs. (New Grove, vol. IV, pp. 109-110)

Elisi, Filippo A castrato; he sang in the famous gala performance of Perez’ Alessandro nell’Indie in Lisbon, for the opening of the new Opera House, in April 1755. (Heriot, pp.

135-136, 151) ,

Faenza, Bartolino da One of the most famous Italian singers at the beginning of the eighteenth century and a student of Pistocchi. (Gerber, p. 396)

Feo, Francesco | , Celebrated Italian composer (1691-1761).

Ferri, Baldassare [Baldassarre] Born in Perugia, December 9, 1610; died in Perugia, November 18, 1680. Italian castrato singer. In 1622 he was a choirboy in the service of Cardinal Crescenzio, Archbishop of Orvieto, who took him to Rome and entrusted him to Vincenzo Ugolini, then maestro at the Cappella Giulia. He also studied in Naples. In 1625 he was heard by Prince Wladislaw (later King Wladislaw IV) of Poland, whose

, service he entered, and he remained at the Warsaw court, apart from several concert tours, until 1655. He then went to the court of the Emperor Ferdinand III at Vienna and remained there under Leopold I, who honored him greatly and gave him a pension for life. He was celebrated throughout Europe; his concert tours took him as far afield as Stockholm (1654) and London (in 1669 or the early

1670s) and brought him much financial success. In 1680 (perhaps as early as 1675) he returned to Italy. Ferri was reputed to be of fine appearance and bearing and was one of the most renowned singers of his day. Bontempi, from whom most of the information on his singing comes, devoted a section of his Histona musica (1695) to Ferri. Bontempi notes particularly Ferri’s range, breath control, and ability to trill, giving details of reports made by many of his contemporaries of his great technical skill — particularly his reputed ability to trill up and down two chromatic octaves in one breath. (New Grove, vol. VI, pp. 497-498)

Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller 167

Fontana, Agostino Born in Piedmont, Italy. Italian alto. Known as an outstanding singer in the service of the King of Sardinia. (Gerber, 1977, vol. I, p. 424)

Furlanetto, Bonaventura Born in Venice, May 27, 1738; died in Venice, April 6, 1817. Italian composer. Born of poor parents, he spent his childhood in the parish of San Nicolo dei Mendicoh, a part of Venice known for its fishermen and artisans, and where he is buried. A self-taught musician, he did have some instruction from his uncle,

Nicolé Formenti. In 1768, he was appointed maestro at Santa Maria della Visitazione (commonly called the Pieta), a position he held for nearly fifty years.

In August of 1770, Burney heard him direct at the Pieta and was not overly impressed, although Furlanetto’s music is said to have vastly improved between

the 1770s and 1780s. He attracted exceptionally gifted singers and wrote out elaborate cadenzas for them. By the early 1800s, Furlanetto had become known throughout northern Italy as the most important composer of sacred music. (New Grove, vol. VII, pp. 33-34)

Gabrielli, Caterina Born in Rome, November 12, 1730; died in Rome, February 16 or April 16, 1796. Italian soprano. She was the daughter of a cook in the service of Prince

Gabrielli, who paid for her traming as a singer and whose name she later assumed. It has been stated that her first teacher was E S. Garcia, but this 1s unlikely since he was a year her junior. Between 1744 and 1747 she was probably a pupil of Porpora in Venice. Already famous in Italy, she made her highly successful Vienna début in a concert at the Burgtheater on February 16, 1755 and was given a contract effective until 1758-59. There Metastasio became her protector and instructed her in the declamatory style, and she was soon appearing in dramatic works by Gluck. She became friends with the castrato Gaetano Guadagni, who was one of her most important teachers. With Guadagni at Padua in summer 1758 she was involved in one of her frequent theater scandals and had to leave the city before the end of her engagement. The following autumn she sang at Lucca. In 1759 she sang at Parma, in 1760 in Vienna, and returned to Italy in spring 1761. In summer 1765 she passed up several tempting offers from theaters to withdraw into private life with a young nobleman, but in 1766—67 she again sang at Naples. She then had a three-year engagement at Palermo. In autumn 1771 she was at Milan, where Mozart met her. In 1772 she

| was engaged for three years at St. Petersburg. After a season in London, she returned to Italy, singing until 1780 in Naples, Venice, Lucca, and Milan. Her last appearance is said to have been in Venice in 1782 on a visit by the heirs to the Russian throne. She retired to her Rome palazzo with a considerable fortune. Gabrielli was known as one of the most eminent and perfect singers of her time. Burney called her “the most intelligent and best-bred virtuosa” with whom he had ever conversed. Her immense technical powers and knowledge seem to have

168 Appendix jomed with personal charms, and she had the greatest possible effect on the masculine part of her audience. (New Grove, vol. VU, p. 66)

Galuppi, Baldassare, detto Buranello Italian composer (1706-85).

Gasparini, Michelangelo Born in Lucca, 1685; died in Venice, 1732 (or 1752). A well-known contralto and opera composer, Gasparini, a student of Lotti, dedicated himself to the instruction of singers, establishing a Venetian singing school out of which came many worthy (or talented) artists, among whom was the celebrated Faustina Bordon,

who later became the wife of the noted Hasse. He wrote some operas, among which are Arsace, [1 Lamano, and Il Principe Selvaggio. (Schmid, p. 600)

Goti, Antonio A celebrated Italian singer who was engaged at the opera at Stuttgart, when under the direction of Jommelli, in the year 1663. In 1774 he was still living in

Italy (Samsbury, vol. I, p. 289) ,

Grassi, Antonio , A famous tenor from Rome. He came to the Royal Opera House in Berlin in 1768 and was still active there in 1786. (Gerber, p. 533)

Grossi, Giovanni Francesco [“Siface”]: see Siface, Giovanni Francesco.

| Guadagni, Gaetano Born in Lodi, near Milan, ¢c. 1725; died in ?Padua, 1792. His first appearance was at Parma in 1747; he went to England the following year, where he attracted

attention by his handsome appearance and potentially fine contralto voice. Handel gave him parts in some of his oratorios, and Garrick gave him lessons in

acting. Burney says that during his first residence in England he was noticed more for his singing in English than in Italian. After leaving England, Guadagni appeared at various places in Italy, particularly in Parma, where, in 1760, he was heard in ‘[raetta’s festival opera-ballet La Festa d’Imeneo, in honor of the marriage of the future Emperor Joseph and Isabel of Parma. In 1762 he sang the part of

Orpheus at the first performance of Gluck’s famous opera. He returned to England in 1769 as first singer at the serious opera. Burney states, “But though his manner of singing was perfectly delicate, polished, and refined, his voice seemed at first to disappoint every hearer. ‘Those who remembered it when he was In England before, found it comparatively thin and feeble.” Guadagni had almost doubled his range, from a contralto to a soprano, but in so doing had lost much of the power and richness of his voice. Burney, amazed by the simplicity of the music which Guadagni sang, analyzed its pleasurable effect on the audience and “found that it chiefly arose from his artful manner of diminishing the tones of his voice like the dying notes of an Aeolian harp. Most other singers cultivate a swell or messa di voce; but Guadagni, after beginning a note or passage with all the force he could safely exert, fined it off to a thread, and gave it all the

Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller 169 effect of extreme distance.” He made many enemies by his eccentric and unpredictable temperament and by such actions as refusing to take curtain-calls (a direct insult to the audience). He left England in 1771, was heard in Verona the following year, then accompanied the dowager Electress of Saxony to Munich, where she lived and where he remained until 1776. During that year he appeared for the last time on stage, at Venice, then retired to Padua. He had been attached

to the church of San Antonio there for some years and had built himself a magnificent house. While Guadagni was very wealthy, he apparently carried charity to a point beyond his means. Around 1785 he found his riches depleted, and he lived in the greatest poverty until his death. (Heriot, pp. 135-139)

Guarducci, Tommaso, detto Toscano |Garducci| Born in Montefiascone, c. 1720; died after 1770. Italian male soprano. He studied singing with Antonio Bernacchi in Bologna from about 1736 and began his theatrical career in Italy about 1745. In 1750 he was engaged by Farinelli for the Spanish court, where he sang for the rest of his career, with lengthy interruptions for appearances elsewhere. From 1752 he was 1n the service of the Viennese court and in 1755 sang there with Caterina Gabrielli in the premiére of Gluck’s L’innocenza gustificata. He also sang in Portugal (Lisbon), in Italy, and for two seasons (1766-68) at the King’s Theatre, London. Among his last engagements was a highly successful appearance at Rome in Piccinni’s Didone abbandonata in 1770, the year of his retirement. According to Burney, Guarducci “was tall and awkward in figure, inanimate as an actor, and in countenance ill-favoured and morbid,” but he had a highly polished and correct use of his voice, which was “clear, sweet, and flexible.” (New Grove, vol. VII, p. 770)

Guglielmi, detta Archiopata: see Archiopata

Herbst, Johann Andreas , ?American Moravian minister and composer. Born in Kempten, Swabia, 1735; died in North Carolina, 1812.

Hépfner, Georg Christoph Born in Germany, 1744; died in Sondershausen, December 20, 1827. Pastor. He published a treatise, Anweisung zum Singen, in 1774. (Eitner, 1959, vol. V—VI, p. 167)

Kayser, Margareta Susanna [Margarethe Susanna| German singer who was the first woman to sing as a soloist in a church choir in Hamburg (1716). She was later recognized as an excellent singer of operas and oratorios. (Diccionario Buografico de la Musica, p. 538)

Lanzi, Francesco Flourished 1696-1712. Italian organist, instrumentalist, singing teacher, and composer. A member of the clergy, he was from 1696 at the latest organist of Santa Maria della Steccata, Parma, and from 1706 until at least 1712 organist of Parma Cathedral, where he also played the horn. His only known composition

170 Appendix consists of adjustments made to the opera // Pertinace (originally given at Venice

in 1689 with music by Paolo Biego) for a performance at the Teatro Ducale, Parma, in 1699; only the published libretto survives. Lanzi was the teacher of Francesca Cuzzoni. (New Grove, vol. X, p. 460)

Leo, Leonardo Important Italian composer (1694-1744). (Baker's, p. 1340)

Majo, Gian Francesco di Italian composer (1732-70). (Baker's, p. 1431)

Majorano, Gaetano, detto Caffarelli: see Caffarelli Mancini, Giambattista [Giovanni Battista] Born in Ascoli, near Piacenza, January 1, 1714; died in Vienna, January 4, 1800. Italian castrato and singing teacher. He went to Naples when he was fourteen and studied singing for two years with Leo; in Bologna he studied singing with Bernacchi, counterpoint and composition with Martini and became a member of the Accademia Filarmonica. He was active in Italy and Germany as a singer from at least 1736 but became best known as a singing teacher. In 1757 Maria Theresia invited him to Vienna as court singing teacher. He received the title of Rammermusikus on March 1, 1758. Mancini’s Pensien, e riflesstont pratiche sopra ul canto

Jigurato (Vienna, 1774), the most important eighteenth-century book on Italian singing after ‘Tosi’s Opinion (1723), is a valuable source of information on historical performance practice. Like Tosi, he was a conservative who considered the art of singing and music in general to be in decline, with the old methods disregarded, bad taste rampant, and most singing teachers incompetent. His opinions involved him in several controversies, most notably with Vincenzo Manfredini

on several aspects of the technique of teaching singing, to whom he replied rather intemperately in his Lettera. Mancini apparently composed Endimione, a Javola pastorale performed at Bologna in August 1729. (New Grove, vol. XI, p. 603)

Manzuoli, Giovanni , Born in Florence, c. 1720; died in Florence, 1782. Italian castrato singer. After appearances in operas in Florence (1731) and Verona (1735) he settled in Naples until late 1748, occasionally performing also at Rome and Venice. By the mid1740s he was singing leading parts at San Carlo. After Carnival 1749 at Milan he was called by Farinelli to Madrid where he performed in ten productions between 1749 and 1752. There he exhibited an arrogant temperament, and after

leaving abruptly in 1753 he sang in Parma during Carnival 1754. He was at

, Lisbon for the opening of the ‘Teatro de los Pacos Ribeira (March 31, 1755). Enticed back to Madrid in September, he left four months later, loaded with presents from the monarchs. He remained in Italy until 1764 except for one trip to Vienna, where his performance in Hasse’s Alvde al bwio (October 13, 1760) made him “the idol” of the city, according to Metastasio. At rehearsals in Bologna for Gluck’s Ml trionfo di Clea (1763) his behavior was censured. From November 1764

Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller 171 until fune 1765 Manzuoli, whose voice was “the most powerful and voluminous

soprano that had been heard .. . since the time of Farinelli,” according to Burney, drew “a universal thunder” of applause at the King’s Theatre in London. There he met the Mozart family, and in 1770 Wolfgang met him again

in Florence, where Manzuoli had retired and become chamber singer to the Grand Duke of ‘Tuscany in 1768. He twice came out of retirement: in January 1770 he unwillingly sang in Rome for the first time since his youth; and with a | display of arrogance “like a true castrato” (Mozart); in October 1771 he closed his public career in Milan with Hasse’s Ruggiero and Mozart’s Ascanio in Alba, K. 111. Never a singer whose voice permitted feats of virtuosity, Manzuoli, by then

a contralto, retained most of his “native strength and sweetness” (Burney) and fine acting ability. (New Grove, vol. XI, p. 638)

Maria Elisabeth, Erzherzogin von Osterreich Born August 13, 1743; died September 22, 1808. Abbess of convent at Innsbruck. (Knappich)

Martini, Padre Giovanni Battista Born in Bologna, April 24, 1706; died in Bologna, August 3, 1784. Italian writer on music, teacher and composer, historian and theorist. Referred to at his death as “Dio della musica de nostri tempi,” he is one of the most famous figures in

eighteenth-century music. Amongst numerous teachers on various instruments | and composition, he studied singing with Francesco Antonio Pistocchi. He returned to Bologna and, in 1725, became the maestro di cappella of San Francesco, ordained as a priest four years later. Although he was offered numerous positions (including the Vatican), he chose to remain primarily in Bologna,

where he devoted himself to composing, writing, and teaching. Burney was extremely fond of Martini and felt almost as close to him as a “brother” after a

very short amount of time. Mozart, who studied counterpoint with Martini, remained forever indebted to him. In addition, Martint’s list of famous pupils includes J. CG. Bach, Bertoni, Grétry, Jommelli, and Naumann, all of whom studied primarily the learned style with him. (New Grove, vol. XI, pp. 723-725)

Matteucci, Matteo [Matteo (Matteuccio) Sassani| Born in Naples, 1649 [possibly San Severo near Foggia in 1667]; died in ?Naples,

after 1735. He first appears in 1693, as a highly successful first soprano at the Naples opera. In 1695 he was invited to Vienna to sing in the Empress’s chapel at a salary equivalent to 3,000 scud. “He not only sang so beautifully that “cantare come Matteuccio’ became a proverbial phrase, but was dashing and handsome

and a great womanizer.” On his return from Vienna, his popularity increased even more, and he became unbearably arrogant. He insulted some dukes, treated the Viceroy’s servants with contempt, and refused to comply with his orders. ‘The Viceroy wished to send Matteuccio to the galleys but was dissuaded by his wife. Matteuccio got off with a severe warning and was sent in 1698 to Madrid to entertain the Viceroy’s master, the half-tmbecile King Charles Il. He was apparently

172 Appendix a success there. After his return from Spain, Matteuccio continued to appear on the stage until 1708, after which time he seems to have devoted himself to the Royal Chapel in Naples, where he directed the singing and sang himself. “He was in the habit,” says Mancini, “out of pure devotion, of singing in the church every Saturday; and though he was more than eighty years old, his voice was so fresh and clear, and he sang with so much flexibility and lightness, that those who heard him without seeing him believed him a young man in the prime of life.” He was © still alive in 1735, when Caffarelli applied for and got his position, as Matteuccio was considered to be too old to be of use. (Heriot, pp. 183~—184)

Mazzanti, Ferdinando A celebrated composer, violinist, and singer, who resided, in 1770, at Rome. Dr. Burney speaks highly of his talent. He composed dramatic, sacred, and violin music. (Sainsbury, vol. I, p. 139)

Millico, (Vito) Giuseppe Born in ‘Terlizzi, near Bari, January 19, 1737; died in Naples, October 2, 1802. Italian soprano castrato, composer, and singing teacher. He was active as an opera singer in all the principal European musical centers, from St. Petersburg and Berlin to London, and in the south from Vienna to Parma and Naples. After being at the Russian court from 1758 to 1765 he returned to Italy; at Parma in 1769 he sang Orpheus in Le feste d’Apollo by Gluck, who befriended him and took

: him to Vienna where Millico taught Gluck’s niece and created the role of Paris in Gluck’s Paride ed Elena (November 3, 1770). ‘Two years later he went to London,

and in 1773 again appeared as Orpheus. In autumn 1774 he was with Gluck in Paris and went with him to Zweibriicken and Mannheim. He was in Berlin before his final return to Italy in 1780, when he was appointed “virtuoso di camera e della Regia Cappella” in Naples; while there he composed the operas Le cinest and L’1sola disabitata for the Bourbon princesses ‘Teresa and Luisa. ‘The score of his opera La preta d’amore was published in Naples in 1782. In addition

to at least half a dozen operas, Millico composed several cantatas and numerous arias, canzonettas and duets, often with harp accompaniment. Many of these works were published individually and in collections, and there was an extraordinarily wide circulation in manuscript of smaller vocal and instrumental compositions which were thought to be late works by Muillico, testifying to their popularity and to his reputation as a singer, composer, and teacher. (New Grove, vol. XII, p. 324)

Mingotti, Caterina Regina, née Valentin Born in Naples, February 16, 1722; died in Neuburg an der Donau, October 1, 1808. Austrian opera singer. ‘The daughter of an Austrian officer, she was taken by him to Graz in 1722 and educated in a convent there after his death. In 1743 she joined the Mingotti opera troupe, then in Graz, made her début in Hamburg, and in 1746 married Pietro Mingotti. In 1747 she had great success when the

Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller 173 troupe performed at Dresden. She was engaged at the court opera there and became a pupil of Porpora at royal expense. She later sang in Naples, Prague (1750) and Madrid (1751-53) and then went to Paris and London, where she made her very successful début at the King’s Theatre in November 1754. In the 1756-57 season, after the previous manager had gone bankrupt, partly because of disagreements with her, she became co-manager of the theatre with Giardini, the orchestra director. The season not proving a great success financially, the pair

gave up the management at its end. Mingotti, according to Burney “in the decline of her favour” and of her voice, next sang at the King’s ‘Theatre in the 1763-64 season, when she was again manager as well. She also sang in Italy before retiring to Dresden. In 1772 she was living in Munich, where Burney met her and reported that her voice was in better condition than on her last London appearance. Burney described Mingotti as “a perfect mistress of her art” and her style of singing as “always grand.” Martinelli believed that she owed to her study with Porpora “that propriety, delicacy and expression” in rendering the passions that characterized the Porpora school and contrasted it with the more ornate and artificial style of singing that came into vogue about the middle of the century. Yet the cantabile, pathetic style was not her forte, and early in her career, Hasse, whose wife Faustina had been made intensely jealous by Mingotti’s success in Dresden, composed for her a setting of the pathetic aria “Se tutti 1 miev” in his Demofoonte (Dresden, 1748), intended to demonstrate her inadequacy in this regard. Mingotti determinedly overcame the challenge and triumphed in the aria, which she later sang in London with equal success. Burney wrote that “her greatest admirers allowed that her voice and manner would have been still more

irresistible, if she had had a little more female grace and softness.” Highly admired as an actress, she occasionally turned her lack of grace and softness to advantage by appearing to great effect in male parts. (New Grove, vol. XII, pp. 333-334)

Monticelli, Angelo Maria Born in Milan, 1710—15; died in Dresden, 1764. Italian castrato soprano. After his stage début in Rome about 1730 Monticello appeared in Venice, Milan, and Florence. He was the first man in the opera company at the King’s Theatre in

London from 1741 to 1744 when, according to Horace Walpole, he was “infinitely admired.” He sang there again in 1746, in a season that included two works by Gluck. He returned to the Continent and sang in various opera houses,

although his voice was apparently declining. In the mid-1750s he settled at Dresden, where he worked under Hasse. Burney praised his acting, his clear and sweet voice, and his good taste. (New Grove, vol. XII, p. 538)

Minter, Balthasar Born in Liibeck, Germany, March 24, 1735; died in Copenhagen, October 5, 1793. German poet. Wrote the text for the sacred songs composed by Johann

174 Appendix , Christoph Friedrich Bach and others. He was a preacher in the German Petrikirche in Copenhagen. (Eitner, vol. VII-VIII, pp. 114-115)

Nicolini, Carlo [Grimaldi, Nicolo] | Born in Naples, baptized April 5, 1673; died in Naples January 1, 1732. Italian

alto castrato. He studied under Provenzale, in a revival of whose opera La Stellidaura vendicata he made his début as a page in 1685. In 1690 he was appointed to the Cappella del ‘Tesoro di Gennaro at the cathedral and the following year to the royal chapel. His voice at this tyme was soprano. He sang in opera, usually at the San Bartolomeo theater but at times in the royal palace, periodically between

1697 and 1724. He sang at Rome and Bologna in 1699 and 1700 and for the first time in Venice in 1700. Late in 1708 Nicolini went to London, where he made his début at the Queen’s Theatre on December 14, in Haym’s arrangement of A. Scarlatti’s Perro e Demetrio, sung in a mixture of Italian and English. He enjoyed great personal triumph and was largely responsible for the increasing popularity of Italian opera in London, receiving unstinting praise even from

critics who were contemptuous of the genre. In May 1709 Nicolini signed a three-year contract with the manager of the Queen’s Theatre, and he seems to have assisted Swiney with the management of the opera and remodeled it on the lines of the Venetian theater. On February 24, 1711 Nicolini sang the title role in the first performance of Handel’s Renaldo. The expiry of his contract moved | the critic Addison to complain in the Spectator (fune 14, 1712) that “we are likely

to lose the greatest performer in dramatic Music that is now living, or that perhaps ever appeared on a stage.” Nicolini continued to return to London periodically through 1717. He was the leading male singer of his age, an outstanding all-round artist, and a man of exemplary character. Burney’s summary — “this great singer, and still greater actor” — was echoed by many contemporaries. In Galliard’s opinion (1742) none of his successors equaled his combination of vocal and histrionic talent. Nicolini never retired from the stage. In 1731 he was engaged for Pergolesi’s first opera, at Naples, became ul during rehearsals and died soon after. (New Grove, vol. XIII, pp. 217-218)

Orsini, Gaetano An eminent male contralto; teacher of Filippo Balatri, who said that “He sings by a method such as had never been conceived. He succeeds in making me imitate him a little . . .” (Heriot, pp. 210-211)

Pacchiarotti, Gasparo [Pacchierotti] [Gaspare] Born in Fabriano, near Ancona, baptized May 21, 1740; died in Padua, October 28, 1821. Italian soprano castrato. He was trained either at St. Mark’s, Venice

(according to his adopted son Giuseppe Cecchini Pacchiarotti) or at Forli Cathedral (Fétis) and signed a contract as principal soloist at St. Mark’s for three years from February 28, 1765. He remained in Venice until 1770, when he left

for an appointment as primo uomo at Palermo. Captain Brydone heard him there and enthusiastically described his ability to move not merely the audience

Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller 175 but even the prima donna, the renowned Caterina Gabrielli. Beginning on May 30, 1771, Pacchiarotti sang for six years at Naples as the partner of Anna de Amicis. In spring 1776 Pacchiarotti left Naples permanently and traveled north, passing through Rome, where he performed privately, Florence, and then Forli, where his singing in Bertoni’s Artaserse provoked the famous incident reported by Stendhal — the orchestra members were unable to continue for the tears in their eyes. He was engaged by several theaters in Italy; after his performances in the inaugural opera at La Scala (August and September 1778) he and Bertoni traveled together to London. For two years he sang regularly at the King’s ‘Theatre, where Bertoni was resident composer. In July 1780 he left for Italy, but at the urging of William Beckford, one of Pacchiarotti’s most impor- tant patrons, Pacchiarotti returned to London in September 1781. He sang at the King’s ‘Theatre each season through May 1784. Until 1791 he remained in Italy, as prumo uomo nearly every season at the Teatro San Benedetto, Venice. During his last London visit (1791) he sang at many concerts and operas as well. Haydn first heard him on February 7, and a little more than a week later had him perform his cantata Anianna a Nasso. Pacchiarotti returned to Venice in July 1792, where the inauguration and first Carnival season of the ‘Teatro La Fenice (1792-93) were his last operatic appearances. He retired to Padua a wealthy man. He spent the last twenty-eight years of his life studying Italian and English literature and concentrating his musical interests particularly on Marcello’s psalms. He sang in public at least twice: in 1796 in Padua before Napoleon

(unwillingly) and on June 28, 1814 at St. Mark’s for Bertoni’s funeral. Pacchiarotti was by all accounts the greatest of the late eighteenth-century cas-

trati and the last in line of the finest male sopranos. Lord Mount-Edgcumbe deemed him “the most perfect singer it ever fell to my lot to hear,” and both he and Burney devoted more space to describing his genius than they accorded any other performer of the era. He was able to sing with facility not only up to c”, but as low as Bb, thereby “uniting into one the delicate Soprano to . . . the most accomplished Contralto” (Public Advertiser, November 14, 1782). He was able to improvise and execute embellishments which, according to Burney, were wholly

original. He had a wide repertory and a command of many different styles, including (unlike most performers) that of the past. His acting ability was considerable, but his greatest genius lay in moving even casual listeners by his rendition of pathetic airs. (New Grove, vol. XIV, pp. 42-43)

Pasi, Antonio Born in Bologna, c. 1710; died? A celebrated soprano. A pupil of Pistocchi, he was an excellent singer of an Adagio, according to the testimony of Quantz, who heard him at Parma in 1726. (Sainsbury, vol. I, p. 269)

Peli, Francesco Born ?; died ? An Italian singer who, about the year 1720, established a singing school at Modena, which afterwards became very celebrated. He brought out,

176 Appendix , at Munich in 1737, an opera entitled La Constanza in Tnonfo. (Sainsbury, vol. I, p. 274)

Peruzzi, Anna Maria [La Parrucchierina| Born ?; died ? Italian singer who sang in Hasse’s Szroe at the Formagliari theater in Bologna (1735), for which she was paid 1,200 live bolognesi. (Heriot, p. 68)

Pistocchi, Francesco Antonio Mamiuliano [“I] Pistocchino” | Born in Palermo, 1659; died in Bologna, May 13, 1726. Italian composer and singer. He was a child prodigy, singing in public at the age of three and publishing his first work, Capricci: puerit, at the age of eight. In May 1670 he was employed occasionally as a singer in the cappella musicale at San Petronio, Bologna, where his father was a violinist. In 1674 he was given a regular position there as a soprano. Because of frequent absences, he and his father were dismissed in May 1675. Within ten years, Pistocchi had embarked on a brilliant career as a contralto, performing on various Italian and German stages. From May 1, 1686 to February 15, 1695 he was in the service of the court at Parma. In 1696 he became Kapellmeister at Ansbach to the Margrave of Brandenburg, and in May 1697 he went with Giuseppe Torelli to Berlin at the request of the Electress Sophia Charlotte. He returned to Ansbach early in 1698. At the end of 1699 he and ‘Torelli moved to Vienna and in the autumn of 1700 he performed in several churches in Bologna. Between 1701 and 1708 he occasionally sang at San Petronio, Bologna. In 1702 he was named wirtuoso di camera e di cappella to Prince Ferdinando of ‘Tuscany. Although Pistocchi’s operatic career ended about

1705, he continued to sing for several years at functions in various Bolognese

churches. He also taught singing, and included among his pupils Antonio Bernacchi, Annibale Pio Fabri, and G. B. Martini. In 1708 and 1710 he served as principe of the Accademia Filarmonica. In 1709 he took holy orders and in 1714 was named honorary chaplain to the Elector Palatine Johann Wilhelm. In

1715 he became a member of the Congregation of the Oratory at Forli. Pistocchi enjoyed considerable fame as both singer and teacher. ‘Losi thought him the best singer of all trme, with impeccable taste and the ability to teach the beauties of the art of singing without departing from the established tempo. As a composer, Pistocchi is notable for melodic elegance and colorful harmony, especially in his treatment of chromaticism. His letters to Perti also reveal him as an astute critic of music. (New Grove, vol. XIV, pp. 776-777)

Porpora, Niccolé Antonio Born in Naples, August 17, 1686; died in Naples, March 3, 1768. A famous Italian composer and singing teacher, Porpora was the son of a bookseller. He entered the Conservatorio dei Poveri at Naples at the age of ten and studied with

Gaetano Greco, Matteo Giordano, and Ottavio Campanile. He gained a great reputation as a singing teacher, numbering among his pupils the famous castrati Farinelli, Caffarelli, and Salimbeni, as well as Metastasio, who wrote librettos for several of Porpora’s operas. (Baker's, p. 1801)

Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller 177

Potenza, Pasquale Nominally principal singer in London. He was eclipsed in 1758 by Guiusto Ferdinando (Senesino) Tenducci in Cocchi’s Cro nconosciuto. (Heriot, p. 185)

Raaff, Anton [Raaf, Raf, Raff] Born in 1714; died in 1797. German tenor, who studied and sang in Italy, returned to Germany in 1742, but continued to travel. He was one of the great singers of the age. Mozart wrote the title role in Jdomeneo for him when Raaff was sixty-seven years old. He is said to have sung in the famous gala performance of Perez’ Alessandro nell’Indie in Lisbon for the opening of the new Opera House in April 1755. Raaffwas a friend of Farinelli, under whom he sang in Madrid from

1755 to 1759. He is said to have made such an impression on the Princess Belmonte-Pignatelli by his singing in Naples in 1759 as to cure her of a deep melancholy into which her husband’s death had thrown her. He entered the service

of the Elector Palatine at Mannheim in 1770. (Blom, p. 316; Heriot, p. 31, pp. 135-136, 151; ‘Turner, p. 201)

Rauzzini, Venanzio Born in Camerino, near Rome, baptized December 19, 1746; died in Bath, April 8, 1810. Italian male soprano, composer, and harpsichordist. After early studies

in Rome and possibly also in Naples with Porpora, he made his début at the Teatro della Valle in Rome in Piccinni’s // finto astrologo in 1765. His first major role was in Guglielmi’s Sesostr: at Venice during Ascension Fair 1766; during this

year he entered the service of the Elector Maximilian Joseph III at Munich, where he remained until 1722. In 1767 he was given leave to perform at Venice and at Vienna, where Mozart and his father heard him. Burney, visiting Rauzzini in August 1772, praised his virtuosity and the quality of his voice but was most impressed by his abilities as a composer and harpsichordist. His last known operatic performance in Munich was in Bernasconi’s Demetrio (Carnival 1772). He performed two more years in Italy before moving permanently to England. From November 1774 to July 1777 Rauzzini sang regularly at the King’s Theatre in London, making his simultaneous début as singer and composer in the pasticcio Armida. Both Burney and Lord Mount-Edgcumbe deemed his voice sweet but too feeble, a defect Burney ascribed to Rauzzini’s devoting too much time to composition. His publications over the next thirty years included string quartets and other chamber music, keyboard sonatas, four-hand duets, and Italian and English songs. Rauzzini’s singing gradually won over the London audiences. In autumn 1777 he took up residence in Bath, joining with the violinist Lamotte to manage concerts at the New Assembly Rooms, where many renowned performers freely volunteered their services and Rauzzini sang and played his own works. Although Rauzzini had become sole manager at Bath by 1781, he intermittently returned to London to sing and to stage some of his operas. After the London premiere of his unsuccessful opera La vestale (May 1, 1787) he remained perma-

nently at Bath in his handsome town house and sumptuous country villa in

178 Appendix Perrymead. Near the end of his life, Rauzzini published a set of twelve vocal exercises with an introduction summing up his ideas on the art of singing and reflecting his own tasteful style. (New Grove, vol. XV, pp. 607-608)

Redi, Francesco Born ? died ? A celebrated Italian singer, who flourished at the end of the seventeenth century. In 1706, he established a singing school at Florence, which after-

wards became very celebrated. Among the eminent pupils of this school was Vittoria ‘Tesi. (Sainsbury, vol. I, p. 341)

Reginelli, Niccolo Born c. 1696. He went to London in 1746, and Burney wrote of him: “Reginelli,

an old but great singer, whose voice, as well as his person, was in ruin, first appeared on our stage in a pasticcio called Annibale in Capua. ‘This person was now

turned fifty; his voice was a soprano but cracked, and in total decay.” One instance of his temperament is described by Heriot: On the morning of June 8, 1739, Reginelli became involved in a fight with Caffarelli, another castrato, at

the church of Donna Romita. Restrained and separated by onlookers, both singers were accused of sacrilege by an ecclesiastical court, but the charges were lifted by royal intervention, although Caffarelli was reprimanded. (Heriot, pp. 42, 144).

Reuther, Theresia [Reuter] Born in Vienna in 1706, Reuter was the sister of Georg von Reuter (1705-70), Kapellmeister and music director at St. Stephen’s Cathedral in Vienna. She was Kammersdngerin at the Imperial Court in Vienna and considered by many to be among the best singers of her time. (Gerber, p. 274)

Sacchini, Antonio [Maria Gasparo Gioacchino] Born 1730; died 1786. Italian opera composer.

Salimbeni, Felice

Born in Milan, 1712; died in Laibach (now Ljubljana in Slovenia), 1751. A famous pupil of Porpora, Salimbeni made his début at Rome in 1731 in Hasse’s Cajo Fabncio. He entered the service of Emperor Charles VI at Vienna in 1733, remaining there until 1739, in which year he was heard in Genoa in Farnace and Venceslao. In 1743-50 he was at the court of Frederick the Great, but in 1750 he signed a contract for the Royal Theater at Dresden. His voice is said to have been powerful and clear, with a wide range, and of rare beauty; he earned particular admiration by his “rendering of adagios with discreet but effective ornamenta-

| tion, and for his amazing swell from pzanissimo to “an almost unbelievable degree of sonority.” He was also handsome: “The charming part of Megacles in the ‘Olimpiade,”’ said Vernon Lee, “. . . was suggested by a beautiful young pupil of Porpora, with fair curls and femininely soft eyes, Felice Salimbeni.” Salimbeni died in Laibach while on his way from Dresden to Naples on a leave of absence, to take a holiday and recover from a recent illness. (Heriot, pp. 181—183)

Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller 179

Sandoni, Pietro Giuseppe A composer and harpsichordist, husband of Francesca Cuzzoni. They were married c. 1720—22 and separated by 1742. (New Grove, vol. IV, pp. 109-110)

Santarelli, Giuseppe |

Born ?, died ? Signor Santarelli was a chaplain of the Knights of Malta and conductor of the Papal Chapel in Rome. ‘This worthy gentleman, who Gerber stated

must have gotten quite old “by now [1792],” if he was still alive at all, was famous not only for his great skill and expertise in the practical aspects of music and singing in particular but also for his profound knowledge in theory and the history of his art. As a Knight of Malta, he wore a small iron cross with an ivory star on his chest. In 1764 the first volume of his treatise on church music from the beginning to the present, called Della Musica del Santuario e della disciplina de suot

Canton and complemented throughout with documents from the history of the church, left the presses but was never distributed for lack of financial support. The manuscript for the second volume was ready for print in 1770. However, it

is not known whether it was actually published. In the second volume of Gerber’s Geschichte der Kirchen-Musik, on pages 354 and 533, some of his letters

concerning church composers and church music of the time can be found. (Gerber, 383)

Scalzi, Carlo [Cichion| Born in Voghera, Lombardy, ?; died ? Flourished 1719-38. Italian soprano castrato. He was first heard of in 1719-21 at Venice, where he sang in five operas

by A. Pollarolo, G. Porta and Orlandini. He appeared at Reggio Emilia and Modena in 1720, Genoa in 1722-33, Venice again in 1724—25, Parma in 1725, Naples in 1726-27, and 1730 (when he created the title role in Hasse’s £z70), and

Rome in 1728-29 and 1731-32. Metastasio heard him there in 1731 and classified him with Farinelli as “incomparable.” Scalzi sang again at Genoa in 1733, and Handel engaged him for the London season of 1733-34. His voice had dropped so much in pitch between 1729 and 1733 that Handel had to transpose his arias in Semzramide down by a tone or even a third. He seems to have

made little impression in London, but was placed in the front rank on the Continent. He sang in four more operas at Venice in 1737-38. On retiring from the stage he entered the Congregazione dell’Oratorio at Genoa. (New Grove, vol. XVI, pp. 546-547)

Schindler, Catharina [Schindlerinn| A soprano (c. 1755-88) who Hiller (p. 46 above) and Gerber (p. 430) believed to

be the grandmother of Marianne Schindler (see below) and wife of J. B. Bergobzoomer. (Gerber, p. 143).

Schindler, Marianne [Schindlerinn; Maria Antonia Schindler-Lange] Marianne Schindler(inn) (see Hiller, p. 46 above; Gerber, p. 430) 1s possibly Maria Antonia Schindler; born in Vienna, 1757; died in Vienna, March 14,

180 Appendix 1779. A soprano, considered one of the best in Vienna in 1774, Maria Antonia came from a well-known Viennese family. Her father, Philipp Ernst Schindler (1723-93), a painter, was the director of the Viennese porcelain factory, while Catharina Schindler (-Bergobzoomer) was a distant relative. In 1770, as a child, she began her stage career in Vienna and between 1775 and 1777 became a much celebrated prima donna singing mainly Italian repertory in Venice and London. Having married the famous actor Joseph Lange (1751-1831) in 1775, Maria Antonia returned to Vienna in 1788 and died in childbirth the following year at the age of twenty-two. Joseph Lange then married the famous singer Aloysia Weber (1759-1830), Mozart’s sister-in-law. (Mozart, Briefe, vol. V, p. 475; vol. VI, p. 91; Kutsch, vol. II, cols. 2629f.)

Senesino, Bernardi [Bernardi, Francesco] Born in Siena; died in ?Siena, by January 27, 1759. Italian alto castrato. His nick-

name was derived from his birthplace. He sang at Venice in five operas in 1707-08. In May 1709 he appeared in Caldara’s L’tnimico generoso at Bologna; in

1709 and again in 1712 and 1720 at Genoa, in 1713~—14 at Venice, and in 1715-16 at Naples. He was engaged for Dresden beginning September 1, 1717 at the huge salary of 7,000 thaler with the use of a carriage. He was dismissed early in 1720 for insubordination at the rehearsals of Heinichen’s Flavio Crspo, when he refused to sing one of his arias and tore up Berselli’s part. Handel, who had been instructed to engage him for London, opened negotiations; Senesino

jomed the company for its second season in September 1720, for the sum of 3,000 guineas. He made his début at the King’s Theatre on November 19 in Bononcini’s Astarto and remained a member of the company until June 1728. Senesino’s success was spectacular from the start, and he was constantly eulogized in newspapers and private letters in such terms as “beyond all criticism.” After the breakup of the Academy in 1728, Senesino apparently invested his London profits in a fine house in Siena. He sang in two operas at Venice in 1729, and was re-engaged in August 1730 by Handel and Heidegger for the second Academy. He arrived in October as a replacement for Bernacchi. In the next three years he sang in four new Handel operas and many revivals. His popularity was almost as great as before, but his increasing antipathy to Handel came into the open in January 1733, when a movement to set up a rival company was

inspired by Senesino, Rolli, and their partisans among the aristocracy. This became the so-called Opera of the Nobility, where Senesino sang for several seasons. In 1737-39 Senesino sang several operas at Florence and privately in a duet with the future Empress Maria Theresia. In the summer of 1739 he refused an invitation to Madrid on the grounds of age but was engaged for the winter season in Naples. Although de Brosses was enchanted by his singing and acting, the public condemned his style as old-fashioned. His last known performances were in Porpora’s Ll irronfo di Camilla at San Carlo in 1740. Senesino’s range was narrow (g to e” at its widest, but many alto parts do not go above d” and g appears

Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller 181 rarely), yet he was equally renowned for brilliant and taxing coloratura in heroic | arias and expressive mezza voce in slow pieces. His private character was marred by touchiness, insolence, and an excess of professional vanity. (New Grove, vol.

XVI, pp. 129-131) Siface, Giovanni Francesco [Grossi, Giovanni Francesco] Born in Chiesina Uzzanese, near Pescia, February 12, 1653; died May 29, 1697. Italian singer. He achieved early fame as a soprano castrato, and his performance of the part of Siface in Cavalli’s Sciprone affrcano in Rome in 1671 earned him the nickname which remained with him for the rest of his life. In April 1675 he was admitted to the papal chapel. Four years later he entered the service of Francesco

II d’Este, Duke of Modena, and remained with him for the rest of his life, though . he traveled extensively. In the Venetian Carnival of 1679 he sang in Pallavicino’s

Nerone, and his singing attracted the attention of Queen Christina of Sweden. With his success, Grossi [Siface] began to display the arrogant behavior that

marked the rest of his career. In 1687 he was sent to England to entertain Francesco’s sister, Maria Beatrice d’Este, now James ID’s queen. He broke his journey in Paris, but was ignored by Louis XIV, so he pressed on to London where he arrived on January 16, 1687. Grossi brought a standard and quality of singing to England that was remarkable at the time and as much a revelation as the violin playing of his fellow countryman Nicola Matteis. But he would sing only when he was in the right humor and complained that the climate affected his voice adversely. He left again for Modena on June 19, 1687. Between 1688 and his death Grossi sang in Modena, Naples, Parma, and Bologna. Illness appears to have interrupted his career about 1690, though he did appear later at Modena (1692), Milan (1692), and Reggio Emilia (1696). An indiscreet affair with a member of the Marsili family, about which he foolishly boasted, brought about his death at the hands of assassins hired by the family when Grossi was traveling between Ferrara and Bologna, where he was engaged to sing. His death

was much lamented. The murder created a great scandal at the time, and the Duke of Modena relentlessly pursued those responsible for it. (New Grove, vol. VI, pp. 743-744, under Grossi)

Sirmen, Maddalena Laura, née Lombardini Born in Venice, December 9, 1745; died in Venice, May 18, 1818. Italian com-

poser, violinist, and singer. At age seven she was one of four chosen by the governors of the Mendicanti from thirty candidates to study an orchestral instrument, singing, and solfeggio at the music school (coro) of the ospedale. By the age. of fourteen she was promoted to violin teacher. ‘The governors of the Mendicanti sponsored her study in Padua with ‘Tartini and others in 1760, 1761, and 1764.

She spent the next ten years touring various European cities as a violinist. In 1774, Maddalena appeared in ‘Turin as a violinist and singer and as a singer at

the Opéra in Paris. She sang in Parma in 1776 and in Naples and later in Dresden in 1777. In the spring of 1783, she was appointed first woman singer at

182. = Appendix the Imperial Theater in St. Petersburg where she remained until her final concerts in Paris in May 1785. Maddalena was recalled to Venice from her post in

Naples in 1789. Her contemporaries, one of whom was Leopold Mozart, regarded her highly as a composer. Sources for thirty-five of her instrumental compositions have been located, with violin concertos representing the core of her known works. (Sadie and Samuel, pp. 287—288)

Sulzer, Johann Georg A noted theorist and author of Allgemeine Theorie der schénen Kiinste, 2 vols. (Leipzig:

: M. G. Weidemanns Erben und Reich, 1771-74). Tartaglini, Rosa (married name Tibaldi) The wife of the famous tenor ‘Tibaldi. She had one of the most beautiful and flexible voices among the Italian smgers. However, she left the theater as early as 1768. (Gerber, p. 617)

Tesi-Tramontini1, Vittoria (“La Moretta”| Born in Florence, February 13, 1700; died in Vienna, May 9, 1775. Italian contralto. She received her first instruction from Francesco Redi in Florence and from Campeggi in Bologna. She first appeared as an opera singer in 1716, in Parma and Bologna. In the 1718-19 season she was in Venice as wirtuosa da camera

to Prince Antonio of Parma. By 1719 she was in Dresden, where she sang in Lotti’s Grove in Argo for the opening of the new opera house on September 3 and ten days later appeared as Matilda in his Yeofano as one of the most prominent

performers in the musical festivities surrounding the marriage of the Saxon electoral prince to the Archduchess Maria Josepha. In Carnival 1721 she sang in Florence and from there traveled until 1747, visiting all the great theaters of Italy between Naples, Venice, and Milan, with a guest appearance in Madrid (1739-40). Her career reached a peak at the opening of the Teatro San Carlo in Naples (1737) and another peak ten years later when she appeared there with Caffarelli, Gizziello, Manzuoli, and others in Calzabigi’s serenata Il sogno d’Olimpia with music by Majo. In 1748 she appeared in Vienna in the title role of Gluck’s setting of Metastasio’s Semiramide niconosciuta. Following further successful

stage appearances in Vienna, she retired from the stage in the early 1750s. She was not engaged for the 1751—52 season in Naples because of her age but was “costume director” for the Vienna court theater in autumn 1751. After retiring from the stage, ‘Tesi devoted herself to the education of younger talent with considerable success. Among her pupils were Catterina Gabrielli, Anna Lucia de Amicis, and Elisabeth ‘Ieyber. In Vienna she enjoyed the special patronage of Maria Theresia and Prince Joseph Friedrich of Hildburghausen, in whose palace she resided. ‘loward the end of her life she was given the honorary title virtuosa della corte imperiale and her husband was made an honorary consigliere del commercio.

Many of her contemporaries, including Quantz, Mancini, Metastasio, Dittersdorf, and Burney, found her incomparable in expression and stage

Biographical information on musicians mentioned by Hiller 183 bearing, and to Gerber (1792) she was one of the greatest singers of the century. , (New Grove, vol. XVIII, pp. 702-703)

Teyber (Teuber), Elisabeth Born in Vienna, baptized September 16, 1744; died in Vienna, May 9, 1816. Soprano, daughter of Matthaus ‘Teyber, who was a violinist and from 1757 court musician in Vienna. After study with Hasse and ‘Tesi-Tramontini, she made her career mainly in Italy, following a series of Vienna performances in the 1760s.

Mozart was not particularly impressed by her. She sang with great success in Italy, appearing at Naples, Bologna, Milan, and ‘Turin. She married a Marchese Venier but was early widowed. She 1s said to have sung in Russia in the 1770s but

to have been obliged for health reasons to return to Italy and was not able to resume singing until 1784. She is sometimes apparently confused with Maria Anna (or Marianne) ‘Tauber (or Taube), and it is by no means certain that she appeared again in Vienna in 1788. (New Grove, vol. XVIII, p. 709)

Tibaldi, Giuseppe Born in Bologna, January 22, 1729; died c. 1790. Italian tenor and composer, the

husband of Rosa ‘Tartaglini. He studied singing with Domenico Zanardi and

composition with Martini. In 1747 he was admitted to the Accademia Filarmonica as a singer and in 1750 as a composer. In 1751 he succeeded Giuseppe Alberti as maestro di cappella at San Giovanni in Monte of Bologna, but

after a few years decided to devote himself entirely to a career as an operatic tenor, becoming one of the few leading opera singers who had a disciplined training in counterpoint. He sang in the most important European opera houses, taking leading roles in the premieres of Gluck’s Alceste and Mozart’s Ascanio in Alba. (New Grove, vol. XVIII, p. 798)

_ Toschi, Giovanni A “present-day [1792]” Italian singer, particularly deserving for his contribution to music in the field of singing instruction. (Gerber, 1977, p. 666)

Tosi, Pier Francesco [Pietro Francesco] Born in Cesena, c. 1653; died in Faenza, 1732. Italian writer on music, singer

(greatly celebrated in his time), teacher, composer, and diplomat, son of Giuseppe Felice Tosi. He was taught music by his father, who recognized his potential as a singer and took the necessary steps to preserve and develop his treble voice. As a castrato he was much in demand in Italy and later at Dresden and other European courts. In 1692 he went to London, where he gave weekly concerts from April 6, 1693 on and established himself as a singing teacher. Between 1705 and 1711 he was employed as a composer at the Viennese court

and at the same time served as emissary to Count Johann Wilhelm of the Palatine. He seems to have been in Dresden in 1719 and in Bologna four years later, but shortly thereafter he returned to London where he remained until at

184 Appendix , least 1727. He spent the last years of his life in Italy. Tosi took holy orders in Bologna in 1730 and later lived at Modena and Faenza. ‘Tosi was among the most admired castrati of his day. He was, it seems, not only a very fine singer but also a composer. Galliard relates that after his voice had left him, he composed several

cantatas of exquisite taste, especially in the recitatives, in which he says the author excels, in the pathetic and expression, all others. He is remembered mainly for his Opinioni de Cantor anticht e modern, 0 steno Osservazioni sopra ul Canto Figurato di Pier Francesco ‘Tost, Academico Filarmonico (1723), dedicated to the Earl of

Peterborough, an important treatise on singing that reflects the practice of the late seventeenth century and the first two decades of the eighteenth. ‘This treatise contains numerous particulars respecting the management of the voice and the method of singing with grace and elegance. Moreover, it contains short memotrs and references to the celebrated singers, both male and female, of the time. (New Grove, vol. XIX, p. 89; Sainsbury, vol. II, p. 485)

Visconti, Caterina [Caterina Visconti detta la Viscontina| A famous singer and student of Giuseppe Ferdinando Brivio in Milan. She sang in scenes at the ducal theater in Milan from 1738 to 1751, as prima donna in the major operas of the time. (Schmid, vol. I, 669)

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