Transformative Journeys: Travel and Culture in Song China 0824833996, 9780824833992

During the Song (960-1279), all educated Chinese men traveled frequently, journeying long distances to attend school and

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Transformative Journeys: Travel and Culture in Song China
 0824833996, 9780824833992

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Transformative Journeys

Transformative Journeys Travel and Culture in Song China

Cong Ellen Zhang

University of Hawaii Press Honolulu

◎2011 University of H aw aii Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 16 15 14 13 12 11 6 5 4 3 2 1

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Zhang, Cong. Transformative journeys : travel and culture in Song China / Cong Ellen Zhang. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and Index. ISBN 978-0-8248-3399-2 (hardcover: alk. paper) 1. China— History— Song dynasty, 960-1279. 2. Scholars-Travel— China— History. 3. China_ Officials and employees_ Travel— History. 4. Travel in literature. 5. Elite (Social sciences) I. Title. DS75L3.Z4349 2011 306.4,819095109021— dc22 2010028740

University of H aw aii Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Council on Library Resources. Designed by W anda China Printed by Edwards Brothers, Inc.

To myparents and my lategrandparents




Notes on Conventions


Weights and Measures


Introduction: Travel Culture, and the Song Literati CHAPTER 1

A Transient Life: Travel and the SongLiterati



The Infrastructure of Travel: Water Routes and Official Highways



Readying for Departure: Paperwork and Procedures CHAPTER 4

Government Assistance for Official Travel: 83

Porter-Guards, Means ofTransport, and Lodging CHAPTER 5

Rituals of Departure: Farewell Parties



Travelers and Their Local Hosts: Receptions, Entertainment, and Their Cost



Sightseeing and Site Making: Visiting and Inscribing Placcs CHAPTER 8

Elite Travel, Famous Sites, and Local History: Huangzhou after Su Shi’s Time 180



Epilogue: TheNative, the Local, and the Empire 211

Abbreviations Notes










I have always enjoyed reading travel literature. Tales of adventure, discov­ ery, and pilgrimage not only take me places I have never been or may never go, they also delight me with fantastic stories about men and women of incredible character. I have had the most fun reading thousands of pages of poems, travel accounts, and essays composed by the Song (960-1279) men featured in this book. For over a decade, their works guided me on many imaginary trips, taking me Co some of the most celebrated sites China has to offer. As I journeyed with them, these travelers constantly impressed me with their erudition, curiosity, and ability to connect w ith the places and people they encountered along the way. But above all, I was left with the impression that their long trips across a vast country transformed the trav­ elers, and the country, in powerful ways. I can only hope that I have suc­ ceeded in capturing these transformations in the account given here. Conducting the research and writing this book has also been a long journey for me. It began as a dissertation at the University of Washington, Seattle, and I'd like to thank the members of my dissertation committee, professors Patricia Ebrey, Kent Guy, and Susan Hanley, for their support of my choice of topic, their extensive comments on my research papers on travel culture, and careful reading of draft chapters. The encouragement and suggestions they offered motivated me to think big and ask larger questions as I started revising the manuscript. I feel extremely fortunate to have had Patricia Ebrey as my graduate mentor. Pat has been an inspiring teacher and a role model. Over the years, she has gone above and beyond the call of duty, caring for the development of this project every step of the way. For all the questions she has answered, corrections she has made, and suggestions she has given, I wish to express my profound gratitude.


I am indebted to friends and colleagues who have read and commented on chapters, some in the form of conference papers, and the entire manu­ script at various stages of revision: Timothy Brook, John Chaffee, Charles Hartman, Ron Dimberg, James Hargett, Lu Weijing, Brad Reed, Evelyn Rawski, Helen Schneider, and Yao Ping. Ari Levine read the final draft with great care and offered detailed comments, which I deeply appreciate. Dahpon Ho and Kim Wishart went over the manuscript at different stages and made it more readable. My colleagues in the history department at the University of Virginia offered encouragement and were generous in sharing their wisdom on writing and publishing. Many dear friends went through the ordeal of completing this project with me, never hesitating to put aside their own work to come to my rescue. For their steadfast moral support, I thank Li Xuhong, Lu Weijng, Jennifer Rudolph, Helen Schneider, Kim Wishart, Yao Ping, and Zhao Lingying. I wish to express my appreciation for the wonderful staff at the Univer­ sity of Washington Library, the National Library in Beijing, the HarvardYenching Library, and the University of Virginia Library. W ithout their help and expertise, primary research for this project would have taken much longer. Special thanks are due to Calvin Hsu at the University of Vir­ ginia library, who saved me much time by expediting the acquisition of the 办 cmSongwcn and subscribing to the electronic version of the Siku quanshu. The research and writing of this book were made possible by several generous fellowships and grants. At the University of Washington, I was supported by the Department of History’s Schwartz Scholarship and Ebba Dahlin Fellowship, and the Hsiao Kung-chuan Fellowship at the Jackson School of International Studies. Funding from the East Asia Center, School of Arts and Sciences, the Teaching Resource Center at the University of Vir­ ginia aided in the completion of final revisions. Two grants from Research Support in the Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences at University of Vlr, ginia funded a trip to the Harvard-Yenching Library, the maps used in this book, and the image on the book jacket. Thanks are also due to Wendy Robertson, who made the maps, and to the National Palace Museum in Tai­ pei for allowing me to use the image of W u Yuanzhi's (active late twelfth century) The Red Cliff. The insightful and constructive comments of two anonymous reviewers from the University of Hawai'i Press greatly helped me improve the work. Patricia Crosby, Ann Ludeman, and their colleagues at the Univer­ sity of Hawaii Press deserve my special thanks. Their efficiency and profes­ sionalism have made the legendarily scary process of publication a smooth and pleasant one. I am lucky to have had as my copy editor Terre Fisher,


whose careful work has made the book much more readable. All remaining errors in the book are certainly my responsibility. Finally, I wish to thank my husband Sun Baowen, our son Max, and our extended families for their sacrifice and emotional support. Baowen has changed jobs more than once as we moved for my career. Max serves a constant reminder that this project is as old as he is. I dedicate this book to my late yeye and nainai who perfected the art of being the most doting grandparents and to my parents who instilled in me a love for learning and interest in traveling the world.

Notes on Conventions

Romanization I have adopted pinyin romanization for Chinese terms throughout the book. For the sake of consistency, I have converted such terms in direct quota­ tions from English-language sources whose authors used the Wade-Giles system to pinyin Place Names I use Song place names in the text, with their modern equivalents (includ­ ing the names of provinces) provided in parentheses. The one exception is the two Song capitals: W hen they first appear, I give their Song names, Dongjing (Kaifeng, Henan) and Lin1an (Hangzhou, Zhejiang). But for the rest of the text, I refer to them by their modem names, since that is con­ ventional practice nowadays. Where a Song name and the modem name are the same, I provide the modem provincial location in parenthesis. For example, when I use Chengdu in the text for the first time, it appears as Chengdu (in Sichuan). Song writers and government documents often employed multiple names to refer to the same place. The modem city of Nanjing (in Jiangsu), for example, was known variously asJinling, Jiangning, andjiankang. Citation of Primary Sources W hen a primary source is used for the first time, its author and full tide are provided. This is followed by an abbreviation of the title, which w ill be used thereafter. For example, when Fan Shihuji is used for the first time, it



appears as Fan Chengda, FanShihuji (FSHJ). FanShihuji is referred to as FSHJ thereafter. A list of these abbreviations can be found on pages 211-215, and full citations for the primary sources are listed at the beginning of the bibliog-

Weights and Measures

Length 1dii 尺 =0.3 meter -12 inches 1zhang 丈 =10 chi = 3 meters 1!i 里 =1,800 chi = 0.3 mile Capacity 1Zrn斜 =5 dou 斗 =32 liters 1s/ii 石 =2 = 50 kilograms = 110 pounds Area 1mu 歌 =0.16 acre Currency 1min 縉 =1 guan 貫 =1 string of cash = 1,000 qian 錢

Introduction Travel, Culture, and the Song Literati

Silent and desolate my residence— I sigh, Amazed at the ruggedness of the road I have traveled; For just what office have I been dashing all around? Could I not have assumed an insignificant post? Do I know where I w ill be next year? Forced to smile [wryly], I am unable to sleep.1

W hen the Southern Song (1127-1279) scholar-official Fan Chengda (1126-1193)2 composed the above stanza on the night of the Mid-Autumn Festival (Zhongqiu) in 1173,3he was a regional commissioner stationed in Guilin (in Guangxi), about a thousand li from his hometown in Pingjiang (Suzhou, Jiangsu). In a long poem, cited in part here, Fan remarked emo­ tionally that, in every one of the past nine years, he had spent the MidAutumn Festival in a different place. In light of his many journeys, Fan took comfort in the fact that the moon loyally accompanied him wherever he went.4 Court service would continue to direct Fan Chengda to other local postings, keeping him away from home and the quiet life to which he claimed to aspire.5 After serving two years in Guilin, he was relocated to Chengdu (in Sichuan) In southwest China. Only after repeated requests made on the grounds of serious illness was he granted permission to retire.6 By the time he started his journey home in the early summer of 1177, Fan had been away from his hometown for four and a half years. At one of the many stops on the Yangzi River, he celebrated another Mid-Autumn at Wuchang (in Hubei) and recorded, both in a poem and in his travel account Diary of a Boat Trip to Wu (Wuchuan lu), that in the past thirteen years he had observed the festival at eleven different places.7 Fan Chengda impresses us not only with the frequency of his travel but also the distances he covered. Reflecting on three lyric poems he had


composed in the 1170s, Fan noted his frequent use of the expression “ten thousand lin (wanli). To the three directions of south, north, and west, I have traveled ten thousand and have [in those quadrants] passed the Double-Ninth Festival (Chongyang).8 Each time, I composed a song to the tune of “Prelude to the Water Melody” (Shuidiaogctou). The first line (of the lyric poem I wrote) at Yanshan (Yutian, Hebei) [in the north]9is: “Traveling ten thousand li, I am the envoy of the Han people (Hanjia shl) ”;the one at Guilin [in the south] opens with: “Traveling ten thousand li, I am the military commissioner of the Han court (Han duhu)”; and che one written at Chengdu [in the west] starts with: “I am a guest at the Bridge of Ten Thousand Li (W anli qiao)_”10

It may be true that few fellow scholar-officials had reached all the frontier regions Fan Chengda had; still the frequent trips that characterized his life and career were by no means exceptional. Records of less distinguished men show a similar pattern of lengthy journeys undertaken as a routine part of government service. Take Zou Ding (1113-1170), a contemporary of Fan Chengda’s, as an example. All we know about Zou comes from his tomb inscription. A native of Jizhou (in Jiangxi), Zou Ding received his jinshi degree in 1145 at the age of 31 He was very possibly the first successful degree holder in his family, since his epitaph mentions no other office or degree-holding family mem­ bers. Zou certainly had traveled to the capital at Lin’an (Hangzhou, Zhejiang) to take the examinations and wait for official appointment, but he was never assigned an office in the capital. Of the six posts he held, his first was closest to home, located in modem Jiangxi. But within a year, he was sent far south to Guangdong. Zou Ding’s bureaucratic career was inter, rupted in 1148,three years after he entered officialdom, when he returned home to mourn his father. Afterwards, he held three consecutive positions at different locations in Hunan, with two of them in its far south. In his early fifties, Zou returned to his hometown for quite some time to nurse a serious illness. He died at home at the age of 58 and most likely did not fin­ ish out his term as magistrate of Sui County in Hubei.11 At first blush, Zou Ding’s life and career may not seem comparable with those of Fan Chengda. Whereas Fan was a leading literary figure of his time and enjoyed a successful bureaucratic career, Zou would not have been remembered at all had it not been for the tomb inscription composed by his fellow Jizhou native,the famous poet Yang W anli (1127-1206). Fan and Zou, however, did have much in common, most notably their commit-,



ment to bureaucratic service and their extensive travel records. Despite Fan’s prominence and Zou’s obscurity, their lives and careers were both profoundly shaped by the posts they were granted, the destinations to which they were dispatched, and the duration of their appointments. Lacking detail, Zou’s epitaph nonetheless reveals that over twenty-five years, court appointments took him to destinations in five (modern) prov­ inces—Jiangxi, Zhejiang, Hunan, Guangdong, and Hubei. The geographi­ cal regions he traversed to reach his destinations were considerable in size and included the entire lower and middle Yangzi River valley region. This geographical mobility of educated men such as Fan and Zou has long been recognized among scholars of the Song period (960-1279). In his study of Song examination culture, John Chaffee noted that “Nothing set the examination candidates off from the rest of society so much as their mobility."12In a similar vein, Thomas H. C. Lee remarks that, for students from well-off families, travel was not merely a means of going to school and participating in the examinations, it also played an important role in preparing elite young men for life as officials.13Once they succeeded in becoming part of the bureaucracy, Song officials were relocated on a regu­ lar basis, a direct result of the “staffing pattern of the civil service.^14When they headed out on the road, these men were often accompanied by their families. Wives’ as Patricia Ebrey has pointed out, often traveled with their husbands and were praised by the authors of their epitaphs for braving extreme hardships on the road.15Children and relatives also routinely made trips with their fathers and other male family members. This phenomenon had become so commonplace that suishi (literally, to follow and wait on) emerged as a popular expression during the Song. Despite scholarly awareness of the frequency and extensiveness of elite travel in the Song, the trips these men undertook have, until now, served primarily as background material to other dimensions of their lives.16This study places their journeys at the very center of historical inquiry. My examination of the logistics, procedures’ and rituals of travel as well as a variety of elite social and cultural activities on the road w ill shed new light on three aspects of Song history: the role the imperial government played in mobilizing and regularly relocating the country’s political, social, and educated elite; the significant impact frequent movement had on the status and identity of the travelers; and the role their sightseeing activities played in the evolution of local history and the social and cultural integration of Song China. First and foremost, I emphasize that the Song state was instrumen­ tal in creating and maintaining an elite group of scholar-officials that


remained attracted to examination learning and government service. Their commitment to these pursuits had much to do with the power and pres­ tige that came with this career choice. But Song elites took advantage of the opportunities presented by examination learning and office-holding and used them to consolidate their dominance in the broader culture and society. Frequent travel, a direct result of their professional and scholarly pursuits’ became a powerful tool in the realization of this goal. For the first time in Chinese history, educated men systematically identified extensive trips to different parts of the country as a mode of gaining knowledge, a prerequisite for excellence in scholarship and moral cultivation, and a way to concretely connect with the country’s cultural and historical legacies. By celebrating the importance of their trips and the variety of activities in which they engaged on the road, Song men strengthened their position as the country’s political, social, and cultural leaders. These same trips and related activities, most prominently sightseeing, socializing, and writing about their experiences, also had consequences for the places the travelers visited. The literary pieces visitors composed there, their commemorative activities at famous sites, and the physical traces left behind these activities all became notable items of local history. Along with native worthies, Song scholar-official travelers helped promote local pride and define various localities in the cultural geography of the country as a whole. Over time, records of renowned figures lingering at different places formed an overlapping web of collective memories. In this respect, elite travels brought disparate local areas and regions together, greatly contrib­ uting to China’s social and cultural cohesion.

Defining the Literati Traveler This study builds on the premise that, as a direct result of the expansion of the examination system, the development of government and private schools, and state recruitment and personnel management strategies,17the Song gave rise to a new elite, the scholar-official class.18Collectively, these men were known as shi (or shircn, gentlemen or scholars), the sociocultural elite of the country. Those who served in the government identified themselves as shidafu (scholar-officials), the bureaucrats.19 In reality, the two terms were often used interchangeably in court debates, literary works, and private correspondence, indicating the extent to which learning, cul­ ture, and bureaucratic service had coalesced to shape the outlook and selfidentity of educated Song men. For this reason, throughout the book, I use the terms “literati elite,” “literati, ” "elite travelers,” “educated men, ” "social



and cultural elite,” “scholar-officials, ” and Apolitical elite” interchangeably to refer to this group of degree holders, bureaucrats, and scholar-gendemen. Compared to their aristocratic counterparts in Tang (618-907) times and earlier, the Song literati elite drew greater power and prestige from its success in the examination hall and service in the bureaucracy.20This change can be clearly seen in the intellectual concerns, political discourse, literary and aesthetic criticism, and kinship and marriage practices of the time.21As the size of this group expanded, competition for the limited num­ ber of degrees and positions awarded intensified. Factionalism during both the Northern (960-1125) and the Southern Song further complicated the situation, making court service an especially hazardous and unpredictable career path. As a result, elite approaches to status grew less court-centered, and strategies became more diverse and pragmatic. Elite men in the South­ ern Song increasingly turned their attention to local affairs, using a variety of methods, such as marriage alliances, kinship organizations, and disaster relief and religious initiatives, to strengthen their leadership roles in local society.22 This shifting orientation from the political center to local society was not a clear-cut process. Beverly Bossier’s work shows convincingly that the “capital elite’s” control of national political life was never complete in the first place and that, during both the Northern and the Southern Song, there was always an overlap of interest and membership affiliation between the capital elite and their local counterparts.23 Despite more elite attention to local endeavors and claims of disillusionment with court service, civil service examinations continued to attract a growing number of elite men even when ""participation was no assurance for success, and graduation no guarantee of bureaucratic employment.” This was true because “participation in and of itself yielded social capital that brought power and prestige locally.”24 The continuing appeal of examination learning means that a growing number of Song men were traveling. Numbered in the tens of thousands, they began to participate in examination learning at young ages. After suc­ cessfully entering officialdom, these men spent the bulk of their adult lives away from the capital and their native places. Their extensive travels sub­ sequently distinguished them from their local counterparts, who rarely left their native prefectures. W hen they did, the local elites tended to move in smaller areas and were not eligible to take advantage of the many resources and facilities available to traveling officials and examination candidates. The differences between these two groups, however, were not limited to the scale of their mobility or their access to government amenities. Travel



also occupied very different places in the formation of their self-identities. Song sources about local elites often focus on their activism in community affairs, ranging from filial and brotherly deeds to school and temple building and from charity and disaster relief to maintaining local order.25 Zou Ding’s and Fan Chengda’s epitaphs, however, approached their lives from an entirely different point of view. Both were seen through their success in the examinations, the offices they had held, and the frequency of their relo­ cations. Fan Chengda's writings certainly underscore the extent to which his official career and lengthy journeys structured his life. His recollections of the three ten-thousand-Ii journeys and of the many years he had spent the Mid-Autumn Festival in faraway places are powerful examples. Originally a means to realize career objectives, the many trips taken by educated Song men subsequently became a status marker and an integral component of elite identity. Not only did the experience of travel separate the scholar-officials from their local brethren, the breadth of elite mobility perpetuated the fame and status of travelers in another important way. W hile government ser-vice might have limited their ability to engage in the affairs of their native places, travel brought men in this political and cultural elite group into contact w ith the local elites of other regions. Their trips to assume offices in distant places provided the travelers with opportunities to meet along the way local administrators, officials in retirement and semiretirement, active and failed examination candidates, and influential but non-o£Eiceholding local families. This presented opportunities, in turn, for creating long-term friendships and inspiring collaborative projects. At a time when local history (or local gazetteers, difangzhi) writing shaped local identity and local memory more sharply than ever before, the deeds, literary works, and physical traces of important visitors and their interaction w ith local people became staple elements in the local gazetteers. No other group in Song society (or in any other premodem society for that matter) can be credited with this degree of geographical mobility. Nor would any other non-natives exert so much influence on local memory. Literati and Non-literati Travelers in the Song It is important to note that Song scholar-officials were by no means the only people who filled the roadways. Convenient overland and water transport networks, the expansion of intra- and inter-regional trade, and improvements in living standards motivated people of various socioeconomic backgrounds to move about for personal and professional reasons. In fact,



travel had become such an integral part of Song life that Brian E. McKnight characterizes the period as “an era of unprecedented personal mobility,M in which people of various classes and backgrounds traveled to a degree ‘"possibly not exceeded in later dynasties.”26Merchants were certainly fre­ quent travelers.27So were hired laborers looking for seasonal jobs and other employment opportunities.28Buddhist and Daoist monks moved about to serve the urban as well as the rural population,29wM e famous mountains and urban sacred sites attracted an increasing number of pilgrims.30 Even people at the very bottom of society, including peddlers, thieves, migrant workers, and idlers, were constantly on the move.31 W hile most trips taken by the ordinary people might have been con­ nected to their livelihoods, many also traveled for pleasure. Wang Fuxin’s recent study on Song tourism identifies five groups of domestic tourists: scholar-offlcials, merchants, peasants, Buddhist and Daoist monks, and soldiers, who crowded urban centers, lakes and mountains, and famous landmarks all over the country. Among other things, his research emphasizes the receptiveness of the Song state to dealing with a mobile popu­ lation and the significant role tourism played in the Song economy. The revenue generated by a robust tourist industry, Wang argues, benefited central and local governments, private businesses, Buddhist temples, and local residents.32 The scholar-officials in this study were in a sense related to these non­ elite travelers. Both groups used the same water and overland transport sys­ tems and sometimes shared the same lodging and food services. Pursuing a career or livelihood ranked as the top reason for journeying among both educated men and their commoner counterparts. They would encounter each other at scenic spots and religious sites, where they enjoyed the same picturesque views and prayed to the same gods and deities for safety and good fortune. But in four important ways literati travelers differed from the rest of the traveling population. First, while the merchants, laborers, tourists, and religious pilgrims had a fair degree of freedom in choosing their des­ tinations, the scholar-officials’ itineraries were determined by their court assignments, which were intended to relocate the office holders to diverse places across the country based on systematic government regulations. This leads us to a second distinguishing characteristic. Ordinary men and women had to shoulder their own travel expenses, but scholar-officials enjoyed unmatched privileges granted by the state, including lodging and food services, the assistance of soldier-porters, and means of transport such as horses and boats. This financial and material support freed the travel­


ers from many mundane worries when they headed off and allowed them abundant time and freedom to engage in activities of their own choice. The third difference was the expansive social network the literati could call upon. In theory, court policies only charged local governments with meeting the logistical needs of traveling officials, but local administrators usually invested much time, trouble, and treasure in entertaining their colleagues. Although some saw these responsibilities as burdensome, most seemed more than willing to oblige. Sometimes, these encounters reunited classmates, former colleagues, and even family members and kin. At other times, they brought together strangers or people who had long admired each other from afar, but had no chance to meet. No other group in Song society had such an expansive social network on which to rely when they traveled. A fourth distinctive feature of Song elite travelers was the close atten­ tion they paid to the places they visited. Studies on pilgrimages and tourism in the Song have documented the activities of elite as well as non-elite groups at sacred sites, urban parks’ temples, and famous scenic land­ scapes.33But it was at sites of historical and cultural significance, such as places of renowned events and where famous personalities roamed, that Song elite travelers lingered the longest and expressed the deepest emo­ tional connections. Non-elite visitors, on the other hand, are completely missing from these sites. From this perspective, Song literati travelers might have represented themselves as pilgrims and tourists, but their posi­ tions as office-holding bureaucrats and cultural pilgrims defined their jour­ neys in significant ways.

The Language of Elite Travel The same phenomenon can be clearly observed in the vocabulary that elite travelers employed to represent their trips. W hile Song literati used generic terms such as xing (or xinglu, to travel), you (to visit, sightsee, or travel), or wanglai (literally, to go back and forth) to refer to their trips, they also employed a variety of vivid expressions to contextualize their jour­ neys. Some terms, such asyouhuan (or huanyou, to travel as an official), 3/ouxue (to travel to study), and suishi (to accompany and wait on), were strongly status- and career-oriented. Other expressions were borrowed from that inescapable feature of any official journey, the highway system. Such phrases include 別 cm丨 w(or guandao, official roads), (government inns), and zhouchc anma (literally, the boats, carriages, saddles, and horses assigned by the government). Still other expressions were deeply embedded in content



porary travel culture. When describing departures and arrivals, educated men most frequently invoked song (seeing off), jianbic (bidding farewell), ying (receiving or welcoming), and yingsong (welcoming and seeing off) to indicate the scale of their large social networks. W hen it came to touring famous places, the most common vocabulary items were you (to visit or tour) andyoulan (to sightsee). I should note that most of these terms had made appearances in earlier periods. But it was during the Song that they became staple terminology in contemporary literature. Two more expressions that achieved heightened visibility during this period were juanyou (weariness of travel) and wanli (ten thousand li). Both were employed to allude to the long-distance jour­ neys undertaken on official missions. These status' career、and emotion­ ally charged idioms effectively distinguished literati travel from non-literati travel. Moreover, the same representations inform us of the travelers' social and cultural orientations on the road. To Song elites, the journeys they took were rarely about reaching their destinations. Rather, it was the experience of visiting famous sites and socializing with peers that structured their trips. In other words, the social and cultural capital they gained from these activities gave their travel its significance. Examination, Government Service, and Elite Travel By accepting examination learning and court service as highly desirable in career terms, Song elite men all acquiesced to this frequent travel, subject­ ing themselves to the w ill of the government as to the nature and locations of their appointments (chapter 1). Fan Chengda’s writing conveys a vivid sense of this lack of control over destinations and the duration of appoint­ ments. The Song state's success in physically mobilizing its political and educated elite was not achieved through heavy-handed enforcement of policies and regulations, however. It was accomplished by installing a sophisticated system of government support for official travelers (chapters 3 and 4). The central government took into careful consideration the needs of its civil servants when it came to trip scheduling and preparing them for departure. It also invested deeply in material and financial resources to assure the safety and comfort of official travelers. My investigation of government logistical support in the form of porter-soldiers, means of transport, and lodging facilities reveals the extent of the state's generos­ ity. Official policy classified travelers into different categories which deter­ mined their level of government support. This practice was meant to, and successfully did, reinforce the hierarchical organization of the bureaucracy.



But the same privileges also gave the state incredible leverage in creating and mobilizing an empire-wide community of political, social, and political elites. Despite complaints about hardships on the road and in officialdom, Song scholar-officials were constantly reminded of and grew to identify w ith the privileges they held; this cemented the state’s control over their careers and itineraries.

Elite Travel, Status, and Identity Even though most of their journeys set them up to participate in examinations or take up government appointments, Song elites increasingly rep­ resented those journeys as being independent of their official missions. Contemporary literature highlights the travelers* commitment to a wide variety of social and cultural activities neither anticipated nor required by the government. I begin my discussion of this aspect of Song travel culture with a consideration of departure and reception rituals (chapters 5 and 6). A variety of factors, such as rank, literary fame, and even personality, determined the treatment a traveler would receive. But taken as a whole, Song elites actively participated in several ritualized practices. These included heavy drinking, public displays of emotion, and literary exchanges between the traveler and his hosts. These activities became a focus of elite sociability,connecting traveling bureaucrats, local administrators, and members of the local gentry. It enlarged the social world of the participants and ereated long-term friendships among people from disparate regions. The texts they produced not only allow us to assess the way status was perceived and interpersonal relations maintained and strengthened, they also dem­ onstrate the extent to which farewell and reception ceremonies shaped the contemporary literati ideal. The second elite preoccupation en route was sightseeing trips to places of important historic and cultural traditions. In this respect, scholar-official visitors can be labeled “cultural pilgrims.”34 Lingering at many a famous site’ they paid homage to the deeds and traces of celebrated historical personalities with utmost dedication and admiration. Equally important to their commemorative efforts was their own desire to be remembered. This can be most clearly seen in the Southern Song construction of Huangzhou (Huanggang, Hubei) as a famous place (chapter 8). The case study shows that, by collaborating to preserve and maintain the Su Shi sites in Huangzhou, Song literati visitors, local officials, and members of the local elite became crucial partners in a tradition of commemoration and pedigree-building.



Not only were such activities central in Song officials, itineraries; social networking, sightseeing, and commemoirative activities also became cru­ cial components of elite identity. This development would be articulated in a sophisticated discourse on travel (chapter 7). This discourse, which emerged in the early Song, underscored the moral, scholarly, and cultural significance of these extensive journeys.35 Observation of both local con­ ditions and one’s personal experiences at celebrated sites were widely acclaimed as a way of promoting and inspiring solid scholarship (chapters 2 and 7). The same discourse also emphasized the opportunities their long journeys offered for making tangible connections with the country’s histor­ ical and literary memories. In this way, abundant travel experience became a status marker; it greatly strengthened the social and cultural coherence of the practitioners and distinguished frequent travelers from nontravelers, who could not claim possession of this social and cultural capital. Elite Travel and Social and Cultural Integration of Song China As important as the impact of this itinerant lifestyle on the travelers was the effect of elite travel on the places frequented by literati visitors. This aspect of elite travel is considered in light of the formation of China’s cul­ tural geography, and the political and cultural integration of the country (chapters 7 and 8). I use two case studies’ the evolution of the Grotto of the Three Ramblers (Sanyou Dong) and Southern Song visits to Huangzhou, to illustrate this trend: just as their activities guaranteed Song visitors immor­ tality in the cultural and historical memory of famous sites’ the literary works these men composed, the deep connections they formed with the places, and the physical traces they left behind also shaped and enriched local memory and became vital elements of local identity. Efforts to pre­ serve, maintain, and augment existing sites took the form of texts as well as physical structures. Both elevated the fame of the locality and sustained a sense of place. In this process’ elite travelers as outsiders contributed as much as native worthies did. In fact, in the three standard components of local gazetteers_ famous officials (minghuan), celebrated sites (shcngji), and arts and literature (yiwcn) — the non-natives, mostly local officials and elite sojourners, almost always enjoyed a more prominent place than their native counterparts. These developments in the evolution of local identity and China’s cultural geography force us to reflect on local and regional development in a new light. Instead of focusing on their differences in political economy and social customs, this study highlights the role literati travelers played



in boosting the image of certain places and regions on the national level.36 These included economically and culturally developed localities as well as many labeled as ‘Yemote” (pianyuan) places with vulgar (lou) customs. Partly as a result of literati patronage, the distribution of famous sites in the Song did not correspond to contemporary administrative boundaries and levels of economic and commercial development. By the Southern Song, this had become especially obvious along the Yangzi River valley. W hile the lower reaches of the river claimed ownership of the largest number of celebrated spots, the middle and upper sections of the river, destinations of many political exiles, were home to some of the most highly regarded cultural sites in the country. Su Shi’s (1037-1101) presence in Huangzhou, for exam­ ple, was responsible for putting the prefecture squarely on the cultural map of China. In considering the role elite travelers played in connecting non-natives and the places they visited, and their significance to the localities, this study tackles the issue of social and cultural integration in Song China. Scholarship on the role local elites played in dominating society during the Southern Song and afterward has helped explain the relative stability of a large empire with minimal, and often ineffective, penetration by the state apparatus.37These assumptions project an image of mid- to late imperial China as a country of tremendously diverse regional and local conditions. One question inevitably begs asking: in a country where a county magis­ trate and a small number of associates, normally non-natives, routinely administered a few hundred thousand people, why didn't the diversity in local political economy and the overwhelming power and influence of local elites lead to the fragmentation, or even permanent division, of the coun­ try? How, given the huge differences in their local conditions, did the longlived imperial system keep 1,200 to 1,500 counties stitched together for so many centuries? W hat forces were responsible for sustaining such a large empire for so long? These questions are especially crucial to our under­ standing of the history of mid-imperial times. As Jin-sheng Tao and others have shown, in no other period in Chinese history did the Chinese state face larger threats to its existence than in the Song.38 Unstable relations with its neighbors in general and the often urgent need to deploy and redis­ tribute administrative, financial, and military resources in the border areas in particular constantly tested the vitality of the Song state.39Yet, despite such challenges, the ensuing population explosion of the late imperial era, and many other internal and external problems the empire faced after the Song, China would not again experience the disunity it had known so many times before the thirteenth century.



My research highlights a process of social and cultural integration of the country that occurred in the Song. This is done through considering two significant characteristics of elite travel. The first concerns the tech­ nology and material culture of travel. I argue that, in addition to connecting political, economic, and cultural centers with peripheral regions, as many scholars have already argued, the superior organizational skills of the Chi­ nese state in maintaining empire-wide communication and transportation systems facilitated the easy movement of government personnel, making it possible for local governments to operate without major disruption.40 Moreover, the familiar sight of official travelers, their entourages, and the imperial symbols they carried presented tangible evidence of state presence and penetration. To the general population, who would otherwise have little contact with local governments, the imperial insignia and traveling personnel were symbols of social and political control My second approach to the issue of social and cultural unity rests upon the role elite travelers played in connecting disparate regions and in shap­ ing local history. James Hargett has argued recently that local history writ­ ing during the Southern Song increasingly aimed to promote local pride. Peter Bol has found that the rise of local history represented an attempt on the part of the local elites to shift the “center of their existence” “from the capital to the locality.”41 These trends in history writing, however, were not strictly localist in nature. W hile compilers of local history by defini­ tion paid attention to things local, they also made important connections from the local to the empire as a whole. These included celebrating the physical traces and literary works composed by famous figures from out­ side their regions. In fact, a brief examination of local gazetteers of the Southern Song and late imperial times reveals that, of the monumental buildings and important events that shaped local memories, many—if not most—were associated with non-native sojourners, mainly locally posted officials and elite sightseers. These people also occupied prominent places in the “Famous Officials” (minghuan) and “Past Worthies” (xianxian) sections of these same collections. In this respect, the rise of local history in the Southern Song can also be seen as a result of growing competition among local areas and different regions. Attempting to enrich and glorify its own past and present, each and every region measured itself against others. It was therefore in every region’s interest to identify as many special items, events, and renowned figures as could be counted in some sense as having a “local” identity. The deeds and memories of literati travelers and local administrators assumed unprecedented prominence in this process. Su Shi’s sojourn in Huangzhou not only marked a turning point in that liter­



ary giant's intellectual and literary development, it also had a tremendous impact on the history of Huangzhou, putting it on China's cultural map. In the long term and across the country, the interaction of scholar-offi­ cial elites and the local gentry, natives and non-natives, and travelers and places brought the disparate locales together, generating a never-ending process of cultural identity-building on the local level. This process would continue to redefine the boundaries between the center and peripheral regions on the one hand and transform the cultural landscape of China on the other. Most importantly, it created shared memory among the locali­ ses and regions, strengthening the cultural cohesion of the country as a whole.

The Principal Sources It would not be an exaggeration to say that extant materials on Song elite travel are inexhaustible. This is the case not only because more people were traveling and writing during the Song, but also because the growth of the printing industry resulted in the survival of more of their works.42 For our understanding of the logistical and institutional aspects of travel, two col­ lections of government statutes and documents have proved indispensable. The first, Collected Essential Documents on the Song (Song huiyao), records policy changes and government decisions for the entire Song period. It includes detailed information on road and water conservancy projects, conditions at government inns, and the consequences of travel violations. The other major source, the Classified Laws and Regulations of the ^ingyuan Period (11951200, ^ingyuan tiaofa shiki), is a Southern Song collection of imperial regula­ tions- The sections regarding official travel are extremely detailed, covering policies such as the grace periods for assuming office, eligibility for various kinds of travel assistance, and punishments for all kinds of violations. To explore the travelers1social, emotional, and cultural worlds’ I draw extensively on the large pool of Song collected works (wenji) produced by both Northern and Southern Song figures. The volume of poems, essays, memorials, and personal correspondence contained in these collections attest to the prominence of travel in the lives and careers of Song scholarofficials and these travelers’ moral and emotional responses to its rigors. Many Song personalities who did not leave collected works are now well represented in the Complete Prose of the Song (^uan Song wen). I use their writings from this large collection for the same reasons I have detailed Fan Chengda’s and Zou Ding’s travels, that is,to illustrate the shared experiences in and collective reactions to the many journeys that were part of



their official lives. The goal of balancing the works by renowned and notso-famous figures is not easy to achieve, so to construct complete itinerar­ ies and offer detailed analysis, I often find myself turning to the writings of several leading scholar-travelers. The Complete Prose of the Song is significant to this study for another reason. It permits a thorough look at imperial policies on travel from the Northern to the Southern Song. A survey of surviving imperial edicts reveals two important developments. First, the Song was the first dynasty in Chinese history to issue a large number of edicts that systematically reg­ ulated every aspect of official travel. This ranged from safety concerns to policies on bringing family members to local posts, and from transporting the bodies of officials who had died at their offices to providing travel assis­ tance to examination candidates. The second development involves the level of continuity from the Northern to the Southern Song in terms of the significance of official travel in general and government policies regarding the specifics of official journeys in particular. Most of the imperial edicts on official travel were issued in the first hundred years in the Northern Song. Edicts from later times, in much smaller numbers, and with less frequency, tended to reiterate earlier regulations, indicating that most of the Northern Song regulations remained valid in the Southern Song. Another body of literature that this study uses extensively is cellaneous writings" (biji). Not only did writers of anecdotes record very human, flesh-and-blood stories about their daily life on the road, they also contained material that the writers did not normally include in their poems, essays, and travel diaries. These are especially true of anecdotes on the financial toll of travel and strange encounters on the road. This study draws on dozens of Northern and Southern Song miscellaneous writings with the aim of adding intimate detail to this account of the busy and rich travel lives of Song elites. One crucially important source used in this study is the travel diary (youji). The earliest travel diaries, consisting of a simple catalogue of place names and the dates and times of departures and arrivals, were compiled during the Tang. The travel diary as a literary genre continued to develop in the Northern Song, and its very presence corroborates the growing impor­ tance of travel in the lives of Song educated men. As James Hargett and Richard Strassberg have both observed, by the Southern Song, the typi­ cal travel diary routinely detailed daily engagements on the road.43 In the twelfth century, it had become firmly established as an independent lit­ erary form w ith discernible conventions and characteristics; it had, more­ over, gained social significance as a vehicle for “broader views about nature,



writing,intellectual thought, and politics., ’44 This study makes extensive use of two travel diaries, Rccord of a Journey into Shu (Ru Shuji) by Lu You (1125-1210) and Diary of a Boat Trip to Wu by Fan Chengda.45 The former, composed in 1170,documents Lu You, s trip from his hometown of Kuaiji (Shaoxing, Zhejiang) to Kuizhou (Fengjie, Sichuan), where he was to take up the position of controller-general. Altogether, this journey of 5,210 li (approximately 1,800 miles) took Lu 157days. Diary ofa Boat Trip to Wu, writ, ten in 1177, is Fan Chengda’s account of a journey in the opposite direction, from Chengdu, where he had been the military commissioner, to his home­ town of Suzhou. Both Lu You and Fan Chengda sailed the Yangzi River for most of the way. The two diaries thus provide, among other things, invaluable information about boat travel during the Southern Song and about the daily routines of the travelers. Despite the abundance of sources, there are limitations to be considered. The growing importance of travel literature in general and the travel diary in particular during the Southern Song, along with a flourishing pub­ lishing industry, means that Southern Song accounts are more numerous than those from the Northern Song. W e may not go too far wrong if we make assumptions about government regulations in the Northern Song based on Southern Song materials, since there is strong evidence of continuity in imperial travel policies. W e cannot, however, make such assump­ tions about other aspects of travel. Not only were the most important travel diaries produced during the Southern Song, travel literature of the period is also seriously imbalanced in terms of the geographical regions it describes. W e learn the most about southeast China, where the social and cultural activities of the travelers seemed to have been the most robust. W hile records left by leading political exiles and regular appointed officials provide certain insights into trips to the far south and the southwest, the lack of comparable information on north China, then under Jin (1115-1234) occupation, makes a complete understanding of the material culture of travel and elite activities in that part of the country impossible. This lack of informatioii about north China and the frontier regions is significant in many respects. At a time when travel and travel literature shaped elites' consciousness about themselves, local identity, and China's cultural geography, the alien occupation of north China effectively cut off the region in terms of information circulation, the accumulation of cultural and historical memory, and contributed to a growing gap in perceptions of the north and the south. This phenomenon can be clearly observed in surviving local histories: all extant Song-era gazetteers feature prefectures



and cities located in southeast China. At least a few centuries would pass before other regions would compile their first local histories. W hen they did, those works contained much less information about local landmarks, celebrated visitors, and literary works dated to the Song than the histories from southeastern prefectures.46

W ith these considerations in mind, let us now turn to the journeys of Song


A Transient Life Travel and the Song Literati

For seven years I have always traveled in summer, The distance I have covered is over ten thousand li; Tonight is again the Seventh Night (Qixi),1 And I am still at the end of the world.2

Just as his contemporary Fan Chengda tended to reflect on his exten­ sive journeys around Mid-Autumn Festival time, Zhang Xiaoxiang (11321169) was inclined to gather his thoughts on the occasion of the Seventh Night. The piece above is hardly the sole example of this type of verse. Another, written a few years earlier, reads: Last year, I spent the Seventh Night at Yongzhou [in Hunan]. This year, I am at Hengzhou [Hengyang, Hunan]. Traveling back and forth, I do not dare complain about the roads. Being greeted and sent off by officials and soldiers, all I feel is embarrassed. Every year, the Seventh Night occurs at a definite time, But my schedule is determined by Heaven— how can I know [what journeys lay in store]?3

The “Heaven” Zhang identifies as the force behind his frequent journeys was none other than the Son of Heaven, and by extension, the Song court that operated in the emperor’s name. The sense of frustration expressed in his writing should not, however, put us in any doubt that bureaucratic service remained the top career choice for Zhang and his peers. Historians of the Song and late imperial times have documented in detail the nature of the civil service examination, its continuing appeal to the country's educated class, and the privileges and prestige degree-holding and official posi­ tions brought to individuals, families, and local communities. Rather than focusing on the role these institutions played in sustaining social mobility,



this chapter highlights the impact they had on the physical mobility of Song scholar-officials. It shows that not only did an attraction to examination learning and court service make elite men of the Song frequent travelers’ the same commitment also profoundly shaped the patterns of their move­ ments. The trips these men took to attend school and participate in the examinations brought top talent to the cultural and political centers of the realm, and once employed, government service required that they embark on journeys of even greater length and scope. This placed civil servants at the mercy of imperial policies, which determined the locations of their posts, the distances they had to cover to get to them, and the frequency of their travels. The factionalism that afflicted both the Northern and Southem Song courts added to the level of unpredictability, producing sudden demotions, forced retirements, and exile to remote areas. This chapter w ill first give a broad outline of Song official travel as it is related in the various sources described in the introduction. In the final section I w ill sketch out the career assignments of five famous Song per­ sonalities— Ouyang Xiu (1007-1072) and Wang Anshi (1021-1086) of the Northern Song, and Hong Mai (1123-1202), Lu You, and Fan Chengda of the Southern Song— to illustrate the distances and rhythms of official travel across the span of the dynasty. Accompanying maps show key places in their lives and careers, farther illustrating the centrality of physical relo­ cation in the lives of Song elites.4

Elite Travel in History To be sure, the phenomenon of educated men traveling through an expan­ sive Chinese empire was not new with the Song. In a culture that had a long tradition of scholarship and court service, a certain degree of geographical mobility had long been integral to elite life. As early as the Zhou period (11th century-256 B.C.), nobles were required to regularly journey to the capital to pledge allegiance to the king and offer sacrifices to their common ancestors. Living in a time of tremendous political and social change as well as large-scale warfare, educated elites—philosophers’ strategists, and diplomats— of the Eastern Zhou (770-256 B.C.) moved constantly as they sought out the patronage of rulers from competing states. These per­ egrinations became so widespread that the Legalists took the matter up as a serious concern and subsequently enforced tighter travel regulations in the state of Qin.5 The establishment of the Qin (221-206 B.C.) and Han dynasties (202



B.C.-A.D. 220) led to increased travel on the part of the ruling class as its members pursued scholarly and bureaucratic careers. One of the most illustrious travelers of the Han era was the Grand Historian, Sima Qian (ca. 145-90 B.C.). His journeys across the country at a young age not only prepared him for the formidable task of writing the country’s first com­ prehensive history, they also inspired generations of Chinese scholars to educate themselves through firsthand investigation of the past’ following his example.6W hile Sima Qian’s travel was predominantly domestic, mili­ tary and civil officials in the Han also braved the frontier areas and beyond, serving as government envoys and state agents in cultural exchanges.7 In the centuries following the decline of the Han, political instability led to large-scale elite migrations from the north and northwest to the southeast and southwest of the country, triggering political changes as well as social and cultural interactions between different ethnic groups and geographical regions.8 Compared to their predecessors, educated men of the Tang, in their capacity as government officers and scholar-poets, traveled more widely and left us more extensive records of their trips. Two institutional factors greatly increased the scale and frequency of elite mobility and the promi­ nence of their trips in the literary production of the time: the systematic establishment of civil service examinations and the increasing centraliza, tion of government personnel management, both of which began in the Sui (581-617) and Tang periods. The Tang capital already attracted an unprecedented concentration of young, bright, and ambitious men even in its earliest decades, so much so that the second Tang emperor Taizong (r. 626-649) proudly claimed, “I have snared all the heroes under Heaven.”9 The gradual ascendancy of the examinations and government service also coincided with the decline of aristocratic control of government and society. This was especially true from the second half of the Tang through the period of the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms (907-960), when rebel­ lions, regime changes, and regionalism in north China divested many great families of their political influence, family fortunes, and above all, their local power bases. This transformation, along with the implementation of state policies to enhance the prestige of the civil service created a new elite—the scholar-official class—which came into its own during the Song.10 Com­ pared to its aristocratic predecessor, this was a much broader collection of elites. Its members were more heavily dependent on their fortune in the examination halls and in officialdom, and all became veteran travel­ ers. Long-distance trips became so integral to the lives of Song educated



men that three terms emerged as staple vocabulary items in contemporary writings. The first of these terms is suishi (literally, to follow and wait on). It appears frequently in the writings of sons, nephews, and younger brothers recollecting trips taken with senior family members and relatives. The other two phrases, youxuc (literally, to travel and study) and youhuan (or huanyou, literally, to travel and serve the government) had been used before, but only in the Song were they adopted by elites to specify the nature of their journeys. The following sections explore trips taken with family members, journeys to school and examination halls, and official travel to government positions, respectively.

Travel w ith Family Members Since the majority of Song scholar-officials came from well-established elite families, many had already accumulated substantial travel experience long before they reached adulthood. Song civil servants often took their children and sometimes nephews, younger brothers, and extended family members and relatives to new assignments. Such experiences gave rise to the broad use of the term suishi in the literature of the period. Emotion-laden recol­ lections of Song elites were replete with statements such as, “W hen I was a boy I was ordered to follow my father to the capital," W I have waited on my family since I was young," and "From the time I was a boy, I accompanied my father on official trips.”11In these recollections about their early lives, Song men celebrated the time they spent with their fathers and other senior males in the family, as well as the extensive experience they accumu­ lated traveling around the country. As far as I have been able to determine, the earliest state policy that endorsed the practice of suishi was issued in 988. Initially, the policy applied only to those serving in southeast China.12It was nearly five decades later (in 1034) before another imperial edict was issued that in general terms allowed low-ranking prefectural and county officials to bring their families to local appointments.13 Not all officials were excited about having their families travel with them. Travel expenses aside, the thought of coping with hardships along the road and making logistical arrangements especially for women and young children must have been intimidating. But neither did leaving families behind and assuming office alone seem a more attractive option. For those who posted to remote regions and border areas, the situation was even more difficult. This may explain why a government



policy issued in the early eleventh century allowed high-ranking officials in outliers like Sichuan and Shaanxi to arrange for their families to stay in neighboring circuits, then granted them a ten-day leave to visit their fami­ lies every year.14 Some administrators chose to leave their families in their native places when they assumed office.15 An imperial edict promulgated in the early eleventh century warned that, if officials’ sons, grandsons, younger broth­ ers, and nephews did not act responsibly at home, the local officials there should not hesitate to punish them.16 But the majority of civil servants probably brought with them some, if not all, their family members. By the mid-Northem Song, the number of adult children and relatives living with fathers, uncles, and brothers at their official posts was so large that it was partially responsible for the creation of the “Separate (Avoidance) Examination” (bicshi or bietoushi), which allowed these young men to take a special, less competitive examination away from their native places.17The number of examination-age adults residing away from their native regions had become substantial over time; in Chengdu alone, for example, 3,500 candidates took the Avoidance Examination in 1153. Of these, 500 passed, demonstrating that the Avoidance Examination was much less competitive than the regular prefectural exams and therefore a more attractive option for potential candidates who had senior family members already serving in the government.18 Taking advantage of the favorable pass ratio offered by the Non-resident Examinations was not the only reason families might have chosen to relocate— — a variety of factors seemed to play a role in the decision-making process. W e know, for example, that a man sumamed Zhu took his younger son with him when he assumed office; he did this for a simple enough reason, namely, that the son was his favorite, and he could not bear to part with him.19Financial dependency forced a Yang Datong to accom­ pany his older brother to office before he himself passed the examination.20 Hong Mai, who recorded many cases of adults traveling with families in Record of the Listener (Yijian zhi)yaccompanied his father when he was exiled in Guangdong, presumably hoping to take care of his father, who had not been in good health.21 Another indication that many civil servants brought family members to their assignments can be deduced from the largely negative accounts of such people in Song literature. As relatives of the local administrator, they naturally enjoyed a privileged status’ but more often than not made a lessthan-favorable impression. The entourages of local administrators gained



such notoriety that one official expressly advised his peers to avoid bring­ ing four kinds of companions along to a new post: relatives, servants, medi­ cal doctors, and Buddhist and Daoist monks. According to this particular observer, these people rarely considered the reputation of their official host and would engage in illicit activities such as business speculation and the abuse of power.22 Another official who had accompanied his father to his official posts also disparaged these same groups. Not only were accompa­ nying family members often ignorant of local affairs, they also felt free to harass local people and meddle in government affairs. Consequently’ many of them became laughingstocks or were reviled in their new locales.23 Travel for Educational and Examination Success Compared to their accounts of accompanying family members, Song scholar-officials left detailed records of their trips to school and the exami­ nations. These itineraries involved local as well as regional travel, most often to political and cultural centers where government schools were located and renowned mentors resided. Capital cities, large urban centers, and prefectural seats held the strongest attraction, as did academies that deliberately distanced themselves from the noise and traffic of those same urban centers. Chinese history boasts a long tradition of government-sponsored schools, but it was not until the Song that a countrywide’ multilevel sys­ tem was established, composed of the Imperial University and prefect tural and county schools.24Government education underwent remarkable changes during many periods of the Song, especially in the second half of the eleventh and the early decades of the twelfth centuries, when the Impe­ rial University expanded dramatically, reaching a peak of 3,800 students from diverse geographical regions.25 Enrollment estimates in prefectural and county schools in the early twelfth century ran to as many as 200,000 students.26Private academies provided yet another option outside the sys­ tem of government education and these experienced fast growth during the Song. By the end of the Southern Song, there were over four hundred academies in existence.27Often run by members of the local elite with the support of local officials, these academies drew a large number of students from great distances. Available data does not allow us to gauge the geographical origins of the students enrolled in both government and private schools, but it is probably safe to suppose that the majority of students had to endure local and regional trips between their homes and the schools where they were



enrolled. Moreover, students often chose to study outside their native counties or prefectures, presumably to have access to better schools and teachers.28From the perspective of the Song central government, this trend had a negative impact on schools located in remote and backward areas. The problem became so endemic that an imperial edict issued in 1045 pres­ sured local officials to attract native sons back home from other schools.29 The journeys of these tens of thousands of young men between their hometowns and schools of choice explain the popularity of travel tales in Song literature. Hong Mai's Record of the Listener contains fascinating anec­ dotes about these roaming students. In one story, a student from Hunan, Tang, went to a school in Jiangxi for several years. Every time he traveled back and forth between these two regions, he would pass by Yichun (in Jiangxi). In 1184, the young man met two immortals there, who entertained him in a beautiful setting. Two years later, Tang successfully passed the prefectural exam.30The principle behind Hong's story is a belief in the effi­ cacy of strange signs in the fortunes of examination-takers; this turns out to be a distinctive aspect of Song examination culture.31 This and many other stories contained in Record of the Listener point to the considerable numbers of educated young men traveling the roads and occupying govern­ ment and private inns to capacity on their way to scholarly and examina­ tion success.32 Not all students enrolled in schools would end up participating in the examinations. But the number of students who did sit for exams continued to grow throughout the Song period. Examinations were held every three years on three levels: the prefectural (for thejurcn degree), the departmental (for the jinshi degree), and the palace (for actual placement). Candidates at the prefectural examinations already totaled around 20,000 to 30,000 in the early eleventh century; this number rose to nearly 79,000 a mere cen­ tury later. By the mid-thirteenth century, the number of participants had surged to over 400,000, while the number of degrees granted stayed rela­ tively stable.33 Unlike the thousands who lived away from their native places and took advantage of the Avoidance Examination, the hundreds of thousands who remained local would have had to travel to the prefectural seats and the capital to participate in the increasingly competitive regular examina­ tions. Table 1.1shows the number oijurcn participating in the departmental examinations. Throughout the Song their numbers remained consistently high, ranging from over 4,000 to 17,000. In such competitive examinations, there was no question that the unsuccessful greatly outnumbered the suc­ cessful, especially during the Southern Song. W hile some, like Wang Anshi



Table 1.1 The Number ofJuren Taking the Departmental Examination in the Song YEAR









1 0 ,0 0 0 +














Late Southern Song

4,311 1 0 ,0 0 0 +

Source: John Chaffee, The Thorny Gates of Learning, 34.

and Fan Chengda, earned the jinshi degree on their first attempt, many more,including Ouyang Xiu, Hong Mai, and Lu You, would travel more than once to the capital for this purpose.34The large age differences among the examination candidates help to illustrate this tendency. For the exami­ nations of 1148 and 1256, the average ages of the candidates were 36 and 35 years, respectively. The entire range of ages for all candidates, however, ran from 19 to 66, clearly indicating that many had taken the examination more than a few times.35 For most students, attending school, finding a mentor, and participating in the prefectural examinations required regional travel, whereas competing for the highest degree necessitated trips to the Song capitals— Dongjing (Kaifeng, Henan) during the Northern Song, to which Ouyang Xiu and Wang Anshi journeyed from their homes in Hubei and Jiangsu, respectively; and lin ’an (Hangzhou, Zhejiang) during the Southern Song, the trip that Zou Ding, Hong Mai, Fan Chengda, and Lu You under, took from their native places in JiangxiJiangsu, and Zhejiang. Declining chances of success meant longer preparation time’ a greater percentage of time spent in school, as well as multiple trips to the prefectural seats and capitals.



Travel in Service to the Government Considering the number of years it took an average student to attend school and prepare for the examinations, the amount of time spent trav­ eling must likewise have been considerable. Still, these trips paled in comparison to those associated with government service, which differed in three important ways. First, while the pursuit of education and exami­ nation success brought ambitious young men to political and cultural centers, government service dispatched civil servants in the opposite direc­ tion, towards the periphery—from the capital to locales across the country. Second, compared to examination candidates’ who were “relatively young, free from family and financial responsibilities, and who tended to gather in large groups, ”36 civil servants were of all ages and their state of transi­ tion was mandated on specific imperial orders. Third, as Zhang Xiaoxiang, for example, illustrated in his poetry, civil servants had little or no control over their destinations, the distance to be covered, or the number of trips they would take in any given period of time. Decades in government service meant extensive trips to far-flung sections of the country, including iso­ lated regions and border areas to which students did not normally venture. A discussion of official travel requires that we examine the size of the Song bureaucracy, which fluctuated a great deal over time; this makes it difficult to determine the exact number of government travelers in any given year. W e do know two things: first, the number of civil servants the government actively employed grew over time from around 13,000 in the mid-Northem Song to about 18,000 in the second half of the Southern Song (see Table 1.2). The number of people on leave, or being transferred or recalled, could easily have amounted to several times that many, greatly expanding the ranks of official travelers in any given year.37Second, about two thirds of the Song bureaucracy was employed in the capital, with the remainder responsible for administering the vast territories beyond.38This means that, in any given year, four to six thousand officials were stationed in localities throughout the empire. Another way to estimate the number of official travelers in any given year is by calculating the number of local administrative units. During the Song, these included three levels: the circuits, the prefectures, and the counties. The number of units on the second and third levels changed often during the Song.39Available data shows that for the year 1100, there were altogether twenty-four circuits, 306 prefectures and 1,207 counties. Gener­ ally speaking, Song government structure made four high-ranking coxnmis-


Table 1.2

DATES 990S-1022 1004-1015

Estimated Numbers of Song Officials









9 ,7 8 5


2 ,7 0 0

1 0 ,0 0 0




2 ,8 0 0



1 5 ,5 0 0

2 8 ,3 0 0

3 4 ,0 0 0

1086 1088


6 ,0 0 0 +

18,700+ 17,300 24,000



4 ,1 5 9












3 ,1 3 3



1 9 ,4 7 0

3 7 ,8 0 0 +

* AU officials began their careers in the executory class and became eligible for promotion to the administrative class after six to twelve years of active duty. Kracke, Civil Scrvicc in Sune China, 89.

Sourres: John Chaffee, The Thorny Gates ofLcaming in Sung China, 27; W inston Lo, An Introduction to the Civil Service of Sung China, 28.

sioners responsible for the fiscal, military, judicial, and tea and salt affairs of each circuit, so in the year 1100 their number would have come in at over seventy. Of the three administrative levels, the prefectures remained the most important functionally. The highest-ranked official of a prefecture, the prefect, was assisted by one or two controllers-general. They were aided by a staff of about a dozen people, each responsible for one specific area of governance. A prefecture might have had three to seven counties w ithin its jurisdiction. The county magistrate, the principal adminlstrator at the county level, was responsible for the general well-being of the population. He was usually assisted by an assistant magistrate, a sheriff, an Instructor, and a recorder who together oversaw the county's public safety, education, taxation, and jurisprudence. Based, on the number of administrative units in 1100, in any given year, about 6,000 to 7,000 officials must have served in local and regional offices. These numbers do not include inspectors who were appointed on an ad-hoc basis or those staff members at the circuit, prefectural, and county levels who were also appointed by the central government. To manage the assign­



ment, evaluation, and dispatching of these thousands of court appointees between the capital and the individual locales, the Song government set out clear and systematic regulations. Three major policies were especially responsible for the rotation of Song government officials. The first was the centralization of personnel management.40This prac­ tice started in the early imperial times. But for many centuries regional officials had in fact themselves assumed the authority to fill many of the subordinate positions under their jurisdiction. After the long period of dis­ unity following the Han, the Sui and Tang governments aimed to curb this tendency. But the late Tang and the Period of Five Dynasties and Ten King­ doms were again characterized by regional powers that operated indepen­ dent of central control. These circumstances convinced the first emperor of the Song to effectively concentrate the power of personnel management in the hands of the central government.41As a result, the careers of all Song officials came under the direct control of a single court that appointed, transferred, and dismissed its civil servants—hence, Zhang Xiaoxiang’s lament that his future trips were determined by “Heaven.” For those whose careers were lengthy, we can clearly detect a regular pattern of traveling between the capital, their hometowns, and their local posts. In the twenty years (1041-1061) prior to his ascendance to the position of grand councilor, Wang Anshi served twice in the capital and at five different locations in southeast China (see Map 1.2). Wang first traveled fromjinling (Nanjing, Jiangsu), where he had been in mourning for his father, to the capital in 1041 and was granted thtjinshi degree the following year. He was immedi­ ately appointed to an administrative assistant position in Huainan (Yangzhou, Jiangsu). Wang did not go directly to his post, however. Instead, he first returned to his hometown in Linchuan (in Jiangxi) in the third month ©f 1043, reporting to his assignment only sometime that summer. He then spent the entire year of 1044 and the bulk of 1045 in Yangzhou. By the end of 1045, when he had completed his tenure in Huainan, Wang Anshi made yet another trip to Linchuan before returning to Kaifeng. He then served in a minor position in the capital for approximately a year and a half. By 1047’ Wang was appointed magistrate of Yinxian (Ningbo, Zhejiang) and went on inspection tours in the area later that year. W ith his Yinxian ten­ ure completed in 1050, he returned to his hometown again and from there received a new appointment as controller-general of Shuzhou (Huaining, Anhui) in 1051. Wang Anshi remained in this position through 1052 and 1053. By 1054, he was back in the capital, where he remained for two full years. He was subsequently appointed prefect to Changzhou (in Jiangsu) in 1057 and one year later judicial commissioner of Jiangnan East Circuit.



W ang returned to the capital in 1060 and, except for a brief retirement at home injinling, remained in Kaifeng for the rest of his political life. In contrast to the storm raised by the reform policies he implemented as the grand councilor, Wang Arxshi’s early career was marked by a number of smooth transitions. In a matter of fifteen years, Wang was promoted from the post of administrative assistant to chief administrator of a large and prosperous prefecture in southeast China. Wang achieved these successes by serving at seven different localities covering four modem provinces. The shape of Wang’s career,characterized as it was by frequent relocations between the capital and locations both remote and near, reflected the Song emphasis on ensuring that its civil servants were familiar with local condi­ tions in various regions. As Edward Kracke has pointed out, By 993, it was a rule that no official could serve as administrator [prefect] or vice administrator [contxoller-general] of a prefecture who had not first gained experience in the lower ranks of local government.... In this way, it was insured that a majority of the officials throughout the government would have at least some direct experience in administration at a level where it touched the people directly.42

The same policy explains why the majority of newly minted degree holders began their careers at the local level. As the next section illustrates, the careers of Ouyang Xiu, Wang Anshi, Hong Mai, Lu You, and Fan Chengda all followed this path. The second imperial policy that led to additional scholar-official travel was the “Principle of Avoidance*1(huibi), which in essence prohib一 ited individuals from serving in their home regions or working closely with relatives. Although similar restrictions had been instituted as early as the Eastern Han (25-220), it was not until the Tang that they were formally codified, the Song further tightened this policy. Not only were county-level officials prohibited from serving in their native prefectures, and prefects and controllers-general from their native circuits, they were also auto­ matically ineligible to serve at places where they owned property or had lived for extended periods of time. Similarly, court officers related by blood or marriage would not be able to work in the same or nearby areas or in related offices in the capital, where close contact was inevitable.43 W hile the Principle of Avoidance posted Song officials at a healthy dis­ tance from their home areas and places of personal or financial interests, it was not intended to, and certainly did not, keep them from visiting such places. A variety of circumstances, such as an interruption in appointments,



mourning for parents or grandparents, and family emergencies, called for trips home or visits to friends and relatives in other locations. During the Southern Song, the implementation of a new policy allowing officials to request a leave of absence to visit parents further opened the possibility of additional trips home.44In the same twenty years of his career as discussed above, Wang Anshi returned to his hometown of Linchuan three times, in each instance staying a rather lengthy period, at least a few months. Of the three major government personnel policies that led to official travel, the third, known as the “Three-year Tenure,” contributed most sig­ nificantly to the peripatetic nature of official life. Endorsed throughout the Song, it specified the general length of term for appointments before any consideration of transfers or promotions came into play. The impact of this stipulation was so great that the phrase wthree years” became a standard term in contemporary writings, as Song scholar-officials complained about the frequency of their partings and relocations.45 Taking into account the number of months arrival and departure trips took every time an official assumed a new appointment, the three-year tenure might not seem to be such a long term. Ample evidence shows that this policy was never strictly adhered to in the Song. Only occasionally do we find local officials serving three full years before they were trans­ ferred, promoted, or demoted to other positions.46The tenure of most local administrators was much shorter, resulting in even more frequent reloca­ tions than the three-year policy would have created. The career of Song personalities with particularly long service records illustrates the pattern. In the forty years Su Shi served as a government official, he spent approxi­ mately twenty-eight years in twelve different prefectures. In some locales, he remained more than a few years_ at others, only a few days or months.47 During the twenty years of Wang Anshi’s career, he served at seven differ­ ent places. But if we add up the time that it would have taken him to travel to such faraway places as Yinxian, linchuan, andjinling from Kaifeng and also the months he spent at his hometown, his times of service in these offices would on average be well under three years. The same can be said of Fan Chengda. Fan’s five-year tenure in the Huizhou (Shexian, Anhui) area, during which he saw several changes in official responsibilities’ marked the longest time period he had spent in a single region. In contrast, at his two major appointments in the 1170s, in Guilin and Chengdu, Fan served for less than five years altogether. This figure includes the time he spent on the road, which added up to more than a year. A brief survey of extant Song local histories (see Table 1.3) further reveals that, during the Northern Song—but only occasionally—prefects

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stayed on in their positions for longer than three years; overall, most pre­ fects served between one and a half to two years. The average tenure of a Northern Song prefect was a mere year and seven months. The duration of service at a single post is much lower for the Southern Song, at only one year and three months, ranging from one year to one year and ten months.48 Such short tenures understandably had significant implications for the effectiveness and continuity of local administration, and this was a hody debated issue throughout the Song.49The frequent rotations of civil servants meant that officials spent much of their time in transit. Reas, signments could occur so suddenly that even good friends had difficulty keeping track of each others’ whereabouts. And local officials were hard pressed to gain a level of expertise in their jurisdictions. On learning that he had been assigned a new post and was expected to travel immediately, W en Yanbo (1006-1097) only had time to scribble a short message to a friend: “I am getting ready to travel westward. I am sending you this note in a rush.”50Yang W anli wrote to his friend Zhou Bida (1126-1204), who had similarly been transferred. Yang’s letter mentions that he had heard about Zhou’s leaving the capital, which he considered a thoroughly unfortunate turn of events; he remained unaware of Zhou's place of demotion until he had finally been informed by a mutual friend that Zhou was “spending the summer at Yangxian (YixingTJiangsu).H51 In addition to trips resulting from assuming and leaving a post, local officials often had to take two other kinds of trips. One involved traveling tb the capital to report on local affairs. The frequency of this type depended on many factors’ but we do know that the central government was con­ cerned about local officials coining into and staying at the capital for too lengthy a duration. As early as 1009,an imperial edict attempted to ban “civil and military officers from traveling to the capital without legitimate official business.”52This policy does not appear to have been enforced very effectively. A Southern Song regulation further stipulated that “Officials who serve outside the capital and have traveled to the capital to report on business affairs are required to return to their positions ten days after the imperial audience, 53 The second type of trip local officials regularly took involved primar­ ily local errands resulting from orders from the central government, the occurrence of natural disasters, and matters of judicial necessity. An offi­ cial surnamed Zhang, who was in charge of judicial affairs in Guangdong and Guangxi in the early Southern Song, claimed that he had traveled to all twenty-five counties within the first month after he assumed his position.54 Similarly, Lu You recorded that he had traveled 'thousands of Iin on local



tours while serving in Sichuan.55All possible hyperbole aside, these sources reveal that local officials actually spent much time away from their offices in county or prefectural seats. In addition to the above travel-inducing policies, the ups and downs of court politics also sent those falling from imperial favor to distant loca­ tions. Both the Northern and the Southern Song were severely afflicted by factional struggles, the most important of which lasted from the 1060s to 1120s.56 Differences in political vision, intellectual inclination, and social and geographical background contributed to these enduring struggles. One faction’s dominance of court politics meant exile, demotion, and dismissal of people affiliated with the other side, consequently resulting in trips home or to remote places in isolated and frontier regions.57To gain a general understanding of the number of people involved in factionalism, of the 309 people implicated in the political strife of the early years of the twelfth century, thirty-two were exiled to the far south in Guangdong, Guangxi, and Hainan Island.58 ’ Many years of the Southern Song were equally consumed by court politics, the most notorious period being the decades during which Grand Councilor Qin Gui (1090-1155) held power. One of Qin’s most raiowned adversaries, Hu Quan (1102-1180), was, like his Northern Song counter^ parts, exiled to Hainan Island.59The extent to which factions created turnover in government personnel, and therefore journeys for those who were promoted to or demoted from the capital, can also be seen from the fol­ lowing numbers: during the 42 years of Emperor Renzong’s (r. 1022-1063) reign, there were thirty-seven grand councilors, who often replaced each °ther on short notice-Emperor Huizong (r. 1100-1125) appointed thirtyfour grand councilors in just 26 years, Emperor Gaozong (r. 1127-1162) forty-eight in 36 years, and Emperor Xiaozong (r. 1162-1189) thirty-four in 28 years.60As Ari Levine has demonstrated in his study of Northern Song factional conflict, such frequent personnel changes not only indicate a pat> t^rn in which “monarchs and regents from Shenzong to Huizong personally identified themselves with their chosen ministers’ ideological programs,” they also allowed powerful grand councilors “to pack the bureaucracy with their loyal supporters, to purge their ‘factious’ opposition, and to override checks and balances on ministerial authority; '61The rise and fall of grand councilors in both the Northern and the Southern Song resulted in many in officialdom being promoted to prominent positions while an equally significant number were demoted or sent into exile. Although this study focuses on domestic travel, it is worth nothing that complicated diplomatic and military relations between the Song and



its neighbors to the north and west, Liao (907-1125), Xia (1038-1227), and Jin, resulted in many ambassadorial trips. Envoys were either “charged with dispatching diplomatic documents which contained various requests or inquiries” or were “commissioned on specific occasions such as the New Year’s holiday, the birthday of a sovereign, the accession of a new emperor, or the adoption of a new reign tide.’’62As government officials, these emis­ saries were required to submit detailed reports of their journeys, many of which survive.63 Wang Zeng’s (978-1038) record of his mission to the Liao capital Zhongjing (Ningcheng, Inner Mongolia) in 1012, for example, provides information such as the distance his entourage covered each day; the conditions of roads, markets, and cities; and his observations of social customs.64Not only did all envoys travel great distances, they also became increasingly observant of foreign affairs. Lou Yue’s (1137-1213) account of his 1069-1070 trip included well-known landmarks and comments critical of'Jin policies.65 The Travels of Five Song Personalities It is with an understanding of the centrality of travel in the lives and careers of Song educated men that we now turn to look at the travels of five indi­ viduals, Ouyang Xiu and Wang Anshi from the Northern Song, and Hong Mai, Lu You, and Fan Chengda from the Southern Song. All carved out prominent literary and/or official careers and have been the subjects of a good number of detailed studies. Biographical studies (nianpu) by both tra­ ditional and modem scholars in particular allow us to trace their journeys at minimum of year by year. All five had begun traveling by an early age. Wang Anshi and Hong Mai moved the farthest with their fathers, going all the way to Guang­ dong. Ouyang Xiu, Wang Anshi, Hong Mai, and Lu You were bom at their fathers5official posts. Lu Yoifs early experiences were probably the most dramatic: he was bom on a boat on the Huai River as his father was on his way to the capital Kaifeng. During the transition from the Northern to the Southern Song, the Lu family would first retreat to Shouchun (in Anhui), where Lu Ycrn’s father held a position, then travel back to their hometown in Zhejiang. W hen their hometown, Kuaiji, seemed less than safe, the Lus again relocated and were protected by a local strongman in southwestern Zhejiang.66 After reaching adulthood, these five individuals traveled even further in relation to their own government service— Ouyang Xiu went to desti­ nations in nine modern provinces (Sichuan, Jiangxi, Hubei, Henan, Hebei,


Table 1.4





Ouyang X iu




W ang Anshi





Hong M ai




Lu You




Fan Chengda




Sources: Yan Jie, Ouyang Xiu nianpu; Cai Shangxiang, WangJinggong nianpu kaoluc; Chang Fu-jui "(Biographies of) Hong Hao, Hong Kua, and Hong Mai"; W ang Deyi, “Hong Rongzhai xian sheng nianpu ’, ;and Yu Beishan, Fan Chcngda nianpu and Lu You nianpu.

Shandong, Shanxi, Jiangsu, and Anhui), Wang Anshi to five (Jiangxi, Henan, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Anhui), Hong Mai to seven (Zhejiang,' JiangxiJiangsu, Fujian, Hunan, Hebei, and Anhui), Lu You to eight (Henan,' Anhui’ Zhejiang, Fujian, Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Sichuan, and Shaanxi), and Fan Chengda to seven (Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, Jiangxi, Beijing, Guangxi, and Sichuan). Of the five, Ouyang Xiu held the largest number of local appointments. But Fan Chengda traveled the farthest and to every quarter of the Song realm,as did Hong Mai, who journeyed all the way to Guangdong and Hebei. Although Wang Anshi only served in five locales, he had to travel the farthest when returning thrice to his native place in Jiangxi, and later to his home in Jinling. Lu You’s regional travels in Sichuan were unparalleled. His seven-year sojourn there likely marks the longest continuous stay in a single region other than a native locale by any Song figure. Lu’s appointment records in Sichuan were equally singular for the frequency of his transfers. Their biographies show that these five individuals served full threeyear terms only occasionally. More often than not, their tenures lasted between one to two years. Other interesting common factors links their career experiences. All five were demoted at least once as a result of factionalism at court. Wang Anshi's political career, reaching its height during the New Policies Reform of Emperor Shenzong’s reign (r_ 1067-1085), brought him tremendous power and equally powerful enemies.67Fan Chengda was also successful in his bureaucratic career, but did not suffer the kinds of political setbacks that had made Wang's official life so stormy. Lu You, bom to a prestigious scholar-official family and, of the five, probably the

Map 1.1 Important Places in Ouyang Xiu’s (1007-1072) Life and Career

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Mianzhou (Mianyang, Sichuan) Taizhou (in Jiangsu) Suizhou (in Hubei) Jizhou (Jishui, Jiangxi) Dongjing (Kaifeng, Henan) Hanyang (in Hubei) Luoyang (in Henan) Gongxian (Gongyi, Henan) Yiling (Yichang, Hubei) Xuchang (in Henan) Qiande (Laohekou, Hubei) Nanyang (in Henan)

13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

Dengzhou (in Henan) Huazhou (Huaxian, Henan) Taiyuan (in Shanxi) Darning (in Hebei) Chuzhou (in Anhui) Yangzhou (in Jiangsu) Yingzhou (Fuyang, Anhui) Yingtianfu (Shangqiu, Henan) Bozhou (in Anhui) Qingzhou (Weifang, Shandong) Caizhou (Runan, Henan)

Map 1.2

Important Places in Wang Anshi’s (1021-1086) Life and Career

Map 1.3

Important Places in Hong Mai’s (1023-1202) Life and Career

) Sharon he was also “a traveling exorcist serving an elite urban clien­ tele." Davis, Socicty and the Supernatural in Song China, 8. 30. Scholars of pilgrims and pilgrimages have shown that rulers, literati, and vil­ lagers were among the pilgrims to sacred sites throughout Chinese history, w ith the participation of illiterate peasants steadily increasing by at least the Song. Brian Dott



finds that large-scale pilgrimages had opened Mount Tai to all types of people,includ­ ing many women, by the thirteenth century. Dott, Identity Reflections, 102,105-149. M ul­ tiple articles in Pilgrims and Sacrcd Sites in China are especially useful for our understanding of the pilgrims’ experiences. See in particular Susan Naquin and Chiin-fang Yu, “Intro, duction: Pilgrimage in China,M1-38; Glen Dudbridge, “Women Pilgrims to T ai Shan,” 39-64; Tobert Gimello, “Chang Shang-ying on Wu-t'ai Shan,” 89-149; Bernard Faure, “Relics and Flesh Bodies,” 150-189; Chun-fang Yu, “P K o Shan: Pilgrimage and the Creation of the Chinese Potalaka," 190-245; John Lagerwey, “The Pilgrimage to Wutang Shan," 293-332. Also see W ilt Idema, “The Pilgrimage to Taishan in the Dramatic Literature of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries" 23-57. 31. W u Yating,Yidongdcfengmao. 32. W ang Fuxin, Songdai luyouyanjiu, 19-50; 25-28; 343-390. Hou Nailiui's study of ^park culture (gongyuan wmhua)n in Tang and Song also shows that both men and women of elite and non-elite backgrounds were among the tourists who visited famous lakes and mountains and prefectural park complexes. She argues that the growth in the num­ ber of parks and their appeal to the local population was the result of long-term politi­ cal stability, improved living standards, and the narrowing gap between social classes. Hou, Tang Song shiqi dcgongyuan wenhua. About urban tourism, also see Zhou Baozhu, Song-

dai Dongjing yanjiu, and W u Tao, Bei Song ducheng Kaifcng. In late imperial times, tourism became a popular elite activity and generated a distinctive consumer culture. See W u Renshu, “W an Ming de luyou huodong yu xiaofei wenhua," 87-143; and “Qingdai shidafu de luyou huodong yu lunshu" 235-285. 33. See W ang Fuxin, Songdai luyouyanjiu, especially 108-231. 34. Victor Turner and Edith Turner, in their classic work on Christian pilgrim­ age, argue that the need for individuals and groups to deliberately travel to sacred sites •Intitnately associated w ith the deepest, most cherished, axiomatic values of the travder” is a “cultural universal" Turner and Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture, 231. Based on their original research, many scholars have coined terms such as '"nationalistic pilgrimage" "political pilgrimage," and “secular pilgrimage" to refer to trips to places bearing various kinds of significance to the ^pilgrims”一 places such as memori­ als and tombs of national heroes and political leaders. See, for example, Eyal Ben-Ari and Yoham Bilu eds., Grasping the Land: Space and Placc in Contemporary Israeli Discourse and Expcricncc; Paul Hollander, Political Pilgrims: Travels ofWcstcm Intellectuals to the Soviet Union,

China and Cuba, 1928-1978; W . Zelinsky, “Nationalistic Pilgrimages In the United States,” 253-267; Rudolf G. Wagner, “Reading the Chairman Mao Memorial Hall in Peking: The Tribulations of the Implied Pilgrim," 378-423. 35. That travel was considered an educational, social, and cultural activity was certainly not unique to Chinese history. The importance of travel in the education of Englishmen from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries created popular itineraries to Italy and France that became known as the “Grand Tour.” See Jeremy Black’s comprehensive studies, The British and the Grand Tour and The British Abroad, the Grand Tour in

the Eighteenth Century; Edward Chaney, The Evolution of the Grand Tour; Christopher Hibbert, The Grand Tour; and J. Stoye,English Travelers Abroad, 1604-1677. W ith, the growth



of nationalist sentiments, however, such travel would soon change from an admired activity to one that was condemned by educational and religious writers for corrupting travelers and infecting British values. Sara Wameke, Images of the Educational Traveler in

Early Modem England 36. For an important study on the development of regional culture during the Song, see Cheng Minsheng, Songdai diyu wenhua. Cheng's framework is based largely on the division between north and south China. Among the many aspects he examines are the distribution of schools, the number of examination candidates and degree holders, the development of the publishing industry, the social customs of the north and south, and the distribution of religious institutions. Cheng emphasizes the spread of northern culture to the south and the influences of Kaifeng culture on that of Hangzhou during the Northern Song. His book offers rich data on these topics. Cheng, Songdai diyu wenhua. 37. Ping-ti Ho, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China, and Rowe, Hankow: Commcrcc and Socicty in a Chinese City, 1796-2889 and Hankow: Conflict and Community in a Chinese City,

1796-1895. 38.Jin-Sheng Tao, Two Sons of Heaven. 39. The issues of territorial integrity and war and peace remained prominent in Song political history. Recent scholarship shows that "middle-period Chinese, when seeing confrontation as advantageous to their ends, had just as much recourse to the prosecu, tion of war as they did to the pursuit of negotiation.” Don J. W yatt, Battlcfronts Read and

Imagined, 1. See multiple articles in the edited volume, especially Peter Lorge, “The Great Ditch of China and the Song-Liao Border’” 59-75; Michael C. McGrath, “Frustrated Empires: The Song-Tangut Xia W ar of1038-1044, ” 151-190;James A. Anderson, "Treach­ erous Factions: Shifting Frontier Alliances in the Breakdown of Sino-Vietnamese Rela­ tions on the Eve of the 1075 Border W ar,” 191-226; and Ruth Mostem, “From Battlefields to Counties: War, Border, and State Power in Southern Song Huainan,” 2 2 7 -2 5 2 . 40. See Quan Hansheng, Tangsongdiguoyuyunhe; Bai Shouyi, Zhongguojiaotongshi; Cao Jiaqi,Songdaijiaotongguanlizhiduyanjiu; Mark Elvin, ThePattcm of the Chinese P ast 41. Bol further argues that the elites endeavored to ^reconceptualize the nation as something less imperial, less derivative of court culture, and less centralized.7' James Hargett, “Song Dynasty Local Gazetteers and Their Place in the History of Difangzhi Writing," 405-442; Bol, “The Rise of Local History: History, Geography, and Culture in Southern Song and Yuan W uzhou," 76. 42. For a comprehensive study of the publishing industry during the Song, see Lucille Chia, Printingfor Profit: the Commercial Publishers of]ianyang, Fujian 43. In contrast,it was not until the eighteenth century when Europe saw the writing of a travel account as an important undertaking for the well-educated men or women. Having made a trip, these men and women would convey in an artistically pleasing fashion the information they had gleaned. Charles Batten, Pleasurable Instruc­

tion: Form and Convention in Eighteen-Century Travel Literature, 3. For recent work in Chinese, see Mei Xinlin and Yu Zhanghua, Zhotigguo youji wenxue shi; Zhu Yaoting and Gong Bin, Zhongguo gudai youji; and W ang Liqun, Zhongguo gudai shanshui youji yanjiu. 44. Richard Strassberg, Inscribed Landscapes, Travel W ritingfrom Imperial China, 2. The



two most important travel diary writers in the Southern Song were Lu You (1125-1210) and Fan Chengda. For translations of their works, see Chun-shu Chang and Joan Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, a Tramlation ofLu Yu’s Travel Diaries and James Hargett, On the Road in Twelfth Century China, the Travel Diaries of Fan Chcngda and Riding the River Home. Hargett’s recent work on Mount Emei, Stairway to Heaven, makes extensive use of Fan's Diary ofa BoatTrip to Wu. It not only shows the significant place the mountain occupied in Chinese history and culture (as Dott finds for Mount Tai), it also empha­ sizes the religious, spiritual, and cultural experiences of visitors. Strassberg's large translation volume also contains many short Song pieces. 45. For a preliminary study on Lu’s diary, see Mo Lifeng, “Du Lu You Ru Shuji zhaji," 16-27; Fu Mingshan^s review of scholarship on Lu You also contains useful information. See Fu, “Jin bainian lai Lu You yanjiu zongshu,H27-31. 46. Chang W oei Ong has found that in the Jin-Yuan (1271-1368) period, uGuanzhong elites seldom produced works on the history or geography of their native region.” Ong, Men ofLcttcrs Within the Passes, 206.

Chapter 1: A Transient life 1. According to legend, two lovers, the Herd boy (Niulang) and the Weaving girl

(Zhinu), who correspond to the stars Altair and Vega, remain separated by the Milky W ay and were permitted to meet only once a year, on the seventh, day of the seventh lunar month when magpies form a bridge so they can pass over the gap. The legend has become a metaphor for long-term separation, especially between husband and wife. 2. Zhang Xiaoziang, Yuhujushi wenji (YH]SW}), 4.29.

3.YH]SW },2.16. 4. Unless otherwise noted, the information about the five personalities in this chapter is based on biographical studies of their lives (nianpu): Yanjie, Ouyang Xiu nianpu; Cai Shangxiang, ^cingjinggong nianpu kaolue; Chang Fu-jui, “(Biographies of) Hong Hao, Hong Kua, and Hong Mai”;W ang Deyi, "Hong Rongzhai xiansheng nianpu"; and Yu Beishan, Fan Chaigda nianpu and Lu You nianpu. 5. Liu Zehua, Liu Hongtao, and l i Ruilan, Shircnyu shehui, xianqin bufcti, 20-39. 6. Sima Qian's life and deeds have proved compelling to both traditional and mod­ ern scholars. This w ill be further discussed in chapter 7. For comprehensive studies of Sima Qian in Chinese, seeJ i Zhenhuai, Sima §ian; Nie Shiqiao, Sima ^ia n lungao; Xiao Li, Sima Qianpingzhuan; Zhang Dake, Sima ^ianpingihuan Major English scholarship includes Grant Hardy, Worlds of Bronze and Bamboo, Sima fern’s Conquest ofHistory, and Stephen W . Durrant, The Cloudy Mirror: Tension and Conflict in the Writings of Sima ^ ia n 7. Zhang Qian (?-114 B.C.) was among the most famous travelers who crossed the border of the Han empire and resided in foreign lands for years. His two diplomatic missions to Central Asia did not fully realize the strategic goals of the Han court to find allies for its campaign against the Xiongnu. They did, however, tremendously ennch Chinese understanding of the diverse cultures and peoples of the region. Ban Gu, Hanshu (HS), 61.1273-1279.



8. For an excellent study of this phenomenon, see W ang Yongping, Zhonggu shircn

qianyiyu wenhuajiaoliu. Among those migrating were many Buddhist and Daoist monks. W ang Liying’s study shows that migration m general, and individual Daoists in particu­ lar, were instrumental In the spread of Daoist religion to Lingnan during the period of disunity. Wang, Daojiao nanchuanyu lingnan wcnhua, 77-140. 9. W ang Dingbao, Tangzhiyan (TZY), 1.1578. 10. The examination system of the Song and late imperial China has been the sub­ ject of many sophisticated studies. In addition to those mentioned earlier, see also P. A. Herbert, Examine the Honest, Appraise the Able; Zhou Yuwen, Songdai dc zhouxian xuc. 11. For some examples, see W ang Dechen, preface to Zhushi (ZS); Gong Mingzhi, preface to Zhongwujiwcn (ZWJW); W ang Xiangzhi, preface to Yudijishcng (YDJS); Zhang Shinan, preface to Youhuanjiwcn (YHJW). 12. Zeng Zaozhuang, ed., ^uanSongwcn (§SW), 71.226. 13. 955.295.1suspect that the main reason it took the court so long to grant all its civil servants the right to travel w ith their families might have been based on finan­ cial considerations. By allowing practically every local official to be accompanied by his family, the Song government had to be willing to shoulder at least part of the traveling expenses, an aspect that w ill be discussed in chapters 4 and 6. 14. QSW, 956.302. 15. The supposition that many left families behind due to hardship on the road is corroborated by two other imperial orders from 1018 and 1029, which allowed officials who had been demoted and sent into exile to leave their families behind. The edicts specified that these decisions were based on the consideration that “old and young would die prematurely from hurrying on the road.” ^SW t 271.361; 321.9. 16. ^SW , 241.98. Local officials were often praised for having the courage to con­ front unruly members of local scholar-official families, who lacked the supervision of their fathers or other senior male relatives because the latter were serving away from their native places. See’ for example, 872.596,602. 17. The Avoidance Examination was first held in 998. By 1037, it had been expanded to include three groups: “the relatives of examination officials; the relatives of prefects serving in their home prefectures; and sons and grandsons accompanying officials who were serving more than 2,000 li away from their homes.” Chaffee, The Thorny Gates of Learning, 101. 18. During the early Southern Song,there were so many such examination takers that the ratio had to be tightened. Li Xinchuan, Jianyanyilai chaoyczdji QYYQjia, 13.266; Chaffee, The Thorny Gates ofLearning, 100-102. 19. Chen Baiquan, Jiangxi chutu muzhi xuanbian, 215. 20. Hong Mai, Y ijianzhi (Y ]2)jiazh i, 13.121. 21. Hong Mai, Rongzhai suibi (R2SB), sanbi, 359. 22. Anonymous, Zhouxian tigang (ZXTG)t 1.7a; l.lla-b.

23. Zhou Hui,

Qingbozazhi (§B22), 5.3.

24. John Chaffee identifies 750 schools throughout the Song, among which, 516 were county schools and 234 prefectural schools. Zhou Yuwen’s estimated number is



larger: 571 county schools and 271 prefectural schools altogether. Chaffee, The Thorny Gates of Learning, 75; 136; Zhou, Songdai dc Tjiowdan xue, 259. See also Zhao Tiehan's study of the Imperial University and the prefectural and county schools. Zhao, “Songdai de xuexiao jiaoyu,” 209-238, “Songdai de taixue” 317-356, “Songdai de zhouxue," 343-362. 25. Thomas H. C. Lee, Government Education and Examination in Sung China, 63

26. Ibid” 124. 27. Linda W alton, Academies and Society in Southern Sung China, 222. Deng Hongbo estimated that there were 515 academies during the Song (73 existed in the Northern Song, 317 in the Southern Song, the remaining 125 were undetermined). Deng, Thongguo shuyuan shit 81-88,144-151. Another scholar has estimated that throughout the Song, there were 651 academies. Miao Chunde, Songdaijiaoyu, 104. 28. W ang Anshi, for example, portrayed his older brother as such a well-known scholar that prefectures in Jianghuai would compete to hire him as a teacher” and “those who had heard his name would travel over a thousand lin to study w ith him.

WASWJ, 58.92. 29 . 969.132. 30.Y ]Z zhijia}5.835. 31. See Chaffee, The Thorny Gates ofLcaming, 157-181. 32. Hong Mai also told the story of a man sumamed Huang (which means yellow). Originally from Shaowu (in Fujian), Huang studied at Linchuan (in Jiangxi). On his way to the capital in 1186 for the Departmental Exam, Huang stayed at an inn. W hen the inn owner had a dream about a yellow dragon, he became convinced that Huang was going to succeed in the examinations and subsequently requested that Huang write down the dream incident on the wall. YJZ, zhiyi, 2.1545. 33. Chaffee, The Thorny Gates ofLeaming, 35 34. Tao Jinsheng’s study of examination life in the Northern Song not only confirms this trend, it also shows the extent to which families invested in such endeavors. As a result, it became commonplace for candidates to spend decades pursuing their dreams of success. Taojinsheng, Bcisongshi^u, 27-44. 35. Chaffee, The Thorny Gates of Learning, 4 ,35. 36. Chaffee, The Thorny Gates ofLeaming, 172. 37. Lo, An Introduction to the Civil Service ofSung China, 28,85. Lo estimates, “There were between 12,000 and 14,000 positions in a personnel system of about 40,000 individuals.” Lo, 121. 38. Lee, Government Education and Examination in Sung China, 258. 39. Ruth Mostern has characterized the Song as one of the periods in Chinese his­ tory when the number and distribution of administrative units changed the most fre­ quently. This was especially true during two periods in the Northern Song, from 960 to 1005 and in mid-eleventh century, and the early decades of the Southern Song. Mostern ties these changes to the consideration of territories as tax- and troops七 earing units. “The total number and spatial distribution of units changed when new policy impera­ tives altered the role of local administrative or military strategy, or changed the rela­ tionship between the court and the localities. W hen existing requirements, such as tax



quotas or support for troops, became unsustainable for the localities that shouldered the responsibilities for them, the political landscape was recognized as well.” Mostem, Apprehending the Realm: Territoriality and Political Power in Song China, 7-8. For a complete list of acts of territorial change in the Song, see Mostern, 282-314. 40. For comprehensive treatments of Song personnel admiiiistration, see Deng Xiaonan, Songdai wcnguan xuanrcn zhidu zhu cengmian and Keji, zigc, kaocha: Tang Song wcnguan kaohe zhidu cetan; Guo Dongxu, Songdai fazhi yanjiu, 70-140; Lo, An Introduction to the Civil

Service ofSung China; and Miao Shumei, Songdai guanyuan xuanrcn heguanli zhidu. 41. Zhao Yanwei, Yunlumanchao (YLUC), 4.17b-18a. 42. Kracke, Civil Scrvice in Early Sung China, 87. 43. For a detailed study on these policies, see Miao Shumel, Songdai guanyuan xuanrcn

yuguanli zhidu and “Songdai guanyuan huibi fa shuhm, ” 24-30. 44.]Y Y L,jia, 8.165. 45. Zhang Xiaoxiang once wrote to a friend, “Let’s not bid farewell for three years; our offices are only separated by a five-day trip.” YHJSWJ, 8.71. For other references to the three-year tenure in governmental documents as well as literati writing, see ^SW , 7.155; 230.305; 253.376; W ang Yong, Yanyi yimou lu (YYYML), 5.46; Su Shi, Su Shi shiji (SSSJ), * 5.215,224,256; Lu You, Jiannan shigao (JNSG), 50.1232. 46. In one extreme example, a Northern Song official was recalled to the capital only one day after he had arrived at his post. WASW], 57.90.

47. Zeng Zaozhuang, Su Shipingzhuang. 48. Redundant officials certainly contributed to this trend. Starting from the midNorthern Song, it was nothing out of the ordinary for an official to wait a few years between appointments; cases in which several officials waited in line for the same posi­ tion were not unheard of either. Zhu Bian, ^uwdjiuwen 2.9a; Zhou Mi, ^idongyeyu (§DYY), 8.13b-14a. For court discussions of this issue, see the biographies of Song Qi, Wang Yucheng, and Fan Zhongyan in Tuo Tuo, Songshi (SS), 284.9593-9600; 293.97939800; 314.10267-10276; Ye Mengde, Shilinyanyu (SLYY), 1.10-11; R2SB, sibi, 5 0 5 -5 0 6 . 49. Miao Shumei's brief discussion of the context of Song personnel management reveals the concerns of both the central government and local officials. Among the issues frequently mentioned were three negative consequences of short official tenures: (1) short tenures did not give local officials enough time to understand local conditions; (2) as a result, clerks and runners gained an inordinate amount of power because of their familiarity with local affairs; and (3) frequent transfers increased the financial burden on the various branches of government and on individual travelers themselves. Miao Shumei, Songdai guanyuan xuanrcn he guanli zhidu, 263—268. 50.


51. YHJV, 3.26-27. 52.释 ’ 236.443. 53. ^ingyuan tiaofashilci (^YTFSL), 4.26a; 5.1b. 54. YHJSWJ, 14.135.

55. JNSG, 12.361. 56. This was also a time when tolerance of diverse opinions from court officials



dramatically decreased. The most famous case was probably the trial of Su Shi for “seditious” language in his poetry. See Charles Hartman, "Poetry and Politics in 1079: The Crow Terrace Poetry Case of Su Shih," 15-44. The ^increasing danger in venting criticism in poetry" impelled Song scholar-officials to express their opinions by other means. Song Di (ca. 1015-1080), for example, resorted to painting. After his abrupt dis­ missal from office in mid-1070s, Song painted the famous The Eight Views of Xiaoxiang (Xiaoxiang bajin^, which were praised for “their poetic quality, were lauded in poetry, and for centuries were widely imitated by other painters.” Alfireda Murck, “The Eight Views of Xiaoxiang and the Northern Song Culture of Exile," 113. 57. For in-depth studies on changes in political and intellectual life, see Peter K. Bol, This Culture of Ours and “Government,Society, and State: On the Political Visions of Ssu-ma Kuang and W ang An-shih"; J i Xiao-bin, Politics and Conservatism in Northern Song China, the Career and Thought of Sima Guang; Ari Levine, Divided by a Common Language,

Factional Conflict in Late 'Northern Song China; James T. C. Liu, China Turning Inward; Shen Qinsong, Bcisongwcnrcnyu dangzhcng; Paul Smith, Taxing Heaven's Storehouse 58. Fei Gun, Liangxi manzhi (LXM 2), 3.6a-b. Also see Chen Lesu, “Liufang Lingnan de Yuanyou dangren" and ttGuilin shike Tuanyou dangji,' ” 229-260,293-309. 59. W ang Mingqing, Huizhu houlu (H2HL), 11.698-700. Many ordinary officials were also dismissed for disagreeing w ith Qin. An official named Xin, for example, was forced to retire for twelve years because he did not get along w ith Qin. Chen Baiquan, Jiangxi

chutu muzhixuanbian, 140-45. 60. JYYLJifl’ 9.174-175. 61. Levine, Divided by A Common Language, 161. For other discussions of court politics and the “strains in emperor-literati relations” during Emperor Huizong’s reign, seeJohn Chaffee, “Huizong,C aijing, and the Politics of Reform," 31-78; Ari Levine, “Terms of Estrangement" 131-170; Peter Bol, “Emperors Can Claim Antiquity Too,” 173-206; and Patricia Ebrey, Accumulating Culture, 42-75. 62. Hargett, On the Road in Twelfth Century China, 53. 63. For a list of extant travel accounts, see Hargett, On the Road in Twelfth Century

China, 53. 64.

319.388-390. For a comprehensive study on Song envoys to Liao, see Fu

Lehuan, “Songren shi Liao yulu xingcheng kao" 1-28. 65. Linda W alton, u'Diary of a Journey to the North:’ Lou Yue’s Bcixing rilu,n 1-38. W alton further argues that Lou’s representation of the Northern Jurchen world should “be viewed from the dual perspective of his official position as a member of the mission and as a Southern Song literatus seeking to interpret his experience of the North under Jurchen rule.” W alton, “Diary of aJourney to the North" 1-2. For another study of Song envoy, see Hilde de Weerdt, “W hat Did Su Che See in the North? Publishing Laws, State Security, and Political Culture in Song China" 466-494. 66. Yu Beishan, Lu You nianpu, 16-17. 67. See Levine, Divided by a Common Language, especially 72-98. 68. JNSG, 6.168.



Chapter 2: The Infrastructure of Travel 1. Lu You, Ru Shuji (R S])t 47.2444-2445; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth

Century, 136. 2. See Bai Shouyi, Zhongguo jiaotong shi; Elvin, The Pattern of the Chinese Past; Fang Hao, "Songdai heliu zhi qianxi yu shuili gongcheng,M255-282; Gao Rong, “Ben shiji Qin Han youyi zhidu yanjiu zongshu," 2-10; Peter Golas, “The Courier-Transport System of the Northern Sung," 1-22; Lao Gan, “Lun Handai zhi luyun yu shmyun," 69-91; Luo Chuandong, Changjiang hangyun shi; Peng Yingtian, “Liang Song de youyi zhidu,” 111-220; Quan Hansheng, Tang Song diguo yu yunhe; X i Longfei et a l, Zhongguo keji shi; Yan Gengwang,

Tangdaijiaotong tukao. For studies on the late imperial times, see Timothy Brook, "Com­ munications and Corrunerce" 579-707; Su Tongbing, Mingdaiyidizhidu; W ang Shigang, Changjiang hangdao shi; Silas W u, Communication and Imperial Control in China 3. Elvin, The Pattern of the Chinese Past, 131,133-134. 4. See Xi Longfei et aL, Zhongguo kcxucjishu shi,jiaotongjuan, 75-136, 325-330, 340344,350-443,450-454,479-488,524-525,623-627. Cao Jiaqi, “Songdai jiaotong guanli zhidu" 75-94,153-209, 263-284. Not everyone sees the networks in such a positive light. John Chaffee finds that “The communications and transportation systems, though complex and highly organized, were slow and inefficient:.” Chaffee, The Thorny Gates of Learning, 18. As my later discussion of the travelers’ social and cultural preoccupations will show, this appearance of inefficiency might have arisen because travelers were not often motivated to rush to their destinations anyway. 5. An exception is Timothy Brook's study of the Ming transport system in the con­ text of the growth of commercial culture and the use of the system by both commoners and government envoys. See Brook, The Confusions ofPleasure. 6. In addition to the scholarly works mentioned above, Ma Zhenglin's study also emphasizes che role of waterway transport during the Song. See Ma, Zhongguo lishi dili

jianluru 436-453. 7. The major tributaries of the Yangzi River include Min, Tuo, Jialing, W u, Han, Xiang, and Gan. 8. X i Longfei et al., Zhongguo kcxue jishu shi, 453. For other studies of the Grand Canal, see Chen Zhengxiang, Dayunhc and Zhongguo wenhua dili, 171-180; Quan Hansheng,

Tang Song diguo yu yunhc; Luo Chuandong, Changjiang hangyun shi, 153-171; Liu Guanglln’s research on commercial tax data during the Song suggests the significance of the Grand Canal in trade in particular and water transport in general. Liu finds that 74 percent, or 5.76 million strings, of Song commercial income tax from 1077 was collected from inland waterway cities. “The main body of the Yangzi River from Kuizhou (in Sichuan) down to the sea seemed to have supported a relatively small amount of trade that accounted for only 4.7 percent of Song commercial tax. The largest transfer centers of Song long­ distance trade were, in fact, almost exclusively located along the Grand Canal.11Liu further concludes that “The existence of a Kaifeng-centered trade hegemony in long­ distance trade demonstrated that north China in the late eleventh century could still compete w ith South China in the long-distance domestic market due to its intensive



waterway networks.” Liu attributes the loss of inland waterway networks in north China after the Northern Song to a manmade flood in 1194 that devastated the canal network in north China, the backbone of water transport in the region. Liu, W rcstlingfor Power, 260, 262,265,281-284. 9. Traditionally, South China has been designated as the area south of the Huai River. Several other terms are often used to refer to parts of south China, such as South­ east China, or, the Southeast, the Lower Yangzi River Valley, which normally includes modem Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces and parts of Anhui and Jiangxi provinces, and the Middle and Lower Yangzi River Valley, which, in addition to the areas mentioned above, also includes modem Hubei and Hunan provinces. On the growing importance of the south in the economy and commerce, see Zhang Jiaju, Liang Songjingji zhongxin de nanyi 10. T h t fangyu section in Songhuiyao lists many such attempts. See Xu Song, Song

huiyaojigao (SHY),fangyu, chapters 14-17. Lu You mentioned a project completed during Emperor Renzong’s (r. 1022-1063) reign when some 300,000 laborers were drafted to clear the watercourse at the Shuzhou section in Sichuan. By the time he was traveling in 1170, Lu wrote, people were still benefiting from the project. RSJ, 45.2429. W hen pass­ ing through Gong'an (in Hubei), Lu also noted that “The dikes frequently break, and year after year they have to keep building them back up.” RS], 47.2447. 11. Luo Chuandong, Changjiang hangym shi 182—191’ 202-205. 12. X i Longfei’ Zhongguo zdochuan shi, 132-182. 13. Shiba Yoshinobu, Commcrcc and Socicty in Sung China, 5 -6 . For a thorough treat­ ment of the Song shipping business, especially descriptions of the features of different boats, see Shiba, 4-15. For the development of the shipbuilding industry and shipping enterprises, see also Elvin, The Pattern of the Chinese Past, 135-145. 14. W u Zimu, Mcngliang lu (MLL), 12.16b-18b. By the Southern Song, human-pow­ ered paddlewheel boats also plied the lower reaches of the river. The largest ones were as long as three hundred sixty feet, forty feet in width, and more than seventy feet in height. Lu You, Laoxue'anbiji (LX4BJ), 1.2. 15. RSJ, 45.2430; 47.2449. 16. In her study of the transformation of Huainan (south of Huai River) from a pros­ perous trade and agricultural region to one of frontier, Ruth Mostem has shown that, as a result of the violent warfare between the Southern Song and the Jin, the function of Huainan, a key part of the Northern Song’s transportation infrastructure, "Vas no longer primarily to transport grain to the north, but to afford a secure border-crossing for diplomats and traders and efficient access by troops." Mostern, “From Battdefields to Counties: W ar, Border, and State Power in Southern Song Huainan," 243. 17. Shen Kua, Mcngxi bitan (WCBT), 12.137; Zhang Bangjt Mozhuang manlu (MZML), 4.8b-9b; W ang Pizhi, Midnshui yantan lu (MSYTL), 5.60. Cao Jiaqi estimated that the annual amount of grain transported during the Song was four times the amount of the Tang. For more information about the transportation of grain from the south to the north, see SS’ 94.2327,2351,2364,2375; 95.2379,2380,2384; 175.4250-4261. For an over, view of government purchase of grain in different parts of the country, see Liu Guanglin,



Wrestlingfor Power, 332-339. For the role that the Bian River played in assuring the sup­ ply of grain to the Northern Song capital, see Luo Chuandong, Changjiang hangyun shit 228-241; W u Haitao, “Beisong shiqi Bianhe de lishi zuoyong jiqi zh ili" 101-105; W u Jianlei, “Beisong Bianhe de caoyun" 19-20. . 18. X i Longfei, Zhongguo zdochuan shi, 140-141. 19. Luo Chuandong, Changjiang hangyun shi, 237. For an in-depth study of the politics surrounding the Sichuan tea and horse trade during the Northern Song, see Paul Smith,

Taxing Heaven's Storehouse 20. Luo Chuandong, Changjiang hangyun shi, 281. 21. RSJ, 46.2441. 22. Luo Chuandong, Changjiang hangyun shi, 244-256,261-266. 23. RSI 44.2416-2417; 45.2429; 46.2438,2440,2441; 47.2444. 24. RSJ, 43.2407. , 25. Fan Chengda, V/u chuan lu (WCL), 2.16a. 26. ]NSG, 19.568-569; Watson, The Old Man Who Docs as He Pleases, 33. 27. SSS], 2.62. The translation is Michael Fuller’s. See Fuller, The Road to East Slope, 70-71. 28. RSJ, 45.2432. 29. RSJ, 47.2448. 30. RSJ, 47.2450. Lu did not offer further information as to how Re had learned about the majority of the local population being Sichuanese. One source might have been his crew, who proved to be very helpful in informing Lu of many specific local customs. Another source might have been Lu’s conversations w ith local residents. Song elite men rarely referred to having difficulty understanding local dialects, presumably because they would have che assistance of their retinue and local officials. This does not mean, however, that they were insensitive to local dialects. In this context, travel greatly facilitated regional identification among Song elites. 31. RSJ, 47.2444; Chang and Smythe, Sout/i China in the Twelfth Century, 135. Among the Sichuanese who migrated and conducted business were Buddhist monks. So many went on pilgrimages to the lower Yangzi valley that Lu You quoted a popular saying, “Going down the river, they travel w ith the speed of smoke; going up the river, they defy Heaven w ith their noses in the air [i.e., they became snobbish] •” Lu also noted that two monks hitched a ride back to Sichuan on his boat. RSJ, 47.2448, Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 141. 32. WCL, 2.25b. 33. RSJ, 43.2409; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 44. 34. RSJ, 43.2410; Chang and Smythe, Sout/i China in the Twelfth Century, 45. 35. RS], 43.2411; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 47-48. 36. RSJ, 47.2445. 37. V^CL, 2.1a-b ,2b-3a. I have found no systematic speed regulations on water routes. A Song legal case did indicate that grain boats were supposed to cover about a hundred li traveling downstream. The crew and clerks of a certain shipment were pun­



ished for taking 4 5 days to cover about 1500 li Minggongshupan qingmingji (hereafter gMJ), 3.72-73. 38. RSJ, 45.2429. In another instance, they were able to cover 700 li in four and a half days. RSJ, 45.2431. 39. SHY, shi/iuo, 8.36b. 40.


41. RSJ, 44.2424; 45.2431; 46.2437,2439,2440. 42. RSJ, 43.2409,2416; 45.2430,2431. 43. FSHJ, 19.276-278. Similar references appear frequently in others' writings. Yang W anli, for example, often complained about being held up by strong winds. C l], 8.1a; 13.5b-6a; 16.11a-b,16a-b; 18.4b; 19.1b. 44. RSJ, 4 4 .2 4 2 0 .

45. MXBT, 25, zhizH 2.252. 46. RSJ, 43.2407; 45.2429; WCL, 1.2b-3a, 4b-5a, 6a, 7a. 47. RSJ, 48.2456. 48. WCL, 2.7a-8a. 49. Iin Guangchao, Aixuanji (AXJ), 6.11a-12b. 50. WCL, 2.6b. The translation is James Hargett's. Hargett, Riding thcRiverHome, 134. This is how Lu You described the Yanyu Shoal: uThe west gate of the pass faces directly toward the Yanyu Shoal. The latter is made up of a pile of broken rocks that extends seventeen feet. According to the locals, in the summer and fall when the water rises its surface is several hundred feet higher than the pile of rocks.” RS], 48.2459; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 171-172. 51. WCL, 2.7a-b. The translation is James Hargett's. Hargett, Riding the River Home, 134-135. Similarly, Lu described the Qutang this way: “The two cliffs towered up facing each other, their summits meeting the sky and their surfaces flat, as if they had been cut (w ith a knife). Looking up, one could see the sky above like a bolt of silk. The water level had already gone down, and in the gorge it was as smooth as a bowl of oil.” RS], 48.2459; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 171. 52. WCL, 2.7a—b. The translation is James Hargett's. See Hargett, Riding the River Home, 134-145. 53. U^CL, 2.13a. The translation is James Hargett's. See Hargett, Riding the River Home, 143.

54. JNSG, 2.47; Watson, The Old Man Who Does As He Pleases, 6. 55. For a study on the risks and dangers merchants had to deal w ith on the road, see Liang Ken-yao, “Nan Song shangren de luxing fengxian, ” 99-131. 56. Many of these deities were recognized by the Song state, which granted them tides and patronized their shrines. The spirit of the Yangzi River, for example, was given the title of King of Safety, Helpfulness, and Subduing the River. Zhang Duanyi, G ui'crji (G E ])y 2.35a. For a list of popular religious temples and pantheon in one sin­ gle region, Huzhou (in Zhejiang), see Valerie Hansen, Changing Gods in Medieval China, 179-200.



57. RSJ, 44.2414; 45.2426,2429; 46.2437; 47.2444,2449; 48.2454,2456. 58. RSJ, 47.2450. 59. Fang Shao, Bozhai bian (BZB)y2.83. 60. ^2 2 ,2 .3 ; 7.3. 61. Valerie Hansen has shown that “efficacy” (ling) was the distinguishing characceristic of popular religion during the Southern Song. “Lay people chose among prac­ titioners and gods on the basis of efficacy." And "the more honors a god received, che more he or she would perform miracles." Valerie Hansen, Changing Gods in Medieval China, 75,160. 62. SSSJ, 6.289-291. 63. WCL, 1.3a-b. 64. Travelers’ beliefs in the efficacy of their prayers were so broad that even fish, that jumped into the boat were sometimes created as river spirits. Zeng Minxing, Duxing

zazhi(DX2: Z)y5.39.

6 5 .Y ]Z y i, 4.417. 66.Y JZzhiw u, 4.2073. 67. Local officials often had to deal w ith similar situations at their offices. See Judith Boltz, “Not by the Seal of Office Alone: New Weapons in Battles w ith the Super­ natural,11241-305. * 68. Yu Sou, Songrcnxiaoshuo Idbian (SRXS), 3, xiaotan, 7b-8a. ■ 69. Fan Chengda, Can luan lu (CLL), 1.19a;James Hargett, On the Road in Twelfth Century

China, 198-199. Fan also wrote a poem to complement this entry in his travel diary. The poem describes the road as either so mucky that one’s ankles were submerged in mud or so rocky that it hurt travelers’ feet. FSH], 13.170. 70. RSJ, 4.2440; 5.2446,2448; WCL, 2.5a-b. 71. Feng Ii, Landscape and Power in Early China, 35-40,60-62. 72. For a brief introduction of the pre-Qin road network, see X i Longfei et al” Zhong-

guo kexucjishushi, 574-585. 73. One of the accomplishments of the Qin dynasty, the standardized size of axles on carts and carriages, reflects an interest in the maintenance of the overland trans­ port network. Since roads were made of pounded earth, different axle widths would ruin roads much faster, especially in rainy weather. Similar concerns can be found in Tokugawa Japan (1603-1868). The shogunate, for fear that it would make road main­ tenance an impossible task, discouraged carriages from traveling on official highways. Constantine Vaporis, Breaking Barriers, 45. The human cost of this building and mainraining a highway system remained in the consciousness of generations of Chinese statesmen. W ang Anshi once wrote, “At the time when the [Qin] road system was built, the bodies of the laborers must have been piled in hills.” W ang Anshi, Wang Anshi quanji,

shiflOVASSJX 13.78. 74. HS, 51.1101-1102. 75. Fan Ye> Hou Han shu (HHS), 76.2459. See X i Longfei et al., Zhongguo kexuejishu shi, 586-602, for maps of Qin and Han road systems. Patricia Ebrey, “The Social and Eco­ nomic History of Later H an: 613-615; and Lao Gan, “Lun Handai zhi luyun yu shuiyun”



also offers much detailed information about road infrastructure from Han times. Lao, 69-71. 76. Xi Longfei et al., Zhongguo kcxucjishu shi, 610-614. 77. For more information on road and travel conditions during the Tang, see Edwin Reischauer, Ennin's Travels in TangChina, 138-152. 78. See Bai Shouyi, Zhongguojiaotong shi, 90. 79. Peng Yingtian,“LiangSongyouyizhidu" 111-220. 80. SHY,/angyu, 10.1b-2b. 81. W u Zeng, Nenggaizhai manlu (NGZML), 11.268. 82. CLL, 1.22b-23a;James Hargett, On the Road in Twelfth Century China, 203. 83. For studies of hou in both inland and the frontier areas, see Peng Yingtian, “Liang Song de youyi zhidu,” 111-220; Caojiaqi, “Guanyu Nan Song Chihoupu baipu de jige wenti’” 19-26. 84. Yuanren, Ru Tang qiufa xunli xingji (hereafter RT^F), 68; the translation is Edwin Reischauer's. See Reischauer, Ennin*s Travels in TangChina, 143. 85. DXZZ 2.16. 86. Lu Zengxiang, Baqiongshijinshi buzhcng (JSBZ), 121.24a-26b. 87. Lu Youjias/iijimven QSJW)f 2.204. 88. FSHJ, 3.35. 89. C g, 13.16a-b. 90. M2ML, 1.10a. 91JNSG, 3.70. 92. JNSG, 3.81. 93. SHY, fangyu, 10.1a-3b, 4b. 94. SHY, fangyu, lO.lOa-b. About road conditions and repairs by local officials, see also Elvin, The Pattern of the Chinese Past, 131-133; Brian McKnight, Village and Bureaucracy in Southern Sung China, 68. 95. A road that connected Fengzhou (Fengxiang, Shaanxi) and Xingzhou in 1050s, for example,involved two fiscal commissioners. The second commissioner, upon the completion of the project, humbly attributed the accomplishment to his predecessor and even sent in a request for the court to promote him. ^SW , 661.111-112. 96. ^ASSJ( 16.97. 97. SHY, fangyu, 1.1b.



99. ^SW , 661.111-112. 100. CLL, 1.15a; Hargett, On the Road in Twelfth Century China, 194-195. 101. FSH], 13.163. 102. SHYjangyu, 10.2a, 2b, 5b. 1 0 3 .胃

’ 1 3 2 1 .4 9 .

104. YHJSWJ, 5 .4 4. 105. SHYjangyu, 10.1-3. 106. FSHJ, 13.165. A similar poem of Fan's reads: mud on the road was often “three feet deep” or “so deep that it touched the horses’ saddles.” FSH], 5.61.



107. CLL, 1.15a; Hargett, On the Road inTwdfth Century China, 194-195. 108. FSH], 13.162,165,169,170. 109. CLL, 1.7a-b. 110. Yuan Cai, Yuanshi shifan (YSSF), 3.71; translated in Patricia Ebrey, Family and Prop­

1 erty in Sung China, Yuan CaVs Prcccptsfor Social Life, 319. 111. For major studies of elite involvement in local affairs, see Robert Hymes, States­ men and Gentlemen and Hugh Clark, P ortrait of a Community. Lin W enxun and Gu Gengyou’s work on wealthy families (fumin) in the Tang and Song emphasizes the role these local elites played in disaster relief. Lin and Gu, Tang Song xiangcun shchui liliangyujiccng kongzhi Zhang W en’s recent study on charitable activities in the Song also shows that local elites were attentive to road- and bridge-building projects. Bridge- and dam-build­ ing was an especially popular elite endeavor in southeast China. See Zhang, Songchao

minjian cishan huodongyanjiu, 80-102.


112. ^SW, 661.111- 112.

113. CLL, 1.15b. Hargett, On the Road in Twelfth Century China, 195. 114. CLL, 1.19a-b. Hargett, On the Road in Twelfth Century China, 199. 115. Kong Fanli, Fan Chcngdayizhujicun (FCDY2), 108.

Chapter 3: Readying for Departure 1. Lu You, Wdnan wenji (WNWJ), 8.2038-2039. 2. YjZ, yi, 4.417. For those who did not return to the capital, the appointment and discharge letters could be delivered by post. YJZ,zhiding, 1.1084. 3. Apparently, an official was allowed to use his own calligraphy on the document. Yan Zhenqing (709-785) of the Tang often did so. Some of his Certificates of Identity still existed during the Song. RZSB, 3.68. 4. See Lo, An Introduction to the Civil ServiceofSung China, 187-189. 5. §SW,66.96. The value of the Certificate of Identity can be seen from another reg­ ulation. An imperial edict from 1030 stipulated that sons and grandsons of officials, who were classified as rank three and higher during the Five Dynasties period, could use their fathers' and grandfathers' Certificates of Identity to seek protection. §S\^, 950.196. 6. A Northern Song source recorded that an official who had a Certificate of Iden­ tity made without permission was arrested. Su Che, Longchuanbiczhi (LCB2), xiay89. 7. W ang Mingqing, Huizhu lu (HZL), 3.116-117. 8. ^SW t 216.425-426; 217.8-9. Altogether five different kinds of material were used, each further divided into twelve grades.


9.RZSBt sanbi 4.764. 10. See SS, 155.3604; SHY, zfiiguai% 59.4a, 5a, 6a; Lo, An Introduction to the Civil Scrvicc of SungChina, 181,188-189. 1 1 . 6 6 . 1 0 3 ; 70.202,214. 12. §YTFSL, 5.3a. For references about official seals during the Song, see SS, Yufu, 6.3590-3594; MXBTy1.31; Zhang Shumin, Huaman lu (HML), 27b, 29a; Zhou Bida, Erlaotang zazhi (ELJZZ)t 4.70. See also Zeng Guangqing, “Songdai guanyin zhidu luelun,” 52-58.



13. An official once described the feeling of having just been relieved of office this way: “The functionary took the seal and left the room. I immediately relaxed.” I i Ang­ ying, Wctvci cungao (WXCG), 141. 14. §YTFSI^ 5.13b. 15.§YTFSL,5.1b,3a,13b.

16. e g , 12.23a-b. 17. One observer described the ritualized handover of power: after presenting offi­ cial documents and the seal to his successor, the incumbent should retreat to his left. An official who had failed to do so became a laughingstock among his colleagues. HML, 13a. 18. §YTFSL, 5.13b. 19.§YIFSL,5.1b, 3a. 20. ^YTFSL, 5.1a. ' 21. §YTFSL, 5.5a-b. The leather bags were used as mailbags for official documents. Highly confidential documents, however, were accorded greater care. One source records that a traveler w ith such documents had them waxed and attached to his inner thighs. Zhao Sheng, Chaoycldyao (CYLY), 3.11a; 4.12a. 22. For comprehensive studies of the postal system, see Golas, “The Courier-Trans­ port System of the Northern Sung,” 1-22; Peng Yingtian, “Liang Song de youyi zhidu, ” 111-220; Zhao Xiaoxuan,- Songdaiyizhan zhidu; Caojiaqi, Songdaijiaotongguanli zhiduyanjiu, “Nan Song dui youchuan zhi zhengshang yu gengzhang shulun" 37-44,and “Songdai jijiaodi kao,” 87-91.

23. RSJ, 3.2431. 24. CYLY, 4.10a. In cases when the official was at his position outside the capital when he received a new appointment, he did not need to come to the capital to attend the occasion. ^YTFSI^ 5.17a. 25. For a comprehensive study of the power of imperial ritual technology, see Angela Zito’s study of the grand sacrifice in the eighteenth century. Zito, Of Body and Brush 26. §S\^, 51.234. 27. ]S]W , 2.222. 28. §YTFSL, 5.13a. 29. GEJ, 3.56-57. 30. 464.155-171; 465.172-183. 31. §S\^, 557.238-566.9. 32. See Ouyang Xiu quanji, siliuji (OYX切 ) , 1.677-4.772. For some of Su Shi's letters of gratitude, see Su Shi wcnji (hereafter SSWJ), 23.651-655, 656-657, 658-661; 24.690, 704, 706-707,716-719. 33. 1496.57-105. 34. SSWJ, 24.706-707,716-719. 35. Song writers used zhang, ^jianglU zhangqi to refer to a host of what we now iden­ tify as tropical and subtropical diseases, especially malaria. 36. 185.191-192. 37. Yujing's memorials of gratitude, for example, those submitted after he assumed



offices in Guizhou (Guilin, Guangxi), Tanzhou (Xiangtan, Hunan), Qingzhou (Dezhou, Shandong), and Guangzhou (in Guangdong), used exactly the same expressions. ^SW, 566.6-9. 38. SSWJ, 23.651. 39. SSW7,23.651. 40. ^SW t 240.93.




2 2 9 .1 8 .

' '


43. QSW, 248.257-258. 44. Not long afterwards, it was decided that Sichuan was not too remote, so offi­ cials there could go home to mourn their parents. YYYML, 1.9. 45.5B22,1.26-27. 46. In che 1040s, there was even a case where a single prefecture had three courtappointed prefects. §DYY, 8.13b-14a. 47. SS, 170.4080-4082. The fact of redundant personnel has been held responsible for many other problems in the Song. For detailed studies, see Shen Qinsong, Bd Song

wcnren yu dangzhcng, especially 1-12; Liu Lifu, “Lun Songdai rongguan zhi chengyin" 44-48; W en Changping, “Songdai rongguan xianxiang de xingcheng jiq i yuanyin" 62—64; Zu Hui, “Songdai rongli yiyuan wenti yanjiu,” 92-100. , 48. §YTFSL, 11.19a. 49. gYTFSL, 5.10b. Travel to Fujian was later allotted thirty days. §YTFSL, 5.11a. 50. ^YTFSL, 5.14a. 51. LXAB], 6.81. 52. §YTFSL, 5.14a. 53. QYTFSL, 5.9b—10b,12a. 54. ^YTFSL, 5.12b. 55. RSJ, 43-44.2406-2423. 56. CLL, 1.3b-4b. Fan wrote: “I heard that W ukang was only 25 li away (from Deqing County) and that the plum blossoms there were famous. There were time con­ straints on my journey, so I did not go.” 57. Another Southern Song scholar, Zhang Xiaoxiang, traveled even more slowly. Zhang once specifically scheduled his trip from Jiujiang (in Jiangxi) to Chlyang (Tongling, Anhui), a distance of less than 200 miles, for thirty days because he was plan­ ning to visit Mount Lu. YH]SWJt 7.64. 58. W ang Deyi, “Hong Rongzhai xiansheng nianpu," 415-419. In addition to W ang Deyi’s biographical study of Hong Mai, Alister Inglis's work on Hong’s Rccord of the Lis­ tener, offers an introduction Co Hong’s life; see Inglis, HongMai's Record of the Listener and Its

Song Dynasty Context, 1-20. See also Chang Fu-jui, “(Biography of) Hong Mai,” 364-378.

Chapter 4: Government Assistance for Official Travel 1. MXBT, 9.108-109. 2. YJZ sanzhi, si, 3.2552.



3. This phenomenon was certainly not unique to China. In his study of travel con­ ditions in Tokugawa Japan, Constantine Vaporis portrays a state very aware of the importance of controlling the communication network and the travelers, while detail­ ing the ways that daimyo and common men and women took advantage of the system. See, Vaporis, Breaking Barriers. Compared to their Chinese counterparts, however, the daimyo were more heavily burdened w ith the cost of their journeys to the capital. In fact, the Shogunate fully intended for them to spend much of their income on the mandatory trips to Edo. Toshio Tsukahira's study of the Alternate Attendance system shows that 70 to 80 percent of the daimyos1normal expenditures were made in connection w ith their Alternate Attendance obligations. Toshio Tsukahira, Feudal Control in Tokugawajapan, 101. 4. ^YTFSL, 10.16a—19a. W e should keep in mind that the Classified Laws and Regula­ tions of the Qingyuan Period mainly deals w ith water transport, and boats were commonly used as lodging facilities. It is possible that wayfarers were not given all these services because, whenever they stayed or dined at lodging stations, there were already soldiers or servants to wait on them. 5. §YTFSL, 10.14a-19a. 6. §YTFSL, 10.13a. 7. The Song maintained a large army throughout its duration. A memorial from 1045 already claimed, “Now the number of soldiers exceeds a million, almost three times that of the previous dynasty.... And there have never been so many redundant soldiers before.” 636.44-45. A recent study of this problem suggests that at least one-fifth of the Song military was superfluous since many were employed in completely nonmilitary tasks’ including serving in the entourage of high-ranking officials. You Biao,

Songdai tcshu qunti yanjiu, 349-364. For the size and operation of the local militia during the Song, also see W ang Yuji, “Bei Song rongbing x i, ” 38-43. 8. If a certain local government had a shortage of militia men, official travelers were allowed to hire commercial escorts. ^YTFSL, 10.19b. The Superior Guard Leader

(dubaochcng) at the county magistrate’s office was charged w ith this duty. SHY, shihuo, 14.40b-41a; 66.31a-b. See also Brian McKnight, Village and Bureaucracy in Southern Sung China, 65. Whenever this happened, travelers were required to submit reports on the time of service received and the distance covered. But local officials en route were still held responsible for providing protection w ithin their jurisdiction. ^YTFSI^ 10.12-13. 9. WNW], 4 7 .2 4 4 9 10. Fan remarked that since many of the soldiers had brought goods to trade, he gave them three days to do business before sending half of them back to Chengdu. WCL, 2.16a. Fan’s openness about the accompanying soldiers bringing along goods for profit and his willingness to allow them time to trade suggests that official travel and trade normally went hand in hand. In fact, even examination candidates were often found engaging in trade activities along the road. So were government officials. An imperial memorial from the early Northern Song (977) already highlighted the practice in its request that the court “ban and regulate officials selling light goods to make large prof­ its." Cheng Minsheng, SongJai diyu waihua, 20; ^SW , 63.31-32. See also Quan Hansheng, “Songdai guanli zhi siying shangye,” 199-254.



11. §YIFSL, 10.11b. 12. $YTFSL, 10.10a-12b. 13. Su Shi, Dongpo zhiliti (DPZL), 1.1. The Southern Song statesman Zhang Jun was also known for bringing a large number of books along as he headed into exile. Luo Dajing, Helinyulu (HLYL), 1,1.5-6. 14.LXABJ,5.66.


15. Y ]Z ding, 12.1213. 16. Fan Gongcheng, Guo tinglu (GTL), 3.30. 17.1X A B ],335. 18. Zhuang Chxio.Jileibian (}LB), 2.75. 19.




,21. RSJ, 48.2455-2457. 22. QSW, 376.201. 23.Y ]Z zhiding,4.l9lS .

^ ‘

24.Y ]Z zhijia, 3.1396., ‘ 25. FSHJ, 15.188-189. Given the rarity w ith which Song official travelers acknowl­ edged even the presence of their porters, I was surprised to find an anecdote claiming that an extremely honest and hardworking porter was posthumously honored as a god w ith a shrine position, since in his lifetime he had always helped travelers or his fellow carriers when they experienced problems. Liu Changshi, Lupu biji (LPB])y4.33. 26. WNWJ, 47.2446. U .Y JZ bujuan, 21.3422. 28. W ing-tsit Chan’s study of Zhu Xi’s travel records shows that Zhu described himself trekking on foot, traveling in carriages, and, more often, riding a horse. Chan,

ZhuX ixin tansuo, 151-157. 29. In its early years, the Song government only granted high-ranking officials the privilege of government,assigned boats. W ei Tai, Don^cuan biji (DXBL)t 6.13a. The majority of official travelers did not have access to horses, so they often had to go on foot. Many arrived at their offices w ith shoes worn out and canes in hand for support. Although women received better treatment than men, it was still deemed a luxury if donkeys were available to them. YYYML, 1.9. 30. 256.10. 31.胃 , 885.212. 32. ^YTFSU 10.8a-b. 33. ^YTFSU 11.20a-21a. . 34. Depending on the rank of an official traveler, the government covered a limited number of family members, providing lodging and transportation, usually one or two boats. If it happened that family members decided to join the official at a later date and thus needed to travel separately, an eligible official was given coupons for later use. If soldiers sent to fetch family members did not begin the return trip w ithin fifteen days after arriving at the family's house, the responsible official would be punished. Officials



were also punished if too many boats were loaned out to pick up family members. §YTFSL, 10.6b, 8b-9a; 11.19a. 35.§YTFSL, 10.20a. 36. RSJ, 47.2449. 37. RSJ, 43.2406,2407,2414; 45.2425,2431, 2446; 47.2446; 48.2452,2456. 38. RSJ, 43.2412,2414; 47.2448; 48.2457. 39. WCL, 1.12a. 40. Hu Zi, Tiaoxiyuyin conghua (TXYYCH), qianji, 48.328. 41. Yan Zhitui, Yanshijiaxun (YSJX), 11.156. The translation is Teng Ssu-yu's, see Teng Ssu-yu, Family Instructions/or the Yen Clan, an Annotated Translation, 116. 42. Ebrey, Inner Quarters, 32-33. 43.YLMC,4.65. 4 4 . JNSG, 3.77; Watson, The Old Man Who Does As HePleases, 8. 45.JNSG, 3.85,93; 5.141,147; 8.235; 10.281^292; 11.301; 14.392; 28.766; 38.986. 46JNSG, 11.311; 14.403,405. 47. Many biographies of Lu You and Qin Q iji written in the last century glorify their patriotic sentiments. See Guo Guang, Lu You zhuan; Qi Zhiping, Lu You zhuanlue; Qiu Minggao, Lu Youpingzhuan; Xia Chengtao, Xin 娜 ; Deng Guangming, Xin § iji zhuan 48. FSH], 17.242. 49. See Paul Smith,. Taxing Heaven's Storehouse; Iin Ruihan,“Songdai bianjun zhi mashi ji ma zhi gangyun,” and Liu Fusheng, “Songdai guangma yiji xiangguan wenti,” 85-93. 50. Su Che, Longchuan luczhi (LCL2), 4.22-23. 51. Despite the attention paid by court officials to this problem, the demand for horses continued to frustrate Song rulers and statesmen, who were acutely aware of the connection between a secure Song state and an adequate horse supply. Song Q i from the early Northern Song, for example, submitted multiple memorials on the subject. Song Qi, Jingwcnji QWJ), 30.8a—Ba. Fan Chengda once suggested that, for the court to procure horses of high quality, quotas imposed on the local governments needed to be stopped so that Song officials could have the power to select only those of highest qual­ ity. FCDYZ, 2 4 -2 5 . To solve the short supply of horses, the Southern Song government purchased an increasing number from the southwest border region. Zhou Qufei, Lingwai daida (LWDD), 5.7a-9b; 9.4a-5a. Lu You compared the general quality of Southern Song horses (mostly imported from the southwest) w ith those of the Northern Song (which came from the northwest). In a poem written upon admiring a painting of horses by the Northern Song painter Li Gonglin, Lu described che horses lie had seen in real life as “thin 七 oned” and “barely able to stand against a breeze." JNSG, 5.147. 52.SRXS, 2,yilun, 4.a-b. 53. Golas, “The Courier-Transport System of the Northern Sung’” 1-22. 54. JNSG, 14.410. 55.JNSG, 11.322; 12.356. 56. SS’ 153.3573-3574.



57. Y ]Z zhigeng, 8.2289; yi, 15.595. 58. WCL, 1.1b. At several places while touring Mount Emei, Fan mentioned that there were disciples sightseeing w ith him, and dozens of porter-soldiers carried his sedan-chair and pulled it from the above. W^CL, 1.15a, 18b.


59. YHJSWf, 23.235. 60. SSS], 3.95-97; 14.696; 15.713-714.


61. SSSJ, 16.791. 62. Liu Fu,^ingsuogaoyi (^SG Y )yhouji, 2.109. 63. FSH]、22.316. Similarly, the Southern Song scholar Liu Kezhuang (1187-1269) recalled admiring a portrait of the Tang poet Meng Haoran (689-740) on a donkey. Liu Kezhuang, Houcunji (H C ]), 4.12b. And Xie Bocai claimed that for more than thirty years he had used a donkey to get around, even when he lived in the capital. Xie Bocai, Mizhai

biji (MZBJ), 3.13a. 64. JNSG, 3.84; 7.195; 8.231; 13.365; 14.403; 50.1237.


65. JNSG, 3.84. 66. Liu Yingshi, Yi'anjushiji (YAJSJ), shang.


C2J, 20.6a-b.


68. Ma Yongqing, Lanzhcnzi (LZT), 2.4a-b. Even while serving in high office, Sima was said to have employed few escorts and preferred not to have a cover over his head when he was on horseback. W hen he was told that this style of travel might be incon­ venient because people would not be able to recognize his status, Sima replied that that was “exactly what he intended." Shao Bowen, Shaoshi wcnjian lu (SSW}L)y 11.115. Similar anecdotes describe Zhu X i saying that every time Sima Guang traveled, he rode in a single carriage, refusing disciples and servants. Although he had been to many places, people remained unaware of his comings and goings. Huang Gan, Mianzhiji (MZJ), 36.13b. 69. Ye Mende, Bis/iu luhua (BSLH), shang, 5a-b; ELTZZ, 5,86; W ang Zhi» Mo ji

(M]X 2 .2 4 . 70. 5.151; Zhao lingshi, Houqinglu (HQL), 8.195-196. 71. SSSJ, 3.96-97; the translation is Michael Fuller’s. Fuller, The Road to East Slope, 99. 72. YHJSU^, 6.51; 10.90. 73. Kong Pingzhong, Henghuangxinlun (HHXL), 59a-b. 74. YSJX, 11.156. The translation is Teng Ssu-yu’s; see his Family Instructions/or the Yeti Clan, 116. 75. Cheng Yi and Cheng Hao, Er Cheng quanshu (E C ^S), waishu, 10.3a. 76.SSWJL, 11.115. 77. SS, 153.3573-3574. 78. GEJ, 1.15b-16a.


79. 216.422-423, 424. Exceptions were made for the sick and the old. W ang Yucheng (954-1001) and Sima Guang, for example, made use of this privilege when they were ill. 147.344; §SB, 2.1a. 80. §SW;953.241. 81. W u Renshu's recent study finds that, by the late Ming, sedan-chairs were used by people of all classes. Several reasons explained the spread of their use: first’



horses were extremely expensive in the Ming; second, labor was cheap; third, the rise of tourism contributed to their popularity; fourth and most importantly, the use of sedan-chairs became a symbol of political and social status. For this reason, the Ming government implemented detailed policies regarding their use by officials. W u, “Mingdai shidafu yu jiaozi wenhua^ 1-68. 82. GEJ, L15b-16a; CYLY, 5.7b. §SB, 2.1a; JYYL,jio, 3.100-101. Unlike the Northern Song capital Kaifeng, the streets of which were mostly pounded earth and sand, streets in Hangzhou were covered w ith stone slabs; this may have presented other difficulties for those on horseback. MLL, 18b-20a. 83. RSJ, 43.2410; 47.2449. ' 84. YJZ jia, 9.144;外 17.630. 85. RSJ, 48.2445,2456,2459. JNSG, 5.232; 10.288, 290; 11.325; 12.383. FSH], 4.41,50; 5.64; 6.67; 7.86; 15.258; 21.398; 31.421. 86. CLL, 12a.


87. FSH], 13.171. 88. FSH], 15.205. 89. JNSG, 63.1521. The translation is Burton Watson’s. See Watson, The Old Man Who

Docs as He Pleases, 63. 90. Lu You noted many such instances on his journey to Sichuan in 1170. See RS]t 45.2424,2427,2429; 46.2438. 91. Lin Iiping, “Tang Song zhi ji chengshi ludian ye chutan, 82-90.

92. See W ang Fuxin, Songdai luyouyanjiu, 241-262. 93. See Fang Hao, “Songdai fojiao dui luyou zhi gongxian,” 171-206; Huang M inzhi, “Song Yuan fojiao de jiedai an yuan,” 151-199. Huang’s study shows especially that Buddhisc temples played an important role in accommodating all types o£ travelers. 94. See, for example, RSJ, 43.2408,2409,2412; 44.2418; 45.2424. Also see WCU 1.2b, 6a-b, 9a-10a, 12b-19a. J 95. For two important studies on the relationship between the Buddhist religion and Song scholar-officials, see Mark Halperin, Out of the Cloisters, and Zhang Peifeng, Songdai shidafu foxucyu wcnxuc. The latter includes case studies of over a dozen Northern and Southern Song personalities. The most famous Song figure who was heavily influ­ enced by Buddhism was probably Su Shi. See Beata Grant, Mount Lu Revisited: Buddhism in

the Life and Writing ofSu Shi 96. RSJ, 43.2413. 97. RSJ, 45.2428. 98. §YTFSL, 4.23b. 99. Exam candidates were allowed to use lodging stations starting from the year 969. They were given validation coupons by the local government. YYYML, 1.5. W hen Su Shi and his father and brother were on their way to the capital to take the examination in the 1050s, they sought lodging at one such, facility in Shaanxi, but left for a commer­ cial inn only because the conditions at the government facility were inadequate. SSWJ, 11.375. 100. Sima Qian, Shiji (S ]), 68.2236-2237.



101. According to Jiang Shaoyuan, these accommodations did not serve the com­ mon people. The hostels that served commoners were called mlu. Jiang Shaoyuan, Gudai

luxingyanjiu, 65-71. 102. Yi were lodging stations on the main lines of the official road and guan were those on side roads. Gao Cheng, Shiwujiyuan (SWJY), 7.9b-10b. 103. Bai Shouyi, Zhongguo jiaotong shi, 112. Another scholar calculated the number of overland lodging stations as 1,293 during the Tang. Zheng Yan, Zhongguo luyou fazhan shi, 82. No such data is available for the Song period. 104. Cao Jiaqi argues that a major development during the Song was the separation of the postal and lodging station networks, making them independent of each other. Cao, Songdaijiaotongguanli zhiduyanjiu, 3. Another detailed study of the Song lodging and postal station systems by Zhao Xiaoxuan focuses on the delivery of documents and goods instead of the transportation of officials. His study does include the building and maintenance of government inns’ assignment of porters and soldiers, and expenses for food and other supplies. Zhao Xiaoxuan, Songdaiyizhanzhidu. Also see W angjing, “Songdai zhongyang keguan zhidu,” 48-52. ' 105. SHY, fangyu, 10.13b. Another imperial edict in 1029 reiterated the same policy.

^SW t 949.162. 106. SHY,/angyu, 11.4b. 107. YYYML, 5.55. 108. Wenying, Xiangshanyelu (XSYL), 2.38. 109. YYYML, 5.55. 110. SHY,/an^yu, 10.14b. 111. For example, The Gazetteer ofWu Prcfccturc (Wujun zhi) records thirteen such facili­ ties for Suzhou, The Gazetteer ofjiankang Compiled in the Jiading Reign Qiangdingjiankang zhi) twenty-six forjiankang (Nanjing Jiangsu), and The Gazetteer ofSiming Compiled in thcBaoq-

ing Reign (Baoqing Siming zhi) seventeen for Siming (Ningbo, Zhejiang) during the South­ ern Song. Fan Chengda, Wujun zhi (WJ2), 7.19b-20b; Zhou Yinghe, Jingding Jiankang zhi (JDJK2), 16.18b-22a; Luo Rui, Baoqing Siming zhi (BQSMZ), 3.30b-32a. 112. Fu Xuanzong, §uan Songshi (§SS), 3758.45322. Song literature rarely mentioned the use of maps, mainly because official travelers had the assistance of their entou­ rage and the local officials. Commercial maps grew in popularity in the Ming when an Increasing number of commoners were traveling. See Timothy Brook, “Guides for Vexed Travelers: Route Books in the Ming and Qing, ” 32-76. For information on mapmaking and map circulation during the Song, see Zhongguo gudai dilixuc shi, 24, 301-309; Jiang Xiaoqun and Hu Xin, !ZhonggUo dilixuc shi, 137-140; W ang Chengzu, Zhongguo dilixuc shi, 76-81; Chen Zhengxiang, Zhongguo dituxuc shi and “Zhongguo gudai dituxue zhi fazhan," 131-168, especially 147-155. 113.^,1515.375. 114. YLMC, 8.139-140. GE], 2.15b. 115. 1.1638. 116. WXCG, 49. 117. SHY,/angyu, 10.3a-4b; 10.5a-b.




HS.SHYjangyu, 10.16a. 119. YYYML, 1.5. 120. SHY,fangyu, 10.5a; 11.4,15,30,31,16. 121. Yiquan originated during the Kaiyuan reign (713-741) in the Tang. W u Chuhou,

Qingxiangztyi 8.85. At the end of their missions, officials were supposed to return their coupons. Foreign envoys were also given these validations for accommodations. SHYjangyu, 10.13,18,23. §YTFSIL, 5.4a. 122. §YTFSL, 10.4b. 123. C g, 4.3b.


124. An imperial order from 1009 stipulated that, when encountering each other on the road, civil and military officials should yield according to their ranks. The same policy was also applied to royal women and female family members of high-ranking officials. §S\K 232.21. ■ 125. Jiang Shaoyu, Songchao shishi Icibian (SCSSLB), 13.277. 126. ^SW , 3.59.

127.JNSG, 8.231. 128. SSSJ,20.1032-1033,1036-1037,1073-1074. 129. LXABJt 3.33-34. 130. SLYY, 10.96. 131. 980.375. During the Southern Song, a similar policy was also in effect. SHYjangyu, 10.12a,13a-b, 14b; ^YTFSU 10.4a. 132. QYTFSL, 10.4a. 133. YJZzhiwu, 6.2101. 134.SHY’/flngyu, 10.14b. 135. ^SW , 1018.197. 136. QSB, xia, lb. 137. 1018.197. 138. S H Y , 1 0 . 1 5 b . 139. SHY, fangyu, 10.11b, 16a-b. 140. SSWJ, 11.375-376. 141. JNSG,50.1237. 142. ]NSG, 2.50.


143. CLL, 1.19a. 144. e g , 1.4a. 145. MKHX, 6.344. 146. Liu Wenpeng’s study on the Qing communication network offers a brief com­ parison between Tang-Song and Ming-Qing lodging stations. Liu finds that there were more descriptions of luxurious lodgings during the Tang and Song than in Ming and Qing times. He therefore argues that the Tang and Song states paid more attention to travel and communication infrastructure than the governments of late imperial times. I think that more research has to be done to qualify such a comparison. liu , ^ingdaiyichuanjiqiyujiangyu xingchcngguanxi zhiyanflu, 2-3. 147. Imperial policies emphasized that lodging station soldiers were charged w ith



planting trees to supply governmental needs for lumber as well as to provide shade for travelers. ^SW t 274.418; 331.213. 148. YHJSW], 5.37. 149. WCL, LlOb-lla. 150. Fan Chengda once mentioned that his well-wishers occupied all the inns at Xinjin (in Sichuan). WCL, 1.8b-9a. See also

5.150; RSJ, 43.2412; SSWJ, 11.375-376;

C2Jf4.9b-10a. 151. CZJ’ 4.3a-b; 13.18b. 152. JNSG, 1.27. 153. Yu Wenbao, Chuijian luwaiji (CJLWJ), 48a-b. 154. Although men did most of the wall inscribing, women also participated in the practice and their writing drew male attention. The literature by these female w rit­ ers not only allows us to examine the ways women viewed their lives but also men’s immediate response to them. In a society where contact between men and women was extremely limited, works by female travelers fed the male imagination w ith regard to women's situations and strengthened gendered stereotypes about women’s lives and writings at the time. Cong Zhang, “Communication, Collaboration, and Community, Inn-wall W riting during the Song (960-1279)," 1-27.

Chapter 5: Rituals of Departure LJNSG,1.21. 2. See Susan Mann, “Introduction: The Male Bond in Chinese History and Culture”; Martin Huang, “Introduction to Male Friendship in Ming China.n 3. Martin Huang, “Introduction to Male Friendship in Ming China,n 5-6. 4. Huang Kuanzhong, “Renji wangluo, shehui wenhua huodong yu lingxiu diwei de jianli— yi Songdai Siming Wangshi jiazu wei zhongxin de kaocha’” 225-256, and “Songdai Siming shizu renji wangluo yu shehui wenhua huodong—yi Loushi jiazu wei zhongxin de kaocha" 627-669. 5. The zhu is a thirteen-stringed musical instrument. 6.SJ, 86.2534. 7. Weicheng was located to the northwest of the Tang capital, Chang'an, on the north bank of the W ei River. 8. Yangguan was located southwest of Dunhuang (in Gansu) on the Tang frontier. 9. W ang W ei, Lcijian Wang Youchcng quanji (WYC沙 , 10.7a-9a. r 10. Fan Chengda, for example, refers to willow branches, Weicheng, and Yangguan many times in his poems, FSHJ, 1.10; 4.50; 5.53; 20.291; 25.354. For a study on the popu­ larity of the poem and song during the Song, see Yang Xiao’a i,u‘Weicheng qu, zai Songdai de gechang yu ‘Weicheng ti,’ ” 20-26. Also see Yin Xian, “Tangdai bieli shi zhuti laiyi shengfa de yixiang," 62-65 for the rise of farewell poetry during the Tang. 11JNSG, 23.662. 12. Zhang Yuangan, Luchuanguilaiji (LCGLJ), 3.41.



13. XJCG, 59. 14. OYX切 . 15.啊 1104.105. 16. LCGLJ, 3.75. 17.


18. ^_SW, 935.311. 19. Ibid 20. ^SW, 294.380-381. 21. 294.382-383. 22. RSJ, 43.2406.

23. RSJ, 43.2406-2414. 24. RSJ, 43.2407; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 40.

25. JNSG, 13.362. 26. JNSG, 12.356.

322.27. 27. 28. Ibid.

29. Ibid 30. YHJSW], 8.71.


31. FSH], 14.174. 32. Martin Huang, “Introduction to Male Friendship in Ming China," 32. Huang’s obser­ vation appears in the introduction to an edited volume of four articles, all dealing w ith the ways male friendship was theorized, practiced, and represented in Ming China. They are Anne Gerritsen, "Friendship through Fourteenth-Century Fissures,” 34-68; Joseph S. C. Lam, “Music and Male Bonding in Ming China,” 70—110; Kimberly Besio, Friendship of Metal and Stone" 111-145; and Martin Huang, “Male Friendship and Jiangxue, ” 146—179. Also see Susan Mann, “Introduction: The Male Bond in Chinese His­ tory and Culture," 1600-1614; and Joseph McDermott, "Friendship and Its Friends in the Late Ming,” 67-96. 33. YJZ zhijing, 6.1030. 34. HML, 10b. 35. MZML, 4.11b-12a. 36. MSYTL, 2.18; SSLY, 6.45. * 37. YHJSWJ, 30.290. 38. JLB, 2.75. Another contemporary source records that, even though he tried to bribe the escorting soldiers, an official who fell sick on his way to exile was not allowed to see a doctor. He Yuan, Chunzhujiwcn (C2JW ), 4.54. 39. MSYTL, 2.14. 40. In a very similar case’ when W ang Yucheng was exiled to Huangzhou, only one friend named Dou saw him off for the same reason. MSYTL, 7.84. 41. Yue Ke, Tingshi (TS), 12.133-134; GEJ, 1.28b-29a; 13.8b-9b; DXZZ 8.75. 42. Ouyang Xiu, Yuyizhi (YY2). For details about the people he met and other activ­ ities on the road, see Yangjie, Ouyang Xiu nianpu, 65-68.



43. §BZZ’ 4.140-141. 44. FSHJt 15.189,15.190. For examples of someone hurrying to catch up to bid fare­ well, see FSH], 20.298; C2J, 1.19b-20a; Z2a-b. 45. Ouyang Xiu Jus/iiji (hereafterJSJ), 1.7. 46. FSH], 8.93-97. 47. WCL, L7a-b. 48. WCU 1.8b-9a. 49. H 1.10a. 50. FSHJ, 18.263. 51. WCL, 2.2b. Between their parting and return to Chengdu, Fan sent Yang Shangqing alone at least two poems. FSH], 18.263; 19.266-268. W hen Fan estimated that all three were back in Chengdu, he wrote four poems expressing the hope that they would write him frequently. W e know that Yang Shangqing paid a surprise visit to Fan in Suzhou some nine years later. FSH], 24.336. Among other poems that Fan wrote to his well-wishers was one addressed to another Yang, whom Fan expected to see when the latter returned to his native place in the east. Fan even issued an invitation for Yang to visit his Boulder Lake villa in three years, which suggests that Yang was from the Lower Yangzi region and chat he had just recently arrived in Sichuan at the time of Fan’s depar­ ture. FSHJ, 18.263. 52. JNSG, 8.218; FSHJ, 18.253-254. ' 53. FSH】, 18.254. 54. YHJSWJt 9.80. 55. JNSG, 50.1232; Watson, The Old Man Who DoesAs He Pleases, 5 2 -5 4 . 56. Ibid. 57. XJCG, 16. 58. See, for example, WASUJ, 53.52; 54.59,63,65; 58.94; 59.103,107,108; 60.110. 59. \WISWJ, 54.65. 60. WASW7,54.59; 59.108. 61. This also confirms Beverly Bossier’s finding that elite social networks displayed a broad continuum from the national bureaucratic elite to the local gentry. 62. Although this incident happened five years after the Mongols assumed control of China, I have chosen to use the story here out of my belief that the Song practice of bid­ ding farewell and literary gathering continued without major changes. This is especially true because the author of this account made it clear that he was against Mongol rule in China and had only befriended Magistrate Shi after hearing that Shi shared his views. 63. Xie Fangde, Xic Dieshan quanji jiaozh^ (XDSQJ), 2.33. 64. XDS纽 ,2.33. 65. XDS^J, 2 3 2 -3 3 . 66. Hailing from Jiangxi and active during the late Southern Song and the early Yuan (1271-1368), Xie Dieshan (1226-1280s) received his jins/ii degree in 1256 and served in Hubei and Jiangxi. But most of his time was spent leading a reclusive life. XDS 切 , edi­ tors' note (no page number).

6 7 .X D S % 2 3 3 .



Chapter 6: Travelers and Their Local Hosts 1. JNSG, 2.50. 2. In addition to their peers, a distinctive aspect of Song scholaiyofficials, social net­ works was their association w ith Buddhist and Daoist monks. Not only does Song liter­ ature contain references to a large number of exchanges between the scholarly elite and their religious counterparts’ it also shows the ease w ith which the two groups social­ ized. Recent scholarship on these mutual influences and involvements include Beata Grant’s Mount Lu Revisited: Buddhism in the Life and Writing ofSu Shi, and Mark Halperin's Out of the Cloisters. In the context of official travel, visiting and staying overnight at Bud­ dhist and Daoist temples and associating w ith the monks constituted an important part of the travelers,routine. Lu You, for example, visited dozens of monasteries along the Yangzi River. At the XianUn Temple in the capital, hot drinks were set out for him. Lu also had tea w ith the abbot of the Donglin Temple at Mount Lu and even suggested that the monks remove the bricks from the road to give it a more natural look. RSJ, 43.2406; 46.2434. On his way into Sichuan, Lu You let two monks sail on his boat. Long after he left Sichuan, we find Lu in contact w ith several Daoist monks. JNSG, 19.555, 561, 565. W hen a Daoist monk named Yandian was traveling to Sichuan, Lu wrote him a poem in which he joked that Yandian could use it as verification that they had met in case the famous monks in Sichuan asked how Lu was doing. TOWJ, 15.2115. Apparently, the famous monks to whom Lu You referred also maintained busy social lives. One abbot in Chengdu grew so tired of all the visitors that only when high officials came would he receive them. YJZ zhijing, 6.1767. 3. It was a popular practice among Song educated men, for example, to organize

tongnianxianghui, which included people from the same native place who received their degrees the same year, and tongnian huiywhich included people from the same native pre­ fecture or circuit. CYLY, 5.9a-b. 4. JNSG, 1.27. 5. JNSG, 9.262. 6. Lu You, Lu Fangwcng tiba (FWTB), 4.29. 7. RSJ, 43.2406. 8. RSJ, 43.2406. ' 9JNSG, 1.28-29; 10. RSJ, 43.2413. 11.JNSG’ 9.256-258.


12. W m/J,41.2395. 13. JNSG, 19.565. 14. 31.2295. 15. WNWjf, 41.2395. For evidence of Lu's frequent contacts w ith Zhang, see JNSG, 3.92; 5.156; 6.178; 8.221, 243; 10.284; 11.300; 30.798; 31.835; 36.937; 38.974; 40.1020; 44.1114; 62.1492; 73.1714; 78.1833.丽 16. JNSG, 10.284. 17. FSH], 5.60.




18. Zhao Yushi, Bin tui lu (BTL)t 3.29. 19.XSYL.1.9. 20. Just in the first chapter of A Journey into Shu, Lu recorded people calling on him twelve different times. WNWJ, 43.2406-2414. 21. HLYL, 4,1.66. 22. SRXS, 3, huiming, 4a-b.



24 . XDS^J, 32. 25.XDS§J,32. 26. MSYTL, 9.116. 27.X D S % 32.

28. RZSB,sanbi, 295. 29. 222.114; 195.415. 30. 31.释


197.30. ’ 235.424.

32. ^SW t 481.76-77. 33. 930.219. 34. 481.76-77. 35. 477.429. 36. Ouyang Xiujus/iiwaiji (JSWJ), 14.466. 37. 38.

974.241. 886.229.

39. Han H u, Jianquanriji Q ^RJ), 1.4. 40. Song officials were given a one-day break every ten workdays. §YTFSL, 4.23a. 41. gYTFSL, 4.20b. 42.5YTFSL, 4.20a-22b. 43.§YTFS乙 4.23a. 44. SLYY, 4.39.

45. Cai Tao, Ticwcishan congtan (FMSCT), 6.107. 46. ^W S, 139.185. 47. 950-196. 48.JYYL,>i, 12.695.


49.]Y Y L ,yi 12.695-696. 50.2XTG,1.7b-8b. 51. HZHL, 1.208-209. ^ 52. Lin Tianwei finds that Song sources often confused gongyongqian w ith gongshi-

qian (allowances for government officials), an important source of their income. Such a conflation is responsible in part for our limited knowledge about the exact sources and amount of income of Song officials. See Lin, “Songdai gongshiku, gongshiqian yu gongyongqian jian de guanxi," 408-410. Bao W eim in continues to use gongshiqian in his study of Song local financial and fiscal history. Bao, Songdai difang caizhcng shiyanjiu, 56-57. 53. For example, in 1013, Guangzhou's allowance was 500 strings. SHY, zhiguan, 57.9.



54. See Lin Tianwei, “Songdai gongshiku, gongshiqian yu gongyongqian jian de guanxi," 424-425. 55. See, for example, 56.JYY L,jia, 17.394-395.

3.8b; XAZ, 1.18a.

57. YYYML, 3.29-30. A Southern Song source did praise two local officials for turn­ ing over the gifts they received to the government coffer, which indicated that this might have been a rare occurrence. QBZZ, 12.522-523. 58. ^YTFSL, 5.12a. 59. JYYL, jia, 17.394. Other ventures for increasing the size of the coffer included trade, medical clinics, real estate, publishing, and wine shops. See Iin Tianwei, “Songdai gongshiku, gongshiqian yu gongyongqian jian de guanxi,” 432-435; also see SHY, shihuo, 21.16. 60. See multiple entries on similar violations in SHY, zhiguan, 47.22a—44b. 61. SHY, sMuo, 21.16. 62. SRXS, Zshici, 17a. 63.]Y Y L,jia, 6.145. 64. In an imperial memorial, Ouyang Xiu requested that the general Di Qing, who was accused of overspending the fund, be spared punishment. Ouyang emphasized that Di was one of two most talented generals of his time, therefore, should not be treated the same as the other violators. In addition, Ouyang stated’ “Since Di Qlng is a military man, lie does not know the laws well.” Even if he had overspent, the situations must have been different from those who “stole and spent irresponsibly.” It was of Ouyang’s opinion that to punish Di over the “small amount of the Government Expenses Fund” at a time when the circumstances along the borders would need him the most was not wise. W e are not informed of Di’s and others' exact violations’ but are left to believe that spending irresponsibly and even embezzling from the fund was not out of the ordinary.

^SW, 682.160.


65. Miao Shumei, Songdaiguanyuan xuanrcnyu guanli zhidu, 505. See also Huang Chunyan, “Lun Songdai de gongyongqian," 76-81. 66.JYYL,jia, 17.395. Also see SHY, shihuo, 21.16. 67. §YTFSL, zhiguan, 79.24b-25a. 68. Liao Xingzhi, Xingzhaiji (X 2J), 5.17b—18b. Bao W eimin’s study shows that, dur­ ing the Song, the majority of local governments faced difficult financial situations. But local officials still had to come up w ith resources to entertain traveling superiors. Bao, “Songdai difang caizhengjiqi yingxiang, ” 127-133. 69.2XTG,1.7b-8b. 70. Zhu Ruixi, “Songdai guanyuan lipin kuizeng guanli zhidu, ” 52-59. 71. ^SW , 372.118. 72. 372.118. 73. 372.118. 74. ^SW , 372.118. 75.




76. ^SW , 886.229. 77. Miao Shumei, Songdaiguanyuan xuanrcnyuguanli zhidu, 264. 78.YYYMI, 1.9. 79. 2.108.

80. ^W]W, 2.108. 81. SHY, zhiguan, 47.24. 82. To study the financial situation of individual families poses many difficulties because Song scholar-officials did not leave systematic records of their finances. Tao Jinsheng's study of Northern Song elite families, including the Shi Family from Xinchang (Ningbo, Zhejiang), offers much insight into the management of a large family, including strategies for accumulating property and preserving the livelihood of mem­ bers of this class. See Tao Jinshen, uSongdai de Xinchang Shishi jiazu, Jiaoyu yu jiazu weichi," 42-57, and Bd Song shizu, 75-83. 83. WNWJ, 2496; JNSG, 2.54; 2.40.


84. JNSG, 2.61. _ 85. WNWJ, 13.2085. 86. JNSG, 19.568; Watson, The Old Man Who Docs as He Pleases, 33. 87. JNSG, 47.1177; Watson, The Old Man Who Does as He Pleases, 51. 88. Su Shi once joked that people bom in the same year he was were all poor. DP2L, 1.21. During his stay in Huangzhou, Su Shi made it a rule to use only 150 cash per day; he would take out 4,500 cash every month and divide the pile by thirty. If he saved some cash on certain days, the money would be used to entertain guests. HLYL, 5,2.208. 89. ^SW , 157.87. ' 90. See Taojinsheng, Bd Songshizu, 51-63,75-99. 91. Muzhig^cin is a categorical reference to a group of officials in the central gov­ ernment w ithin the larger category of Selectmen (xuanren); they served as case review­ ers (pingshi), in the Court of Judicial Review (Dalisi), and editors (jiaoshuhng) in such agencies as the Palace Library and in the posts in prefectures, judges and administrative assistants. Charles Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China, 336. 92. 238.44. 93. ^SW , 248.276. 94. Emperor Taizong once granted an official 1,300 strings of cash because the offi­ cial was poor and already in debt. The emperor said, “He is not able to buy food for his family, how can he ever pay back his debts?” W en Ying, Yuhu qinghua (YHQH), 5.52-53. During Emperor Zhenzong's reign (1009-1016), a low-ranking official in Shaanxi had to sell his horse in exchange for a donkey to finance his trip home. MSYTL, 7.88. In a more desperate case, an official's wife had to resort to selling her daughter to buy a coffin for her father. §SGY, houji, 2.115.

95. Y]Z,zhijia, 8.1480. ' 96. YJZ zhiding, 8.1973. Another man went even further. Unable to finance his Crip to a position in Changzhou, a Mr. Chen married a courtesan so that the she would be w ill­ ing to help finance his trip. Chen, however, kept it a secret that he was already married.



He then told his wife that, since they were too poor to travel together, he would go alone first and promised to send her part of his salary. Three years later, when he returned to the capital and had to face his wife, he chose to solve the problem by murdering the courtesan because she had no idea that he was married or that he could benefit from her death.级 GY, houji, 4.129. 97. Yuan Cai’s Prcccptsfor Social Life, for example, dedicated much attention to prop­ erty accumulation and management in the context of maintaining family status and

harmonious relations. See Patricia Ebrey’s translation and introduction of Yuan’s work. Ebrey, Family and Property in Sung China: Yuan Ts'aVs Preceptsfo r Social Life.

Chapter 7: Sightseeing and Site M aking 1. HLYL, 3,3-281-282. 2. This development in the travel diary as a literary genre has been observed by

many scholars. In addition to James Hargett and Richard Strassberg, Wang Liqun also sees the Song as a turning point in travel writing. See W ang, Zhongguo gudai shansuiyouji

yanjiu, 87-124. 3. Brian R. Dott makes a similar observation in his study of pilgrimages to Mount

Taiin late imperial era. In his comparison of literati pilgrims and ordinary pilgrims, he notices an apparent lack of religious devotion on the part of the former group. “Rather their spiritual devotion was focused more on literate than on oral culture, more on Mount Tai and Confucius than on Bixia Yuanjun. They wrote themselves into long lineages of perfected persons through travelogues and inscriptions.” Dott, Identity Reflec­

tion, 222. 4. In his study of the great Ming traveler Xu Xiake, Julian W ard emphasizes a gen­ eral trend during the Ming on emotional response to landscape and increased interest in

geography during the Ming. As this chapter will show, the “obsession” with sightseeing ac famous sites became well-established in the Sotig. See W ard, X uX iakc 5. Plutschow characterizes these places as rivers, bridges’ lakes, ponds, wells,

islands, capes, mountains, passes, forests, villages, boundaries, or simple turns in the road (and later, Buddhist temples). See Plutschow, FourJapanese Travel Diaries of the Mid­ , dle Age, 1-24. 6. Richard Strassberg has found that “For many travel writers excursions to places

thac had accumulated a literary tradition were encounters in which nature was inextri­ cably linked with language and history广Strassberg, Inscribed Landscapes, 6. 7. Shi Nianhai and Cao Erqin, You chengnanjijiaozhu, 3. For a study of Zhang's work

in English, see Deborah Rudolph, “The Power of Places: A Northern Sung Literatus Tours the Southern Suburbs of Ch’ang-an,” 11-22. 8. W ang Fuxin identifies the number of famous place names in the Lu and Fan dia­ ries as 115 and 113,respectively. Wang, Sonfdai luyouyanjiu, 108-109.

9. W ang Fuxin, Songdai luyouyanjiu, 122-123,133. 10. HLYU 5,3.317.



11.Journeys taken along the Yangzi River had become especially noticeable in Tang

literary works’ poetry in particular. After all, it was the beautiful scenery along the river that inspired some of the most famous Tang poems. Along with the legends surround­ ing their journeys, Tang poets were among the most celebrated figures both during the Song and throughout late imperial times. Lu You’s A Journey into Shu alone cites dozens

of poems by the great Tang poet Li Bo (710-762). Other frequently quoted figures were Du Fu, Bojuyi (772-846), Wang Zhihuan (688-742), Du Mu (803-852), and Cui Hao (7 -7 5 4 ). 12. RSJ, 48.2452-2453. 13. SSS], 1.40. 14. F\VTB, 3.22.

15.MSYTL— (129. 16. Famous landmarks such as Kou’s cypress trees were just as important to locals. In the same record, Wang Pizhi pointed out that the magistrate kept the originals to preserve Kou Zhun’s traces in Badong and to comfort his local admirers. MSYTL, buyi, 129. Again in the same volume, W ang emphasized the trees' celebrity status to travel­ ers and local people when he wrote, “The local people love them and ■ •. call them the

cypress trees of Mr. Kou.” MSYTL, 8.97. 17. W N W ] , 8 .2 0 3 8 - 2 0 3 9 .

18. Donald Holzman, Landscape Appreciation in Ancient and Early Medieval China, 1. 19. Confucius, Lunyu, 6.23. The translation is Patricia Ebrey’s, from Hbrey, Chinese

Civilization, A Sourcebook 20. 20. HLYI. 3:3.281-282. 21.脇 SWJ, 27.164; che translation is Richard Strassberg’s. See Strassberg’ Inscribed Landscapes, 173-176. 22.碰 SWJ, 27.164; the translation is Richard Stxassberg's. See Strassberg, Inscribed Landscapes, 173-176. 23. WAS\VJ, 27.164; the translation is Richard Scrassberg's. See Strassberg, Inscribed Landscapes, 173-176. 24. WASWJ, 27.164; the translation is Richard Strassberg’s. See Strassberg, Inscribed Landscapes, 173-176. 25. Hargett, On the Road in Twelfth Century China, 45. 26. Fan noted in his travel diary that he even brought along a jug of water from the foot of the mountain for cooking rice. WCL, 1.16b. 27. WCL, 1.15a; 1.18b-19a. As much as Fan deserved to celebrate his adventure, we

should keep in mind chat he had not had to worry about basic logistics or finances. As previous chapters have shown, local officials at Jiazhou were obliged—and probably more than happy— to provide a regional commissioner like Fan w ith all the equipment

and personnel he needed. The majority of Fan’s fellow official travelers, however, were not in as fortunate a position. In fact, the lack of support for lesser government officers may partially explain why Lu You, who stayed in Sichuan for six years, had never set foot on Mount Emei. Another factor may be that Mount Hmei was at the time not yet



considered a ^must-see” site. As Su Che's letter (discussed shortly in this chapter) dem­ onstrates, the Su brothers apparently did not consider Emei to be prestigious, nor did

they ever visit the mountain. 28. WCL, 1.22b-23a. 29. For a study of Hu Yuan's educational activities and his accomplishments, see Miao Chunde, Songdaijiaoyu, 141-154. 30. MJ, 3.51. 31. Ib id 32. VWWJ, 8.2038-2039.

33. It was with the intent of training and preparing himself for the task of com­ piling the Historical Rccords that Sima started those journeys that covered nine modem provinces. The role that his travel played resonate throughout his work. The nine prov­ inces Sima traveled through included Shaanxi, Henan, Hubei, Hunan, Jiangxi, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, and Shandong. 34. For a comprehensive study of the history of Emei, its famous visitors, and its evolution into a Buddhist sacred mountain, see Hargett, Stairway to Heaven 35. Su Che, Luanchcngji (hereafter LCJ), 22.381. 36. QBZZ 8.4. 37. YHJW, preface.

38. YHJW, 95. 39. YHJW, 95. 40. RSJ, 43.2410; Chang and Smythe, Sout/i China in the Twelfth Century, 47. 41. RSJ, 43.2413; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 52. 42. RSJ, 45.2426; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 89. 43. RSJ, 43.2409; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 44. 44.这W , 1782.160. 45. 1782.160-161. 46. 47.

991.138. 939-375.

( -

48. 1044.230. 49. LCJ, 22.382. 50. WNWJ, 8.2039. 51. Bo Juyi, Boshi changqingji (BSCQ]), 26.12b-14a. The translation is Strassberg's. See Strassberg, Inscribed Landscapes, 137-138. 52. BoJuyi, Boshi changqingji (BSC^J), 26.12b-14a. The translation is Strassberg's. See Strassberg, Inscribed Landscapes, 137-138. 53. Richard Strassberg, Inscribed Landscapes, 137. 54. Ouyang was demoted to Yiling in 1036 and remained there until early 1038. Yan Jie, OuyangXiu nianpu, 63’ 79. 55JSJ, 1.12.


Su Shi wrote another poem on this visit and inscribed it on the wall of the

grotto. SSSJ, 1.46-47.



57. Su Che, Su Cheji (SC]), 1.8. 58. RSJ, 48.2453. Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twdfch Century, 161-162. 59. RSJ, 48.2453. Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 161-162. 60. RSJ, 48.2453. Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 161-162. 61. Stephen Owen, Remembrance, 1. 62. JNSG, 2.48-49.

63.1have not been able to find any reference to having Lu’s work inscribed on the wall of the cave. But Lu’s willingness to take such a chance points to the popularity of the practice. As the next chapter will show, celebrated visitors, local officials, and mem­ bers of the local elite were all active participants in such projects. 64. C2J, 20.6a-b. 65. FSHJ’ 13.160. 66. SS, 386.11867-11868.

67. CLL, 1.5b-6a. 68. FSHJ’ 18.261. 69. WCL, 2.20b. 70. WCL, 2.20b.


71. FSH], 6.72. 72. WCL, 2.16b-17a. 73. WCU 2.20b.

. -

Chapter 8: A Famous Place in the Making 1. BSCQJ, 11.41a. The translation is Michael A. Fuller's. See Fuller, The Road to East Slope, 271.

2. Bo served in Zhongzhou from 819 to 820. Zhujincheng, BoJuyiyanjiu, 101-117. 3. The most comprehensive study of Su Shi’s life in Huangzhou in English is by Michael Fuller. See Fuller, The Road to East Slope. Politically, the hitherto active Su

remained an exile in the ensuing four years. He consciously distanced himself from friends to spare them any potential political difficulty. Financially, he was not well off. Unable to feed his large family, he purchased land and resorted to fanning. In literary

terms, “It was only after his trial and his subsequent banishment to Huangzhou that Su Shi acquired a reputation for poetry that could not only attract the admiration of con­ noisseurs, but had a political and social impact as w ell, Alice Cheung, “Poetry, Politics, Philosophy: Su Shih as the Man of the Eastern Slope,” 326. Two monographs, Stanley Ginsberg's Alienation and Reconciliation ofa Chinese Poet and Kathleen Tomlonovic's Poetry o f Exile and Return, also deal with Sfu Shi's exile. For studies of Su Shi's life in Huangzhou in Chinese, see Ding Yonghuai, “Su Shi Huangzhou huodong nlanyue biao,” 244-257;

Ma Xingrong, “Du Su Shi Huangzhou shiqi de d ”; Rao Xuegang, Su Dongpo zdi Huang^hou;

and Zeng Zaozhuang, Su Shi pingzhuan, 118-159. 4. SSS], 48.2641. The translation is Michael Fuller’s. Fuller, The Road to East Slope, 4.

Huizhou and Danzhou were in Guangdong and Hainan, respectively. Su spent lengthy exiles at these places between 1094 and 1100.



5. See Charles Hartman, “Poetry and Politics in 1079, ” 15—44; “The Inquisition

Against Su Shih," 228-243. 6. Fuller, The Road to East Slope, 251. 7. Ronald Egan, Word, Image, and Deed in the Life ofSu Shi, 250. 8. DPZL, 1.2,23;


9. Of the letters he wrote in his Huangzhou years’ for example, eight were addressed to Li Gongze, fifteen to Wang Dingguo, and twenty-one to Teng Yingda. SSW], 50.14781485; 5L1496-1501; 52.1513-1521. 10. Huangzhou^s most famous exile prior to Su Shi was W ang Yucheng. Su Shi once wrote a poem about Wang's stay there. SSSJ, 20.1046. 11. SSSJ, 6.233-234. 12. RSJ, 46.2439; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 115. 13. SSSJ, 20.1019-1020; Fuller, The Road to East Slope, 2 5 2 -2 5 3 . 14. This was in contrast to Edward Schafer's assessment of Su’s exile to Hainan Island. Schafer writes, “Su Shi simply accepted the facts of the life he must lead...and

noted such commonplace in his verse. But he did not explore the fringes of his little world. ...His generous heart allowed that all things could be tolerated, but he did not learn to look for values beyond his ken.” Schafer, Shore ofPcarls, 98. 15. The two rhapsodies are “Rhapsody on the Red Cliff" and “Later Rhapsody on the Red Cliff.” DP], 19.8b-9b. For translations, see Ronald Egan, Word, Image, and Deed in

the Life ofSuShi, 2 2 2 -2 2 3 , 245-246. 16. SSW7,71.2255-2256; DP2L, 4.75-76. 17. DPJ, 2.75. The translation is Ronald Egan’s. Egan, Word, Image, and Deed in the Life ofSuShi, 226-227. 18.YLMC, 6.110-111. 19. Li Ruchi, Dongyuan congshuo (DYCS), 2.1a-2a. 20. RSJ, 46.2439-2440; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth China, 115-118. 21. WCL, 2.18a-b. 22. HZHL, 11.680-681.


23. ^W ]W , 9.213. 24. Ming and Qing sources kept making notes about the place. Li Xian, Mingyitong-

zhi (MYT2), 61.28b; HZFZ 3.3b-4a. 25. SSSJ, 21.1079-1084.26. In the first two years of his stay at Huangzhou, Su Shi and his family lived at the Dinghui Monastery and at Lingao Station. SSSJ, 20.1032-1033,1036-1037 , 1073-1074. 27. DPZL, 4.80-83; SSW], 12.410-413. Part of the translation is Ronald Egan's. See Egan, Word, Image, and Deed, 238. 28. SSS], 21.1079-1085; SSWJ, 12.410-413; DPZL, 4.80-83. Su was so proud of the

complex that he even named the wine he had learned to distill “Snow Hall Wine.” Su Shi, Chouchi biji (CCBJ), 2.252. 29. The inlet was opened during the 1030s. By the time Lu You visited, he noted that local officials had closed it. RSJ, 46.2440.

30JNSG, 2.41; 10.270,278-279.



31. RSJ, 46.2439. 32. RSJ, 46.2439-2440; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 115-118.

Lu You continued by discussing the Red Cliff, already cited above. 33. RSJ, 46.2439-2440; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 115-118. 34. RSJ, 46.2439-2440; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 115-118. 35. RSJ, 46.2439-2440; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 115-118.

36.W C U 2.m -b. 37. JNSG, 2.41; RSJ, 46.2439-2440; Chang and Smythe, Sout/i China in the Twelfth Cen­ tury, 115-118. 38. Owen, Rcmcmbrancc, 17. 39. Tobie Meyer-Fong, Building Culture in Early §ing Yangihou, 193.

40.\^CL,2.18a-19a. 41. TSt 12.142-143.


42. Faced w ith the task of maintaining a certain landmark and preserving its origi­ nal flavor, many renovators were stuck between a rock and a hard place. W hen the pre­ fect to Zhenjiang, a man named Fang, found that the Duojing Tower was almost in ruins

in the early 1160s, the monks at the temple were the first to react and take up the task of rebuilding. Many visitors, including Lu You and Zhang Xiaoxiang, had their poems engraved on the tower, an indication that the construction was considered to have done justice to the celebrated site. YHJSW], 28.282; WNW], 49.2461. Even so, another contem­ porary source complained that, although the tower had been restored, “It is no longer the same. It is a shame.” MZML, 4.13a-b. 43. W ang Mingqing, Huizhuyuhua (HZYH), 2.1048-1049. 44. YHJW,2.18;妙 2 2 ’ 13; 3.1; 9.1; BTL, 1.2; 3.39; RZSB, xubi, 237; sanbi, 319. H2YH,

2.1048. 45. JNSG, 10.269. 46. QSGY, qianji, 5.42. 47. BTL, 1.2; 3.39.

48 . Y H ]SW ]J.57. 49 . WASW], 27.164; the translation is Richard Strassberg's. See Strassberg, Insaibcd Landscapes, 173-176. 50. W^ASW^, 27.164; the translation is Richard Strassberg’s. See Strassberg, Inscribed Landscapes, 173-176. 51. DCABJ, 4.49. 52. RSJ, 44.2418. 53. UCMZ, 6.Ba-b.


54. Besides damage due to w ar and political situations, the fact that m ost build­ ings were wooden added their vulnerability. Su Shi had already mentioned in a letter

to a friend that Snow Hall nearly burned down even while he was living in it. SSWJ, 60.1819-1820. 55. § 擎


56. Hanshi is better known as the Qingming Festival, which usually falls on April 5.



57. YJZ ding, 18.1312. 58. Anne Gerritsen, in her study of elites’ building and writing about local shrines

and temples injizhou (in Jiangxi) from late Southern Song to the Ming, records a simi­ lar incident. In her story, the spirit of the maid of a Lady Tan, who died resisting Mongol soldiers' attempts to rape her at the end of the Southern Song, appeared before the son of the magistrate and expressed “her dissatisfaction with the way statues of her mis­ tress and herself were displayed." And the magistrate's son in turn '"promised to take on the rearrangement of her statues, placing the servant next to her mistress in a more prominent position, and making regular offerings to the two.” Gerritsen, Ji'an Literati and the Local in Song-Yuan-Ming China, 1—4. 59.DP2L, 60. In her study of Song-Yuan-Mingjizhou (injiangxi), Anne Gerritsen emphasizes

the role the literati played in inscribing the landscape by building and giving meaning to local temples and monasteries. To this group, the process also “created opportunities for belonging locally.” She also sees a tendency on the part of the literati to focus the most attention on religious spaces instead of local educational institutions or kinship and lineage organizations (but has included a chapter on elite involvement in compiling genealogies and writing about schools and academies). Through their inscriptions and observations, the literati “envisioned the communities the temples served, and the ways in which they identified themselves w ith these imagined communities•” Anne Gerrit­ senJi'an Literati and the Local, 46, 63, 65-98. 61. See Ellen Neskar, The Cult ofWorthics. 62. Ellen Neskar has observed that “In the Northern Song, shrines (honoring local

worthies) were almost always dedicated to individuals. But in the Southern Song, the average number of men honored in a single shrine doubled, and it was common to find shrines honoring up to ten worthies” Neskar, The Cult of Worthies, 17-18. While there were certainly more shrines that bore the name of “Ten Masters,” wThree Worthies,” and “Former "Worthies” in the Southern Song, many did originate in the Northern Song. I take this as an indication that, as local cultural landscapes became more crowded, local administrators and local elites had to more e汪 (ciendy use the limited space they had to commemorate as many worthies as possible. 63. W ]Z 6.12b-14a. 64. See, for example, ]D]K Z, 21.31a-32a, 38a-39a; HYGSZt 7.10a-14b; CZJ, 10.4b; 10.5a-b; WCU 1.5a-6a; YDJS, 49.4b. 65. DP2L, 4.75. 66. ^W ]W , 4.9b; ZW]W, 4.4a-b. 67.释 , 157.79. 68.啊 W;8.205. 69. RSJ, 46.2439-2440; Chang and Smythe, South China in the Twelfth Century, 115-118. 70. WCL, 2.18a-b. 71. YJZ ding, 18.1311. 72. ^W ]W , 8.205.



73. M2ML 4.9b-10a. 74. LXMZ, 7.11b-12a. For Yang W anli's poem about the three W est Lakes (Hang­ zhou, Yingzhou, Huizhou), see C2], 18.8a. 75. Shenjia'ao, Nansong^ashis/ii (NSZSS), 1.71. 76. Zeng Zaozhuang, uSu Shi yanjiu shixu," 13. 77. SRXS, I dili, 6b—7a. 78. Y JZjia, 10.162. 79. W ang Xiangzhi, Yudijisheng (YDJS), 49.7a-b. Ming Yitongsjii recorded the names

of twenty-seven Song local officials at Huangzhou. MYT2,61.43b-45a. 80. YDJS, 49.7b-8a. 81. YDJS, 49.8b-10a. 82. Zhu Mu, Fangyu shenglan (FYSL), 29.518. 83. FYSL, 29.520. , 84. Zhu Mu actually listed eleven people. But according to the annotator, one of

them, Wei Guo from the Tang, had never served in Xiazhou. See FYSL, 29.531. 85. See a study of Lu You’s Record of a Journey into Shu in this context. Cong Zhang,

“Sites, Places’ and the Empire: Lu You’s Travel on the Yangzi River in Southern Song China.” 86. For an important study on Wang's work, see Li Yongxian, “Shilun Yudijishaig de

bianzuanjiqi yu Fangyu shcnglan de guanxi’” 315-329,. 87. YDJS, preface.

88. Peter Bol defined the local gazetteer as “a rather standardized compendium of information about an administrative unit: the prefecture, county, canton or town. The gazetteer is a record of those the central government appointed to administer the area, as prefectural administrators and county magistrates, for example, and the buildings that were part of their infrastructure, such as offices, warehouses, postal stations, and schools. It is also a record of the natural and constructed landscape, its rivers and moun­ tains, reservoirs and bridges, and of the local population in the villages and cantons, their shrines and academies, students and degree holders, and men and women who became famous at home and abroad.” Bol, “The Rise of Local History, 37. 89. Hargett, “Song Dynasty Local Gazetteers and Their Place in the History of

Difangzhi W riting,” 405-442. 90. Bol, “The Rise of Local History, ” 49. • 91. Ibid. 92. Neskar, The Cult ofWorthies, especially 69,98-156. 93. The term is Ellen Neskar’s. See The Cult ofWorthicsy100.

94. Yichangfuzhi (YCF2), 8.4a-14a. 95. YCFZ 14, yiwen, fu, 6b, 16b. For more examples of Ming and Qing visits to and works on the grotto, see YCFZy14, yiwen, shi,18a, 19a’ 19b, 20a, 24b, 105b-106a; 14, yiwen,

fu, 6b-7b. 16b-17a; I4 yyiwcn7lushi, 14a, 86a-b. 96. Jam es Hargett writes that this orientation “is apparent not only in chapters

on former prefects and biographies of famous native sons, but also in sections on such



seemingly ‘non-human’ subjects as ancient sites" Hargett, “Song Dynasty Local Gazet­ teers and Their Place in the History of Difangzhi Writing,” 427-428.


1.JNSG, 2.47; Watson, The Old Man Who Docs As He Pleases, 6. 2. 219.50; 326.96; 330.192; 481.70. These policies did not seem to have been effectively enforced. A Southern Song writer specifically warned his fellow scholarofficials, “Do not wait until you are old. When you are sick, resign from office. He who can observe this rule will not suffer from failure and humiliation in officialdom.” 9.384-385.


A iz h i 愛 直 A n X in k e 安 信 可

C hajiusi茶 酒 司 Chang’an 長 安

Anguo (Temple) 安 國 寺

Changsha 長 沙 Changzhou 常 州

A n h ui安

A nsu安 肅 Badong 巴 東 Bailihuang 百 里 荒

Chaojiyuan 朝 集 院

Bao’a n 保

chcng 程

chaoxic 朝謝

Chen Liang 陳 亮

(Mount) Baochan 褒 禪 山 Beijing 北 京 Bian (River) 汗 河

Chengdu 成 都 Chenzhou 彬 州 C h ib i赤 壁


chidao 弓

汗 京

b iesh i別 試 bietoushi別 頭 試


b iji 筆 記 bingzu 兵 卒 Bo伯

Chongyang Chuan 川

B o ju y i 白 居 易 BoXingjian 白 行 簡

池 陽

Chizhou 池 州 重 陽

chuchuan 蔚傳

Chuzhou 楚 州 (Huaiyin, Jiangsu)

B ozhou 亳 州

Chuzhou Chuzhou


Dadu (R iv e r) 大渡河




Cai T a o 蔡 絛 Cai Xiang 蔡 襄


蔡 州

( in Anhui) (Lishui, Zhejiang)

Daizhou 代 州 Dajiang 大 江 Daliang 大 梁 D arning 大 名

C anluanlu 驥驚錄

Darning (T em ple) 大明寺

Cao Cao (M engde)曹 操 (孟 德 ) cao hu a 草 花

d an q i單 騎 Danzhou 儋 州


Daozhou 道 州



Dengzhou 鄧 州 ( in Henan)

guan 館 (an inn) guandao 官 道

dian 店 Dinglin Temple 定 林 寺

Guan'gaoju 官 告 局 Guangdong 廣 東

Dingzhou 定 州 ( in Hebei) Dingzhou 鼎 州 (Changde, Hunan) Dong Zhongshu 蕾 仲 舒

Guangdu 廣 都

Dongjing 東 京

Guangzhou 光 州 (Huang Henan)

Dengzhou 登 州 (Penglai,Shandong)

Donglin (T em ple)東 林 寺 Dongyang 東 陽 Du F u 杜 甫 Du Mu (M u z h i) 杜 牧 (牧 之 ) Dubaocheng 都 保 丞 D u tin g Y i都 亭 驛 (M ount) Emei 蛾 眉 山 E zh o u 鄂 州 Fan Chengda (S h ih u ) 范 成 大 (石 湖 ) Fan Liao (X inzhong)范 廖 (信 中 ) Fan Zhongyan 范 仲 淹 Fang Shao 方 勺 Fangyushcnglan 方 與 勝 覽 Fankou 樊 口 Fei G u n 費 袞 FengtingYi 風 亭 驛 Fengxiang 鳳 翔

Fcngihou 鳳 州 fu 夫 Fufeng 扶 風 fu h u 富 戶 F u jia n 福 建 Fuliang 浮 梁 Fuzhou 撫 州 ( in Jiangxi) Fuzhou 福 州 ( in Fujian) Gan (River) 贛 江 Ganzhou 輯 州

Guangnan 廣 南 Guangxi 廣 西

Guangzhou 廣 州 (in Gua g u an lu 官 路

g ^a n y i 館 驛 Guilin 桂 林 Guishan 龜 山 Guizhou 歸 州 g u ]l 古 蹟 Guozhou Station 果 州 驛 gwyi古 驛 haichuan 海 船 H ain an 海 南 haiwai Han (dynasty)漢 Han M u 漢 都 護 Han G a n 韓 幹 H a n Q i韓 倚 Han Shizhong 韓 世 忠 Han Tuozhou 韓 佗 胄 Han Y u 韓 愈 H an Z h im e i韓 之 美 Han Z icang 韓 子 倉 Hanchuan 漢 川 Hangzhou 杭 州 H an jia sh l漢 家 使 H anshi寒 食 Hanzhou 漢 州

Gao J ia n li 高 漸 離 gaoshcn 告 身 Gaozong (宋 ) 高 宗 gongshiku

H eH u何 滤 H e S iju 何 斯 舉 H ebei河 北 Hebei (Circuit) 河 北 路

gongshiqian 公 使 錢 Gongxian 輩 縣

Hedong (Circuit) 河 東 路 H e fe i合 肥 H e jian 河 間

gongyongqian 公 用 錢 guan 貫 (a string of cash)

H enan 河 南


Hengzhou 衡 州


Jiangnan 江 南 Jiangning 江 寧

H ezhou 和 州 Hong Kua 洪 括

Jiangsu 江 蘇

Hong Mai 洪 邁 Hong Zun 洪 遵 Hongzhou 洪 州

Jiangxi 江 西 Jiangxia 江 夏 Jiangyin 江 陰

hou猴 H oujing 侯 景

Jiangyuan 江 源 Jiangzhou 江 州

hu斛 Hu Quan (S h u nzh i) 胡 銓 (順 之 )

Jiankang 建 康 Jianmen (Pass) 劍 門 關 Jiannan 劍 南 Jiannanshigao 劍 南 詩 稿

Hu S u 胡 宿 Hu Y u a n 胡 瑗 hua (flower) 花

hua (splendor) 華 huabiao 華 表 Huai (River) 淮河 Huainan 淮 南 H u a ix i淮 西 H u a ix in Y i懷 信 驛 Huaiyin 淮 陰 Huang Tingjian (Luzhi, Shangu) 黃 庭 堅 (魯 I E 山 穀 ) huangdic 黃 碟 Huangyou 皇 祐 Huangzhou 黃 州 huanyou 宦 遊

h u ash i華 實 Huazhou 滑 州 H u b e i湖 北

Jianning 建 寧 Jianping 建 平 jianyan 建 炎 Jianyang 建 陽 jia n y u 肩 與

jiao 鶴 Jiaoshan 焦 山 Jia y o u 嘉 祐

Jiayouyiling 嘉 祐 驛 令 Jiazhou 嘉 州 J ie 桀 Jiedai yuan 接 待 院 Jin (Jurchen) 金 Jin (dynasty) 晉 Jin g K e 荊 軻 Jin g h u 荊 湖 Jingjiang 靜 江

h u ib i迴 避 Huizhou 徽 州 (Shexian, Anhui) Huizhou 惠 州 (in Guangdong) Huizong 徽 宗

Jingnan 荊南

H unan湖 南 Huoqiu (Station) 霍 丘 驛

Jinshan (Temple) 金 山 寺 jinshi 進 士

H u zh o u 湖 州 Jia D a o 賈 島

jinyinhua 金 銀 花 jiu h a n 酒 酣 Jiz h o u 吉 州 juanyou 倦 游

jiashanshui 佳 山 水 jian 見 jianbic 餞 別 Jiang 江 Jiangchuan 江 船 Jianghe 江 河

Jingzhao 京 ; 匕 Jingzhou 荊 州 Jinling 金 陵

ju n rc n 郡 人 ju re n 舉 人 Jushi (Pavilion) 居 士 亭 ju y in 巨 飮


Kaifeng 開 封 K a ix i開 禧


liz h i 歷 紙 lisj. 歷 子 Longxing 隆 興

kcshe 客 舍 Kong Zhouhan 孔 周 翰 Kou Zhun 寇 准 K u a iji會 稽

lo u 陋 Lou Y u e 樓 鑛 Lu You (Wuguan, Fangw eng)陸 游 (務

Kuizhou 夔 州 Kuocang 括 倉

Lu Zuqian 呂祖謙

h i

觀’ 放翁) Lunyu論語

L an p cilu 攬 辔 錄

Luo D ajin g 羅 大 經

lanyu 藍 與 Lanzhou 蘭 州 LeLeifa 樂 雷 發



L u zh ou 爐 州 machuan 馬 船 m ap u 馬 鋪 Mei Yaochen (Shengyu)梅 堯 臣 (聖 俞 ) Meizhou 眉 州

IiA n g y in g 李 昂 英 O B o (T aib o ) 李 白 (太 白 ) L iX ian fa 李 先 發 Li Xinchuan 李 心 傳 Liangshan (jun) 梁 山 軍 Liangzhe 兩 浙 Lianzhou 廉 州 Liao 遼 Liao Zheng 廖 正 Libu 吏 部 (Ministry of Personnel) Libu 禮 部 (Ministry of Rites)

liho u 里 堠 Uling (Station) 澧 陵 驛 Lin Guangchao 林 光 朝 Lin’a n 臨 安 Linchuan 臨 川 Lin’gao (Pavilion) 臨 阜 亭 Lingling 靈 陵 Lingxiao 靈 霄 lingxiu diw ci領 袖 地 位 Linjiang (jun) 臨 江 軍 Linzhou 麟 州


lu sh c 旅舍

lu y i 陸 驛


MengHaoran 孟浩然 _ Mianzhou 綿 州 ming (fame) 名 Ming (dynasty) 明 minghuan 名 宦 mingshan dachuan 名 山 大 川 mingshan shcngshui 名 山 勝 水

mingshcng 名 勝 Mingzhou 明 州 M izh o u 密 州 mu 歌 (area measurement unit) Mu 牧 (regional governor) Mu X iu 穆 修

musjiiguan 幕 職 官 Nanjing 南 京 Nanyang 南 陽 Nanzheng 南 鄭 n ian p u 年 譜

lirc n 里 人 L iu B e i劉 備 Liu Kezhuang 劉 克 莊 U u Y ingsh i劉 應 時

Ouning ffi寧 Ouyang X iu 歐 陽 脩

Liu Y u x i 劉 禹 鍚 LiuZongyuan 柳 宗 元 Liuzhou 柳 州

pianyuan 偏 遠

Peng Luo 彭 培

Pengli彭議 Pingjiang 平 江


Pingxiang 萍 鄕 pubing 鋪 兵 鋪 夫

Qi’a n 齊安


Shashi沙 市 Shen Kua 沈 括 shcngji 勝 跡 Shenzong 神 宗

Qiandao 乾 道


Q iand e 乾 德

shi 士 (scholar) shi 石 (weight measurement unit) Shi B o hu n 師 伯 渾 Shi Y a n zh i史 衍 之

qianxian 前 賢 Qianzhou 虔 州 (Ganzhou,Jiangxi) Qianzhou 齡 州 (Pengshui, Sichuan) Qikou 蘄 口 qin 琴 (a musical instrument) Qin (dynasty) 秦 Qin Guan (Shaoyou)秦 觀 (少 游 )

shidafu 士 大 夫 S h ih u 石 湖 shircn 士 人 Shouchun 壽 春

Q inG ui Qing (dynasty) 淸

Shouzhou 壽 州 Shu蜀

(Mount) Qingcheng 青 城 山 Qingni (Ridge) 青 泥 嶺 ^ingyuan tiaofashiki 慶 元 條 法 事 類

Shubiaosi書 表 司 shuidiaogetou 水 調 歌 頭 shu iy i水 驛 Shujing 書 經

Qingzhou 青 州 Qiongzhou 邓 州 Q ix i 七夕

Qixia (Tower) 棲 霞 樓 Q izh o u 薪 州 Quan Song wen 全 宋 文 Quanzhou 泉 州 Qutang (Gorge) 瞿 塘 峽 Q u zh o u 衝 州 Raozhou 饒 州 Renzong 仁 宗 rongguan 冗 官 Rongzhou 榮 州 R uS/iuji入 蜀 記 R u iG u o q i药 國 器 R u zh o u 汝 州 Sanyou Dong 三 游 洞 sao rcn 騷 人 Shaanxi 陝 西 Shandong 山 東 shanshui 山 水 S h anx i山 西 Shanyin 山 陰 Shaoxing 紹 興 Shaozhou 紹 州

Shupu書 鋪 s/iu3: hou 蜀 舟 Shuzhou 舒 州 (Qianshan, Anhui) Shuzhou 蜀 州 (Chongqing, Sichuan) Sichuan 四 川

Sima Guang司馬光 Sima Qian (Z ich ang) 司 馬 遷 (子 長 ) Sixian tang 四 賢 堂 ( Hall of the Four Worthies) Sixian tang 思 賢 堂 (Hall of Commem­ orating the Worthy) S izh o u 洒 州 Song (dynasty) 宋 song 送 (send off) Song hui yao 宋 會 要

Songshi 宋 史 songbic 送 別 Su C h e 蘇 轍 Su Shi (Dongpo, Z iz h a n ) 蘇 拭 (東 坡 , 子 瞻 )

Su X u n 蘇 洵 Sui (dynasty) 隋 Sui (C o u nty )隨 (縣 ) suis/ii 隨 侍


Suizhou 隨 州 Sun Quan 孫 權 Sun Shenlao 孫 宰 老 Suweng ting 蘇 翁 亭 Suzhou 宿 州 ( in Anhui) Suzhou 蘇 州 (inJiangsu)


W anli Q ia o 萬 里 橋 W anzhou 萬 州 W e i魏

w d jix ijia n 未 及 息 肩 W e iY in g w u 韋 應 物 Weicheng 渭 城

(Mount) Tai 泰 山 (Mount) Taihua 太 華 山

W en Tong 文 同 W en Y an bo 文 顏 博

T aiping Y i太 平 驛 Taipingzhou 太 平 州 Taiyuan 太 原 Taizhou 台 州 Taizong (Tang emperor) 唐 太 宗 Taizong (Song emperor) 宋 太 宗

w cnji文 集 W en y ue 問 月 Wenzhou 溫 州 W u吳

Taizu (宋 ) 太 祖 丁anDecheng 譚 德 稱 Tang (dynasty) 唐 tangxic 堂 謝 Tanzhou 潭 州 tianwai 天 外 ting 亭 tingtailouge 亭 台 樓 閣 tingcailouxic 亭 台 樓 樹

tinguan 亭 館 tongnianhui 同 年 會 tongnianxianghui 同 年 鄕 會 tongpan 通 判 tongyin k c si 通 引 客 司 Tongzhou 通 州 tuhao 土 豪 tu jin g 圖 經 W angAnshi Q ie p u ) 王 安 石 (介 甫 ) W ang Mingqing 王 明 淸 W ang Pizhi ZE® 之 W ang Qinruo 王 欽 若 W ang Tinggui 王 廷 圭 W ang W ei 王 維 W ang Yucheng (Yuanzhi) 王 禹 稱


W u A nzhong 吳 安 中 Wuchang 武 昌 wuchuan 吳 船 Wuchuan l u 吳 船 錄 W udi (漢 ) 武 帝

W ujunzhi吳 郡 志 W ukang武 康 W u x i無 錫 W uzhou 娶 州 X ia 夏 Xialao guan 下 牢 關 Xiang 湘 Xiangyang 襄 陽 Xianping 咸 平 Xianyang 咸 陽 Xianyou 仙 游 xiaojiao 小 橋 Xiaozong (宋 ) 孝 宗 Xiazhou 峽 州 Xie B ocai謝 伯 采 Xie Dieshan 謝 疊 山 X ijin g 西 京 X in Q iji 辛 棄 疾 Xin’a n 新 安

xing 行 Xinghua (jun) 興 化 軍


W ang Zeng 王 曾

Xingyuan 興 遠

W angZ hi 王 質 wanglai 往 來

Xingzhou 興 州

w anli萬 里

Xining西寧 Xinjin 新津



Xinzhou 信 州 Xinzhou 新 州 Xiongzhou 雄 州

y ish e 驛 舍 Y is h u i易 水 y iw cn 藝 文

Xiuning 休 寧 Xiuzhou 秀 州

Yizhou 宜 州 (in Guangxi)

X u X ia k e 徐 霞 客 Xuancheng 宣 城 X uanhe 宣 和

Yizhou 益 州 ( in Sichuan) Yongfeng 永 丰 Yongi (Canal) 永 濟 渠 Yongjia 永 嘉 Yongzhou 永 州 (in Hunan)

Xuchang 許 昌 X u c h i盱 胎 Xuzhou 徐 州 (in Jiangsu)

Yongzhou 邑 州 (Nanning, Guangxi) you游

Xuzhou 敘 州 (Yibin, Sichuan) Y an燕 Yan Zhenqing 顏 真 卿 Yan Zhitui 顏 之 推 Yan’a n 延 安

Youchcngnanji 游 城 南 記 youhuan 游 宦 •

YangDanian ( Y i) 楊 大 年 (億 ) Yang Datong 楊 大 同 Yang Shangqing' 楊 商 卿 Y an g W a n li楊 萬 里 Yangchun 陽 春 Yangguan 陽 關 Yangxian 陽 羨 Yangzhou 揚 州 Yangzi River 揚 子 江

Yanshan 燕山 Yanyu (Shoal) 濃 澦 灘 Yanzhou 巖 州

Y eZuyu葉祖義 驛


Y ijian zh i夷 堅 志 Y ic h u n 宜 春 Y ijing 易 經 Y ilin g 夷 陵 y im a 驛 馬 ying 迎 yingsong 迎 送 Yingtianfu 應 天 府 Yingzhou 顆 州 (Fuyang, Anhui) Yingzhou 英 州 (Yingdeng, Guangdong) Y in li印 歷 Yinxian 鄞 縣

y in z h i 印 紙



y o u ji 遊 記 youxuc 游 學 Yu J in g 余 靖 Yu Y unw en 虞 允 文 Yuan (dynasty) 元 Yuan Cai 袁 采 Yuanjie 元 結 Yuan Zhen (W e iz h i) 元 積 (微 之 ) Yuanzhou 況 州 Y ue越 Y ue K e 岳 珂 Yuezhou 岳 州 yushi b ufcn 玉 石 不 分

yushi huw dao 玉 石 混 郗 Y u zh a i玉 寨 Zeng Feng 曾 丰 Zeng Gong 曾 鞏 Z e n g ji 曾 几 Zeng Minxing 曾 敏 行 Zeng Pan 曾 盤 zhameng 蚱 齬 zhang 丈 Zhang Bangji 張 邦 基 Zhang Duanyi 張 端 義 Zhang Guanzhi 章 冠 之 Zhang Shinan 張 世 南 Zhang Shunmin (Yunsou) 張 舜 民



Zhang Wenqian 張 文 潛 Zhang Xiaoxing 張 孝 祥 Zhang Yan (Jichang) 5SM (季 長 ) Zhang Yuangan 張 元 幹 Zhang Zhongqiu 張 仲 秋 Zhangshesi 帳 設 司 Zhangzhou 潭 州 ZhanyiTang 瞻 儀 堂 Zhao Bian (Yuedao)趙 抒 (閱 道 ) Z h a o jire n 趙 季 仁 Zhao Yanwei 趙 彥 衛 sjiaoyin 招 飮 Zhedong 浙 東 Zhejiang 浙 江 Zhendlng 真 定 Zhenjiang 鎭 江 Zhenrong (jun ) 鎭 戎 軍 Z henzhou 真少卜| Zhenzong (宋 ) 真 宗


Zhongjing 中 京

zhongqiu 中 秋 Zhongshan 鍾 山 (M ount) Zhongtiao 中 條 山 Zhongzhou 忠 州 Zhou 周 Zhou B id a 周 必 大 Zhou Hui 周 輝 Zhou Yu (G o ng jin) 周 瑜 (公 瑾 )

zhoucheanm a舟 車 鞍 馬 Zhouxiantigang 州 縣 提 綱 zhu筑

Z h u X i 朱熹


Zhuge Liang 諸 葛 亮 zh uyu 竹 與 Zilong (Lu) 陸 子 龍 Zou Ding 蒭 定 Z uW uze祖 無 擇

zui 醉




Congshujichcng 叢 書 集 成 Siku c^ianshu 四 庫 全 書

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AnXinke, 195,200 Analects, 86, 159 Anguo Temple, 190,191 Ansu, 58,59 Avoidance Examination, 23,25,227nl7 Badong, 157,158,252nl6 Badongji (The Collected Works ofBadong), 158 Bailihuang, 43. Sec also Hundred-Ii W il­ derness Bamboo Tower, 199,200’ 201 (Mount) Baochan, 195; W ang Anshi’s visit to, 159-161 Bian River, 46’ 54 biji (miscellaneous writing), 15 bingzu (soldiers), 85 Bo brothers (Juyi and Xingjian), 172,173, 203. See also Bo Juyi, Bo Xingjian Bo Juyi (772-846), 169,188,198; and East Slope, 180; and Grotto of the Three Ramblers, 169-171. See also Bo brothers Bo Xingjian (775-826), 169; and Grotto of the Three Ramblers, 169-171. See also Bo brothers boat travel. Sec water travel boatmen, 51,53,54, 55 boats: assignment of, 88-91; change of, 90; commercial, 48; government use

of, 47; grain boats, 47; horse boats’ 47; as lodging facilities, 237n4; produc­ tion of, 47; regional variations of, 48-49; Sichuan, 48-49; varieties and sizes of, 46-47,229nl4; wrecks, 50, 54; on the Yangzi River, 48 Bol, Peter, 13, 205

Book of Changes, 86 Book of Documents, 86 Bossier, Beverly, 5 Bridge of Ten Thousand Li, 2 Buddhist temples: and elite travelers, 101,103; as famous sites, 156,157; and tourism, 7 C aijing (1047-1126), 142 Cai Tao, 142 Cai Xiang (1012-1067), 106,107, 108 Caizhou, 37’ 58 Cao Cao (155-220), 184,186

caoyun (grain transport), 47 Capital City Station, 102. See also govern­ ment lodging stations carriages, 8,84,88,93; policy on use of, 94,98 Certificate of Identity, 71,72,234n5 Chaffee, John, 3,26, 28 Chang'an, 57,156, 209 Changzhou, 29,38,183 Chaojiyuan (Compound for Officials


W ho Gather to Attend Imperial Audience), 78, 102 chaoxic (expression of gratitude at court), 73; procedure of, 73-76 Chen Liang (1143-1194), 93 chcng (distance measurement unit), 104 Cheng Hao (1032-1085), 203 Cheng Yi (1033—1107),98,203 Chengdu, 1,2 ,49,99,104,109,142,143; Fan Chengda's trip from Chengdu to Suzhou, 16,80,85,94,109,123-124, 161; Fan Chengda’s trip from Guilin to, 52,67,99; road connecting, 59 Cherishing Trust Station, 102. Seealso government lodging stations Chibi (Red Cliff). See Red Cliff Chibi (Red Nose). See Red Nose Chizhou, 73 Chongyang (Double-Ninth Festival), 2, 218n8 Chuzhou (in Anhui), 37 Chuzhou (injiangsu), 89 Chuzhou (in Zhejiang), 81

Classified Lam and Regulations of the yuan Period: as source,14,70; travel policies contained in, 79,84,85,89, 93-94,106,135,141 Collected Essential Documents on the Song, 14, 70 ' ColkctcdPoemsfromjian'nan, 96, 100

Collcctcd Prosefrom Wdnan, 207 Collected Works ofBadong, 158 Collected Works ofFanchuan, 201 Collected Works ofXiaoxu, 201 Complete Prose of the Song, 14,15 Confucius (551-479 B.C.), 159

dajiang (great river). Sec Yangzi River Daliang, 118 (Mount) Dan, 167-169. Sec also famous sites danqi (riding alone), 94. See also horses Danzhou,182,183,2 5 4 n 4


Daoist monks, 7 、24,113,131,224n8, 247n2 Daozhou, 60 Dengzhou (in Henan), 37 Dengzhou (in Shandong), 57,58, 183

Diary of a Boat Trip to Wu, 1,16,204,222n4 difangzhi (local gazetteers), 6,204. Seealso local gazetteers dilishu (geographical books), 204 Dinglin Temple, 194 Document Shop, 71,72 Dong Zhongshu (179-104 B.C.), 158 Dongjing, 26,37,58 Donglin Temple, 177,247n2 Dongpo. See East Slope donkeys, 88’ 93,238n29; representation of donkey riding, 96-97; use of, 95-97 Double-Ninth Festival, 2 dreams: on career/life as a dream, 117, 185,202; about death, 83; deities in, 54,225n32; of friends, 134; about Du Mu, 201; about Su Shi, 196,197; about W ang Yucheng, 201 Du Fu (712-770), 96,157,175, 197 Du Mu (Muzhi, 803-852), 189,199,203; at Huangzhou, 199-201 East Slope, 184; Bojuyi and, 180; Su Shi and, 188


Eastern Han (25-220),30, 97 Eastern Zhou (770-256 B.C.), 20 Ebrey, Patricia, 3, 92 elite travel, 1-14,19,24-27; and con­ necting w ith history, 11,167-175; as cultural pilgrimage, 10’ 167-175, 184-191; cultural significance of, 3,158-179; and direct observation and investigation, 48-50,162-167; discourse on, 4,11,158-167; and elite identity, 6,8,10,11,16,207-210; and elite social life, 111-127,130-135; frequency and extensiveness of, 1-3, 6,19-20’ 21’ 25’ 29-35,42; in history,


20-22; interaction between elite travelers and local hosts, 132-138; and knowledge and scholarly excellence, 45,165-167,174; language of, 8-9;


245n40; of Zhang Shunmin, 121. See

also factionalism

and literature, 113-118,134; and local

Experience Paper, 72 Ezhou, 48,49,56,100,104. See also Wuchang

administrative experience, 30,135; and local history, 3,4 ,6 ,11,13-14,181, 190-206,209-210; and local memory

factionalism, 5 ,20,34,36,71,161,195. See also exile

and local identity, 11,16,181,202-206; and moral cultivation, 138-162; and non-elite travel, 6-8; and patterns of movement, 19,29-30; and sightsee­ ing, 158-167,180-206; and social and cultural integration, 3 ,4 ,11,12-14, 209-210; social significance of’ 3, 6,7,10,111-129,130-134; as a status marker, 3,4 ,6,9,11,112,207-210. See

also famous sites, local history, local identity, local memory, pilgrimage, pilgrims, travel Elvin, Mark, 44 (Mount) Emei, 164,169,222n4,252n27; Fan Chengda's visit to, 94,123,134, 161-162’ 176-177. See also famous sites Ennin, 57,59 examination system, 218nl8,224nl8; appeal of, 3-5; government assis­ tance to candidates, 101,108; and the literati,4-5,21; and Non-resident/

famous sices, 8,10,11; building and maintenance of, 192-199; characteris­ tics of, 155-158; competition among’ 200-202; distribution of, 12,157; East Slope-Snow Hall as a famous site, 188-191; hierarchy of, 200-202; role of local elites in maintenance of, 192-199; Su Shi sites at Huangzhou, 181-184. Sec also Bamboo Tower, (Mount) Baochan, (Mount) Dan, East Slope, elite travel, (Mount) Emei, Grotto of the Three Ramblers, Hall of Reverent Admiration, Huang­ zhou, pilgrimage, pilgrims, Red Cliff, Splendor Mountain Cave, (Mount) Tai, tourism Fan Chengda (1126-1193), 217n5,239n51, 244nl0; creating sites along the Yangzi River, 175— 178; and A Diary of a Boat Trip to Wu, 16; and extensive

Avoidance Examination, 23; number of participants, 25-26; participa­

travel, 1-2,6,19,31,35-36; farewell ceremonies for, 118,121-122,123-124, 134,141; and The Gazetteer ofWu Pre­ fecture, 198-199; on Hall of Reverent

tion and friendship, 117-118,122; and travel, 3-5 ,9,20’ 24-26,218nl8. See also elite travel, travel exile, 202,203,204,224nl5; and fac­

Admiration, 198-199; and horse rid­ ing, 93,94,95; in local history, 206; on road conditions, 56,63,64,66, 67; and sedan-chair riding, 99; travel

tionalism, 20,34; and famous sites, 12,157; of Fan Zhongyan, 120-121; of Hu Quan, 34,121; of Huang Tingjian, 90,106; of Kou Zhun, 60; of Liu

allowances for, 84,85,88,89,90; travel on the Yangzi River, 49,50,51, 52; visit to Bamboo Tower, 200; visit to East Slope-Snow Hall, 190-191;

Zongyuan, 168-169; of Su Shi, 75,95, 180-184,202,254n3; treatment of exiles, 75,90,106,120-121,245n38,

visit to Huangzhou, 190-191; visit to Mount Emei, 161-162,176-177; visit to Mount Lu, 177; visit to Red Cliff,



187,192; visit to Shrine of the Three

Government Expenses Coffer, 143-149;

Masters, 175-176; at Xin'an, 177-178 Fan Zhongyan (989-1052): exile of,

abuse of, 144-146 Government Expenses Fund,143-149 government inns. Seegovernment lodg­

120-121; in local history, 198; on use of Government Expenses Fund, 146-148 farewell ceremonies: drinking at, 111, 113; expression of friendship at, 111, 112-118; for Fan Chengda, 118,121-122, 123-124,134,141; for Fan Zhongyan, 120-121; in history, 112-113; forJing Ke, 112; and literary production, 111, 112,113-118,122; for Li, 117-118; for Lu You, 116-117; for Magistrate Shi, 127-129; for Mei Yaochan’ 122; for Ouyang Xiu, 121; social implications of, 118-122,130,131,133; and status, 112,119-121; for Ye Zuyi, 118-119; for Zhang Shunmin, 121; for Zilong, 124-127. See also elite travel, friend­ ship, travel Fei Gun, 194

ing stations government lodging stations, 101-106, 107,133,136’ 237n4,241n99,242nl03, 242nl04,243nl46; building and maintenance of, 106-107; conditions at, 107-109; distribution of, 103-104; in history, 101-102; interaction between travelers and local officials at, 108-109; overstay at, 106. Seealso inns, lodging facilities government service, 62,67,68,97,149, 150,151; elite commitment to, 3-4,19, 21,149,150; and frequent travel, 1-3, 6,9-10,20,27,207-209; and size of bureaucracy, 27-29 Grand Canal, 46,228n8 Great Peace Lodging Station, 106

Fengzhou, 63, 66

Great River. SeeYangzi River Grotto of the Three Ramblers, 11’ 157, 167,169,206,209; in A Survey ofScenic

Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms, the period of (907-960), 21,29,59

Sites in the Realm, 203; visits to, 169-173 ^iandao (official road). Seehighways,

Fengxiang, 57,88’ 95, 183

Former Three Ramblers, 173 friendship, 6 ,10,111-113,118-122,124, 132’ 245n32; between Lu You and Fan Chengda, 133; between Lu You and Zhang Yan, 133-134; in poetry, 118. See

also farewell ceremonies fu (porters), 85 Fufeng, 107’ 108 Fuzhou, 32,39’ 40,58,59,81’ 107 G aojianli’ 112 Gaozong (r. 1127-1162), 32,34,86,99, 141,149 Gazetteer ofWu Prefecture, 198,199

official road, roads Guangdu, 133 Guangnan, 76,151 Guangzhou, 58,59,104

official road, roads Guidelinesfo r Prefcctural and County Officials, 143’ 146 ^ Guilin: Fan Chengda and, 1,2,31,52,64’ 66,67,80,99,120; Luo Dajing and, 156; road in, 59 Guishan, 54 Guizhou, 80 Guozhou Station’ 61

Gazetteer o/YichangPrefccturc, 205-206 gifts’ 53,86,121,130’ 140,141,149; travel and gift-givingv141-145


guanlu (official road). See highways,

Hainan, 86,183; exile to 34,75. See also exile


Hall of Commemorating the Worthy, 198


Huang Tingjian (Luzhi, Shangu, 1045—1105), 90,106,157,192,203; visit to Huangzhou, 174

Hall of Reverent Admiration, 198 Hall of Three Worthies, 202,257n62 Han (dynasty, 202 B.C.-A.D. 220), 30,

Huangzhou: Bo Juyi and, 180; in South­ ern Song, 184-206; Su Shi and, 12,

57,97,102; elite travel in, 20-21 Han Hu, 196-197

13-14,106,180-206; visits to, 184-192 huanyou (co travel as an official), 8,22,

Han Q i (1008-1075), 146-148 Han Xin(?-196 B.C.), 192 Han Yu (768-824), 156 Han Zhimei, 199-201; and the renovation of Snow Hall, 196-197

163 Huineng(638-713)J77 Huizhou (in Anhui), 31,41,123,124 Huizhou (in Guangdong), 75, 95,182, 183,202

Han Zicang (1086-1136), 186 Hangzhou, 46,47,48,100,104,107,156, 202 HargettJames, 13,15,160,205

Huizong (r. 1100-1125), 32,34,50, 174 Hundxed-Ii Wilderness, 43,53 Huoqiu Station, 103

He Hu, 196,197,199 HeSiju’ 196

Imperial University, 24,118, 119 inns, 225n32; Buddhist temples as, 100-101; commercial, 100,101,102,

Heaven, 19,21,29,67,150,160,163,164 Hejian, 57 Hengzhou, 19,58,121 highways, 56,68,107,155,232n73; net­ work of, 57-58. Sec also official road, roads Historioi丨Records, 163, 166 Hong Kua (1117-1184), 36,123 Hong Mai (1123-1202), 81,196,197,200; and extensive travel, 20,26,35-36; and Record ofthc Listener, 23,25,54,55, 119,122 Hong Zun (1120-1174),198, 205 horses, 88-89,91-95,98,99,238n28, 238n29; horse boats, 47; horse sta­ tions, 93-94; representation of horse riding, 91-93,94-95,117; supply of, 47,93 hou. See mileage posts Hu Quan (1102-1180), 34,105,121 Hu Yuan (993-1059): on travel and excellence in scholarship, 162-163 Huai River, 35,47,59,229n9 Huang Kuanzhong, 112 Huang, Martin, 111, 118

103; in literature, 100; safety concerns at, 87. Sec also government lodging stations, lodging facilities JiaDao (779-843), 96 jia shanshui (beautiful mountains and riv­ ers and lakes), 155 jianbic (bidding farewell), 9 jiang. See Yangzi River

jianghc (rivers), 156 Jiangning, 38, 121 Jiangyln, 41’ 138 Jiankang, 39,40,41,91, 143 Jianmen Pass, 96 Jianning, 39,40 Jianplng, 100 Jianyang, 128, 137 jianyu (shoulder carriages), 99. See also sedan-chairs jiao (sedan-chairs). See sedan-chairs Jiaoshan, 194 Jiazhou, 47,90,109,113,123,161 Jie (evil ruler of legendary Xia), 97 Jin (265-420), 135,178,205



Jin (Jurchen, 1115-1234), 16,35,47,81,92, 104’ 133 JingKe (?-227 B.C.), 112,113


Li Angying, 104 Li Bo (Taibo, 701-762),157,186; and donkey riding, 95-96

Jinling, 29,30,31,36,80,96,101,194 Jinshan Temple, 101

UXianfa, 165-166

jinshi (degree), 2,25,26,29,81,118,133. See also examination system

Liangshanjun, 167

jiuhan (drinking to one’s heart’s content),

Uao (907-1125), 35,57 lihou (mileage posts), 59-62; literary representation of, 60-62. See also

113. See also farewell ceremonies Jizhou, % 47,124,125,126,127,132, 257n58 Journey into Shu, A. See Record of ajourncy

into Shu juanyou (weariness of travel), 9,25,56, 60-62,67 Jurchens,46,92. SeealsoJin (1115-1234)

jurcn (degree), 25,26. Sec also examina­ tion system Jushi Pavilion, 189 juyin (drinking a large amount), 113. See also farewell ceremonies Kaifeng, 26,104,139; road conditions in, 63-64; shortage of lodging facili­ ties in, 102; as transport hub, 44,46, 57-59 Kou Zhun (961-1023), 60,142; in Badong, 157-158 Kracke, Edward, 28,30 Kuaiji, 16,35,40,165 Kuizhou, 16,43,69,85,88,100,150,158 land travel. See overland travel lanyu (basket carriages), 99. Sec also

U Xinchuan (1166-1243), 142,143,145 Lianzhou, 183

mileage posts Lin Guangchao (1114-1178) ,52 Lin'an, 2,26,49. See also Hangzhou Linchuan, 29,31,38,40, 116 lin ’gao Station, 106’ 189 Lingling, 167 Linjiang, 65 Linzhou, 58’ 151 literati. Sec elite travel, examination sys­ tem, famous sites, farewell ceremo­ nies, friendship, government lodging stations, government service, travel U u Anshi (1048-1125), 203 liu B in (1022-1088), 75 Iiu Kezhuang (1187-1269), 240n63 LiuYuxi (772-842), 198 Liu Zongyuan (773-819),168; and Mount Dan, 168-169 Lo, W inston, 28 local elites, 12-13,202,220n25; interact tion w ith local officials and elite travelers, 127-129,135,136,176; and local history writing’ 205,209-210; role in maintaining famous sites’ 10, 181,195,196-198,199,202; role in road building and maintenance, 65-66;

sedan-chairs Lanzhou, 57,58,99 late imperial times, 12,13,19’ 118,199, 220n26,221n32,243nl46. See also Ming, Qing Latter Three Ramblers, 173

travel of, 5-8 local gazetteers, 6,179,181,205,258n88 local history, 3 ,4 ,6 ,13,179,180,202-203, 210; and local pride, 205-206

LeLeifa (1210-1271), 66 Lee, Thomas H. C-, 3

local identity, 6,11,13,16,179, 209 local memory, 6,11,155,204,205; of

Levine, Ari, 34

Huangzhou, 188, 201


lodging facilities, 7,62,77,100-110,146, 237n4; Buddhist monasteries as, 100-101; commercial inns, 100; condi­ tions at, 107-110; role in connecting travelers and local officials, 109. See also government lodging stations, inns (Mount) Lu, 165,177,178 Lu You (Wuguan, Fangweng, 11251210), 194,196; as a cultural pilgrim, 191; direct observation while travel­ ing, 167; and extensive travel, 20, 26,33,35-36,42; farewell ceremony for, 113’ 116; on financial difficulty, 149-151; friendship with. Zhang Yan, 133-134; on hardship of travel, 42, 61-62, 87; literary representation of travel, 42,96,207; in local history, 203,206’ 209; on lodging experience, 100’ 106,107’ 109; masculine image of, 92-93; and The Rccord of a Journey

into Shu, 16,179,204; seeing off son (Zilong), 125-127; sightseeing activi­ ties, 157-158,163; social world, 100101,116-117,124,130,132-134,135, 141-142; travel allowances, 84,85, 88,90-91; travel on the Yangzi River, 43,47-53,79-80,85,87,90; trip to Kuizhou, 16,69,73,85,87-88, 89,90; visit to Bamboo Tower, 200; visit to East Slope-Snow Hall, 189-190; visit to Grotto of the Three Ramblers, 173-175; visit to Huangzhou, 182’ 189, 195; visit to Red Cliff, 186-187 Lu Zuqian (1137-1181), 164-165 Luo Dajing (1196-1252), 154,156,159 Luoyang, 37,57,58,96,100,102’ 120’ 122 Luzhou, 47,58,123' McKnight, Brian E., 7 means of transport, 9,88-89’ 95,97,99, 110,135. See also boats, carriages, don­ keys, horses, porters, sedan-chairs


Mei Yaochen (Shengyu, 1002-1060), 122 Meizhou, 47,58,123 memorials of gratitude, 73-76 Meng Haoran (689-740), 240n63 Meyer-Fong, Tobie, 192 Mid-Autumn Festival, 1,6 , 19,42,178, 217n3 mileage posts, 59-62,108; as distance markers, 59-60 Ming (dynasty, 1368-1644), 118,187,206. Sec also late imperial times

minghuan (famous officials), 11’ 13,179 Mingzhou, 32,41,47 Ministry of Personnel, 71,72,74,77,79 Ministry of Rites, 72 miscellaneous writing, 15 Mizhou, 76,183 Mu Xiu (979-1032), 117-118 Nanjing (Shangqiu, Henan), 121 Nanzheng, 40,59,134 native place, 36,61,132,163,164,173, 247n3 native worthies, 4, 11 New Policies Reform, 36,161 Northern Song (dynasty, 960-1125): development of famous sites in, 156; factionalism in, 34; grain transport in, 47; growing popularity of farewell ceremonies in, 115; length of official tenure in, 32-33; overland transport system, 57; policies on travel in, 15, 76-78,93; roadwork projects in, 59; size of bureaucracy in, 27; use of sedan-chairs in, 98. See also Song official road, 8,45,56,60,65,67,68,110. Seealso highways, roads Ouning, 152 Ouyang Xiu (1007-1072), 20,30,70,75, 140,249n64; extensive travel of, 26, 35-36,157; in local history, 203-204, 206; trip to Yiling, 121; visit to Grotto


of the Three Ramblers, 171; writing for farewell ceremonies, 113,122 overland travel, 43-45,55-67,79,86, 87,102,232n73; hardships of, 55-56; highway networks, 56-57; in history, 56-57. Sec also elite travel, govern­ ment lodging stations, lodging facili­ ties, official road, roads, travel Owen, Stephen, 174,192


Quanzhou, 59,107,117,167 Qutang Gorge, 52,67,231n51 Raozhou, 39,120


R ecord o fa jo u m e y into Shu, 47 ,85 100,204 ,

248n20,252nll; as source, 16, 43 Record of a Trip to [he South of the City, 156

Record of a Visit to Mount Baochan, 195; W ang Anshi and, 159-161

Rccord of the Listaicr, 23,25, 83,118,152 personnel management, 29-35 pilgrimage, 171,175. Seealso pilgrims pilgrims, 1 、8,10,175,191,220n30, 221n34, 251n3; Buddhist monks as, 230n31. See also elite travel Pingjiang, 1. See also Suzhou Pingxiang, 105,108 Plutschow, Herbert’ 155,251n5 porters, 1 、84-88,100,104,145,238n25; assignment of, 85-86; as guards, 87. See also soldiers Principle of Avoidance, 30-31

pubing (lodging station laborers), 85 pufu (lodging station laborers), 85 Qi'an, 184,201 qianxian (past worthies), 179 Qianzhou, 47 58, 81


Qikou’ 55,124 qin (a musical instrument), 83 Q in (dynasty, 221-206 B.C.), 20,46,57, 102,164 Q in Gui (1090-1155),34,121 Qing (dynasty, 1644-1911), 187,205,206.

See also late imperial times (Mount) Qingcheng, 83 Qingni Ridge, 66 ^ingyuan tiaofa shilci. See Classified Laws and Regulations ofthc^ingyuan Periods Qingzhou,37’ 57’ 58 qixi (Seventh Night). See Seventh Night Qixia Tower’ 190

Song wen. See Complete Prose of the Song

Rccord of the Sccnic Sites in the Realm, 202-203; writing of, 204-205 Records on Official Trips, 165 Red Cliff (Chibi), 180,184-187; fame of, 186; Su Shi on, 184-186; visit to, 186-187 Red Nose (Chibi), 186 redundant officials, 76,78,226n48 Register ofMounting a Simugh^ 64,80 Regulations on the Usage of Lodging Stations

during the Jiayou Reign, 103 Renzong (r. 1022-1063),32,34,174 retirement, 30,71,96,120,208,227n59; and factionalism, 20; of Fan Chengda, 1’ 94,123 roads, 8 ,4 3 -4 4 ,5 5 —62 ,68 ,103,232n73; conditions and maintenance of, 59, 62-65,87,99; damage of rainfall on, 63-65,137; mileage posts along, 59-62; role of locai elite in building, 65-67. See also highways, official road, overland travel rongguan (redundant personnel). See redundant officials ^ Ru Shuji (Record of a]oum cy into Shu). See

Rccord ofajoum ey into Shu Rui Guoqi (1114-1171), 133 Ruzhou, 96 Sanyou Dong. See Grotto of the Three Ramblers saoren (unrestrained person), 96 scholar-officials. Seeelite travel, exami-



nation system, famous sites, farewell

Sichuan boats’ 48. Seealso boats

ceremonies, friendship, government

Sima Guang (1019-1086), 96, 205 Sima Qian (145-90 B.C.), 21; and exten­

lodging stations, government service, travel schools, 42,67,167,222n36,224n24; county, 24; going to, 3,20,24,25, 27; government and private schools and academies, 4,24-25; prefectural, 24 seal,70,72,235nl3 sedan-chairs, 88,90,92,94,240n81; ericicism of usage of, 97-98; government regulation of usage of, 98; in history, 97~98; invention of, 97; popularity of, 98-99; varieties of, 99 Seventh Night, 19,223nl

sive travel, 163-167 Siming, 112 Sizhou,58,89,121 Small Bridge, 190,191,195, 196 Snow Hall, 180,184,195,200,201, 255n28; renovation of, 196-198; visit to, 188-191 soldiers, 7,9,62,85-88,89,104-105,141, 147. Seealso porters

song (seeing off), 9 Song (dynasty, 960-1279): institution­ alization of uthree-year tenure, 31-33; size of bureaucracy, 27-28; and

Shang Yang (?-338 B.C.), 101 shanshui (mountains and rivers)’ 155. See also famous sites Shanyin, 40,134 Shashi, 90

social and cultural integration, 12-14; tourism, 7. Seealso Northern Song, Southern Song SongDynastic History, 70 Song huiyao. See Collected Essential Docu­

Shen Kua (1031-1095),51, 83 Shenzong (r. 1067-1085), 32,34,36, 120 Shexian’ 41,62,123

Southern Song: continuities of policies from Northern Song to, 15,16; and

shi (scholars). See literati (Magistrate) Shi: farewell ceremony for, 127-129; as local host, 137—138 shidafu (scholar-offlcials). See literati shipbuilding, 44,46-47; centers of, 47 shircn (scholars). See literati Shouchun, 35’ 40, 193 Shouzhou, 103 shrines, 43,156,192,231n56,257n58, 257n62; as famous sites, 157,158,176, 195,198,202; sacrifice at, 53—55 Shu (Sichuan), 48,100,167. See also Sichuan Shu (221-263), 184 shuiyi (water lodging stations). Sec gov­ ernment lodging stations Shupu (Document Shop), 71 Shuzhou (in Anhui), 29,38 Shuzhou (in Sichuan), 40

ments on the Song

development of famous sites, 156; and development of travel diary, 15-16; dominance of water travel in, 46,47,56,79; factionalism, 5,20, 34,121; fascination w ith Su Shi, 202; Huangzhou in, 10,11,180-181; local history writing in, 13,204-205; poli­ cies on travel and their enforcement, 31,33,44,77-78,144-145; popularity of sedan-chair in, 99; shipbuilding in, 47; size of bureaucracy in, 27; visits to the Grotto of the Three Ramblers, 173; visits to Su Shi sites, 186-191, 202. Seealso Song Splendor Mountain Cave’ 159’ 161 Stamped Paper, 72 Strassberg, Richard, 15,170,251n6 Su Che (1039-1112), 76,95,166’ 169; on significance of travel, 163-165; visit


to Grotto of the Three Ramblers, 172-173 Su Shi (Dongpo, Zizhan, 1037—1101),48, 49,86,95,96,97,157; commemora-. non of, 184-203; and East Slope, 180-184’ 188; extensive travel, 31; and Huangzhou, 12,13-14,106,187; in local history, 203,206,209; memori­ als of gratitude by, 75-76; and Red Cliff, 185-187; sites at Huangzhou, 180-184,189-190; visit to Grotto of the Three Ramblers, 172-173 Su Xun (1009-1066), 164,172 Sui (county), 2 Sui (dynasty, 581-617), 21,29,91,205

suishi, 3,8,22 Survey ofScenic Sites in the Realm, A, 203 Suzhou (injiangsu), 1,16,41,49,58,64, 80,198,199 (Mount) Tai, 220n30,251n3 Taiyuan, 57,58 Taizhou, 32 Taizong (of Tang, r. 626-649), 21 Taizong (of Song, r. 976-997), 98’ 250n94 Taizu (r. 960-976), 143 Tan Decheng, 123,134 Tang (dynasty, 618-907): development of travel diary in, 15; image of horse writing, 91-92; literature on farewell ceremonies, 112-113; lodging station system, 102; road system, 57,59-60; Tang-Song transition, 5 , 21,29,155, 156,109; travel infrastructure, 44,46 Tang Deming, 199; and the renovation of Snow Hall, 196-197


as lodging facilities, 100-101,103,188; socializing at, 101,134/247n2; temple building, 6 ,220n25. Seealso shrines ten thousand li, 2,6’ 19,150,158,163’ 165 three-year tenure, 31-33,36,127,128

tianwai (beyond Heaven's edge), 49 Tibet, 47 ting (food station), 102 tingtailougc (pavilions, towers, buildings and terraces), 156. See also famous sites tingtailouxic (pavilions, towers, buildings and terraces), 156. See also famous sites tinguan (food and lodging station), 102. See also government lodging stations, inns Tongzhou, 138 tourism, 7,8,206,218nl6,221n32, 240n81 trade, 6 ,44,46,48-49,228n8,237nl0 travel: accommodations, 100-106; of Buddhist monks, 7’ 24,86; of chil­ dren, 3,22; of Daoist monks, 7,24; w ith family, 3,22-24,85, 89,151-152; financial implications for individual travelers, 149-152; government maintenance of infrastructure, 43-45; hardships of, 43,60-62,66-68, 116-118; of hired laborers, 7; implica­ tions for local governments, 89-90, 139-149; of literati and non-literati, 5-8,9; of merchants, 7,48-49; of pil­ grims, 7; policies and procedures of, 3, 15,22-24,29-34,69-82; safety con­ cerns for’ 15,43,4 5 ’ 50-55; of Sima

Tanzhou, 58

Qian, 163-167; of students, 25-26; time allowances for, 76-81; violations of policies on, 14,79-80,85,106; of women, 3,218nl5. Seealso elite travel,

Tao,Jin-sheng, 12 (Buddhist) temples, 53,176,177,193,194;

government lodging stations, lodg­ ing facilities, overland travel, roads,

tangxic (expression of gratitude at office or residence), 73

as famous sites, 156,157,178,190,191;

water travel



travel diary: development of, 15-16,155,

W indy Pavilion Station, 106-107

222n44,251n2; as source, 15-16 tuhao (evil local elites), 66. See also local

W u (222-280), 184 W u Qiangsu), 48

elites Turks, 92

W u Gorge, 52 Wuchang, 1,80,104,178,189,191. Seealso

W ang Anshi Qiepu, 1021-1086), 20, 25,26,62,98,127,193; and donkey riding, 96-97; and extensive travel, 29-30,31,35-36; on inn maintenance, 107,109; and “Record of a Visit to Mount Baochan,” 159-161; on use of sedan-chair, 98 W ang H ui (1048-1100), 103 W ang Mingqing (1127-1202), 193 W ang Pizhi (1031-?), 158 W ang Qinruo (962-1025), 119 W ang Tinggui (1079-1171), 121 W ang W ei (699-759), 112-113 W angXiangzhi (£1.1160s-1220s), 204, 205 W ang Yucheng (Yuanzhi, Huangzhou, 954-1001), 189,203; and the Bamboo Tower, 199-200; on financial dif­ ficulty, 151; at Huangzhou, 199-201 W ang Zeng (978-1038), 35 W ang Zhongshu (762-823), 198

wanglai (to go back and forth), 8 wanli (ten thousand li). Seeten thousand li W anli Qiao (Ten Thousand I i Bridge), 2 Wanzhou, 56 water travel, 43-55; hardships of and safety concern about, 50-53. See also boats, government lodging stations, lodging facilities, travel, Yangzi River W ei (220-280), 184 W eiYingw u (737-792), 198

Ezhou Wuchuan lu, 1. See also Diary of a Boat Trip

toWu Wujun zhi (The Gazetteer ofWu Prefccmrc), 198 Wukang, 80 W uxi, 39,162 W uzhou, 32,118,205 Xia (twenty-first-sixteenth centuries B.C.), 97 Xia (1038-1227), 35,57 Xiangyang, 58,59’ 104 xianxian (past worthies), 13 Xianyang, 57 Xianyou, 106

xiaojiao (small sedan-chair). See sedanchairs Xiaozong (r. 1162-1189), 32,34,7 4 Xiazhou, 203,205,210 Xie Dieshan (1226-1289), 128, 138 Xin Q iji (1140-1207), 93 Xin’an, 177 xing (to travel), 8 xinglu (to travel), 8 Xingyuan’ 58,59,63,114 Xingzhou, 66’ 104 Xining, 57 Xinjin,123 Xinzhou (in Guangdong), 121 Xinzhou (inJiangxi), 58

Weicheng, 112, 113 W en Tong (1018-1079), 114, 115

Xiongzhou, 58 Xmning,41,177 Xiuzhou, 39 Xu Xiake (1587-1641), 251n4

W en Yanbo (1006-1097), 33,120 W enzhou, 39,47 W est Lake, 119,132,156,202

Xuetang. See Snow Hall Xuzhou (inJiangsu), 183,202 Xuzhou (in Sichuan), 47,58,90


Yan Zhitui (531-590), 91,97-98 Yan’an, 57 Yang Datong, 23 Yang Shangqing, 123’ 246n51 Yang W anli (1127-1206), 2,33,72,175, 192,217n3; comparing Du Fu and Lu You, 96,175; letter to Zhou Bida, 33; on lodging experience, 105,108; reception for, 136; writing on mileage post, 61 Yang Yi (974-1021),115, 119 Yang Yongjie, 167-169 Yangguan, 113,244n8 Yangxian, 33,104 Yangzhou, 29,46,99,121,142 Yangzi River,1,12,16,43,45,46,47,48; commercial use of, 48-50; dealing w ith spirits and deities on, 53-55; delays on,50; as lifeline of Song transport, 45-50; military use of, 47-48; safety concerns on, 50-55; traffic on, 47-50; travel speed on, 50; winds on, 51-51. Sec also travel, water travel Yanshan, 2,39’ 41,59 Yanyu Shoal, 52 Yanzhou, 32,40,41 Ye Zuyi, 118-119,122,123,124 Yellow Certificate, 71,72 Yellow River, 162,164 yi (government lodging stations), 8. Sec

also government lodging stations Yijian zhi (Record of the Listener), 23. See also Record ofthe Listener Yi River, 112 Yichun, 25,65 Ymng,37,5 3 ,m ying (to welcome), 9 yingsong (to welcome and see off), 9 Yingzhou (in Anhui), 37,58,183 Yingzhou (in Guangdong), 39,81

yinli (Experience Paper), 72 Yinxian, 29,31,38


yinzhi (Experience Paper), 72 yiquan (government lodging station validations), 104 Yishui(YiRiver), 112 Yizhou’ 106 Yongji Canal, 46 Yongzhou (in Guangxi), 58 Yongzhou (in Hunan), 19,55,168

you (to visit, sightsee, or travel), 9 youhuan (to travel as an official), 8,22, 165 youlan (to sightsee), 9 youxue (to travel to study), 8, 22 Yu (legendary sage king), 165 Y ujing (1000-1064), 75 Yuan (dynasty, 1271-1368), 46, 206 Yuan Cai (fl. 1140-1195), 65-66 Yuan Jie (719-772), 168-169 Yuan Zhen (W eizhi, 779-831), 169; and Grotto of the Three Ramblers, 169-171 Yudijishcng (Rccord of the Sccnic Sites in the Realm), 202-203 YueKe (1183-1243), 192 Zeng Feng, 133 Zeng Gong (1019-1083), 122 Zengji (1085-1166), 133 Zeng Pan, 133 2}iamcng (locust boats), 49

Zhang Lei (W enqian ,1054-1114), 189, 190 Zhang Shangying (1042-1122), 203 Zhang Shinan, 165; and Sima Qian, 165-166 Zhang Xiaoxiang (1132-1169), 19,27,29, 97,118,120,124,236n57 Zhang Yan (Jichang, fl. 1150-1190s), 133-134 Zhang Yuangan (1091-1170), 114 Zhang Zhongqiu, 132

zhangli (miasma), 75 Zhangzhou, 59


Zhanyi tang (Hall of Reverent Admira­ tion), 198 Zhao Bian (Yuedao, 1008-1084), 83 Zhaojiren, 154, 159 Zhao Yanwei (fl. 1195), 92,185 Zhao Yushi (1172-1228), 193 Zhending, 57 Zhenjiang, 40,50,90,101,132,133,193 ^ Zhenzhou, 89 zhenzong (r. 998-1022), 32,47,119 Zhongjing, 35 zhongqiu. See Mid-Autumn Festival (Mount) Zhongtiao, 162 Zhongzhou, 180 Zhou (eleventh century-256 B.C.), 20, 33’ 46’ 49,56,146-147


Zhou Bida (1126-1204), 33 Zhou H ui (1126-1198), 77, 121 Zhou Yu (Gongjin, 175-210), 184,186 zhouchcanma (boats, carriages, saddles, and horses), 8, 88 zhu (a musical instrument), 112 Zhu M u’ 203 Zhu X i (1130-1200), 154’ 159,205 zhuyu (a bamboo carriage), 99. Seealso sedan-chairs (Lu) Zilong, 124-127 Zou Ding (1113-1170), 2,3 ,6,14,26 Zu W uze (1006-1085), 115 zui (drunk), 113. Seealso farewell ceremo­ nies

About the Author

Cong Ellen Zhang is an assistant professor of history at the University of Virginia. Her research focuses on the social and cultural history of Song Dynasty China. She is currently working on a book manuscript, tentatively entitled “Tending to the Family, Managing the State: Filial Piety and Social and Cultural Changes in Song China.” Transformative Journeys is her first book.

Production Notes for Zhang / Transformative Journeys Cover design by Julie Matsuo-Chun Interior design and composition by Wanda China with display type in Philosopher and text in California FB Printing and binding by Edwards Brothers’ Inc. Printed on 60 lb. EB Opaque, 500 ppi