Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change: An Environmental Impact on Landscape and Communities 9819988292, 9789819988297

Table of contents :
Preface
Acknowledgements
About This Volume
About This Book
Contents
Editors and Contributors
Abbreviations
Part I Water
1 Ancient Wisdom Dreaming a Climate Chance
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Ancient Wisdom
1.3 Who Are We?
1.4 Bookarrakarra—Dreaming the Time Between Past, Present, and Future
1.5 Warloongarriy River Law
1.6 Our Law, Our Peoples, Our River Country
1.7 Foreseeable Harm Versus Peace with Indigenous People and with Nature
1.8 Bio-Cultural Governance—A Model of Hope and Freedom
References
2 Climate Change Impacts on Pakistan’s Mountain Agriculture: A Study on Burusho Farmers’ Adaptation Strategies Towards Livelihood Sustainability
2.1 Introduction
2.1.1 The Hindu Kush–Karakoram–Himalayan Region and Pakistan
2.1.2 Climate Change in Gilgit-Baltistan
2.1.3 The Burusho Community
2.1.4 Sustainable Development Goals
2.1.5 Study Aim
2.2 Methodology
2.2.1 Research Approach
2.2.2 Research Site
2.2.3 Population and Sample Size
2.2.4 Household Survey and Data Collection
2.2.5 Data Analysis
2.2.6 Ethical Considerations
2.3 Results
2.3.1 Demographic and Socioeconomic Information
2.3.2 Knowledge of Climate Change
2.3.3 Adaptation Strategies to Climate Change and Sustainable Practices
2.4 Conclusion
References
3 The Concept of Indigenous Knowledge and Climate Resilience in the Pacific
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Reconceptualizing Resilience
3.3 Indigenous Knowledge and Resilience of Pacific Communities: Policy and Legal Frameworks
3.4 Social Protection
3.5 Built Environment
3.6 Discussions and Final Thoughts
References
4 The Integration of Traditional Knowledge and Local Wisdom in Mitigating and Adapting Climate Change: Different Perspectives of Indigenous Peoples from Java and Bali Island
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Climate Change Risks for Indonesia
4.3 National Climate Change Mitigation
4.4 Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change
4.5 Climate Change Mitigation of Indigenous People
4.6 Benefit of Local Wisdom and Local People’s Participation in Mitigating Climate Change
4.7 Local Wisdom in Java
4.8 Local Wisdom in Bali
4.9 The Model of Local Wisdom Adoption in Climate Change Response
4.9.1 Conclusion
Notes
References
Part II Water and Land
5 Social-Environmental Perception of Artisanal Fishermen bout Climate Change, Its Impacts on Fishing: A Comparison Between Socio-Spatially Segregated Communities
5.1 Why Is It Important to Understand Socio-Environmental Perception?
5.2 Climate Change and Society
5.3 Where Are the Communities and How Does Socio-Spatial Segregation Occur?
5.4 What Was Noticed?
5.5 To Consider…
5.6 About Ecosystem Changes and Their Impacts
5.7 In Conclusion: Including Local Knowledge Can Contribute to Science and Society
References
6 Impact of Climate Change on the Endemic Medicinal Plant Species Inhabiting the World Heritage Site of Indian Sundarbans
6.1 Introduction
6.2  Indian Sundarbans: A hub of Medicinal Plant Diversity
6.3  Exploring the Medicinal Plant Diversity and People's Participation 
6.4 Variability in Respondent Analysis
6.5 Conclusion
7 The Paiter Suruí Indigenous People in Defence of Their Territory: The Case of The Suruí Forest Carbon Project (PCFS)—RONDONIA/BRAZIL
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Revisiting Concepts: Globalization and Nature, Climate Change, and Carbon Sequestration in Indigenous Territories
7.3 The Paiter Suruí and the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land
7.4 The Trajectory of the Suruí Forest Carbon Project—PCFS
7.5 Conclusion
References
8 Indigenous Method of Curing Pulmonary Disorders Using Mangrove Fruit by the Lodha Peoples
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Sunderbans and Mangrove Fruit Keora
8.3 Preparation of Jelly from S. Apetala Fruit as an alternative livelihood
8.4 Analysis of Biochemical Composition
8.5 Results
8.6 Discussion
8.7 Conclusion
References
9 Forests Climate Change and Indigenous Knowledge. Reflecting Indigenous Ontologies in the Economics of Restoration
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Materials and Methods
9.3 Results and Discussion
9.4 International Policy
9.4.1 Unced
9.4.2 UNFCCC and Forests
9.4.3 Forest Declarations
9.4.4 Forest Protection Financing Outside the UNFCCC
9.4.5 World Bank and UN-REDD
9.5 Private Sector Carbon Markets
9.6 Carbon Trading Challenges
9.7 Top-Down Approaches
9.8 Local Governance Issues
9.9 Land: Rights vs Relationship
9.10 Financial and Carbon Focus
9.11 Bottom-Up Approaches
9.12 A First Nations Approach
9.13 Co-designing Forest Carbon Investment
9.14 Impact Investment
9.15 Land Capital Investors
9.16 The Role of Government
9.17 Risk and Safeguards
9.18 Impact Investment Safeguards
9.19 Conclusion
References
Part III Land Under Water
10 Indigenous/Endogenous Sea Peoples: Climate Change Adaptation and Environmental Regeneration Prospects
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Jamaica
10.3 Panama and the Ngabe
10.4 Guna
10.5 Maya
10.6 Comcaac
10.7 Huilliche
10.8 Ahiarmiut
10.9 Nansemond
10.10 Gullah
10.11 Guana Cay, Bahamas
10.12 Barbuda and Saint Barthelemy
10.13 Gujarat
10.14 Maldives
10.15 Seychelles
10.16 Zanzibar and Tanzania
10.17 Indonesia: Bali, Lombok, Sulawesi, Ambon
10.18 Ati
10.19 Vanuatu
10.20 Hotsararie
10.21 Bikini Atoll
10.22 Conclusions: Extinction, Migration, Assimilation, or Regeneration?
10.23 Recommendations
References
Part IV Land, Culture, Health, and People
11 Regenerative Learning: Hearing Country and Music for Healing People, Place, and Planet
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Literature Review and Methodology
11.3 Kimberley Lived Experiences
11.4 Paradigm Transformation—Realities and Opportunities
11.5 Conclusion
References
Part V Climate Change Management
12 Indigenous Peoples, Intellectual Property and Sustainability
12.1 Introduction
12.2 The Neem Tree, The Wonder Tree
12.3 The Sustainability of the Environment
12.4 Innovation and Its Incentives: The Methane Experience
12.5 Conclusion
References
13 Despite Repeated Warnings: A Multidisciplinary Approach of the Shortcoming of Numbers in Indigenous Knowledge and Climate Change
13.1 Introduction
13.2 What are Metrics, and What do they have to do with the Environment?
13.3 Metrics and Climate Change, An Old Contradiction
13.4 Setting the Scenario
13.5 Results of Conference of the Parties COP 27 for Taxonomy and Ecological Indicators
13.6 Keynes and Hickel, Tackling an Insatiable Society
13.7 Technologies and Taxonomy
13.8 Ocean Warming and Public Health
13.9 The Economy Side—Partial Metrics for a Global Interpretation
13.10 Conclusion
13.11 Endnotes For Introduction
References
14 Towards a Better Access and Benefit Sharing Mechanism to Protect Traditional Knowledge in India: A Platter in the Offering
14.1 Introduction
14.2 The ABS Mechanisms
14.3 CBD: The Popular Choice
14.4 ABS, TK, and Rights of Indigenous Peoples
14.5 ABS: Success Stories
14.6 Effectivity of the Existing Mechanism in India
14.7 The Proposed Mechanism
14.8 What to Do with the Money! Alternative or Ancestral Livelihood or Both
14.9 Conclusion: The Way Forward
References

Citation preview

Ana Penteado Shambhu Prasad Chakrabarty Owais H. Shaikh Editors

Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change An Environmental Impact on Landscape and Communities

Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change

Ana Penteado · Shambhu Prasad Chakrabarty · Owais H. Shaikh Editors

Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change An Environmental Impact on Landscape and Communities

Editors Ana Penteado School of Law University of Notre Dame Sydney, NSW, Australia

Shambhu Prasad Chakrabarty Department of Law University of Engineering and Management Kolkata, West Bengal, India

Owais H. Shaikh Department of Law Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto University of Law Karachi, Pakistan

ISBN 978-981-99-8829-7 ISBN 978-981-99-8830-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8830-3 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore Paper in this product is recyclable.

To my parents, especially my father, that got me into reading. To Bartolomé de Las Casas (1484–1566), a fierce friar and advocate for the rights of Indigenous Peoples, without his book, we would still be thinking that Indigenous Peoples disappeared from the face of the Americas by disease and not by genocide. To The Martuwarra Fitzroy Council for unprecedented support for this book. To Dr. Nirmal Sengupta, whose writings invited us to conceive this book. To Dr. Naazima Kamardeen for her intelligent comments when advice was much needed for this book. To all TKCC collaborators that believed in the good deeds of this book.

Preface

There is a cosmological link between Indigenous, tribal, and local communities and the environment. The “entrenched memory of the Earth,”1 with its flora, fauna, water, and the sky as another being provides the background of their cultural, social, and historical experiences embedded in ancestralism. This view of the Indigenous world with distinctive symbology challenges the non-Indigenous view of economic assets derived from natural resources. This bifurcation from commodification of things, is the personification of Nature. The Indigenous world is present/engaged in storytelling, medicinal use, agricultural techniques, fire and water management, and planting and harvesting techniques important for survival in their local environment. Indigenous or Traditional Knowledge in general, refers to the knowledge systems developed and innovative of know-how, skills, and practices shared via intergenerational processes.2 Indigenous Knowledge is defined by a system of protocols of cultural, medicinal, political, and social significance for Indigenous communal practices within their local environment.3 The current climate model simulations illustrate that the adverse effect of climate breakdown will be experienced regionally. The IPCC has reported that the whole planet has rapidly warmed to temperatures over 1.5 °C., a fact which serves as a dark reminder to every state that refuses

1

That is the earth connection that Ailton Krenak, from the Krenak Indigenous group in the Middle Doce River in Brazil, shares in Ideas to Postpone the End of The World, translated by Anthony Doyle, published by House of Anansi Press, page 34, 2020, in reference to Eduardo Galeano in Memory of Fire trilogy. In this work, he coined the expression “Memory of Fire.” 2 The World Intellectual Property Organisation espouses this definition, available at https://www. wipo.int/tk/en/tk/#:~:text=Traditional%20knowledge%20(TK)%20is%20knowledge,its%20cult ural%20or%20spiritual%20identity. 3 An example of Indigenous Knowledge definition in a governmental agency at the national level could be found at the IP Australia, the administrative agency for intellectual property rights governance, available at https://www.ipaustralia.gov.au/understanding-ip/indigenous-knowledgeip#:~:text=In%20Australia%2C%20Indigenous%20Knowledge%20is,be%20agricultural%2C% 20scientific%20or%20technical.

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to curb greenhouse gas emissions.4 The Report suggests with high confidence that mid-latitudes and high latitudes places in the cold seasons are heating significantly. Also, the economic system developed to produce wealth exploited natural resources in a pillage model of disappearance, unlocking harmful consequences. Indigenous, tribal peoples and local communities represent six per cent of the world’s population, 5 albeit the most affected by climate change and associated catastrophic weather events. The rising seas, uncontrollable bushfires, and the disappearance of fauna and flora have impacted them the most. The rise in temperature is potentially a threat to exterminating local biodiversity entirely, leading to extreme weather events more frequently, multiplying the occurrence of risks to food security and access to water resources, drought, heat exposure, and coastal submergence of entire nations. 6 A change in the number of hot days due to an increase of 2.0° C will devastate midlatitude countries and regions such as Indonesia, southern India, Australia, and the Amazon region, to name just a few. 7 Weather-temperature disequilibrium has also been the source of viral diseases and a reason for the extinction of species from the planet. In Article 8 (j), the Convention on Biological Diversity asserts respect and preservation of knowledge, innovation, and local practices of Indigenous, tribal, and local communities to depend on the local environment for their cultural and social existence. Like many other national actions, deforestation may be alleviated by reforestation, which is essential to reverse soil degradation and protect animals and microorganisms symbiotically connected with native flora. It seems crucial for local laws to support the conservation of the environment and re-assess climate change mitigation policies that are of compelling necessity. This book is a multidisciplinary template involving experts to illustrate how climate change has impacted Indigenous, tribal and local communities, exposing a dramatic vulnerability to defective public policies at the international, regional, and local levels, which may severely and irreversibility destroy their way of life embodied in Traditional or Indigenous 4 The World Bank Group, Understanding Poverty/Topics, Indigenous Peoples, available at https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/indigenouspeoples#:~:text=There%20are%20an%20e stimated%20476,percent%20of%20the%20extreme%20poor. Note that this number does not include necessarily local communities, such as the Afro-Brazilians, Quilombolas. World Bank Group, available at https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/099735011022227301/pdf/BOS IB0a78f706b0890a16101ee64b3b7cec.pdf. 5 Hoegh-Guldberg, O., D. Jacob, M. Taylor, M. Bindi, S. Brown, I. Camilloni, A. Diedhiou, R. Djalante, K. L. Ebi, F. Engelbrecht, J.Guiot, Y. Hijioka, S. Mehrotra, A. Payne, S. I. Seneviratne, A. Thomas, R. Warren, and G. Zhou, 2018: Impacts of 1.5 °C Global Warming on Natural and Human Systems. In: Global Warming of 1.5 °C. An IPCC Special Report on the impacts of global warming of 1.5 °C above pre-industrial levels and related global greenhouse gas emission pathways, in the context of strengthening the global response to the threat of climate change, sustainable development, and efforts to eradicate poverty [Masson-Delmotte, V., P. Zhai, H.-O. Pörtner, D. Roberts, J. Skea, P. R. Shukla, A. Pirani, W. Moufouma-Okia, C. Péan, R. Pidcock, S. Connors, J. B. R. Matthews, Y. Chen, X. Zhou, M. I. Gomis, E. Lonnoy, T. Maycock, M. Tignor, and T. Waterfield (eds.)]. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK and New York, NY, USA, pp. 175312, available at https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009157940.005. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid.

Preface

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Knowledge. It also suggests how TK can be used for the conservation and protection of local ecosystems. It wishes to learn and voice the Indigenous and local experts’ best experiences that may be integrated into. Sydney, Australia Kolkata, India Karachi, Pakistan

Ana Penteado Shambhu Prasad Chakrabarty Owais H. Shaikh

Acknowledgements

We have had the pleasure of having a team of expert contributors, translators/editors offering their time, skills, and devotion to this book. We would like to take this opportunity to thank them for sharing their contribution, proofreading of Portuguese texts, and their consideration to accommodate our needs to meet deadlines and work with authors. We acknowledge Marcos Paulo Monteiro Penteado, Rafael Borges de Faria and Arami Elizabeth Chrystal for their cooperation and hard work in reviewing chapters received in Portuguese and relevant associated material to the best of their ability to translate into English and support young scholars. Family is everything. Thank you to our family that walked this long journey with us, especially Luis Gabriel Monteiro Penteado, a digital and information technology wizard. Thank you Nabaneeta, Aanandee, Aarya, Debi Prasad Chakrabarti, Shefali Chakrabarti, Jayashree Guha Roy, Tanushree, Gargi, and Kamalika for continued inspiration. My sincere gratitude also goes to my institution and Vice Chancellor Professor (Dr.) Sajal Dasgupta for his valuable guidance and encouragement.

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About This Volume

The emerging role of Indigenous Environmental Knowledge is recognized as an important answer in mitigating climate change, particularly in its anthropogenic factors. Previously, scientific enquiry and empirical investigation into the claims of Traditional Knowledge to mitigate and manage climate change have been disregarded as an ancient custom, devoid of verification, and then sporadically included as informative guidance to local ecosystems in few environmental governance initiatives and as regional climate change management projects. The endorsement of Traditional Knowledge as a fundamental component has been a welcome change in the cacophony of the recent debate on climate crisis. This recent endorsement has delivered a renewed belief that Traditional ecological knowledge has and shall play a pivotal role in shaping the future of our planet. The role of Indigenous, tribal and local communities, their way of life, and the factors involved in their longstanding, sustainable relationship with Nature have finally been augmented with global warming. A synergy can be noticed among these communities, scientists, and policymakers on various international platforms, which is reflected in selected chapters of this volume. The chapters in this book collate similar experiences with regard to climate change and global warming, including collaborative efforts to incorporate practices of environmental value used by traditional communities in equal partnership with non-Indigenous peoples to manage the climate emergency and shocking weather patterns. This volume is organized into five major parts, which are independent yet interwoven. Part I includes “For a Sustainable Future: Lessons from Indigenous and Tribal Peoples” and “Climate Crisis Management and Traditional Culture of Indigenous Peoples” under the broader theme “Water,” which delves into ancient wisdom to mitigate climate change. The introductory chapter manifests the idea of life in human and non-human beings where Mother Earth is part of our collective commons. It engages in deriving the importance of Traditional Knowledge

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in climate change governance and management from antiquity for modernity. This part also includes a detailed discussion on adaptation strategies and climate resilience undertaken in this regard. In Part II, “Intersection between Water Resources Management and Indigenous peoples, Tribal and Local Communities,” “Indigenous Knowledge Impact on Forest Ecosystem,” and “Deforestation and Indigenous Knowledge Destruction: Issues and Perspectives” under the theme “Water and Land” explores the impact of climate change on fishing, endemic medicinal plants, forest resources, mangrove fruits, and Indigenous and local knowledge to defend, restore, and use for alternative livelihood. Part III of this volume, “A Sustainable Environment: An Integral Part of Indigenous peoples’ Right to Life and Livelihood” with the theme “Land under Water,” explores the Indigenous and endogenous sea people’s adaptation and regeneration efforts resilience at the community level and prospects. Part IV engages with “Cultural Diversity including Traditional Cultural Expressions and Ecological Systems of Indigenous peoples’ Art, Rock Painting, Canvas paintings: TCE and Intellectual Property Right” under the theme “Land, Culture, Health and People.” Part V, “The Role of International Organisations in Climate Change Mitigation Policies,” under the theme “Climate Change Management,” includes the interaction of sustainable practices of Indigenous and local communities with nature. The role of the international movements to ensure economic and livelihood opportunities, including the Access and Benefit-Sharing mechanisms, has also been included. The chapters in the book, along with various climate experiences predominantly from the Global South, underscore some interesting remediable erroneous actions that may manifest in the years to come for just and equitable climate change management. These chapters expect to answer some complex, interdisciplinary challenges and fulfil some expectations of the global questions about the role of Traditional Knowledge in mitigating climate change. Many Indigenous communities deeply associate with local and, in most of the times, micro-environments where they have lived for generations without disturbance until colonization. These communities are aware of this critical time, the age of decimation, as we are moving at an aggressive pace for more development and trade after the pandemic times. The vulnerability in local ecosystems is directly linked to the deterioration of the environment, where climate change agents are set to disrupt, destroy, and unleash more weather-related disasters. With the accelerated exploitation of natural resources, a rapid loss of habitat of local species can be detected; government’s consolidated frantic unplanned urbanization that endangers flora and fauna can be noticed, and an unsatisfactory quality of freshwater resources, air pollution, and land grabbing has been established. Reassessment of public policies is essential for the survival of everyone on this planet. The sustainability agenda must include an investment in global renewable energy, making green finance comprehensive to all States and not a localized action that facilitates clean energy to some latitudes on the planet. Climate change is democratic as far as its effective action is concerned. While few States have re-assessed environmental legal policies to enable traditional communities to become active participants, the same legal policies require consistency to be effective. This scrutiny may unveil unacceptable administration and governance of environmental resources that may dramatically impact the survival of the knowledge and livelihoods of these communities.

About This Volume

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Partnering Indigenous and local communities in the climate change equation will ensure alternative solutions to mitigate the climate crisis and weather catastrophic events we all face today and may see remaining for future generations. Editors Dr. Ana Penteado Dr. Shambhu Prasad Chakrabarty Dr. Owais H. Shaikh

About This Book

Throughout this volume, terms like Traditional Knowledge, Indigenous Knowledge, Traditional Ecological Knowledge, Indigenous Resource Management Systems, Local Knowledge, Local Community Systems and more are used with a theoretically similar meaning and significance. This edited volume is a multidisciplinary collaboration with the aim of presenting research from a range of experts and emerging scholars associated with climate change management through Traditional Knowledge. These complex Traditional Knowledge systems, based on advanced ecological knowledge are highly methodical, productive, and sustainable. These selected essays from across the Global South take a human-centric understanding of genetic resources, seeds accessibility, and benefit sharing amongst First Nations and local communities. The volume highlights the equitable importance of practices and creative methodology from the cultural background of indigenous and tribal peoples, the first custodians of our planet. Investigation into critical issues and solutions through local practices unveils the potential of incorporating Traditional Knowledge in policy formulation on environmental management and climate governance. This book advocates incorporating Traditional Knowledge in climate justice, which has been absent from our mainstream academic and legal discourse. The reader will find chapters with real-life examples of local practices for climate change mitigation based on Nature observations, which offers a detailed account of Indigenous Knowledge, inter alia, and their duty of care towards local biodiversity. These selected essays represent a novel international human rights approach and multicultural understanding of genetic resources which can support a more inclusive policy formation for a global strategy on the pervasive climate crisis.

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Contents

Part I

Water

1

Ancient Wisdom Dreaming a Climate Chance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Martuwarra RiverOfLife, Anne Poelina, and Marlikka Perdrisat

2

Climate Change Impacts on Pakistan’s Mountain Agriculture: A Study on Burusho Farmers’ Adaptation Strategies Towards Livelihood Sustainability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Muhammad Ammad Khan and Wahid Hussain

3

4

The Concept of Indigenous Knowledge and Climate Resilience in the Pacific . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Suliasi Vunibola, Christina Lalaai Tausa, Dalila Gharbaoui, David Garcia, and Steven Ratuva The Integration of Traditional Knowledge and Local Wisdom in Mitigating and Adapting Climate Change: Different Perspectives of Indigenous Peoples from Java and Bali Island . . . . . Mas Rahmah and Adi Sulistyono

Part II 5

6

3

21

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Water and Land

Social-Environmental Perception of Artisanal Fishermen bout Climate Change, Its Impacts on Fishing: A Comparison Between Socio-Spatially Segregated Communities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jéssica Garcia Rodrigues, Débora Martins de Freitas, Ana Emília Woltrich, and Ingrid Cabral Machado

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Impact of Climate Change on the Endemic Medicinal Plant Species Inhabiting the World Heritage Site of Indian Sundarbans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sana Ahmed, Shambhu Prasad Chakrabarty, Prosenjit Pramanick, Sufia Zaman, and Abhijit Mitra

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7

The Paiter Suruí Indigenous People in Defence of Their Territory: The Case of The Suruí Forest Carbon Project (PCFS)—RONDONIA/BRAZIL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 Carlandio Alves da Silva, Sheila Castro dos Santos, and Onelia Carmem Rossetto

8

Indigenous Method of Curing Pulmonary Disorders Using Mangrove Fruit by the Lodha Peoples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 Poulomi Mullick, Sana Ahmed, Prosenjit Pramanick, Sufia Zaman, Shambhu Prasad Chakrabarty, and Abhijit Mitra

9

Forests Climate Change and Indigenous Knowledge. Reflecting Indigenous Ontologies in the Economics of Restoration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 Sean Weaver and Paul Roughan

Part III Land Under Water 10 Indigenous/Endogenous Sea Peoples: Climate Change Adaptation and Environmental Regeneration Prospects . . . . . . . . . . . 189 Thomas J. F. Goreau Part IV Land, Culture, Health, and People 11 Regenerative Learning: Hearing Country and Music for Healing People, Place, and Planet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255 Kankawa Nagarra (Olive) Knight, Anne Poelina, and Sandra Wooltorton Part V

Climate Change Management

12 Indigenous Peoples, Intellectual Property and Sustainability . . . . . . 269 Ana Penteado and Shambhu Prasad Chakrabarty 13 Despite Repeated Warnings: A Multidisciplinary Approach of the Shortcoming of Numbers in Indigenous Knowledge and Climate Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283 Ana Penteado 14 Towards a Better Access and Benefit Sharing Mechanism to Protect Traditional Knowledge in India: A Platter in the Offering . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313 Shambhu Prasad Chakrabarty and Ana Penteado

Editors and Contributors

About the Editors Dr. Ana Penteado received her first law degree in 1994 at Mackenzie University, School of Law, becoming a licensed member of the Brazilian Bar Association in the same year. She earned her Legum Magister LL.M. from the University of California at Berkeley, specialising in intellectual property law and international law. In 2003, she was an IMURs scholarship holder granted by the Australian government to pursue a Doctor in Philosophy of Laws at the Macquarie University Law School in 2009. She was a former member of the Smithsonian’s National Museum of the American Indian in Washington, DC. She was, until recently, an active member of the Trans-Tasman IP Attorneys Board in Australia. Currently, she is involved with a patent certification course delivered at the University of Colombo School of Law in Sri Lanka. She is an adjunct associate professor at Notre Dame University, School of Law, Sydney, Australia. Dr. Shambhu Prasad Chakrabarty received his LL.B. and LL.M. from Calcutta University and Ph.D. from the University of North Bengal. He has taught and researched for over seventeen years at Calcutta University, Amity Law School and WBNUJS. He has authored and edited seven books and written over forty articles and book chapters, including in the Liverpool Law Review and Environmental Management. He acted as the chief editor of the NUJS Journal of Regulatory Studies from August 2019 to 2022. He was the topper at LL.B., of the Batch of 2003 from his college under Calcutta University. He is a scientific member of the Law and Society Association, USA, the Commonwealth Lawyers Association, UK, and IPIRA. He is currently a professor and a dean at the Department of Law at the University of Engineering and Management, Kolkata, India. Dr. Owais H. Shaikh completed his Ph.D. with Magna-cum-Laude from Ludwig Maximilians Universität, Germany. He wrote his Ph.D. dissertation at the Max Planck Institute for Innovation and Competition in Munich in Intellectual Property laws

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which Springer published. He has a Master of Laws in Intellectual Property (LL.M.) from the University of Augsburg (MIPLC) and an M.B.A. from the Institute of Business Administration, Karachi. He is also a tutor for the Intellectual Property Management course at the WIPO Academy since 2015 and for IP Strategy at the European Patent Office since 2023. Currently, he is the WIPO National Expert for establishment of Intellectual Property Training Institution in Pakistan. Previously, he taught Intellectual Property Law, Competition Law and Legal Research Methods at Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the University of Law, Karachi, Pakistan, as an associate professor and was also the Chairperson of the Department of Law. He also worked as Assistant Director at Pakistan Intellectual Property Organisation. He is also a scientific member of IPIRA.

Contributors Sana Ahmed Department of Oceanography, Techno India University, West Bengal, Kolkata, India Shambhu Prasad Chakrabarty Department of Law, University of Engineering and Management, Kolkata, India Carlandio Alves da Silva Agrarian Geography and Biodiversity ConservationGECA/UFMT, Cuiabá, Brazil Débora Martins de Freitas Instituto de Biociências UNESP—CLP, São Vicente, SP, Brasil David Garcia Macmillan Brown Centre for Pacific Studies, University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand Dalila Gharbaoui Macmillan Brown Centre for Pacific Studies, University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand Thomas J. F. Goreau Global Coral Reef Alliance, Cambridge, MA, USA Wahid Hussain University of Sciences and Technology (NUST), Islamabad, Pakistan Muhammad Ammad Khan University of Sciences and Technology (NUST), Islamabad, Pakistan Kankawa Nagarra Olive Knight Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council, Broome, WA, Australia Ingrid Cabral Machado Instituto de Pesca APTA/SAA, Santos, SP, Brasil Abhijit Mitra Department of Marine Science, University of Calcutta, Kolkata, India

Editors and Contributors

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Abhijit Mitra Department of Marine Science, University of Calcutta, Kolkata, West Bengal, India Poulomi Mullick Department of Management, Techno India University, West Bengal, Kolkata, India Ana Penteado University of Notre Dame, Sydney, Australia Marlikka Perdrisat Sydney Law School, Law Faculty, The University of Sydney, Camperdown, NSW, Australia Anne Poelina Nulungu Research Institute, University of Notre Dame Australia, Broome, WA, Australia; College of Indigenous Education Futures, Arts & Society, Charles Darwin University, Darwin, NT, Australia; Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University, Canberra, ACT, Australia Prosenjit Pramanick Department of Oceanography, Techno India University, West Bengal, Kolkata, India Mas Rahmah Faculty of Law, University of Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia Steven Ratuva Macmillan Brown Centre for Pacific Studies, University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand Martuwarra RiverOfLife Fitzroy River Catchment, Broome, WA, Australia Jéssica Garcia Rodrigues Instituto de Pesca APTA/SAA, Santos, SP, Brasil Onelia Carmem Rossetto Agrarian Geography and Biodiversity ConservationGECA/UFMT, Cuiabá, Brazil Paul Roughan Development Financing Consultant Focused On the Solomon Islands, Indigenous Malaitan From the Solomon Islands and Who Is Based in Aotearoa New Zealand, Takaka, New Zealand Sheila Castro dos Santos Department of Geography, Universidade Estadual de Londrina, Londrina, Brazil Adi Sulistyono Faculty of Law, University of Sebelas Maret, Surakarta, Indonesia Christina Lalaai Tausa Macmillan Brown Centre for Pacific Studies, University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand Suliasi Vunibola Macmillan Brown Centre for Pacific Studies, University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand Sean Weaver Carbon Financing Consultant, Founder and CEO of Ekos Based in Aotearoa New Zealand, Christchurch, New Zealand Ana Emília Woltrich Instituto de Pesca APTA/SAA, Santos, SP, Brasil

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Editors and Contributors

Sandra Wooltorton Nulungu Research Institute, University of Notre Dame Australia, Broome, WA, Australia Sufia Zaman Department of Oceanography, Techno India University, West Bengal, Kolkata, India

Abbreviations

ABS ANVISA BLA BSF CAN CBD CCB COOPAITER COP 26 CPSS EMBRAPA EMPAER FPIC FRDP FUNAI FUNBIO GHG GATT GCRA GIPS GMP HKH IDESAM IEA IK IKS IMAFLORA INPA

Access Benefit Sharing Brazilian Health Regulatory Agency Brazil Legal Amazon Benefit Sharing Fund Competent National Authorities Convention on Biological Diversity Climate, Community and Biodiversity Paiter Indigenous Production and Development Cooperative The United Nations Climate Change Conference Combined Provisioning Service Scale Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation The Mato Grosso’s Secretariat of Family Agriculture Free Prior Informed Consent Framework for Resilient Development in the Pacific National Indian Foundation Brazilian Biodiversity Fund Green House Gas The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade The Global Coral Reef Alliance Global Investment Performance Standards Global Methane Pledge Hindu Kush-Karakoram Himalayan The Institute of Conservation and Sustainable Development of the Amazon International Energy Agency Indigenous Knowledge Indigenous Knowledge Systems Institute for Forest and Agricultural Management and Certification National Institute xxv

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IPF IPO IPRs ISO ITMOS IUCN KAEEDA KO MAT MATSIP Nagoya Protocol

NBA NFP NGOs OECD OHC PAA Food PCFS PIC PSS REDD + RF RIA SBA SDG SPSS-26 TCE TEEB

The Brundtland Report, The Plant Treaty TIs TISS TK TLTB TRIPS

Abbreviations

The Inter-Governmental Forum on Forests Indigenous Peoples Organisations Intellectual Property Rights International Organisation for Standardisation Internationally Transferable Mitigation Outcomes The International Union for Conservation of Nature Kanindé Association Ethno Environmental Defense Amazon Kyoto Protocol Mutually Agreed Terms Metairelá Association of the Suruí Indigenous Peoples The Nagoya Protocol on Access to Genetic Resources and the Fair Equitable Sharing of Benefits Arising from their Utilization of the Convention on Biological Diversity National Biodiversity Authority National Focus Points Non-governmental organisations Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development Ocean Heat Content Purchase Program of the Brazilian Federal government Surui Forest Carbon Project Prior Informed Consent Provisioning Service Scale Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation Radioactive Forcing Amazonian Indigenous Redd State Biodiversity Authority Sustainable Development Goals Statistical Package for Social Sciences Traditional Cultural Expressions The Economics of Ecosystems and Biodiversity The Brundtland Report, also known as Our Common Future The Havana Charter also known as Our Common Future International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture Indigenous Lands Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land Traditional Knowledge Itaukei Land Trust Board Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Organisation

Abbreviations

UNCCD UNCED UNFF USPTO VCS WHO WHO-PIP WIPO World Summit 2002 WTO

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The United Nations Convention on Combating Desertification United Nations Conference on Environment and Development The United Nations Forum on Forests The United States Patent and Trademark Office Verified Carbon Standard World Health Organisation World Health Organisation Pandemic Influenza Preparedness Framework World Intellectual Property Organisation World Summit on Sustainable Development, Johannesburg 2002 or Earth Summit 2002 World Intellectual Organisation

Part I

Water

Chapter 1

Ancient Wisdom Dreaming a Climate Chance Martuwarra RiverOfLife, Anne Poelina , and Marlikka Perdrisat

Abstract Human and non-human beings have an equal right to life. The meaning of life is grounded in the interdependent relationship between all things. There are benefits from promoting earth-centred governance where relationships are inclusive of non-human beings. Mother Earth is our collective commons, and co-existence is the embodiment of life itself. This balance and harmony with our living cultural landscapes grounds the philosophical framework of values, ethics, virtues, and belief that the Law is in the Land, not in Man. Importantly we need to govern and manage the commons for the greater common good of humanity, our biosphere, and planetary well-being. We consider humanity’s need to invest into strengthening individual and collective resilience by revisiting our deep natural love for our commons. Earthcentred governance approach promotes a greater appreciation for the value of life, particularly regarding multispecies justice, co-existence, balance, and peace. It is time to draw on the ancient wisdom, traditional knowledge from antiquity, for modernity. A philosophical framework enshrined in the First Laws to underwrite a new Dream. We can Dream together so we can better understand how we, as human beings, can once again start to live in harmony with each other and with our non-human families. We need to enjoy and defend our amazing planet, Mother Earth, and life itself from

M. RiverOfLife Fitzroy River Catchment, Broome, WA, Australia e-mail: [email protected] A. Poelina (B) Nulungu Research Institute, University of Notre Dame, Broome, Australia e-mail: [email protected] College of Indigenous Education Futures, Arts & Society, Charles Darwin University, Casuarina, Australia Crawford School of Public Policy, Water Justice Hub, The Australian National University, Canberra, Australia M. Perdrisat Sydney Law School, Law Faculty, The University of Sydney, Building 3 Law School, Eastern Ave, Camperdown, NSW 2006, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 A. Penteado et al. (eds.), Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8830-3_1

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climate chaos and destruction. Otherwise, Mother Earth will be lonely without the vibrations of human beings! Keywords Indigenous peoples · First Law · Spirituality · Ancient wisdom · Harmony · Peace

1.1 Introduction We start the paper by explaining who we are, regarding how and why Indigenous People use stories. Our eternal relationship with Country and everything in our world has forever related to stories. In more contemporary times we use multiple methods including film, poems, and internet to share our lived experiences, our “tru stori.” We introduce the reader to the Indigenous concept of Bookarrarra, a northwest Australian Indigenous philosophy, spirituality, and practice. Bookarrarra connects and contextualizes the temporal fusion of the past, present, and future in our reality known as the Dreaming. We share the concept of Warloongarriy Law, a shared Law for governing Martuwarra, the Fitzroy River, in the Kimberley region of northwest Australia. Martuwarra Indigenous Nations have a moral law of obligation to protect our sacred ancestral serpent River beings, it is the essence of our spirituality, our lifeblood, our existence. We illuminate how First Law stories ground values, ethics, and virtues of a respectful code of conduct required for maintaining a civil society, harmony, balance, and peace. Our law is the First Law, the Law of Country, of Land, and of Nature. We include songlines, First Law, Law of the Land, and Law of Nature to help tell this narrative. “Our Place, Our People, our River Country”—is a notion of deep, inseparable connection. It is integral to the construction of our identity, our lifeways, our livelihoods, and our collective dreams for multispecies justice, for reconciliation, and for peace. We believe after 150 years of invasive, unjust development it is time to do business differently with us, with the region, and with our fellow Australians and indeed, as planetary citizens, with Mother Earth (RiverOfLife et al., 2020a). We believe our fellow Australians can learn from our cultural way of knowing, being, and doing (Poelina et al., 2021). Later in the paper, we contemplate the possibility of peace with Indigenous People and with nature, considering the number of development proposals currently in place. Furthermore, we consider the likelihood of foreseeable harm from the cumulative impacts associated with invasive extractive colonial industries. Truth is fundamental for reconciliation and healing. There is a disjuncture between imposing an invasive extractive colonial model of development while at the same time attempting to build peace with the original Australians, and by extension, Mother Earth and her fragile climate. We must collectively find a way to stop misogyny to “Mother Earth”!

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State and federal governments continue to heavily invest into invasive lawful development. Diminished funding and policy investment into Indigenous enterprise and communities maintains the perception that governments in Australia have a lower value on Australian citizens than they have for the value of multi-national corporations. Our narratives need to shift from poverty to wealth creation, justice, and freedom (Jepson, 2018). Indigenous leaders act on behalf of their Indigenous nations and, therefore, have an obligation to share information with their communities to promote and advocate both individual and collective, Sovereign right, in the re-establishment of a “Bio-Cultural Governance—A Model of Hope and Freedom.” Before colonization, bio-cultural governance among our Martuwarra nations remained place-based since our ancestral beings enacted creation. These values, understandings, Laws, and philosophical frameworks remain in place in our people’s hearts and daily interactions, and we ask our governments to recognize this, for everyone’s sake, and for our climate’s sake. We know how to live; our philosophy and practices have been developed over countless generations, and we invite all to participate in these lifeways. We happily share our lifeways and wisdom through stories. We conclude the paper by considering the possible means to hold and protect Martuwarra, the Fitzroy River. It is the largest registered Western Australian Aboriginal Cultural Heritage Site (1972) and National Heritage Listed River (2011) belonging to all Australians. Visually the reader is left with a poetic landscape of diversity, while aware of the politics of economics that determines how the present, is shaped by the past and offers a future pathway for peace. Our Nation and globally are being gifted with the opportunity to co-design and co-decision making in the transformation required to bring our ancient wisdom and traditional knowledge to the dialogue. The philosophical framework as part of the collective wisdom required, to deal with the complexity required to achieve planetary well-being and for climate change to become a climate chance. In fact, our very survival! What can ancient wisdom, traditional knowledge from the oldest living human culture on Mother Earth, share with humanity?

1.2 Ancient Wisdom Ancient wisdom are philosophical principles, ancient values, ethics, and virtues which guide the lived experience of Indigenous Australians. This contemporary modern practice continues to generate an extensive body of traditional knowledge production and adaptation to learning how to read the Country, to read and understand nature by looking for the signs up in the sky, down in the ground. This has come about through a deep relationship between human and non-human beings in nature. This system of knowledge must be seen and valued as Indigenous science as framed through the ancient wisdom of First Law. Mary Graham an Indigenous Australian philosopher and Traditional Knowledge practioner continues to frame ancient wisdom as Traditional Knowledge for our

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modern time. We appear to have ignored the urgency championed through the stories of ancient wisdom keepers in a three-hour documentary David MayburyLewis (1992). Graham and Maybury-Lewis, frame this as ancient wisdom from antiquity. Mary’s philosophy expands the concepts and meaning of Relationist versus Survivalist world view: Because the land brought us into being and continues to keep us alive and protected, we’re forever obliged to look after it, but it is more than a duty, it’s brought us into the sacred relational, the embedding of ethics, morality, empathy in us, that is, acquiring the condition of being worthy of what is proper. Foundational Principle To the extent that the Land is the source of the Law, Aboriginal Australia said to the people: “co-operate, don’t compete; share, don’t hoard; attend the consensus; extend your relationships; look after Land and Honour your Sacred sites”. It is a Law, which requires an ahistorical view of time.1

Turnbull and Poelina identified this failure to adopt and transform practices as urgent and, on a count, down to planetary and human survival. “Ancient wisdom is vital to protecting humanity” (Turnbull & Poelina, 2022). The idea and practice of obligation gives to human society a greater return for observance and adherence to the tradition, such as—nourishment/health, meaning, a flourishing society, security, protocols, and above all, well-being assurance for future generations. We advocate, eleven years after Graham, and thirty years after Maybury-Lewis, the urgency to share ancient wisdom and Traditional Knowledges to counter existential risks to humanity. Our intent is to build a unity pathway, to share information, and to make informed decisions to encourage and promote immediate action. There is no other satisfactory choice, as we are dealing with complexity, and without the oldest living knowledge system and knowledge makers of the world, we will fail to right size the planetary dis-ease. We must attempt to develop a new system of remedy together, by bringing ancient wisdom into our planning and investments for good governance, sustainable lifeways, and sustainable and just development, not only for the sake of our youth, but also for the planetary well-being of humanity. The remedy to protect our sacred River and Ancestral Serpent beings was declared under a Law of Obligation. Kimberley Indigenous leaders witnessed Mr Wise,2 a senior Elder of high degree, rise to his feet among a crowded room of diverse and multiple stakeholders debating how and what the take, the volume of water extraction from Martuwarra should be. Mr Wise gazed around the room, and stated, in a confident voice, “you came, you took the land, you made us slaves, and now you are back for the water. What is going to be left for “blackfellas?” (Senior Elder, Mr Wise, Personal communication June 2018), In 2018, this was the challenge expressed by Mr Wise, and faced by diverse Indigenous leaders from across our Fitzroy River Estate. The frame was, and still is, to stand as sovereign people “one society” under our First Law, Waloongarriy Law, to commit to the Law of Obligation, and to stand together with “One Mind 1

Graham, M. (Unpublished, 2009). Indigenous Community Centred Planning (ICCP) Strategy: Scoping Paper. 2 Mr Wise has since passed away (died).

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and One Voice.” It is also vital to build a cultural governance model to heal decades of colonial, invasive, conflict, manipulation, division. This requires a commitment towards nation building, towards a unity pathway—a model of hope and freedom. Everyone is invited.

1.3 Who Are We? Ngayoo yimardoowarra marnin, we are Nyikina Warrwa women who belong to Martuwarra Fitzroy River, and we live by a Law of Obligation and reciprocity with, and to, human and non-human beings in the protection of our sacred ancestral being, Yoongoorrookoo (RiverOfLife et al., 2021a, 2021b). The question, we ask the reader, and outwardly to the world can you learn, as our elders have taught us to “see with our ears and listen with our eyes.” Can we together, Dream a Climate Chance? This paper fuses narratives with creativity and academic style writing. The intent for writing this story is to illuminate our insider positions, our lived experiences as Indigenous women, and how our worldview, our values, ethics, and virtues are framed within a world of “we not me.” In this story we use multiple vignettes, particularly video, to share how Indigenous people are connected through relationships, kinship, spirituality, obligation, and our Law of the Land. These are footnoted for easy access and included in the reference list. We weave these voices together, all the while acknowledging the authority and authorship of Martuwarra. We present evidence of how our family and our peoples have lived in harmony with our sacred ancestral being, Martuwarra, since the beginning of time. We refer to our sacred ancestral beings with whom we continue to have ceremony, cry, laugh, dance, sing, and talk with in our daily lives. The River of Life, Martuwarra, is our identity, our spirituality, our Law. With our “friends of Martuwarra,” we are in a moment in historic time in which to right size the planet and rebalance energy systems through many stories and cultural ways, a pluriverse of brave human beings who are coming together to Dream a new way of living and being—“just development on just terms” (Kothari et al., 2019; Poelina et al., 2021).

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1.4 Bookarrakarra—Dreaming the Time Between Past, Present, and Future In our Indigenous language we have a word, Bookarrarra, referring not to a “Dreamtime,” but rather the Dreaming Time, in which we must act with wisdom, dignity, and humility. It is important to Dream, Reclaim, and Reframe the meaning and value of ALL life3 : (…) Now Bookarrarra means the past, the present and the future, fused into this moment in time in which we as human beings need to be able to respond and react in the protection of Country. So Bookarrarra is a very, very important word, and it places us as being Traditional Owners, Indigenous people, who have been here from the beginning of time. And so, we have a due diligence to learn from the old stories, to take those stories as First Law stories and to be able to understand that those stories teach us about values, ethics, virtues, about code of conduct, about how to live in a civil society. One of the things that we say as Indigenous people is that we come from a world of we, not me. And so it’s very important when we’re looking at developing strategies to look at the collective wellbeing of not just Indigenous people, but our fellow Australians and indeed at global citizens (Anne Poelina in Perdrisat, 2020a).

1.5 Warloongarriy River Law The Law for the Martuwarra Fitzroy River is Warloongarriy Law. It connects all Indigenous Nations along and to the Fitzroy River Catchment, as one society, through the song and ceremony of Warloongarriy Law. It is the Law from the Sunrise Country, from the Hill Country, the Ranges, to the Sundown Country, the Sea Country4 : European people can’t understand our Law, because they’ve got a different law. Ours is from Bookarrarra. We try to explain these things to them, and they don’t know what we’re talking about. Because that’s from Bookarrarra. It’s from Bookarrarra. But it’s different law, different law from White man law. Different. Different altogether (Senior Nyikina Elder of High Degree, Paddy Roe, in Maybury-Lewis, 1992).

In 2016, Traditional Owners5 expressed a collective vision for the Martuwarra in the Fitzroy River Declaration6 (Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council, 2018). Through our collective story and as one society, bound by kinship, obligation, and reciprocity, we hold Warloongarriy Law.

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See Bookarrarra (Perdrisat, 2020a). Available at https://vimeo.com/451420394. See Warloongarriy (Perdrisat, 2020b). Available at https://vimeo.com/459588320. 5 In Australia, the term “Traditional Owners” refers to people with inherited Aboriginal cultural and traditional connections to their own lands and living waters. 6 Fitzroy River Declaration. Available at http://www.majala.com.au/news/protecting-the-fitzroyriver-catchment. 4

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1.6 Our Law, Our Peoples, Our River Country Martuwarra, the Fitzroy River, is an iconic, heritage listed unregulated river system of global value and significance7 (Allam & Earl, 2021). We invite you to come, see, feel, and hear Martuwarra Country (Poelina et al., 2020). For Australia’s original peoples of the Martuwarra, Nyikina ancestor Woonyoomboo formed the River in the Dreaming Time. Woonyoomboo is the human face of the Martuwarra, who created the Martuwarra valley tracks in partnership with our living sacred ancestral beings. Woonyoomboo was an explorer, map maker, and scientist who named the places, animals, birds, fish, plants, and living water systems. These environmental and cultural values are recognized in both the Western Australian Aboriginal Cultural Heritage and National Heritage Listings. The film, Mardoowarra, River of Life (Madjulla Inc & McDuffie, 2016),8 showcases the powerful voice of the Martuwarra: (…) Welcome to the River Country, Mardoowarra - Martuwarra, the sacred River of Life. My name is Mardoowarra / Martuwarra. When the Europeans came, they called me by another name, Fitzroy River, but I hold to my name which was given to me in the Bookarrakarra, the beginning of time. I hold my totem, Yoongoorrookoo, the Rainbow Serpent who formed the valley tracts as Woonyoomboo, the first human being, stood and rode on my back, holding the spears firmly planted in my rainbow skin. As we twisted and turned up in the sky down in the ground together, we carved our way forming the Mardoowarra, singing the Warloongarriy River Law song for Country. I was so happy in 2011, seeing everyone working together, Black and White Australians, telling their stories of heritage, culture, and environment. Telling the Australian government to listen to all of the collective wisdom, which helped me to become listed as National Heritage. I hear the voice of Lucy Marshall, Senior Elder, and custodian saying, “Those people who are playing with nature, they must be stopped.” She’s very wise. She knows that together, shoulder to shoulder, we can work together to look after my rights. I am the sacred River of Life. Her sister, Jeannie Warbie, agrees with me and I hear her standing and calling strong, “No River, no people.” And without our continuing law of relationship between human and non-human beings, there will be no life. In 2015, Pope Francis issued an encyclical on climate change, in which he says that the cultural and land rights of Aboriginal peoples are both key factors in the underlying global problems of greed and destruction. And they hold global solutions. Here in the West Kimberly on the River Country, my peoples are being asked to make way for intensive agricultural and mining projects without consideration for the degradation of nature and their culture or my right to life. Dr. Anne Poelina has written to his holiness, Pope Francis. Her story, Protecting the River of Life, was published by the Vatican, in 2016. A Tribunal for Nature was held in Brisbane, in October 2016. This citizens’ Tribunal has heard cases presented by citizens and Earth lawyers concerned about the destruction of ecosystems and the wider Earth community in Australia. Dr. Poelina brought my case, Mardoowarra versus state of WA and federal governments to the Tribunal to ask the citizens of this court, to recognize me as a living entity with a right to life, like my sister, the Whanganui River in New Zealand. The Whanganui River has stood strong and with the help of her Indigenous custodians and the strength and wisdom of legal and cultural governance, she 7

See the article in The Guardian (2021). Available at https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/ 2021/jun/05/a-journey-down-was-mighty-martuwarra-raging-river-and-sacred-ancestor. 8 See “Welcome to Martuwarra”, in Mardoowarra River of Life (Madjulla Inc & McDuffie, 2016). Available at https://vimeo.com/187590078/7afbbc772d.

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M. RiverOfLife et al. now has set international legal precedents across Mother Earth. Her rights in nature gives me hope in human beings, who hold the lives of the other non-human beings, the birds, the trees, the rocks, the insects, and the balance of life in their hands. I call to you to stand with Dr. Poelina as she presents my case to be protected as a sacred River with the right to life for generations to come (Madjulla Inc. & McDuffie, 2016).

In building our collective consciousness and actions to be creative and adaptive to climate change, we need to ask ourselves individually and collectively, “Can we have a common and shared future in a climate changing world?.” Before we answer this question, we must first challenge our own practice and redefine our thinking and understanding of “what is sustainable lifeways and what is sustainable development?” We must also ask the question, “how can we use multiple forms of knowledge-making and application to better respond to harm?”. Let us Dream and act now to transform our thinking and practice, and adapt to climate change, for a climate chance, for a humanity in the future, and some sense of planetary well-being (Redvers et al., 2020). Our future generations depend on our actions now.

1.7 Foreseeable Harm Versus Peace with Indigenous People and with Nature Martuwarra/Mardoowarra, Fitzroy River through its cultural and global significance is of world value. However, the words “incremental genocide” from Indigenous Senator Patrick Dodson makes the point, we must never ever again allow the politics of economics to destroy these sacred places, as was recently committed at Juukan Gorge, a cave with evidence of human history dated to 46,000 years ago (Michaelmore, 2020). The preserved arts were sacred and special, as evidence of early forms of human practice from the oldest living continuing cultures on the planet (Poelina et al., 2021). The Western Australian government is currently promoting extensive water and mineral resource extraction and economic development plans to build the largest diamond mine in the world which could occupy the majority of the catchment as well as frack the Martuwarra Fitzroy River Country (Fig. 1.1). For our peoples this context is complex and confusing, with little investment and insufficient opportunity for dialogue. Martuwarra Council’s submissions to the Derby Water Allocation Plan (Department of Water & Environmental Regulation, 2021) and to the Fitzroy River Management Consultation were developed in full partnership with representatives of the Western Australian Environmental Defenders Office and the Australian National University Water Justice Hub (Poelina, 2021b). The submission uses both legal and scientific research to affirm human and environmental rights and cultural responsibilities to care. The Martuwarra Council is concerned Indigenous people and their fellow citizens who live in the region have had no or very little opportunity to participate in decisions about our own lands in a socially just way. At this stage, there appears little appetite from the State government for investment

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Fig. 1.1 Kimberley Resources Map (adapted from data available at data.wa.gov.au: Poelina et al., 2021)

into a Statutory Catchment Management Authority to collectively manage and regulate all development to a high standard from an evidence-based, informed consent, decision-making position. This Western Australian state government’s resistance to a catchment wide legislation to establish key principles for informed decision-making and regulation of development encapsulates the illusion of probity that everything is on the table. The state and federal governments frame this type of development as being of benefit for the greater good of our nation, but we know it is for a few who want to, as Mr. Brown, Senior Walmajarri Elder states, “drain the water out, that will kill the culture” (Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council, Brown, & RiverOfLife, 2021). When it comes to development scenarios planned for Martuwarra Fitzroy River Catchment Estate in reference to human rights, climate, water, and environmental justice we see foreseeable harm, ecocide, and genocide (Poelina, 2021a; RiverOfLife et al., 2021a, 2021b). The Kimberley is under attack. We know that there’s the potential for coal, uranium, copper, diamonds, bauxite, iron ore, zinc, lead, as well as other precious metals. We know that these industries need an incredible amount of water. We’re really concerned that groundwater would be used and what that would mean for all the pools and the billabongs along the Fitzroy River, particularly in the dry season (Martin Pritchard, in Poelina et al., 2015).

Sadly, there is no investment into understanding or preventing cultural and social impact risks to our people and/or the cumulative impact limits required to maintain a clean environment to protect our human and Indigenous specific rights. The commodification of water, which prices water as a “resource” rather than “living

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waters” in Australia’s south has resulted in catchment scale environmental damage.9 The Indigenous wisdom and leadership that has emerged in response to the MurrayDarling Basin catastrophe provides “critical lessons” that we can share and learn from (Grafton et al., 2020). Over the past 150 years, we have strongly advocated for better land and river management as well as addressing cumulative threats at a catchment scale (RiverOfLife et al., 2020b). In a time of growing uncertainty of food, water, energy security, and climate change, we need to protect our rivers as the lifeblood and life force of our Country! Even in the face of these attacks, through our Martuwarra Fitzroy River story we are building a “Coalition of Hope,” with “Friends of the Mardoowarra / Martuwarra,” such as Dr Michelle Lim (Lim et al., 2017). Her words are as follows: (…) My name’s Michelle Lim. My area is environmental law. What Anne and I have been working on is looking at the intersection between First law, the Law of the River, and State law. First law from the beginning of time is so important and should be the foundation for developing State law. So, by State law, the non-Indigenous law, Commonwealth law. Using that starting point of Warloongarriy Law, the River Song, the Law of the River, which recognises the River as a living being in its own right, and as the ancestor of people who live in the Mardoowarra. So, this understanding of the whole River, the Fitzroy River, Martuwarra as being a Rainbow Snake from the head to the tail. And not only that, that’s what it is, and it’s what created the people, but that people have an obligation to protect the ancestor, to protect the snake. And that links the past, the present and the future. How do we create a healthy River from a range of perspectives? So, your social, economic, and environmental, they’re all intertwined. So that starting point of how you make the River healthy is defined in a range of different ways. Using the First Law of the River as that starting point is very helpful in thinking about how we can have a future for the River as a living, being in its own right, and a future for the people of the River. So, a lot of what Anne talks about is how we can envisage the law of the River, which has come from the beginning of time. How do we envisage that for modernity? And going back to the Fitzroy River Declaration, which in itself is such a groundbreaking event because it’s the first time in Australia that you’ve got this negotiated instrument, which recognises an ecosystem as a living being in its own right. And not only have they incorporated the Law of the River in the Fitzroy River Declaration. It’s forward looking as well. It’s saying…there’s eight points within the Declaration to move towards bringing that First Law into the future, into modernity. And where I come in, I think is in looking at how we can engage and reform existing State law to give effect to some of those points. Something I think that is important and helpful is thinking about the window of time we have that we need to do something now. And in speaking, I’m hearing in my ears again, Anne going, there’s this opportunity to prevent a disaster, not just an environmental disaster, not just a social cultural disaster and not just an economic disaster. How we think about the River in a sustainable way and how we put into process, into action, the correct legal frameworks from a state based perspective, which are based on law which has come from so many generations of looking after the River, where we get that interaction between what types of law needs to be in place to give effect to that (Poelina et al., 2020).10

Eminent legal scholars advocate legal pluralism can be extended beyond legal personhood towards framing a broader concept of ancestral personhood (RiverOfLife 9

A significant example is the impact on volume and quality of water in the Murray Darling Basin, which the Australian government has recently tried to repress from a UN Report 2021, Valuing Water (Programme Mondial de L’UNESCO pour l’évaluation des ressources en eau, 2021). 10 See An Interview with Michelle Lim (Poelina, Madjulla Inc, & McDuffie, 2020). Available at https://vimeo.com/433343821/0023e84b48.

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et al., 2021a, 2021b). This concept of ancestral personhood is grounded in relationships between human and non-human beings. Importantly, it provides the question of “standing,” which one the senior elders agrees with: “we have a law for River [Martuwarra] it is held in song, dance and ceremony, Warloongarriy Law”(Joe Brown, in Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council, Madjulla Inc, McDuffie, & King, 2021). Mr Joe Brown a Senior Walmajarri Elder and man of high degree, through his wisdom and obligation of care, is challenged by the idea the River belongs to the government.11 Below is a transcription of his words as follows: (…) We sing that story about this River. My favorite story when people ask me, I always sing this song, Martuwarra. It’s very important to me, this River. I really love the River. How can government going to try to take over the River? Government didn’t born in this River, we born alongside the River. We should be the one that own the River, not government. It’s law. We got a law too, and the River got the Law. This River got story, big history. That Warloongarriy dream. If River going to go dry that’ll kill the culture. We need to fight for this River, not to drain all the water out. Money is nothing, but the life of the River is living there forever (Joe Brown, in Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council, Madjulla Inc, McDuffie, & King, 2021).

These traditional knowledges, lifeways, values, ethics, and virtues, which guide this Senior Walmajarri Elder, are grounded in a philosophy of an ethics of care and love for his favourite story, in which he sings Warloongarriy Law, and ways of living in peace and harmony from the moment he was born alongside this ancient River. Ancient wisdom relevant for these modern times is an important part of the collective wisdom needed to transform business as usual through informed decision-making now, in the present. Dr Jonathan Hook, a Cherokee environmental philosopher and scientist, relates the following: The group that is most often overlooked and yet has probably the greatest wisdom of any group in terms of relation to the environment are the Indigenous communities. And so it’s absolutely imperative that these communities be involved in the dialogue and addressing issues like climate change, how to mitigate impacts of other pollutants, and how to work with communities for future development in a way that’s sustainable, in a way that can be maintained without impacting the environment… so including these communities is absolutely critical (Dr Jonathan Hook, in Poelina, Marshall et al., 2015).

Dr Hook led the Redstone Declaration (Aillapan et al., 2010) to the world in which twenty-two Indigenous philosophers stood to advocate that the wisdom of Indigenous people globally, through their traditional knowledges, was needed then and it is needed now if we collectively seek to collaborate to transform climate change to climate chance.

11

See Joe Brown, in Joe Brown: Martuwarra (Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council, Madjulla Inc, McDuffie, & King, 2021). Available at https://vimeo.com/546836156/8b3eb7f6e7.

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1.8 Bio-Cultural Governance—A Model of Hope and Freedom In 2018 the Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council (Martuwarra Council) was established as a legal entity as a “collective governance model to maintain the spiritual, cultural and environmental health of the catchment’ for Traditional Owners of the Martuwarra Nations (Poelina, 2019). As a result, the Martuwarra Council considers the Martuwarra to be communal property, an “asset in the commons” that belongs to all of us. By commons, we refer to the natural systems on which all life depends, and the processes and public spaces by which people work together to establish how they care for their communities and resources (Flanagan et al., 2019). The Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council is an alliance of Traditional Owners who stand with One Mind and One Voice. A Council of Senior Elders with our younger leaders from Traditional Owner Groups of the King Sound, Fitzroy River, and its Catchment. Our work is grounded in First Law and the guardianship system of rights, responsibility, and obligations. Our “Coalition of Hope” belongs to Martuwarra Fitzroy River, Always Was Always Will Be, and it must be promoted and protected for the benefit of present and future generations (Poelina, 2019). The Martuwarra Council advocates for the political goodwill and research investment required to ensure that Indigenous First Law underpins the concept of Just Development. Ultimately, Traditional Owner concerns are about property rights, power, and values regarding deeply different ontologies and epistemologies. Please see the evidence of this in the Martuwarra Council Conservation and Management Plan (RiverOfLife et al., 2020c). We are concerned about our Rivers as Living Water Law First, as Rivers are the lifeblood sustaining our lifeways and our livelihoods and economies of our Country. In terms of education for all locally, nationally, and globally, the words below offer wisdom in this time of climate chaos: If we are to survive, then we have got to listen to Indigenous peoples, and we’ve got to build those links between non-native and native communities and move forward as partners and in partnership of equals. And coming to the table, doesn’t mean simply sharing ideas, which is a very important part, it means being part of the decision-making process. Not simply being informed after the fact, but being part of determining the steps that are taken forward and being true equals in that process. We’re at a tipping point. And unless we take action now, unless we are forceful emotionally, and perhaps in written documents and video statements and in relationship building with governmental entities and scientists. Unless we take those steps now, this tipping point means that if it tips too far, we won’t be able to go back (Dr. Jonathan Hook, in Poelina et al., 2015).

Poelina and her colleagues, when questioning the social licence of unjust development projects within the Fitzroy River Catchment, advocated for a Statutory Catchment Authority as a minimum standard of bio-regional planning, development, management, and regulation. Furthermore, her colleagues recommend cumulative, and social impacts assessment is critical to ensure precautionary principles

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and evidence-based informed collective decision-making (Poelina, et al., 2021). In our paper, we make the point the Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council made, regarding social licence and good faith negotiations (Poelina et al., 2021, p. 17), which included: • Who and what counts and is counted? • How are values assigned? • How do relationships between people and the ‘natural’ world work to produce value? • How are existing values of the riverine system understood and measured? • Whose laws and values matter? • What impacts and risks are accurately predicted and deemed acceptable? • Who gets to decide? And what kind of ‘evidence’ is weighed up in the decisionmaking process? • How and where are decisions made? • Whose visions of the future are being pursued. In a time where our Nation has laws, policies, management, and regulation are no longer fit for purpose, we see collapse at every level, it is time to build a vision which unites ALL Australians. The United Nations report about water, including rivers, notes that sea level rise and vegetated coastal ecosystems have been suffering erosion, “increased sea water intrusion in estuaries has redistributed marine species”12 (Programme Mondial de L’UNESCO pour l’évaluation des ressources en eau, 2021). Climate investment funds must be committed and invested into better understanding of the sciences, the industry, and the political challenges and solutions to adapt and respond to the survival of humanity and the planet. This type of investment can be for the design and support for the collaboration of regional governance frameworks, which shifts the balance of power to local people and stakeholders who need to build a vision and a collective and common future together. We need to develop a unity pathway, share information, and have informed decision-making through regional governance approaches. Singing Yoonkoorrookoo. In Singing Yoongoorrookoo13 (Poelina, 2020), the ancestral serpent being speaks the following words: (…) I am Yoonkoorrookoo the Singing Rainbow Serpent. Traveling high up in the sky and down through the rivers. The air and the sea, the river and the soil. I feel a great sadness now carried by many people. They cry out and ask, “What is happening in our Nation, in our Country, in our home?” I see below me, floods and fires crisscrossing the land, big storms and harsh heat. Our knowledge of country ignored by government and bureaucracy. “Wake up,” I say to you, and to hear my belly crawl. Wake up maybe one last time and listen to Bruce Pascoe’s call. There’s wisdom here, heavily rooted intrinsically between Aboriginal nations. Their 12

See United Nations Report, Valuing Water (2021). Available at https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/ 48223/pf0000375724 13 See Yoongoorrookoo Creator of the Law (Poelina & McDuffie, 2020). Available at https://vimeo. com/395472554/e52c6ee7d0.

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M. RiverOfLife et al. land, living waters, sea and sky. Aboriginal voices being muted in that protection of our rivers, crying out, “We need to be recognised.” Defrauded, dis-eased into staying quiet. Now through their mourning, awakening others to their calling. Recognised, reconciled in healing, a united transformation in order to fully nurture the Australian nation. This Australia taken by theft from a lineage of ancestral custodians. It’s time to pause and take a deeper breath. Rivers must have a right to life and their contribution to all other life must be protected. Some are fearful that the humans create their own extinction. I have hope in human beings for living water lives within them too. It’s their life, they must save it if they are to continue living on Mother Earth. Mother Earth covered in living waters, cradled beneath the sky. I keep on singing, as I believe a ‘Coalition of Hope’ is coming. Indigenous nations believe they have a fiduciary duty as custodians and guardians, legislative river protection acts across the whole country. This must be done before it’s too late. Earth jurisprudence, First Law, law of the land. This is the cry from the Aboriginal nations of this wide brown land. This has been the message championed through the rivers of the [Murray Darling Basin] MDB, rivers have the right to life, they must flow free. This must become a nation song line if the Australian bloodlines are to hold the past, present and future strong. I sing this to you, singing the River Law song for people, and Country (Poelina, 2020).

First Australians are extending their gift of wisdom, knowledge, and practice, to assist in nation building, healing, and reconciliation. Who knows in the circle of time we may one day achieve a “Just Energy Transition” and be ready for a “Just Republic”? This is our gift for right sizing the planet. We can run the country. We know what the rules are. We never forget. Together. Together shoulder to shoulder. We know what’s right and what’s wrong. Sorry about that, but we still got our culture. We still got our role. We still got a role to play. (Lucy Marshall in Poelina et al., 2015)

These words and practice of ancient wisdom are coming as a gift to humanity. It is time to stop “othering” Indigenous people and our ancient wisdom, a change that is so necessary to planetary and multispecies well-being. It is about strengthening the opportunities for the “forever industries”14 (Australian Conservation Foundation & Exposure, 2021). By reframing and building collective wisdom, by opening our minds, to the traditional knowledge of the oldest living human culture on the planet, we can start to shape not only what we “Dream” future laws to be, but what the law can be now.15 Championing a treaty and reconciliation framework requires all of us to come to affirm “Black Lives Matter,” because it is time for justice and equity to build peace with the First Australians and with nature, especially our rivers. First Law offers a unity pathway to justice, equity, and peace as it incorporates Indigenous Lifeways and Livelihoods. Where to next? 14

See Australian Conservation Foundation: https://stories.acf.org.au/forging-the-forever-indust ries. 15 See Martuwarra Fitzroy River of Life (Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council, Madjulla Inc, McDuffie & King, 2021). Available at https://vimeo.com/533047074/87705efc9e.

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Where to next is the question? We trust the story has challenged the reader to think, and possibly act on their individual values, ethics, and virtues with capacity to first show empathy, beyond the human to our non-human kin. A willingness to learn and to share how Indigenous leaders are advocating an opportunity to include traditional knowledges from antiquity in our endeavour to create peace with Indigenous peoples and with nature. To have a climate chance, we must value the philosophical understanding of what Indigenous science and First Law are, and how we can share our collective wisdom for the greater good of humanity and Mother Earth. All the stories challenge us, individually to go back to the “we not me,” ethics of care for each other and for Mother Earth. We need to make the choice scenario planning and towards modelling for climate change adaptation can eliminate and empower “wiser” commentary ways of living for postmodern living with the Anthropocene.16 Our advocacy as knowledge makers framing ancient wisdom through our Traditional Knowledges builds on the evidence of the UN World Water Development Report, Valuing Water (2021), and demonstrates Western philosophy has remained largely anthropocentric, indifferent to the fate of the natural world. There is a gradual move towards re-examining the nature of human-earth relations with a view to build a basis for sustainable lifeways now for the future. It is important to note that sustainable life is not the same as sustainable development, as the latter is increasingly used to promote growth economics with little regard for the inherent limitations of ecological systems (Poelina, 2019). The emergence of collaborative research, stories, and dialogue with all of the storytellers in this paper, starting first with Martuwarra, Fitzroy River has started a conversation with brave scholars and practitioners who are redefining the law around existing rights, justice, and equity. This paper frames the start of a conversation about opportunities for the wider society to build peace with Indigenous Australians and the natural world. The First Law stories of Country, the Law of the Land and Water, are shared, so we can better understand how we, as human beings, can once again start to live in harmony with each other and with our non-human families. In this moment in history, it is our responsibility to defend our amazing planet, Mother Earth, and life itself from climate chaos and destruction. Together, as a region, a Nation, and globally we can Dream a collective dream, to include the complementary principles of First Law, back to the “we and not the me”! If not, we will have caused our own demise. Mother Earth will right size herself, but she will be lonely without the vibrations of human beings!

16

Anthropocene means this geological age of human dominance of nature, place and planet, including climate.

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References Aillapan, L., Arnould, P., Batzin, C., Black, R., Camp-Horinek, C., Cervantes Cervantes, R., …Trakansuphakon, P. (2010). Redstone statement. In The International Summit on Indigenous Environmental Philosophy. University of North Texas. Available at https://webarchive.lib rary.unt.edu/unt/indigenousenvirosummit10/20120220213656/, http://indigenousenvirosummi t10.unt.edu/wp-content/uploads/Redstone-Statement1.pdf. Allam, L., & Earl, C. (2021). A journey down WA’s mighty Martuwarra, raging river and sacred ancestor. The Guardian. Available at https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/jun/05/ a-journey-down-was-mighty-martuwarra-raging-river-and-sacred-ancestor. Australian Conservation Foundation & Exposure. (2021). Forging the Forever Industries: How ancient wisdom can guide the transition to new economies. Available at https://stories.acf.org. au/forging-the-forever-industries. Climate Council of Australia. (2019). The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: Limiting temperature rise to 1.5 °C. Climate Council of Australia Limited. Available at https://play.google.com/store/books/ details?id=OtgnyAEACAAJ. Department of Water and Environmental Regulation. (2021). Derby groundwater allocation plan: For public comment. Available at https://www.wa.gov.au/sites/default/files/2020-12/Derby_gro undwater_allocation_plan.pdf. Flanagan, C., Gallay, E., Pykett, A., & Smallwood, M. (2019). The environmental commons in urban communities: The potential of place-based education. Frontiers in Psychology, 10, 226. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00226 Grafton, R. Q., Colloff, M. J., Marshall, V., & Williams, J. (2020). Confronting a ‘post-truth water world’ in the Murray-Darling Basin. Australia. Water Alternatives, 13(1), 1–28. Jepson, P. (2018). Recoverable Earth: A twenty-first century environmental narrative. Ambio, 48(2), 123–130. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13280-018-1065-4 Kothari, A., Salleh, A., Escobar, A., Demaria, F., & Acosta, A. (2019). Pluriverse: A postdevelopment dictionary. Tulika Books and Authorsupfront. Lim, M., Poelina, A., & Bagnall, D. (2017). Can the Fitzroy River Declaration ensure the realisation of the First Laws of the River and secure sustainable and equitable futures for the West Kimberley? Australian Environment Review, 32(1), 18–24. Madjulla Inc. (Producer) & McDuffie, M. (Director). (2016). Mardoowarra River of Life. International Tribunal on the Rights of Nature. Available at https://vimeo.com/187590078/7afbbc 772d. Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council. (2018). Fitzroy River Declaration. Available at https://static1. squarespace.com/static/5e86add4e98f7421bace70f1/t/5e9fcc157dedb86cbb06a2e9/158753 0798453/fitzroy-river-declaration.pdf. Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council, Brown, J., & RiverOfLife, M. (2021). Joe Brown: Martuwarra. [Mobile application software]. Available at https://vimeo.com/546836156/8b3eb7f6e7. Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council, Madjulla Inc (Producers), McDuffie, M., & King, S. (Directors). (2021). Martuwarra Fitzroy River of Life [Online Video]. Available at https://vimeo.com/533 047074/87705efc9e. Maybury-Lewis, D. (Director). (1992). Millenium: Tribal wisdom and the modern world [Television Series]. Canada: Biniman Productions Ltd; Adrian Malone Productions Ltd; KCET; BBC TV; The Global Television Network; Rogers Telefund; Telefilm Canada. Michaelmore, K. (2020). Rio Tinto accused of ‘incremental genocide’ after grilling at Juukan Gorge inquiry. ABC Pilbara. Available at https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-10-16/rio-tintogrilled-at-juukan-gorge-inquiry/12775866. Perdrisat, M. (Director). (2020a). Bookarrarra. Available at https://vimeo.com/451420394. Perdrisat, M. (Director). (2020b). Warloongarriy [Online Video]. Available at https://vimeo.com/ 459588320.

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Poelina, A. (2019). A Coalition of Hope! A Regional Governance Approach to Indigenous Australian Cultural Wellbeing. In A. Campbell, M. Duffy, & B. Edmondson (Eds.), Located research: regional places, transitions and challenges (153–180). Singapore: Palgrave McMillan. Poelina, A. (Writer & Director). (2020). Singing Yoongkoorrookoo [Online Video]. Harry’s Collar & Ngikalikarra Media. Available at https://vimeo.com/395472554/e52c6ee7d0. Poelina, A. (2021a). Martuwarra First Law Multi-Species Justice Declaration of Interdependence: Wellbeing of Land, Living Waters, and Indigenous Australian People. (Doctor of Philosophy (Health Sciences)). University of Notre Dame Australia, Fremantle. Poelina, A. (2021b). Submission in response to: Managing Water in the Fitzroy River Catchment: Discussion Paper for Stakeholder Consultation. Available at https://www.waterjusticehub.org/ wp-content/uploads/2021/07/30thJune2021MFRCWJHEDOFINALMartuwarrasubmission. pdf. Poelina, A., Brueckner, M., & McDuffie, M. (2021). For the greater good? Questioning the social licence of extractive-led development in Western Australia’s Martuwarra Fitzroy River region. The Extractive Industries and Society, 8(3). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2020.10.010. Poelina, A., Madjulla Inc (Producers), & McDuffie, M. (Director). (2020). An Interview with Michelle Lim [Online Video]. Available at https://vimeo.com/433343821/0023e84b48. Poelina, A., Marshall, L., Warbie, J. (Producers), & McDuffie, M. (Director). (2015). Three Sisters, Women of High Degree. Australia: Madjulla Inc for National Indigenous Television (NITV), Indigenous Community Television (ICTV). Available at https://ictv.com.au/video/item/6499. Poelina, A., Wooltorton, S., Harben, S., Collard, L., Horwitz, P., & Palmer, D. (2020). Feeling and hearing Country. PAN: Philosophy Activism Nature (15), 6–15. Available at http://panjournal. net/issues/15. Programme Mondial de L’UNESCO pour l’évaluation des ressources en eau. (2021). The United Nations world water development report 2021: valuing water. Paris: United Nations. Available at https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000375724. Redvers, N., Poelina, A., Schultz, C., Kobei, D. M., Githaiga, C., Perdrisat, M., … Blondin, B. S. (2020). Indigenous natural and first law in planetary health. Challenges 11(29). https://doi.org/ 10.3390/challe11020029. RiverOfLife, M., McDuffie, M., & Poelina, A. (2020a). Martuwarra Country: A historical perspective (1838-present). Broome: Nulungu Research Institute, University of Notre Dame. Available at https://researchonline.nd.edu.au/nulungu_research/5/ RiverOfLife, M., Pelizzon, A., Poelina, A., Akhtar-Khavari, A., Clark, C., Laborde, S., Macpherson, E., O’Bryan, K., O’Donnell, E., & Page, J. (2021). Yoongoorrookoo: The emergence of ancestral personhood. Griffith Law Review, 30(3), 505–529. https://doi.org/10.1080/10383441.2021.199 6882 RiverOfLife, M., Poelina, A., Alexandra, J., & Samnakay, N. (2020b). A conservation and management plan for the National Heritage listed Fitzroy River Catchment Estate (No. 1). Broome: Nulungu Research Institute. Available at https://researchonline.nd.edu.au/nulungu_research/4/. RiverOfLife, M., Poelina, A., Bagnall, D., & Lim, M. (2020c). Recognizing the Martuwarra’s first law right to life as a living ancestral being. Transnational Environmental Law, 9(3), 541–568. https://doi.org/10.1017/S2047102520000163 RiverOfLife, M., Taylor, K. S., & Poelina, A. (2021). Living Waters, Law First: Nyikina and Mangala water governance in the Kimberley, Western Australia. Australasian Journal of Water Resources, 1–17.https://doi.org/10.1080/13241583.2021.1880538 Turnbull, S., & Poelina, A. (2022). How Indigenous wisdom can protect humanity. Journal of Behavioural Economics and Social Systems, 4(1), 10–36. https://doi.org/10.54337/ojs.bess.v4i1. 7293.

Chapter 2

Climate Change Impacts on Pakistan’s Mountain Agriculture: A Study on Burusho Farmers’ Adaptation Strategies Towards Livelihood Sustainability Muhammad Ammad Khan and Wahid Hussain

Abstract The Hindu Kush–Karakoram–Himalayan (HKH) region has undergone drastic climate shifts over the past few decades, making mountain communities highly vulnerable to climate change-induced hazards. While many scientific studies have assessed the surging glaciers in the area, little is known about the impact of climate change and induced disasters on mountain agriculture systems. This paper, therefore, examines the effects of climate change on mountain agriculture in Pakistan’s northern areas and investigates the traditional knowledge of Burusho farmers regarding climate change adaptation and livelihood sustainability. Using a quantitative research approach, a field survey was conducted in four villages in the Hunza district of Gilgit-Baltistan, with data collected from 258 respondents using a structured questionnaire. Results indicate that Burusho farmers primarily cultivate four crops, including fodder, seasonal vegetables, fruits, and nuts, for domestic and commercial use. However, many farmers have lost fertile land, crops, and fruit orchards due to the devastating effects of climate change and recent glacial floods, resulting in low crop yields and agricultural income. In order to sustain their livelihoods, farmers typically respond to hazards through self-help strategies and indigenous methods. Nevertheless, the findings suggest that current adaptation practices are insufficient in light of rising climate risks. Therefore, mountain communities require Muhammad Ammad Khan—He is specialized in the field of Rural Development and Management, He is currently working as an Assistant Professor of Development Studies at the National University of Sciences and Technology (NUST), Islamabad, Pakistan, His scholarly interest includes Rural Community Development, Agricultural Development, Women and Youth Empowerment, Climate Change, and NGOs. Wahid Hussain—He is specialized in the field of Climate Change and Development, He is currently working as Monitoring & Evaluation Officer at Research and Development Solutions (RADS) Pakistan, an independent research consultancy firm, His research interests include Climate Change, Food Security, and Sustainable Development. M. A. Khan (B) · W. Hussain University of Sciences and Technology (NUST), Islamabad, Pakistan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 A. Penteado et al. (eds.), Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8830-3_2

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immediate support by providing as much assistance and intervention as possible to boost their adaptability to climate change and improve their socioeconomic conditions. Keywords Climate change · Mountain agriculture · Traditional knowledge · Adaptation · Livelihood sustainability

2.1 Introduction Climate change generally refers to the changes in weather patterns such as extreme temperatures and irregular precipitation patterns caused by anthropogenic activities (UCDAVIS, 2021). When fossil fuels (coal, natural gas, and oil) are burned for energy purposes, they release carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases like methane, nitrous oxide, and fluorinated gases which in turn trap heat in the atmosphere, making them the primary contributors to global warming and climate change (Cassia et al., 2018). The major impacts such as sea level rise near coastal areas and melting of glaciers across the world specifically in the mountain regions are visible and alarming. According to the Fifth Assessment Report (2014) by United Nations— Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) the melting of glaciers is associated with climate change as it is “unequivocal” (Goodrich et al., 2019). Despite the fact that elevation correlates with a decrease in ambient temperature, global warming is causing temperatures at higher altitudes to rise even faster than at lower altitudes (Mallet et al., 2021). As mountains exist in many regions of the world, they occupy very different ecosystems on the globe and they differ in shape, extension, altitude, vegetation cover, and climate regime. The volume of glaciers is shrinking at an unprecedented rate over the past few decades, resulting in snow avalanches, glacial lack outburst floods, debris flow, and landslides that are directly and indirectly affecting mountain communities. As a result, communities living in mountain areas are extremely susceptible to hazards associated with glaciers (Dilshad et al., 2019). In a study, Carrivick and Tweed (2016) compiled data from twenty countries to assess the impacts of glacial floods spanning 10 centuries. The data revealed that more than 1348 glacial floods occurred with high societal impacts. These glacial floods have directly caused 7 deaths in Iceland, 393 deaths in the European Alps, 5745 deaths in South America, and 6300 deaths in central Asia while the countries i.e., Peru, Nepal, and India have experienced fewer floods yet higher levels of destruction of farmlands, houses, roads, bridges, etc. Similarly, agriculture, as the main livelihood for most mountain communities, is one of the human endeavours hardest hit by climate change (Dahal et al., 2022). More frequent and heavy precipitation has increased the risk of crop damage from flooding, soil erosion, and landslides. The growing season, crop duration, and soil moisture regime have all changed as a result of rising temperatures and shifting weather patterns. This has had a negative impact on crop yield and ultimately food insecurity (Fahad et al., 2017; Lamaoui et al., 2018; Raza et al., 2019). Moreover, communities’

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vulnerability is also exacerbated by their remoteness and marginalization (Szarzynski et al., 2022). The right to livelihood of mountain communities needs to be protected as they are the most vulnerable to the climate change crisis. Identifying the complex reality and the challenges that will ideally provide the perfect platform for these people to adapt is pertinent. However, inadequate data and ignorance of the poor and underprivileged communities make it harder for them to determine a strategic defence against this crisis (Castells-Quintana et al., 2018). Literature reiterates the vulnerability of local communities due to economic, social, cultural, and political factors. Inconclusive property rights are primarily responsible for constantly adapting technology in farming (Asfaw et al., 2016). A decision to adopt a new solution requires cognitive skills involving mental accounting (Thaler, 1999). It also requires an intrinsic understanding of loss aversion (Tversky & Kahneman, 1991) on the one hand and hyperbolic discounting on the other. Both cognitive and sud-optimal levels of adoption may be required for these decisions to be taken by the farmers having access to weather data and climate forecasts (Silvestri et al., 2012). The success of such adaptations largely depends upon implementing a clearly crafted policy framework and the participation of beneficiaries. It is also perception driven as inconsistency thereof will cause hindrance to the success (Patt & Schröter, 2008). Thus, the traditional knowledge of local communities engaged in farming holds the key determinant to their adaptation decision (Clarke et al., 2012). Climate change adaptation by indigenous communities is not new. Various indigenous communities have used traditional knowledge to mitigate and manage climate change complications. Indigenous peoples are also using internal communal arrangements (Boillat & Berkes, 2013). Existing literature reflects the influence of networks of reciprocity and livelihoodbased ties in the adaptive capacity of local people to climate change (Adger, 2005). Stronger social relations may improve the capacity of communities to mitigate climate change challenges (Lorenzoni et al., 2007; Wolf et al., 2013). Social relations enhance the ability to cope with weather-related and environmental hazards and address the impacts of climate change. Indigenous people of the mountains have developed a variety of crops and cultivation techniques adaptive to the ecosystems (elevation, micro-climate, slope structures and conditions, etc.). The adaptive mechanism includes, inter alia, water conservation, risk management induced by natural hazards, etc. These communities’ knowledge is pertinent to understanding traditional and local knowledge and including them in modern ecosystem services. It is also essential to explore the nuances of TK that vary from one community to another. This paper empirically explores the adversities of climate change in the mountains of Pakistan in general and the adaptation strategies of Burusho farmers in particular. The work is supported by an ecological explanation from a regional to local context and its interaction with the Convention of Biological Diversity and UNSDG

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M. A. Khan and W. Hussain

Goal 13, emphasizing the role of Indigenous and local communities in the region’s ecosystem services.

2.1.1 The Hindu Kush–Karakoram–Himalayan Region and Pakistan The Hindu Kush–Karakoram–Himalayan (HKH) region is often referred to as the “water towers of Asia” (You et al., 2017) due to the fact that many high-altitude regions store water in the form of snow or glaciers, supplying water to ten of Asia’s largest rivers (Kandel et al., 2020) (Fig. 2.1) as well as supporting the production of food and energy and a variety of other ecosystem services for approximately two billion people (Scott et al., 2019). The HKH region, which includes Bhutan, China, Myanmar, India, Nepal, Bangladesh, and Pakistan, is currently experiencing the effects of climate change through the increased melting of glacier bodies (Maharjan et al., 2018). This has increased the risks associated with glaciers and posed to the human population. Recently, glacial lake outburst floods (GLOFs) have become more frequent, and their effects are drastically altering the environment in mountainous areas. A study conducted by Khanal et al. (2015) in Nepal’s mountainous areas found that communities living downstream of the four glacial lakes are extremely at risk from GLOFs. Their lives and properties are in jeopardy. Regular monitoring of glacial lakes and determining the likelihood of an outburst flood were among the intervention strategies and activities that were found in the case studies to reduce the loss of life and property, lowering the level of water in important lakes, and establishing guidelines for the development of infrastructure and land use. Similarly, Pakistan’s most spectacular mountain ranges (HKH), which are located outside the polar region and contain high glacier deposits, are also experiencing the greatest losses from sudden surges of meltwater. Although Pakistan’s carbon emission is less than one per cent in contrast to the total global, it is the 5th worstaffected country in the world (Chaudhry, 2017). According to Ashraf et al. (2012), the Karakorum range has seen 35 catastrophic outburst floods in the last 200 years. By using the systematic application of remote sensing and geographic information systems (GIS), their study revealed that there have been 2420 glacial lakes formed in the HKH region of Pakistan, among which 52 lakes are characterized as potentially dangerous GLOF hazards. In addition, Karakorum Anomaly, the phenomenon which states that some glaciers in the Karakorum region are surging and gaining volume has added more risks to the existing vulnerabilities of mountain communities especially those who settled along the riverine (Gao et al., 2020). On the other hand, farming communities are also highly vulnerable due to a lack of adaptability and appropriate mitigation measures. Furthermore, it is anticipated that the average global temperature will rise by 1.5 to 5.8 degrees over the next century. The HKH region will be horrified by the effects of climate change because glaciers and glacial

2 Climate Change Impacts on Pakistan’s Mountain Agriculture: A Study …

25

Fig. 2.1 The HKH region and the 10 river basins emanating from it

lakes are evolving, making mountain communities more vulnerable to a variety of natural hazards caused by climate change (Bajracharya et al., 2007).

2.1.2 Climate Change in Gilgit-Baltistan Gilgit-Baltistan, formerly known as the Northern Areas, is a Pakistani autonomous region with an area of 72,971 km2 (Jamil et al., 2022). The region is divided into ten districts i.e., Hunza, Skardu, Ghanche, Ghizer, Diamer, Astore, Shigar, Kharmang, Nagar, and Gilgit, with an estimated population of over 1.249 million people (GoGB, 2021). Nature has gifted this area with the world’s three longest ranges of mountains i.e., HKH, massive glaciers, glorious rivers, splendid valleys, and precious mines. Gilgit-Baltistan is a significant water catchment for the Indus River Basin (IRB), which supplies water to millions of acres of agricultural land for irrigation purposes and is the hydroelectric power source of choice for the majority of Pakistan (Ahmed et al., 2021). As Gilgit-Baltistan is covered with mountain ranges, sharp climatic variations can be noticed in various parts of it. “The eastern part has the moist zone of the western Himalayas, but going toward Karakoram and Hindu Kush, the climate gets considerably drier.” To better understand the climatic conditions in Gilgit-Baltistan, the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) conducted a study in 2008 and found that the average winter temperature in Gilgit-Baltistan increased at a pace of 0.044 °C, however, the summer

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M. A. Khan and W. Hussain

temperature decreased at a rate of 0.026 °C. On the other hand, a number of other studies found a warming trend in the Himalayas and high mountains, with minimum temperatures rising faster than maximum temperatures, and such rises being stronger at higher elevations (Shrestha et al., 2015; Dimri et al., 2018; Rahim et al., 2023). Studies suggest that the rapid melting and receding of glaciers have caused highfrequency glacial-induced disasters in the region which have increased the vulnerability of the communities. For instance, a study by Rehman (2015) revealed that about five GLOFs events occurred in 2008 alone in Gojal Hunza region which caused considerable damage to communities and infrastructure. Similarly, according to Ashraf et al. (2021), the Bagrot valley in Gilgit-Baltistan is particularly vulnerable to glacial floods and heavy rains. During the 2008–2015 era, a succession of GLOF episodes occurred as a result of the filling and breaching of supraglacial lakes over Ghulkin glacier. The lake’s rupture led to a large discharge of water mixed with debris that impacted sections of the adjacent Ghulkin hamlet. Further, in 2018, a major surge of Shishper glacier occurred (Pamir Times, 2018) which destroyed an irrigation channel, an under-construction hydroelectric plant, shepherds’ trails, and access to summer pastures (Shah et al., 2019; Baigal, 2021; Khan et al., 2021). However, according to Pakistan Meteorological Department (2021), two more GLOF events occurred on 23 June 2019, and 29 May 2020, with the outburst of Shishper glacier dammed-lake causing peak discharges of 5000 and 2900–3500 cusecs respectively and damaged Karakoram Highway in Hassanabad by eroding road and blocking the drinking water pipeline to the neighbouring settlements. Most recently (on 17 July 2021 and 7 May 2022), GLOF events caused devastation in Badsuwat village of Ishkoman valley in Ghizer district and Hassanabad village in Hunza district of Gilgit-Baltistan submerged link roads and left eight remote villages disconnected, damaged electricity, bridges, and other private properties, standing crops, orchards, fish farms, and left many people homeless (DAWN, 2021; The NEWS International, 2022). Gilgit-Baltistan has nearly 2% cultivable land out of its total area of 72,971 Km2 and more than 80% population is engaged in subsistence farming which produces cereal crops, fruits, vegetables, and fodders. Since the down country supplies more than half of Gilgit-Baltistan’s food staples, including wheat, the region already suffers from a food shortage. Notwithstanding, climate change-induced glacial disasters have further impacted the agriculture system and increased the food insecurity of the local population (GB EPA, 2017). To further climate change management, both mitigation as well as adaptation mechanisms need to be taken by the governments (IPCC, 2014). Hence regular monitoring of glaciers is important to reduce the risk of GLOFs as well as the impacts on the communities by enhancing capacity building, awareness, and preparedness for glacial hazards (Nie et al., 2021).

2 Climate Change Impacts on Pakistan’s Mountain Agriculture: A Study …

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2.1.3 The Burusho Community Burusho is an indigenous community that has been living in the Chitral district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province and Hunza, Yasin, and Nagar districts of GilgitBaltistan in northern Pakistan for centuries. Burusho in these districts speaks Burushaski in three different dialects (Flowerday, 1998). Burushaski is the most unique native language which does not have any resemblance to any other language in the world hence it falls under the isolated language family.1 Irrespective of the uncertainty of the origin, Burusho people are likely to be indigenous to northwestern India (now Pakistan) and moved in here with the migration of the Indo-Aryans around 1800 B.C. (Willis, 2010). Due to their isolation from the rest of the world and their lack of access to alternative sources of income, the Burusho community relied entirely on mountain agriculture for centuries to ensure both their basic survival and the continued existence of their livelihoods. During the last 45 years, the dynamics of the region have changed after the construction of the Karakoram Highway (KKH) by Pakistan and China in a joint venture in 1978 (Anwar et al., 2019), and the economic opportunity of the people has expanded beyond agriculture. However, in remote places, agriculture continues to be the primary source of income (Nüsser et al., 2019). The CBD emphasizes indigenous peoples’ and local communities’ reliance on biological diversity, as well as their particular role in safeguarding life on our planet. This acknowledgement is established in the Convention’s preamble and Article 8(j).2 This research also highlights the knowledge and traditional farming practices of Burusho community living in the mountainous areas in northern Pakistan and intends to explore their adaptive strategies and resilience towards climate change and farm livelihood sustainability.

2.1.4 Sustainable Development Goals The UNSDG introduced seventeen goals to make our world filled with peace and prosperity and without poverty within a target of 2030. This was agreed upon by 195 countries and efforts were made to bring divergent views of various governments within a stratified framework. Equal efforts from NGOs, business houses, media, and educational institutions were promised to achieve these goals in respective jurisdictions. Climate change crisis is considered to be the biggest challenge in achieving these goals as it will affect disproportionately, severely, and adversely on the poor and the vulnerable.

1

For details see: http://www2.hawaii.edu/~lylecamp/CAMPBELL%20BLS%20isolates.pdf. Parties have undertaken to respect, preserve and maintain the knowledge, innovations, and practices of indigenous peoples and local communities relevant to the conservation of biological diversity and to promote their wider application with the approval of knowledge holders and to encourage equitable sharing of benefits arising out of the use of biological diversity.

2

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Thus, SDG No. 13 has a direct impact on the overall ambition of this research study. It is concerned with climate action which states that “improve education, awareness-raising and human and institutional capacity on climate change mitigation, adaptation, impact reduction, and early warning.” The methods of adaptation that are being practised by indigenous communities in the mountainous areas are gaining a prime role in combating climate change in the scenario of a rapidly changing climate. Melting of glaciers is associated with global warming which poses serious threats of glacial disasters in the HKH region of Pakistan. This study particularly focuses on the proposed goals of SDGs No. 13, which emphasizes the adaptation to climate change using the indigenous methods of communities living in the mountain areas which they have used to fight against natural disasters for centuries.

2.1.5 Study Aim The melting and surging of glaciers in the mountainous regions of Pakistan have increased the frequency of hazards making the mountain community highly vulnerable due to low adaptive measures (Ives et al., 2010; Mool et al., 2011; Ashraf et al., 2017). Over the last few decades, the Hunza district particularly is being affected by glacial changes and expansions which have severely impacted the communities living in the district. In the same vein, rapid glacial changes and induced disasters have negatively affected the overall agricultural activities, production, and yield along with farmers’ daily life activities. Many researchers including Zaidi et al., 2013; Mir et al., 2018; Hussain, 2019; Cui et al., 2019; Wu et al., 2020; Rashied et al. 2020; 2020; Bazai et al., 2021; Baig et al., 2021; Khan et al., 2021; Shangguan et al., 2021 have studied the technical causes and behaviours of glaciers in the region and most of which are based on the geographic information system (GIS), satellite images, and other scientific assessments of the potential risks of GLOFs. However, the impacts of climate change on agriculture, farmers’ perceptions, and their adaptation mechanisms are not well documented. Therefore, human-based knowledge of climate change and subsequent adaptations to sustain livelihoods are necessary to synchronize the changes with scientific knowledge. On the basis of awareness, perception, and experience, mountain farmers tend to react and take action against any disaster situation. If they have better knowledge and understanding of climate variabilities and glacial hazards, it can be observed that communities and individuals better adapt to and manage risks in a more appropriate manner (Hussain & Khan, 2023). To build on this, empirical evidence regarding the negative effects of climate change on mountain agriculture and insights into the adaptive capacities and resilience of indigenous farmers towards climate change and farm livelihood sustainability is urgently required. Therefore, this study is an attempt to achieve this goal by focusing on the farmers of the Burusho community of Pakistan. In turn, this information will aid in the planning and policy formation for new interventions by the government and non-government organizations to launch their projects and

2 Climate Change Impacts on Pakistan’s Mountain Agriculture: A Study …

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programmes. This study will likewise contribute to expanding the information on the societal impacts of climate change and provides an overview of mountain communities’ vulnerabilities and sensitivities towards glacial hazards. In addition, it will enrich the existing body of knowledge by revealing the indigenous mountain community’s local coping mechanisms. Finally, the researcher, academics, and institutions working on climate change adaptation and resilience will benefit from this study.

2.2 Methodology 2.2.1 Research Approach This study used a quantitative research approach to derive results through measurements that represent the data concisely by providing a concrete relationship among the variables. Quantitative research is defined as “the process of collecting and analyzing numerical data. It can be used to find patterns and averages, make predictions, test causal relationships, and generalize results to wider populations” (Bryman, 2012). Moreover, a cross-sectional research design was adopted, implying the research being undertaken during a specific period across the population. Community development researchers, for example Khan (2022a, 2022b), endorse this research strategy.

2.2.2 Research Site Hunza is a mountainous district situated at an elevation of 2,438 m (7,999 feet) in the Gilgit-Baltistan region (Khan et al., 2021). Geographically, the district is divided into three parts i.e., Upper Hunza (Gojal), Central Hunza, and Lower Hunza (Shinaki). The present study was undertaken in four adjacent villages namely Altit, Faizabad, Ahmadabad, and Salmanabad of Central Hunza. The reason for undertaking these villages was their remoteness where Burusho community adheres to traditional farming practices and relies heavily on agriculture as their primary means of subsistence. The community cultivates a variety of crops, seasonal vegetables, and fruits and uses glacier melt water for irrigation. Their agricultural produce is now sold in the local markets as a result of the construction of new roads and an improved supply chain in recent years (Fig. 2.2).

2.2.3 Population and Sample Size Population data of the four selected villages i.e., Altit, Faizabad, Ahmadabad, and Salmanabad was obtained from the local government office in Hunza. According to

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M. A. Khan and W. Hussain

Fig. 2.2 Map showing study area in Hunza district of Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan

the office, the total population in these villages is around 4718 with 780 households. Therefore, by using the following formula, the research sample was determined as 258 households: Sample size = 1

z 2 × p(1− p) 2 ) ( 2e z × p(1− p) + e2 N

where: N = population size (780) e = Margin of error (5%) p = population proportion (0.5) and z = z-score (1.96) based on a 95% confidence level Village-wise population, number of households in each village, and sample distribution are presented in Table 2.1. Table 2.1 Sample size distribution No

Village

Population

Number of households

Sample households

1

Altit

3162

543

175

2

Faizabad

221

37

13

3

Ahmadabad

838

120

42

4

Salmanabad

497

80

28

4718

780

258

Total

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2.2.4 Household Survey and Data Collection In order to collect primary data from the 258 sample households, a household survey was conducted from 15 June to 30 July 2022. Random sampling method was used to select the household. Participants selected were adult family members with age 35 years and above as they had a better idea of climate change impacts in the local context. However, survey data was collected through a self-administered structured questionnaire. The questionnaire was divided into 4 sections in which questions with regard to the participants’ socioeconomic characteristics (i.e., age, gender, education, marital status, household structure, and land holdings, agricultural activities, and nonfarm employment); knowledge of climate change (i.e., awareness, perception, and experience based on impacts of climate change on their agriculture during the last 10 years) and adaptation strategies to climate change and sustainable practices were asked. Four field assistants were hired on a volunteer basis to assist in face-to-face interviews with all the study participants.

2.2.5 Data Analysis Data collection was primarily maintained by using Microsoft Excel (MS-Excel 2010) and analysed by Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS-26) programmes.

2.2.6 Ethical Considerations Prior to the commencement of the survey, ethical approval was obtained from the Research Ethics Committee of the School of Social Sciences and Humanities at the National University of Sciences and Technology, Pakistan. All possible ethical principles were upheld during data collection. Before collecting the data, informed consent was obtained from participants and briefly explained their participation and provides detailed information about the study’s purpose. Furthermore, the confidentiality of personal information was ensured during the research and allowing participants to withdraw or leave the study at any stage. During the data-collecting phase, the selfrespect of each participant was prioritized and protected the participant from any kind of harm. Moreover, it was told that participants can use the study for future academic purposes.

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2.3 Results 2.3.1 Demographic and Socioeconomic Information 2.3.1.1

Demographics

85.2

79.2

76.7

56.8 45.5

Gender

Literacy status (a)

Education level (b)

Fig. 2.3 Demographic characteristics of the participants

Marital status

11 & >

9.5 6-10

Married

Unmarried

14.8

9.4 Other

Higher Secondary

Secondary

Middle

Primary

Illiterate

Literate

61& >

51-60

Age

15.1

11.4

7.6 41-50

31-40

14.8

33.7

29.2

20.8

1-5

34.9

32.1 23.3

Female

90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

Male

Percentage

It is pertinent to analyse the demographic characteristics of study participants in order to better explore their vulnerabilities and adaptation mechanisms to climate change. An overview of participants’ demographic characteristics is presented in Fig. 2.3. Figure 2.3 shows that 76.7% of the participants were males and 16.1% were female. In agricultural work, both males and females usually work in the fields and contribute equally to fulfil their household needs. The age distribution of the participants indicates that the majority (45.5%) of them was older adults in the age range of 41–50 years. Interestingly, a large majority (79.2%) of the participants was found to be literate and their distribution according to the level of education shows that 34.9% of the participants had a primary level of education, followed by 11.4% had a middle level of education, 29.2% had a secondary level of education, 15.1% had a higher secondary level of education, and 9.4% had bachelor’s and master’s level of education. In a study, Harlech-Jones (2003) also explored that the Hunza district has 95% literacy rate. Moreover, Hunza has a diverse family system as people live in all types of family systems i.e., nuclear family system, joint family system, and extended family system. However, the number of dependents in the households of the participants suggests that approximately 56.8% of participants had 6–10 dependents in their households. This suggests that in rural settings, households usually have more dependents (Khan, 2022a, 2022b).

No. of dependents

2 Climate Change Impacts on Pakistan’s Mountain Agriculture: A Study …

59%

90%

71%

33

Alpha Alpha Maiz

20%

Potato 80%

55%

Carrot Spinach Tomatoes

60%

75%

Cherry Apple

30%

Appricot Grapes

80%

70%

Walnut

72%

Fig. 2.4 Crops grown by the participants (multiple responses)

2.3.1.2

Cultivating Crops

Despite the fact that agriculture is the primary means of subsistence for all (100%) of the participants, the fragmented nature of land holdings and rough topography in mountainous areas resulted in smaller agricultural lands, ranging from 1 to 20 Kanal (the Pakistani unit of area, which is 605 square yards). There is a lot of room for a variety of products and the investigation of market niches in mountain regions due to their unique climate, ecology, and growing seasons. As a result, the most important crops that the participants grew for both personal and commercial use are examined and shown in Fig. 2.4. Fodder, fruits, vegetables, and nuts were the most commonly grown crops in the study area. Figure 2.3 depicts that fodder including alfalfa (90%) and maize (20%) were grown by the participants for commercial as well as for their livestock feeding. Vegetables including potatoes (80%), tomatoes (70%), carrots (60%), and spinach (30%) were grown for household consumption as well as commercial purposes. Similarly, fruits such as apples (80%), cherries (72%), apricots (75%), and grapes (55%) were highly cashable, and farmers had good earnings from them. While nuts such as walnuts (71%) and almonds (59%) were grown for mainly commercial purposes due to high demand in the market and better earnings.

2.3.1.3

Keeping Farm Animals

In addition, the traditional system of keeping farm animals contributes significantly to the socioeconomic well-being of farm households in the mountain areas. Apart

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3% 11%

86%

Cow Goat

97%

Sheep Chicken Donkey 68%

Dog

55%

Fig. 2.5 Types of farm animals kept by the participants (multiple responses)

from being a primary economic contributor, chattels benefit in the form of savings, natural form of fertilizers, security and non-economic contributions towards a diverse farm portfolio as well as a strong social relationship. Figure 2.5 provides the type of farm animals kept by the study households. According to Fig. 2.5, 86% of the participants who took part in the study said that they have a cow, followed by 97% of participants mentioned goats, 55% sheep, and 97% chickens. The primary purpose of keeping these animals is to provide food for their families in the form of meat and milk. However, some participants also sell goats, sheep, and cows’ milk to supplement their income and adapt to the harsh climate of the study area. Some participants also mentioned donkeys for transporting farm produce and dogs for guarding purposes. From a global perspective, farming is typically a family activity in mountainous regions. Despite the fact that households were not solely dependent on agriculture for their day-to-day existence, a comprehensive investigation of the agricultural activities in the study area revealed that agriculture provided a significant portion of the households’ income.

2.3.2 Knowledge of Climate Change 2.3.2.1

Awareness

Knowledge of a person on climate change is directly influenced or modified with the information the person receives (Weber, 2016). A community’s vulnerability to climate risks and commitment to putting effective adaptation measures into action is

30.7

35

28.3

21.4

22.20%

78.80%

Not aware

Aware

3.1

5.3 Solid waste incineration

Vehicular pollution

Deforestration

Industrial pollution

0

Biomass burning

11.2

Fossil fuel burning

35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Response

Percentage

2 Climate Change Impacts on Pakistan’s Mountain Agriculture: A Study …

Fig. 2.6 Climate change awareness

reflected in the degree to which it is aware of climate change. Figure 2.6 shows the participant’s awareness of climate change: Figure 2.6 shows that the majority of participants (78.8%) were aware of climate change, with 30.7% considering industrial pollution to be the primary cause, followed by 28.3% considering deforestation, 21.4% considering burning fossil fuels, 11.2% considering vehicular pollution, 5.3% considering solid waste incineration, and 3.1% considering biomass burning to be the cause. However, climate change was unknown to 22.2% of participants. The sources of information that participants receive and their trust in them are typically linked to an understanding of the factors that are contributing to climate change. According to participants, television, agricultural extensionists, fellow farmers, family, and friends, as well as social media, were the next most common sources of climate change information in the study area. These findings are in line with Hussain and Khan (2023).

2.3.2.2

Perceptions

Irrespective of scientific parameters, perceptions with regard to climate change depends and circulates around complex psychological construct, viz., awareness, frame of mind, trust, reliance, and the apprehension with regard to the ongoing change in climatic conditions. The participants’ experiences of changes in temperature, rainfall and snow patterns, and glacial melting over the past ten years are used to gauge participants’ perceptions of climate change, which are shown in Fig. 2.7. Figure 2.7 shows that 48.1% of participants saw an extreme temperature trend, such as very cold winters and very hot summers, 31.5% saw an irregular pattern of

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M. A. Khan and W. Hussain

48.2% 78.9%

Very hot and very cold temperature Irregular rain Decreased snow

31.5% Increased glacial melting

51.1%

Fig. 2.7 Climate change perceptions (multiple responses)

rainfall and a shorter rainy season, 51.1% saw a decrease in snowfall, and 78.9% saw an increase in glacial melting in the study area over the past 10 years. As a result, these findings demonstrate that the study area’s temperature trends are highly uncertain, which has serious implications for natural resources. Particularly, the frequency of GLOF hazards has increased as a result of rising temperature trends in these regions Hence, it can be seen that an individual’s perception is directly related to inter alia, by specific life-experiences in both cultural and geographical context. Numerous researchers, including Mertz et al. (2009) and Halimatou et al. (2016) have examined the significant link between farmers’ perceptions of climate variability and adaptive behaviour. It has been established that perceptions of climate change have a significant impact on both the present level of adaptation and the capacity for adaptation in the future.

2.3.2.3

Experiencing Climate Change Impacts

Perceptions depend on experience. Those who have been adversely affected by climate change crisis believes that there is a strong probability for recurrence of such experiences (de Matos Carlos et al., 2020). Agriculture is highly vulnerable to climate change due to extreme weather events like rising temperatures, severe droughts or floods, increased disease pest attacks, and soil degradation. These events threaten agricultural productivity and food insecurity. The impacts of climate change and hazards on participants’ agricultural productivity and food insecurity over the past five years are depicted in Fig. 2.8. According to Fig. 2.8, on average, 58.1% of participants said that climate change and GLOF events had decreased their fodder productivity over the past five years.

2 Climate Change Impacts on Pakistan’s Mountain Agriculture: A Study …

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70.0 60.0

58.1 50.4

Percentage

50.0 40.0

44.6 42.6

42.6 38.8

34.9

38.8 38.8

31.0

30.0

21.7 15.5

20.0 10.0 0.0

34.9 27.1

11.6

7.0 0.0 0.0 Vegetables productivity Higly decreased

11.6

2.3 0.8

3.9 3.1

Fodder productivity

Fruits productivity

Decreased

15.5 0.8 0.4

15.5 5.4 1.6

Nuts Farm Income productivity

No Change

Increased

0.8 Food Insecurity

Highly Increased

Fig. 2.8 Impacts of climate change on agricultural productivity

Next, 50.4% said that vegetable productivity had decreased, 42.6% said that fruit productivity had decreased, and 44.6% said that nuts’ productivity had decreased. 38.8% of participants reported that a lack of water is primarily to blame for the decline in farm income. Nevertheless, approximately 38.8% of participants have stated that their farm income has not changed. In a similar vein, when participants were asked if they have experienced food insecurity in the past five years, approximately 24.5% of them stated that their food insecurity has increased, while 34.9% stated that their food security has not changed. Bhatta et al. conducted a study and also discovered that climate change and glacier-related disasters have decreased crop production in the valley adjacent to Hassanabad over the past 25 years (2019). It has been observed that mountain communities rely entirely on the meltwater from glaciers for everything from domestic uses to irrigation. Moreover, the GLOF events have also exacerbated the risk of water non-availability for irrigation purposes due to damage to water channels.

2.3.3 Adaptation Strategies to Climate Change and Sustainable Practices 2.3.3.1

Adaptation Strategies

Strategic and policy level intervention by modern disaster warming systems along with a systematic engineering structure will work towards the reduction of risks involved in natural or man-made disasters. However, making farming communities resilient, adaptation is one of the most prominent measures to fight climate

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M. A. Khan and W. Hussain

20%

80%

40%

Crop diversification Relocate Non-farm Employment Increase Livestock

23%

Changing Planting dates 5% 20%

Soil Conservation No measures

90%

Fig. 2.9 Adaptation strategies of participants to deal with climate change (multiple responses)

change impacts and sustain farm livelihoods. Adaptation is a two-way process, which at first requires the acknowledgement of changes and afterward responding to change through transformation (Eakin et al., 2014). Figure 2.9 provides information regarding the participants’ adaptation to climate change: Figure 2.9 indicates that 80% of participants have diversified their crops as an adaptation to GLOFs and other climate change issues, followed by 25.5% of respondents have changed plantation dates, 33.3% of participants are performing soil conservation practices, and 19.4% of participants mentioned an increase in their livestock number. Similarly, 90% of participants are involved in non-farm employment activities not only to fulfil the needs of their households but also to support their farm activities to sustain their livelihoods. However, 6.7% of participants who are living near the stream indicated temporary relocation to ensure their safety and also followed the directions given by concerned government departments. On the other hand, 7.7% of participants have not adopted any strategy as they hadn’t faced any GLOF damage. These findings suggest that farmers’ decisions regarding various cropping pattern strategies are influenced by improved economic conditions (Kanwal et al., 2016; Tessema et al., 2019).

2.3.3.2

Sustainable Agricultural Practices

Sustainable agricultural practices assist the natural environment and social well-being while also promoting the long-term health and productivity of the farming system. These practices are crucial for preserving food systems because they can help protect soil, water, and biodiversity, and reduce greenhouse gas emissions. During the survey,

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30% 70% 60%

Terracing Traditional knowledge Animal Manure Water Management 65%

55%

Agro Forestry Nothing

80% Fig. 2.10 Sustainable agricultural practices by the participants (multiple responses)

some traditional methods of water conservation, agroforestry, terracing, and the use of animal manure as organic fertilizer were reported by the participants which are presented in Fig. 2.10. Figure 2.10 shows that the majority (80%) of the study participants use animal manure as an organic fertilizer to increase soil fertility and crop output. Followed by 70% of the participants use terracing, another excellent technique for minimizing soil erosion, maintaining soil moisture, and maximizing the use of land resources, 60% of the participants use agroforestry a method of land use that mixes trees and crops and benefits both farmers and the environment by fostering biodiversity and enhancing soil health. Similarly, 65% of participants apply indigenous knowledge as it includes the collective understanding and experiences of local communities about agriculture and the environment, it is also a crucial component of sustainable farming. However, given that water scarcity and degradation are growing to be serious problems in the study area, it appears that 55% of participants involve in water management and conservation practices. The results also show that 30% of the study participants do not use any sustainable agricultural practices, which emphasizes the need for policy assistance, education, and awareness-raising to promote sustainable agriculture and guarantee food security and environmental sustainability. Moreover, during the survey, it was observed that there is no proper system available to deal with glacial floods in the study area except an early warning system. The farming community has turned to self-help approaches as a result of a lack of government support and resources.

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2.4 Conclusion In this chapter, we provided an empirical study regarding the negative effects of climate change on mountain agriculture and insights into the adaptive capacities and resilience of indigenous Burusho farmers towards climate change and livelihood sustainability. Our findings in the Hunza district revealed that Burusho farmers primarily cultivate four crops—fodder, seasonal vegetables, fruits, and nuts—for domestic and commercial use due to high market demand. The traditional system of keeping farm animals contributes significantly to their socioeconomic well-being. The farmers are highly aware of climate change. They have clear perceptions and knowledge about changes in the temperature, rainfall and snow patterns, and melting glaciers that have been occurring over the last ten years. However, the region’s shifting climate has had a significant impact on their crops, pastures, food security, and livelihoods. In order to tackle the effects of climate change, these farmers have been struggling through various locally embedded adaptation measures to mitigate the risk of climate change and their vulnerability to glacial flood. They have adopted diversified methods of farming and changing crops such as growing more fodder for commercial purposes. Similarly, non-farm employment provides them with more lucrative opportunities to supplement their agricultural income and assist them in coping when farming fails. In addition, the majority of farmers have adopted traditional sustainable farming practices to increase farm output, preserve soil, and conserve biodiversity. However, our findings indicate that there is no systematic coping and preparation mechanism in place at the village level to deal with catastrophic glacial floods. Farming communities generally respond to disasters by assisting one another. Therefore, the adaptation practices in use are inadequate in comparison to the increasing climate risks. Significant constraints to implement adaptation include inability on the part of natural systems to adapt at similar rate of climate change on one hand and technological, economic, and social challenges on the other. Hence, mountain communities require immediate assistance by providing maximum support and interventions to increase their resilience to future hazards and their adaptive capacity by improving their socioeconomic conditions.

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Chapter 3

The Concept of Indigenous Knowledge and Climate Resilience in the Pacific Suliasi Vunibola, Christina Lalaai Tausa, Dalila Gharbaoui, David Garcia, and Steven Ratuva

Abstract Pacific Indigenous knowledge of climate crisis is based on centuries of knowledge production and community reproduction, which is significant to climate adaptation and mitigation globally. It is also based on daily experience and observation, continuous adaptation, innovative responses to disasters, the development of resilient mechanisms, protection of the environment, and the centrality of interconnections between the ocean, sky, land, and people. Indigenous knowledge of the Pacific’s climate is interdisciplinary and supports the provision of unique Pacific voices often missing from Pacific regional positions on climate change, often suppressed during global climate negotiations. The International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) 2022 Report suggested the need for climate-resilient development adaptation and mitigation measures, including Indigenous and local knowledge and system transitions, to reduce risks from the human-induced climate crisis. Still, it fails to suggest how this can be achieved. This study addresses this gap by exploring existing climate-resilient mechanisms with case studies of two communities in Fiji and Samoa. The climate crisis is an ongoing security risk for Pacific communities, and this study will help bring Indigenous climate resilience mechanisms to the forefront of Pacific climate resilience scholarship. Keywords Indigenous knowledge · IPCC

S. Vunibola (B) · C. L. Tausa · D. Gharbaoui · D. Garcia · S. Ratuva Macmillan Brown Centre for Pacific Studies, University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 A. Penteado et al. (eds.), Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8830-3_3

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3.1 Introduction The International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) 2022 Report suggested the need for climate-resilient development adaptation and mitigation measures, including Indigenous and local knowledge and system transitions, to reduce risks from the human-induced climate crisis. Still, it fails to suggest how this can be achieved. In implementing resilience strategies, it is crucial to consider integrating local knowledge systems, particularly those of indigenous communities. This is essential to ensure the effective incorporation of adaptation and resilience into relevant socioeconomic and environmental policies and measures in accordance with their appropriateness (UN, 2015: 9). The Paris Agreement outlines general conceptual guidelines. However, it does not specify how indigenous knowledge and Western science might collaborate. This chapter will play a significant role; in engaging and showing evidencebased information on how people adapt and build resilience using indigenous knowledge, Indigenous innovation, and survival strategies. Pacific indigenous knowledge of climate is based on centuries of knowledge production, experiential learning, innovative responses to disasters, development of resilient mechanisms, protection of the environment, and the centrality of interconnections between the ocean, sky, land, and people. Finucane (2009) reaffirmed that lessons from the Pacific, based on their dynamic social context and broader knowledge systems and decision-making, provide insights for national, regional, and global policymakers in bridging the gap between climate science and communities to accelerate adaptation. Natural science has delivered evidence-based information and computed forecasts of horrifying and the de-futuring of the climate crisis. Understanding these impacts on Pacific peoples, human security, resources, culture, infrastructure, health, wellbeing, and survival needs genuine consideration and action. The red flag raised by the 2022 IPCC report projected climate adversities that will irrevocably impact our planet if there is 2 degrees increase in global temperature (IPCC, 2022). Pacific leaders asserted in 2018 that “climate change remains the single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security, and well-being of the peoples of the Pacific” (PIFS, 2018). This emanated in the wake of more than ten declarations by the Pacific leaders prior to the 2016 Paris Declaration. In 2019, the Pacific Leaders Forum endorsed that immediate action is imperative to safeguard our collective requirements and concerns and the potential and sustainability of both the Blue Pacific and the wider planet (PIFS, 2019). While the climate crisis intensifies, a holistic system is required to link various disciplinary approaches. This chapter provides some cultural narratives, real life, and community discourses to reinforce our understanding of the climate crisis as a research area but predominantly to strengthen community resilience in the Pacific. There has been much research on climate change in the Pacific, most of which has been connected to scientific features of the climate and ocean. However, Finucane (2009) stated that science failed in the effort of emission reductions and decelerating global warming as a definitive and prescriptive mechanism for communities dealing

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with climate calamities. Science in isolation is deficient, validating the Framework for Resilient Development in the Pacific (FRDP) proposition, aiming to encourage a combined focus on climate change and disaster risk management through crosscutting, participatory, and equitable approaches (SPC et al., 2016). This chapter will first unpack the concept of resilience, then discuss Indigenous knowledge within Policy and Legal Frameworks, including the Convention on Biological Diversity (1998), Article 8 (j) and the IPCC report (2022). Next, case studies will be discussed, focusing on traditional social protection and the built environment exemplifying resilience in Fiji and Samoa communities. Finally, the chapter ends with discussions and final thoughts.

3.2 Reconceptualizing Resilience McKeown et al. (2022) pointed out that the selective discourses of resilience tend to stigmatize subordinate societies and serve the interests of neoliberal elites. The interconnectedness of vulnerability and resilience concepts lies in their relevance to disturbances and the corresponding measures taken to augment the capacity of human and environmental systems. The notion of vulnerability serves as a valuable instrument for delineating the state of susceptibility to loss and damage, and marginalization within the physical and social realms, consequently guiding the development of risk mitigation strategies to promote well-being (Adger, 2006). Fainstein (2015) posited that mainstream resilience thinking fails to account for an agency or a point of focus that can be utilized for effective interaction to reduce vulnerabilities. For instance, following a natural disaster, governments and international organizations typically engage in response measures such as evacuation planning, shelter provision, information dissemination, crisis mapping, and emergency response (Cutter et al., 2008). While these actions are necessary and expected, McKeown et al. (2022) argue that a sole emphasis on post hoc responses diverts attention away from the crucial causality analysis, neglecting the wider social, cultural, and spatial interconnectivity that underpins the turbulence and inequality upon which resilience depends. Policy and scholarly attention, therefore, often centres on the design and implementation of “pre-determined coping responses” that can be deployed in the aftermath of crises with little consideration for the underlying factors (Mitchell, 2013: 4). Resilience in a cultural context is often based on how one observes and engages with the world, their experiences, behaviour, and attitude towards specific events in life. This determines reactions and coping strategies to execute depending on the adversity. Indeed, the frequency of category 5 severe tropical cyclones, flooding, and king tides are just some examples of the many ongoing climate crises that have continued to affect the livelihoods of Pacific people, yet they have adapted and remained resilient. Pacific Indigenous Knowledge is integral to ensuring survival on the different Islands. For instance, in Samoa and Fiji, the ability to transform their lives post-disaster is based on the sentiment of “Tagi I lima” and “vakacokotaki/ sautu” (self-dependency and self-sufficiency). The notion that one can survive and

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recover from the resources they have around them, including the collection of crops like breadfruits, bananas, and taro that were destroyed by the cyclones and storing them in pits for food, which can later be shared with the village. The fallen trees are used to rebuild homes, and traditional ways of predicting the weather, through the colour of the skies at dusk and dawn, birds’ pathways, and insects’ nesting, are revisited to ensure preparation for future changes in weather patterns. Resilience exists due to the nature of responsibility, starting from the head of the family (chief), whose role is to lead the family in times of adversity with the reciprocal relationality and support of the people. Such skills are acquired through knowledge production, experiential experimentation, the innovative responses to disasters they had faced, and the resilient mechanisms which kept families and communities together during their experience of climate crisis. This knowledge passed on from one generation to the next builds the mentality of self-reliance and adaptability—to rely on available resources and live within means. Contrary to dominant Western imperatives that beset many Global South countries in the South Pacific, traditional social protection like the Fijian solesolevaki and wanbel in Papua New Guinea can inform the foundation for resilient Indigenous economic development, which focus on collective well-being and self-determination (Steven & Vunibola, 2022). Many Pacific communities still rely on this to overcome difficulties when natural disasters hit. Such belief systems and indigenous knowledge continue to build and strengthen a “culture of resilience” that is not acknowledged within the Western worldview of climate change in the Pacific. The current climate crisis and COVID-19 pandemic have prompted a reevaluation of global and local response strategies to unprecedented ecological and human devastation. Among the most affected groups are Pacific communities, spurring interest in bolstering resilience through social protection measures. The Asia Development Bank defines social protection as policies and programmes designed to reduce poverty and vulnerability by enhancing labour markets, minimizing exposure to risks, and strengthening individuals’ capacity to cope with income loss (Asia Development Bank, 2018). Meanwhile, Devereux and Sabates-Wheeler describe social protection as encompassing initiatives that transfer income or assets to impoverished individuals, safeguard the vulnerable from livelihood risks, and uplift marginalized communities’ social status and rights (Devereux & Sabates-Wheeler, 2011). Although social protection is defined and perceived in climate change, adaptation, and risk management reports using capitalist terms, it often misses the mark for Pacific Island communities, who rely on experiential knowledge to implement innovative disaster responses and enhance their resilience through cultural and social protection. This framework offers an indigenous community-centred approach to adaptation, mitigation, and risk management that is frequently eclipsed by the capitalist and technologically advanced countries dominating climate discourse.

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3.3 Indigenous Knowledge and Resilience of Pacific Communities: Policy and Legal Frameworks A large body of literature highlights intellectual property regimes’ inadequacies in addressing indigenous peoples’ protection (De Beer, 2006). The issue of protecting Indigenous peoples’ cultural heritage in intellectual property regimes has been historically overlooked by national States (Coombe, 1998). However, such negligence has occurred in the context of growing international awareness of these issues. In 1982, the United Nations established the Working Group on Indigenous Populations (WGIP) to address, promote, and protect indigenous peoples’ Human Rights. In recent decades, the WGIP and other international institutions have published declarations referring to indigenous intellectual property, placing the issue at the forefront of the International Human Rights agenda. Additionally, the Convention on Biological Diversity, ratified by 130 countries in 1998, mandates recognizing indigenous knowledge and promoting appropriate intellectual property protection mechanisms for indigenous peoples. Despite these efforts, much work must be done to adequately address the appropriation of Indigenous peoples’ cultural heritage in intellectual property regimes. The Convention on Biological Diversity (1998), Article 8 (J) The Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) acknowledges the importance of indigenous peoples and local communities in conserving biodiversity and recognizes their dependence on and interconnectedness with nature. Article 8(j) of the Convention requires Parties to preserve and maintain the knowledge and innovations of these groups. The CBD specifically focuses on addressing indigenous knowledge related to biodiversity conservation and promotes mechanisms for obtaining approval from knowledge holders. Ultimately, the CBD aims to promote the equitable sharing of benefits on biological diversity (CBD, 2021). Recognizing indigenous peoples’ and local communities’ unique knowledge and practices is critical to protecting their rights and preserving global biodiversity. The Working Group on Article 8(j) and related provisions were established in 1998 as part of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) by the fourth meeting of the Conference of the Parties (COP-4) in Buenos Aires, Argentina. In 2000, the COP adopted a programme of work to implement the commitments of Article 8(j) of the Convention, aiming to enhance indigenous peoples’ involvement in achieving the Convention’s objectives. As a result, the Work Programme on Article 8(j) has achieved significant accomplishments; and Parties to the Convention have adopted several voluntary guidelines to provide a collaborative framework ensuring the involvement of indigenous people in assessing cultural, environmental, and social concerns (UNFCCC, 1998). Controversies over implementing the Convention on Biological Diversity provisions to protect indigenous knowledge have highlighted the limitations of traditional understandings of sovereignty (Coombe, 1998; Davis, 2019). Recognizing

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indigenous peoples’ rights can conflict with traditional notions of sovereignty, prioritizing the state’s authority over the rights of individuals and communities. As such, implementing the Convention on Biological Diversity requires a rethinking of traditional notions of sovereignty and a greater recognition of the rights and interests of indigenous peoples and local communities. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC, 2022) The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) is the reference in providing policymakers with key scientific knowledge on climate change. Despite its importance, the IPCC has historically lacked diversity in its authorship, with limited representation from Indigenous peoples and other marginalized groups. Recognizing the importance of traditional knowledge in climate governance is part of a broader trend towards promoting bottom-up approaches in climate negotiations. This trend emerged at the Copenhagen climate conference in 2009, reflected in the inclusion of Article 7.5 in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC, 2006) that has been promoting growing recognition of the need to involve communities most affected by climate change and not sufficiently represented in decision-making. However, including Indigenous lead authors is still poor in the latest IPCC reports (Gharbaoui, 2023)). This representation gap has been criticized by authors such as Bradley et al. (2022), describing Indigenous People to be the “first impacted by the climate crisis and last to be heard.“ Indigenous People’s Organisations (IPOs) have been given the option to request observer status within UNFCCC since COP 7. Within the Convention process, observer NGOs with common interests have had the option since October 2001 to form loose groups called “constituencies” that facilitate communication with the secretariat through “focal points.“ However, this informal arrangement does not provide access to other communication methods and has limited influence in the climate negotiation arena (UNFCCC, 2006). While the recognition of the importance of indigenous knowledge has increased in the last IPCC reports, particularly from the Fourth to the Sixth Assessment Reports, there is still limited coverage of this topic, and the focus tends to mostly highlight evidence around climate change impacts on Indigenous People (Bradley et al., 2022). Additionally, the latest IPCC reports lack more critical engagement with indigenous knowledge systems’ contextual and historical complexities (Ford et al., 2016; Petzold et al., 2020). The inclusion of indigenous knowledge in IPCC reports results from a few years of lobbying by indigenous NGOs and IOs supported by IPCC lead authors (Ford et al., 2016). This inclusion is critical in incorporating indigenous worldviews and concerns into the global climate agenda. The assessment reports of the IPCC play a critical role in influencing the international climate change policy agenda and decision-making within the international climate negotiations (Ford et al., 2016). However, there is a significant gap in the IPCC reporting system that mostly narrows knowledge collection on climate change considered as “scientific” through unbalanced “epistemic selectivity” (Vadrot, 2014).

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The recognition of traditional knowledge in the global climate agenda has been primarily driven by a growing focus on climate change adaptation (IWGIA, 2022). To comprehensively capture current gaps in incorporating Indigenous knowledge in climate negotiations, it is important to understand the restricted scope under which human sciences entered the arena of IPCC reporting forming the basis of knowledge considered part of UNFCCC climate negotiations. IPCC reporting has been dominated by earth science and climatology disciplines relying on satellites and advanced computing technology. These disciplines are deeply rooted in Western science and have been influenced by Western knowledge systems (IWGIA, 2022). Social scientists were invited later to comment on climate change modelling in IPCC reports, mainly referring to economics and earth sciences as key disciplines. The dominance of abstract models and global meteorology data in climate change research has been criticized in the literature (Miller, 2004; Hulme, 2010). This trend has also been described as a tendency to oversimplify climate scientific research, “flatten the world,” and overshadow the diversity of epistemologies and worldviews from different communities that have experienced first-hand the effect of climate change (Gharbaoui, 2020; Salick & Nancy, 2007a, 2007b). The IPCC reporting has also been criticized for decoupling climate knowledge from the direct experience of climate change, which can obscure the territorial and temporal dimensions of the problem. This can increase complexities around translating climate knowledge into effective policy action while addressing climate change’s social and political dimensions. In addition, this approach can reinforce the dominance of knowledge systems that exclude other forms of knowledge, such as local and indigenous knowledge, which are critical to understanding the local impacts and responses to climate change. This can lead to a disconnection between climate policy and the needs and experiences of affected communities, further exacerbating inequalities and injustices. Authors such as Jasanoff (2004, 2010) have also highlighted the links between global and abstract knowledge hegemony and an exclusive and excluding political order, where certain perspectives and interests are privileged over others. This can limit the potential for inclusive and democratic decision-making and reinforce existing power imbalances in global governance. The Convention on Biological Diversity (1998), Article 8 (j) and IPCC (2022) both suggested the need to capture Indigenous notions into climate resilient and vulnerability discourses. The next section will elucidate on aspects of Indigenous Knowledge that supported resilience after climate-induced calamities in a community in Samoa and Fiji. This includes systems of traditional social protection and the built environment.

3.4 Social Protection Kia Island is in northern Fiji, Macuata province, and it takes 2 to 3 h by boat from Labasa town. A small island mainly covered with dry land plants and reeds and a monolithic rocky mountain cradled by Fiji’s great sea reef, the world’s third largest

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continuing barrier reef, stretching over 200 km. The island has three villages, but Yaro village will be the focus of this case. Category five cyclone Yasa annihilated houses and structures at Yaro village on Kia Island and was considered by Radio New Zealand (2020) as a ‘war zone. This also destroyed the plantations, and village water systems, including the plastic tanks and piping systems. Communal division of labour (solesolevaki) was the means of rebuilding life in the village as people carried out specific activities within their traditional sub-groups. After a few weeks, when communication was enabled, Yaro villagers who live on the mainland and even those who reside overseas also organize assistance. The following was shared by a village elder Aisake Katonibau: The force of the wind pushed the waves and moulded them into powerful beasts barraging the walls of our house, energised raindrops sound like bullets on the roof. The wind clasped broken debris and pieces of sharp roofing irons and swirled them, making colossal noise to amplify the sound of the category five cyclone and bulldoze them into whatever was standing in its way. We count and name the houses ransacked and engulfed by the wind one by one, trees crashing one after the other, hoping that our house will hold steadfast. From the sea to the breadfruit trees and the houses that were supposed to protect us now become our worst enemies. After the cyclone, one will never realise that people survived the destruction. We have no choice but to work collectively using solesolevaki and rebuild Yaro village. Solesolevaki includes sub-groups who get food and preserve them, clearing debris, erecting makeshift shelters, and fetching fresh water. (Aisake Katonibau, April, 2022).

Community social protection provides security through cultural support systems like solesolevaki to cushion the impacts of climate catastrophes in Pacific Island countries. These cultural and social protection systems are integrated into collective efforts to build resilience. At times, it becomes routine as the impacts of the climate crisis are frequent and become part of life in these Pacific Island Countries. Community social protection mechanisms like solesolevaki are based on human agencies, kinship, solidarity, reciprocity, and redistribution. Climate crisis reduces humans to their basics when their houses, plantations, and source of livelihood are demolished. People’s connections to each other, knowledge of the environment, and past experiences become building blocks of resilience. In the case of Yaro village, there are stories of merrymaking, laughter, and songs within solesolevaki workgroups, the very next after the category five severe tropical cyclone. Community social protection not only involves rebuilding homes and plantations but also supports resilience regarding spiritual, emotional, and mental health status. An example is Samoa’s Faamatai system, the social and political organization governing Samoan Society. It is a solid institution comprised of heads of families within a village (Fono a Matai) that is well-defined, structured, and firmly based on the entity of the extended family—if there is no family, there is no matai, and vice versa. Without the support and acknowledgement of the Aiga, the Matai cannot fulfil their duties as the leader of their Aiga (Laalaai-Tausa, 2020). The family has an obligation to decide their matai; in return, it is the Matai’s responsibility to lead, protect, and distribute family resources such as lands and titles. A chief’s ability to garner support, maintain peace, and lead the family with the values of Faasamoa dictates their ability to achieve the same in the village. The responsibilities, authority, and influence vested

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in the Fono a Matai as a collective within each village epitomize the Fa’asamoa (Soo, 2006). Herein as a collective of chiefs, their constitutive, protective, and distributive authority is used to mobilize, serve, and protect village communities. The Faamatai system consists of 6 layers, including Matai (Chiefs) at the top, followed by Orators; the third layer consists of Faletua & Tausi (wives of Chiefs and Orators). The fourth is the group of Aualuma (unmarried women), followed by Aumaga (untitled men), with Tinifu (Youth and children) at the last layer. Each strata is accompanied by a set of obligations and responsibilities that are mirrored and practised within the contexts of the family and the village, thus with different functions, every person in the village is brought up knowing their place and the significance of their roles in contributing to the collective good of the community (Laalaai-Tausa, 2020). Such responsibilities are practised daily and become the foundation of a mobilized village when responding to the aftermath of natural disasters in the country. Where developed countries rely heavily on the central government and the military to rescue post-disasters, village communities in Samoa, albeit victims, are the first respondents. The matai meets to discuss priorities pertaining to human security, including food, shelter, and water security and is tasked with providing a contingency plan for survival, support, and the rebuild. Once this is formulated, tasks and responsibilities are distributed to the different layers of Society to fulfil, where recovery and rebuilding become a collective activity where everyone has a crucial role. Doing so strengthens relationships, reduces trauma through sharing experiences, minimizes vulnerability, and empowers people to adapt and rebuild. The ability and motivation to rebuild often starts from within the family and transpires to collective efforts to help those with the elderly, women, children, and the most vulnerable. Such efforts are not motivated by money, economic benefits, or any other reward. It is purely a way of life from time immemorial, where the cultural Faamatai system is the mechanism for social protection, which is now always evident in instances of the climate crisis.

3.5 Built Environment Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) used in the built environment of the Pacific Islands reflect intergenerational expertise, availability of resources, and experiential knowledge of living within the frontier of the climate crisis. For example, Yaro villagers discuss thatched houses’ safety during cyclones and how they can contribute to community resilience. The massive force of a category five cyclone can easily tear modern houses apart; dangerous debris also flies around the village, and the noise is tormenting. Flying debris contributes to human and livestock injuries or death and can bulldoze into nearby houses and structures propelled by the cyclone wind force. After the cyclone at Yaro village, make-shift houses were built from salvaged materials. Even that took lots of work from the challenging work environment and lack of resources like nails and timber, which are not readily available on the island and are so expensive. For thatch houses, the logs, vines, and coconut sinnet are fetched

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from the surroundings, and since nails are not used, the joints are flexible and adapt to wind forces. Most elders have never seen destruction such as the aftermath of cyclone Yasa as many described thatched houses tilting to a side or dropping straight to the ground without debris during cyclones, and people are still safe within the light and elevated thatch roof. Aisake Katonibau, a leader of a mataqali (landowning unit), revealed this: I was brought up here all my life, and cyclones are part of who we are. Every year our elders will talk about preparing for such catastrophes. From my experience, thatch houses are safe during such times, and the materials are light compared to modern ones. We will again live in a house in a matter of days by repairing the thatch or just fixing the posts, but after two years of the cyclone, people are still struggling to buy materials and build a modern house on this island. What will happen if the new modern house is again destroyed by another category five cyclone in the future? We need sustainable solutions. Witnessing the struggles faced by the villagers of Yaro, people are reimagining opportunities by looking back to the innovations of their ancestors. As for this, the knowledge systems and innovation capabilities engineered into building thatched houses provide insights to respond to the ongoing occurrence of climate-induced disasters and how to continue to support resilience during such times. During the cyclone, the waves destroyed or carried away the fibreglass boats, outboard motors, and modern fishing gear. Since people were involved in the solesolevaki rebuilding programme, getting fish for everyone became problematic due to the inability to travel to the reefs and catch fish. There are two huge boulder structures built by their ancestors, which are visible at the shorefront, one is a moka (fish trap), and the other is a bi (fish reserve mainly for turtles). Elders stated nobody knew when they were built, but the current generation never used them. After the cyclone, the villagers started using them to catch and preserve fish, especially the moka, which trapped fish during high tides and allowed people to concentrate on rebuilding life in the village. Such built structures can stand the test of time and the impact of climate catastrophe but still support collective resilience.

3.6 Discussions and Final Thoughts Ratuva (2021) coined the social indexology concept referring to the utilization and reliance on quantitative metrics to gauge the performance of countries based on Western and neoliberal indicators associated with economic progress, governance, development, and other value-loaded perceptions. This is why the new Swiss Re Institute and London School of Economics Resilience Index labelled ten Global North countries as the most resilient in the world, according to their nine macroeconomic inclined indexes (Swiss Re Group, 2019). Such racial and standardized stereotypes influence policy and scholarly attention in the design of pre-determined coping strategies and deviation from the causality of crises (Mitchell, 2013: 4).

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Rural Pacific communities in Fiji and Samoa, as in the case studies, often go through climate-induced calamities as in the case of category five tropical cyclones, and the first state action (with international collaboration) arrives days or weeks later. During such apocalyptic times when humans are reduced to their basic, their relationality and cultural knowledge of their environment and kinship connection is the building block of resilience. With state and international responses flooding into such communities later, the backdrop of such destructions viewed globally via online platforms magnified the emergency responses to build resilience for vulnerable communities. McKeown et al. (2022) appropriately emphasized the selective discourses of resilience by concentrating on post hoc responses and tactical negligence of crucial analytical study of causality. It disregards the examination of the broader economic, social, and spatial relationships that generate the turbulence and inequality that resilience is parasitic upon. Such analytical approaches could be a powerful tool to guide actions focusing on people’s well-being and communities and reducing future risks (Adger, 2006). Therefore, this chapter calls out the need to reconceptualize and redefine resilience as it contributes to the recurring impact of biased, post hoc, and so-called “band-aid” solutions of mainstream resilience. For example, Yaro villagers on Kia Island in Fiji still live in tents provided via international relief packages two years after the cyclone. Resilience should be defined through the lens of Indigenous and cultural knowledge as Bradley et al. (2022) stated that Indigenous peoples are the first impacted by the climate crisis and last to be heard. However, the inclusion of Indigenous lead authors is still poor in the latest IPCC report (IPCC, 2022), and there is insufficient analysis of Indigenous Knowledge Systems within the resilience discourse. We also support the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), recognizing the symbiotic relationship between people and biodiversity and how Indigenous Knowledge, Indigenous Innovation, and practices support climate resilience in Pacific communities. For instance, Vunibola and Scobie (2022) elucidated that Indigenous innovation is based on intergenerational and experiential knowledge and skills to benefit the collective rather than Western innovation’s individualistic and capitalistic approach. In the case studies, this innovation includes traditional social protection of faamatai in Samoa (Laalaai-Tausa, 2020) and solesolevaki in Fiji (Ratuva, 2014; Vunibola & Scheyvens, 2019) as crucial resilient variables which contribute to collective and communal well-being. Moreover, traditional knowledge of the built environment (traditional buildings and structures) is critical to rebuilding life in Pacific communities now being supported by scientists to perform well and comply with internationally recommended structural features Elkharboutly and Wilkinson (2022). More analytical studies should be conducted to rectify the need to include fair, place-based, cultural variables to augment the resiliency of Indigenous peoples globally. Such intervention will impact how resilience is framed and discussed, contributing to resilience actions targeting the root causes rather than post hoc imagery cultivation and mainstream modes of resilience.

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Chapter 4

The Integration of Traditional Knowledge and Local Wisdom in Mitigating and Adapting Climate Change: Different Perspectives of Indigenous Peoples from Java and Bali Island Mas Rahmah and Adi Sulistyono

Abstract Climate change has adversely affected the greenhouse warming, severely impacting different parts of the world. Indonesia is not an exception and is in a very vulnerable condition as it witnesses unprecedented rainfall and drought. The consequential rise in sea level, rainfall patterns, and higher average temperature have become the order of the day. Indonesia’s local population have developed with their rich traditional knowledge systems and local wisdom, various mitigating strategies to address vulnerabilities induced by anthropogenic climate change crisis. This model may be adopted for developing a stronger resilience to manage climate change across the globe. The strength of this knowledge can best be utilized when included in designing modern climate change management and mitigating policies. This paper elaborates on the role indigenous climate change mitigating policies can play in general and more specifically in Java and Bali. It also promotes the integration of indigenous and traditional knowledge in formal climate change mitigation and adaptation models. This synthesis of knowledge and wisdom will most certainly add value to the efforts of achieving the broader objectives of UN-SDG. Keywords Climate change · Indonesia · Mitigation · Traditional knowledge

M. Rahmah (B) Faculty of Law, University of Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia e-mail: [email protected] A. Sulistyono Faculty of Law, University of Sebelas Maret, Surakarta, Indonesia © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 A. Penteado et al. (eds.), Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8830-3_4

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4.1 Introduction The world is facing an unprecedented climate change crisis. The change is noticeable in almost all aspects including, sea lever rise, patters of precipitation, ultra-violet radiation of the sun, severe storms, flash floods, heat waves across Europe, sea level rise, and average global temperature. Consequently, a decrease in agro-based production, scarcity of freshwater, substantial rise in infectious diseases like the COVID-19 pandemic, change in livelihood, and degradation of well-being of people can be noticed in general, including in Indonesia. Indonesia is an “extremely vulnerable country to the effects of climate change, ranked in the top-third of countries in terms of climate risks, with high exposure to all types of flooding and extreme heat.”1 “The total population likely to be exposed to permanent flooding by the period 2070–2100 could reach over 4.2 million people.”2 The extreme heat which causes the sea level rise will lead to hazardous risks for most of the inhabitants of lower-elevation coastal zones. There has also been an increase in the number and severity of disasters such as typhoons, droughts, forest fires, and intense rainfall in Indonesia due to climate change. Climate change affects various aspects of life in Indonesia, such as food security, water resources availability, health and nutrition, forest, biodiversity, farming system, urban development, and disaster risk management, with implications for poverty and inequality. “Without well-planned adaptation and disaster risk reduction efforts at these levels, the poorest and most marginalised indigenous people will likely experience significant loss and damage due to climate change impacts.”3 “Higher temperatures are projected to reduce rice crop yields, and agricultural production is particularly vulnerable as global climate changes are likely to impact the onset of the wet season.”4 “Alongside other impacts on agricultural production, Indonesia faces multiple threats to its food security.”5 Indonesia must adopt “climate change mitigation and adaptation measures, environmental sustainability and green recovery, disaster risk management and finance, and water and food security.”6 The country’s vulnerability to climate change, global challenges, and readiness calls improve resilience and some mitigation and adaptation for climate change. This paper elaborates on developing a robust climate change management system by incorporating local knowledge of indigenous Indonesians to mitigate and adapt local strategies based on local wisdom and traditional knowledge practised in Java and Bali and tries to identify the benefits of this integration of indigenous knowledge to formal climate change mitigation models can reap.

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4.2 Climate Change Risks for Indonesia Indonesia was “ranked in the top third of countries regarding natural hazard risk in 2019.”7 “Indonesia has high exposure to flooding, ranked 17th most at risk from this natural hazard. Indonesia is similarly highly exposed to tropical cyclones (ranked 23rd). According to climate model projections, Indonesia is one of the most vulnerable countries to extreme heatwaves.”8 Few studies exist “on climate change impacts on water stress and drought in Indonesia.”9 “However, droughts are expected to increase in frequency and intensity, given the association of accentuated droughts with El Niño events, which are expected to increase in frequency and intensity through warmer global temperatures.”10 “Droughts are strongly associated with El Niño Southern Oscillation, contributing to severe escalation and extension of manmade fire events in Indonesia, such as those in 1997 and 2015.”11 Some studies show “that increased fire risk is associated with drought years and with temperature rise in nondrought years during the summer months of July to October; anomalously warmer months increase the probability of fires considerably more than anomalously dry months during this period.”12 Muis et al. (2018) “explored flood risk and adaptation strategies in Indonesia under increased climate change and urban expansion.”13 “They found high uncertainty around climate change impacts on increased river flood risk but estimated that climate change could amplify coastal flood risk by 19–37% by 2030.”14 An estimated “number of people in Indonesia affected by an extreme river flood (severe river flood is defined as being in the 90th percentile in terms of the numbers of people affected) in the historical period 1971–2004 and the future 2035–2044.”15 “The total population likely to be exposed to permanent flooding by the 2070s through the end of the century is high, at 4,215,690 without adaptation.”16 Indonesia is “particularly exposed to sea-level rise, ranked fifth highest in the population inhabiting the lower-elevation coastal zone. Studies have also shown the extent to which elevated wave height forecasts wave-driven flooding impacts coral reef height and health, highlighting the importance of coral conservation.”17 “Sea level rise is not just a threat due to long-term encroachment on coastal areas but also due to the projected increase in the frequency of extreme sea-level events.”18 In 2019, “a forest fire became a big obstacle due to the hot spot spread in Sumatera (in English, Sumatra) and Kalimantan Island.”19 “Human action was allegedly a main causal factor for around 99% of the total number of forest fire cases, including plantation areas.”20

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4.3 National Climate Change Mitigation In 2007, the Ministry of Environment (KLH) developed the first Climate Change National Strategy, followed by establishing Nationally Determined Contribution and ratifying the Paris Agreement in 2016. In 2018, the Third National Communication (NC3) is accomplished with its Second Biennial Update Report. Moreover, in order to reduce the emission of Green House Gas (GHG), the Indonesian Government has enacted the regulation, policy, and action plan such as Presidential Regulation (PERPRES) 61/2011, and PERPRES 71/2011. Under PERPRES 61/2011, the government targeted a reduction of 26%. While, Post-2020 emission reduction targets at 29% of the reference emission level by 2030 (unconditional target) and up to 41% with international support (conditional target). Indonesia also initiated some key national adaptation policies, strategies, and plans as seen below: 1.

National Redd + Strategy

2.

National Medium-Term Development Plan 2020–2024

3.

National Communications to the UNFCCC

4.

Biennial Update Report

5.

Managing Peatlands Report

6.

State of Indonesia’s Forests Report

7.

Renewable Energy Regulations

8.

Implementing Redd + And Sustainable Management of Forests No. 70/2017

9.

Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) To Paris Climate Agreement

10.

National Medium Term Development Plan 2015–2019 (RPJMN 2015–2019)

11.

National Adaptation Plan

12.

Technology Needs Assessment (TNA) for Climate Change Adaptation 2012

13.

National Disaster Management Plan 2010–2014

Climate Change Priorities of ADB and the WBG ADB Country Partnership Strategy As the National Focal Point for the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCC) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), the Directorate General for Climate Change of MLHK (Ministry of Environment and Forestry) developed Indonesia’s Country Partnership Strategy (CPS) 2020–2024. The strategy has the following goals: 1. Well-being improvement in the health care system, social protection, quality of education, and workforce skills

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2. Resilience for supporting climate change mitigation and adaptation measures, environmental sustainability and green recovery, disaster risk management and finance, water and food security 3. Economic recovery acceleration by reforming the economic structure and policy, mobilization of domestic resources, financial market, and qualified infrastructure development In 2025, ADB will support Indonesia’s nationally determined contribution goal of 23% renewable energy and attach relevant climate change mitigation and adaptation measures in its infrastructure investments. ADB will assist in the realization of renewable energy on geothermal, wind resources, the solar photovoltaic, and the infrastructure of gas power generation, in order to backup capacity for renewable energy intermittent use and the diesel replacement. This will not only accelerate the local, national, and international climate finance but also establish standard (market-based) carbon mechanisms which will encourage both private investments in low-carbon initiatives and technologies for the efficient use of renewable energy on the other. Public–private sector investments will be mobilized to improve ocean health as part of the Action Plan for Healthy Oceans and Sustainable Blue Economies. ADB will provide knowledge support and catalyze investments for projects that foster environmental sustainability and a green recovery from COVID-19. ADB will also include resilience-building measures in urban and rural areas, promotion of climate-smart livelihoods, adaptive social protection, and improved forecasting systems in vulnerable communities. World Bank Group (WBG) Country Partnership Framework MLHK and the World Bank Group (WBG) developed Indonesia’s Country Partnership Framework (CPF) for the period 2016–2020 with MLHK. In the CPF, climate change issues are integrated into all the important points. After accomplishment of 2016–2020 CPF, MLHK and the WBG have already established a new CPF which will outline the WBG’s support for Indonesia’s development over the next five years from 2021 to 2025. The support of WBG for the Indonesian government to mitigate problems associated challenges with climate change is mostly by providing the financing for analytical activities, technical assistance, and climate-relevant loans. The financing from trust fund resources and lending institutions. These loans support renewable energy, the management of climate and disaster risk, the development of water infrastructure, the development of green urban, the housing of climate-resilient, the system of lowcarbon, climate-resilient mass transit, reduction of the nutritional impacts of climate change, and management of sustainable landscape to climate-smart agricultural production.

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4.4 Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change The definitions of Traditional Knowledge (TK) are “(i) the origin of knowledge traceable to a particular people, group or community described as ‘indigenous’ or ‘traditional’; (2) the collective characteristics of traditional knowledge; (3) the oral nature of that knowledge and the oral transmission of that knowledge; (4) the intergenerational nature of that knowledge; and (5) specific local context of culture, localities and societies.”21 TK systems are associated with history, ethic, and religion that reflex the identity of each indigenous group. TK has “the wide spectrum of believe, norms, institutions wisdom,”22 knowledge, and practices gained through experience of indigenous people over the years. “The knowledge association with indigenous people is a key feature of TK definitions, which the knowledge has evolved in cultural and societal context, mostly orally passed on from generation to generation over the decades.”23 In relation to climate change, TK embodied “in technologies, practices and cultivated species facilitate coping with climate change.”24 TK is useful “in defining earlier environmental baselines, identifying impacts that need to be mitigated, providing observational evidence for modelling, providing technologies for adapting, and for identifying culturally appropriate values for protection from direct impacts or from the impacts of adaptation measures themselves.”25 “TK, innovations, and practices are an inseparable part of their culture and life, as such, should be protected and utilized in the development of measures to mitigate the effects of climate change.”26 “In this context, Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEC) will be relevant to be used as a cumulative body of knowledge, practice, and belief, evolving by adaptive processes and handed down through generations by cultural transmission, about the relationship of living beings (including humans) with one another and with their environment.”27 TK helps define earlier environmental baselines, identify impacts that need to be reduced, provide observational evidence for measuring and modelling, provide technologies for adapting, and identify culturally appropriate values for protection from direct impacts or the impacts of adaptation measures. It provides “value of indigenous peoples’ observations of changes in climate-related weather behavior,”28 “fire pattern,”29 “ocean phenomena,”30 “phenology,”31 and “historical baselines from previous ecological figures.”32 “TEK of ecosystem health and species distributions can contribute to culturally appropriate adaptation.”33 “TK embodied in technologies, practices and cultivated species facilitate coping with climate change.”34 “Traditional water-related knowledge, water harvesting and storage have allowed indigenous peoples to survive in arid lands and cope with drought for millennia.”35 “TK of medicinal plants useful for addressing climate change impacts on health carries the risks of use against cultural traditions and overharvesting.”36 TK has a significant role in addressing problems related to climate change. Indigenous people who live close to natural resources often observe the activities around them and are the first to identify and adapt to any changes. “Indigenous peoples have often expressed that their knowledge is inextricably linked to their lands, waters and

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heritage as inalienable and permanently associated with their identity and territories through ancestral, material and spiritual relationships.”37 Local people depend directly on natural resources for their livelihoods and have few assets or technologies to cope with the climate changes.”38 Given depends mainly on natural resources, Indonesia is extremely vulnerable to climate change. “But over the years, natural resource dependent communities in the country have found varied ways of coping with these changes, based on TK and practices.”39 Indigenous peoples believe “their knowledge has spiritual origins and powers, and employ it to communicate with the spirit world to create outcomes for the current problems.40 The challenges related to climate change mitigation may involve indigenous knowledge and its associated bio-environmental conditions. The importance of TK in mitigating climate change has led scientists to request access to various TKs to assess its validity and applicability to environmental management. However, indigenous and local peoples may be reluctant to share the same because of their past experiences of deprivation, completely denying their role in preserving this knowledge base and disrespecting their beliefs, values, and ethics. They discourage disclosing unprotected knowledge associated with relatively unprotected resources without proper safeguards. Knowledge sharing and learning from one another will be critical for finding just and lasting solutions to the climate crisis. Indigenous peoples are least responsible for the climate change crisis we are in but, unfortunately, the most threatened of all because of the climate change impacts. It is undoubtedly the responsibility of those who are majorly responsible for the anthropogenic climate change crisis and those who have sought access to their traditional knowledge and resources to protect their rights and cultural values. To solve this dilemma, knowledge should be exchanged under governance mechanism and control, as opposed to a voluntary social framework.

4.5 Climate Change Mitigation of Indigenous People The concept of climate change might not be understood by indigenous people, but they can notice the effects of increase of sunshine and air temperature, rainfall decrease, and rainfall pattern changes. The changes affect directly them because longed rainfall shortages, reduced rainfall, and rainfall patterns change compounded by deforestation and forest degradation lead to water availability and their crop failures. Due to excessive or low rainfall, different crops and varieties with different sensitivity to drought and floods have been used by some traditional people, or they sometimes add wild food plants, hunting, and fishing. The diversity of crops and food resources is often matched by a similar diversity in the location of fields, as a safety measure to ensure that in the face of extreme weather, some fields will survive to produce harvestable crops. As Java and Bali have the rained agriculture, and the rainy season has become unpredictable, farmers face difficulty to plan their cropping seasons to ensure a

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maximum crop. Prolonged rainfall shortage leads to the low crop and even crop failures because it has caused drought situations and reduced water available in the soil for crop growth, water sources become scarce, contaminated, and stagnant. Increasing temperature and intense sunshine, coupled with prolonged rainfall shortages, cause crops to wilt. High temperatures affect to ripen vegetables prematurely, decreasing the sale value of product, and trees withering because of exposing prolonged and intense sunshine. Indigenous people have local wisdom in reducing the ecological degradation because of climate change. Mitigation is defined “as all forms of continuous action taken to reduce or eliminate long-term property and human life risks.”41 In relation to climate change, mitigation is a mean of enabling the people to address the climate change risks and effects.

4.6 Benefit of Local Wisdom and Local People’s Participation in Mitigating Climate Change According to Act No.32 in 2009 on Protection and Management of Environment, local wisdom is defined as “the noble values that are applicable in the life of local community in order to protect and manage the environment on a sustainable basis.”42 “Indigenous or Traditional Community shall be a group of people that have historically settled in a particular geographical area because of their ties to the origins of ancestors, strong relationship with environment, and value system that determine their economic, politic, social, and legal systems.”43 Local wisdom is “a form of knowledge, beliefs, understanding, and customs or ethics that guide human behavior in life and in the ecological community.”44 “Forms of local wisdom in society can be: values, norms, ethics, beliefs, customs, customary law, and special rules.” Local wisdom can be “in the form of rules regarding: (a) institutional and social sanctions, (b) provisions on spatial use and estimated seasons for planting, (c) preservation and protection of sensitive areas, and (d) forms of adaptation and mitigation of climate change, disasters or other threats.”45 Local wisdom includes any knowledge, understanding, customs regarding humans, nature, and the unseen. Local wisdom can also be a creative answer to the geographicalgeopolitical, historical, and situational that is local attitudes, behaviour, lifestyles, and traditions that have positive implications for the preservation and preservation of the environment, including climate change mitigation. The benefit of local wisdom in mitigating climate change can be divided into three main roles “(a) moral and spiritual guidance for communities to direct human’s relationship with nature for their continued survival and well-being; (b) system of knowledge to support life by providing a system of values and a system of knowledge that supports the continued existence of various natural resources and sustainable lifestyle for all living creatures in the local environment. (c) a guarantor of an integrated life indicated by harmonious and equal relations between people and nature in non-exploitative manner.”46

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To overcome climate change challenges, the people solve environmental problems by observing the problems, adopting local wisdom, and then overcoming solutions under integrated knowledge with local wisdom. Local wisdom offers the solution to climate change problems by preserving and balancing the environment interest. Local wisdom also protects and recognizes local people’s role in maintaining and shaping the strategy to mitigate climate change and environmental problems. Local wisdom creates mindful attitude and emotional attachment in increasing community’s awareness to environmental value and importance to mitigate climate change effects. Local wisdom will be “useful for guiding the implementation of positive behavior of man connected with nature and the surrounding environment, including: (a) the natural environment includes temperature, rainfall, geography, flora and fauna; (b) environmental orientation and outlook on life, including cosmology, religion, values and norms; (c) environmental cognition include perceptions, beliefs, and judgments; (d) environmental behavior, including privacy, personal space, territory, and density; (d) environment as an end product in the form of an artificial environment, homes, farms, and cities.”47 The benefit of local wisdom as a kind of cultural knowledge possessed by local people is to cover their management of natural resources, including their relationship with nature through wise and responsible patterns of use for their continued survival and well-being. Another benefit of local wisdom in mitigating climate change is to guide attitude, views, and abilities of a community in managing its spiritual and physical environment that gives the community resilience and power to grow in the area where they live. Local wisdom benefits to shape the ability of how members of communities who depend on natural resources are able to regulate natural resources in the environments they inhabit. “The benefit of local wisdom in mitigating climate change can be divided into three main roles: (a) moral and spiritual guidance for communities to direct human’s relationship with nature for their continued survival and well-being; (b) system of knowledge to support life by providing a system of values and a system of knowledge that supports the continued existence of various natural resources and sustainable lifestyle for all living creatures in the local environment; (c) a guarantor of an integrated life indicated by harmonious and equal relations between people and nature in non-exploitative manner.”48 As local people have significant role to develop and manage local climate change strategies, the empowerment of local people will be effective in developing local potential and preserving local values and identity by using their local wisdom. Local people should be regarded as an important actor in government policy decisionmaking, as local wisdom represents the local area character. Inclusion of local wisdom in policy decision-making in relation to climate change mitigation is useful because they have deep understanding of the area and comprehend the potential to strengthen and develop the area. The inclusion of local wisdom in climate change policies is one important aspect to support local-based sustainable development strategy in each region of Indonesia. Local wisdom functions to balance human needs and environmental conservation. Local people have shown survival capability by preserving natural resources and local traditions. Local wisdom and traditional knowledge have an important role in environmental conservation strategies since their wisdom greatly

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influences the attitudes of local community. Reimplementation of local wisdom can create sustainable development as local wisdom represents local area character and stimulates local economic development by conducting systematic approach in education system, integrated socio-cultural approach, and consistent government development policies. Furthermore, the reimplementation of local wisdom should be adapted to current times and situations to be suitable for present time.

4.7 Local Wisdom in Java A. West Java Javanese people can be divided into three main groups in the area of: East Java, Central Java, and West Java with their unique local wisdom in relation to environment. In West Java, Sundanese people have implemented their local wisdom in responding to climate change and preserving environment by having self-awareness in understanding and interpreting the environment. Self-awareness originates from the consciousness of the existence of human, consisting of wind, air, fire, light, and earth that are the same as the nature of environment, therefore human align themselves with environment. The awareness of aligning with environment is reflected in the form of attitude of Sundanese people to preserve and not to exploit environment in a destructive manner. Efforts to balance between “jagat alit” (micro-cosmic) and “jagat ageung” (macro-cosmic) of environment is also a form of Sundanese human religiosity as “Holy” or a tool that comes from the nature of purity “kahiyangan” (heaven). Innumerable instances of local wisdom are the basis on which the local people are guided, commonly known as “karuhun” (in Sunda language). They promote positive impact and sustainable practices to manage and maintain natural resources like land, wood, and water (“leuweung” in Sunda language). Sundanese people is more adaptable to environment including climate change. This is evident in terms of farming which carries out the tradition of traditional knowledge in the form of offerings, sacrifices, or objects used to overcome life problems that are considered or trusted because of relations to environment nature. Other evidence is the structure of the Sundanese house in the native village of Kampung Naga, which has genuine local knowledge involved in it. The people continue maintaining and following the rituals practised in various ceremonies, using the natural resources diligently and various living etiquette, e.g., following the regulations in housing orientation. Local wisdom of the Kampong Naga is considered as customs and traditions that are mandated to be followed. These customs have been the basis of their beliefs and convictions. Kampung Naga People are ritualistic, so when they intend to do something like felling trees to start trading, they perform some rituals as if they have contradicted and conflicted with the local regulations. Sundanese house in Kampung Naga is green building compliant and are adaptable to climate change. The main structure is built with a dowel and hole to connect the construction element in a non-rigid frame. It

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is the best system to respond to building earthquakes and support the building load constantly. The houses also have good ventilation, daylight, outdoor–indoor temperature, vegetation, ideal freshness living the house, energy efficiency, and renewable material. They had sturdy viscosity in the local wisdom. Therefore, it should be preserved as an indigenous heritage. In Kampung Suta, West Java, there is local wisdom to preserve environment by restricting to do something (called “pamali”) that people cannot go into “Hutan Keramat” (sacred forest), except Friday and Monday only. People are also prohibited to enter Hutan Keramat without being accompanied by a guide (called kuncen). People must not spit out, defecate or urinate in the area of “Hutan Keramat”. In Hutan Kramat, people must not seize or kill the animals living, break the twigs and branches, and also cut down the trees in Hutan Keramat. People in Kasepuhan Pance Pangawinan, Dukuh, West Java strongly believe in local wisdom, traditional ceremonies, myths, and taboos in preserving environment. They use carefully woods and forests without exploiting the nature unless the elders of community allow them to do so. B. Central Java The people of Colo Village, in Kudus Regency, have an important role to play in preserving environment and reducing damage of climate change. The manifestation of the role of the community is by self-defence in the form of local wisdom to preserve the environment. Local wisdom in Colo Village is commonly related to ceremonies or local traditions can be seen through alms, which is a means of communication between humans and nature, and as part of community service. The local wisdom in relation to environment can also be traced in adaptation endurance to climate change was possible through maintenance-preservation and conservation of the traditional house of Javanese People in Kampung Wates as native people with local knowledge. The house is a kind of vernacular house which is an architectural form produced by local people to respect local ways of life and culture. It applies simply to technology and stabilizes local environmental resources by using local materials and local characteristics. The traditional house does not have an impact on the climate change and how can local wisdom endure the climate change. The people always precede every activity with ritual and faithfully obey the rules of custom although the influence of culture alteration eroded several houses, new technology, and materials. People undertake tradition enthusiastically, especially when they prepare materials for building or repairing the house, like praying to god, or preparing food and beverages as tribute for the nature guardian. The house’s floor in Kampong Bade usually landed on the ground without cover. They depended on the environment, nature, land typology, soil condition, local customs, and traditions. C. East Java In Tengger tribe, the local wisdom of mitigating climate change is by preserving environment. “To preserve environment, the Tengger Tribe of Wonokitri Village performs several ritual traditions based on their customs and beliefs, called Leliwet, Pujan, Munggah Sigiran (Among-among / ngamongi jagung), Wiwit, Kasad Festival, Mayu (Mahayu) Village, Mayu Banyu, Pujan Mubeng / Narundhung.”49 “Tengger

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Tribe people in Wonokitri Village apply the value of local wisdom in their daily socio-cultural life, from, seeing the division of conceptions based on customary and administrative territories, discussing the placement of elements forming settlements, land tenure and control systems, until adaptation places to live on climate and local wisdom that discusses the season for farming, traditional technology systems in field management, animal maintenance systems, forest management and protection systems, air sources, and Wonokitri.”50 In Malang, the form of local wisdom in Bendrong Hamlet is held annually in Suro month through village cleaning (bersih desa) activity with a series of activities including establishing green week activity, cleaning the river, preparing biogas, holding conservation carnival, conservation fragment, water source rite (slametan mata air), planting trees, and cangkrukan activity discussing various problems, including climate change and environment issues. People inhabiting in Bendrong Hamlet is required to participate in conservation activity, either individually or in social groups such as farmer group: Taruna Tani, Paguyuban Bakti Manunggal (PBM), Kelompok Perempuan Peduli Lingkungan (KPPL), and Kelompok Tani Wanita. One of the climate change effects in Indonesia is flooding. In Madura Island, the local wisdom of the Sampang Madura community in dealing with the flood is related to traditional Madurese expressions of kinship, mutual cooperation, and solidarity with relatives (called beleh/karabet/Taretan Dibi) that further strengthen the people’s bonds and knowledge of the flood disaster they are facing. In the context of disaster, there is also a Madurese expression “Mellak matana gerreng”51 that relatives have an obligation to help anyone who needs help that is very relevant to human values and empathy. The phrase “Nanem cabbi molong cabbi” is also full of societal values and justice. This expression means whoever sows his seed will reap the rewards. This shows the moral value regarding the reward for every action. Good deeds will be rewarded in the form of sympathy and respect, and vice versa. The local Madurese wisdom regarding the spirit of mutual cooperation, togetherness, and mutual assistance is manifested when there is heavy rain in the northern region. When dealing with the flood, they use local wisdom by firstly recognizing or predicting flood disaster that will occur, such as seeing the natural situations when it is cloudy in the northern region of Sampang, such as Robatal, Omben, Ketapang, Karangpenang. Secondly, when flood occurs, they rely on their relatives in the northern region of Sampang about the flood in order to prepare themselves for the possibility of a flood disaster. Furthermore, Madurese local wisdom is “Buppa ‘bebu’ guru rato” which emphasizes respect for the role of prayers such as parents, teachers, leaders, and Islamic scholars in dealing with floods. In the rainy season, there is the ritual of praying together, and “rosulan” (kind of thanksgiving) at the nearby grave (called bhujuk) is carried out as an expression of gratitude for the arrival of the rainy season. This ritual is also an expression of prayer for safety during the rainy season and a grateful expression as rain is a gift and God’s blessing. By holding thanksgiving and prayer together, asking for safety, and protection from harm, because I believe in the prayers of the scholars. In adapting to flood, there is also local wisdom that Sampang people built their houses which are specifically designed to reduce the impact of flood

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disasters by designing the roof of the house as a place to live temporarily during the flood. Items such as stoves and staples have provided staple food that does not spoil easily for their needs during the flood. In other parts of east Java, Osing people acknowledge scarcity of water as climate change effects because of extreme heat that make long drought. For Osing tribe in the region of Kemiren, Banyuwangi, water is definitely important to irrigate their farm as farming is their main livelihood. The local wisdom of Osing people in conserving water resources through knowledge, values, ethics, morals, and norms in sorts of advice, prohibition, and sanction, and also any relevant expressions is the basis of how people there manage, maintain, and take care of all the springs or water resources (called Mbah Buyut Cili). In plantation around the water springs called “belik lanang” and “belik wadon,” can provide benefits to the attempts of conserving water, especially to conserve the quality of water debit. By the time of harvest, the owners of crop usually build “paglak,” a two-level hut and placed close to trees, and they also craft a sort of tool like a simple drum or percussion instrument made of bamboo. To avoid any dryness or drought, people in the village must not cut down the trees growing around the water sources. The prohibition completely comes with a penalty from the local government. Osing people also attempt to arrange a traditional ritual called “Selamatan Rebo Wekasan,” held in the areas around the water springs once in a year that day of the ritual performing, people there are not allowed to take water from the springs or the sources. The ceremony aims to provide an offering or serving to God, or to the spirits (called Danyang) that supernatural guard the water sources. The servings usually include some traditional food, such as “jenang abang” and “sego golong.” In addition, people are strongly prohibited to chop down the trees around “belik” (the water sources or springs), including “belik lanang” (the springs used by males) and belik wadon (the springs used by females). Also, People cannot litter anything around the springs including not defecating or excreting on the springs. Another Osing local wisdom in preserving environment is the ritual of “Kebo-keboan” to ask for God’s mercy and blessing to bring their crops fruitful and plentiful harvests. In ritual, people put on buffalo costume and make-up that symbolize the works of farmers to dispel plants’ disease or pests, to arrange crops, and also to preserve water resources throughout the year until the days of harvest come. The theme of kebo-keboan is intentionally made for showing off the tradition of Osing people that traditional practices can fit harmoniously with today’s modern life.

4.8 Local Wisdom in Bali In Bali, there is the local wisdom of Tri Hita Karana that guides Balinese to create harmony and good relations with environment and climate change. Tri Hita Karana is the ancient Balinese Sanskrit language, meaning the “three sources of life,” Tri means three, Hita means prosper, and Karana means cause.52 The Tri Hita Karana concept consists of three major wisdoms: a. Parahyangan (wisdom of the spiritual harmony

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between humans with God), b. Palemahan (the harmony of life between humans and their natural environment), c. Pawongan (the harmony of life among humans).53 Tri Hita Karana provides the guidance for human behaviours in three interconnected relationships between humans (Pawongan), the environment (Palemahan), and God (Parahyangan). Balance and harmony in these relationships are important in order to achieve sustainability and maximum benefit to the spiritual, mental, and physical of human well-being. “Interconnection of Tri Hita Karana”.54

Tri Hita Karana guides the tradition of cultivating land and applying technique with respect to God, Human, and Environment.55 Almost every single district of Bali has a basic concept of how to conserve environment through human–God–nature sustainability development in relation to climate change. There are some examples of implementation of Tri Hita Karana to develop and implement conservation programmes for local environment. For the implementation of Parahyangan wisdom (Harmony with God) of Tri Hita Karana, Balinese people maintain their religious rituals in each stage of activities. They also give offerings or tributes for God, for instance, the offering ritual usually carried out before beginning the construction of the water supply systems is called “Ngeruak” at the location of the water sources, which aims to invoke blessing and grace of God and the assurance for a good day to start a good activity. For the manifestation of Pawongan wisdom (harmony with humans), Tri Hita Karana guides people to build a good relation between people. This can be shown in the cooperation of the various stakeholders in carrying out mutual or collective help (called “Ngayah”) for instance cooperation in planting trees, village cleaning, building biopori, or religious ceremonies. The manifestation of Pawongan can be seen also in the forums called “sangkep” (a routine meeting in a village) to discuss any problems including climate change, identifying programme requirements, as well as the implementation and control of programmes. The implementation of Palemahan wisdom (harmony with natural environment), local people maintain the Sacred Monkey Forest with the tradition called “Tumpek Kandang” (animals salvation) and the “Tumpek Ngunduh” (plants salvation) which aim to preserve and sustain animals and plants safety for decreasingly climate change.56 They maintain the water management called “Subak” for sustainable farming and they preserve terrace rice and the environment, to fulfill domestic needs

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for food. Additionally, the local wisdom contributing to the mitigation of climate change is a Balinese “Day of Silence” called “Nyepi.” Nyepi is a day of silence, fasting, and medication which is reserved for self-reflection with some restrictions. The main restrictions are no lighting fires/light/electricity (called Amati Geni), no working (Amati Karya), no entertainment/self-entertainment/no pleasure (Amati Lelanguan), no travelling (Amati Lelunganan), no talking or eating for a day from 6 AM until 6 AM. The effect of these prohibitions is usually streets and roads are empty, there is little or no noise from TVs and radios, and few signs of activity are seen although at their homes. Although “Nyepi” is primarily a Hindhu ritual, non-Hindu residents in Bali and tourists are required to respect for ritual. Although tourists are free to do something in hotels, they are not allowed on the beaches, bars, restaurants, or streets. It is also interesting that on Nyepi day, airport in Bali is closed for the entire day, it is the only international airport closed with respect to religious rituals. The only exceptions granted are for emergency vehicles carrying those with life-threatening conditions and women about to give birth. Ultimately, Nyepi rituals of no fire/light, no electricity, no working, and no travelling could be observed that local wisdom in relation to climate change mitigation such as the reduction of fossil fuel combustions and wood firing. Subsequently, no air pollution and atmosphere is cooler compared to the previous day. Balinese people might clearly know about global warming, climate change, and greenhouse gases, and they respond to these with local wisdom of Tri Hita Karana. Tri Hita Karana’s ancient philosophy has been applying for environmental preservation in decreasing climate change on Bali-island for a long time ago, now along together with the existing modern, postmodern type of society and climate change mitigation programme. For Balinese, Bali is not just a place to live, but it’s a place that connects them to God, people, and nature.

4.9 The Model of Local Wisdom Adoption in Climate Change Response Local wisdom adoption model in climate change response programme is thus aligned with the human thought process to adjust its presence in the natural environment that can be manifested in his works significantly as the built environment. The adoption of local wisdom can be divided into four aspects which are: Ritual and Pray, Technology and System, Education and Dissemination, Recovery and Reconstruction.57 These four aspects can be combined into a circuit model of integration of local knowledge in mitigation programmes and climate change responses. Accordingly, this paper suggests the model of mitigating climate change by adopting local wisdom validation as seen below:

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The model includes four aspects: (a) strengthen the mental and spiritual aspects of climate change risk-prone groups, (b) develops to take advantage of simple technology and climate change response systems, (c) strengthening the knowledge and skills of people to respond climate change risks both prevention and reconstruction (d) strengthen institutional and community capacity to cope with climate change risks on their territory, to avoid or reduce the risk and disasters. Efforts to embrace local wisdom in the government climate change programme are expected to reduce the cultural barriers and increase the involvement and capacity of communities to understand climate change risks in order to be disaster resilient.58 The adoption of local wisdom to climate change mitigation programme is the implementation of mindset and behaviour of man influenced by religious and cultural power, to adjust the natural environment, integration of local wisdom in mitigation programmes and disaster response. The local wisdom is reinforced by the attachment of religious power in it so then attached as a ritual that is always executed.

4.9.1 Conclusion The vibrant diversity of Indonesia’s Indigenous Peoples brings about a necessity to validate their local wisdom because their observations and customary activities towards Nature teach all of us important lessons on adapting and managing climate change effect. The pluralism of Indonesian society requires a different approach. Although Indonesian climate is widely regarded as hot and humid, each region has micro-climates in abundance so formulating climate change adaptation and mitigation strategies must take into consideration the distinctive climate patterns in each region. Each ethic group in each region should consider the values of local wisdom, and traditional knowledge of local people because they have own concepts including leadership systems, balanced relationships with God, Nature, and Environment, etc.

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The value of wisdom can be formulated for national climate change mitigation strategies. Therefore, it is important for the government to develop policies based on local wisdom to preserve local culture and natural resources. The current Indonesian strategy for mitigating climate change ignores the local people’s involvement and the importance of local wisdom in environmental management since is often considered outdated. The government of Indonesia should reformulate its strategy of climate change mitigation, protect the rights of local peoples and their traditional knowledge, and provide opportunities to accommodate an active role of local peoples in environmental management and utilization of natural resources. The strategy should consider the local situation by re-validation of local wisdom and traditional knowledge. These values will become an important element in the review of the current existing public policy implemented nationally and locally so that the community will achieve a harmonious relationship with Nature. The adaptation and mitigation strategy then will reflect and be based on the local wisdom and traditional knowledge gained from the experience of adaptation to the environment. This factor must be taken into account on planning and implementing sustainable development to involve all. The importance of all members of the society participating in climate change strategies for the country is crucial. At the local level, since the Indonesian Law No. 32 of 2004 has changed from centralized to decentralized systems, there is an opportunity for local governments to create sustainable development through revitalization of existing local wisdom. Decentralization of policies is a good opportunity for re-implementing local wisdom in development policies and the internalization of local wisdom values in the national policy influencing the decision-making process will support Indonesians who suffer from climate change. This is due to local governments having authority to formulate appropriate policies based on local needs.

Notes 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

Asian Development Bank (2021). Asian Development Bank (2021). European Commission (2019). INFORM Index for Risk Management. Indonesia Country Profile. URL: https://drmkc.jrc.ec.europa.eu/inform-index/Countries/Country-Profile-Map. Mora et al. (2017). See also Matthews et al. (2017). Naumann et al. (2018). Naylor et al. (2007). See also, King et al. (2016). European Commission (2019). INFORM Index for Risk Management. Indonesia Country Profile. URL: https://drmkc.jrc.ec.europa.eu/inform-index/Countries/Country-Profile-Map. Mora et al. (2017). See also Matthews et al. (2017). Naumann et al. (2018). Naylor et al. (2007). See also, King et al. (2016). Field et al. (2016). Fernandes et al. (2017). Ibid. Muis et al. (2018). Asian Development Bank (2021).

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16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26.

Ibid. Beetham et al. (2017). Widlansky et al. (2015). ibid. Ibid. Le Gall (2012). Carpenter et al. (2009). George et la. (2003). Clements et al. (2011). Williams and Hardison (2013). Department of Public Information of United Nations. (2007). “Press Conference on Indigenous People and Climate Change”, Press Conference, May 22. https://press.un.org/en/2007/070 522_indigenous.doc.htm. Berkes (2012). Green and Raygorodetsky (2010). Mason et al. (2012). Fienup-Riordan and Rearden (2010). Egeru (2012). Thom and Bain (2004). Girot et al. (2011). Clements et al. (2011). Johnston (2012). Ibid. Carpenter et al. (2010). The Food and Agriculture Organization, available at https://www.fao.org/about/en/, accessed on 20 March 2023. Ibid. Kipuri (2009). Nikmah Suryandari, Qoniah Nur Wijayani (2021), “Environmental Communication, Local Wisdom, and Mitigation of Sampang Flood”, Jurnal Komunikator, Vol. 13 No. 1, 82. Article 1.30 of Act 32 /2009. Article 1.31 of Act 32/2009. Article 1.30 of Act. 32 /2009. Id. Althien John Pesurnay 2018, Local Wisdom in a New Paradigm: Applying System Theory to the Study of Local Culture in Indonesia, IOP Conf. Ser.: Earth Environ. Sci. 175 012,037. Altman (1984). Althien John Pesurnay 2018, Local Wisdom in a New Paradigm: Applying System Theory to the Study of Local Culture in Indonesia, IOP Conf. Ser.: Earth Environ. Sci. 175 012,037. Ayuninggar, Dianing Primanita (2011). “ Kearifan Lokal Masyarakat Suku Tengger Dalam Pemanfaatan Ruang dan Upaya Pemeliharaan Lingkungan (Studi Kasus Desa Wonokitri, 177 Kecamatan Tosari, Kabupaten Pasuruan)”. Proceedings Environmental Talk: Toward A Better Green Living, Jakarta, Mercu Buana University, 84–105. Id, 101–105. Suryandari and Wijayani (2021). Green Generation (2018), Go Green for the World with the Concept of ‘Tri Hita Karana’, November 22. https://medium.com/@greengeneration/go-green-for-the-world-with-the-con cept-of-tri-hita-karana-8c377a5e7206. Putu Sarjana et al. (2020). Rosilawati et al. (2020). Rahmah (2017). Balitopnews, Tumpek Kandang, Ceremony For All Animals Safety, 26 November 2016, https://www.balitopnews.com/index.php/read/1153/Tumpek-Kandang-Ceremony-ForAll-Animals-Safety.html. Hutagalung and Indrajat (2020). Sudibyakto (2018).

27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49.

50. 51. 52.

53. 54. 55. 56.

57. 58.

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Part II

Water and Land

Chapter 5

Social-Environmental Perception of Artisanal Fishermen bout Climate Change, Its Impacts on Fishing: A Comparison Between Socio-Spatially Segregated Communities Jéssica Garcia Rodrigues , Débora Martins de Freitas , Ana Emília Woltrich , and Ingrid Cabral Machado

Abstract Based on the hypothesis that the socio-spatial pattern can influence the perception of socio-environmental phenomena, this study aimed to investigate the environmental perception of two communities of artisanal fishermen in Baixada Santista, on the coast of São Paulo, about climate change and its relationship with their socio-spatial distribution pattern. We applied semi-structured interviews that addressed social and spatial aspects to understand whether socio-spatial segregation influences the perception of fishermen from the communities of Perequê (Guarujá– São Paulo) and Monte Cabrão (Santos-SP). We used the content analysis method in order to identify the key points of the stakeholder’s perception. The results obtained indicated that the socio-spatial segregation of communities has an influence on the way in which fishermen perceive changes in the environment. The more sociospatially segregated community was demonstrated to perceive less frequently and fewer impacts arising from climate changes in comparison to the less segregated community, which is more inserted in an urban context. Therefore, popular knowledge may contribute to the pluralization of scientific research, adding other values in decision-making public policies at the socio-environmental governance level. This can be possible through the analysis of the natural resources by its local users whose environmental perception is clearly relevant to Western science. Keywords Artisanal fishing · Socio-spatial segregation · Local knowledge · Coastal zone

J. G. Rodrigues (B) · A. E. Woltrich · I. C. Machado Instituto de Pesca APTA/SAA, Santos, SP, Brasil e-mail: [email protected] D. M. de Freitas Instituto de Biociências UNESP—CLP, São Vicente, SP, Brasil © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 A. Penteado et al. (eds.), Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8830-3_5

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5.1 Why Is It Important to Understand Socio-Environmental Perception? First of all, it is important to point out that an environmental perceptions analysis can enable an understanding of human behaviour towards the environment. The term “perception” has been widely used in research in areas of conservation, governance, and management, composing qualitative observational methods that can be negative or positive (Christie, 2005; Leleu et al., 2012; McCanahan et al., 2005). Research on perceptions has helped conduct environmental management at different scales and can also contribute to public conservation policies at national and international levels (Bennett, 2016). Social and environmental perception can be defined as the way in which certain social groups perceive, understand, and transform the environment they are inserted in. Understanding perceptions takes into account cultural aspects such as traditions, beliefs, values, attitudes, and moral and social concepts of a population (Klöckner, 2013). Perception as an instrument works as a type of response indicator in relation to the environment (Klöckner, 2013). Analysing people’s environmental perception can have great relevance to science since popular knowledge can contribute to the pluralization of research (Bennett, 2016) and also can attribute values to decisionmaking at the governance level. The choice of working with the perception of local fishing communities was based on an existing link between community and territory, the maintenance of subsistence fishing activities, and their relationship with the impacts of climate change on their environment. The population of local fishing communities in the regions of this study dates back to the nineteenth century when the oldest families were established, “formed by the mixture of the ethnic-cultural contribution of the indigenous people, the Portuguese colonizers and, to a lesser extent, the African slaves” (Diegues, 1983). The first inter-regional migratory flow dates from the turn of the nineteenth to the twentieth century, initially still under the influence of the artisanal fisheries culture when “southern people, Portuguese and from Paraná state, settled mainly in Perequê beach, Santa Cruz dos Navegantes, Conceiçãozinha and Tombo beach,” communities distributed in the municipality of Guarujá. However, this historical ethnocultural formation described cannot be territorially delimited nor defined exclusively in relation to the presented origins. Therefore, we cannot establish an identification of the current populations as being direct heirs of this ethnic mixture (Romani, 2011.) The Monte Cabrão community also has a history of occupation dating back to the end of the nineteenth century, when the place was inhabited by banana producers and traders, acting as a stopping point for fishermen who came from other places to sell their fish in the city market of Santos (Romani, 2011). Hence, it can be agreed with the notes made by Romani (2011), who said that: “The actual membership of a fishing community cannot be explained based only on studies related to their population ethnic composition, even though this may be related with traits of historically determined ethnic groups; but rather, with the maintenance of

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productive, artistic and food habits that, combined with traditional aspects, maintain an interdependence relationship and link with the space these communities live.”

5.2 Climate Change and Society Overall, all ecosystems are vulnerable to some degree to global climate change (Halpern et al., 2008). Changes that are taking place in coastal regions have caused different kinds of risks, (Badjeck et al., 2010) leading human populations to socioenvironmentally vulnerable situations (Iwaman et al., 2016). Firstly, there are natural hazards that are characterized as events of different scales and magnitudes that cause harm to human populations (e.g., sea level rise, loss of biodiversity, and extreme weather events) (Nicolodi & Petermann, 2010). In addition, there are social risks (Egler, 1996) that are associated with fundamental social needs for human development. So, if climate change affects different social groups in direct and indirect ways, the participation of these individuals should be guaranteed in searching for alternatives to growing conditions of vulnerability resulting from climate change. Changes caused by global climate change interfere with economic activities at different scales, (Grafton, 2010) consequently affecting communities that depend on natural resources to develop. As these populations are the most affected, consulting their perceptions about changes in progress is very important in local and/or regional management decision-making, (Santos & Silveira, 2004) as well as in adaptation and mitigation measures. In coastal zones, vulnerability is often associated with human actions that cause changes in the environment and can directly affect livelihood activities, such as fishing and agriculture.

5.3 Where Are the Communities and How Does Socio-Spatial Segregation Occur? As different groups occupy different social environments and have different experiences with the same problem, spatial segregation can influence individuals’ perceptions of climate change and other extreme events (Reardon & O’Sullivan, 2004). But after all, what is and how does socio-spatial segregation occur? Socio-spatial segregation can be defined as “the high concentration of social strata in a certain portion of urban space” (Villaça, 1998). In this context, it is understood that there are communities which more affected by socio-spatial segregation than others. So, the relationship between social exclusion and spatial organization (Madanipour, 2015) can interfere with the perception of these communities regarding climate change. Space can have aspects that must be perceived by the individual, such as the articulation and fragmentation of space. Although the urban space is articulated, the residential segregation of certain regions directly affects the social relationships of

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individuals with their environment, which does not depend on the amplitude of the space and the intensity with which these relationships occur (Corrêa, 2003). What is the need to relate environmental perceptions to socio-spatial segregation? We can begin to answer this question by understanding that socio-environmental perception of environmental risks is directly related to urban spatial organization, which can cause different impacts on communities. To understand the parameters that shape perceptions about climate change, we analysed the environmental perception of artisanal fishermen in two local communities (Monte Cabrão and Perequê) located on the central coast of São Paulo, Brazil. The main goal of this study was to understand whether the fact that these communities are socio-spatially segregated (i.e., separated according to their geographic location, social exclusion, and the distribution of environmental risks) can be a factor that influences the environmental perception in relation to the effects of climate change on artisanal fisheries. Furthermore, we aimed to elucidate whether there is a relationship between the socio-spatial segregation of fishing communities and the way (frequency and timescale) in which these individuals perceive climate change. The communities selected for this study are in the municipalities of Santos and Guarujá, on the coast of São Paulo (Fig. 5.1). Fishermen with at least 20 years of experience in artisanal fishing were selected, considering data from the IPCC (Allen et al., 2018) which indicate that: “[…] The temporal scales of the impacts of climate change on the ocean and its social consequences operate in time horizons that are longer than those of governance arrangements” and, “These temporal differences challenge the ability of societies to prepare and respond adequately to long-term changes.” As a result, for this reason the standard of 20 years of experience in fishing activity was chosen randomly considering how much fishing experience each community has, and the history of extreme events observed on a decades-long scale. In order to select the study participants, we used the “Snowball” method (Johnson, 2005). The Snowball method is a qualitative approach to data collection, in which the first contact is usually with a local leader that trusts the third party, and then introduces the third party to a proceeding contact within the community, and so on. That happens until a sufficient sample number is obtained. It applied semi-structured interviews (annex 1) which were divided into three stages: (I) characterization of the socioeconomic profile, (II) fishing activity, and (III) approach to socio-environmental perceptions, mainly in relation to climate change (Table 5.1). The interviews were recorded with a voice recorder, transcribed and categorized using the QSR Nvivo software. To analyze the collected data, we used the method of “content analysis” (Bardin, 1977) defined by Bardin (1978, p. 31), as “A set of communication analysis techniques aimed to obtain, through systematic procedures and objectives of the content description of messages, indicators that allow the inference of knowledge regarding the conditions of production/reception […] of these messages.“ This analysis method allows us to understand the conception of the meanings that the interviewees expressed in their conversations with us. The content analysis is composed of 3 stages. The first stage is described as a pre-analysis, where the material is organized according to some procedures. These procedures include “reading, the formulation

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Fig. 5.1 Representation of the study areas and their urban distribution, Monte Cabrão (a) and Perequê (b). Source Google Earth (accessed November 2017)

Table 5.1 General data from semi-structured interviews Interview steps

Main contents covered in each step

Part I, ID: Informants’ personal information to Name; age; genre; time living in the characterize the fisherman’s profile community; source of income Part II: Fishing activity

Ecosystem in which fishing is carried out; how long do they fish in the community; frequency and gear used

Part III: Influence of climate change on fisheries

Changes perceived in the last ten years; possible interference of changes in fishing activity; change in the proportion of species; disappearance or decline of species; changes in the fishing environment; reminder of extreme weather events; suggestions to protect fishing community from climate change

of the hypothesis, objectives and possible indicators used as basis for interpretations.” The second stage consists of exploring the material where the data are coded through units already registered. The last step is the classification of elements with characteristics in common for the grouping of categories (Silva et al., 2005). Data were tabulated using the QSR Nvivo qualitative analysis software that helped in the categorization of data. During the analysis of the interviews, the units for categorization were defined according to some common element that was aggregated from the voice data (e.g., sea level rise, temperature change, and reduced species catch). Subsequently, the categorization of data allowed the identification of the main points of different perceptions, in addition to a more detailed view of what was or was

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Table 5.2 Categorization of interview data and the main points perceived by fishermen from Perequê (Guarujá) and Monte Cabrão (Santos) Perception categories Perequê (Guarujá)

Monte Cabrão (Santos)

Changes observed

Sea level rise, reduction in species abundance, and pollution (90%)

Change in temperature, increase in storms, and tidal level (71.4%)

Interference in fishing

Destruction of vessels due to poor fishing conditions (80%)

Reduction in crab abundance (71.4%)

Change in the fishing Waterway narrowing and environment reduction of the sand strip (85%)

Mangrove degradation; reduction of crabs (57.1%)

Reduction in species abundance

Caranguejo-uçá (Ucides cordatus), Tainha (Mugil brasiliensis), Espada (Trichiurus lepturus), Roncador (Conodon noblis), Carapeba (Diapterus rhombeus), Guaiamum (Cordisoma guanhumi) (57, 1%)

Bagre (Rhamdia hilarii), T ainha (Mugil brasiliensis), Espada (Trichiurus lepturus), Camarão branco (Litopenaeus schimitti) (70%)

Perception time scale 7–10 years

2–4 years

not perceived by the fishermen (Table 5.2). The time frame of this study lasted 10 months and demonstrated that although some interviewees linked climate change with changes in their local environment, more socio-spatially segregated communities were less likely to report this. Indeed, the location of a segregated community may not be related and not necessarily interact with the environmental vulnerabilities and problems of another less segregated region.

5.4 What Was Noticed? Perceptions in these distinct communities were mixed, as the less urban community was less aware of and challenged the idea of climate change. While the community closest to the urban space, Perequê, in the municipality of Guarujá, the main changes observed by the fishermen were the advance of the sea, changes in the direction of wind currents, and the dispersal of some species. When fishermen were asked about an extreme event that had occurred and possibly harmed the surrounding community, they mentioned a severe tidal surge1 that occurred about 20 years ago and related it to the movement of choppier waves that hit the coast today. According to the actors, the sea level rise is increasing in amount and intensity of surging seas, harming fishing activity, and contributing to the reduction in the abundance of some species. However, they also associated changes in the environment due to human activities such as pollution and overfishing. Fishermen from the most socio-spatially segregated community located in the city of Santos, Monte Cabrão, noticed the changes in the environment. However, 71% of

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the fishermen who answered do not associate such changes with the climate. A lot of the community was not aware of the term climate change even when exemplified; this information reinforces the necessity to include communities in important issues that have a direct relationship with their daily lives. Based on the results obtained from the interviews, we identified that there are differences in the way fishermen perceive climate change and interact with the environment. These differences may be related to the social and spatial context in which each one is inserted. The changes observed by fishermen from the most segregated community were a higher high tide level, temperature increase, and mangrove degradation, which the fishermen associated with the navigation of tourist boats in the region. This study was carried out in 2017, therefore, fishermen in the most segregated community said that they have noticed changes in the region since 2013, while in the less segregated community, changes were observed since 20071 . Considering some theoretical concepts of perception such as beliefs, values, motivations, and preferences that are linked as determinants of behaviour and responses, (Klöckner, 2013) the socio-spatial segregation of the community located in Santos may be the main factor influencing the perception of climate change. Our data showed that fishermen started to notice some changes in their local climate at least 14 years ago. Environmental perception can be influenced by several determining factors and our work shows that, in this case, socio-spatial segregation can be an influential factor. The socio-spatial segregation of Monte Cabrão (Santos) may be the main factor influencing the perception of the community. Although the neighbourhood is territorially small and isolated from the insular region of Santos, the residents seemed to like this locality because they can manage to stay away from some tourist activities and thus contribute to the preservation of the area. The main changes pointed out by fishermen from the Perequê community (Guarujá) were the siltation of the waterway near the beach, higher high tide levels, and changes in the wind currents direction. They also stated that about 14 years ago it was possible to predict severe tidal surges whereas currently, this is no longer possible due to the large oscillation of the wind patterns. In one of the interviews, a fisherman exemplified how he perceives changes in wind currents direction: W.C., 57 “For example, some 30, 40 years ago, any older fisherman can tell you that. When there was a northwest, a northwest wind, then a southwest would come; nowadays you can’t say that anymore because it ends with a northwest, an east can come, can come west, another wind can come, and this is already a very significant change.” During the interviews, fishermen were asked about possible actions that could be taken in order to protect fishing communities from the impacts of climate change. In the largest community (Guarujá), the fishermen stated that they “have no more help,” due to the high impacts already caused by man. The rest proposed awarenessraising actions between universities or NGOs, along with fishermen, for the removal of garbage during fishing. In the smallest community (Santos), fishermen suggested joint action between the community and policymakers to mitigate the impacts and

1

Movement of large and choppy waves that hit the coast intensely.

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conflicts of the fishing environment. One of the fishermen stated that there should be more dialogue between the local government and the community.

5.5 To Consider… The analysis of the perception of people who have lived in a community for many decades can provide us with a historical basis for the place, as these people have followed much of the evolution of the place where they live (Mani-Peres et al., 2016.) This allows us to gather appropriate data for a time-scale comparison between past and present patterns of climate change. Therefore, as established by the Convention on Biological Diversity, (1992) Article 8 (i) which defines that the practices of indigenous and local communities are relevant to the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity, we agree that traditional knowledge and social and environmental perception are important tools for social and scientific research. The effects of climate change on marine ecosystems are still difficult to quantify (Johnson, 2005.) However, with help from traditional knowledge of fisheries communities, it is possible to identify and assess which of these impacts can negatively affect the coastal population that depends on the use of natural resources. In this case, these two communities involved in this field research contributed to the identification of the most frequent impacts on marine and estuarine environments at a regional level.

5.6 About Ecosystem Changes and Their Impacts Preliminary effects of climate change, such as sea level rise, temperature increase, and changes in wind currents, can have many impacts on fishing activity. These changes in the coastal environment modify several habitats and consequently affect the distribution of diverse marine species, (Grafton, 2010) harming not only smallscale fishing activities but the entire ecological development of coastal habitats. Many of the consequences described by fishermen from Perequê (Guarujá), such as the reduction of marine species, were pointed out in other studies as one of the primary effects of climate change on marine ecosystems. These studies explain that sea level rise, changes in temperature, decrease in pH, and increase in tidal levels directly affect fishermen working in estuaries (Brander, 2007). Although analysing the perception of communities may not be a method widely used in research to understand climate change, ecological knowledge of the coastal population has effectively contributed to this study, showing its importance in this study, as well as others. According to Article 8 (j) of the CBD (Convention on Biological Diversity) (i), (1992) we encourage the equitable sharing of benefits arising from the utilization of traditional knowledge, innovations, and practices.

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Fishermen demonstrated, in general, that they realized the impacts caused by climate change. The more segregated community the less frequently they realize climate change, and this may be due to socio-spatial segregation consequences, which is the high degree of social homogeneity (Bógus, 2008.) It is important to highlight that traditional knowledge and socio-environmental perception are important tools for social and scientific research and that artisanal fishermen have close contact with the coastal environment, which allows them to carry a greater load of local ecological knowledge in practice. Interviewing these communities and understanding a little about their daily lives provided us with a holistic view of the impact of climate change. In addition, the data collected illustrates that the fishermen’s knowledge is compatible with scientific literature, a hypothesis that further reinforces the necessity to create a link between science and society (Brander, 2007). Regarding practices of traditional groups, the CBD presents an important provision that reaffirms the importance of sustainable use of natural resources and conservation of biological biodiversity, in addition to enjoying the benefits in an equitable manner. Based on this understanding, we reinforce that if the goal is to encourage the sustainable use of resources for producers of traditional ecological knowledge, it is necessary to include these populations in decisions related to their territory, following the terms of the CBD itself. The CBD is an instrument of international law, ratified by several countries, and most of them have ratified and adopted the provisions of the Convention. In Brazil, ratification of the CBD took place through the National Congress, in May 1994. However, for the effectiveness of the Convention as domestic law in the country, it must have rules and regulations to support local communities. A lack of these local instruments consequently rendered enforcement of the Convention impractical (Bógus, 2008).

5.7 In Conclusion: Including Local Knowledge Can Contribute to Science and Society In the context of coastal management, understanding traditional knowledge has proven to be important for diagnosing the perception of the environment as potentially helping to deal with environmental problems. Artisanal fishermen proved to be fundamental in assessing perceptions of the environment in relation to climate change. To mitigate the effects of climate change on artisanal fishing, we identified the need for joint actions between decision-makers and the community, in addition to creating public policies in a participatory way, taking as a starting point the main impacts caused by climate change on fishing activity. We understand that the analysis of the experiences of socially spatially segregated communities can explain ethnoecological issues regarding different interactions of human populations with the environment. Adding the traditional ecological knowledge of fishing communities to scientific research and the possible usefulness of the results in environmental planning can

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have a positive impact on the decision-making processes of local government. In addition, the inclusion of this knowledge in decision-making can bring a sense of belonging to society in solving local problems. In this way, we can transform barriers into alliances that provide deeper and more innovative solutions.

References Allen, M. R., Babiker, M., Chen, Y., de Coninck, H., Connors, S., van Diemen, R., Zickfeld, K., et al. (2018). Summary for policymakers. In Global Warming of 1.5: An IPCC Special Report on the Impacts of Global Warming of 1.5\C above Pre-Industrial Levels and Related Global Greenhouse Gas Emission Pathways, in the Context of Strengthening the Global Response to the Threat of Climate Change, Sustainable Development, and Efforts to Eradicate Poverty. IPCC. Badjeck, M. C., Allison, E. H., Halls, A. S., & Dulvy, N. K. (2010). Impacts of climate variability and change on fishery-based livelihoods. Marine Policy, 34(3), 375–383. Bardin, L. (1977). Análise de conteúdo Edições, p. 70. Bennett, N. J. (2016). Using perceptions as evidence to improve conservation and environmental management. Conservation Biology, 30, 180–190. Bógus, L. M. M. (2008) Urban segregation: A theoretical approach. In Anais 13th Biennial Conference of International Planning History Society. Illinois, IPHS. Brander, K. M. (2007). Global fish production and climate change. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 104(50), 19709–19714. Christie, P. (2005). Observed and perceived environmental impacts of marine protected areas in two Southeast Asia sites. Ocean and Coastal Management, 48(3), 252–270. Convention on Biological Diversity art 8 (j), June 5, 1992, 1760 U.N.T.S. 69, https://www.cbd.int/ convention/articles/?a=cbd-08 Corrêa, R. L. (2003). O Espaço Urbano. 4ª Edição, São Paulo, Editora Ática, p. 94. Diegues, A. C. (1983) Pescadores, camponeses e trabalhadores do mar. Ática. Diegues, A. C (Org.). (2002). Povos e águas. NUPAU B/USP. Egler, C. A. G. (1996). Risco Ambiental como critério de gestão do território. Território, 1(1), 31–41. Grafton, R. Q. (2010). Adaptation to climate change in marine capture fisheries. Marine Policy, 34(3), 606–615. Halpern, B. S., Walbridge, S., Selkoe, K. A., Kappel, C. V., Micheli, F., D’agrosa, C., & Fujita, R. (2008). A global map of human impact on marine ecosystems. Science, 319(5865), 948–952. Iwaman, A. Y., Batistella, M., da Costa Ferreira, L., Alves, D. S., & da Costa-Ferreira, L. (2016). Risco, vulnerabilidade e adaptação às mudanças climáticas: Uma abordagem interdisciplinar. Ambiente and Sociedade, 19(2), 95–118. Johnson, T. P. (2005). Snowball sampling. Encyclopedia of biostatistics, 7. Klöckner, C. A. (2013). A comprehensive model of the psychology of environmental behaviour—a meta-analysis. Global Environmental Change, 23(5), 1028–1038. Leleu, K., Alban, F., Pelletier, D., Charbonnel, E., Letourneur, Y., & Boudouresque, C. F. (2012). Fishers’ perceptions as indicators of the performance of Marine Protected Areas (MPAs). Marine Policy, 36(2), 414–422. Madanipour, A. (2015). Social exclusion and space. In: The city reader (pp. 237–245). Routledge. Mani-Peres, C., Xavier, L. Y., Santos, C. R., & Turra, A. (2016). Stakeholders perceptions of local environmental changes as a tool for impact assessment in coastal zones. Ocean and Coastal Management, 119, 135–145. McCanahan, T., Davies, J., & Maina, J. (2005). Factors influencing resource users and managers’ perceptions towards marine protected area management in Kenya. Environmental Conservation, 32(1), 42–49.

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Nicolodi, J. L., & Petermann, R. M. (2010). Mudanças Climáticas e a Vulnerabilidade da Zona Costeira do Brasil: Aspectos ambientais, sociais e tecnológicos. Revista Da Gestão Costeira Integrada, 10(2), 151–177. Reardon, S. F., & O’Sullivan, D. (2004). Measures of spatial segregation. Sociological Methodology, 34(1), 121–162. Romani, C. (2011). O discurso cultural e ambientalista das comunidades de pescadores caiçaras na luta pela terra: uma análise histórica do conflito ambiental no canal de Bertioga, na Baixada Santista. História Oral, 14(2). Santos, M., & Silveira, M. L. (2004) As diferenciações no território In: O Brasil: território e sociedade no início do século XXI. 6ª Edição, Record, Rio de janeir, pp 259–278. Silva, R. C., Gobbi, C. B., & Simão, A. A. (2005). O uso da análise de conteúdo como uma ferramenta para a pesquisa qualitativa: Descrição e aplicação do método. Organizações rurais & agroindustriais, 7(1). Villaça, F. (1998). Espaço intra-urbano no Brasil. Studio Nobel, 379.

Chapter 6

Impact of Climate Change on the Endemic Medicinal Plant Species Inhabiting the World Heritage Site of Indian Sundarbans Sana Ahmed, Shambhu Prasad Chakrabarty, Prosenjit Pramanick, Sufia Zaman, and Abhijit Mitra

Abstract We surveyed the medicinal plant diversity in the World Heritage Site of Indian Sundarbans from 7 November 2021 to 14 November 2021 in three sectors, namely, western, central, and eastern. These plants are collectively called halophytes (more specifically, euhalophytes, as they can tolerate a wide range of salinity ranging from 2 to 30 psu). We carried out a respondent analysis on the curative properties of halophytes involving the relevant stakeholders and observed the maximum weightage to cure dermatological problems compared to other health issues. However, it is interesting to note that the people of the deltaic complex are sceptical about using halophytes for curing heart diseases. It is also observed that the impact of climate change, like sea level rise and erosion, is maximum on the medicinal plant community, followed by natural disasters and acidification.

6.1 Introduction The planet Earth supports the unique genetic diversity of medicinal plants, which have been used to cure a wide range of diseases since ancient times. Halophytes constitute a dominant proportion of medicinal plants whose extracts are mainly used to boost immunity in human beings. Trees’ bark, stem, and root extracts are also used to heal various diseases. From ancient times until the 1950s, the use of medicinal S. Ahmed · P. Pramanick · S. Zaman Department of Oceanography, Techno India University, West Bengal, EM 4 Salt Lake, Sector V, Kolkata 700091, India S. P. Chakrabarty (B) Department of Law, University of Engineering and Management, Kolkata, University Area, Plot No. III, B/5, Newtown Road, Action Area III, New Town, Kolkata 700160, India e-mail: [email protected] A. Mitra Department of Marine Science, University of Calcutta, 35 B.C. Road, Kolkata 700019, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 A. Penteado et al. (eds.), Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8830-3_6

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plants to protect human beings from diseases dates when there were no ultra-modern and sophisticated healthcare units. The Indian tribals used to depend on plant extract to cure several disorders. The mangrove ecosystems of Indian Sundarbans are the reservoir of several categories of halophytes which the island dwellers use to alleviate their health maladies such as abdominal pain, cardiac diseases, cough and cold, fracture of bones, allergies, and several other dermatological problems. Dwellers in this lower Gangetic delta complex use oil and water extracts of these halophytes. This is knowledge passed through generations via their ancestors. However, the reservoir of medicinal plants in the Indian Sundarbans region is presently under environmental threat due to climate change-induced sea level rise, erosion, and acidification of estuarine water. Even frequent natural calamities like cyclonic depressions, such as Aila in 2009, cause massive damage to the habitats supporting the medicinal plant species. The taxonomic documentation of endemic medicinal plants in the World Heritage Site of Indian Sundarbans is well known, but there is a major gap in understanding the impact of climate change on these valuable floral resources of this region. This paper highlights the major euhalophytes used to cure various human diseases and the threats posed by climate change on this community. We have also conducted a respondent analysis to evaluate the adverse impacts of climate change on the euhalophytes thriving in the western, central, and eastern sectors of Indian Sundarbans by involving the relevant stakeholders in the loop.

6.2

Indian Sundarbans: A hub of Medicinal Plant Diversity

The present study has considerable implications as (i) medicinal plant diversity and their applications would be revealed, which is still a major gap in the documentation of medicinal plant diversity in Indian Sundarbans, (ii) acceptability and dependency of the local population on endemic medicinal herbs, shrubs, and trees can be evaluated through respondent analysis, (iii) impact of climate change-induced threats on the medicinal plant community would be highlighted. Based on these scopes, the present research encompasses a few important objectives in the framework of Indian Sundarbans, as listed here. 1. To determine the current status of medicinal plant diversity growing in brackish water and their applications as baseline information. 2. To evaluate the acceptability and dependency of the local population on endemic medicinal herbs, shrubs, and trees through respondent analysis. 3. To assess the degree of threats posed by climate change-induced sea level rise, erosion, natural disaster (cyclones), and acidification. 4. To develop a conservation protocol for medicinal plants to provide sustainability to this domain.

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Considering the stated objectives, the present research programme was based on secondary data collection from major stakeholders (90%) and primary data generation through field visits (10%). The survey consists of a few steps. The first round of questions was prepared, and an online invitation (through Google Meet) for participation was sent to the selected respondents (n = 150, which includes all categories of respondents) (Annexure 1). The first-round questions were open-ended, and the respondents were asked to suggest different Provisioning Services (P.S.) provided by endemic medicinal plants based on their field experience. A feedback report was prepared based on the survey. In the second round, scores were provided to these categories of P.S., where the respondents were asked to score options on a scale of 1–8, where “1” indicates the lowest value and “8” indicates the highest value. Later, to rank the categories, the scores for each P.S. category were given corresponding weights ranging between 1 and 8 (PSR) and multiplied by the percentage of votes for that option to generate a total weighted score for that P.S., which is referred to as Provisioning Service Score (PSS). In the final stage, Combined Provisioning Service Scale (CPSS) was constructed based on Provisioning Service Scale (PSS) computed as per the expression: CPSS = PSS1 + PSS2 + PSS3 + PSS4 + PSS5 where, PSS = Provisioning Service Rank (PSR) × % of Vote. It is to be noted in this context that the sample size of different respondents is variable, e.g., the sample size for policymakers is not like local inhabitants or fishermen.

6.3

Exploring the Medicinal Plant Diversity and People’s Participation

1. Current Status of Medicinal Plant Diversity in Indian Sundarbans To survey the current status of mangrove medicinal plants during 2021, the average density of existing populations of the mangrove trees within 10 m × 10 m monitoring plot was evaluated during a 7-day field trip from 7 November 2021 to 14 November 2021 by direct counts from 10 replicate quadrats that were placed at randomly selected points in each station selected in three different regions of Indian Sundarbans. The species composition, abundance of trees, and the number of species within each random quadrat were recorded (Table 6.1). 2. Respondent Analysis on the Acceptability of the Local Population on Endemic Medicinal Plants

98 Table 6.1 True mangroves in the Indian Sundarbans, along with their abundance “−” means absent, “+” means present in small number, “++” means present in moderate level, and “+++” means high abundance, N.S. means not surveyed; W, C, and E represent the western, central, and eastern regions of Indian Sundarbans, respectively in the study area

S. Ahmed et al.

True mangrove flora

Abundance W

C

E

1. Acanthus ilicifolius

+++

+++

+++

2. Acanthus volubilis

+++

+++

++

3. Aegiceros corniculatum

+++

+++

+++

4. Aegialitis rotundifolia

+++

+

+++

5. Amoora cucullata

+

+

++

6. Avicennia alba

++

+++

++

7. Avicennia marina

++

+++

+++

8. Avicennia officinalis

++

+++

+++

9. Brownlowia tersa

++

+

+++

10. Bruguiera cylindrica

++

+

++

11. Bruguiera gymnorrhiza

+++

++

+++

12. Bruguiera parviflora

+++

+

+++

13. Bruguiera sexangula

+++

+

+++

14. Ceriops decandra

+

+++

+++

15. Ceriops tagal

+

++

+++

16. Cynometra ramiflora

NS

NS

NS

17. Derris trifoliate

+++

+

+++

18. Derris umbrellatum

NS

NS

NS

19. Excoecaria agallocha

+++

+++

+++

20. Excoecaria bicolor

+++

+++

+++

21. Heritiera fomes

+

#

++

22. Hibiscus tortuosus

NS

NS

NS

23. Kandelia candel

NS

NS

NS

24. Lumnitzera racemosa

NS

NS

NS

25. Nypa fruticans

++

+

+++

26. Phoneix paludosa

–

+++

+++

27. Rhizophora apiculata

+

++

++

28. Rhizophora mucronata

+

++

++

29. Sonneratia apetala

+++

+

+++

30. Sonneratia caseolaris

+

+

+++

31. Tamarix dioica

NS

NS

NS

32. Tamarix gallica

NS

NS

NS

33. Xylocarpus granatum

++

++

++

34. Xylocarpus mekongensis

NS

NS

NS

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The results generated through respondent analysis revealed a few interesting findings, as listed here (Tables 6.2, 6.3 and 6.4 and Figs. 6.1, 6.2, 6.3, 6.4 and 6.5). For western Indian Sundarbans, the order of CPSS varies as per the sequence Dermatological problem (1096.8) > Gastric problems (810.5) > Cough and cold (557.1) > Fracture of Bones (378.0) > Cardiovascular disease (303.3) > Leprosy (62.1) > Rheumatism (15.1) > Microbial disease (10.6) (Table 6.2). In central Indian Sundarbans, the highest score was generated for Dermatological problems (1094.4), followed by Gastric problems (722.7), Cough and cold (514.4), Fracture of Bones (405.9), Cardiovascular disease (313.9), Leprosy (60.2), Rheumatism (16.1), and Microbial disease (9.4) (Table 6.3). Table 6.2 Major provisioning service offered by Mangroves of western Indian Sundarbans

Provisioning service

Policy formulator (respondent type 1) PSR

% of vote

PSS1

Fracture of bones

8

11

88

Rheumatism

2

2

4

Microbial disease

1

1

1

Leprosy

3

2.9

8.7

Cardiovascular Disease

4

12.6

50.4

Cough and cold

7

17.2

120.4

Gastric problems

6

25.7

154.2

Dermatological problem

8

27.6

220.8

Provisioning service

Researcher (respondent type 2) PSR

% of vote

PSS 2

Fracture of bones

7

9.7

67.9

Rheumatism

1

1.8

1.8

Microbial disease

2

1.6

3.2

Leprosy

3

4.3

12.9

Cardiovascular Disease

5

13.4

67

Cough and cold

8

16.8

134.4

Gastric problems

7

25.3

177.1

Dermatological problem

8

27.1

216.8

Provisioning service

Fisherman (respondent type 3) PSR

% of vote

PSS 3

Fracture of bones

7

10.4

72.8

Rheumatism

2

1.7

3.4

Microbial disease

1

2.2

2.2

Leprosy

3

4.1

12.3

Cardiovascular disease

4

13.1

52.4 (continued)

100 Table 6.2 (continued)

S. Ahmed et al.

Cough and cold

6

15.5

93

Gastric problems

5

25

125

Dermatological problem

8

28

224

Provisioning service

Medical practitioner (respondent type 4) PSR

% of vote

PSS 4

Fracture of bones

7

9.1

63.7

Rheumatism

2

1.8

3.6

Microbial disease

1

2.4

2.4

Leprosy

3

3.8

11.4

Cardiovascular disease

5

13.7

68.5

Cough and cold

6

16.1

96.6

Gastric problem

7

25.6

179.2

Dermatological problem

8

27.5

220

Provisioning service

Local people (respondent type 5) PSR

% of vote

PSS 5

Fracture of bones

8

10.7

85.6

Rheumatism

1

2.3

2.3

Microbial disease

1

1.8

1.8

Leprosy

4

4.2

16.8

Cardiovascular disease

5

13

65

Cough and cold

7

16.1

112.7

Gastric problems

7

25

175

Dermatological problem

8

26.9

215.2

The respondent analysis conducted on the provisioning service of medicinal plants, considering the major health problems in the eastern sector of Indian Sundarbans (Table 6.4), assigned the highest value to Dermatological problems (1092), followed by the Gastric problems (725.1), Cough and cold (542.6), Fracture of Bones (420.0), Cardiovascular disease (251.4), Leprosy (57.7), Rheumatism (21.4), and Microbial disease (9.6).

6.4 Variability in Respondent Analysis It is crystal clear from the respondent analysis that in Indian Sundarbans, people depend on endemic medicinal plants mainly to cure dermatological problems, followed by Gastric problems, Cough and cold, and Fracture of Bones. During the study, the plant parts of the euhalophytes used for curing health problems in the Sundarban region have also been explored. Statistical analysis of data

6 Impact of Climate Change on the Endemic Medicinal Plant Species … Table 6.3 Major provisioning service offered by Mangroves of central Indian Sundarbans

Provisioning service

101

Policy formulator (respondent type 1) PSR

% of vote

PSS 1

Fracture of bones

7

10.1

70.7

Rheumatism

2

1.5

3

Microbial disease

1

2.7

2.7

Leprosy

4

3.2

12.8

Cardiovascular disease

4

12.1

48.4

Cough and cold

6

16.6

99.6

Gastric problems

5

25.3

126.5

Dermatological problem

8

28.5

228

Provisioning service

Researcher (respondent type 2) PSR

% of vote

Fracture of bones

7

11.6

PSS 2 81.2

Rheumatism

1

2.3

2.3

Microbial disease

1

1.2

1.2

Leprosy

3

2.6

7.8

Cardiovascular disease

5

13.5

67.5

Cough and cold

6

17.8

106.8

Gastric problems

7

24.8

173.6

Dermatological problem

8

26.2

209.6

Provisioning service

Fisherman (respondent type 3) PSR

% of vote

PSS 3

Fracture of bones

7

10

70

Rheumatism

2

1.4

2.8

Microbial disease

1

2.6

2.6

Leprosy

4

3.3

13.2

Cardiovascular disease

5

13

65

Cough and cold

7

16.4

114.8

Gastric problems

5

25

125

Dermatological problem

8

28.3

226.4

Provisioning service

Medical practitioner (respondent type 4) PSR

% of vote

PSS 4

Fracture of bones

8

11.2

89.6

Rheumatism

1

2.6

2.6

Microbial disease

1

1.6

1.6

Leprosy

4

3.1

12.4

Cardiovascular disease

5

13.5

67.5

Cough and cold

6

16

96 (continued)

102 Table 6.3 (continued)

Table 6.4 Major provisioning service offered by Mangroves of eastern Indian Sundarbans

S. Ahmed et al.

Gastric problems

6

25.3

151.8

Dermatological problem

8

26.7

213.6

Provisioning service

Local people (respondent type 5) PSR

% of vote

PSS 5

Fracture of bones

8

11.8

94.4

Rheumatism

2

2.7

5.4

Microbial disease

1

1.3

1.3

Leprosy

4

3.5

14

Cardiovascular disease

5

13.1

65.5

Cough and cold

6

16.2

97.2

Gastric problems

6

24.3

145.8

Dermatological problem

8

27.1

216.8

Provisioning service

Policy formulator (respondent type 1) PSR

% of vote

PSS 1

Fracture of bones

8

10

80

Rheumatism

2

1.2

2.4

Microbial disease

1

2.1

2.1

Leprosy

4

3.5

14

Cardiovascular disease

3

13

39

Cough and cold

6

16.1

96.6

Gastric problems

5

26.1

130.5

Dermatological problem

8

28

224

Provisioning service

Researcher (respondent type 2) PSR

% of vote

PSS 2

Fracture of bones

8

9.2

73.6

Rheumatism

1

2.8

2.8

Microbial disease

1

1.6

1.6

Leprosy

4

3.7

14.8

Cardiovascular disease

4

13.6

54.4

Cough and cold

6

17.8

106.8

Gastric problems

6

24

144

Dermatological problem

8

27.3

218.4

Provisioning service

Fisherman (respondent type 3) PSR

% of vote

PSS 3 (continued)

6 Impact of Climate Change on the Endemic Medicinal Plant Species … Table 6.4 (continued)

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Fracture of bones

8

11.8

94.4

Rheumatism

2

2.4

4.8

Microbial disease

2

1.6

3.2

Leprosy

3

3.2

9.6

Cardiovascular disease

4

13

52

Cough and cold

7

16.2

113.4

Gastric problems

6

24.9

149.4

Dermatological problem

8

26.9

215.2

Provisioning service

Medical practitioner (respondent type 4) PSR

% of vote

PSS 4

Fracture of bones

8

10.3

82.4

Rheumatism

2

2.1

4.2

Microbial disease

1

1.5

1.5

Leprosy

3

3.1

9.3

Cardiovascular disease

4

13.4

53.6

Cough and cold

7

17.6

123.2

Gastric problems

6

25

150

Dermatological problem

8

27

216

Provisioning service

Local people (respondent type 5) PSR

% of vote

PSS 5

Fracture of bones

8

11.2

89.6

Rheumatism

3

2.4

7.2

Microbial disease

1

1.2

1.2

Leprosy

4

2.5

10

Cardiovascular disease

4

13.1

52.4

Cough and cold

6

17.1

102.6

Gastric problems

6

25.2

151.2

Dermatological problem

8

27.3

218.4

revealed that leaves and stems are mostly used for curing various diseases. It has been documented that approximately 48% of leaves, 26% of stems, 18% of seeds, and 8% of roots are used. The ethnomedicinal plant parts are used to cure some important and common diseases (such as cough, fever, leukoderma, diarrhoea, and various dermatological problems).

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Fig. 6.1 Provisional service score provided by policy formulator in context to Medicinal plants of the study area; W represents the western part of Indian Sundarbans, C represents the central part of Indian Sundarbans, and E represents the eastern part of Indian Sundarbans

Fig. 6.2 Provisional service score provided by researcher in context to Medicinal plants of the study area; W represents the western part of Indian Sundarbans, C represents the central part of Indian Sundarbans, and E represents the eastern part of Indian Sundarbans

6 Impact of Climate Change on the Endemic Medicinal Plant Species …

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Fig. 6.3 Provisional service score provided by fisherman in context to Medicinal plants of the study area; W represents the western part of Indian Sundarbans, C represents the central part of Indian Sundarbans, and E represents the eastern part of Indian Sundarbans

Fig. 6.4 Provisional service score provided by medical practitioner in context to Medicinal plants of the study area; W represents the western part of Indian Sundarbans, C represents the central part of Indian Sundarbans, and E represents the eastern part of Indian Sundarbans

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Fig. 6.5 Provisional service score provided by local inhabitant in context to Medicinal plants of the study area; W represents the western part of Indian Sundarbans, C represents the central part of Indian Sundarbans, and E represents the eastern part of Indian Sundarbans

6.5 Conclusion The present study has been conducted to generate awareness about this category of medicinal euhalophytes among the people and give an important idea about future research. In Sundarban regions, particular treatment of small injuries, stomach aches, dermatological problems, abdominal disorders, etc., are treated by this type of medicinal plant. Therefore, ANOVA was carried out considering the CPSS value for each disease, shown in Tables 6.5, 6.6, 6.7, 6.8, 6.9, 6.10, 6.11 and 6.12. A critical observation of the ANOVA tables generated a few interesting findings. First, it is seen that except for the remediation of cardiovascular diseases (Table 6.9), there is no difference in opinion in curing other diseases from the endemic medicinal Table 6.5 ANOVA for CPSS in context to remediation of fracture of bones by medicinal plants Variation

Sum of squares

Degree of freedom

Mean sum of squares

Fobserved

P-value

Fcritical

Between sectors

182.748

2

91.374

0.903479

0.442815

4.45897

Between respondents

400.1427

4

100.0357

0.989124

0.465706

3.837853

8

101.1357

Error Total

809.0853 1391.976

14

6 Impact of Climate Change on the Endemic Medicinal Plant Species …

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Table 6.6 ANOVA for CPSS in context to remediation of rheumatism by medicinal plants Variation Between sectors

Sum of squares

Degree of freedom

4.585333

Mean sum of Squares

Fobserved

P-value

Fcritical

2

2.292667

1.419461

0.296767

4.45897

1.743267

0.233299

3.837853

Between respondents

11.26267

4

2.815667

Error

12.92133

8

1.615167

Total

28.76933

14

Table 6.7 ANOVA for CPSS in context to remediation of microbial disease by medicinal plants Variation

Sum of squares

Between sectors

0.165333

Between respondents

Degree of freedom

Mean sum of squares

Fobserved

P-value

Fcritical

2

0.082667

0.138897

0.872372

4.45897

2.382667

4

0.595667

1.00084

0.460537

3.837853

Error

4.761333

8

0.595167

Total

7.309333

14

Table 6.8 ANOVA for CPSS in context to remediation of leprosy by medicinal plants Variation

Sum of squares

Between sectors

1.948

Degree of freedom

Mean sum of squares

Fobserved

P-value

Fcritical

2

0.974

0.103766

0.90263

4.45897

0.290843

0.875977

3.837853

Between respondents

10.92

4

2.73

Error

75.092

8

9.3865

Total

87.96

14

Table 6.9 ANOVA for CPSS in context to remediation of cardiovascular disease by medicinal plants Variation

Sum of squares

Degree of freedom

Mean sum of squares

Fobserved

P-value

Fcritical

Between sectors

447.4813

2

223.7407

18.82441

0.000943

4.45897

Between respondents

625.2627

4

156.3157

13.15161

0.001358

3.837853

Error Total

95.08533 1167.829

8 14

11.88567

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Table 6.10 ANOVA for CPSS in context to remediation of cough and cold by medicinal plants Variation

Sum of squares

Degree of freedom

Mean Sum Of Squares

Fobserved

P-value

Fcritical

Between sectors

188.5853

2

94.29267

0.483719

0.633412

4.45897

Between respondents

277.0427

4

69.26067

0.355306

0.833636

3.837853

Error

1559.461

8

Total

2025.089

14

194.9327

Table 6.11 ANOVA for CPSS in context to remediation of Gastric problems by medicinal plants Variation

Sum of squares

Between sectors

1000.517

Between respondents

Degree of freedom

Mean sum of squares

Fobserved

P-value

Fcritical

2

500.2587

2.625428

0.132857

4.45897

2498.371

4

624.5927

3.27795

0.071841

3.837853

Error

1524.349

8

190.5437

Total

5023.237

14

Table 6.12 ANOVA for CPSS in context to remediation of Dermatological problems by medicinal plants Variation

Sum of squares

Degree of freedom

Between sectors

2.304

2

Between respondents

190.0373

Error Total

Mean sum of squares

Fobserved

P-value

Fcritical

1.152

0.056456

0.945481

4.45897

4

47.50933

2.32828

0.143682

3.837853

163.2427

8

20.40533

355.584

14

halophytes among the respondents of all three sectors of Indian Sundarbans. Basically, in the islands of Sundarbans, there are no well-developed healthcare units or hospitals. Hence, oil/water extracts are used to cure diseases of the local island dwellers of Indian Sundarbans, which they have learned from their ancestors. The extract of Acanthus ilicifolious (that thrives within the salinity range of 5–32 psu) is used to cure inflammation and fracture of bones. Extract of Aegiceros corniculatum (survives within the salinity regime 4–12 psu) is used to cure Rheumatism. Various mangrove plants have anti-microbial properties, but they are not well known to the island dwellers of Indian Sundarbans. Excoecaria

6 Impact of Climate Change on the Endemic Medicinal Plant Species … Table 6.13 Major threats to medicinal plant communities

Threat Type

Magnitude

Sea level rise

+++

Erosion

+++

Natural Disaster

+++

Acidification

+++

109

agallocha (which thrives within the salinity range of 5–30 psu) is well known for curing leprotic wounds. There is no statistically significant variation in opinion between the respondents on this curative property provided to the infected persons from the latex of the species. For cough and cold, gastric problems, and dermatological problems, fruits of Sonneratia apetala (prefers salinity range between 2–12 psu), seeds of Avicennia alba (that thrives within the salinity range 8–25 psu), and fruits of Avicennia officinalis (that thrives within the salinity range 10–32 psu), respectively, are used for curing the diseases. However, an interesting fact is identified for cardiovascular diseases. It is observed from the ANOVA (Table 6.9) that there are significant differences between sectors and respondents on the remedial property of medicinal plants in connection to cardiovascular diseases. Furthermore, it shows that the people of Sundarbans believe in healthcare units and hospitals for curing cardiovascular diseases rather than using endemic euhalophytes. The present study is expected to open a new horizon of sustainable alternative livelihood for the people of Indian Sundarbans by developing bioactive molecules from endemic euhalophytes, which several pharmaceutical companies target to discover a new drug from the extracts of different parts of medicinal plants. It is to be noted in this context that climate changes pose a significant impact on the euhalophytes through factors like sea level rise, erosion, and natural disasters (cyclones such as Aila that caused massive devastation during 2009) and acidification, as stated in Table 6.13. It is observed from the respondent analysis that the order of the Composite Threat Scale on the medicinal plants’ community is Natural Disaster (726.8) > sea level rise (547.3) > Erosion (253.4) > Acidification (96.6) (Table 6.14).

110 Table 6.14 Climate change-induced threat type on medicinal plant community in Indian Sundarbans

S. Ahmed et al.

Climate change-induced threat

Policy formulator (respondent type 1) PSR

% of vote

TS1

Sea level rise

4

37.4

149.6

Erosion

3

17.8

53.4

Natural Disaster

4

31.7

126.8

Acidification

1

13.1

13.1

Climate change-induced threat

Researcher (respondent type 2) PSR

% of vote

TS2

Sea level rise

4

36.6

146.4

Erosion

2

23.3

46.6

Natural Disaster

4

38.7

154.8

Acidification

1

1.4

1.4

Climate change-induced threat

Fisherman (respondent type 3) PSR

% of vote

TS3

Sea level rise

3

30.1

Erosion

2

18.6

37.2

Natural Disaster

4

50.2

200.8

Acidification

1

1.1

1.1

Climate change-induced threat

Medical practitioner (respondent Type 4)

90.3

PSR

% of vote

TS4

Sea level rise

4

28.1

112.4

Erosion

2

21.1

42.2

Natural disaster

4

27.4

109.6

Acidification

2

23.4

46.8

Climate change-induced threat

Local people (respondent type 5) PSR

% of vote

Sea level rise

2

24.3

TS5 48.6

Erosion

3

24.9

74.7

Natural disaster

4

33.7

134.8

Acidification

2

17.1

34.2

Chapter 7

The Paiter Suruí Indigenous People in Defence of Their Territory: The Case of The Suruí Forest Carbon Project (PCFS)—RONDONIA/BRAZIL Carlandio Alves da Silva, Sheila Castro dos Santos, and Onelia Carmem Rossetto

Abstract The Paiter Suruí people live in the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land, located on the borders of the states of Rondônia and Mato Grosso, in the Brazilian Amazon. The growth of agribusiness on the limits of the TI, combined with the need to generate income, has made it possible to lease indigenous lands and increase the monetary income of family units but accelerate deforestation, degradation, and the depletion of nature. As an alternative, the Suruí established partnerships with environmental movements, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and technology companies, seeking to protect the territory through sustainable economic activities, designing and implementing the Suruí Forest Carbon Project—PCFS (2007–2018), as a way to avoid the extraction of wood and ensure income generation through alternatives that were not associated with deforestation and the depletion of natural resources, aiming to protect the territory, nature, and maintain the characteristics of the traditional way of life. Despite this, the process of implementing this project has shown the weaknesses and potentialities of introducing a new form of organization in the cultural context of indigenous people. In light of these problems, this research sought to describe the trajectory experienced by the Paiter Suruí and the PCFS through case study techniques and documentary research. As a result, it was concluded that the PCFS was an important initiative for the territorial protection of the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Lands within the scope of REDD + because the deforestation rates decreased, monetary income was generated, and the knowledge and learning acquired will possibly contribute to the construction and regulation of REDD + policies in Brazil. However, the Brazilian State does not have specific legislation that addresses the issue of carbon sequestration, which left the Suruí without legal protection and weakened the signed agreements resulting in conflicts between C. A. da Silva · O. C. Rossetto (B) Agrarian Geography and Biodiversity Conservation-GECA/UFMT, Cuiabá, Brazil e-mail: [email protected] S. C. Santos Department of Geography, Universidade Estadual de Londrina, Londrina, Brazil © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 A. Penteado et al. (eds.), Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8830-3_7

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the clans. Therefore, in 2018, some leaders of the Paiter Suruí people positioned presented several criticisms and denunciations regarding its management, alleging the loss of autonomy and the division of the people, among other issues, and requested the extinction of the project. Keywords Paiter Suruí Forest Carbon Project—PCFS · REDD+ · Indigenous people · Amazon

7.1 Introduction The indigenous peoples of Brazil play an important role in preserving and conserving nature through their knowledge of biological cycles and traditional and millenary cultures. The Brazilian Federal Constitution states that Indigenous Lands (TIs) belong to the federal government (Brazil, 1998) and are destined for specific purposes aimed at legal, social, anthropological, economic, and cultural protection. The Census of Indigenous Peoples (Brazil, 2010) registered 305 indigenous peoples distributed in ethnic groups of different sizes, linguistic affinities, cultural diversities, and socioeconomic situations totalling 896,900 people representing, in 2010, 0.4% of the country’s population. The collective survival of the Brazilian indigenous population has been threatened due to the dynamics of exclusion and the amplification of inequalities and vulnerabilities. The impacts are caused by state initiatives, such as large infrastructure constructions (dams, hydroelectric plants, or roads), difficulties in the inspection and protection of territories, different levels of access to public policies, budgetary fragility of indigenous policies, and insufficient management actions, as a correlate, few legally protected territories are exclusively for indigenous peoples. This fact is due, among other elements, to the global demand for agricultural commodities and Brazil’s institutional, political, and economic guidelines. This set of causes represents the basic and historical scenario that has persisted since the beginning of the colonization of the Amazon region and contact with indigenous populations (Laurance et al., 2001). Van Dam (2020) analyses the controversies between national and international governance institutions and private capital business groups, stating that there is no alignment of policies and discourses between government entities themselves because, while some seek to comply with international agreements to mitigate environmental degradation, others elaborate and finance actions such as the construction of large hydroelectric dams. Moreover, these access routes facilitate the entry of settlers, mining and hydrocarbon concessions, and agricultural and cattle ranching projects, among others, in the name of economic growth. Coy (1987, 1988) and Becker (2001) reflect upon the policies of occupation of the Amazon, emphasizing that, mainly in the regions where government projects were implemented, the invasion of indigenous lands occurs, generating land invasion and conflicts with ranchers, loggers, and land grabbers, deforestation, and mining in areas

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that should be protected. In addition, sometimes de-territorialization occurs, as they are forced to leave their lands and move to a new territory. On the other hand, some stakeholders are economically capable of evading accountability for their illegal acts of land clearing and pollution of rivers by managing to violate local laws with impunity. As a result, Indigenous Peoples are divested of their land rights by illegal dispossession. Historically, the region’s current economic model is anchored in the predatory exploitation of its natural resources, deforestation, poor income distribution, and the perpetuation of poverty. In this context, public policies in Brazil have often been obscure regarding the preservation of the forest and the country’s indigenous peoples. Clearly, there is an incentive for stakeholders with financial power and often connected to agribusiness and illegal mining, which are detrimental actions to the rights of Indigenous Peoples, pointing to the fragilities of the Brazilian legal framework of the country. In the Brazilian Amazon, the recognized Indigenous Lands (TIs) occupy 20% of the total area of the Amazonia Legal or Brazil’s Legal Amazon (BLA). Its possession is recognized by the Brazilian jurisprudence and is enshrined in the Brazilian constitution with rights bestowed to Indigenous Peoples. According to May et al. (2016), there are a total of 422 areas, approximately 113 million hectares, which represent 22.25% of the Amazon territory. Part of them is located in the so-called arc of deforestation, which aggregates 256 Brazilian municipalities with the highest rates of deforestation in the Amazon, covering western Maranhão, southern Pará, Mato Grosso, Rondônia, and Acre that concentrates approximately 75% of Amazon deforestation (Oviedo et al., 2019), the largest block of remaining and continuous tropical forest in the world, covering an area of approximately 5. 4 million km2, a carbon storehouse on the order of 50 billion tonnes, just over 80% of the forest is preserved, of which 60% is in Brazil. The Amazon is home to more than 20% of known terrestrial species and is key to regional and global climate balance (Malhi et al., 2008). In this context, indigenous peoples and local communities play a key role in the conservation and sustainable management of the Amazon’s agricultural and biological diversity and ecosystems. However, their cultures and indigenous knowledge are threatened due to multiple pressures and weakening legal protection of their rights. Thus, preserving the Amazon region and its Indigenous Peoples and addressing global risk and the impacts of climate change are today’s most urgent tasks. Approximately 17% of the Amazon Forest has been converted to other land uses, and 366,300 square kilometres of forest were degraded between 1995 and 2017. In addition, thousands of hectares of mostly degraded forest burn throughout the Amazon as fires escape from nearby pastures or recently cleared areas. The Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land (TISS) is located in Brazil’s Legal Amazon (BLA), with approximately 248,146.92 l hectares of land area, located between the municipalities of Cacoal and Espigão d’Oeste, state of Rondônia (22 villages) and the municipality of Rondolândia in the state of Mato Grosso (4 villages) (Fig. 7.1). Contact with non-indigenous people was favoured by the expansion of the economic frontiers in the legal Amazon through the stimulus of thousands of migrants from other regions of the country to transform agriculture and cattle-raising in the

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Fig. 7.1 Map of Location of Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land—Rondônia; Mato Grosso Brazil. Source IBGE, 2018; SIRGAS, 2000. *Corresponds to the area of 248,147 hectares of the Sete de Setembro indigenous land of the Paiter Suruí. These acquired their right with the demarcation and homologation effected by Decree 88,867 of October 1983

region into the capitalist mound. In 1968, the BR-364 highway connecting Cuiabá (MT) to Porto Velho (RO) was built, and public policies encouraged migration and the creation of rural settlements. As a result, rapid deforestation and the high mortality rate of Paiter Suruí ensued due to diseases acquired from non-Indigenous peoples, especially measles and tuberculosis, reducing their population. These damages directly interfered with their way of life, as this condition of population decline in the 1970s and 1980s was directly related to the invaders, who, having the power of the State to help them stay on the land, caused damage to natural resources and contagion with endemic diseases never before acquired by the indigenous people. The contact with non-indigenous people brought the Suruí way of life closer to the capitalist standard, with the consumption of industrialized goods and the need for health and education services provided by the surrounding society. Consequently, the Suruí began to practise commercial activities that had timber extraction and trade as the first significant and accessible source of resources for about 40 years (Associação Metareilá do Povo Indígena Suruí, 2011) [Metareilá from Suruí Indigenous People Association, 2011].

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The demarcation of the territory of the Paiter Suruí was homologated by Decree No. 88,867 on 18 October 1983,1 and was renamed Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land (TISS). In this process, the farmers were expelled, and the indigenous people inherited the headquarters of the farms and the plantations, mainly coffee and cattle breeding. Romero (2015) records that with the insertion of the capitalist model, extractive companies began to operate in the Indigenous Lands and the Indigenous Peoples began to sell wood illegally and purchase necessities in urban areas. Another relevant fact that contributed to the deforestation of the TIs is the need for monetary income in the annual financial balance of indigenous families. When monetary income was left over, part was invested in cutting down the forest to increase the areas destined for agriculture and cattle ranching. With the lack of income, the indigenous people established agreements with ranchers for monetary leases of the land or sharecropping, that is, production divided into equal parts. This process resulted in an increase in the volume of deforested areas. From the 2000s, the Paiter Suruí established alliances with environmental organizations,2 non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and technology companies to protect the forest through sustainable technologies and alternatives for income generation. Thus, the Suruí leaders sought the support of a Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) called Associação de Defesa Etnoambiental Kanindé (Kanindé Association for the Ethno Environmental Protection), claiming to be dissatisfied with deforestation and the disintegration of their culture and quality of life. In partnership with this institution, the Paiter Suruí developed the Participatory Agro-environmental Diagnosis and the Ethno-Zoning of the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land,3 where the Paiter Suruí defined how their territory will be managed for the next 50 (fifty) years, and the Suruí Forest Carbon Project (PCFS).4 The PCFS aimed to contain deforestation and its respective greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in an area with an alarming deforestation rate due to the expansion of consolidated rural properties, which demand new forest areas for agricultural activities. Currently, the surrounding region is heavily deforested, and the pressure from loggers and ranchers on the TISS border is increasingly intense (Associação Metareilá do Povo Indígena Suruí, 2011) [Metareilá from Suruí Indigenous People Association, 2011]. 1

Decreto n. 88.867, 17th of October of 1983, available http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/ Atos/decretos/1983/D88867.html#:~:text=Homologa%20a%20demarca%C3%A7%C3%A3o% 20da%20%C3%A1rea,de%20Mato%20Grosso%20e%20Rond%C3%B4nia.&text=O%20PRES IDENTE%20DA%20REP%C3%9ABLICA%20%2C%20no,Art%20. Acesso em: 15/03/2022. 2 Cardozo, Ivaneide Bandeira (Org.). Etnozoneamento Paiterey Garah: terra indígena Sete de Setembro. Organizadora: Ivaneide Bandeira Cardozo. Porto Velho, RO: Kanindé-Associação de Defesa Etnoambiental, 2011. 3 Available at https://www.paiter-surui.com/. 4 LIMA, Danstin Nascimento. Crédito de carbono gerado em terras indígenas: uma análise a luz da sustentabilidade.. Trabalho de Conclusão de Curso (Bacharelado em Ciências Contábeis)–Universidade Federal de Rondônia, Cacoal, 2018. Silva, C.; Rossetto, O. A Utilização Do Sequestro de Carbono Pelos Suruí em Seu Território Ancestral. Congresso Brasileiro da Guerra do Contestado; Colóquio de Geografias Territoriais Paranaenses e Semana de Geografia da UEL, v. 2, p. 166–182, 17 fev. 2021.

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The Suruí Forest Carbon Project (PCFS), an integral part of Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation REDD, Redução Compensado do Desmatamento,5 was the first experience conducted within Indigenous land by the indigenous people themselves. As a result, the REDD mechanism was recognized as the most appropriate to address emissions from deforestation and forest degradation and was renamed REDD+. The plus sign (+) meant that REDD has also included forest conservation, sustainable management of forests, and enhancement of forest carbon stocks. However, the implementation process of the PCFSs has shown the fragilities and potentiality of interfering with the ancient cultural context and social structure of Indigenous Peoples, particularly the Suruí. Considering these setbacks, the experience of the Suruí in implementing the PCFs is illustrated by the selected techniques of this case study and research. Thus, in addition to the introduction, the body of the article is divided into three sections: the first section presents a brief discussion of the main concepts that underpin the case study and the research accomplished; the second section discusses the characteristics of the Paiter Suruí people; the third section discusses the results of the research, and finally, the final considerations.

7.2 Revisiting Concepts: Globalization and Nature, Climate Change, and Carbon Sequestration in Indigenous Territories The process of globalization has highlighted the consensus on the commodification of Nature and its increasingly intensified exploitation. Porto-Gonçalves (2011) states that large investments’ increasing dependence or importance characterizes this new era. Moreover, in the competition for fresh capital, Brazilian States compete to attract financial resources to their jurisdiction. Also, lobbying for political support aligns some powerful states with securing economic stability, which results in practically a dictatorship of capital. On the other hand, Nature is a hostage to the actions of local governments and, transnational companies being subject to high levels of biodiversity degradation. For Porto-Gonçalves (2011), a globalization process brings in its wake the exploitation of Nature, with profits and waste distributed unevenly and, at the same time, the domination of Nature and the anthropocentric era exploiting natural resources and extermination of an ancestral culture. The exploitation of Nature is beyond legal frontiers with the aid of technology that has merged the digital with the physical universes for the benefit of all or the market. Today, the idea of market and freedom is broadly accepted as devoid of regulation 5

Redução Compensada do Desmatamento, foi uma proposta lançada pelo Instituto de Pesquisa Ambiental da Amazônia e parceiros, durante a 9ª Conferência das Partes (COP-9) da Convenção da ONU sobre Mudança Climática (UNFCC).

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and control, and consequently, we face an unprecedented environmental challenge. Moreover, scientific research makes it possible for the issue of climate change to take centre stage in national and international discourses, treaties, and conventions. In 1991, the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC)6 published the first report on the increase in global temperature due to the intensification of the greenhouse effect, with the certainty expressed in the Policymaker Summary of Working Group I (Scientific Assessment of Climate Change) Executive Summary: We are certain that emissions from human activities are substantially increasing the atmospheric concentrations of the greenhouse gases: carbon dioxide, methane, chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) and nitrous oxide. These increases will enhance the greenhouse effect, on average, in an additional warming of the Earth’s surface. In addition, the main greenhouse gas, water vapor, will increase in response to global warming and further enhance it.

This report was a declaration of the international scientific community and is now considered the main reference on global climate change (Yu, 2004). It is known that the main gas causing the greenhouse effect is carbon dioxide (CO2 ), which is stored in four main groups—in the atmosphere, in fossil fuels, in the oceans, and in the terrestrial biomass and soil. Anthropic action on forests and springs has caused the increase of the greenhouse effect due to its carbon emissions into the atmosphere largely by the burning of fossil fuels, burning of forests, cement production, and illegal mining, among other actions. In 1997 the conference held in Kyoto, Japan, resulted in the Kyoto Protocol,7 where a political commitment by States around the world was signed to reduce the emission of greenhouse gases—GHG. According to Yu (2004), the countries with the highest level of industrialization would commit to reducing their annual GHG emissions in the period 2012, so they would have reached an average of 5.2% lower than in 1990, which they did not reach. Unfortunately, this reality is still the same, as seen in the United Nations Climate Change Conference—COP 26, held in 2021. This is the main UN summit to debate climate issues, which revealed the inability of countries and companies to achieve the goals set themselves, being forced to subsidize countries or territories that still need to practise protecting forest areas. Moutinho (n.d.) states that the concept of REDD began to be discussed in the proposal called Compensated Reduction of Deforestation, launched by the Amazon Environmental Research Institute and partners, during the 9th Conference of the 6

IPCC First Assessment Report Overview and Policymaker Summaries with the support of Australia, Canada, Germany, The Netherlands, Spain, United States of America, Austria, France, Japan, Norway and United Kingdom, available at https://www.ipcc.ch/report/climate-change-theipcc-1990-and-1992-assessments/. IPCC (2022): Mudanças Climáticas 2022: Impactos, Adaptação e Vulnerabilidade. Contribuição do Grupo de Trabalho II para o Sexto Relatório de Avaliação do Painel Intergovernamental sobre Mudanças Climáticas [H.-O. Pörtner, DC Roberts, M. Tignor, ES Poloczanska, K. Mintenbeck, A. Alegría, M. Craig, S. Langsdorf, S. Löschke, V. Möller, A. Okem, B. Rama (eds.)]. Cambridge University Press. 7 De Kioto, Protocolo. Protocolo de Kioto. Convención Marco de las Naciones Unidas sobre el Cambio Climático (CMNUCC), 1997.

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Parties (COP-9) of the UN Convention on Climate Change (UNFCC).8 In summary, all nations, especially mid-income and developing countries, must manage to reduce their carbon emissions from deforestation would receive international financial compensation (Schwartzman & Moutinho, 2008). In 2007, at the Bali COP Conference of the Parties, the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD+) Programme was created, which contemplates: (i) reduction of emissions from deforestation; (ii) reduction of emissions from forest degradation; (iii) conservation of forest carbon stocks; (iv) sustainable management of forests; and (v) enhancement of forest carbon stocks (Van Dan, 2020). The Brazilian government has been implementing low GHG emission development mechanisms, including the National Climate Change Policy and the Amazon Fund, which operates by financing actions. However, indigenous populations that preserve the standing forest in their territories were not contemplated. As Van Dan (2020) states, despite its positive aspects, the REDD+ initiative is perverse in that it excludes the indigenous people and populations which conserve standing forests since it is based on the premise that deforestation is minimal or non-existent in these territories. As it correlates, they do not need financial support. This perspective disregards the political, economic, and social processes that can result in environmental degradation since the indigenous population needs to guarantee its means of living, given that in Brazil, indigenous territories generally experience a variety of social, economic, and displacement problems, including marginalization, territorial vulnerability, material poverty, and abandonment by the State. The term territory is linked to a human strategy of belonging to culture and identity, delimitation of Indigenous lands amplifying the activity of efficient monitoring the Brazilian Amazon Legal (BLA) of more than five million square kilometres by supporting relevant institutions and local groups to effectively control this majestic geographic space, advocating for an Indigenous Peoples’ territorial identity. The multiplicity of meanings of the word or locution of what is meant by territory is noticeable in Haesbaert (2011) when, in his studies, he lists three basic strands of the category: the first, referred to as “Juridical-Political” refers to the power that delimits and controls the space, usually attributed to the political power of the State; the second concerns the cultural, symbolic, and subjective strand, where territory has value as the product of symbolic appropriation/valuation of a group over its space; and the third, designated as economic highlights the dimension of economic relations marked by conflicts between social classes. Thus, the territory is understood because of its social relations and cultural identity that should have been organized politically, legally, economically, and culturally from the Indigenous Peoples’ perspective, as enshrined in the Brazilian Carta Magna. These dimensions must be coordinated as part of the social transformation and to acquire better living conditions for Indigenous Peoples. There is a need to harmonize public policies for and with Indigenous Peoples’ needs; our needs are not above theirs. On the contrary, co-existence in the same space for its interdependent local, 8

UNFCCC, available at https://unfccc.int/resource/docs/convkp/conveng.pdf.

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regional, and global human existence. Thus, at the local level, an acquisition of a legal title to the demarcated territory is conferred by active occupation, a sense of territorialization. One of the greatest challenges in the process of the territorialization of the Indigenous Peoples from the Brazilian Legal Amazon (BLA) is the governance of these vast territories, the largest socio-geographic division in one of the countries of the PanAmazônia9 , because of the unpreparedness and absence of support for monitoring at the municipal, local, and federal governments. Therefore, a recurrent absence of the State to mitigate problems of communication, transportation, health and educational services, data surveillance, and control of Brazilian borders since efficient territorial governance is what will finally ensure the conservation and preservation of the forest.

7.3 The Paiter Suruí and the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land The Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land is located in the Madeira River basin, one of the most important biogeographic regions of endemic birds, vertebrates, a diverse and variegated number of native butterflies, and indigenous plants in South America. Added to this is the fact that only 17.1% of the Amazon rainforest’s hydrographic basin is occupied by conservation units and indigenous territories (with 1.2% of the territory overlapping between them), a figure lower than the average for the Amazon region (25%). Its territory is occupied by approximately 1,350 inhabitants distributed in twenty-eight villages that are located along its boundaries. This space was occupied strategically to use the old farm headquarters left by invaders who settled in the area in the 1970s and 1980s and to maintain the security of the Indigenous Peoples (Metareilá Association of the Suruí Indigenous People, 2011). Traditionally, their livelihood has always been based on the use and management of the area’s natural resources by hunting, fishing, and collecting forest produce, which represents a large part of their diet and subsistence and represents their food sovereignty and safety for their families and communities. However, since the mid1980s, the lack of monetary income led the Suruí of the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land to establish agreements with loggers for selective wood extraction inside their territory. As of the 2000s, the Paiter Suruí began to invest, in part, the income obtained from wood extraction in productive activities that result in deforestation. That situation led the Paiter Suruí people to negotiate agreements with ranchers and farmers of the surrounding region, which resulted in raising capital from external investors and attracting human labour from non-Indigenous workers for the implementation of pastures and temporary and perennial agricultural crops in leasing or self-production systems. According to the Metareilá Association of the Suruí Indigenous Peoples (2011), the main driver of deforestation in the TIs is the dependence on monetary inflows into 9

PanAmazônia, available at http://www.dsr.inpe.br/laf/panamazonia/.

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the economy. This element justifies the agreements with loggers, settlers, and small farmers, who promote predatory extractivism that impacts the forest cover of the TI. Besides the active coercion from logging companies that permit illegal timber extraction arrangements to materialize, public agents acting in passive corruption and inaction do not prevent these illicit activities from occurring. These agreements occur through leases or production under the system of sharecropping, where the production is shared equally or in the same parts between the Indigenous Peoples and agribusiness farmers, some of whom arrived there stimulated by official migration policies, thus creating the demand for the opening of forest areas in the Indigenous Land (Arruda et al., 2020). The economic base of the Paiter Suruí is centred on family farming destined for Indigenous communities via agriculture—mainly coffee, banana, cará, potato, rice, beans, and peanuts, but also including non-timber forest products such as Brazil nuts, copaíba, babaçu, seeds, fungi, and medicinal plants. When analysing the composition of family income, Arruda et al. (2020) highlight the importance of financial aid from the federal Government and the National Indian Foundation—FUNAI, which represents an important contribution to the economy, approximately 33% of the monetary income of the entire indigenous population of Brazil. The study salaries and wages in Indigenous Peoples’ labour (teachers, health agents, ANVISA inspectors, and surveillance agents) and retirements, which represent 20% and 13%, respectively, in the income composition for the Paiter Suruí people. Coffee production in the Sete de Setembro land led to successful coffee bean cultivation in an area devastated by illegal logging, even yielding dividends from coffee harvesting (Alves, 2021). In 2017, 80 bags were sold in Europe to Switzerland. The coffee of the highest quality, pesticide-free, is organically harvested and is usually sold in the municipality of Cacoal, in Rondônia, and subsequently manufactured by large-scale coffee equipment provided by FUNAI to the Metareila Association of the Paiter Suruí people. The remaining coffee production is commercialized directly by the indigenous families to the processing companies,10 raising Paiter Suruí peoples’ income for basic necessities such as clothing, tools, and food. In four villages, 20 (twenty families) have participated in the Project for the Cultivation of Coffee Crops11 of the species varietal Brazilian conilon, produced in an area of 50 hectares with genetically improved plants. A pilot project for organic coffee production has also been developed using innovative agroecological techniques. A large joint venture called Café 3 Corações was created in partnership with the National Indian Foundation (FUNAI), the Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation (EMBRAPA), the Sectorial Coffee Chamber, the Rondônia Technical Assistance

10

De Castro Barbosa, Xênia; Chediak, Sheylla; Cardozo, Ivaneide Bandeira. O valor da floresta: trajetória histórica dos Paiter Suruí no uso dos recursos florestais na Terra Indígena Sete de Setembro. Redes (St. Cruz do Sul Online), v. 26, 2021. 11 De Castro Barbosa, Xênia; Chediak, Sheylla; Cardozo, Ivaneide Bandeira. O valor da floresta: trajetória histórica dos Paiter Suruí no uso dos recursos florestais na Terra Indígena Sete de Setembro. Redes (St. Cruz do Sul Online), v. 26, 2021.

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and Rural Extension Company, the Cacoal and Alta Floresta Secretariats of Agriculture, and the Garah Itxá, Coopaiter, Doá Txatô and Coopsur Indian cooperatives, implemented the Tribes project, is based on three pillars: (A) Aboriginal Protagonist or Indigenous Initiative; (B) Forest Protection; and (C) High-Quality Coffee Production. The project aims to value the work of indigenous coffee growers, to have generational sustainability and capacity building to Indigenous Peoples’ communities bringing diversity to the coffee chain as well as promote new experiences with rare coffee beans called 100% Robusta Amazon specialty coffees in order to generate income for 132 families of Paiter Suruí coffee growers living in 28 (twenty-eight) villages in the municipalities of Cacoal and Alta Floresta D’Oeste (RO). The joint venture Café 3 Corações has opportunities to offer training to the workforce and to provide support to an efficient infrastructure for the Paiter Suruí community and commits to being the first buyer of 100% (one hundred per cent) of the production (Alves, 2021). Alongside coffee production, there are other native fruits commercialization in the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land as edible nuts, which are extracted and collected by the Paiter Indigenous Production and Development Cooperative (Coopaiter) of the Paiter Suruí people, an organization created in 2017. Generally, the edible nuts production and hand collection are carried out between the months of November and April by around 200 Paiter Suruí, and its processing is done by 9 (nine) indigenous people in the agro-industry located in the municipality of Cacoal. This extractive activity is of great importance for guaranteeing food and nutritional security and maintaining the indigenous people’s cultural identity, considering that nut gathering has been practised for generations (Faria & Subtil, 2021). In the Nabecob Abalakiba village, there are 18 (eighteen) families of the Paiter Suruí people whose entrepreneurship became successful participation in the PAA— Food Purchase Program of the federal Government, selling products such as bananas, coffee, cassava, and groundnuts, generating a monthly financial contribution for their families. The village also produces other food crops for their own consumption, such as peanuts, almonds, potatoes, oranges, and tangerines. The organization acquired through a cooperative allowed the village to improve the quality of their food crops and sell at competitive prices, as they could integrate the supply chain seamlessly. This avoids intermediaries in the commercialization of their produce, as the intermediaries are used to keep most of the profits from indigenous production (Arruda et al., 2020; Brasil, 2020). About ten indigenous families living in the Apoena Meirelles village, Paiter Suruí ethnic group of the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land in Mato Grosso, produce cocoa beans. The National Indian Foundation stimulated their cultivation (Funai), the Mato Grosso Research, Assistance and Rural Extension Company (Empaer), and the Mato Grosso government’s Secretariat of Family Agriculture, which donated approximately 3 thousand cocoa seedlings ready for small-scale cultivation. The aforementioned public institutions committed themselves to offering counselling and

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guidance to pit-sowing cocoa beans, crop management, and harvesting techniques used by Indigenous farmers involving the governance of the whole process from production to dedicated branding of the produce (Brazil, 2020). For forty years, timber extraction was the only economical source for the Paiter Suruí people for around 40 years. However, the change has allowed them to direct their forces towards the sustainable agriculture of items such as coffee, Brazil nuts, and, especially, bananas produce. Another point refers to the partnership with national and international institutions, which made it possible to modify the economic structure of indigenous lands. This improves production qualitatively with process innovation, use of technologies, and improvement of social and commercial relations with institutions capable of enhancing agricultural and extractive production.

7.4 The Trajectory of the Suruí Forest Carbon Project—PCFS The Suruí Forest Carbon Project was developed from one of the greatest concerns regarding the current environmental crisis: climate change. According to information obtained from media channels accessible to the Suruí and Metareilá, the Paiter Suruí people aimed for the long-term financing mechanism to be one of the pillars for a successful sustainable management plan for the indigenous peoples’ communities— a way to strengthen them and to collaborate with the conservation of the environment, especially where they live, since this area is the target of persistent deforestation. The project was aimed at environmental conservation and cultural strengthening within the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land and intended to finance activities such as land protection, surveillance, and the improvement of local capacity through payment for environmental services, especially the commercialization of carbon credits (Van Dam, 2020). With these new partnerships, a rescue for the ancestral rites and the conservation of the forest cover has been initiated (planting projects included), and thus the Suruí Forest Carbon Project is considered a form of resistance to invaders and aggressions to the forest. The Paiter Suruí people, especially their leaders, began to expose the issues and problems of being federally protected Indigenous Land in both a national and international context, actively participating in COPs and Amazonian Indigenous REDD (RIA), combining their historical claims and the new REDD + mechanism, and prioritizing the conservation of their forests and the security of a monetary income (Van Dam, 2020). The project was committed to bringing multiple social benefits, including the generation of new sources of income based on sustainable alternatives, the creation of direct and indirect jobs, the improvement of health and education, and the rescue and transmission of culture and cosmology. Its elaboration, implementation, and closure occurred in a processual way between the years 2000 and 2018 through

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several events that caused changes in the way of life of the Paiter Suruí people (Table 7.1). Organized by the authors The PCFS emerged as a pioneering initiative led by the Paiter Suruí themselves, gained international recognition, and became part of the Katoomba Group project incubator through Forest Trends, which offered technical support, legal advice, contact with investors, and training in payment for environmental services (Metareilá Association of the Suruí Indigenous People, 2011). In general terms, it was developed under four thematic axes: 1. 2. 3. 4.

enforcement and environment; food security and sustainable production; institutional strengthening; development and implementation of a financial mechanism—the Suruí Fund (Idesam, 2018).

The project sought to ensure the end of deforestation in the Indigenous Land through two existing bottlenecks: the lack of economic alternatives to ensure the wellbeing of indigenous people and the containment of the entry of external actors that developed illegal activities (Metareilá Association of the Suruí Indigenous People, 2011). Initially, discussions and meetings were held among the Paiter Suruí to reach the minimum consensus regarding the possibility of developing and implementing the Suruí Carbon Project. Subsequently, meetings were organized between indigenous leaders, representatives of local associations, and clan leaders with the other institutions participating in the project. In the third and last stage, fieldwork was conducted through visits and community meetings in the Paiter Suruí villages, with multiple studies and anthropological and biological surveys. After this process, and the understanding that forest preservation generated carbon credits and reduced carbon emissions into the atmosphere, the Suruí Fund was created (2010) as the first global experience that contemplated REDD+ operations for indigenous peoples. In the fund’s management, the principles of good governance and transparency were prioritized, and the decision was left to the indigenous representative councils.12 A term of the agreement was signed between the six associations of the Suruí Paiter People, led by the Metareilá Association, which had the support of the clans divided into villages within the Indigenous Land (Metareilá Association of the Suruí Indigenous People, 2011). It is the Suruí Parliament, a democratic deliberative organism, that purposefully devises a plan of work for these financial resources and the destination of the money obtained from the carbon in future activities. The Brazilian Biodiversity Fund (FUNBIO) was responsible for developing and designing the Suruí Fund and helped train the community to implement the mechanism in the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land. However, without direct support 12

Carta de Princípios e Aspirações do Parlamento Paiter Suruí. Disponível em: http://www.paiter. org/news/wp-content/uploads/2011/08/Carta-do-Principio-do-Parlamento-do-Povo-Paiter-Surui. pdf.

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Table 7.1 Suruí Forest Carbon Project—PCFS (2000–2018): process summary Year

Partners/Support of the Paiter Suruí

Action

Properties

2000

Preparation of the Participatory Agro-Environmental Diagnosis and the 50-year Management Plan for the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land

Creation of several programmes focused on territory management and social, economic, and environmental issues; the goal is to increase the indigenous people’s income and education level and preserve the forest and their culture

2007 renewed Google Earth Outreach in 2012 (responsible area of the company for social projects)

Use of android technology operational system (collection form, GPS, and camera)

Valuing the history of the elders and producing videos and photos about the traditions; Identification of illegal deforestation using smartphones and GPS

2008

Community visits due Community awareness to the Free, Prior, and about the importance of Informed Consent the PCSF process of the Suruí Carbon Project

Metareilá Association of the Suruí Indigenous People, Forest Trends Kanindé Association for Ethno-Environmental Defense

(continued)

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Table 7.1 (continued) Year

Partners/Support of the Paiter Suruí

Action

Properties

2009

Metareilá Association of the Suruí Indigenous People, Forest Trends, Kanindé Association for Ethno-Environmental Defense, Amazon Conservation Team —ACT-Brazil, Brazilian Biodiversity Fund—FUNBIO, National Institute for Amazon Research (INPA), AgroParis Tech (France)

Elaboration of the PCFS

Project Duration: 30 years – Expected deforestation (2009–2038): 13,575.3 ha – Expected emissions: 7,782,713.1 tCO2e – Expected deforestation in the Project scenario: 1,357.5 ha – Expected Emissions in the project scenario: 524,360.8 tCO2e – Net Emission Reductions expected with the project: 7,258,352.3 tCO2e – Area of Sete de Setembro IT: 247,845 ha – REDD + Project area: 31,994.2 ha – A model called SimSuruí was developed, which took into account historical deforestation rates and dominant pressures within the TISS, such as illegal logging and unregulated agriculture, as well as geographical features (continued)

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Table 7.1 (continued) Year

Partners/Support of the Paiter Suruí

Action

Properties

2009

Institute for Forest and Agricultural Management and Certification (Imaflora), through a partnership with Rainforest Alliance

The validation process follows the criteria of the Climate, Community, and Biodiversity (CCB) system and the Verified Carbon Standard (VCS)

Offer clients Suruí carbon credits linked to the conservation of their territory and their traditional management practice; Between 2009 and 2011, about 360,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide stopped being thrown into the atmosphere, just in the Paiter Suruí indigenous people’s area (Idesam., 2018)

2010

Brazilian Biodiversity Fund—FUNBIO

The Suruí Fund was The Fund is the financial launched during COP mechanism of the Sete 16 in Cancun, Mexico de Setembro Indigenous Land Management Plan. It is responsible for the management and benefits sharing of the entire Suruí Project. It operates with resources from different sources, and carbon credits comprise a specific portfolio (continued)

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Table 7.1 (continued) Year

Partners/Support of the Paiter Suruí

Action

Properties

2011

Kanindé Association for Ethno-environmental Defense; Metareilá Association of the Suruí Indigenous People; Amazon Conservation Team—ACT-Brazil; USAID—United States Friends of the Earth —Sweden Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation Consórcio Fortis Makorey—Pamaur Association of the Makor Clan of the Paiter/Suruí People Garah Pameh Association of the Paiter Suruí Indigenous People of Mato Grosso Association of the Kabaney Suruí Forest People Yanner Gabgir Forest Institute Gabgir Association of the Suruí Indigenous People FUNAI—National Indian Foundation

Paiterey Garah Ethnozoning: Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land

The following zones have been created: Paiterey Karah Katap—Cultural Zone Palah At Ah—Sacred Zone Gakorap Ah—Hunting Zone Morip Ey Pãyah—Fishing Zone Garah Alawata—Forest Forests Zone Extractivism Garah Iter—Integral Protection Zone Sodoy Karah—Production Zone Garah Pine Wah—Recovery Zone

2013

Contract that the indigenous people signed with Brazil’s largest cosmetics company, Natura, in which Natura bought the first 120,000 tonnes* of carbon credits “sequestered” from the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land, in the period from 2009 to 2012. The company was the first in the world to purchase indigenous carbon credits issued by two international certifiers

The first deal of carbon credit

The commercialization of the credits generated during the first monitoring period made it possible to begin implementing the activities of the PCFS. The Paiter Suruí sold the remaining 251,530 offsets to entities that used them to reduce their own carbon footprints

2018

Closing the PCFS

Sources URL: http://wwww.kaninde.org.br; Cardozo (2011); Metareilá Association of the Suruí Indigenous People (2011); Idesam (2018)

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Fig. 7.2 Image of the deforestation evolution of the Sete de Setembro TI 2007–2019. Source (SEDAM, 2018; INPE, 2019; SIRGAS, 2000). Prepared by the authors (2021)

from other government agencies, the Paiter Suruí had difficulties containing trespassers illegally destroying the forest (Idesam, 2018). Nevertheless, despite the accelerated pace of deforestation, the TI managed to maintain relative control for forest conservation between 2007 and 2019, as shown in Fig. 7.2. Figure 7.2 is an image chart referring to the period when the Suruí Forest Carbon Project was in progress and shows that the project drastically reduced deforestation within the TI between 2009 and 2014, which corresponds to the first five years of operation. The absurdity of increased logging rates in neighbouring territories almost doubled (Idesam, 2018), nonetheless, the Suruí managed to greatly reduce deforestation, even with repeated incursions by illegal logging companies and the reluctance of federal and local authorities to prosecute criminal activities inflicted by trespassers to the ecosystem, the project had a productive and satisfactory start. The first financial contribution from the open sale of carbon credits generated during the 2009–2012 period occurred at the end of 2013 (Metareilá Association of the Suruí Indigenous People, 2011). The payment for environmental services, especially an open sale of carbon credits, represented a new and promising alternative for the Paiter Suruí, ensuring investment in improvements for other activities carried out in the TI. Unfortunately, the carbon credits sale project was paralyzed due to a variegated number of reasons in 2018, namely, a lack of government’s duty of care to quell criminality, the absence of dedicated carbon sequestration legislation, and the inexistence of a sustainability plan. First, the state and federal government institutions

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did not comply with the established agreements, especially monitoring and expulsion of loggers and miners who continued to explore the TI clandestinely or with the support of some indigenous people contrary to the innovations. Second, the Brazilian State did not enact specific legislation that addresses the issue of carbon sequestration or REDD+. One could easily find a description on Brazilian government websites of various projects that openly incentivize partnerships, but no law that directly addresses the maintenance of the forest or its environmental sustainability. As a result, the Suruí are vulnerable to opportunistic ventures in absentia of legal protection and these agreements led by the Metareilá Association13 are weakened although signed within the clans (Idesam, 2018). From 2011 onwards, conflicts and disagreements occurred in the Suruí community with some Suruí leaders aligned with loggers and miners in the region. These Suruí leaders break social rules within their own communities, threatening the stability of the whole Paiter Suruí people, which is extremely prejudicial for their cultural ties. Emboldened by these Suruí leaders, there is effective assistance for external stakeholders to invade Indigenous Peoples’ lands, albeit incurred complaints of such an illegal act. However, the trespassing issue was not resolved by the government, which led to an increase in deforestation due to these illegal activities. In 2011, the environmental agents of the Paiter Suruí, operating on behalf of Indigenous projects, identified new logging roads connecting nearby sawmills. In 2012, the Paiter Suruí Parliament formally appealed to the federal government and the federal indigenous authority (FUNAI) to intervene in this unlawful activity but were not heeded. In February 2015, the Metareilá Association of the Suruí Indigenous Peoples, one of the community organizations representing the Paiter Suruí, documented and denounced again to the authorities several locations in the Indigenous Land where illegal mining, locally known as garimpo, was occurring but were unsuccessful because a small contingent of members of the Paiter Suruí colluded with illegal miners. Their token of exchange was a lump sum from illegal activities to buy cattle and increase pastures within the TI. Some leaders of the Paiter Suruí people held unfavourable opinions on the Paiter Suruí Carbon Project and the Fifty-Year Management Plan implemented in the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land. These Paiter Surui leaders demand the extinction of the carbon credit project and have presented several criticisms of fierce disagreement regarding the management of the project, particularly a loss of autonomy and a division within the people, among other criticisms. At the end of the document, these leaders showed antagonism to the project and demanded that “the Paiter Suruí Carbon Project be extinguished and that the associations may elaborate and execute projects that guarantee a real autonomy for the communities, with sustainable development and income generation without depredation of natural resources” (Melo, 2018). Clearly, the absence of the State in exercising its power to intervene is transparent as a lack of accountability is plainly demonstrated for the rampant criminality against 13

Associação Metareilá do Povo Indígena Suruí (2011). Projeto de Carbono Florestal Suruí. Disponível em: https://s3.amazonaws.com/CCBA/Projects/Suruï_Forest_Carbon_project/PCFS_ PDD_portugues_V1.pdf.

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the Paiter Surui resulted in the outspread of illicit activity in the Indigenous lands allowing loggers, agribusiness representatives, illegal mining, and land grabbers, among other opportunists’ stakeholders. The State, as the main actor responsible for the issue, which had the power and strength to intervene, did not exercise its role. In its absentia, loggers, agribusiness, miners, and land grabbers, among others, who developed actions considered negative externalities now acting illegally and freely, i.e., by damaging the forest, increasing the rates of deforestation and carbon production, they generated a cost for humanity collectively.

7.5 Conclusion The Paiter Suruí are legally recognized as custodians of the demarcated land called Sete de Setembro. They have been seeking to generate income and improve the quality of life through an agreement of leasing Indigenous lands to external stakeholders. The aim is to have an increase in earnings for family units, which also reinforces deforestation, further forest degradation, and depletion of Nature. Partnerships established with environmental activism and non-governmental organizations to implement the Suruí Forest Carbon Project, PCFS 2007–2018 have not been accepted with homogeneity by all Paiter Suruí members allowing ineffective protection of Indigenous lands and their traditional way of life. However, the PCFS project highlights the weaknesses of introducing a new form of organization in the cultural context of Indigenous Peoples, among which stands out the difference of opinion among members in the communities, some aligned with external stakeholders interested in invading Indigenous lands for economic exploitation. The lack of agreement added to the fragility of the government institutions to curb the acts of invasion of Indigenous lands reinforces the perception of planned inaction on monitoring invasions and expulsion of loggers and illegal mining whose actions destroy irreparably the unique environment of the Amazon region. Some Paiter Suruí leaders in disagreement with this project facilitate these actors to carry out illegal actions in the Indigenous lands. The Paiter Suruí sought to implement a moratorium on illegal logging and halt activities that drove deforestation so that carbon offsets could be obtained for the Sete de Setembro clans. This carbon credits initiative lasted eleven years, but despite declining rates of environmental degradation and relative support from nongovernmental and governmental institutions, it is a controversial programme that lacked support from all Paiter Suruí clans. The Paiter Suruí nation stands out from other Brazilian indigenous peoples for its ability to negotiate with various stakeholders in the Brazilian society and for their constant confrontation to protect their land becoming an example for other indigenous and non-indigenous peoples in the struggle for developing mutually beneficial actions to mitigate climate change locally against the global climate crisis. The PCFS was an important initiative for the territorial protection of the Sete de Setembro within the scope of REDD+, as deforestation rates decreased, a steady

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monetary income was generated for Paiter Suruí communities, and capacity building was generated that would possibly contribute to national regulation of REDD+ . However, it is worth noting that the preoccupation with the depletion of the environment is merely deceptive of the real agenda of short-sighted neoliberal administration, at the municipal, local, and federal levels, which intentions remain good on paper, but they do not represent the reality. That perpetuates the fallacy about natural resources protection in the Amazon region, which rationale of biodiversity conservation policies clashes with economic growth initiatives of short-term profitable results and degradation of the Brazilian Amazonia Legal environment. The main concern about the depletion of natural resources is merely illusionary for neoliberal governments and largely remains only on paper, the ongoing fallacy about protecting the resources within the Amazon region leaving the Brazilian biodiversity increasingly under attack in the name of economic growth. Acknowledgements We would like to thank Marcos Paulo Monteiro Penteado, a Political Science university student at the Australian National University, and Rafael Borges de Faria, an independent translator, for their careful volunteer work in translating this article.

References Alves. (2021). FUNAI: Com apoio da Funai, etnia Paiter Suruí inicia colheita de café especial sustentável em Rondônia. Disponível em: http://obind.eco.br/2021/07/15/funai-com-apoio-dafunai-etnia-paiter-Suruí-inicia-colheita-de-cafe-especial-sustentavel-em-rondonia/ Arruda, T. J. M., Souza, S. B., Barbosa, R. A. P., & Filho, F. S. P. (2020). Elementos de Inovação para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável da Cafeicultura Indígena na Amazônia. Gestão & Regionalidade. 36(108) mai-ago/2020 Associação Metareilá do Povo Indígena Suruí. (2011). Projeto de Carbono Florestal Suruí .Disponível em: https://s3.amazonaws.com/CCBA/Projects/Suruí_Forest_Carbon_pro ject/PCFS_PDD_portugues_V1.pdf Becker, B. K. (2001). Revisão das políticas de ocupação da Amazônia: é possível identificar modelos para projetar cenários? Parcerias Estratégicas, 12, 135–158. Brasil. Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil. (1988). Disponível em: http://www.planalto. gov.br/ccivil_03/constituicao/constituicao.htm Brasil. Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística–IBGE. (2010). Brasil Indígena. Disponível em: https://indigenas.ibge.gov.br/ Brasil. Fundação Nacional do Índio. FUNAI. (2020). Aldeia do povo Paiter-Suruí investe em produção de cacau no estado de Mato Grosso. Disponível em: https://www.gov.br/funai/pt-br/ assuntos/noticias/2020/aldeia-do-povo-paiter-Suruí-investe-em-producao-de-cacau-no-estadode-mato-grosso Brasil. Fundação Nacional do Indio. FUNAI. (2021). Com apoio da Funai, etnia Paiter Suruí consolida produção de banana em Rondônia. Disponível em: https://www. gov.br/funai/pt-br/assuntos/noticias/2021/com-apoio-da-funai-etnia-paiter-Suruí-consolidaproducao-de-banana-em-rondonia Cardozo, I. B. (Org.) (2011). Etnozoneamento Paiterey Garah: terra indígena Sete de Setembro. Porto Velho, RO, Kanindé-Associação de Defesa Etnoambiental, Disponível em : http://www. kaninde.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/etnozoneamento_Suruí_1334547167.pdf. Acesso em 12 set 2021.

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Coy, M. (1987). Rondônia: Frente Pioneira e Programa Polonoroeste. o Processo de Diferenciação Sócio-Econômica na periferia e os limites do planejamento público. Tübinger Geographische Studien: Tübingen N., 95, 253–270. Coy, M. (1988). Desenvolvimento regional na periferia amazônica: organização do espaço, conflitos de interesses e programas de planejamento dentro de uma região de fronteira, o caso de Rondônia. Aubertin, Catherine (Org.) Fronteiras. Brasília: UNB, pp. 167–194. Faria, L., & Subtil, M. (2021). Entenda como a cadeia da castanha estimula a economia e ajuda na conservação da Amazônia. Disponível em: http://www.ihu.unisinos.br/78-noticias/605938-ent enda-como-a-cadeia-da-castanha-estimula-a-economia-e-ajuda-na-conservacao-da-amazonia Haesbaert, R. C. (2011). O mito da desterritorialização: Do “fim dos territórios” à multiterritorialidade (p. 2011). Bertrand Brasil. Idesam. (2018). Projeto Carbono Florestal Suruí: Mineração ilegal força suspensão do primeiro projeto de REDD+ indígena do mundo. In: Notícias Instituto de Conservação de Desenvolvimento do Amazonas, Manaus. https://idesam.org/tag/projeto-carbono-florestal-Suruí/ Laurance, W. F., Cochrane, M. A., Bergen, S., Fearnside, P. M., Delamônica, P., Barber, C., D”Angelo, S., & Fernandes, T. (2001). The future of the Brazilian Amazon. Science, 291, 438–439. Malhi, Y., Timmons Roberts, J., Betts, R. A., Killeen, T. J., Li, W., & Nobre, C. A. (2008). Climate change, deforestation and the fate of the amazon. Science, 319, 169–172. Melo, K. C. (2018). “Gente de Verd@ de”: entre coisas de índio e coisas de não índio: novas geografias Paiter Suruí. UFGD, Dourados, 182f.: Tese (Doutorado em Geografia)-Universidade Federal da Grande Dourados. Moutinho, P. (s.d.) Redução de Emissões por Desmatamento e Degradação Florestal (REDD+): Construindo os Alicerces da Economia Verde no Brasil. IPAM-Instituto de Pesquisa Ambiental da Amazônia. Disponível em: http://www.fbds.org.br/IMG/pdf/doc-31.pdf Oviedo, A., Lima,W. P., & Augusto, C. (2019). O Arco do Desmatamento e suas Flechas Instituto Socioambiental–ISA. Disponível em: https://www.socioambiental.org/sites/blog.socioa mbiental.org/files/nsa/arquivos/nova_geografia_do_arco_do_desmatamento_isa.pdf#overlaycontext=pt-br/noticias-socioambientais/discurso-oficial-contra-fiscalizacao-impulsiona-destru icao-da-floresta-amazonica-mostra-isa Porto-Gonçalves, C. W. (2011). A Globalização da Natureza e a Natureza da Globalização. Civilização Brasileira. Romero, Z. M. (2015). O projeto carbono florestal Suruí: Geração de renda e defesa do território. VII Congresso Internacional de História; XXXV Encuentro de GeoHistoria Regional e XX Semana de História. Suruí Carbono http://www.kaninde.org.br/wpcontent/uploads/2015/11/folder_vers_o_final_133 4543440.pdf Saquet, M. A. (2011). Estudos territoriais: Os conceitos de território e territorialidade como orientações para uma pesquisa cientifica. In: Fraga, N. C. (Org.). Territórios e Fronteiras: (re)arranjos e perspectivas. Insular, Florianópolis, pp. 33–50. Van Dam, C. (2020). The economics of climate change mitigation in indigenous territories. Forest Trends|Communities And Territorial Governance Initiative. Disponível em: https://www.foresttrends.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/doc_5759_en.pdf Yu, C. M. (2004). Sequestro Florestal de Carbono no Brasil: dimensões políticas, socioeconômicas e ecológicas. São Paulo. Ed. Annablume, IEB.

Chapter 8

Indigenous Method of Curing Pulmonary Disorders Using Mangrove Fruit by the Lodha Peoples Poulomi Mullick, Sana Ahmed, Prosenjit Pramanick, Sufia Zaman, Shambhu Prasad Chakrabarty, and Abhijit Mitra

Abstract The Lodha people reside in the Indian Sundarban islands. They are mainly engaged in fishing activities. They live very close to the river embankments and their major occupation orients around fishery-related livelihoods like deep sea fishing, fish drying, fish feed preparation, etc. Despite spending maximum hours in saline water and extreme humid environments, they hardly suffer from any kind of pulmonary disorders. This may be attributed to the regular intake of a specific fruit of a mangrove species named Sonneratia apetala. This species prefers freshwater habitats. This fruit is rich in Vitamin C as evidenced from our analysis and may be one of the important reasons to boost up their immune system. However, the present species is under threat due to rise in sea level and subsequent increase of salinity since the last 30 years (1984–2014). This paper is mainly a study on the Lodha tribe who resides in Indian Sundarbans, and their way to cure pulmonary disorder through old traditional methods. In the present study, the Lodha tribe was treated as the experimental population sample (n = 125) compared to the control population sample (n = 325), who were mainly the agriculturists, honey collectors and involved in animal husbandry.

P. Mullick Department of Management, Techno India University, West Bengal, EM4 Salt Lake, Sector V, Kolkata 700091, India S. Ahmed · P. Pramanick · S. Zaman Department of Oceanography, Techno India University, West Bengal, EM4 Salt Lake, Sector V, Kolkata 700091, India S. P. Chakrabarty (B) Department of Law, University of Engineering and Management, Kolkata, University Area, Plot No. III, B/5, Newtown Road, Action Area III, New Town, Kolkata 700160, India e-mail: [email protected] A. Mitra Department of Marine Science, University of Calcutta, 35 B.C. Road, Kolkata, West Bengal 700019, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 A. Penteado et al. (eds.), Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8830-3_8

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8.1 Introduction Lodha1 people2 is one of the most ancient tribes in India, who are largely confined in the state of West Bengal. There are approximately 100 families in Indian Sundarbans.3 The members of the Lodha tribe are mainly hunters by profession and depend on forest resources like wild animal flesh, fish, eggs, wild fruits, and roots for their nutritional requirements. Thus, they pose an adverse impact on local biodiversity, as they kill a lot of animals and birds including rare species. Stigma of criminal tribe has been attached to this Lodha tribe since 1950s due to their illegal entry into the forest and poaching activities. They have less knowledge on agricultural practices, procurement, and processing of food and therefore they are also dependent on aquatic resources like crab collection, deep sea fishing, prawn seed collection, etc. The Lodhas regularly consume the fruits of Sonneratia apetala, which are abundant in the freshwater zone of mangrove forest. They have included this fruit in their daily diet with their major meals. They also consume the fruits in the form of chutney, which is a sour type of juicy curry with a little bit of sugar. “The fruit of this species appears during the monsoon season and is extensively consumed by the island dwellers of Sundarbans.”4 We extracted pulp from the fruit to prepare jelly and analysed it for Vitamin C, Mg, Na, K, Ca, Cu, Co, Mo, and Zn. The object was solely to generate opportunities for alternative livelihood for the indigenous Lodha community. “They may be the ones who are suffering the worst from climate change related impacts on Indian Sundarban ecosystem due to gradual disappearance of the Sonneratia species because of salinity rise.”,5 ,6 ,7 ,8 ,9 ,10 ,11 ,12 ,13 ,14 ,15 ,16 ,17 “We did a comparative analysis between 1

Lodha people are found in West Bengal, India primarily in the Jhargram area and the Indian Sundarbans. 2 Lodha people are considered to be within the Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTG) previously known as Primitive Tribal Groups. 3 https://www.seedin.org/blog/food-habits-of-lodha-tribe-in-sundarban-health-effects-and-biodiv ersity-destruction. 4 Pramanick et al. (2014). 5 Mitra et al., (2010). 6 Banerjee et al. (2010). 7 Mitra (2013). 8 Jana et al. (2014). 9 Mitra et al. (2016). 10 Trivedi et al. (2016). 11 Banerjee et al., (2017). 12 Mitra (2018a). 13 Agarwal and Mitra (2018). 14 Mitra (2018b). 15 Guha and Mitra (2020). 16 Dhar et al. (2021). 17 Mitra et al. (2022).

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our product (jelly) and the jelly prepared from various citrus fruits to evaluate the nutritional status of S. apetala. Vitamin C content of the fruit pulp and jelly of S. apetala were comparatively higher than other fruits especially citrus fruits. The major and trace elements of the jelly were present within the range of accepted level for human consumption.”3 A backup nursery of S. apetala is needed to sustain this mangrove-based alternative livelihood of jelly making from the mangrove fruits for the Sundarban Lodha tribe.

8.2 Sunderbans and Mangrove Fruit Keora Study Site “The Indian Sundarbans (21°13' N to 22°40' N and 88°03' E to 89°07' E) at the apex of Bay of Bengal is a mangrove dominated delta in the lower Gangetic region. This mangrove forest has been declared as the World Heritage Site by IUCN in 1987, Biosphere Reserve under Man and Biosphere programme by UNESCO 1989 and is a proposed RAMSAR site.”18 This region is acutely exposed to changing climatic conditions and impacts, e.g., the sea level rise is continuously rising @ 3.14 mm/yr, which is higher than the mean global sea level rise.6 “The continuous invasion of saline water into the agricultural lands, fisheries etc. has caused severe effects on the livelihood sectors of the local population.”6 Hence, “there is an immediate need to explore opportunities for alternative livelihood for Lodha community members in Sundarbans as a possible adaptation to the climate change challenges. The adaptation would be feasible if the livelihood can be linked with the native mangrove vegetation of the deltaic region.”19 Most of the island dwellers spend lots of time in fishing activities and therefore are more susceptible to cough and cold. The members of the Lodha tribe in Indian Sundarbans spend a maximum time, almost 12 h daily for crab collection, fishing and prawn seed collection. On this background, we interviewed about 450 people (125 Lodha members and 325 non-Lodha members on their major occupations, food habits, and frequency of cough and cold leading to pulmonary disorders. The present initiative was taken by the researchers of Techno India University, West Bengal to achieve the two-fold objective of sustainably using the mangrove fruit (fruit of Sonneratia apetala) for the welfare of the island dwellers by way of boosting their immune system and also provide them alternative livelihood. On the western sector of Sundarbans of the Indian territories, adjacent to Hooghly estuary a large population of S. apetala, can be found, from where the ripe fruits (Fig. 8.1) were collected in September 2021.

18 19

Raha et al. (2012). Mitra (2020) .

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Fig. 8.1 Fruit of Sonneratia apetala

8.3 Preparation of Jelly from S. Apetala Fruit as an alternative livelihood Jelly is an edible viscous product which is prepared by mixing fruit juice and sugar syrup. “In the present study jelly was prepared by the slightly modification of the Madhav and Pushpalatha (2002)’s protocol. Fruit juice was extracted by squeezing the fruits after boiling in water.”20 After that sugar is added to form the jelly by putting it under medium heat until it is gel like.

8.4 Analysis of Biochemical Composition In order to analyse S. apetala fruits the pulp and seed of the fruit were segregated for biochemical analyses. “The pulp and jelly samples were oven dried at 45 °C to constant weight for analysis of major and trace elements.”3 “Inductively Coupled Plasma—Mass Spectrometry (ICP-MS) is now—a—day accepted as a fast, reliable means of multi-elemental analysis for a wide variety of sample types.”3 “A Perkin-Elmer Sciex ELAN 5000 ICP mass spectrometer was used for the elemental analysis. A standard torch for this instrument was used with an outer argon gas flow rate of 15 L/min and an intermediate gas flow of 0.9 L/min.”3 1.0 kW of power was thereafter applied. “The ion settings were standard settings recommended, when a conventional nebulizer/spray is used with a liquid sample uptake rate of 1.0 mL/min.”3 “A Moulinex Super Crousty microwave oven of 2450 MHz frequency 20

Madhav and Pushpalatha (2002).

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Table 8.1 Concentrations of metals found in Standard Reference Material DORM-2 (dogfish muscle) from the National Research Council, Canada (all data as means ± standard errors, in ppm dry wt) Value

Zn

Certified

25.9

SE

2.36

Observeda SE

1.97

Recovery (%) a Each

24.6 89.5

Cu

Pb

Cd

2.28

0.067

0.041

0.16

0.008

0.003

2.25

0.059

0.039

0.15

0.005

0.005

96.9

93.1

92.8

value is the average of 8.5 determinations

magnetron and 1100 W maximum power Polytetrafluoroethylene (PTFE) reactor of 115 ml volume, 1 cm wall thickness with hermetic screw caps, were used for the digestion of the fruit pulp and jelly samples.”3 Thereafter about “20 mg of composite samples of dried fruit pulp and dried jelly were weighed separately and successively treated with 4 ml aqua regia, 1.5 mL HF and 3 ml H2 O2 in a hermetically sealed PIFE reactor, inside a microwave oven, at power levels between 330–550 W, for 12 min to obtain a clear solution.”3 Microwaveassisted digestion, which is pertinent for sample dissolution, is used because it is rapid. “After digestion, 4 ml H2 BO3 was added and kept in a hot water bath for 10 min, diluted with distilled water to make up the volume to 50 ml.”3 “The blank was prepared by taking distilled water, fruit pulp and jelly samples and following all the treatment steps described above where the final volume was made up to 50 ml.”3 “Finally, the samples and process blank solutions were analyzed by ICP-MS, which was done in triplicate, and the results were expressed with standard deviation.”3 The correctness and exactness of the findings were examined by examining standard reference material (SRM, Dorm-2). The findings suggested a satisfactory consensus between the certified values on one hand and the analytical values on the other (Table 8.1). Determination of Ascorbic acid (Vitamin C) in the fresh fruit was made by the Indophenol method according to the outlined procedure of the Food Analysis Laboratory Manual.21

8.5 Results We observed that 11% of the members in the Lodha tribe, 47% of the agriculturists, 56% of the honey collectors, and 72% of the people engaged in animal husbandry suffer from frequent cough and cold leading to pulmonary disorders (Fig. 8.2). The consumption rate of Sonneratia apetala fruit (in raw form or as chutney) was documented from the diet chart of the control (members of the Lodha tribe) 21

Zvaigzne et al. (2009).

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Fig. 8.2 Frequency of cough and cold among the indigenous population of Indian Sundarbans

and experimental (non-Lodha members belonging to other occupations) populations and it was observed that 97% of the Lodha tribe members, 32% of the agriculturists, 31% of the honey collectors, and 23% of the people engaged in animal husbandry consume the fruit in monsoon months (July–October) of the year (Fig. 8.3). Even the Lodhas sundry the fruits and consume them throughout the year as chutney. The significant negative correlation between the pulmonary disorder and magnitude of consumption of the fruits of S. apetala may be attributed to the potential of the fruit to prevent cough and cold, which is an age-old practice in the region. “Table 8.2 lists the results of the vitamin C in the pulp and jelly prepared from the fruit pulp extract. The order is pulp > jelly and major elements of the pulp and jelly followed the order K > Na > Ca > Mg.”3 Documentation of some trace elements like Zn, Cu, Co, and Mo are also done from the pulp and jelly. The order observed in the pulp is Zn > Cu > Co > Mo. There is a complete absence of Co and Mo in the jelly prepared from the fruit pulp. However, the presence of other two trace elements in the order of Zn > Cu is exhibited. While compared with the data obtained with other standard fruits (Table 8.2) in order to evaluate the nutritional status of the mangrove fruit and its product, it was also observed that there is an extremely high level of Vitamin C in the pulp of S. apetala fruit.

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Fig. 8.3 Consumption of S. apetala fruit (in raw form) by the indigenous population of Indian Sundarbans

Table 8.2 Comparison of the major and trace elements and Vitamin C Fruits

Vitamin C (mg/ 100 gm)

Major elements (ppm)

Trace elements (ppm)

Na

K

Mg

Ca

Zn

Cu

Co

Mo

Lemon

43.8

23

1170

65

225

0.4

0.29

0.02

0.01

Lime

20.1

12

676

49

215

0.9

0.36

0.01

0.01

Orange

68.9

2.10

2290

126

518

0.10

0.52

0.02

0.02

Grape fruit

78.9

1.19

3189

178

276

1.5

1.13

0.05

0.01

S. apetala fruit pulp (our study)

419.85

9816.12

16,985.91

1399

2699.20

19.76

12.06

0.21

0.04

S. apetala jelly (our study)

46.88

2899.35

3124.33

1173

70.56

13.22

10.15

0.06

0.03

8.6 Discussion S. apetala is a mangrove commonly found in abundance in the western part of Sundarbans within the Indian jurisdiction. In this part “the salinity is relatively low (average water salinity is ~12 psu) compared to the central sector (average value

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Table 8.3 Importance of Vitamin C and major and trace elements Ingredients

Functions

Vitamin C

Vitamin C has a great role to cure cough and cold and boost immunity

Major elements

Trace elements

Sodium (Na)

Sodium controls the blood pressure and regulates the nerve impulse

Potassium (K)

Potassium regulates the nerve impulse

Magnesium (Mg)

Magnesium stabilizes the nervous system

Calcium (Ca)

Calcium strengthens the bones and teeth

Zinc (Zn)

Zinc acts as coenzymes and accelerates the immunity power

Copper (Cu)

Copper acts as important coenzymes

Cobalt (Co)

Cobalt helps in the synthesis of Vitamin B12

Molybdenum (Mo)

Molybdenum helps in the process of detoxification

is ~ 18 psu).”5 „22 ,23 ,24 ,25 The pulp of this fruit is greenish-yellow and is sour in taste (Fig. 8.1) and is abundantly found during August–September, when there is heavy rainfall coupled with low salinity and relatively low pH of the aquatic phase. S. apetala is preferred by Sundarbans’ deer population. Many island dwellers eat the said fruit after cooking. Consumption of this fruit is an indigenous practice of this region, and Lodha tribe members regularly consume this in raw forms almost all year round. We live in a world where people have become conscious of their health. This includes awareness of their diet and medication. They look forward towards safe, convenient food with optimum nutritional balance, low fat, no sugar, and few calories. At the same time, the demand for a tastier and more economical alternative has been on the rise. Jelly prepared from S. apetala has the potential to meet all these criteria. “Hence, we initiated the study not only from the nutritional point of view of the fruit products but also to provide an alternative livelihood to island dwellers of Indian Sundarbans.”2 “The species S. apetala are abundant in the study area, but the fruits appear only during the monsoon season.” These fruits have a higher Vitamin C content than other citrus fruits (Table 8.2). Vitamin C is an essential antioxidant that helps fight cough and cold. The Vitamin C level was 419.85 mg/100 gm in the pulp, but it reduced to 46.88 mg/100 gm in jelly (88.83% reduction). It may be because of the increase in temperature. Boiling the pulp for jelly formation may cause the reduction of ascorbic acid. Additionally, “the levels of major and trace elements in the fresh fruit pulp and jelly prepared from the pulp extract of S. apetala was done. Table 8.3 indicates the elements and their importance.”3 22

Mitra et al. (2009). Mitra et al. (2011). 24 Banerjee et al. (2012). 25 Sengupta et al. (2013). 23

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“Na occurs naturally in many foods and is also added as salt or other sodiumcontaining substances during fruit product preparation.”3 The jelly thus made from “S. apetala pulp extract contains 2899.35 ppm Na, which is within the standard range of 200 ppm (found in Apricot) to 4800 ppm (found in olive pickles).”26 “The level of K in the jelly is 3124.33 ppm which is more than the level found in fruit juice of sour orange (570 ppm) and strawberry jam where the concentration ranges between 1407.20 ppm and 1988.60 ppm.”,27 ,28 This high value of K is caused by the addition of Potassium meta bisulfite (K2 S2 O5 ) used as a preservative. Adding the preservative is due to the acidic nature of the jelly and its susceptibility to microbial growth. “The Mg concentration in the jelly is 1173 ppm, which is higher than the strawberry jam (164.60–184.80 ppm), and the value of Ca is 70.56 ppm, almost similar to the level found in pineapple juice (60 ppm).”29 Zn, Cu, Co, and Mo are trace elements reported to act as coenzymes. However, “their concentrations above the permissible level in food items may adversely impact human health.”30 The present research reveals that the jelly made from the pulp of S. apetala recorded 13.22 ppm Zn, 10.15 ppm, 0.06 ppm Co, and 0.03 ppm Mo confirming the fruit is devoid of heavy toxic metals.

8.7 Conclusion The core findings generated from the present study are highlighted here. 1. S. apetala fruit consumption is an age-old practice of the indigenous tribal population in Indian Sundarbans. 2. The members of the Lodha tribe consume the fruit of S. apetala all throughout the year in raw form or in the form of chutney. 3. S. apetala contains a considerable concentration of Vitamin C when compared to citrus fruits. The jelly made out of this fruit also showed a high concentration of Vitamin C. 4. Both the fruit and the pulp contain trace elements. 5. The complete absence of Co and MO and a significantly low concentration of Cu increases the viability of the jelly manufactured from the fruit pulp of S. apetala as it significantly minimizes the risk of any toxic effects on humans, strengthening its viability as an alternative livelihood for local indigenous communities. 6. S. apetala is available primarily during the monsoon; thus, the non-availability or shortage of fruit pulp for making jelly at the industrial scale may be challenging. Nevertheless, the potential of converting this small-scale cottage industry can be 26

http://wholefoodcatalog.info/nutrient/sodium/fruits/8. http://wholefoodcatalog.info/nutrient/potassium/fruits/8. 28 Gałkowska et al. (2010). 29 http://wholefoodcatalog.info/nutrient/calcium/fruits/8. 30 Ismail et al. (2011). 27

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achieved with the participation of local people in developing several nurseries of S. apetala. During the nursery raising of S. apetala, protection should be taken to create a congenial habitat. Sundarbans can be the host of these nurseries easily. “As the species thrive luxuriantly with Avicennia spp., therefore it is recommended that the nursery should be created considering the optimum biotic and abiotic parameters required for the growth of both the species.”6 The establishment of cold storage, with institutional support, is also a potential solution to the challenge of shortage of raw materials. However, it comes with an increase in the cost of production. Disclaimer: The authors have used the word “tribe” without any intention to undermine the Lodha peoples or any other communities. On the contrary, the authors have great respect for them and acknowledge the lessons they are capable of teaching to the modern world. The term was used by following the Indian Constitutional terminology.

References Agarwal, S. K., & Mitra, A. (2018). Salinity: A primary growth driver of Mangrove Flora. Current Trends in Forest Research, 2, 1–9. Banerjee, K., Vyas, P., Chowdhury, R., Mallik, A., & Mitra, A. (2010). The affects of salinity on the mangrove growth in the lower Gangetic delta. Journal of Indian Ocean Studies, 18(3), 389–397. Banerjee, K., Roy Chowdhury, M., Sengupta, K., Sett, S., & Mitra, A. (2012). Influence of anthropogenic and natural factors on the mangrove soil of Indian Sundarbans wetland. Archives of Environmental Science, 6, 80–91. Banerjee, K., Gatti, R. C., & Mitra, A. (2017). Climate change-induced salinity variation impacts on a stenoecious mangrove species in the Indian Sundarbans. Ambio (springer), 46, 492–499. Dhar, I.; Sengupta, G.; Biswas, S.; Sinha, M., & Mitra, A. (2021). Salinity: A major environmental factor in sustainability of the Blue Carbon. Journal of Mechanics of Continua and Mathematical Sciences, 16(11), 34–42. https://doi.org/10.26782/jmcms.2021.11.00004 Gałkowska, D., Fortuna, T., & Zagórska, W. P. (2010). Physicochemical quality of selected strawberry jams with fructose. Potravinarstvo, 4(2), 22–24. Guha, T., & Mitra, A. (2020). Salinity—a crucial factor in ecological sustainability for sundarbans mangrove ecosystem. In A. Mitra, M. M. Calma & S. P. Chakrabarty (Eds.), Proceedings of the Natural Resources and Their Ecosystem Services. HSRA Publication, pp. 27–35. ISBN 978-81-947216-7-3. Ismail, F., Anjum, M. R., Mamon, A. N., & Kazi, T. G. (2011). Trace metal contents of vegetables and fruits of Hyderabad retail Market. Pakistan Journal of Nutrition, 10(4), 365–372. Jana, H. K., Mitra, A., Zaman, S., Bose, R., & Raha, A.K. (2014). Will Avicennia alba thrive in climate change induced salinity rise? International Journal of Scientific Research, 3(2), 459–461. (ISSN: 2277-8179). Madhav, A., & Pushpalatha, P. B. (2002). Quality degradation of jellies prepared using pectin extracted from fruit wastes. Journal of Tropical Agriculture, 40, 31–34. Mitra, A., Gangopadhyay, A., Dube, A., Schmidt, A. C. K., & Banerjee, K. (2009). Observed changes in water mass properties in the Indian Sundarbans (Northwestern Bay of Bengal) during 1980–2007. Current Science, 97(10), 1445–1452. Mitra, A., Chowdhury, R., Sengupta, K., & Banerjee, K. (2010). Impact of salinity on mangroves of Indian Sundarbans. Journal of Coastal Environment, 1(1), 71–82.

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Mitra, A., Banerjee, K., & Sinha, S. (2011). Shrimp tissue quality in the lower Gangetic delta at the apex of Bay of Bengal. Toxicological & Environmental Chemistry, 93(3), 565–574. Mitra, A. (2013). Sensitivity of mangrove ecosystem to changing climate. Springer, ISBN-10: 8132215087; ISBN-13: 978-8132215080. ISBN 978-81-322-1509-7 (eBook). Mitra, A., Pramanick, P., Zaman, S., Fazli, P., Pal, N., & Mitra, A. (2016). Response of Sonneratia apetala to salinity in the frame work of Indian Sundarbans. International Journal of Innovative Studies in Aquatic Biology and Fisheries, 2(1), 1–5. Mitra, A. (2018a). Can species serve as proxy to climate change induced salinity alteration? Journal of Marine Biology and Aquascape, 1–3. Mitra, A. (2018b). Salinity: A primary growth driver of mangrove forest. Sustainable Forestry, 1, 1–9. Mitra, A. (2020). Mangrove forests in India: Exploring ecosystem service. Springer, , XV, p. 361. e-Book ISBN 978-3-030-20595-9. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-20595-9 Mitra, A., Zaman, S. and Pramanick, P. (2022). Blue economy in Indian Sundarbans: Exploring livelihood opportunities. Springer Cham, , XIV, p. 403. ISBN: 978-3-031-07908-5 (e-Book). https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-07908-5 Pramanick, P., Zaman, S., Bera, D., Raha, A. K., & Mitra, A. (2014). Mangrove fruit products: A search for alternative livelihood for Island dwellers of Gangetic delta. International Journal for Pharmaceutical Research Scholars, 3(1), 131–137. Raha, A., Das, S., Banerjee, K., & Mitra, A. (2012). Climate change impacts on Indian Sundarbans: a time series analysis (1924–2008). Biodiversity and Conservation. Springer. https://doi.org/10. 1007/s10531-012-0260-z Sengupta, K., Roy Chowdhury, M., Bhattacharyya, S. B., Raha, A., Zaman, S., & Mitra, A. (2013). Spatial variation of stored carbon in Avicennia alba of Indian Sundarbans. Discovery Nature, 3(8), 19–24 (ISSN: 2319-5703). Trivedi, S., Zaman, S., Ray Chaudhuri, T., Pramanick, P., Fazli, P., Amin, G., & Mitra, A. (2016). Inter-annual variation of salinity in Indian Sundarbans. Indian Journal of Geo-Marine Science, 45(3), 410–415. Zvaigzne, G., Karklina, D., Seglina, D., & Krasnova, I. (2009). Antioxidants in various citrus fruit juices. Chemine Technologija, 3(52), 56–61.

Chapter 9

Forests Climate Change and Indigenous Knowledge. Reflecting Indigenous Ontologies in the Economics of Restoration Sean Weaver and Paul Roughan

Abstract This chapter explores the intersection of political, economic, and cultural realities in the forest, climate change, and indigenous knowledge arena in Oceania. Drawing on our experience as practitioners in carbon financed forest conservation and economic development, the chapter sheds light on practical and enduring solutions to deforestation and forest degradation in this region. We explore what potential leverage indigenous peoples possess to increase their share of power in the context of forest conservation for a common climate action purpose. In the process, we examine how indigenous peoples can play a game-changing leadership role in teaching us all how to belong to our only home and embed this belonging into the fine print of financing agreements where power relations are sharply defined. It draws on case studies of carbon financed forest conservation projects on M¯aori land in Aotearoa New Zealand, and on tribal lands in Fiji, Vanuatu, and the Solomon Islands.

9.1 Introduction Indigenous knowledge has a challenging path to traverse in informing the global agenda on the role of forests in climate change mitigation and adaptation. Without this knowledge the forest and climate change agenda is impoverished, not merely because it will lack insights from an indigenous people’s perspective, but also because any solutions developed under this rubric will come with a higher risk of failure. Nowhere is this more relevant than a part of the world where indigenous peoples dominate the S. Weaver (B) Carbon Financing Consultant, Founder and CEO of Ekos Based in Aotearoa New Zealand, Christchurch, New Zealand e-mail: [email protected] P. Roughan Development Financing Consultant Focused On the Solomon Islands, Indigenous Malaitan From the Solomon Islands and Who Is Based in Aotearoa New Zealand, Takaka, New Zealand e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 A. Penteado et al. (eds.), Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8830-3_9

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governance of their nation (the rainforest nations of the South Pacific: Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Fiji), and where indigenous peoples are major landowners of the forests in question (the South Pacific Islands and Aotearoa New Zealand). Deforestation and forest degradation (and emissions from these activities) have been a key feature of the modern economies of these countries, but they are part of a larger story. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change 5th Assessment Report (IPCC, 2014) 20–25% of global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions arise from the land use, land-use change, and forestry (LULUCF) sector—most of which amounts to deforestation and forest degradation. Deforestation has been a long-standing feature of human history and pre-history, from the burning of forests in the paleolithic, through the agricultural revolution, the preindustrial expansion of agriculture, and industrialization following the industrial revolution. In the eighteenth century, forests were the source of fuel for steam energy, which then transitioned to coal, and wood for ship building. Forests were also felled to provide land for industrial agriculture in the North and is colonies during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and continued into the first half of the twentieth century. Then forests were felled in the South during the latter half of the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century (Williams, 2003). And it continues. The loss of the forest biome across nations has come with the benefits of economic development. Forest loss and forest degradation, therefore, has been one of the key approaches to modern industrialism. This presents very strong headwinds for those seeking to protect forests for biodiversity, climate change mitigation, climate change adaptation, and community well-being, particularly in countries struggling to lift socioeconomic development standards. Since the release of the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment in 2005 and subsequent momentum from The Economics of Ecosystems and Biodiversity—TEEB in 2010, and more recently the Dasgupta Review in 2021 (Dasgupta, 2021) the notion of ecosystem services and natural ecosystems being understood as “ecological infrastructure” is gaining ground in policy and investment circles. But the headwinds remain in the form of national-level drivers of ecosystem cancellation and demise— drivers focused on national GDP growth. Local-level headwinds come from forestdwelling local communities in need of economic development and who often have very few choices on how to turn their natural resources into an economic one—other than logging, land clearance, and agriculture to follow. In economic terms, these headwinds are the national-level and local-level conservation opportunity costs of the local communities and their governments, both of which have strategic economic development agendas where, in the absence of significant change, it does not end well for natural forests and the biodiversity they sustain. Consider the indigenous landowners of the East Rennell in the Solomon Islands which was declared a World Heritage Site in 1998 after considerable efforts predominantly by Western conservation NGOs. Rennell Island is the southernmost island of the Solomon Islands, 250 km due south of the capital Honiara. It is the second-largest raised coral atoll in the world with its Lake Tegano recognized as the largest lake in the insular Pacific. The World Heritage Area has three major vegetation types:

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(a) Low mature forest of the karst ridge; (b) A tall forest of the island interior; and (c) Beach flora/mangroves on the Lake Tegano margins. Ten endemic plants have been identified and recorded including the endemic orchid ghasighui (Dendrobium rennellii), which occurs on the small islands of Lake Tegano, as well as two endemic species of pandanus sharing the local name haga (P. lacustris and P. rennellensis). The island has 43 avifauna species, of which, four species and nine subspecies are endemic (Lavery et al., 2021). Then there is West Rennell. West Rennell (the western portion of the same island) was logged and mined and the West Rennellese community there has participated in economic development from the use of their own natural resources. The East Rennell World Heritage Site listing1 was an effort to recognize the unique value of the Rennell ecosystems and to prevent the loss of such ecosystems to the development activities occurring next door in West Rennell. This forest conservation effort provisionally succeeded with World Heritage status but as yet no legal protection. The strategy for World Heritage listing was not accompanied by fair compensation for East Rennell landowners equivalent to that enjoyed by their West Rennell neighbours. The East Rennell landowners were not rewarded for their disproportionate contribution to global biodiversity conservation by being empowered to determine their economic future. Instead, more than two decades of empty promises and vague notions of economic benefits that will somehow naturally flow to them has led the East Rennell landowners to take things into their own hands and open negotiations for logging and mining access. In June 2013 East Rennell was added to the list of World Heritage Sites in Danger,2 and in 2022 the landowners remain divided about the future of their forests. And here lies the crux of the global forestry conservation problem, with this local example (like so many others) existing as a fractal (exact miniature version) of the national and international challenge. The lived experience of forest-dwelling indigenous local communities and their struggle to play a leadership role in their own economic development is the necessary centrepiece of any durable effort to protect and enhance world forests. Ultimately, this process of claiming their economic rights cannot happen in isolation, because such indigenous peoples are being impacted upon by external forces beyond their control. Genuine partnerships for mutual benefit are key requirements, allied with local indigenous peoples and their indigenous knowledge designing and benefiting from economic development, funded and supported by a global community benefiting from the gift of forest protection and enhancement for a common future for all. Moreover, paralleling this conservation movement is the diverse experience of the recognition of indigenous peoples. This has taken various forms in settler societies such as Aotearoa New Zealand, Canada, and the United States of America, as well as via less clearly recognized venues. For instance, the decolonization process over 1 2

East Rennell World Heritage Site https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/854/. https://www.whc.unesco.org.

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the latter part of the twentieth century has given rise to more than fifteen indigenous majority nation-states in the Pacific region in the last half century. The thorough dependence of these states on natural resources extraction has been a holdover of the colonial experience, and this has driven a vicious cycle of social exclusion and cultural degradation to local communities is mediated through increasingly predatory state institutions, representing the dominant power, albeit populated by indigenous elites themselves. This has led to a greater focus on the importance and emerging potential of supporting indigenous-led governance of lands and seas for advancing conservation that is fair and effective in delivering sustainable development (Artelle et al., 2019).

9.2 Materials and Methods The principal materials used in the research for this chapter are the practitioner perspective of the authors on forest conservation policy and financing in the Pacific Islands since 1990, as a forest carbon financing consultant since 2007, as a forest carbon conservation project developer in the voluntary carbon markets since 2008, and as a former academic researcher in this sector. The research also involved a literature review for each section covered.

9.3 Results and Discussion The tension between forest conservation on the one hand and economic development on the other has been a core feature of forest conservation efforts ever since forest conservation became a thing. As far back as the fourth century BC, Indian emperor, Ashoka instituted forest protection laws that conflicted with certain forms of development by putting a stop to them in certain forest locations. (Kumar, 2008) M¯aori have long used r¯ahui (a customary practice of banning activities) as an instrument of protection of natural resources by precluding extractive use from ecosystems for a certain period. In Fiji, tabu (pronounced “taamboo”) has been used by chiefs as a means of controlling the use of certain resources in pre-modern times and is still used today. In each case, a law or custom has been used to impose a barrier to the economic use of nature for conservation purposes. In turn, forestry conservation is an integral cultural practice among indigenous peoples who have learned how to sustain themselves in a particular biome by becoming culturally intimate with that local habitat sufficient to understand what resource management practices can be sustained and what cannot. We face a global challenge with climate change—an existential challenge about our ability to sustain a growing world population of nearly eight billion people (and growing by approximately 80 million annually) (Worldometer, 2022).

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On a finite planet whose resources for human consumption are diminishing, and a changing climate that threatens combined food production systems and entire biomes with drought risk (among other things). According to the IPCC Sixth Assessment Report “…it is unequivocal that human influence has warmed the atmosphere, ocean and land… changes … are irreversible for centuries to millennia… Global warming of 1.5 °C and 2 °C will be exceeded during the twenty-first century unless deep reductions in carbon dioxide (CO2 ) and other greenhouse gases occur in the coming decades” (IPCC, 2021). To avoid what constitutes dangerous climate change the international community has set an agenda to reduce emissions and adapt to a changing climate. Forests play a role in both of these agendas through: (a) reducing GHG emissions from deforestation and forest degradation; (b) active decrease of emissions through reforestation and improved forest management; (c) building and providing means for sustainable climate-resilient landscapes that can enable human communities better cope with extreme weather events. If we cannot finance a dream, dream is all we get to do. As such, financing the aspiration of wide scale forest conservation and reforestation for a global climate action agenda lies at the heart of the forest climate debate. And this is where financing instruments play a central role in the future of world forests. In many financing arrangements, the large print gives, and the fine print takes away. It is this fine print that we focus on in this chapter, to examine what is required to ensure that the inner workings of financing instruments such as (investment agreements) do not erode the sovereignty and well-being of indigenous peoples. In particular, we look at how carefully crafted “fine print” can not only protect indigenous peoples’ rights and well-being but can also strengthen the durability and scalability of the entire forest/ climate action agenda as a result.

9.4 International Policy 9.4.1 Unced A major turning point in global forest policy came with the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro (United Nations Conference on Environment and Development— UNCED) and the conventions and forums arising from it. The Conventions included the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), and the United Nations Convention on Combatting Desertification (UNCCD) (Kuyper et al., 2018). The forest policy forums established in the wake of UNCED included the Intergovernmental Panel on Forests (IPF), the Intergovernmental Forum on Forests (IFF), and the United Nations Forum on Forests (UNFF) (Rametsteiner & Meyer, 2004).

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According to Dresner et al. (2007) these forest policy forums involved duplication, inefficiencies, gaps, and fragmentation, together with the fact that the key global values at stake (biodiversity, climate, trade) already had institutions governing them such as the UNFCCC, the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Leading up to the 1992 UNCED conference some momentum had been built on sustainable forest management, notably with the Second Ministerial Conference on the Protection of Forests in Europe (held in Helsinki in 1990). Here a common definition for sustainable forest management was agreed and contributed to the decisions and agreements of UNCED and its subsequent processes within the IPF, IFF, UNFCCC, and CBD (Rametsteiner & Meyer, 2004). As part of this movement towards international forest management policy the UNFF agreed to reverse worldwide forest loss, enhance forest benefits to society, increase the area of protected forest areas, and sustainable forest management (UNFF, 2006). However, an underlying challenge for these non-binding international forest policy forums was the lack of binding commitments or a robust common financing mechanism to support the forest management outcomes that these agreements aspired to. This financing issue was a core consideration of subsequent policy in the context of the UNFCCC and its instruments—the Kyoto Protocol (adopted in 1997 and entered into force in 2005)3 and the Paris Agreement (adopted in 2015 and entered into force in 2016).4

9.4.2 UNFCCC and Forests The issue of national-level and local-level opportunity costs of forest protection is the elephant in the room of the global forest conservation agenda. It is, therefore, not surprising that several member states of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC5 ) were opposed to forests being included into the Kyoto Protocol framework during negotiations on the Kyoto Protocol rules in the late 1990s. This included the EU, Brazil, the Association of Small Island States, G-77 + China (Abranches, 2014). This opposition to forest protection under the UNFCCC was shared by several international NGOs—including Greenpeace International, FOE International, WWF International, Climate Action Network, and Birdlife International (Fearnside, 2001; Niles, 2002). Other UNFCCC member states supported the inclusion of avoided deforestation in the Kyoto Protocol including the US, Canada, Japan, Australia, Aotearoa New Zealand, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Colombia, and Mexico. This stance is shared by several NGOs from the US and Brazil: Conservation International, Union of Concerned Scientists, Environmental Defence Fund, Natural Resources Defence Council, FOE 3

https://unfccc.int/kyoto_protocol. https://www.un.org/en/climatechange/paris-agreement. 5 https://unfccc.int/. 4

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Brazilian Amazonia, and the Regional Alliance for Conservation Policy in Latin America and the Caribbean (Fearnside, 2001). This contrast of policy positions was due to different agendas that came into alignment. Countries like Brazil wanted to avoid any impediment to its strategic plans to continue forest clearance at scale for agriculture and mining. NGOs like Greenpeace International, and the Climate Action Network wanted the Kyoto Protocol to focus on reducing fossil fuel emissions and perceived a public policy to protect forests as a distraction. As a result, these activist NGOs adopted a destructive policy position aligned with a government that has supported and enabled the wide scale destruction of tropical rainforests of the Amazon Basin. On the other hand, the NGOs that advocated forests to be included in the Kyoto Protocol were focused on forest conservation as their key concern and pointed out that avoiding dangerous climate change necessitates a combination of emission reductions from fossil fuels and forests, as well as emissions removals via reforestation. The forest issue drove much of the controversy during the November 2000 sixth Conference of Parties (COP-6) to the UNFCCC in The Hague—a conference focused on defining rules for the mechanisms within the Kyoto Protocol (Grub & Yamin, 2001). The controversy led to an impasse that could not be resolved until the conference was reconvened six months later in Bonn (July 2001) when a compromise was reached.6 As part of this compromise, forest sinks projects were included in a limited capacity in the Kyoto Protocol and reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation was excluded altogether. By excluding the role of forests in mitigating carbon emissions from the Kyoto Protocol, financing mechanisms to compensate communities and countries for not clearing forests did not emerge. This incentive by noncommittal language towards forests enabled deforestation and degradation of forests, particularly in the South. Disappointment by forest conservationists at the UNFCCC in 2000 came in the wake of disappointment at the Rio Earth Summit which failed to deliver a forest conservation convention in 1992. A positive outcome was that this conference approved another vital multilateral convention to protect fauna and flora, the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) which opened to signatures on 5th of June 1992. The CBD eventually entered into force on 29 December 1993 with currently 192 parties. While long on policy recommendations for the protection of forest ecosystems, the CBD was short on sustainable (self-sustaining) financing mechanisms to deliver it. And sustainable financing is the key, because without a financing mechanism (e.g., impact investment combined with carbon revenue) that can cover nationallevel and local-level opportunity costs of conservation in an enduring manner, the economics will always remain in favour of forest loss. Things started to change at the UNFCCC in December 2005 in Montreal when the governments of Papua New Guinea and Costa Rica put forward a proposal to address this policy and financing gap. 6

https://unfccc.int/resource/docs/cop6secpart/05.pdf.

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The result was agenda item 6: “Reducing emissions from deforestation in developing countries: approaches to stimulate action.” This marked the start of an intergovernmental policy and financing design process that evolved into “reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation” (REDD), and with a later amendment to include the sustainable management of forests and the conservation and enhancement of forest carbon stocks (REDD+). But the UNFCCC REDD + negotiations stalled in the late 2000s, resulting in the development of initiatives outside the UNFCCC process to progress the forest protection financing agenda. This included the World Bank Forest Carbon Partnership Facility, the UN-REDD Programme, international forest declarations, and the voluntary carbon market. Each of these financing instruments have enabled forest conservation to proceed while the UNFCCC developed and refined an intergovernmental financing framework through Internationally Transferrable Mitigation Outcomes (ITMOs) under the provisions of Article 6 of the Paris Agreement.7

9.4.3 Forest Declarations There is no shortage of a global mandate to protect and enhance world forests, and particularly forests in developing countries. Such mandates include recognition of the need to cover national-level and local-level opportunity costs. Article 5.2 of the Paris Agreement (2015)8 includes encouragement of Parties to include results-based payments and positive incentives for carbon and non-carbon benefits associated with forest protection and enhancement. The New York Declaration on Forests (2014)9 and the Glasgow Leaders’ Declaration on Forests and Land Use (2021) both made attempts to commit rainforest nations to reducing deforestation by certain deadlines. The New York Declaration on Forests is aimed at halving the rate of natural forest loss by 202010 (this target was not met) and striving to end natural forest loss by 2030. Importantly, it includes a commitment to ensure that “strong, large-scale economic incentives are in place commensurate with the size of the challenge.” The probability of signatories meeting the 2030 target will be proportionate to the ability to deliver such incentives in practice. The same applies to the Glasgow Leaders’ Declaration on Forests and Land Use. The latter includes a commitment to strengthen shared efforts to facilitate mutually beneficial intergovernmental trade and

7

https://unfccc.int/process/the-paris-agreement/cooperative-implementation. https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/the-paris-agreement/the-paris-agreement. 9 https://unfccc.int/news/new-york-declaration-on-forests. 10 https://www.earthsight.org.uk/news/idm/new-york-declaration-to-halve-forest-loss-impossibleachieve-2020. 8

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development policies that promote sustainable development, and that do not drive deforestation and land degradation.11

9.4.4 Forest Protection Financing Outside the UNFCCC Due to the urgency to progress forest protection in developing countries during the period prior to the establishment of a UNFCCC forest protection financing mechanism and to provide an opportunity for early action three different financing instruments were developed and deployed. These included the World Bank Forest Carbon Partnership Facility, the UN-REDD Programme, and the private sector carbon markets.

9.4.5 World Bank and UN-REDD In 2008 the World Bank12 set up the Forest Carbon Partnership Facility (FCPF) as a global partnership between governments businesses, civil society, and indigenous peoples’ organizations to progress the REDD + agenda outside the UNFCCC process. The FCPF is a funding mechanism to provide national governments with funding support for a) national-level REDD + Readiness involving institutional strengthening and national policy development (funded by the FCPF Readiness Fund), and b) results-based payments for REDD + outcomes (funded by the FCPF Carbon Fund). Rather than being led by the World Bank, the connection to business, civil society, and indigenous peoples was undertaken by participating governments. Consequently, the source of funding was national government donors and ultimately the taxpayers in those countries. To date, the FCPF has 47 country participants from the South, 17 donor nations from the North, and has deployed US$1.3 billion in funding. Some rainforest nations of the western Pacific (Papua New Guinea, Fiji, and Vanuatu) joined the FCPF and have progressed national REDD + programme development.13 Meanwhile the UNDP launched the UN-REDD Programme14 in 2008 to engage the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in supplying capacity building support and technical expertise to enable willing countries to progress national forest carbon management programmes. So far 65 countries 11

https://ukcop26.org/glasgow-leaders-declaration-on-forests-and-land-use/. https://www.forestcarbonpartnership.org. 13 The lead author was a consultant to the governments of Vanuatu and Fiji for the early stages of their respective FCPF engagement. 14 https://www.un-redd.org/. 12

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have recruited into the UN-REDD Programme and like the FCPF the point of engagement with the UN-REDD Programme for participation is national governments. The participating countries from the Pacific Islands are Fiji, the Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, and Samoa.15 Like the FCPF the UN-REDD Programme deploys financial support for readiness activities and results-based payments for REDD + outcomes. This includes the mobilization of US$1 billion in total financing of which US$350 million is resultsbased payments.16 As with the FCPF the source of funding is national governments and their taxpayers.

9.5 Private Sector Carbon Markets Sustainable financing is the ability of an activity to secure sufficient, stable, predictable, and long-term financial resources to cover the full costs of the effective delivery of the activity’s intended outcomes. In other words, a sustainably financed activity is one that is financially self-sufficient and independently generates enough revenue to cover all its costs. Sustainable financing has three core components: 1. Sustainable revenue streams that deliver ongoing cashflows to fund the operational expenditures of the activity or programme. 2. Sustainable financing modalities that deliver capital investment to fund the capital expenditure required to establish the activity. 3. Sustainable business models are plans for specific types of projects or initiatives that combine sustainable revenue streams with sustainable financing modalities to deliver a blue carbon outcome. Market-based mechanisms in conservation financing are typically structured as a form of payment for results or payment for ecosystem services. In forest carbon project settings this can and does include carbon credit projects and programmes. When the scale of the global climate change mitigation and adaptation task is considered, there is simply insufficient finance at the disposal of the global public sector to meet this challenge (alongside all the other demands on tax-payer funds). For example, the OECD prices the climate-compatible delivery of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) at US$6.9 trillion per year to 2030 (OECD, 2018). The World Bank estimates that the necessary global infrastructure investment for climate change solutions will cost US$90 trillion by 2030 (United Nations, n.d.). According to the UNEP Adaptation Gap Report (UNEP, 2016), the global cost of adapting to climate change will cost between US$140 and 300 billion per year by 2030 and rise to US$280–500 billion per year by 2050. The diminishing availability of public funds has seen a growing gap in the finance available versus the 15 16

https://www.un-redd.org/our-work/partners-countries. https://www.un-redd.org/about/programme.

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finance required for conservation efforts (estimated at approximately US$300 billion to US$400 billion every year) (GEF, 2021). It is increasingly recognized that private sector financial actors, collectively holding US$300 trillion in assets, will need to be engaged in conservation financing (Ezzine et al., 2017; Tideline, 2019; RPA, 2017). To gain access to this source of money (more than enough to service global forest conservation needs) those seeking this funding will need to structure their activities as market-based mechanisms. The underlying feature of a market-based mechanism is the monetization of units of some kind in a market to fund ongoing operations, combined with start-up funding sourced from a loan that needs to be repaid. The unit price, therefore, needs to be capable of funding both the ongoing operations and paying back debt. Most forest-dwelling indigenous peoples in developing countries are familiar with market-based mechanisms because even those living in the simplest of economies make a living by growing and trading food and other commodities in local markets. The unit price of crops, for example, needs to cover the cost of growing and transporting them. If producers borrowed money to buy tools or a vehicle, the revenue from sales is used to pay back the loan. Market-based financing for forest conservation, therefore, is merely a variation of an existing economic development theme in these communities. Carbon markets involve the production and sale of carbon credits from projects that deliver carbon benefits to the atmosphere. The demand for carbon credits is driven either by regulatory obligations (the compliance carbon market) or voluntary offsetting by businesses, organizations, and products seeking to go net zero carbon (voluntary offsets market). The voluntary carbon offsets market has steadily increased in value since 2005 with current cumulative value standing at close to $7 billion, with the majority of carbon credits produced in Asia, with Oceania being the lowest producer (Ecosystem Marketplace, 2021). An underlying feature of carbon projects is the quality assurance system behind carbon credit production, safeguarded by carbon standards. The standards relevant to forest protection are the Plan Vivo Standard, the Verified Carbon Standard, and the Social Standard. (Merger et al., 2011). In contrast to the World Bank, Forest Carbon Partnership Facility (FCPF), and the UN-REDD Programme the voluntary carbon standards function purely as a quality assurance platform for results-based payments for carbon benefits to the atmosphere arising from forest management activities (i.e., no direct involvement in REDD + Readiness activities). The other contrasting feature of these standards is that they are not deployed via governments but function directly with landowner communities, project developers, carbon buyers, and investors in the private sector. The ability to use these standards to work directly with forest-owning communities has enabled early action in forest protection to be undertaken while national-level and intergovernmental financing instruments are developed. The voluntary carbon market financing mechanism can also be integrated into national programmes through nesting them within jurisdictional carbon accounting

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frameworks such as the World Bank Forest Carbon Partnership Facility, the UNREDD Programme, and Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs)17 to the UNFCCC Paris Agreement.18 It is useful to note that many rainforest nations have excluded forests from their NDCs. This has received criticism from some climate action groups but can also be understood using a local development lens. If a country includes “forests” in its NDC but lacks capacity to participate in the intergovernmental trading mechanism of the Paris Agreement—Internationally Transferrable Mitigation Outcomes (ITMOs), it will lock its forests into an accounting space that prevents it from accessing intergovernmental carbon financing for forest protection and enhancement (Toman & Kerr, 2017). This is particularly relevant to the Small Island Developing States of the South Pacific (Ourbak & Magnan, 2018). Many of these countries lack the capacity to effectively engage in the carbon trading component of national-level forest carbon programmes either under the World Bank, the UN-REDD, or ITMO frameworks. The lack of capacity is because they do not have a national forest carbon accounting system accurate enough to account for positive or negative changes on the ground. If, however, they are on a path towards such capacity (e.g., by undertaking REDD + Readiness at a national level), the pace of progress may be too slow to win the race against the continuing deforestation and forest degradation activities. This may end up meaning that such countries get ready for forest protection activities (e.g., by 2030) but logging and mining activities continue in the interim leaving few forests left to protect by the readiness date (Katovai et al., 2015). In addition, many carbon market buyers require their carbon credits to not be covered by an NDC (i.e., not situated inside a national carbon accounting space subject to the Paris Agreement). This is because such buyers are seeking carbon credits that have a direct relationship with the atmosphere and are not also contributing to an NDC. Also, until recently international carbon market standards would not issue carbon credits inside carbon accounting spaces covered by an NDC. This has since changed where two types of carbon credit are starting to be issued: one type is independent of NDCs (direct relationship with the atmosphere) and another type is defined as a contribution to an NDC (relationship with the atmosphere mediated by intergovernmental carbon accounting arrangements). But the demand for carbon credits with a direct relationship with the atmosphere is still an important driver for a significant proportion of the voluntary carbon market. Some market gatekeepers, such as the Integrity Council for Voluntary Carbon Markets (IC-VCM) are signalling a disapproval of carbon credits that contribute to NDCs (The Integrity Council for the Voluntary Carbon Market, 2023). This is because such carbon benefits are claimed by the carbon buyer and the country. We do not regard this as a problem, so long as the carbon buyer knows that

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by purchasing such carbon credits they are making a contribution to the NDC, and that their carbon-related claim makes this clear. Leaving forests outside the NDC, therefore, enables such countries to keep the door open to carbon trading and associated foreign exchange through the carbon markets in sub-national and project-based activities where national-level carbon management infrastructure is not required. Such carbon trading can help fund forest conservation in a manner that addresses the national-level and local-level opportunity costs discussed earlier.

9.6 Carbon Trading Challenges While progress was being made on the ground with voluntary carbon projects and national-level initiatives, there was growing international disquiet among indigenous peoples’ advocacy groups about the impacts of REDD + and carbon trading on indigenous communities (Maharjan & Maharjan, 2017). While the point of forest carbon financing is to address the opportunity costs of forest protection by providing tangible economic development incentives for forest conservation and enhancement, some forest carbon financing initiatives amounted to old wine in new bottles in the form of exploitation of indigenous peoples through carbon trading instead of timber trading. This can be particularly relevant to very large-scale ambitious forest conservation initiatives that, by nature of their scale, often preclude effective and equitable partnership arrangements with communities on the ground. This has led to an understandable backlash from indigenous peoples’ groups and their supporters in Western NGOs created another source of conflict in the forest carbon trading arena. Brugnach et al. (2017) argue that collaborative participation and greater power sharing can reduce some of the negative perceptions held by many indigenous communities in relation to forest carbon trading.

9.7 Top-Down Approaches Forest carbon projects have traditionally been implemented as top-down exercises (Maharjan & Maharjan, 2017; Vierros et al., 2017; Overman et al., 2018; Dawson et al., 2021; Wallbott & Florian-Rivero, 2018) planned, led, and implemented by governments, international NGOs, and carbon finance companies, leading to the exclusion or marginalization of local and indigenous communities (Overman et al., 2018). The structure of the World Bank Forest Carbon Partnership Facility is an example whereby the point of engagement between the World Bank and the recipients of REDD + financing support are governments rather than local communities (McDermott et al., 2012).

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There are several problems with government-led approaches, particularly in the Pacific Islands given that governments have very limited capacity to manage the technical elements of forest carbon financing initiatives, the economies of such countries are highly aid-dependent, and the role of government is often ill-defined. This can lead to a focus on national targets that often fail to deliver benefits to indigenous peoples (Vierros et al., 2017) while at the same time exacerbating inequalities for these communities. In a top-down implementation model, local communities are usually positioned as project recipients, rather than project partners or project leaders. This has led to a lack of transparent project-scale governance, threats to land tenure rights, inequitable carbon benefit distribution and financial benefit sharing, and a focus on financial or carbon outcomes while neglecting the needs of local communities. This can also lead to a focus on addressing (by financially compensating) the national-level opportunity costs ahead of local-level opportunity costs. Here, compensatory payments for giving up logging, mining, and land clearance are delivered to governments, with significant risk of such benefits failing to trickle down to the local communities whose forests are the source of government carbon revenue (Maharajan & Maharajan, 2017). This can also lead to inequitable benefit sharing with local communities even when financial benefits do trickle down. One of the complications in forest carbon accounting when managed at a national level is the variation in forest carbon stocks across the country. Some forest areas have never been logged in the past and so currently contain very high biodiversity value, very high commercial timber volumes, and very high carbon stocks per hectare—conservation and carbon hotspots. Differentiating such areas in national emissions baseline calculations is difficult because it requires much higher resolution remote sensing, forest inventory, and mapping (at a much higher cost) compared with approaches that calculate a national emissions baseline based on aggregated data from across the country. Accordingly, a national emissions baseline will allocate higher than average baseline emissions profiles for some areas and lower than average baseline emissions profiles for others. In turn, compensatory payments to local communities for giving up logging opportunities in national REDD + initiatives are based on carbon credit volumes allocated to those communities in a national programme. The carbon credit volume is calculated as the difference between the baseline emissions (the national baseline) and the project emissions. In a forest conservation carbon project (e.g., avoided logging), the project emissions are usually zero (i.e., no emissions from logging because there is no logging in the project scenario). If the national average baseline emissions are 10 tCO2 per hectare per year, then this is what will be allocated to these landowners. If you are an owner of a conservation and carbon hotspot, the volume of carbon in your forest will be much higher than the national average which means that baseline emissions from logging your forests will be much higher than the national baseline (e.g., 20 tCO2 per hectare per year). But under a national baseline approach in a national forest carbon programme (which addresses national-level opportunity costs), you are allocated the national baseline as your baseline emissions. In this

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situation, compensatory payments for giving up logging opportunities (the local-level opportunity cost of conservation) are based on a carbon credit volume allocation that is much lower than these communities deserve (i.e., because their baseline emissions would be much higher than the national average). Moreover, such communities still have intact native rainforests because they have foregone economic development benefits of past logging. Such communities end up not gaining economic benefits of development in the past because they have not previously logged their forests. Then, under the carbon trading solution, these same people are financially penalized in a national forest carbon programme for being guardians of unlogged forests. For national forest carbon programmes to be equitable, such people need to be compensated for the commercial value of their forest timber assets as part of a local-level opportunity cost compensation exercise. The commercial value of rainforest timber in a country like Vanuatu, the Solomon Islands, or Fiji will typically amount to the timber royalties the landowners would receive if the forest was logged. This royalty rate differs for different forest types and for different countries and will be driven by the volume of merchantable timber in the forest. A forest carbon project needs to determine this commercial value as part of project development on a case-by-case basis. This commercial value (i.e., the opportunity cost) can then be used to transparently determine the break-even unit price for carbon credits so that the sale of carbon credits will adequately compensate the indigenous landowners for giving up logging rights in exchange for carbon credit sales revenues. Similarly, conservation initiatives led by external agencies (including foreign and domestic NGOs) are more likely to lack genuine local buy-in, resulting in local resistance (Dawson et al., 2021). A good example from the Pacific Islands is the East Rennell World Heritage Site mentioned earlier—an initiative driven by Western NGOs using a bio-centric conservation lens when a culturally centric lens was needed (Coombe, 2012), and ideally complemented by a community economic development lens. Programmes imposed on local or indigenous communities by large external organizations can achieve results on short time scales, as they are typically well financed, administered, and enforced (Dawson et al., 2021). While they may be effective in the short term, externally imposed practices often result in large financial risks, power imbalances, social conflict, and negative trade-offs for indigenous communities. An examination of 34 externally controlled conservation cases reporting positive conservation outcomes (Dawson et al., 2021) found that 18 of these projects resulted in net social costs for indigenous communities, and 16 delivering positive social outcomes. This included four cases that resulted in the resettlement of communities. Fujisaki et al. (2016) conducted an examination of a range of REDD + initiatives in the Asia Pacific region implemented in Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao, Papua New Guinea, and Vietnam, to determine if participatory mechanisms resulted in greater project success. The aim of the study was to identify who the decision-makers were, and what level of power they had. All five countries in the study set up national-level committees to oversee REDD + projects.

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This national-level administration was found to contribute to a lack of local stakeholder participation. The authors suggest that in these projects, stakeholder participation was defined as the provision of technical knowledge to non-state actors. This resulted in opportunities for participation being allocated according to the capacity of local stakeholders to meet technical objectives, often at the exclusion of local communities and local knowledge (Fujisaki et al., 2016).

9.8 Local Governance Issues Local governance structures have a large effect on project outcomes. Robust governance structures ensure that benefits are delivered to the appropriate recipients (Rodriguez-Ward et al., 2018). Political and legal structures, however, often fail to recognize and account for the strengths or weaknesses of local institutions (Dawson et al., 2021). The effects of governance were illustrated in the adoption of REDD + projects in the region of Madre de Dios, Peru across five sites. Rodriguez-Ward et al. (2018) found that ambition and leadership at the national level did not translate to effective practices on a local and regional scale. The projects never achieved real participation or engagement with local communities contributing to deforestation. These included miners, farmers, and indigenous federations. A lack of effective regional regulation or sufficient alternative livelihood opportunities meant that illegal mining continued, and other illegal land uses simply relocated to other areas in the form of project leakage (Rodriguez-Ward et al., 2018). Failure to form links between local actors, NGOs, local and regional government lead to mistrust, tension, and suspicions of unequal influence on decision-making by those perceived as privileged groups. The failure to address local governance issues and local concerns affected the success of the project. A review of ongoing REDD + activities in the Asia Pacific region (Maraseni et al., 2020) including South Asia, South East Asia, and three Pacific nations (PNG, Fiji, and Vanuatu) indicated that these regions can benefit from REDD + but are also facing governance challenges. In a series of stakeholder workshops and surveys, local communities stated that they were concerned they did not have appropriate representation in the projects and that the projects were threatening their economic opportunities. There was a low level of trust between state and non-state actors. Genuine participation of all stakeholder groups is not always realized in any of the projects. The authors conclude that the ineffectiveness of the REDD + projects in the study was directly related to complexities in ensuring the rights of real forest stewards in resource use and management.

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9.9 Land: Rights vs Relationship Carbon forestry projects often encounter issues with land tenure rights. This includes concerns about resource access and displacement from indigenous communities. In many cases, these concerns are compounded by overlapping traditional informal tenure systems and modern legal tenure systems. A review of forest carbon projects in Nepal identified major concerns of the indigenous communities living in the project, including evictions from ancestral lands, exclusion from the forests, restricted access to resources, the form and distribution of benefits, and a lack of safeguards or meaningful participation (Maharjan & Maharjan, 2017, Coombe et al., 2012). Alangui et al. (2018) conducted a series of focus groups with indigenous landowners in Fiji to examine the interaction between the traditional customary land tenure system and land tenure requirements of a government-led REDD + pilot project. According to Alangui et al. (op cit) incongruences between traditional land tenure and the requirements of the REDD + project led to confusion over project boundaries and local indigenous community concern over a loss of autonomy including the inability to clear land for farming. Alangui et al. (2018) recommend that legal frameworks around land tenure should be reviewed so indigenous values are formally acknowledged and aspects of the traditional tenure system need to be accounted for and formalized law. However, Alangui et al. (2018) also indicated that the process of formalizing the traditional tenure system can cause problems. The establishment of the iTaukei Land Trust Board (TLTB) in 194019 to administer all iTaukei lands for the benefit of the iTaukei. The establishment of TLTB has effectively removed the iTaukei control of their own land, and this has been one of the causes of land disputes (Rokolekutu, 2017). A survey of households involved I REDD + in Zambia also identified issues with tenure rights and confusion over dual tenure systems (Stickler et al., 2017). Forests in Zambia are administered under two tenure categories: state (public) and customary. State lands are administered by the government; customary land is governed by chiefs and their representatives. Customary lands are governed at the local community level. These systems rely heavily on informal undocumented systems (such as tribal and community meetings) for allocation and dispute resolution. Boundaries between the two tenure categories are often unclear to local resource users. Stickler et al. (2017) argue that clear ownership rights and tenure security are essential pre-conditions for successful REDD + projects. Secure forest tenure is associated with localized control and customary governance and more secure forest tenure is associated with better reported forest condition. This indicates the importance of understanding existing customary governance structures when designing and implementing REDD + projects.

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9.10 Financial and Carbon Focus Carbon forestry projects that emphasize the sequestration of carbon or financial aspects of the project over local community outcomes are usually unsuccessful (Vierros et al., 2017). Mitigation targets are agreed at international and national levels and often fail to take account of locally specific conditions. This has resulted in projects seen as economically limiting at the local level, impacting the resilience and livelihood of vulnerable communities (Brugnach et al., 2017). Even if projects offer sufficient financial outcomes for local communities this alone is not enough to guarantee successful outcomes. An examination of 31 market-oriented conservation interventions comprising payment for ecosystem service projects, REDD + programmes, alternative livelihood programmes, and certification schemes indicates that financial benefit alone is not an adequate outcome to persuade indigenous communities to buy into conservation carbon forestry projects (Dawson et al., 2021). Conservation efforts that have focused on carbon sequestration or financial outcomes alone and have not accounted for social and cultural factors usually encounter a large degree of community resistance, resulting in the failure of projects to meet targets (Vierros et al., 2017). In cases where projects have succeeded without community support, they have not been sustainable in the long term once project funding runs out (Vierros et al., 2017). Vierros et al. (2017) and Dawson et al. (2021) found that approaches that integrate traditional ecological knowledge in project implementation are more likely to gain the backing of indigenous peoples and local communities resulting in projects that are sustainable in the long term. Projects that account for local interests and rights to access resources have been shown to have the best chances of success.

9.11 Bottom-Up Approaches A more effective implementation model for forest carbon projects emphasizes a decentralized approach. This method utilizes local knowledge, viewing indigenous people as active and effective participants who can offer important insight into projects while advocating for their rights in the process (Maharjan & Maharjan, 2017). Decentralized approaches showed generally more favourable outcomes in terms of carbon sequestration, community well-being, and empowerment. The Suruí Forest Carbon Project in Amazonian Brazil was one of the first decentralized REDD + projects to be implemented with indigenous peoples (Vitel et al., 2013). The project emphasized empowerment of local communities in the planning process, fund management, and baseline measurements. The project goals were aligned with the community’s management plan. Decisions were made democratically rather than being imposed by outside organizations (West, 2016). A series of group interviews with community members (West, 2016) indicated

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widespread (95%) support for and engagement with the project. Participants agreed that the REDD + strategy would provide financial income for the community while preserving its forest and culture. Projections indicate that the project will save 13,575 ha from deforestation between 2009 and 2038. The positive performance of the project also resulted from the fact that funds generated from the project are being used to transition away from deforestation while not requiring massive cultural changes for the purpose of sequestering carbon (West, 2015). Entrenching local institutions in forestry projects is more likely to result in positive outcomes for the local communities and the project goals. A literature review of 169 publications addressing conservation project effectiveness by Dawson et al. (2021) found that half of locally controlled cases (55.9%) reported both positive social and ecological outcomes. The same study also found that negative outcomes for well-being and conservation are more commonly associated with top-down governance. Externally designed, controlled, or implemented projects were more likely to result in negative effects for both well-being and conservation (Dawson et al., 2021). Overman et al. (2018) assessed an opt-in REDD + project in Guyana to determine the carbon sequestration and financial outcomes across 15 participating communities. The opt-in method was developed in consultation with indigenous leaders with participation decisions left to individual villages. The key participation criteria included participation that was voluntary, reversible without a deadline or consequences for other development programmes and required Free Prior Informed Consent (FPIC). According to the United Nations, FPIC is a principle protected by international human rights that asserts that all people have the right to self-determination. It is backed by the United Nations Declaration of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), a key instrument in recognizing the plight of Indigenous Peoples and the need to defend their rights (United Nations, 2016). Villagers were allowed to continue traditional activities, such as swidden farming after electing to participate in the project. A review study (Dawson et al., 2021) concluded that conservation aspirations at scale under prevailing (typically externally led) conditions of project governance threaten to increase harm to indigenous peoples and will likely fail to effectively conserve flora and fauna as a result. Greater control of project governance among indigenous people, supporting local stewardship is a necessary condition for widespread conservation success. For market-oriented conservation approaches, a key success indicator was a community-based approach where benefits delivered to local communities included but were not restricted to material benefits derived from payments. Moreover, they found that market-oriented approaches that neglected to tailor project design to local livelihoods often generate adverse effects for considerable proportions of participating communities (Dawson et al., 2021).

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9.12 A First Nations Approach At the heart of the forest conservation challenge in geographies where indigenous peoples and local communities dwell and generate their livelihoods from within the contested space, the underlying issue is a power dynamic and the ability of such peoples to exercise self-determination. This also extends to those representing a selfdetermination agenda in national-level politics in such countries. We illustrate this self-determination impulse through a brief examination of the first nations of the Solomon Islands. This section frames a “first nations” view of the archipelagos that comprise modern day Solomon Islands. The central contention here is simple but important—that there were functioning multi-language societies or “first nations” in existence across multiple islands far before European contact. We deliberately borrow the term “first nations” from its established location in the Global North where it serves as a label for those indigenous peoples now subsumed into so-called settler societies such as Australia, Canada, and the Pacific Island nations. One would expect this term to be superfluous in those nations such as Papua New Guinea (PNG), Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and Fiji—nations where the indigenous peoples form an absolute majority at all levels of society and membership in political bodies. However, our use of the term in this context is precisely to draw a contrast with this presumption. The argument here is that the participation of indigenous peoples in power structures and paradigms built around new, colonially derived ontologies of nation-state draw them into an ontological denial of that which predated the modern colonial and post-colonial nation-state and all its extractive and concentrative efforts. It also serves as a reminder that self-determination struggles continue even in such countries, particularly due to the way that contemporary nation-state political infrastructure is geared towards alienation of local land and resources in favour of a relationship between the nation-state and export markets. History shows that the scores of languages and hundreds of dialects that exist to this day, did not constitute atomized separate and isolated societies, but instead made up several functional nations that traded, intermarried, and participated in ritualized warfare—each nation occupying overlapping parts of the contemporary PNGSolomon Islands-Vanuatu archipelagos and each incorporating multiple language and cultural groups (Younger, 2014). This is an important departure point for considerations of contemporary indigeneity in the Solomon Islands. Here, we recast the massive diversity of language groups that predated European contact, not as a loose collection of fragmented and disunited mono-lingual groups, separated by difference and unable to operate cohesively at larger collectives than the individual language group: but as an island-scape of interrelated societies, each society itself made up of multiple language groups and with highly organized networks of affinity, ritual, exchange, and warfare (Younger, 2014).

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Even within the modern Solomon Islands, these multi-lingual and multicultural societies persist. English is the official language of the Solomon Islands but there are 70 local languages. Most locals speak Pijin or Pidgin English as their common language.20 This is a crucial distinction because it then reframes the colonized view that European control was a paternalistic organizing and unifying influence on previously warring and fragmented language-culture groups. If instead, there were existing supra-local political and social interaction and cooperation, then the imposition of supra-local European administration was not an originating act of nation-making, but rather a profoundly disruptive and subversive intervention into the existing affairs of multicultural societies and nations. It also extends the idea of social organization above and beyond the monocultural notion of “one language, one culture, one people” (Sharma, 2022) and suddenly creates a basis to realize that cooperation and political action other than intergroup warfare, was not only in existence, but was and remains a norm. This norm forms the indigenous political context within which nation-state-led log export development was fashioned and is the same context within which contemporary forest conservation actions need to be situated if they hope to be enduring. In other words, the terra nullius framing (Reynolds, 2007) which enabled colonial theft of customary land had a political analogue—we call it “nullius imperium,” which presumed and presumes an absence of supra-local and supra-cultural political organization or government. While terra nullius has rightly been recognized as a foundational piece of structural violence used to dispossess indigenous peoples of their territory around the world, nullius imperium remains a pernicious unstated reality underpinning notions of indigenous nation-state, particularly in places that appear to have escaped the more overt oppression of settler societies. This presumption of national blankness, represented by the concepts of res nullius (things without owners) and terra nullius, (land without owners) (Benton & Straumann, 2010) was a crucial first step to legitimizing the behaviour of colonialist powers garnering dominion over things and land. The philosophy and law that arose was that un-owned things could be acquired by anybody. For colonial powers, the effective seizure of an un-owned thing was considered sufficient for establishing ownership, occupatio being an instant conveyor of ownership. Ownership (dominium) was delineated by factual possession (possessio) (Benton & Straumann, 2010). Rather than being merely a reflection of the ignorance of colonists of indigenous culture, terra nullius was a remarkably convenient fictional blank slate upon which to build a colonial nation, and this fiction has lived on in the post-colonial nation-state architecture as a common feature of nations with a similar history in the Pacific Islands, Aotearoa New Zealand, Australia, and elsewhere (Fitzmaurice, 2007). In fact, the various forms of imported and imposed political organization were disruptive not only “within existing cultures” but also “within existing multicultural societies” and disruptive of nations. This relocates the notion of indigenous from

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something strictly “within” any given culture of language group, into the multicultural, multi-language space otherwise reserved for the “national,” where “national” is taken to mean that which has been born of colonial processes and the modern post-colonial nation-state. And finally, this lens helps to recast contemporary political space in terms of first nations which predate the European colonial project and reclaims the space “between and above” individual cultures, which hitherto the colonial model would claim a monopoly over. What does all this mean for the notion of indigenous guardianship and stewardship over resources? For one, it immediately problematizes the existence of the modern nation-state, and all law emanating from it. Starting from a first nations perspective, the post-colonial nation-state in Melanesia can now be recognized, not as a uniquely unifying influence across contemporary archipelagos of Melanesia, but as a competing alternative which is deeply disruptive of other, older, and more deeply rooted (and legitimate) political contexts for interaction and the integration of dozens of cultures, tens of languages, and hundreds of dialects (Keesing, 1994). Much is made of Pacific countries being instances of indigenous sovereignty, but with this new appreciation of the disruptive effect of colonial administration on preexisting multi-local polities, we can see that the modern nation-state of Solomon Islands, populated though it may be, by persons indigenous to the archipelago, is nonetheless a competing and alien formulation imported and imposed, and ultimately disruptive of indigenous political forms, societies, and pre-existing nations. Similar critiques of other Pacific nations have emerged in the post-colonial literature. Contemporary politics in Fiji, for example, wrestles with the same dynamic, which frames any approach to resource management that involves the intersection of the contemporary nation state with its indigenous peoples (Ghosh, 2004). An Investment Lens As practitioners in forest carbon financing and economic development programmes and ventures, we have witnessed the flaws and the opportunities provided by an investment lens when viewing a prospective venture to bring about change for good. There is a great deal that investors are ambivalent about. One of these is cultural justice, defined by Niezen (2009) as indigenous expression. From our practice in the field, we have experienced no barriers to building cultural justice and the ability for indigenous groups to self-determine their own futures into an investment proposition. In fact, at times quite the opposite is true—where indigenous decision-making and other forms of social and cultural liberation can be integrated into positive change agendas in a manner that deeply enhances the value of an investment. One of the key reasons for this lies in the relationship between the ability of indigenous groups to participate in projects to determine their own outcomes and investment risk, and another is the search for authenticity among those investors seeking to deliver genuine impact.

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Of course, this ambivalence also leaves the door wide open to exploitation, which occurs on a regular basis in various forms of investment, particularly when financial returns can be higher when costs are externalized as much as possible onto society and nature. But this is not a fault only in the case of finance, but rather it is the responsibility of venture designers who want to harness money for particular goals.

9.13 Co-designing Forest Carbon Investment The practical insight here is that exploitation is not a necessary condition for the supply of private sector financial resources, which consistently presents the opportunity to design financing ventures in a manner that enhances cultural self-determination. One example is the Te Koawa Forest Carbon Project on M¯aori land in Aotearoa New Zealand co-designed by the M¯aori landowners, a cash investor, and an intermediary (the lead author of this chapter). If the investment designer is an external actor excluded from intimacy with local cultural and political nuances, it risks failing to integrate local power structures, and in turn risks project failure because of a lack of local ownership and buy-in, resulting in disputes and conflicts that cause delays and dysfunction. If the investment designer is a local actor untrained in finance and commerce, it risks failing to integrate local realities with financing modalities and commercial arrangements sufficient to unlock the flow of beneficial capital and cashflows. Clearly, this is where a genuinely creative co-design approach presents an opportunity to integrate: (a) Representation of local culture and power; and (b) Technical and commercial realities of forest carbon projects and programmes. Such a combination increases the probability of avoiding the unnecessary risks and succeeding in delivering a genuinely sustainable and authentic outcome for communities. The invitation to contemporary forest conservation actors is to create this authenticity anew. Such co-design involves a partnership and an exchange of value between two compatible agendas: a global climate action agenda, and a local self-determination agenda—a kind of partnership mandated by UN Sustainable Development Goal 17: Partnerships for the Goals.21 These partnerships have the opportunity to incorporate the lessons-learned described in previous sections. This includes: • The ambitious delivery of real and measurable ecosystem service outcomes at scale; • The provision of multiple benefits to local and global communities in a manner that addresses national-level and local-level conservation opportunity costs; 21

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• The use of sustainable financing frameworks that incorporate: – Bottom-up opt-in approaches to community-based recruitment; – Governance structures capable of delivering local self-determination, transparent mandates, and Free Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC); – Investment ventures and their governance structures co-designed by local indigenous communities and external financial and technical partners; and – A capital structure and investment terms arising from this co-design partnership that empowers indigenous as the central stakeholders of core business.

9.14 Impact Investment The co-design of ventures by local cultural and external technical and finance actors not only serves to lower the risks of an investment, but such co-design also encompasses the delivery of non-financial beneficial impacts. Examples include increased access to health and education services and greater opportunities for women to participate in local businesses. Such non-financial beneficial impacts are of particular interest to impact investors whose supply of cash capital is contingent upon the delivery of both financial and non-financial benefits. Impact investment has emerged against the backdrop of escalating social and environmental challenges, including climate change, biodiversity loss, and social inequality (Social Impact Investment Taskforce, 2014). A growing subsector of the investment community acknowledges that the investment sector has played a central role in the creation and perpetuation of these problems. Climate change, for example, has been enabled by ongoing private investment into carbon intensive industries despite the sector knowing about the impacts of fossil fuel emissions for decades (Karl & Trenberth, 2003). Impact investment represents an effort to generate positive social and environmental impact as an integral component of an investment agenda. It typically has a combination of intentionality (intention to cause positive non-financial impacts), return (expectation to generate a financial return—at a minimum recover investor funds), and impact measurement (a commitment by the investee to work with the investor to measure and report the non-financial impacts delivered). Impact investors fall into two broad categories: 1. Finance-first investors who are not willing to make any financial sacrifice to achieve their non-financial impact goals. 2. Impact-first investors who are willing to make some financial sacrifice by taking greater risks or accepting lower returns to achieve their non-financial impact goals (Etzel et al., 2021). The latter is especially important to initiatives focused on delivering environmental and social impact, and that require a lower cost of capital to sustainably fund such ventures. This necessitates the inclusion of activities that will deliver such nonfinancial impacts as well as impact measurement in sustainable business models.

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An example is the development of a carbon project involving the preservation of a native forest, where revenue from the sale of carbon credits is reinvested locally in establishment of solar energy for community health clinics or the establishment of local agroforestry businesses.

9.15 Land Capital Investors Cash capital investors and their project development agents often regard themselves as the dominant and determining force in a community venture receiving this investment. This has led to the dominance of financing stakeholders in land management commercial ventures, which in turn, is typically constrained by the projected financial performance of the activity, combined with the obligation to deliver necessary returns to investors. Absent from most land management investments, however, are investment agreements that adequately reflect the fact that the landowner and local community is also an investor because they provide the enabling land and social capital. When this landowner is an indigenous person or indigenous or tribal community, and when the venture is not possible without the provision of this land capital, then clearly, the indigenous landowning stakeholder has more potential power to negotiate than is often reflected in investment terms for resource management ventures such as logging, mining, or forest carbon projects on such land. One of the reasons for this stems from the artificially high status of the cash capital provider in an investment negotiation, principally because it is often structured as a buyer’s market when it comes to the supply of money to poor rural and remote communities. The leverage that these local communities possess, though, is changing under a climate emergency setting combined with the demand for nature-based and culturally authentic solutions among impact investors and a growing portion of carbon buyers. M¯aori landowning groups in Aotearoa New Zealand, for example, are increasingly asserting a strong position in investment negotiations for forestry investments in the New Zealand Emissions Trading Scheme.22 This leverage can be amplified in commercial safeguards embedded in investment agreements that enhance the cultural co-benefit value of such investments as delivering genuine impact. Brazil—A Case Study When the government of Brazil stated that they were not prepared to sacrifice their economic sovereignty for global commons management (viz. the protection of the forests of the Amazon basin), many perceived this as a mean government holding nature to ransom. However, this government was simply expressing its leverage as a landowner and forest capital provider in the global climate change arena (Hochstetler & Viola, 2012).

22

The lead author has witnessed this on several occasions.

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This has since led to negotiations between the Brazilian and American governments to explore how a bilateral agreement could resolve this impasse (Infoamazonia, 2021). This is an example of the Global South standing up to the North and negotiating trade terms from a position of strength instead of the usual weakness. The age-old colonial position of the Global South having to make a living by selling low valued commodities to the North and then buying high valued manufactured products from the North (leading to a trade imbalance and the perpetuation of the cycle of poverty in the South) can be disrupted in the context of a global climate change and forests agenda. Aotearoa/New Zealand An example of local (non-indigenous) peoples applying leverage in a forest conservation financing setting is the settlement of a long-standing dispute between predominantly urban environmentalists and local communities on the West Coast of Aotearoa New Zealand’s South Island (Te Wai Pounamu) in the late 1990s. At stake were 130,000 hectares of lowland indigenous forest on one side of the negotiations, and rural and remote economic well-being on the other side. The rest (non-local) of the country gave primacy to the value of intact indigenous forests as a national conservation priority, whereas the local community gave primacy to the value of jobs and other economic benefits from logging. This established two contrasting positions ripe for deal-making23 whereby the local community now had leverage that was much greater than previous negotiations with the national government for economic development support (Weaver, 1999). The majority of the local population was willing to support forest conservation in exchange for an economic development assistance package of equivalent financial value of the lost logging opportunity (addressing the local-level opportunity cost of conservation). This resulted in the government agreeing to an economic development assistance package amounting to US$81 million24 (equivalent to US$136 million in today’s dollars) spread among a local population of 35,000 people. This kind of deal did not happen for M¯aori owners of much smaller scale lowland indigenous forests in the southwest of the South Island who, at the same time, were also seeking compensatory payments for potentially giving up logging rights. From a leverage perspective, the key difference was that the M¯aori owners had much less leverage due to their forests not being seen by the conservation community as having national or international significance and because they were much smaller (a total of 11,000 ha of forest were at stake). However, that was before climate change became a mainstream concern in the Aotearoa New Zealand political landscape, and where increasingly, public opinion favours nature-based climate change solutions with multiple co-benefits. Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands

23 24

Weaver (co-author of this chapter) developed the proposal and helped to broker this agreement. https://www.beehive.govt.nz/release/west-coast-signing.

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Countries like Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands also have large areas of land owned by indigenous peoples that are potentially available for forest conservation for climate change mitigation and biodiversity in the global interest. For example, Papua New Guinea has approximately 35.9 million hectares of forest (FAO, 2020), much of which is under threat from logging, mining, and land clearance for oil palm plantations and other crop land (Government of PNG, 2017). Between 2001 and 2015, 2.4 million hectares were degraded (mostly from commercial logging) and 262 thousand hectares deforested, causing average annual GHG emissions of 30 million tCO2 e (FAO, 2020). The Solomon Islands has approximately 2.2 million hectares of natural forest (80% of the national land area), 40% of which had been heavily logged by 2014 (Solomon Islands Government, 2014), and much more since that date. The nation makes its living on the international stage primarily as an exporter of logs from natural forests. In 2020, 63% of its total exports comprised of rough wood (OEC, 2021). As this resource diminishes the government recognizes the risk of losing access to foreign exchange sufficient to fund the country’s economy. But what remains of the intact forests and the opportunity to reforest those that have been decimated presents a significant opportunity to negotiate for economic development support and the development of new domestic economies to steer the country in a sustainable development direction. After all, a national realignment towards forest conservation cannot happen unless the local-level and national-level conservation opportunity costs are addressed. Impact investment in a forest carbon economy can potentially address the local-level opportunity costs, but more will be needed to address national-level opportunity costs where the development agenda is focused more broadly. But the possession of leverage by indigenous interests prevails, whether at the domestic or intergovernmental level. This can perhaps be illustrated with a case study from an investment negotiation between a M¯aori landowning group and a USbased impact investor seeking to fund indigenous reforestation in Aotearoa New Zealand in the form of a forest carbon project. This negotiation was brokered by one of the co-authors in 2022 (Weaver) whose company functioned as the project developer for this project. The land capital and cash capital investor parties will remain anonymous to safeguard commercial sensitivities. But examining the structural details of this negotiation helps to place a magnifying glass on the point where the rubber meets the road in efforts to engage private sector cash capital for a locally led impact investment venture. The impact element includes indigenous forests owned by indigenous peoples, where the indigenous land capital providers also provide cultural capital (cultural assets tangible or intangible) (Throsby, 1999) to service the impact investor’s appetite to support culturally beneficial impacts. Impact investors need to be careful what they wish for. Because if they seek the accolade of supporting genuine community-based empowerment of indigenous peoples when crowing about their work, they need to demonstrate this not just in the dedicated marketing materials, but also in the terms of an investment deal that is

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genuinely mana-enhancing (enhancing the pride, power and esteem of the indigenous people According to Te Aka (M¯aori Dictionary), a person’s or tribe’s “mana” can increase from successful ventures or decrease through the lack of success (Tek Aka, 2022). The modus operandi of a negotiation on impact investment terms begins with the project developer asking the cash capital provider their cost of capital in the form of the interest rate for a debt-financing arrangement. Once this interest rate is agreed upon by key stakeholders, the project was designed to enable the implementation of the project to align with the financial inputs in a manner that maximized the ecosystem services benefits within a budget impacted upon by the interest rate required. This project lasted several months to be designed including verbal exchange between the parties so that the impact investor’s expectations clarified a secured investment in the form of an equity arrangement (i.e., the investor co-owning a business established for the project owned by the landowner). An equity arrangement brought a new set of problems concerning ownership as common stock may have options for third parties to purchase it, and the control and management could become diluted. The M¯aori landowner was not open to an equity arrangement because this would compromise their power of self-determination. The impact investor then asserted the need to increase the interest rate charged on the debt arrangement to cover the risk of an unsecured loan and accommodate the capital cost (i.e., the investor was borrowing cash for the investment under an equity arrangement with their financial backers). The agreement terms also imposed a range of additional fees that were not transparent at the outset to the M¯aori landowners from the outset. This increase in the cost of capital for the project had a significant impact on the project design, which was redesigned to reduce costs and thereby deliver a lower volume of ecosystem services25 and place the entire project in a position of significantly escalated financial risk that the investor wanted to allocate to the landowner (i.e., create an external cost borne by the landowner). Ultimately, the impact investor ended up behaving more like a commercial investor and did not display a genuine interest in agreeing terms according to the interests of M¯aori stakeholders (i.e., the fine print in an investment agreement) that would enable the delivery of high ecosystem service benefits and high cultural self-determination benefits (ability of M¯aori stakeholders to determine their culture). This contrasted with the early-stage negotiations when the terms of the agreement utilized language focused on buzzwords like “supporting indigenous peoples, biodiversity conservation, climate change resilience” which had the effect of building the confidence of the landowner and the project developer.26 The landowner and project developer ended up demonstrating a willingness to walk away from the investment 25

According to the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (2005), an ecosystem service is a dynamic complex of plan, animal, and microorganism communities and the nonliving environment interacting as a functional unit. (https://www.milleniumassessement.org). 26 These negotiations are commercially sensitive and cannot be published. The lead author brokered this agreement and participated in the negotiations on behalf of and with the landowners.

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agreement due to the unfavourable terms. This encompassed the use of cultural leverage by reminding the cash capital investor that they are not the only ones taking on financial risk in the proposed venture. Without the provision of the land and indigenous cultural resources, the impact component of the impact investment would have no foundation. The lesson learned here is the importance of identifying precisely how indigenous peoples’ interests are safeguarded in the detailed investment agreement terms of any financing arrangement prior to entering investment negotiations, and also highlights the need to hear the voices of indigenous landowners in such agreements.

9.16 The Role of Government From our experience in the field, the conservation and development sector has been dominated by a narrative that assumes that governments and donors must play a central role in financing, policy, and/or governance. But it is usually not illegal to look after the place and so there is often no need to seek the permission of governments to advance a community-led sustainable development agenda, particularly when this does not require state resources. Moreover, the nullis imperium (Benton & Straumann, 2010) phenomenon has meant that government administrations, even when these governments are controlled and operated by indigenous peoples, have been designed in a manner that is typically out of synch with local indigenous cultural and power dynamics. This incongruence between local indigeneity and state indigeneity has been a source of political tension in the Pacific Island region since the independence of Pacific Island countries and continues to form the basis of political divides, that at times lead to significant domestic conflict. The 2021 riots in Honiara are an example of this incongruence playing out against a backdrop of state-supported logging and mining of local lands, and changing international state alliances (namely, the Solomon Islands government deciding to expand its alliance with China) (Sora, 2022). The main point here is that there is no necessity for state control over local resource management even when the state is operated by indigenous peoples. In turn, locally controlled project-scale governance of forest conservation ventures has the option to over-comply with any legal requirements (e.g., for local enterprise development), by designing and employing governance arrangements that function as safeguards for localized cultural and political norms. Such safeguards also function in the dual role of de-risking an investment and delivering on non-financial impact goals to help unlock impact investment at scale (Williams, 2013). Among the most valuable roles that the government can play in market-based financing of indigenous forest conservation on indigenous people’s lands is to provide enabling policy settings, seed funding for commercial ventures that can use such funding as catalytic capital to leverage private capital, and underwriting investments when public policy outcomes are delivered by privately funded projects.

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In the example of investment negotiations between M¯aori landowners and US impact investors above, the entire negotiation with the cash investor would have been made far easier if the government played a role of providing the security for the investment. Here, if the investment performs below the break-even threshold for the investor to gain even a modest financial return (e.g., get their money back at an interest rate comparable with the interest rate they could gain from a bank deposit), then the government funds the difference. Such investment underwriting27 can enable forest conservation projects to gain access to cash capital at a much lower cost. In turn, this lower cost of cash capital can enable a project to have more budgetary resources to deliver higher ecosystem service and cultural impacts (Guo et al., 2010). At the same time the cash investor can invest with greater confidence and as a result increase the scale of funds delivered (increasing the scale of forest conservation that can be delivered). If a Pacific Island government does not have the spare funds to allocate to investment underwriting, it could seek such cash from donors and bilateral partners as part of its foreign affairs agenda.

9.17 Risk and Safeguards Any commercial interaction with indigenous peoples and local communities can be exploitative. This condition is not reserved for forest carbon projects and ventures. The criticism by some indigenous rights advocacy groups that carbon trading is another wave of exploitation and resource expropriation is doing the equivalent of asserting that all coffee supply chains exploit local communities and lands (Boyd, 2009). Like coffee trading, carbon trading exists along a spectrum of culture-enhancing fair trade28 at one end through to exploitation and cultural erosion at the other. The differences are the quality controls and quality assurance systems that function as safeguards for indigenous groups and local communities. As with organic fair trade coffee, there is the equivalent of organic fair trade carbon. The challenge for indigenous peoples’ rights is to ensure that a fair trade-styled approach is used. This can include a range of supply chain safeguards that empower local indigenous peoples as core business. At the heart of a fair trade with indigenous peoples is the chain of trust in which the massive disparities in power between actors at different parts of the value chain are recognized at the outset and are acknowledged as the fundamental challenge for enabling co-creation and the realization of change “at scale.”

27

This refers to the process of a third party taking the risk of an investment: https://www.investope dia.com/terms/u/underwriting.asp. 28 Fair Trade refers to standards covering aspects of production and trading: https://www.fairtrade. net/standard/fairtrade-standards.

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Given this forthright realization, it is possible to conceptualize principles such as transparency and trust along a topology of relationships forming a chain in which adjacent actors possess high degrees of visibility, transparency, and depth of relations with each other, and transmit this integrity along with other adjacencies so as to ensure consistent overlap not only of interests, but of worldviews. In this way, indigenous peoples living “in place” are able to engage with local leadership and organizations which aggregate, and are aggregated by other neighbouring peoples, and these local aggregating organizations then relate to financial organizers in country for whom a greater degree of familiarity with the investment domain attaches. In any commercial supply chain, there are very few limits on the number of benefits and co-benefits capable of being delivered, provided that such beneficial impact can be financed through the business model. The latter ultimately depends on the way the supply chain has been designed by the parties in the venture, the purpose of the venture (e.g., profit centric or impact centric), combined with a unit price that can fund activities that deliver the targeted outcomes. At the core of this design exercise is the power dynamic between local and external parties. When the design power is held by external parties who dictate terms, the probability of the erosion of local indigenous concerns escalates. Culturally sensitive fair trade principles mitigate against such power imbalances and enable a co-design approach that provides for local indigenous priorities. By “co-design” we mean design that benefits from expertise from across the value chain. This includes: (a) women’s groups in forest-dwelling village communities who are empowered to assert key design requirements that centre their needs; (b) technical project developers who maximize the production of high-quality tradeable assets (carbon credits); (c) brokers and sales intermediaries who market the tradeable assets in a manner that commands price premiums; (d) project governance arrangements that ensure that carbon revenues are equitably shared across the value chain and place indigenous peoples as senior partners in value distribution; and (e) local community development coordination to ensure that carbon revenues to the local communities are reinvested to maximize the short-, medium-, and long-term self-sufficiency of local economies. The proof of concept in forest carbon trading is emerging through fair trade-styled projects proliferating under the certification of carbon standards that place strong emphasis on such community safeguards. These fair trade-styled carbon standards include the Plan Vivo standard29 and the Climate Community and Biodiversity Standard.30 Forest carbon projects in the Pacific region certified in this manner include the Drawa Forest Carbon Project (Fiji), the Babatana Forest Carbon Project (Solomon 29 30

https://www.planvivo.org. https://www.climate-standards.org.

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Islands), the Rarakau Forest Carbon Project (Aotearoa New Zealand) (Weaver, 2016), and the Loru Forest Carbon Project (Vanuatu) (winner of the UN Equator Prize in 2019).31 Plan Vivo certified projects in many regions have delivered similar outstanding community outcomes through forest carbon trading. This is because the Plan Vivo Standard is based on fair trade principles and, unlike most other carbon standards, provides safeguard requirements on equitable benefit sharing and community empowerment as a core feature (Plan Vivo, 2022). These safeguards are highlighted in two Plan Vivo certified case studies below. Case Study: Rarakau Forest Carbon Project, Aotearoa New Zealand This project in Aotearoa New Zealand was initiated as a partnership between a project developer and the M¯aori landowners to enable the latter to gain economic development redress from past injustices in a manner that did not require logging the forest and enabled these landowners to make a living from forest conservation. The landowners were logging the 800 hectares of natural forest to generate revenue for their economic development. The project developer approached the landowners and invited them to consider a forest carbon project that would enable them to log their forests financially but not physically. The landowners agreed and the project was developed between 2008 and 2013. This partnership was conceived as a mana-enhancing32 undertaking in sustainable resource management. Landowning kau matua (elder) Ken McAnergney33 provided a context for certification to the Plan Vivo standard in the Project Description (Weaver et al., 2012) as follows: ‘The Land’ as we descendants call it, is situated in Te Waewae Bay on the coast between the Wairarakau (Rowallan Burn) and the Waikouau Rivers and accessed by road from Tuatapere.

31

E te Ao,

to the world,

E te maramatanga,

to the light,

Me te aroha,

and to love

Mo enei taonga,

for the blessings,

E mihi nei

I thank you all

The technical and financing elements of project development for the Drawa, Loru, and Babatana projects was led by Ekos—a forest carbon project development company owned by the lead author. The same co-author was the lead project developer for the Rarakau Forest Carbon Project. The Equator Prize of the United Nations Development Programme is awarded every two years to recognize outstanding community efforts to reduce poverty through the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity. 32 “Mana” is a M¯ aori word for “prestige,” “authority,” “power,” “status,” and “spiritual power”. 33 Ken McAnergney is an Aotearoa New Zealand M¯ aori of Waitaha descent and landowner of the Rarakau Forest Carbon Project in Southland, Aotearoa New Zealand.

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These simple words of greeting and of karakia [prayer/chant] were one of the word forms that my ancestors used to greet the day, the life forms, and the various resources that they went to harvest each day for their survival. To understand the forest and its resources and the sustainable management of that resource our ancestors first developed and then recorded orally and taught an understanding of:

• • • • • •

The land (clay, humus, rock, gravel, etc.). The watershed (mountains, hills, valleys, ridges, slopes, etc.). The waterways (springs, streams, swamps, rivers, lakes, etc.). The flora. The fauna. And importantly, the controlled impact of people on all of the above. This was the old way. This was before First Contact. This was before the arrival of the sealers, the whalers, the missionaries, and the European settlers who brought with them their new ways of dealing with the land, the water, the forest, and its inhabitants who needed these resources for their survival. Our ancestors in the South, in Murihiku, adapted very quickly to the new ways. They actively sought by trade and exchange the clothes, the blankets, the metal tools, and the ways of the newcomers. The old ways were discarded, disrespected, and even legislated against as the new people sought to clear the land of its forest or unsuitable vegetation and its inhabitants. My own ancestors the Baird family along with many others agreed to contracts offered by the sawmillers and “The Land” was cleared of its high value forest trees. That was the way in those days. The millers came, they felled what they wanted and they left. Papatuanuku the Earth Mother was unclothed, but she demonstrated her remarkable healing powers and as time passed neglect allowed her to re-clothe herself again in what is now called regenerating bush. And, lo and behold this regenerating bush, growing, increasing in volume every day is no longer a nuisance, it is a treasure, a taonga for us the descendants and the nation. It is now making a growing contribution to the health and wellbeing of our world through the immeasurable ecosystem services it provides as it grows and develops. In the words of my ancestors: Ka mate papa uma, nga horo ai ki te whenua, ko tona taikaka, taikaha, hei oranga ano, mo tona whanau, mo tona hapu. Ka ora Papatuanuku. And the trunk crumbles its essence to the Earth, its bark and flesh, as sustenance for its family seeds, and its kind. And our earth mother lives on. I, with the help and commitment of Sean and his team, have sought to find and wish to continue to find and assess yet more ways to fulfil in some small way the role of kaitiakitanga [guardianship] of “The Land.” The goal of the management and shareholders of Rarakau is to develop a sustainable revenue stream from our indigenous forest resource without destroying it as our ancestors did in the past. We want to use these revenues to enhance the quality and diversity of the forest by ongoing pest management, so that we and our as yet unborn mokopuna [descendants] can forever enjoy the sounds of the Tui, the Kaka, the Kiwi and maybe even the Kakapo. A further goal is to demonstrate by example, responsible sustainable management of The Land passed down to us by our ancestors.

At the core of this project’s purpose is the restoration of economic development opportunities to the Rarakau landowners who were denied these opportunities due to illegal colonial land alienation in the nineteenth century. This was followed by the Aotearoa New Zealand Government granting compensation lands to these landowners in 1906 but the compensation lands had little to no economic value

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(natural forests located in remote areas) compared to the productive farmlands that were illegally alienated. This forest carbon project provides the Rarakau landowners with the opportunity to generate carbon revenues to be disbursed according to a locally determined benefitsharing arrangement in two ways: 1. Reinvestment in local community enterprise in the form of farming on adjacent lands owned by these landowners. This is designed to boost the economic sustainability and profitability of their community farming operation and thereby deliver community economic development benefits indirectly. 2. Conservation management of the forests (predominantly pest and weed control). In addition, the communal governance arrangements already established by the Rarakau landowners enabled the forest carbon project to attract additional grant funding to support the farming operation through a fencing grant. This helped to keep stock out of the forest and benefited the farming operation due to enhanced stock management outcomes that the fencing enabled. The project was developed as a partnership between the indigenous landowners and the project developer and involved a process of co-design and ongoing collaboration. This includes transparent financial arrangements designed to empower the landowners in this commercial context. The underlying motivation for the project developer was/is to deliver enduring forest conservation that addresses the original drivers of forest loss. Case Study: Drawa Forest Carbon Project, Fiji The Drawa Forest Carbon Project is located in eastern Vanua Levu, Fiji. The project is owned by eight Mataqali (clans) and protects 4,120 hectares of rainforest. The landowners had originally sought to pursue sustainable forest management of their forest lands through low intensity selective logging. While this forest management option was technically feasible, it proved to not be commercially feasible and as such the landowners needed to consider two options to use their own resources to finance their economic development and well-being: 1. Conventional (high intensity) logging. 2. Forest carbon project. They elected option 2 and engaged a local NGO34 as a project coordinator and two external project development entities35 to undertake project development. Because the landowners chose to not resume conventional logging and instead place the forest into long-term protection, they have avoided 22,764 tCO2e of annual emissions to the atmosphere (Weaver, 2015). The project has succeeded in providing a carbon revenue stream since it became commercially operational in 2018 (Nakau Programme, 2019). This revenue stream 34

Live and Learn Fiji. The Nakau Programme led the social dimensions of project development and Ekos led the technical and financing elements. Ekos is owned by one of the authors (Weaver).

35

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does not flow simply as an annual deposit to the community, but instead is carefully managed by the landowners according to a benefit-sharing plan developed by the landowners themselves and facilitated by the project coordinator. The benefit-sharing plan was developed only after a community governance strengthening and local business management capacity building exercise was completed (also facilitated by the project coordinator). Strengthening local social infrastructure enabled the landowners to effectively manage their community carbon business. This local capacity building also enabled the landowners to develop a spinoff community enterprise in the form of rainforest honey production (led by the women of the community). The forest carbon project resulted in a shift from a culture of dependency to a culture of entrepreneurship whereby village council meetings include a common understanding of budgeting, expenditure, revenue, profits, and savings that can be applied across the village economy. This enhancement of financial literacy has helped to strengthen the community’s capacity for self-determination (Nakau Programme, 2019). The project is the recipient of the SPREP-SPC award for Excellence in Implementing Island Ecosystem Management Principles (2015) and received the 2020 International Energy Globe Award for Fiji (Energy Globe, 2020).

9.18 Impact Investment Safeguards A key feature of land-based investment negotiations is the common assumption that the provider of cash capital (typically the only party called an “investor”), is not the only investor. The provider of land capital (i.e., the landowner) is also an investor, because without the land investment the forest carbon conservation venture could not happen. Furthermore, from a business perspective, the landowner is also taking on significant financial risk in a forest carbon project venture by giving up on certain land-use rights (e.g., logging, farming) in exchange for the opportunity to trade carbon credits from their land (i.e., so they can make a living from forest conservation). The formal recognition of this opportunity cost combined with the provision of land capital in investment terms and agreements is the foundation for a power dynamic that can empower indigenous landowners in such negotiations. When landowners and their project development advocates lack sufficient experience to negotiate such terms, the risk of unfavourable terms for landowners escalates. The point is, unfavourable investment and other commercial terms for indigenous peoples’ and local communities are not a defining feature of forest carbon projects. They are simply the result of a lack of sufficient care in the provision of investment safeguards capable of protecting the needs and interests of the land capital providers who happen to be indigenous peoples. And just as forest carbon standards have developed to safeguard the environmental integrity of forest carbon accounting, standards can also provide an opportunity to safeguard the commercial integrity of the same projects. The forest carbon standards that go some way to providing such financial

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integrity safeguards include the Plan Vivo Standard (Plan Vivo, 2022) and Climate Community and Biodiversity (CCB) Standard (Verra, 2022). But there is still room for additional investment and other commercial safeguards. For example, the Global Investment Performance Standards (GIPS) is an initiative of the CFA Institute whose mission is to set the highest standards of ethics, education, and professional excellence among investment professionals (CFA Institute, 2019). This set of standards focuses on transparency and integrity in financial modelling and accounting but does not include within its scope the kind of challenges and risks faced by indigenous peoples in commercial and investment settings discussed above. A more targeted approach, therefore, would be to provide such safeguards within later versions of the forest carbon standards mentioned earlier (Plan Vivo and CCB) or as complementary standards. Then project developers can incorporate such commercial safeguards into the design of projects. Such safeguards can then be recognized through a quality assurance process and enable fair trade-styled assertions to be made when marketing such projects to carbon buyers with an interest in the empowerment of indigenous peoples and local communities as integral to the value chain. This can build upon the broadening range of project co-benefit recognition emerging through the UN Sustainable Development Goals and its standards initiative. For example, International Organization for Standardization (ISO) at its 41st ISO General Assembly in 2018 convened a workshop that brought together representatives of the standards community, corporations, UN agencies, and national policymakers to examine the role of standards for the achievement of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) (ISO, 2018). In addition, the SDG Impact Standards provide a clear framework for integrating SDG impacts into business and investment decision-making. For example, the SDG Impact Standards for Private Equity Funds (UNDP, 2020) focuses on the integration of measurable SDG outcomes in investments. This builds upon the Ten Principles of the UN Global Compact (UN, 2022) (focusing on a principles-based approach to doing business) and the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (Business & Human Rights Resource Centre, 2022) (focusing on addressing and remedying human rights abuses committed by business operations). In aggregate, there are now ample resources for the development of commercial safeguards for forest carbon conservation initiatives and ventures that address the issues raised in Sect. 3.4 on carbon trading challenges. The challenge and opportunity are to put them into practice to enable large-scale financial capital flows to indigenous communities seeking a combination of forest conservation and community economic development.

9.19 Conclusion The expression of authentic indigeneity is beyond activism. It is not about complaining that things that are not right or lobbying to convince “decision-makers” to do something that will benefit such peoples. It is not about finding a seat at an

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existing decision table. It is about building one’s own table or other meeting place and inviting other cultures to meet there and negotiate for mutual gain. This is what we call trading in modern English, and which has many terms in indigenous languages reaching back through ancient times. In each case, there is an exchange of value that helps to define relationships, and in turn, define the mana of a human existence that does not take place in a place, but is the place. The term for “land” in so many indigenous Pacific Island languages is inseparable from the terms: “people,” “community,” “genealogy,” “mana,” “relationship,” and “power.” And rather than an objectifying rubric where people walk on a spherical earth, the entire edifice of indigenous existence is relational. If you keep walking long enough, you come back to the same place. In one of the Fijian languages, the future is (literally) the time coming from behind, and the past is (literally) the time in front. It all makes sense in a relational world where “you go first [in front] to the next village” and therefore head into the past, and “I will follow behind you” in the future. This indigenous experience has far greater affinity to general relativity and quantum mechanics where spacetime curves and “things” only “exist” as fields of relational probability, and only when they are interacting. One could argue that twenty-first-century physics is existentially catching up with indigenous cultures, whose wisdom and insights are as far from the noble savage as quantum gravity is from Newton’s apple. What does this mean for forests, climate change, and indigenous peoples? It means that there is no time to waste imposing solutions upon people through externally led agendas. It means that authentic relationships lie at the heart of the matter, and then pressing financing instruments into its service to enable trade on equal terms. Indigenous communities now have leverage that has evaded them for generations— they are the guardians of global assets (natural forests) that need protection and enhancement for the global good. Sometimes this needs to be translated into contemporary financing language. But meeting across languages is as old as humanity itself, and financing is just another language. Like indigenous languages and cultures financing has power dynamics and rules of engagement that need to intermesh with indigenous ways if the exchange will be safeguarded by the ancestors of both cultures. Intergovernmental policy and financing mechanisms are tools in the service of a relationship between past and future. And now the stakes have never been higher because global human well-being in a global climate crisis is the common cause. Acknowledgements The authors are grateful for the editing support provided by Mary Anne Teariki, John Bryson, and Ana Penteado.

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Part III

Land Under Water

Chapter 10

Indigenous/Endogenous Sea Peoples: Climate Change Adaptation and Environmental Regeneration Prospects Thomas J. F. Goreau

Abstract Indigenous and Endogenous subsistence Sea Peoples are suffering deeply from expropriation and decline of traditional coastal resources they have relied on throughout their cultural memory. In the past, local over-exploitation was the main threat, but now the decline is largely due to industrial fishing, global climate change, and pollution, which they did not cause, caused by local and global overexploitation of common resources by outsiders. All coastal communities urgently need to develop management strategies to regenerate coastal resources before they lose them. Global climate change impacts on local community marine resources of more than 27 different coastal fishing cultures around the world are evaluated in terms of the range of their historical responses to past and new environmental challenges to their survival, local marine ecosystem regeneration needs of each group, and possibilities of locally managed Biorock technology solutions to resolve them. These are based on the author’s personal long-term work at almost all sites. All can benefit from Biorock technology as the most cost-effective solution for regenerating imperilled coastal zone ecosystems once adapted to local problems. Most communities have four basic alternatives: extinction, forced migration, assimilation and marginalization, or ecosystem regeneration using state-of-the-art methods. Of these options, ecosystem regeneration with Biorock can help preserve their marine cultures, biodiversity, biomass, and ecosystem services and contribute disproportionately to reversing global climate change. Each group faces declining natural resources for different reasons that lie outside their historical experience and knowledge. However, each can learn new methods to regenerate their own marine ecosystems and adapt to climate change only if the will, funding, and training are found in time to avert severe degradation or total collapse. Keywords Sea people · Climate change adaptation · Biorock technology · Indigenous knowledge · Coral T. J. F. Goreau (B) Global Coral Reef Alliance, 37 Pleasant Street, Cambridge, MA 02139, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 A. Penteado et al. (eds.), Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8830-3_10

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10.1 Introduction Indigenous peoples have lived from natural resources around the world since the dawn of humanity, have “managed” them with varying effectiveness, are guardians of most of the world’s cultural traditions (Witzel, 2012), and protect a major part of the world’s biomass, biodiversity, and ecosystem functions that are immediately threatened by habitat destruction from “development” and global climate change (Colchester, 1994; Ereira, 1990). A third of the remaining carbon in biomass and peat must be undisturbed if Earth does not warm irreversibly is in Indigenous Lands (Noon et al., 2021). By Indigenous Sea People, we mean the historically oldest surviving human coastal communities, the “Original” or “First People” (also sometimes confusingly called the “Fourth World,” an afterthought indicating their sub-3d World socioeconomic status). The same problems are also happening to marine resources of traditional subsistence coastal fishing communities of all origins, many of whom have past histories of migration from elsewhere. However, they often have adapted to their new homes for so long that they personally, historically, and even mythologically remember no other homeland. We refer to them as Endogenous Sea People, the most marginalized subsistence fishers. Note that the Endogenous group as defined in this work includes neither historically recent greedy invaders taking all they possibly can steal, nor waves of needy refugees forced from their own homes and taking all that they must in order to survive, nor those employed to fish for money from heavily subsidized industrial fishing fleets for export instead of for their own community’s food. In general, artisanal fishing communities are the poorest of the poor, and their concerns are ignored by the politicians in the countries that now claim their lands, who are very quick to serve the interests, and money, of the fossil fuel industry that writes their national energy policies. Historically threatened with cultural, if not physical, extermination by their own governments, Indigenous people are now the first and worst victims of climate change they did not cause and are powerless to prevent, except by saving Nature from human destruction. Their lands, waters, and resources are being stolen, and their ancient cultures are destroyed for fast but ephemeral profit by more powerful invaders or waves of foreign immigrants lacking any historical roots in local ecosystems. Outsider groups with no sustained tradition of local marine resource use are severely overharvesting essential renewable resources, driving them to local extinction. Those grabbing all they can, as fast as possible, have caused worldwide environmental problems now inflicted on those who have had to live in balance with nature to survive since the dawn of time. Indigenous people are almost everywhere viewed by their own governments as threats to political sovereignty and are last to receive financial aid for climate adaptation, if any. These marginalized communities are the first victims of resource destruction but are usually blamed by outsiders because they lack the political and economic connections of those destroying the resources. For example, 98.9% of land in the USA

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legally negotiated by treaty with Native Americans was later stolen based on claims that they did not know how to use the land “properly” (Farrell et al., 2021). Brazil’s ex-President Bolsonaro claimed the Amazon Jungle must be cut down for profit by outsiders because the “backward natives” do not manage the jungle properly since they maintain the permanent sources of their livelihood instead of destroying it for cash that rapidly vanishes! Many countries are now avidly seeking global carbon “credits” to offset continued fossil fuel use and CO2 buildup by taking control of forested lands away from Indigenous communities. Brazil’s Bolsonaro’s government claimed the right to the money from all carbon credits for forests preserved in Indigenous territories. Because Indigenous People largely live in the most remote, wild, high-biomass, and highbiodiversity habitats, empowering Indigenous cultures to regenerate their biomass, biodiversity, ecosystem services, and nutrient recycling is the most effective path for preserving prime habitat to reverse global climate change and preventing accelerating species extinctions. There is an especially critical need for funding for Indigenous & Endogenous Sea People training to restore their endangered coastal ecosystems as the most cost-effective way to reverse climate change by storing Blue Carbon and to maintain endangered cultures and ecosystems against accelerating threats of global cultural homogenization, as well as loss of crucial global habitats to climate change. Coastal peoples were the first to be impacted by outsiders, and their ecosystems are the most damaged. Most of the world’s coastal ecosystems, especially coral reefs, mangroves, sea grass, and salt marsh, have been destroyed or severely degraded through degradative mismanagement, causing fishery declines or outright collapse. Most global high-biomass and high-biodiversity habitat still survives on Indigenous Lands (Noon et al., 2021). The Global Coral Reef Alliance (GCRA), a non-profit research organization developing innovative methods of ecosystem regeneration to reverse climate change, prioritizes working closely with Indigenous and Endogenous Sea People cultures around the world, especially those living near coral reefs. We help them learn new stateof-the-art methods for restoring their own local species and ecosystem services, empowering them to adapt to global climate change on their own cultural terms while preserving and adapting their ancient experience-derived knowledge. GCRA works for little or no money but expenses to help Sea Peoples learn the best methods to restore and defend their lands, waters, and cultures. Working with marginalized Indigenous and Endogenous cultures is more rewarding than helping rich countries who could afford climate change adaptation measures if they chose to. Subsistence fishing communities are the poorest of the poor everywhere. They have been repeatedly displaced from their ancestral fishing grounds in the name of “economic development,” whose financial rewards always flow to outside investors while degrading or destroying the marine resources that local fishermen have always relied on to survive. This chapter describes specific global climate change effects on 24 traditional Sea Peoples. While far from complete or scholarly, they are based on the author’s personal experience, mostly over decades or generations focused on the development of ecosystem regeneration. They include a wide range of marginalized Indigenous and Endogenous cultures spanning three oceans and six continents, from

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Fig. 10.1 Locations of Sea Peoples discussed in this article. Some symbols represent several nearby islands. They range over a wide range of coastal habitats in three oceans, six continents, and many oceanic islands

Equatorial to Polar habitats, and focus largely on regenerating coastal ecosystems and fisheries habitat. Here we compare: (1) (2) (3) (4)

Environmental history, Cultural adaptations, Effects of exogenous stresses from outsiders, the Extent to which they can regenerate their own coastal ecosystems, in particular using Biorock® technology, (5) Their present capacity to do so, and (6) Future prospects for global climate change concerning a broad range of sea cultures worldwide. Please see Fig. 10.1.

10.2 Jamaica It is widely recorded in history that when Columbus first found Jamaica, his ships were out of drinking water, having barely survived hurricanes near Cuba, and he was desperate to find a river or spring to fill their barrels. Everyplace he tried to land was too rough, and they could see waves breaking on coral reefs that terrified him because they would rip out the bottoms of his rotting ships, which were riddled with shipworms eating the wood full of holes. Columbus finally passed a perfectly calm bay, a miraculous refuge protected from the winds and waves, but the coral reef that stretched across the entire mouth of the bay nearly to the surface scraped the bottom of his flagship, the Santa Maria. It took several attempts to find a place to cross, but

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not without slightly breaking the coral. When they reached the white sand beach, he found, to his disgust, that there was no river in the bay, and they found no fresh water. They did not realize that the rivers ran in caves underground in Jamaican limestone, and they had another round of terrifying scrapes from the coral on the way out with their empty water barrels. In disgust, Columbus named the bay Puerto Seco (Dry Harbour), but Jamaicans know it as Discovery Bay. Columbus missed the subsurface freshwater springs the author swam in as a child and the ancient sea level caves, which are the world’s best record of the global sea level and temperature sensitivity to carbon dioxide (Goreau, 1990). These exceptional sites are unique and should be made into the first UNESCO World Heritage Site for Global Climate Change. Instead, despite its National Protected status, the Jamaican Government has issued a permit for this unique natural masterpiece to be dynamited and exported as a white powder, a crime against nature and future generations in Jamaica and around the world. Columbus finally found a river in the next bay over, where the freshwater flow from a large river, fed by the largest Jamaican underground cave spring, prevented coral growth at the bay’s mouth, so he could freely enter. Columbus called it Rio Bueno (Good River) and finally filled his water barrels. There Columbus found a large town populated by Taino Peoples, the Indigenous people of Jamaica, navigating in the largest canoes carved out of huge logs of silk cotton trees (Ceiba pentandra) and the finest cotton cloth he had seen. After filling his water barrels, Columbus sent orders to torture and kill Taino Peoples demanding gold they did not have, which he was certain they were hiding from him with the help of the Devil. However, despite the lack of gold mines, Columbus was so enchanted with Jamaica’s lush beauty, “the fairest isle eyes ever saw,” he insisted the King of Spain give it to him as his personal property. Sadly, Jamaica’s once incredible coral reefs that so frightened Columbus are now the classic case history of reef degradation (Goreau, 1992). Columbus mistakenly called the Indigenous inhabitants of Jamaica, the Taino or Arawak people, Indians, falsely thinking he had landed in the southern part of the Asian continent. On the contrary, the Taino Peoples had migrated from Amazonia thousands of years before. Their fishery was based on vast populations of Caribbean Monk Seals (Europeans overhunted them to extinction, the last one was seen in 1918 on Jamaica’s Pedro Bank), turtles (now nearly extinct, following European overharvesting), and fishes (now so depleted by habitat loss of coral reefs they cannot reproduce locally and are dependent on larvae carried in by currents from Cuba). The major Indigenous towns were near the sea, where they caught fish with nets, traps, and lines made from fine local cotton, using dugout canoes made from fire-hollowed entire Silk Cotton trees (Ceiba pentandra). The Taino Peoples were quickly driven to extinction by Spanish diseases brought by Columbus, and they killed themselves with poison rather than be enslaved. Nevertheless, before they vanished, they taught their fisheries methods to Portuguese Jews fleeing the Inquisition, who settled in Jamaica in Spanish times and passed their fishing methods on to Africans whom the English colonizers brought to work on sugar plantations. After the English seized Jamaica in 1655, Indigenous fishing methods

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remained unchanged for 300 years, yet they had little impact on the abundant fisheries. The first descriptions of Jamaican natural history (Sloane, 1687) by Sir Hans Sloane, founder of the British Museum, mentions the largest Caribbean Grouper, the Jewfish (Epinephelus itajara), so called because it was the most common food fish and widely eaten by the Jamaican Jewish population. This predatory grouper was the focus of Jamaican fisheries for over 300 years but was hard to catch because it lives at the bottom of the reef, and if the grouper is not hungry, it will not take the bait, so enough survived that their populations were not depleted. (A) Jamaica and my personal story My testimony is that in spending the first 20 years of my life diving all around Jamaica with my father (the world’s first diving marine scientist) and my brothers, my recollection is of how magnificent the reefs were. I’m curator of the world’s largest collection of underwater reef photographs from the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s. These were mostly taken by my grandfather (inventor of macro close-up photography, who took the first high-quality underwater photographs in Bikini Atoll, the Bahamas, and the Great Barrier Reef) and my father, mostly in Jamaica. In addition, I had spent decades removing algae in Discovery Bay, smothering ancient corals, some growing there when Columbus briefly passed through. In the early 1950s, Professor Thomas F. Goreau of the Medicine Faculty at the University of the West Indies, and the world’s first diving marine scientist, was appointed to the Government’s Beach Control Authority, which spent years meeting fishermen around Jamaica, officially designating all Fishing Beaches. This was necessary because although all beaches are open to the public by Jamaican Law, tourist interests were buying land behind beaches and blocking public access. As a result, beaches that had been used for fishing for hundreds of years suddenly became “white people beaches” for foreigners, and the local public was banned, causing intense resentment. However, black people could not be excluded by designating them public fishing beaches. A native Jamaican patois speaker, I follow my father’s lessons, working with fishermen all around Jamaica to develop the first whole-watershed and coastal zone nutrient management plans, widely copied elsewhere under the term “ridge to reef” or “hilltop to the ocean,” but unfortunately never implemented in Jamaica. In the early 1950s, when Prof. Tom F. Goreau pioneered scientific diving and dived alone, the largest grouper, the Jewfish, was abundant on reefs all around Jamaica, including near the city of Kingston. At the base of every reef, he would find huge territorial Jewfish, up to 200 kilogrammes or more. They were curious, friendly, and always at the same spots. In 1958, Tom F. Goreau set up the first diving club in the tropics, The Jamaica Sub Aqua Club, to train other people to dive and help his research to preserve coral reefs. The “sport” divers returned with spearguns, and in just a few years, we never saw another large Jewfish again. A rich, ancient, sustainable fishery that had always fed Jamaicans was suddenly exterminated.

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Intensive line, trap, and net fishing in Jamaica for centuries had failed to deplete the fisheries, but as soon as fishermen acquired masks, fins, spearguns, and scuba tanks, they proceeded to wipe out Jamaica’s fish species in order of desirability. Fishermen could now see the fish, and teams of spearfishermen could surround and kill them all, whether the fish were hungry or not. The Jewfish was the first to vanish, but species after species we saw in huge schools in the 1950s were gone in the late 1960s. At the same time, Jamaica developed a tourism economy, and people migrated from inland subsistence family farms, where they grew plenty of food but earned no money, to coastal areas, seeking money-earning jobs. All the sewage went into the sea. Starting in Kingston Harbour in the 1950s, massive weedy algae, over-fertilized by sewage and agricultural fertilizers, smothered and killed coral reefs. This pattern spread around the island as almost the entire coast was developed for tourism, with reefs near Kingston dying in the 1960s, followed by those of Montego Bay, Ocho Rios, Runaway Bay, and finally Negril, the last major tourism area, developed only in the early 1990s (Goreau, 1992). Kingston Harbour was so overwhelmed that it became the first Dead Zone in the world, whose formation was documented by Jamaican marine biologist Barry Wade (Tom Goreau’s student). As is typical of work done by Caribbean and developing country scientists, his pioneering work was never acknowledged abroad. The collapse of Jamaican reef ecosystems, first from pollution and then from hightemperature coral bleaching and diseases, was followed by biodiversity collapse. Most fish species and invertebrates that had been abundant disappeared, and only when we would see them in remote parts of the Caribbean again would we remember that we used to have them in Jamaica too, but had not seen any for so many years! As fishes and invertebrates vanished, food chains collapsed until only algae eaters remained because now that was the only food left. Algae-eating fish had been rare before since there had been little algae to eat. Now algae-eating fish are intensively pursued by large groups of fishermen. In December 2020, I saw up to 50 spearfishermen a day pass by one of the most isolated parts of the Jamaican coast. Prey species have little or no chance to survive, and the catch is almost entirely juvenile fish too young to breed (“babies” compared to the size they used to be). Because fish are caught before they can breed, reproductive populations have been eliminated, so the catch is dependent on new larvae washed onto Jamaican reefs by currents from Cuba. The fishermen were the first to notice previously unknown algae smothering the reef, destroying the fisheries’ habitat, and realizing sewage caused it. However, instead of listening to the fishermen, people blamed the algae overgrowth on the victims, fishermen, saying it was because they were eating all the algae-eating fish. This false claim, widely circulated by foreign scientists who knew nothing about the history of Jamaican fishing, got the story entirely backward! Algae-eating fishes were rare when I was a boy because there was no weedy algae food for them on the reef, but now algae are the only food, and the fishes are almost entirely algae eaters. Foreign “scientists” who blamed the fishermen also claimed that sewage was not the cause of algae growth and therefore did not need to be treated, contributing directly to reef destruction through unsound policies their bad “science” promoted: telling

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governments to stop fishermen and their families from eating, instead of cleaning up the pollution destroying their resource. Currently, Jamaican fisheries have essentially collapsed, and even stopping all fishing will not bring it back because the coral reef fisheries’ habitat is essentially gone. Cleaning up coastal waters through sewage treatment and direct regeneration of vanished coral reef fisheries habitat are needed to resurrect the fisheries. We have cleaned up several bays in Jamaica by cleaning up land-based nutrient inputs, and the reefs rapidly recovered (https://www.globalcoral.org/covid-ends-dolphin-pollut ion-in-discovery-bay-jamaica/). (B) My experience with Biorock electric coral Biorock electric coral reef restoration technology was invented and developed in Jamaica by the late Wolf Hilbertz and TG in the 1980s (Goreau & Hilbertz, 2012), but there are now no major Biorock projects in Jamaica because every effort to get funding was blocked by local corruption. We still seek funding to implement coral reef fisheries restoration projects in Jamaican fishing villages where fisheries have collapsed due to the loss of coral reefs, with a particular focus on Little Bay in Westmoreland and Portland Bight in Clarendon and St. Catherine, Jamaica’s largest and last remaining fish, conch, and lobster nursery habitat. We also seek funds to scan, archive, and post on the web the most important historical collection of old coral reef photographs in the world, most from Jamaica. GCRA installed the first new Biorock reef in Jamaica in 25 years in a small remote bay (Fig. 10.2). This project aims to restore the elkhorn coral forest that once covered the bottom and nearly disappeared. Results were very promising (http://www. globalcoral.org/elkhorn-reef-restoration-westender-jamaica-after-1-month/, https:// www.globalcoral.org/biorock-heals-hurricane-damaged-jamaican-corals/). The last previous Biorock project in Jamaica nearly 25 years ago had been nearby. A Biorock reef had been made of conch shells sandwiched between steel mats powered by a solar panel in a fisherman’s backyard, designed as a juvenile lobster habitat. Corals quickly grew all over the structure, and dozens of young lobsters and fishes crowded in. Local fishermen reported that it did beautifully until the Biorock reef, solar panels, and local houses were destroyed by Hurricane Ivan on 11–12 September 2004. GCRA hopes to find funding to work with the Little Bay Fishermen’s Cooperative and the Jamaica Department of Fisheries to get Little Bay, Homer’s Cove, and Old Wife Cove demarcated as Fish Sanctuaries under local community-based management, zoned for coral reef and fisheries restoration, and to establish Biorock training programmes and pilot projects in every Jamaican Fish Sanctuary to start regenerating Jamaica’s fisheries using technology invented in Jamaica, but ignored in its homeland, and making fisheries management sustainable again as in ancient times (Figs. 10.3 and 10.4).

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Fig. 10.2 One and a half-year-old Biorock reef in Jamaica. The corals were rescued after being broken by two category five hurricanes in quick succession. Photograph by Sharren Robinson, 2022

10.3 Panama and the Ngabe The Ngabe (Guaymi) Indians are Panama’s largest and poorest First Nation. When the Ngabe discovered Columbus, he was lost at sea, and they gave him refuge to repair his sinking worm-riddled ships. They called their land Veraguas. Columbus’ eyes went wide when he saw all the Ngabe wearing gold. His greed knew no bounds. He had finally found the source of the gold he had tortured and killed his way across the Caribbean to seize, with very little result. The Ngabe allowed Columbus to carry all the gold his own men could mine in a river in one day. Columbus demanded two days, then three, and all the Ngabe dig for him. His unacceptable behaviour as an uninvited guest, trying to force them into slavery to mine gold, be ruled by the King of Spain, and follow his religious superstitions, was unacceptable. The Ngabe Quibian told Columbus to leave immediately and never come back. They nearly killed him when he demanded more gold before leaving. Columbus was lucky to escape when a severe storm washed away the sandbar that had trapped his ships. He finally ran his last ship aground in Jamaica just before it sank, spending more than a miserable year shipwrecked on his grounded boat, not daring to go ashore because the Jamaican Taino were waiting to kill him in revenge for killing and torturing people demanding

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Fig. 10.3 a and b Author diving at Ocho Rios, Jamaica, 1957, photos by Thomas F. Goreau. This reef was mostly recovered from a severe hurricane six years before that blew the roof off our house

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Fig. 10.4 Author diving in Discovery Bay, Jamaica, 2019, photo by Iain Robinson

gold they did not have on his first Jamaican trip. Columbus himself died in Spain before he could return to Veraguas to enslave the Ngabe and steal their gold. Nevertheless, he demanded that the King of Spain give him Veraguas as his personal hereditary family colony, along with Jamaica, for its beauty. Columbus’ brother and son bought African Mandingo enslaved people to mine Veraguas gold. The Mandingos immediately ran away into the jungle and became the first free black Maroons in the Americas around 1510, forcing the Columbus family to abandon their gold mining plans in Veraguas, which was intended to fund Spanish colonization of the lands he claimed the King of Spain had “given” to him, Jamaica and Veraguas. Panama’s Ngabe National Hero, Uraca, led the fight against the Spanish. The Ngabe response to the Spanish invasion was to retreat to the dense jungles, and to this day, they largely avoid outsiders and reject education as a trick to destroy their culture, in strong contrast to the Gunas (next section). The Spanish found the Indios Bravos (Wild Indians) impossible to conquer, but as long as they had a secure corridor across the narrowest part of Panama to ship the gold they stole from Peru from the Pacific to the Atlantic to enrich the Spanish Monarchy, they were happy to leave the natives alone on either side. More than 500 years after Columbus, the Ngabe people still will not allow gold mining, viewing it as an unspeakable violation of their sacred land. Every time the world’s largest mining companies bribe Panamanian Governments to seize Ngabe lands for mining, the Ngabe peacefully block the main roads and bridges in Panama, and most people support them, despite the inconvenience. TG, whose family roots are in Veraguas (his mother was the first Panamanian marine scientist, https://www.globalcoral.org/memoriam-dr-nora-goreau-april25-1921-december-18-2016/), is of Ngabe and Mandingo descent. He has lived and dived on Escudo de Veraguas, the tiny offshore island that is the main Ngabe fisheries resource. This very small island has a unique species of dwarf sloth, which

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lives only in a tiny patch of mangroves, whose leaves they eat. There may be only one or two dozen in the world. There is hardly any living coral left around their island, resulting in the lobster fisheries being very poor. GCRA aims to work with Ngabe fishermen to restore their fisheries habitat and with Ngabe farmers on soil fertility restoration projects, using new basalt rock powder methods we have developed in Panama (Goreau et al., 2014), with ancient biochar methods invented by the Amazonian Indigenous People of Brazil thousands of years ago. Unlike the Guna, who avoided large-scale deforestation by not allowing cattle on their territory, the Ngabe adopted cattle ranching from the Spanish, promoting deforestation for pasture on easily eroded mountain slopes that receive up to 4 m of rain per year. The opening of roads across the previously impassable mountains to connect the Atlantic coasts of Bocas del Toro and Veraguas to the Pacific has resulted in a flood of cattle ranching immigrants from Azuero on the Pacific coast, where soils are dry, exhausted, and over-grazed. In addition, immigrants from the deforested Pacific side of Panama are now deforesting the much rainier Atlantic jungle slopes on former Ngabe lands. The Ngabe produce most of Panama’s valued chocolate as small farmers selling to their own Cooperative, but the entire industry is threatened by the Witches Broom fungal disease that has destroyed almost all the Guna’s cacao in Eastern Panama but which has not yet reached Western Panama. If the spores spread along the country, Ngabe cacao farming could collapse, and they would be forced back into migrant labour picking coffee in Panama and Costa Rica or the banana plantations, the most poorly paid work. Increased turbidity from soil erosion blocked light and caused the death of coral reefs inside the Laguna de Chiriqui when coral reef health and water quality were surveyed around Bocas del Toro (Goreau et al., 1997). There has been massive tourism development and immigration in the following 25 years. Most surprisingly, the 1997 study found that most outer reefs on the open Caribbean side of Bocas del Toro were also in very poor condition, with few live corals and many old dead corals overgrown by algae. High algae were attributed to increased nutrients from sewage, cattle manure, decay of cut down vegetation, and soil erosion, especially from banana plantations on both sides of the Panama–Costa Rica border. Those areas have been planted into massive banana farms since the late 1800s using Ngabe and Caribbean labour and are up-current from Bocas del Toro. Many decades ago, these corals’ death was likely due to the runoff of herbicides and pesticides in soil eroded from the banana plantations. Surprisingly low coral cover and massive old dead corals were found as far away as the remote offshore island of Escudo de Veraguas, more than 100 kms down-current (Goreau et al., 1997). The impacts of global climate change are visible all around the Laguna de Chiriqui. Wherever (non-mangrove) forest grows down to the sea, a row of dead trees lines the immediate seashore, killed by saltwater intrusion from rising global sea levels. Bocas del Toro is slated for massive ecotourism development but has inadequate sewage treatment facilities. More concerning are plans for a superhighway along the Caribbean coast of Panama, linking luxury tourist resorts and a new Cancun. The highway would stretch from the edge of the Guna Comarca (Autonomous Region) to the edge of the Ngabe Comarca. Indigenous Communities have indicated that

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Fig. 10.5 Panama’s Minister of Education, Berta Arango de Urriola (top, my aunt), trained the first Indigenous schoolteachers. This started an educational transformation in Guna Yala, a culture that greatly valued knowledge. Unfortunately, our own Indigenous ancestors, the Ngabe, largely saw education as more of a threat than a benefit

they will not allow the road to pass through their lands, but it will bring massive development to all the areas between them, where the population is largely Ngabe or of African descent, an area including Panama’s most pristine jungles, coastlines, and coral reefs (http://pulitzercenter.shorthand.com/atlanticconquest/index.html). There is an urgent need to assess the living carbon resources, both terrestrial and marine, of all the Indigenous Comarcas and the areas before they are affected, as the basis for future scientifically sound carbon management. It is hoped that a 2021 agreement by the Panamanian Government to manage their carbon resources will allow this and that Biorock mariculture projects can be developed with Ngabe Comarca communities if they are as open to new ideas as the Gunas at the other end of Panama. Unfortunately, the Ngabe rejected the educational opportunities the Gunas seized (Fig. 10.5).

10.4 Guna The Guna (Kuna, Cuna) Indians at the other end of Panama are Indigenous Caribbean fishing and diving people who also never lost their independence from the Spanish and have maintained their cultural and political institutions intact (Howe, 1998). They successfully preserved their independence and traditions by deliberate isolation, never allowing outsiders to cut down their jungles, bring in cattle, own anything

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Fig. 10.6 Remote sensing biomass map of Panama, red is highest, blue lowest. Most Panamanian Biomass carbon stocks are highest (red) in Indigenous Territories and lowest (blue) after the massive deforestation of most of the Pacific coast by Latinos. From Asner et al. (2013)

in their lands, or even invest in them (Mauri, 2011). For example, when the Panamanian Government announced the US would build a military base on the Colombian border, the Guna rejected it, saying no foreign troops are allowed on Guna land, and if the Panamanian Government wanted them, they should put them on their own lands, forcing the Government to back down. The Guna expelled the long-established Smithsonian Tropical Research Institution Laboratory because they removed corals without permission, did not share knowledge, and treated Gunas as intellectual inferiors. The Guna rejected the UN Climate Change Convention (UNCCC) REDD (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation in developing countries) proposals as a ploy by the Government to gain carbon credits from the forests the Guna have preserved, selling carbon offsets that would allow CO2 pollution and global warming to continue (Fig. 10.6). Guna society is remarkably egalitarian, without hereditary rulers. Leaders are elected by universal voting to terms of office based on their knowledge and wisdom. Eloquence and learning are highly valued. Jamaican pirate reports (Wafer, 1695) about the Gunas as a culture with no hereditary kings or aristocracy, where anyone could rise to the top based on their ability, were so astonishing and revolutionary in feudal Europe that they were translated into every major European language in the early 1700s. The direct source of Rousseau’s concept of “natural democracy” that led to the French Revolution’s cry “Liberte, Egalite, Fraternite,” and the European enlightenment demand for full participatory democracy was the Gunas, not ancient Athens, where enslaved people outnumbered free citizens. As Panamanian Minister of Education, my oldest aunt, Berta Arango de Urriola, established the schools in the Indigenous regions in the 1950s, personally trained the first generation of Indigenous schoolteachers, who became life-long friends and was made an honorary Guna chief (Sahila) in gratitude. Today the Gunas have the highest participation in the education of any group in Panama because their culture is uniquely

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based on sharing knowledge. Many Gunas gain scholarships abroad and then return to share what they have learned. Traditional Guna’s respect for knowledge and a high concentration of educated people make them unusually capable of assimilating useful new ideas on their own terms. Because the Gunas are confident in their culture and feel they are (at least) as good as anyone else, Panamanian officials regard them as “uppity” Indians who do not know their place. Refusal to be subservient offends Panamanian politicians, so they are politically and economically marginalized and receive little and grossly insufficient funding for essential needs. As a result, most Gunas die from drinking contaminated river water. Even hospitals and clinics do not have clean water for infant formula, sterilizing surgical equipment, or drinking water unless they boil it themselves. A recent foreign aid programme gave every Guna family a solar panel so the Government could boast of 100% rural electrification, but the cheap batteries (unaffordable to the Gunas) soon burned out, so now every house is dark again, despite the solar panel on a pole in front. The Gunas live on 50 tiny islands in the sea, small sandbanks on top of coral reefs that they have systematically built up by mining corals over centuries. The Gunas are free divers for lobster and produce around 80% of Panama’s marine exports by value, although almost all the money goes to intermediaries who export their catch and not to Gunas. SCUBA diving is completely banned in Guna waters to preserve lobsters, with a special exemption for the GCRA team, because they know we do not catch or eat lobsters and are helping them grow back reefs and islands. Lobster populations in Guna Yala have severely declined due to overharvesting and reef habitat loss to sewage pollution around inhabited islands. This has pushed Guna fishermen into deeper, more remote waters and outside their traditional fishing grounds into other parts of Panama, on both Atlantic and Pacific coasts. In addition, because Guna fishermen dive with masks and spearguns, they can exploit many species more intensively than non-diving local traditional fishermen using nets and lines from boats, resulting in social conflicts over resource exploitation, which can turn deadly. The Guna are now abandoning a quarter of all of their island villages because flooding by global sea level rise is making them uninhabitable. They are climate change refugees. They have desperately mined living coral from their reefs to pile up around flooding islands (Fig. 10.7). Killing corals on a large scale to protect their islands was not a problem when there were many corals and few Gunas, but now it is the opposite! As living corals are mined to build islands, wave protection against erosion in the windy season (November to May) is destroyed. Guna communities keep throwing their garbage in the sea, hoping it breaks the waves before their houses flood. Sea level rise makes this increasingly futile, so they move off flooding islands to the mainland. Sewage pollution of rivers they drink from will become much more of a public health problem than when all sewage went into the sea, killing the coral reefs around inhabited islands. Yet coral reefs around remote uninhabited Guna Yala islands are still among the best in the Caribbean, with large amounts of elkhorn and staghorn corals now critically endangered throughout the Caribbean. The Congreso General Guna, the council of all the elected Chiefs, have asked GCRA since

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Fig. 10.7 Living corals are mined from the sea and piled on the shore to protect the shores of inhabited islands from being washed away by rising sea levels. Photo by T. Goreau

1994 to train them to use Biorock Technology to protect their islands from erosion, restore their coral reef fisheries, and restore their overharvested lobster populations. However, we have never been able to find funding, nor yet permission from the Panamanian Government to work there with the Gunas or in other parts of the country. The Congreso General Guna authorized Biorock projects in 1994, and we have built Biorock projects at three sites in Guna Yala since 1996, which were successful as long as they were maintained (https://youtu.be/i0VS98q8Iwk), but sadly, no funding could be found from outside to maintain and expand the projects on the scale needed for a quarter century. In 2024 GCRA hopes to hold a Guna Yala Biorock technology training workshops, teaching local communities to design, build, instal, maintain, monitor, and repair Biorock reefs designed specifically for many different uses. These include growing shore protection reefs that match sea level rise, growing artificial and floating islands, regenerating fisheries habitat, increasing lobster populations by growing suitable Biorock habitat in each of the lobster’s mangrove, seagrass, and reef life cycle phases, developing oyster, crab, algae, fish and sea cucumber mariculture, growing new sand for their beaches and ecotourism, and using solar energy to grow Biorock building materials from the sea (Goreau et al., 2014). We are also developing projects to restore their sacred plant, Cacao (chocolate), which has almost

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Fig. 10.8 Guna children at Uggupseni are about to dive on their reefs with masks for the first time. They could not see the marine life around them until Marina Goreau of the Global Coral Reef Alliance brought children’s masks for them, a project she began when she was seven years old. Guna environmental advisor Rogeliano Solis at the back left, TG back right. Photo by Marina Goreau

been exterminated by Witches Broom fungal diseases, using the ancient Amazonian Indigenous Terra da Preta technology (biochar) and basalt rock powder, which we have shown to greatly improve soil fertility on poor Panamanian soils (Goreau et al., 2014). With Biorock, we hope the Guna can preserve their islands, lobsters, coral reefs, and unique culture and pass on their knowledge to future generations (Figs. 10.8 and 10.9) and the Ngabe at the other end of Panama.

10.5 Maya The ancient Mayans were a highly advanced, literate civilization whose large canoes amazed Columbus and traded cacao, cotton, jade, and much more along the Central American coast. They had a deep knowledge of the sciences of astronomy and their environment, whose hydrology they transformed (https://eos.org/articles/ancientmaya-made-widespread-changes-to-wetland-landscape). Spanish priests burned Maya libraries with thousands of ancient Maya books (De Landa, 1565). De Landa describes how the Maya stood crying as he destroyed all their knowledge and history forever while he boasted of burning the “works of the devil.” The Maya suffered repeated devastating epidemics from European diseases (Clendinnen,

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Fig. 10.9 Guna children snorkelling on a Biorock reef to see the corals and fishes, their first opportunity to use the donated masks. Photo by Marina Goreau

1987), and enslaved Maya were shackled and shipped to Cuba late into the 1800s (https://www.inah.gob.mx/boletines/9413-inah-identifies-the-first-wreck-ofa-ship-trading-to-trade-mayans-slaves-in-mexican-waters). The Maya people of Quintana Roo, the Caribbean coast of the Yucatan Peninsula, successfully revolted in the 1800s against Spanish and Mexican rule, living in jungle isolation for around a century, with Mexican control limited to offshore islands, Isla Mujeres and Cozumel, and a military garrison in Puerto Morelos (Reed, 1964). Abundant lobsters, turtles, conch, and fish on the coral reefs were the major source of protein for the coastal Maya, caught with nets, lines, and traps. The coral reefs and fisheries were intact until the 1960s, as shown by the photographs and films of Ramon Bravo, Mexico’s first underwater photographer and filmmaker. Thanks to his widow, Maria Bravo, I looked at all of Ramon Bravo’s photographs in his home in Isla Mujeres after his tragic death. Soon afterwards, the entire collection was destroyed by water damage from leaking traditional Maya palm leaf roofs they had no money to repair. Today there is almost no trace left of the magnificent elkhorn reefs that lined the shores, the huge fishes he photographed his friends spearing, or any of Ramon Bravo’s historical photographs of that lost world. The sudden development of mass tourism began in Cancun in the 1970s and has now spread along the coast except for uninhabitable swamps and wetlands. The hotels are owned by the Mexico City elite or rich foreign hotel chains, and many are drug money laundering “investments.” Most of the Maya now depend on

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tourism for menial labour income, making around 7US$ per day as maids, janitors, gardeners, street sweepers, or street vendors. Cancun was the first major resort area whose infrastructure was planned in advance by a sagacious promoter, Sigfrido Paz Paredes, who sold the concept to the Mexican Government. The sewage collection system and treatment plant were built first, before the hotels, a revolutionary reversal of normal development practices. The sewer system was designed for a much larger population than was expected, for 200,000 people. A million people live there now, so only about 20% of the sewage receives any treatment, which is inadequate to remove the nutrients. Effectively all sewage nutrients flow into the sea, where they have caused massive algae growth to smother and kill the coral reefs that built their tourism economy. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xDT_ q1LwGmA&t=7s; http://www.angelazulthemovie.com/). The death of the reef that used to protect the beach and provide new sand has caused massive beach erosion, so they must spend millions of dollars a year on regular sand dredging and pumping, almost all of which is washed away by the end of the tourist season. With coral reefs dead or dying, fisheries have collapsed. Because of fortunes made by the original Cancun hotel developers, similar tourism developments spread all along the Mexican Caribbean coast except for inaccessible swamp areas. These later developments did not bother with sewage plants at all. Instead, they dump raw sewage into mangrove swamps behind the beach or sinkholes (cenotes) in the limestone rock (which Maya use for drinking water), which flows straight out to sea through underground caves. As a result, all reef areas down-current from tourist areas are devastated by harmful algae blooms, whose massive growth is due to land-based nutrient pollution. Because the lobsters are largely gone, fishermen now hunt them using laundry bleach squeeze packets, which they squirt into holes in the dead reef. Hundreds of thousands of plastic bleach packets are piled up on the beaches. More recently, algae overgrowth from sewage has been compounded by huge blooms of floating Sargassum algae from the Atlantic Ocean, over-fertilized by nutrients from deforestation of the Amazon, Congo, and Orinoco River basins. So many algae rot on the beaches that oxygen is stripped from the water, hydrogen sulphide causes massive kills of fishes and marine life, and people breathing it can collapse. On top of all this, new bacterial and virus diseases linked to pollution are wiping out the corals offshore. TG has the oldest underwater photographs of Cozumel, the world’s largest dive destination, and has worked with the diving community to document the deterioration of the corals and replacement by harmful algae blooms caused by sewage since the 1960s. GCRA worked with local divers and the National Marine Parks to start Biorock reef regeneration projects in Isla Mujeres and Cozumel in 1997. These projects had spectacular coral growth, fish populations, and dense schools of lobsters as long as they were maintained. Nevertheless, some were killed by pollution from new captive dolphin pens, whose wastes caused the massive growth of toxic bacterial slime-smothering corals. Now sewage nutrients from poorly planned tourism cause harmful algae blooms and diseases killing the corals from both ends of the island. Biorock projects are among thousands of corals being grown by the Cozumel Coral Reef Restoration Project (https://www.ccrrp.org/), an oasis of life in a coral desert

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Fig. 10.10 Biorock reef in Cozumel. Thousands of corals are being grown here by the Cozumel Coral Reef Restoration Program (https://www.ccrrp.org/). Unfortunately, they are now threatened by a proposed cruise ship port right on top of them. Photograph by Dr. German Mendez

killed by disease and pollution (Fig. 10.10). Yet they are threatened with complete physical destruction so Cozumel can build yet another cruise ship pier right on top of their most effective reef regeneration project! Diving created Cozumel tourism, which amounts to killing the goose that laid the golden egg. GCRA, working with Naturalia, one of Mexico’s oldest and largest environmental conservation groups, is planning Biorock lobster habitat regeneration projects with local Maya fishing cooperatives near Tulum and Mahahual. Biorock projects designed as lobster habitats in Jamaica and Isla Mujeres had dozens to hundreds of lobsters crowded into a couple of square meters. Because Biorock not only creates shelter but also grows clams and the marine life lobsters eat, the lobster populations, and sustainable catches, can be greatly increased by training local fishermen to build suitably sized habitats for lobsters at all stages of their life cycle in mangroves, seagrass beds, and coral reefs. If Cancun wanted a permanent beach, growing a Biorock reef to grow new sand and protect the beach from waves would cost far less than dredging and pumping sand that soon washes away, making the tourism industry environmentally sustainable.

10.6 Comcaac The Comcaac (Seri) is the smallest and most independent Indigenous culture in Mexico, speaking a language unrelated to any other (Marlett, 2014). They are also genetically unique (Moreno-Estrada et al., 2014) and may be descendants of the first

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coastal settlers of the Americas more than 20,000 years ago. They live in the driest part of North America, the Sonoran Desert, were never conquered, and survived repeated Spanish and Mexican efforts at genocide by hiding for hundreds of years on desert islands in the Sea of Cortes where no one else could survive due to lack of water. They lived on fish, turtles, shellfish, and cactus, using their intimate knowledge of the life cycle of all the plants and animals around them (Felger & Moser, 1985; Marlett, 2014). Their secret survival food was seagrass seeds, which the Comcaac were the only people to eat. Biorock methods could allow them to grow and harvest it much more quickly and sell it as a highly nutritious specialty grain. Comcaac people have a rich culture, producing beautiful shell jewellery, wooden carvings, and baskets, but they are among the poorest communities in Mexico. Comcaac lands lie along the world’s most active plate tectonic spreading centre, which runs the length of the Sea of Cortes. It is an area of intense submarine volcanism and crustal spreading, which causes severe, episodic, and unpredictable earthquakes. Because of the deep, steep slopes of the Sea of Cortes, earthquakes are often accompanied by submarine landslides and tsunamis, and there are clear signs of huge tsunamis that shaped the entire Comcaac coast. They have not been dated but took place sometime in the last 8,000 years after the sea level had reached its present height. The Comcaac have clear traditional memories of this flood, which washed up the mountains, and killed many people (personal communication from the traditional leader of the Comcaac). The Comcaac fisheries’ resources are based on several unique endemic species, including two of the world’s most valuable and rapidly growing bivalves and an endemic fish driven to near extinction due to the extraordinary value of its organs in China. Comcaac waters have the largest seagrass beds and green turtle populations on the Pacific coast of the Americas, but turtles and sharks have been severely overharvested for sale to outsiders. The region is also the northern limit of corals in the Eastern Pacific, the only coral reef in the world made up of loose corals rolling around on the bottom, made up of single species, Porites panamensis, that grows attached elsewhere. The Infiernillo Channel is lined with highly productive mangrove estuaries, the last pristine estuaries remaining in the Sea of Cortes. Traditionally fish were caught by spearing from reed rafts, and molluscs were collected at low tide, but around 1970, the high value of their endemic shellfish, and overharvesting of accessible intertidal zones, led to diving using hookah hoses to breathe air pumped by compressors on boats. Most of the male population that is physically capable are diving, as this has become the most significant source of income. Unfortunately, the compressors are designed for inflating tyres or spraying paint and not for diving. They have no filters and use toxic lubricants, so divers are crippled or dying from grease and oil-contaminated air they breathe while diving from unsuitable compressors on their boats. Many are now addicted to methamphetamines to kill the pain. Once isolated from the outside world, they lie on the sea route of narcotraffickers to the United States. Although the Comcaac have incredibly rich marine resources in Infiernillo Strait between Tiburon Island and coastal Sonora, they are regarded as the poorest people in Mexico (https://www.globalcoral.org/un-oceans-regenerating-the-sea-of-cortes/).

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Rapid tidal currents flowing through the strait make it one of the world’s great tidal energy resources. The author was a scientific advisor to Tiburon Agua y Electricidad, a group partnering with the Comcaac to develop proposals to use their marine currents as a low-cost renewable energy source to produce freshwater from seawater for the Comcaac and the Yaqui peoples in northwestern Mexico. It is hoped to include the Tohono O’odham (Papago) people of Arizona, whose ancient farming lands were abandoned after the US pumped their rivers and groundwaters dry. Surplus water would be available for farmers in Mexico to regenerate the rich wetlands that died when the Colorado River that flowed into them was sucked dry on the US side before flowing into Mexico and for sale to Arizona and Southern California. Brine wastes from desalination, normally dumped into the ocean, would be used for mineral extraction using Biorock Technology, invented by the late Wolf Hilbertz and TG in Jamaica, to produce harder and lower cost building materials than concrete, which removes CO2 from the atmosphere instead of adding it as cement manufacture does. If these projects go through, and the Comcaac maintain control of their lands, they could become energy and water rich in a land with little of either. This could allow them to earn much more by selling frozen seafood instead of rushing it immediately to market and selling it at a low price before it spoils. They will have to decide if they want to go this development route, as opposed to going back to the past, and if they can remain in control of their unique lands, waters, and culture without being overwhelmed by outside forces, investors, developers who would turn their lands into golf courses for rich outsiders, or drug smugglers. To do so, they must upgrade their education system like the Gunas have. Up to now, only a handful of Comcaac have had the opportunity to pursue higher education. GCRA helps the Comcaac community develop sustainable management plans for their marine resources (http://comcaacnativeaquaculture.blogspot.com/). TG dived in Infiernillo with Comcaac fishermen and showed them how to grow their valuable mollusc species much faster using Biorock stimulation of valuable shellfish growing in suspended bags powered by floating solar panels, avoiding all health risks of unsafe diving. Research and development projects have been started to find the fastest and most effective way to bring these species into valuable mariculture using Biorock Technology. The electrical trickle charge will greatly speed up their growth, and they will also have more suspended food supply available by hanging in the flow than on the bottom. Preliminary results were very promising, and a proposal has been developed with Naturalia AC, one of Mexico’s largest and oldest environmental conservation groups and the National Fisheries Agency (INAPESCA) for funding to greatly increase training and valuable mariculture productions while safeguarding fishermen’s health. If funding can be found, similar methods will be developed for oysters, snails, sea cucumbers, corals, seagrasses, algae, and other economically valuable species, while protecting the environment for sustainable use. With Biorock, the Comcaac can keep outsiders from destroying the austere and pristine beauty of their deserts and incredibly fertile waters by enhancing their natural biodiversity and energy resources with their ancient cultural knowledge. However, it remains uncertain if funding or permission will be found (Fig. 10.11).

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Fig. 10.11 Biorock solar-powered mariculture rafts in the Sea of Cortes, in front of the Comcaac village Punta Chueca, growing valuable endemic bivalves. Photo by Gerardo Carreon

10.7 Huilliche Southern Chile has some of the most spectacular landscapes in the world, but the snow-capped Andes mountains and frequent earthquakes have long forced dependence on the sea, a tradition that goes back to the first Native Americans who came to Chile more than 20,000 years ago, exploiting marine resources along the coast. There is a very ancient tradition of fishing by nets, traps, and hooks, capturing crabs in traps, building thousands of stone fish traps along the coast, and harvesting shellfish at low tide along the 6,435 kilometre coast. The low population density leaves them more vulnerable to extreme storms, earthquakes, and tsunamis than to local pollution, so overharvesting is confined to small areas near isolated towns. In the North of Chile, where there are no fjords, fishing focuses on anchovies, open ocean fish that school offshore in the highly productive cold Humboldt Current but whose populations periodically collapse from overfishing by industrial fleets or when the water warms up during El Niños. Chile has around 100,000 artisanal fishermen, many diving along the mountainous coast for algae and shellfish, especially crabs. Many divers die when the waters suddenly turn rough.

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Patagonia, in southern Chile, has spectacular fjords lined by snow-capped mountains, creating deep waters protected from the worst South Pacific and Antarctic storm waves. These have become the focus of a huge mariculture industry of floating farms growing an exotic species, salmon. More than 1300 Chilean salmon farms produce most of the salmon imported by the United States. The farms are very sophisticated operations, requiring very high capital investment, and most of the local population is dependent on them for income, directly or indirectly. The major concern has been the nutrients released by the decomposition of fish food pellets and fish excrement, which has caused greatly increased growth of high-nutrient algae along nearby shorelines and triggered toxic algae blooms. These are made far worse by global warming. During the last El Niño, high temperatures and nutrients caused toxic dinoflagellate blooms that turned the waters red, and huge amounts of dead fish and shellfish washed ashore. However, there were severe mortalities at salmon farms, too, so the cause may have been largely due to extreme climate events that will become more common in the future due to global warming, perhaps accentuated by locally caused pollution. Another concern has been the use of antibiotics on salmon farms, which can cause the evolution of antibiotic resistant diseases which spread from the farms to wild fish and surrounding natural ecosystems (Anbleyth-Evans et al., 2020). These ecological problems have turned many Chilean Indigenous communities, especially the Huilliche, a traditional Indigenous fishing culture in southern Chile, and their neighbours, the Mapuche, against the salmon farms with acts of deliberate sabotage aimed at trucks transporting salmon for export. GCRA is working with Dr. Barbara Jacob of the Centro de Investigaciones en Ecosistemas de la Patagonia to develop Biorock mariculture methods to grow mussels, oysters, kelp, and sponges around salmon farms to purify the water and provide alternative sustainable mariculture income for local populations. In order to prevent overfishing by industrial fishing fleets and export-oriented salmon farms, Indigenous communities in Patagonia have applied for hundreds of Indigenous Marine Areas (IMAs) under local community management. However, few have been awarded by the Government to date due to export-oriented policies (Anbleyth-Evans et al., 2020; Araos et al., 2020), although that could change with the new President, who has declared that salmon farms and Marine Protected Areas are incompatible. Therefore, increased industrial production and pollution or regenerative management are the choices the new government will need to make for the future.

10.8 Ahiarmiut The Ahiarmiut were originally the only Inuit (Eskimo) who lived inland. All the rest lived from the sea. The Ahiarmiut lived in the tundra Barrenlands from caribou and freshwater fish (Karetak, Tester, & Tagalik, 2017). The European fur trade brought in guns, allowing caribou to be overhunted. When the fur trade suddenly collapsed, so did the supply of bullets, and their ancient stone-age hunting skills had become

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rusty, so most Ahiarmiut starved to death. The handful of survivors were forcibly evacuated to Arviat on the Hudson Bay coast by the Canadian government, where they died of “broken hearts” (Tester & Kulchyski, 1994). After a few years of exile, the Ahiarmiut abandoned the coast and returned to their native tundra to try to resume their traditional life in 1954. They were accompanied by TG’s grandfather, who photographed their traditional cultural practices. Unfortunately, too few caribou were left to survive, and they were forced back into exile from their lands, which are now melting away due to global warming. The surviving People of the Caribou were unwillingly forced to become Sea People in exile from their land. The land has dramatically changed since those photographs. Because global warming in the tundra is the highest in the world, the climate has changed, the vegetation is taller, and exotic new plants, insects, and animals are moving in from the south and displacing the old ones. Because this area was the thickest part of the North American Ice Cap during the last Ice Age 18,000 years ago, kilometres of ice pushed the earth’s crust down, and after the ice melted, the land rebounded, rising at the fastest rate of any place on Earth. Here the sea level is falling, not rising! When the Ahiarmiut go to sea to hunt seals and whales, their boats run aground, and propellers are broken on rocks that used to be deep below the surface last year, beaches are getting wider and expanding seaward year by year, new islands are emerging in Hudson Bay, while old islands become part of the mainland. When they take their kayaks up the river to hunt caribou, the boats run aground because rapidly rising land makes rivers and ponds dry up, and dried-out peat bogs and ponds are pumping greenhouse gases into the atmosphere. Our goal is to scan the old photographs and make them available to the Ahiarmiut community on Hudson Bay as a tool to preserve their culture and history and document the changes in their environment. Only two survivors were left from the group when I brought the old photographs to Arviat in 2018. They could identify all the people and what they were doing. They were thrilled to see their native homeland again and for all their descendants to see it for the first time (shown in the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation documentary Coral Ghosts). When the Canadian Government apologized to the Ahiarmiut for their forced exile some seven decades later, large posters of these photographs were chosen by the Ahiarmiut as the backdrop for the reconciliation and reparations ceremony. Unfortunately, the Arctic is the fastest warming place on Earth, and the future of the Ahiarmiut remains uncertain (Fig. 10.12).

10.9 Nansemond The Nansemond Indian Nation harvested oysters along the banks of the Nansemond River, the closest estuary to the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, Virginia, USA, for thousands of years, without depleting the sizes of oysters harvested in prolific ancient middens (Rick et al., 2016). In 1607 uninvited English immigrants moved

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Fig. 10.12 The oldest survivor of the Barrenlands Ahiarmiut, in front of her 1954 photograph, with the Canadian Government Minister who led the reconciliation ceremony, photo 2019, by Shirley Tagalik (https://www.canada.ca/en/crown-indigenous-relations-northern-affairs/news/2019/01/can ada-advances-reconciliation-with-historic-apology-to-the-ahiarmiut.html)

in across the river, and after all their imported crop seeds died, unable to survive local conditions, John Smith (regarded a national hero in the USA) stole all the corn the Nansemond had harvested and stored to survive the winter and then returned to burn down their homes and sacred lodges (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nan semond) Fortunately, he could not steal all their oysters, as the bay was choked with them, much larger than are now found, like those in ancient piles of shells left behind by prehistoric Nansemond (Jansen, 2018). The Nansemond people are still there. They lost their language but not their cultural traditions. Nevertheless, now their oyster reefs are dead or toxic, their forests have become cities, farms, factories, and military bases, pumping out industrial pollution, urban sewage, fertilizer, and manure runoff that has poisoned their waters (Kilch & Nielsen, 1977) and makes oysters toxic to eat. In the old days, oysters filtered all the water in the Chesapeake Bay every couple of days, keeping the water clear, but after European immigrants wiped out the seemingly inexhaustible oyster populations, it now takes months for the water to clear, instead of just days (Loosanoff, 1965). Clear waters became dark and turbid, and little light penetrates, so the algae on the bottom died, and then the formerly huge population of the iconic Chesapeake Blue Crabs that fed upon them. The microscopic diatom phytoplankton that oysters feed on were replaced by harmful cyanobacterial and dinoflagellate algae blooms, which they will not eat, and which can be toxic to estuary life and humans. Now there are efforts to regenerate oysters, even if unsafe to eat, to filter out organic matter and sediment that have fouled the waters to improve the water quality. Millions of dollars have been spent shovelling dead oyster shells into the water, hoping they will settle on them, and glueing oysters onto cement and other exotic materials.

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Although there are periodic claims of success, most of these are temporary, and there is little evidence of long-term regeneration of oyster populations or ecosystem services due to deteriorating water quality (Carey, 2021). Solar powered Biorock projects at a former SuperFund toxic waste site in New York City grew oysters at phenomenal rates with extraordinary survival, and the oysters grew all winter long without going dormant. At the same time, controls almost all died, and their dormant survivors shrank in size while their shells dissolved in icy water. Biorock salt marsh showed much higher growth, both above ground and below ground, and expanded into deeper water than it could normally grow, at a site where sea level rise erodes salt marshes (Cervino et al., 2012). Mussel growth around the base of the salt marsh grass raised the bottom level about 10 cm, building a new beach undamaged by Hurricane Sandy. The use of Biorock could expand the salt marshes now steadily washing away due to sea level rise. Sea level rise in the Chesapeake Bay is accentuated by rapid downward subsidence of the US East Coast, causing massive coastal erosion problems. In a minor act of symbolic restitution for the 98.9% of Native American Lands that were stolen following treaty protection with the Government (Farrell et al., 2021; https:// www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.abe4943), the Nansemond Indian Nation has recently regained control over some of their ancestral sites and started an oyster farming project (https://chesapeakebaymagazine.com/nansemond-indian-nat ion-joins-oyster-alliance/). GCRA hopes to work with them to regenerate their oyster reefs and salt marshes with Biorock to protect their shores from washing away. These methods could be used for other indigenous coastal communities on rapidly eroding shores in Louisiana and Georgia.

10.10 Gullah The Gullah people live in the offshore coastal marsh islands of Georgia and South Carolina, where they grew rice and harvested crabs, oysters, shrimps, and fish for centuries. Their ancestors were brought from West Africa to work on rice plantations along the coast. The marshlands were full of malaria, so there was a very high death rate of Europeans, but many Africans whose ancestors came from the malarial swamplands around Guinea and Sierra Leone had inherited evolved resistance to malaria from the sickle cell gene and survived where others died. Many also came from regions where West African rice had been traditionally grown for centuries. The Gullah people (also known as the Geechee) developed their own speech which uses mainly English words with West African grammar, very similar to Jamaican patois, Sierra Leone Krio, and Nigerian pidgin languages, and largely mutually intelligible although some different African words have been preserved in each. The Gullah came to develop a completely distinctive culture in relative isolation, since white people avoided the unhealthy coast as a graveyard. In the US Civil War, the Gullah were the first black people to be freed from slavery and became farmers growing rice on their own lands.

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Their long isolation ended when wealthy people saw their remote and beautiful islands, with huge spreading Southern Live Oak (Quercus virginiana) trees covered with hanging bromeliads, (Tilandsia usneoides, “Spanish moss” or “old man’s beard”), along beautiful coastal beaches, as the perfect place for luxury mansions and golf courses. The coastal islands became favourite beach resorts for the ultra-rich, driving up land prices so local people could no longer afford them. This forced many Gullah to reluctantly migrate from their islands, losing both their lands and their culture. In addition, their estuaries face severe pollution from upstream sewage, fertilizer, and manure dumped into the rivers, plus nuclear waste from the Savannah River nuclear bomb plant, which has had repeated unacknowledged radioactive leaks. Now the major threat to the Gullah way of life comes from global climate change. Rising sea level and increasing strength of hurricanes are battering and eroding their islands, which are also sinking from crustal subsidence (a physical consequence of Arctic post-glacial uplift) and washing away. There is little hope to save them unless they use methods that greatly increase the growth and survival of oysters, mussels, and saltmarsh, to regrow living shoreline protection, as Biorock has been shown to do (Cervino et al., 2012). Biorock shore protection can grow back eroded beaches, regenerate shellfish, grow crab and shrimp habitat, and extend now eroding salt marsh seawards due to enhanced root growth. GCRA hopes to work with Gullah communities regenerating their ecosystems, food, and natural shore protection against the challenges to come. https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2019/oct/23/gullah-geechee-dis tinct-us-culture-risks-losing-island-home-to-climate-crisis. https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/research-and-analysis/articles/2021/07/12/africandescendants-have-stake-in-saving-us-southeast-salt-marshes. https://gullahgeecheenation.com/gullahgeechee-sea-island-coalition/.

10.11 Guana Cay, Bahamas The Bahamas, an archipelago of around 700 low, dry limestone islands, were settled in ancient times by Lucayan coral reef fishermen, relatives of the Jamaican Taino whose ancestors had emigrated from Amazonia thousands of years before. Disappointed to find they had no gold, Columbus sailed on, finally finding small gold deposits on Hispaniola. These were exploited through brutal slavery of the Hispaniola Taino, who were driven to near total extinction in only a few years. Due to depopulation of Hispaniola by genocide, Spanish authorities raided other islands for slaves for the mines, capturing and deporting the entire population of the Bahamas, which then were empty of people for around 200 years until pirates from Jamaica found the Bahamas a convenient location to wait for Spanish treasure ships to pass by, carrying stolen gold and silver from Mexico and Peru from Veracruz and Panama respectively. The Bahamas was largely empty of people after the English suppressed piracy in the 1700s until the revolt of the North American colonies in 1776. Large numbers

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of Loyalists, opposed to the independence of Britain’s North American colonies, were forced into exile to remain under rule of the British Crown, many moving to Canada, or emigrating to the Bahamas. These exiles quickly found Bahamian soils were too dry and barren to grow any plantation crops, so they were forced to become reef fishermen to survive, like the Taino before them, specializing in abundant seals, turtles, groupers, lobsters, and conch. The seals were driven to total extinction, but some groupers, lobsters, turtles, and conch remain, severely diminished by topdown overharvesting, and from the bottom-up by collapse of reef habitat from global warming, diseases, sewage, and turbidity caused by dredging for tourism resorts and cruise ship terminals. Guana Cay, a small island on the barrier reef of the larger island Abaco, surrounded by some of the Bahamas best coral reefs, mangroves, and seagrasses, was settled by Loyalist fishermen who lived entirely from the sea until the advent of tourism created a new mode of survival, maintaining homes owned by “snow bird” North Americans who came only in the winter. The beautiful coral reefs, beaches, and clear blue waters attracted foreign developers, who dredged coral reefs and mangroves to set up hotels, golf courses, and marinas. This killed coral reefs, mangroves, and seagrasses downcurrent from them, first from direct physical damage, and then from the effects of sewage and fertilizers, causing massive algae growth to smother and kill coral reefs and sea grasses around tourist areas. The Guana Cay fishing community lived at one end of the island, and maintained the coral reefs, mangroves, and sea grasses on the rest of the island as a Nature Reserve in near pristine condition, because it was the breeding grounds and nurseries for the rich marine life they lived from. The uninhabited part of the island was Crown Land, property of the Government, which suddenly offered most of Guana Cay at giveaway prices to foreign developers who announced that they would dredge the reef, mangrove, and seagrasses for a colossal yacht marina, golf course, and luxury villas. The Guana Cay community objected, they did not want their natural resources destroyed, which would kill their fisheries and their traditional way of life. They proposed instead to maintain it intact as a Nature and Fisheries Reserve. By Bahamian Law, Crown Land must be offered first to Bahamians, but the locals were denied the opportunity, and it was sold for very little to American developers. The Guana Cay people searched for marine scientists to examine the coral reefs and make recommendations for their management. Only three coral scientists could be found who would do the needed assessment for nothing but expenses, Mike Risk, James Cervino, and myself. Each looked at the coral reefs off Guana Cay and in the surrounding areas separately, and each found that Guana Cay coral reefs were some of the healthiest left in the Bahamas, with high live coral cover, big ancient corals, and abundant fish. They found no signs at all of coral diseases or weedy algae overgrowth. All three independently concluded the proposed development would kill the coral reefs next to them, and should not be permitted. Despite the large number of golf courses around the world overlooking coral reefs, they found that no serious study of the environmental Impacts of golf courses, marinas, and hotels on coral reefs had ever been made. The highly paid environmental impact assessment (EIA) consultants simply stated that no negative impacts to corals could occur, but not one followed through

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studies to see if their claims were in fact true, despite the long-known harm caused to reefs by high levels of fertilizers, pesticides, and herbicides. Despite years of legal appeals by Guana Cay residents against the development, their case was thrown out of court on procedural grounds with no examination of the environmental impacts, and the development went ahead. Since there were no studies of coral reefs affected by such development that had been examined before the development to compare effects, Cervino and Goreau continued to follow the impacts after construction. The results confirmed the worst fears of the Guana Cay fishermen that dredging of deepwater channels for sizeable yachts to navigate through shallow sea grass beds killed surrounding seagrass by turbidity and burial of the ecosystem. The native vegetation was bulldozed to be eventually replaced by exotic ornamental plants and heavily watered and fertilized lawns and golf courses. Erosion of limestone sand from bare land turned the sea white, smothering more seagrass and mangroves. The main mangrove area on the island, previously preserved because of the large numbers of juvenile lobsters, conch, and fishes that restocked the surrounding reefs, were dredged out to make a large yacht marina, causing organic carbon in the dead mangrove to be oxidized to CO2 . The fisheries nursery grounds the Guana Cay fishermen relied on were destroyed. As soon as the heavily fertilized and watered golf course greens at the Bakers Bay Resort were established, coral diseases appeared on the coral reef directly down-current from them for the first time and began to kill off the living corals. Harmful algae appeared for the first time on the reef and proceeded to smother corals (Goreau, 2020, https://www.globalcoral.org/golf-courses-kill-coralreefs-and-fisheries-harmful-algae-blooms-and-disease-caused-by-nutrient-runofffrom-golf-course-development-on-guana-cay-abaco-bahamas/). In 2019 Hurricane Dorian suddenly developed east of Abaco, and intensified to Category 5 at record speed, slamming into Abaco with full force, destroying all the local homes and killing thousands of people, especially in slums full of Haitian immigrants. The Guana Cay fishermen lost everything, their houses and boats, and are slowly rebuilding as best they can, but the developers, whose huge solidly built mansions survived the hurricane, earned vast sums in insurance pay offs and “disaster assistance” programmes, unlike the Haitian immigrants who lost everything. The prognosis for Bahamian reefs is poor because of global climate change and the pace of destructive and unsustainable “development.” One of the most important coral reefs now left in the Bahamas, at Lighthouse Point in Eleuthera, is about to be destroyed by dredging for a cruise ship pier and resort by Disney Resorts, approved by politicians despite all environmental advice. Despite an extremely successful pilot Biorock coral and seagrass restoration project at Guana Cay, there has been no funding for effective coral reef regeneration, and almost all the coral fragmentation nurseries were destroyed in Hurricane Dorian. The Bahamas is extremely vulnerable to sea level rise since the islands are very low and the coral reefs that built them are mostly dead. Their future will depend on whether they use Biorock technology.

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10.12 Barbuda and Saint Barthelemy These two islands are discussed together because they are close neighbours yet have very contrasting geographies and histories. The Indigenous people of both islands, whose archaeological remains are found, had vanished before European colonization. The new people on these islands found no rivers, few wells, and soils too dry to grow plantation crops or even much food. They became the master fishermen of the Eastern Caribbean, living from the sea, largely using fishing methods, such as fish traps, copied from traditional Indigenous designs. Both islands were surrounded by reefs and shallow banks rich in fish, lobster, and conch, which they caught and exported to wetter and richer islands in exchange for food and supplies. Whenever there was prolonged drought, the few wells became salty, and the entire population was forced to leave in their boats and beg for water from higher, wetter islands. The soil and geology of the islands are very different. Barbuda is entirely limestone, mostly very flat low ancient beach sand dunes, with a small area of higher limestone. There are no streams or fresh ponds, and most of the groundwater is too salty to drink. The soil is thin and poor with little nutrients or capacity to hold water. Saint Barthelemy on the other hand is extremely steep and rugged with little flat land except along coastal salt ponds. Unlike high islands, both islands are too small for the hills to cause much rain, so there are no streams, just normally dry gullies that flood in hurricane rains. The rocks of Saint Barthelemy are the oldest in the Eastern Caribbean, but unlike the fertile basalt soils on high, wet volcanic islands, Saint Barthelemy is mostly ancient, highly weathered volcanic ash deposits which have largely been leached of nutrients, so soils are poor. The two islands followed very different historic paths. Barbuda was occupied by the English, and assigned to the Codrington family of Barbados, who brought African slaves to grow cotton. When they found cotton couldn’t grow on so dry and infertile soil, the Codringtons abandoned the local population to subsist from the sea, which they did with remarkable success, catching scanty rain from their roofs to survive. Uniquely in the Caribbean, the whole island is owned in common by all the traditional inhabitants, who were deeded the entire island after Emancipation. Saint Barthelemy, in contrast, has always been French speaking, even though for a brief interlude it was administered, in name only, by Sweden (as a symbolic royal family dowry gift). Since there was no flat land, plantation slavery was never viable, and the island was settled by French fishermen, many of Breton or Norman origin. The Saint Barthelemy people speak three different dialects of French on their tiny island, Creole similar to that of Guadeloupe, Martinique, and Haiti, Patois similar to Normandy-influenced Quebec French, and Parisian French, as well as English for tourists. The Barbuda people speak Caribbean English with an accent similar to that of Antigua and Jamaica, distinct from other Eastern Caribbean English accents. As a result of these different colonial histories, the Barbuda population is the most African of any Caribbean Island, and Saint Barthelemy is the most European, there are few brown people on either island. There is almost no communication between the two

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islands, even though they are nearby neighbours with environmental problems in common. Neither island has an international airport, one must enter from larger tourist islands, Antigua for Barbuda, and Saint Martin for Saint Barthelemy, and transfer by boat or very small planes holding few passengers. Despite this, Saint Barthelemy has become the ultimate high-end luxury Caribbean resort for the ultra-wealthy, making food and accommodations impossibly expensive for local residents, many of whom still live from the sea. But most have had to become tourism service providers, maids, waiters, cleaning, staff, etc. Coastal lagoons are now largely polluted and stagnant (septic tanks drain into them), and coastal waters of major beaches are polluted with sewage runoff, stimulating algae overgrowth of coral reefs that used to form and protect the beaches, resulting in severe beach erosion. Barbuda, on the other hand, has resisted tourism, since the inhabitants own the whole island and would rather live from a healthy sea than become maids and gardeners for foreign tourists and risk pollution and economic marginalization on their home island, as happened to nearby Antigua, Saint Barthelemy, and Saint Martin. Barbudans have rejected schemes for mass or luxury tourism on their magnificent beaches, because they prefer smallscale tourism under local ownership than what they see on Antigua, where most tourism jobs are menial, profits flow mostly to foreign owners or politicians, and the population dissatisfied by inequality of economic opportunities. Both islands were devastated by Hurricane Irma, the worst in their history, a category 5 hurricane that arose with no warning and whose eye hit first Barbuda and then Saint Barthelemy. On Barbuda almost every house was destroyed, and the entire population of the island was forcibly evacuated to Antigua, where they had to stay for over a year until basic infrastructure could be restored. The hurricane ripped a huge hole through the barrier beach that contains Codrington Lagoon, the largest and most pristine salt water lagoon in the Eastern Caribbean, critical nursery grounds for the fish, lobsters, and conch Barbudans catch in surrounding coral reefs, mangroves, and sea grasses, and home to the largest Frigate Bird nesting colony in the Caribbean. Previous hurricanes had opened the lagoon to the sea, but the gap soon closed naturally. This time it has continued to expand and is now nearly one and a half kilometres wide, allowing lagoon waters to flow into the sea and altering the water quality of critical habitat for the island’s fisheries. On Saint Barthelemy, all houses and hotels along the shore were devastated, but as the island is part of Metropolitan France, aid for rebuilding was generous and rapid to arrive. On Barbuda, it was delayed for political reasons. The Government of Antigua used the removal of the entire population to try to revoke traditional common legal ownership of the entire island by its people, declaring that the land belonged to the Government and arranging to sell off beachfront land to rich foreign developers who proposed to dredge the Codrington Lagoon for mega-yacht marinas and build hotels and golf courses whose sewage would destroy the pristine water quality of the lagoon and its fish and shellfish nursery habitat (https://www.globalcoral.org/ palmetto-point-development-potential-impacts-on-barbudas-fisheries/). The developers proposing this project are the same group that destroyed Guana Cay reefs and fisheries. The nearby island of Saint Martin had a similar lagoon to that of

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Barbuda, Simpson’s Bay Lagoon. Uncontrolled development has turned this into a stinking mess devoid of life other than slime (Duijndam et al., 2020). This would happen to Barbuda, too, if these environmentally irresponsible plans are forced on them by those who seek to profit from exclusive foreign-owned tourism. GCRA has worked with the diving and fish communities on Barbuda and Saint Barthelemy for years. In 1996 TG did a major study of reef health around Barbuda and Antigua and has repeatedly visited the island to advise the Barbuda Council, the island’s elected government, on various environmental protection, fisheries, and development issues. He worked with the island government, fishermen, and school to review environmentally damaging proposals made and to develop funding proposals to use Biorock technology to close the hurricane gap to save the Lagoon, restore water quality, increase coral, seagrass, and mangrove growth, improve the fisheries nursery habitats, and develop more productive sustainable mariculture methods, to put the island under a sustainable development path according to the wishes of its inhabitants. In addition, GCRA and the High School on Barbuda have set up extremely successful projects to improve soil fertility with volcanic ash from the nearby island of Montserrat, allowing many vegetables to be grown successfully on Barbuda for the first time (Fig. 10.13) (https://www.remineralize.org/2020/06/barbuda-limestonesoil-crop-growth-stimulated-by-montserrat-volcanic-ash/). Up to now no funding has been found to help the Barbudans regenerate their natural resources before foreign developers destroy them. On Saint Barthelemy, GCRA has trained local teams to do Biorock projects. To our amazement, Biorock reefs in one-metre water depth on top of the reef crest, where hurricane waves around 10 m or more broke, were totally undamaged by the huge waves that destroyed all hotels and houses on the shore behind the Biorock reef (https://www.globalcoral.org/biorock-electric-coral-reefs-survive-severe-hurric anes-little-no-damage/)! Even the cable that powered it was undamaged, and most astonishingly, there was no damage to rich elkhorn and staghorn coral growth on it, an oasis of life in the middle of a vast barren desert of dead coral reef. Unfortunately, the main tourist beach on Saint Barthelemy, which lies behind this dead reef, suffered severe erosion after the coral died. Millions of dollars have been repeatedly spent pumping sand onto the beach, and all washed away in a year or so. Local environmental groups propose using Biorock to regenerate reefs so the beaches their tourism depends on will grow back naturally, and their fisheries will be regenerated. Funding is being sought to do so but has not yet been found.

10.13 Gujarat India, the world’s most populous nation, is third in the world in fisheries catches after China and Indonesia. Fisheries employ 14.5 million people, with most of the catch coming from freshwater ponds. The marine catch focuses on netting small schooling fishes in turbid waters, then on bottom fish, but many species caught spend part of their life in coral reefs, which have been strongly degraded from human impacts.

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Fig. 10.13 Volcanic ash remineralizes Barbuda soil. The plot on the left had a 20 kg bag of volcanic ash added about ten years before and has much more pumpkin and sweet potato growth than the control plot on the right. Photo by T. Goreau

The coral reefs along the coasts of Gujarat are among the most exceptionally stressed reefs in the world due to extreme ranges of temperature, salinity, mud, large Monsoon waves, very strong tidal currents, and runoff of sewage and agricultural fertilizers from a densely populated land. Traditional fishing boats target offshore schools of fish in turbid waters with nets and lines, not reef fish, because nets and lines would be entangled, torn, and lost on coral reefs. The reefs appear to have changed greatly in the thousands of years people have lived next to them. A unique feature of Gujarat coral reefs is the absence of the most common coral genus, Acropora (Satyanarayana, 2009), whose fast-growing branching corals dominate coral reefs across the Indian Ocean and Pacific. They are the most important corals for protecting beaches from waves and fish habitats. Nevertheless, the beaches of Gujarat are covered with very old, long-dead, broken Acropora coral skeletons, showing that a dramatic ecological shift thousands of years ago caused them to disappear (Chowdula Satynarayana, pers. comm.). This may have resulted from the original deforestation of Gujarat for agriculture in Prehistoric times. Gujarat was a major node of marine trading networks that spanned the Indian Ocean four thousand years ago (Abulafia, 2019; Joseph, 2018), bringing plants like sugar cane, bananas, and taro from Indonesia to India and Africa, African millets to India, Pigeon Peas (Cajanus cajan) from India to Africa, Chinese millets and

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marijuana to Africa in ancient times (Fuller & Boivin, 2009). The exchange of many economically valuable plants like pigeon peas (Cajanus cajan) happened so long ago that it is uncertain whether these crops were originally developed in India or Africa. The collapse of Indian ancient civilization from drought in prehistoric times left behind only archaeological remnants of trade items like Money Cowries (Cypraea moneta) from the Maldives and distinctive trade beads made in India found in the Maldives, the Near East, and Africa (Heyerdahl, 1986). Drowned remnants of ancient cities in front of Dwarka, Bet Dwarka, Lothal, and other parts of Gujarat are only starting to be excavated (Rao, 1987). Dwarka, home of the God Krishna, has been one of India’s four most sacred pilgrimage sites for thousands of years, built on top of more ancient cities whose trade once crossed the seas. Until the still undecipherable ancient Pre-Vedic Indian scripts can be interpreted, their history will only be accessible by archaeology. In 2020 the first new Biorock coral projects in the Indian Ocean in decades were started by the Zoological Survey of India near Mithapur, Gujarat (https://www.glo balcoral.org/first-biorock-projects-in-india/). The projects are near Bet Dwarka, an ancient port from which ships sailed to and from the Maldives and much of the Indian Ocean 4 or 5 thousand years ago (Rao, 1987). The Biorock reefs are powered by floating solar panel buoys, and soon after installation survived extreme monsoon waves, high mud, strong tidal currents, and a high-temperature coral bleaching event. The projects were installed just before the Covid outbreak by a large team of Zoological Survey of India marine biology experts led by Dr. Chowdula Satyanarayana and Dr. Chandran Retnaraj, with help from the author. Due to Covid lockdowns, it has been very difficult to monitor since installation, but the projects resulted in rapid coral growth that survived bleaching, immediate increases in fishes, and sand producing algae on the bottom around the Biorock reefs. The Zoological Survey of India team includes India’s top coral reef species experts (taxonomists), so important work on biodiversity enhancement will result. One goal of the project is to bring Acropora corals back to Gujarat reefs after thousands of years of absence because they are the most effective corals for shore protection and fisheries habitat due to their open branching and exceptionally rapid growth. The coral reefs that line the Gujarat coast are difficult to dive on because of high currents and turbidity, so very few people will ever see or appreciate their ecological services. The Gulf of Kachchh in Gujarat is more protected but has extremely high tides, currents, and turbidity, the world’s largest oil refineries, petrochemical plants, and much of India’s heavy industry, corals are limited to very shallow water due to lack of light. As a result, they reach their greatest development in unique shallow tide pools in which water is trapped at low tide, whose bottoms are covered with corals despite being only a few tens of centimetres deep. The Gujarat Forestry Department, which manages the marine parks, has built low stone walls at Poshitra to greatly increase the area of shallow tide pools, which has resulted in a stunning expansion of corals in shallow pools, which can easily be seen by the public, a unique opportunity to walk and look at a reef without having to swim or even getting wet. We hope to use solar panels so tide pool coral reefs can be greatly expanded with Biorock and appreciated by the Indian public!

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Bringing back corals in Gujarat is only the first step (https://www.globalcoral. org/first-biorock-projects-in-india/). Coral reefs in Tamil Nadu, South India, are far more impacted by human use, mining of corals, bleaching and net damage, and although reefs in the remote Lakshadweep, Andaman, and Nicobar areas have less human damage, these areas have suffered greatly from coral bleaching. As a result, reefs that were once rich sources of food for coastal populations are collapsing, and reef regeneration that works in places as extremely stressed as Gujarat would work even better there and allow India’s coastal fishing populations to be more productive and less destructive with Biorock mariculture. Biorock could regenerate India’s vanishing coastal reefs, protect severely eroding shores along the mainland, and regenerate mangroves that protect the shore from erosion and are major fish nurseries while protecting coastlines vulnerable to sea level rise.

10.14 Maldives The Maldives, an archipelago of 1200 spectacular Atoll islands in the Indian Ocean, more than 500 kms offshore from South India, was settled in prehistoric times and became a major part of the maritime trade of the ancient Indian civilizations centred on the Indus Valley and Gujarat. Maldivian Money Cowrie shells were used as currency for thousands of years in Asia and Africa, and beads from ancient Indus Valley cultures are found in the Maldives, along with a rich and ancient archaeological record, much of which has been destroyed by later immigrant cultures (Heyerdahl, 1986). The cowries, so common in the Maldives and treasured elsewhere, were cultured for export, harvested from coconut palm leaf mats hanging in the sea. The snail grazed algae growing on the leaves, making the Maldives the country that exported money grown on trees in the sea! The Maldivians were master fishermen, despite having only coconut wood on their low islands, most only about a metre above sea level, sewing the coconut planks of their dhoni boats with coconut fibre ropes laboriously made by the women. They developed intensively productive and sustainable tuna fisheries, catching small bait fish by hand-thrown nets in shallow water, then hooking tuna one by one in open water from baited fishing lines thrown from their wooden Dhoni boats, traditionally built in Kerala in India. Tuna and coconuts fed Maldivians, provided rich exports along with the Money Cowrie, and were traded for rice and boats. Coconuts are almost the only thing they can grow because rising salty ground water tables caused by global sea level rise have killed mango and fruit trees. Nobody needs money cowries any more except as knick-knack souvenirs. Furthermore, even though Maldivians, using traditional hand line fishing, are the only people in the world managing their tuna fisheries sustainably, as soon as tunas wander out of the Maldivian Exclusive Economic Zone, they are pounced upon by insatiable foreign industrial fishing fleets using long lines and drift nets. In addition, satellite sensors catch entire schools, steadily destroying the resources Maldivians have managed sustainably for thousands of years.

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Although corals built every island in the Maldives, and the coral reefs swarmed with spectacular fishes, Maldivians did not eat reef fish. Tuna IS food in the Maldives and is eaten in every meal. Reef fish are starvation food to be eaten only if the weather is too bad to go into the open ocean for tuna. The spectacular and untouched reef fish populations were the basis of tourism that transformed the Maldivian economy in the 1970s. All 200 inhabited islands and 1000 uninhabited islands have accelerating erosion. The Maldives Archipelago lies on the Equator and is outside the Hurricane belt, but it has a unique double Monsoon, blowing around half the year from the southwest and half from the northeast. This moves sand from one end of each island to the other twice a year, so the beaches wax and wane annually, but with global sea level rise, they mostly wane. As a result, there are few natural beaches at resorts. Most are protected behind sea walls made of dead coral rock mined from living reefs. These walls shift and collapse in storms, so resorts began to cover them with steel fencing material, which rusts and falls off in about a year, and then with more expensive fencing with a plastic coating that cracks in the strong sun with the same slightly more delayed result. Some resorts, feeling that rock walls are ugly and uncomfortable for tourists to climb over or lie on, prefer to pump sand into bags, shifting seasonally from one end of the island to the other. This is about as expensive as rock walls, and after the first big storm, the sand is lost, and plastic shreds litter the beach. The only building stone Maldivians had was mining live corals from the reef. The dead corals were cemented together with quicklime, made from burning corals. When Maldivians were few and corals many, it had limited impact, but as the population grew and people migrated to the capital in search of jobs, education, and medical care, all the reefs around the capital island, Male, were mined out for building material, then further afield, destroying their natural protection against storm waves. By the 1980s, waves from remote storms in the Indian Ocean or the Antarctic Ocean flooded the capital, contaminated the ground water wells, killed fruit trees, and caused cholera epidemics. The Government of Japan built a sea wall around Male, made of giant cast concrete tetrapods shipped from Japan, costing around $13 million per kilometre. The other 199 inhabited Maldivian islands did not get any. The British Overseas Aid agency funded the University of Newcastle upon Tyne to do coral reef restoration projects near Male. They shipped 360 tonnes of concrete from Newcastle upon Tyne, most in huge superhighway bridge overpass slabs, and dumped them over 4 hectares of mined-out dead coral reef. They then went to a living reef further away, broke off the corals, cemented them to the concrete, and quickly published scientific papers claiming complete success of the world’s best coral reef restoration project. When TG filmed it a few years later, all the transplanted corals had died, but a few baby corals of weedy species had settled on the undersides of the huge concrete slabs, which looked like a barren parking lot. The corals had died from poor water quality because they were near the capital city’s sewage marine discharge pipes, long before the first major bleaching event in 1998. In 1996 the founder and Director of the Maldives Marine Research Institute of the Ministry of Fisheries, Maizan Hassan Manniku, heard about Biorock reef restoration results in Jamaica and invited GCRA to the Maldives to help. We began projects at Ihuru Island in North Male Atoll, working with Azeez Hakeem, former Director of

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Agriculture. Azeez had grown huge coral gardens around the resort by transplanting corals and cementing them to concrete. He had incredible success: he was, at the time, probably the master coral gardener in the world. TG filmed all his coral gardens to compare their growth against Biorock. Coral growth and fish populations on the Biorock reefs quickly outstripped the planted coral gardens and the natural reef itself: large populations of fishes schooled inside the Biorock reefs during the day and fed at night, or vice versa. Unfortunately, the resort had a serious erosion problem. The beach on the island’s south side had washed away. There was a 2 (two) metre high cliff in the sand and trees collapsing into the sea, with buildings about to follow. They were desperately piling sand bags in front of the restaurant that overlooked the water, and the resort owner told us they would have to tear the building down because there was no way to save it. In 1997 we grew a Biorock reef in front of the vanished beach and transplanted corals on top. In short order, sand piled up under the structure, the beach grew back naturally, the building was saved, and a huge vibrant reef full of stunningly colourful corals and fishes appeared where only bare rock had been right in front of our newly grown beach. Unfortunately, in 1998 the worst high-temperature bleaching event in the history of the Maldives took place, and in a few weeks, 95–99% of the corals on the natural reefs died, along with 100% of the corals in Azeez Hakeem’s previously transplanted coral gardens, but most Biorock corals survived the extreme water temperatures. After bleaching, all the fish moved out of the dead reefs into the Biorock reef, and for around a decade, tourists at other resorts would pay to come and snorkel at Ihuru because the house reefs at their resorts were dead, and only Ihuru had a reef full of bright live corals and fish right in front of a natural beach (Fig. 10.14). This had been achieved using about three air conditioners worth of electricity in a resort with hundreds. After Biorock saved the reef from bleaching and naturally grew back the severely eroded beach, the resort was sold to a foreign operator, who shut the power off to the Biorock structures and refused to allow the project to be repaired, monitored, or documented. In 2004 the Asian Boxing Day Tsunami flooded the island, and Azeez Hakeem was swept out to sea (luckily, he managed to swim back), but there was no damage to the new beach, or reef, or corals. The Maldives was very fortunate to have no major bleaching events for 18 years, and in that time, the reefs slowly recovered, but in 2016, around 98% of the corals died from bleaching. Those we had saved in 1998 were no longer protected by electricity due to the resort’s refusal to maintain the Biorock project. Due to their pulling the plug on the project, progress in Maldivian reef restoration was delayed for a quarter of a century (Goreau, 2022a, b). European, Australian, and American consultants, hired at a high cost, told the Maldivian government that Biorock did not work and that they should not take a 15-min speedboat ride from the capital to see the projects for themselves. Instead, they recommended, and funded, fragmentation methods like the Newcastle project that fail as soon as the water gets too hot (Foo & Asner, 2020), muddy, polluted, diseased, or rough, instead of using superior methods developed in Jamaica and the Maldives, yet another example of systemic racism Island scientists still face from rich country consultants and funding agencies.

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Fig. 10.14 This Biorock reef in the Maldives, built in 1997, survived the severe bleaching event of 1998 and the 2004 Tsunami and grew back to a severely eroded beach, photo 2010 by Azeez Hakeem. Reefs like this can grow to match sea level rise, protect Atoll islands from erosion, and grow islands, food, and construction materials

In early 2022, some 25 years after the last Biorock project, the Maldivian Government Blue Economy advisors requested more information about Biorock, especially to protect large dredge-fill islands now being constructed. GCRA has indicated readiness to train young Maldivians and set up pilot Biorock projects for reefs that grow to protect eroding islands from sea level rise, save corals from bleaching in Biorock Coral Arks, regenerate eroding tourist beaches, develop sustainable mariculture, produce local carbon-negative building material that is cheaper and harder than coral rock or expensive imported Portland Cement (each tonne of which releases a tonne of CO2 into the atmosphere), and grow floating reefs to produce food for tuna and maintain Maldivian tuna stocks in their own Exclusive Economic Zone, so the tuna stock can be sustainably managed without being stolen by foreign industrial fishing fleets. Biorock can grow faster than sea level rise, so it can also grow islands on shallow banks and help the Maldives be the first Atoll country to grow out of the climate emergency instead of being drowned (https://www.globalcoral.org/maldivescan-build-its-own-future-with-biorock-technology/).

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10.15 Seychelles Central Seychelles are the only granite oceanic islands in the world; all others are coralline limestone or volcanic basalt. Seychelles is a small fragment of the ancient Laurasia/Gondwana Continent that broke off and was left isolated after Madagascar and India separated 80 million years ago. Seychelles are so remote that they were never discovered and settled in ancient times, so there was no indigenous population when the French settled them from Mauritius and Reunion, and all ecosystems were pristine. However, they were densely populated by giant tortoises and ferocious crocodiles that lived up the rivers to the mountain peaks and attacked people on sight. Once crocodiles were exterminated and the giant tortoises eaten, mountainous Seychelles could develop only a minor subsistence fishing and farming economy, as there was very little flat fertile soil to farm. The islands were too small and remote to produce and export tropical plantation crops like Mauritius and Reunion. The English captured Seychelles during the Napoleonic Wars but left French administrators in place, seeing no value in them. In the mid-1800s, the British Royal Navy ended the Arab slave trade from East Africa and Madagascar by seizing the Arab slave ships, but instead of returning the unfortunate captives to their homelands, they simply abandoned them Seychelles, selling off rights to their labour to French planters. Suddenly the Seychelles population increased around ten times, with released captives forced to become small farmers and fishermen to survive. Many new Seychellois were from the Madagascar coast, so Malagasy net, line, and fish trap methods were adopted. The subsistence fishing and farming economy dramatically changed when tourism completely dominated the economy, relegating fishing to a minor occupation. Seychelles’ beautiful beaches are now the basis of the economy, but all are threatened as global warming kills the corals that protect them and increases storm strength and as global sea level rise accelerates. Without large-scale reef restoration, the beaches will gradually disappear. The large area of reefs and small population meant that Seychelles reefs were fairly lightly fished except around the main town, Victoria, on Mahe Island, and remained in good condition until the export shark meat and fin market resulted in the extermination of most of Seychelles sharks in the 1950s and 1960s. Seychelles then became a major centre for the Indian Ocean tuna fishing fleet, but this targeted fish populations in deeper offshore waters and had a small impact on the reefs. By the early 1990s, only reefs in front of the major town, Victoria, were badly affected by freshwater runoff, soil erosion following deforestation, sewage, and garbage, but in 1998 almost all Seychelles corals bleached and died due to high temperature (Goreau et al., 2000). TG filmed marked coral reef transects in the Seychelles Marine Parks before, during, and after the 1998 bleaching, the only place in the world where this was done. Only a few species of stress-tolerant corals survived, but breeding populations of the most important corals for shore protection and fish habitat were wiped out. Since only a few small pre-reproductive juvenile corals of these species survived, mostly hidden on the undersides of dead corals, recovery was slow, and there was little recruitment of new corals until these underage survivors could grow to reproductive size. Land-based stress from sediments, sewage, and

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extensive dredging to create artificial islands in Mahe prevented the recovery of damaged reefs near populated areas, which were overgrown by masses of weedy algae, mainly Sargassum (De Georges et al. 2010). Biorock reef restoration projects were started in the Sainte Anne Marine Park by Hilbertz and Goreau in 1996. Although the dramatic growth of corals and dense juvenile fish populations were immediately noted, the Seychelles Marine Park Authority did not maintain the projects. Two more sets of new Biorock projects were started in the Marine Park a few years later, but these also were not maintained. After the 1998 bleaching, the only area with many surviving corals was the severely damaged reefs inside Victoria Harbour, which survived because turbid water prevented lethal combinations of high temperature and light. The surviving corals were all slated to be destroyed by dredging the following year as a landfill for artificial islands. I wrote a proposal for the Seychelles Government to the World Bank Global Environment Facility fund to rescue the last surviving corals in Victoria Harbour before dredging and translocation to Biorock nurseries in the Sainte Anne Marine Park. Unfortunately, Australian, American, and European consultants to the World Bank prevented any funding for coral rescue, claiming that coral restoration could not be done, and if it could be done, it should not even be attempted because corals were “resilient” and would bounce back all by themselves with no help! Because they prevented the rescue project, the corals were destroyed by dredging. The foreign “experts” and funding agencies who prevented the Seychelles coral rescue in 1998 are now wasting large amounts of foreign aid funding on the usual fragmentation methods. These focus on a handful of weedy coral species of limited ecological value, which die whenever it gets hot, muddy, or rough water breaks the fishing line, PVC pipe, and concrete nurseries they use. Rich country-controlled agencies and their advisors refuse to allow Biorock reefs to be funded in Seychelles or anywhere else. Until Seychelles uses effective methods of coral reef regeneration again, the long-term future of Seychelles’ once spectacular reefs, beaches, and fisheries will be bleak.

10.16 Zanzibar and Tanzania Ancient East Africans exploited shells for food and later to make jewellery, leaving behind huge piles of harvested shells along coasts and in caves. East Africa was part of trading networks that spanned the Indian Ocean in prehistoric times when many crops such as millets, pigeon peas, and cannabis were exchanged between India and East Africa, and coconuts, sugar cane, bananas, and other crops brought across the entire Indian Ocean from Indonesia. East Africa’s coast was settled in the 600’s by the Shirazis, Zoroastrians from Persia fleeing invading Muslim Arabs, who founded a maritime Swahili Afro-Shirazi civilization along the coasts of Tanzania, Kenya, and Mozambique focused on the offshore islands Zanzibar, Pemba, and Mafia, and coastal towns like Kilwa, Mombassa, and Malindi. They traded cloth from India for gold from Zimbabwe, and constructed buildings using corals mined from the

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sea, cemented together with quicklime, made by burning corals. These areas were later colonized by Arab invaders from Oman, who dominated the Swahili coast and established an economy based on massive export of enslaved people and ivory from East Africa and Central Africa to Arabia and beyond. In the 1300 s and 1400 s, trade with Chinese fleets introduced new Asian crops like Taro. Later food crops from the Caribbean brought by the Portuguese in the 1500 s, like cassava, maize, peppers, tomatoes, and sweet potatoes, came to dominate local food production. In the late 1800s, German and British gunboats destroyed the old maritime trade networks based on slavery and forced people to work on export crop plantations to earn money to pay their taxes to the new rulers, which could only be paid in European coins, not in produce and goods like before. Coastal fishermen used traditional nets, lines, and traps all along the Tanzanian coast for hundreds of thousands of years but had minor localized impacts on the fisheries until the introduction of dynamite fishing in the 1960s. Dynamite is the ultimate lazy man’s way to fish, drop a bomb on top of a big school of fish on the reef, and you can kill almost all of them in one go. The explosion blows up the fishes’ air-filled swim bladder, so some float to the surface where they can be easily scooped up with nets, but those whose swim bladder ruptures sink to the bottom and are lost. The living coral reef habitat for fishes is obliterated, becoming piles of dead coral rubble surrounding bomb craters. The fish lose their food and shelter, and the dead coral reefs never recover because although young corals will settle on clean dead coral skeletons, the dead coral rubble rolls around in storms, and baby corals are killed. There is no point in dynamiting the same reef twice because they do not recover. Tanzania became notorious for dynamite fishing in the 1960s. In the 1990s, I met a Panamanian underwater photographer documenting the coral reefs of Zanzibar who was twice knocked unconscious by dynamite explosions while she was diving and photographing. Although the Government is now suppressing dynamite fishing, half a century of dynamite fishing has taken a terrible toll on Tanzania’s coral reefs and fisheries, so coastal fisheries have largely collapsed, and fishermen are desperate to find new ways of fisheries management that are more productive and less destructive. Most fish populations will not come back until after the reef habitat regenerates from destruction, and with increased global warming and pollution, that is not likely to happen unless Biorock regeneration methods are used on a large scale. Tanzania has some of the largest areas of mangroves in Africa, but many have been badly degraded. As in most countries, mangrove management policies have been inconsistent. In the past, mangroves were regarded as useless wastelands, and people were encouraged to chop them down for firewood, bulldoze them to make fish or shrimp ponds, fill them with landfill to make habitable land, and use them as garbage dumps. However, when mangrove-protected areas were established in Tanzania in recent years, traditional harvesters of mangrove oysters and crabs were allowed to continue, and mangrove protection laws were often not enforced, destroyed by firewood cutting for charcoal, degradation by grazing livestock, and overharvesting of marine life near populated areas. Mangroves near Dar es Salaam are especially heavily impacted.

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Now that the economic value of mangroves as carbon sinks has recently been recognized, governments worldwide are suddenly seeking to capitalize on their mangroves for carbon credits. This has generated speculators from around the world seeking to sell and manage carbon credits, even though no global rules for consistent carbon management have been drafted or agreed to at the United Nations Convention on Climate Change, thanks to obstruction by Saudi Arabia, Russia, and OPEC countries. Because mangroves can store more carbon per unit area at the least cost of any other ecosystem, mangroves have suddenly gone from worthless to the most potentially valuable ecosystems, along with coral reefs. Tanzania is now banning traditional mangrove uses in designated reserves, and families that have lived in them for generations face being displaced as laws are enforced, leaving them with no way to make a living. In the Kidete Mangrove Reserve, near Dar es Salaam, a central core area of mangrove remains, surrounded by a large border zone of degraded mangroves recently replanted with mangrove seedlings by villagers. Their long-term viability will depend on villagers protecting and managing their mangroves and finding new sustainable sources of income. Sixty-five women in Kidete make their living digging up fossil corals from deforested mangrove areas, smashing them with hammers into the gravel they sell as aggregate for concrete for an income of about $1 a day. Their families face starvation if they are banned from digging in the degraded mangrove subsoil and have no alternatives. Local environmentalist Fiona Barreto is helping develop reforestation projects in the hope that villagers can earn the anticipated carbon credits for the forests they grow and produce bee honey, oysters, and crabs for sale. In the 1990s, I met two Tanzanian marine Biologists, Dr. Keto Mshigeni and Dr. Adelaida Semeisi, who had pioneered seaweed mariculture and marine science in Tanzania, and they planned to do Biorock projects there. Unfortunately, Dr. Mshigeni left to head the University of Namibia, and Dr. Semeisi died. Nevertheless, the seaweed mariculture efforts they started, led by Dr. Flower Msuya, have developed women’s seaweed farming cooperatives in Zanzibar that have expanded to the mainland and Mafia Island. Unfortunately, these seaweed farms are now threatened by global warming, causing seaweeds to die in hot shallow water (Msuya, 2022). Farming seaweeds in deeper and cooler water is possible, but these cannot be tended by wading at low tide, requiring boats and swimming. Now, 30 years later, Tanzanian community development groups and marine resource managers, organized by Fiona Barreto and African Malaika, are planning Biorock training workshops for coastal fishing communities and marine park managers in coral, mangrove, seagrass, and fisheries habitat regeneration and to apply Biorock to mixed seaweed, fish, lobster, and giant clam mariculture with local groups in Zanzibar, Mafia, and the coast between Dar es Salaam and the Rufiji Delta. Besides mariculture, fisheries, mangrove, and sea grass Blue Carbon projects to remove and store CO2 , Biorock has many potential applications in local architecture to grow harder and cheaper building materials in the sea to replace buildings traditionally made from dead corals.

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10.17 Indonesia: Bali, Lombok, Sulawesi, Ambon Indonesia is the world’s largest island nation, with more than 17,000 islands, the fourth largest population, and the second-largest fish catch, after China. It has at least 300 distinct Indigenous Peoples, most relying on the sea for all or most of their protein. Indonesia has the world’s largest area and highest biodiversity of coral reefs, seagrasses, and mangroves, nearly all next to traditional Indigenous lands. However, around half the mangroves have been destroyed for shrimp farming, the seagrasses are largely gone, buried by soil eroded after deforestation for agriculture, and nearly 95% of the coral reefs have been severely damaged or destroyed, mostly by the use of explosives and poisons for fishing, soil erosion, sewage, diseases, dredging, anchor damage, and global warming. Indonesian marine environments are extraordinarily diverse and dynamic, with strong ocean and tidal currents, affected unpredictably by the world’s most active plate tectonic subduction zone. This causes any country’s most violent volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, and tsunamis. Extreme spatial variability of habitats, impacted by severe episodic disruptions, fuels intensive evolutionary selection and genetic exchange between local populations, making Indonesia the global centre of marine biodiversity. TG and the late Wolf Hilbertz have worked with Indonesian divers, scientists, environmentalists, and fishing communities for more than 20 years, and our Indonesian students, led by Prawita Tasya Karissa of Biorock Indonesia, have built more than 600 Biorock coral reef restoration projects on many islands, around three-quarters of all such projects in the entire world (http://www.biorock-indonesia.com/; https://gil iecotrust.com/). Biorock is the only method that saves corals from dying from coral bleaching (Goreau, 2022a, b, c), and so is the only hope for maintaining these ecosystems and their priceless economic services, fisheries, biodiversity, shore protection, and ecotourism in the future. The major regeneration sites are Pemuteran (Bali) and Gili Trawangan (Lombok). When we began after the catastrophic 1998 bleaching event, there was only around 1% live coral cover on the reef, and the fisheries had collapsed. In 5–10 years, GCRAtrained teams had restored their reefs to around 99% live coral cover and built up huge and diverse fish populations that restored fisheries of surrounding reefs (Figs. 10.15 and 10.16). These projects have become international ecotourism attractions that drive economies of entire villages, which had been the poorest on their islands, creating a boom in hotels, dive shops, tourism services, and jobs (Goreau, 2010). Biorock Indonesia teams have built many more Biorock projects in Sulawesi, Java, Flores, Sumbawa, and Ambon and are developing new projects and training local teams in Halmahera and West Papua. One of our local partners, Yayasan Karang Lestari (Protected Coral Foundation), received many international awards, including the United Nations Equator Award for Community-Based Development and the Special United Nations Development

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Fig. 10.15 Biorock reef in Pemuteran, Bali, with the author for scale. Photograph 2000 by Wolf Hilbertz

Programme Award for Oceans and Coastal Management. However, despite international accolades, we have never had funding from governments or international agencies (except for UNDP funding described in the next section), and small donations from tourists minimally support the projects and local staff. Pemuteran villagers are very proud of how they restored their fisheries and want every other fishing village in Indonesia, a nation of 250 million people on more than 17,000 islands, where 80% of the protein comes from the sea, to do the same. Nevertheless, unfortunately, only 5% of Indonesia’s coral reefs, the largest and most biologically diverse in the world, remain in good condition. In recent years many reefs were devastated by severe storms, massive outbreaks of coral-eating starfish and snails, mud from floods, sewage from humans, wastes from fish farms, and global warming-caused bleaching that was worse than that which killed most of the corals in the Great Barrier Reef in early 2016 (which needless to say, got all the publicity). In 2016 more than 95% of the corals on the best reefs in Bali died from heat shock, but Biorock reefs had almost complete coral survival (see videos at www.glo balcoral.org). Growth and settlement of new marine life around them have increased biodiversity, exceeding that before (Goreau, 2010). Biorock reefs naturally grew back severely eroded beaches in a few months and could be used worldwide to restore vanishing shorelines (Goreau & Prong, 2017). This astonishingly fast regeneration

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Fig. 10.16 Same reef in October 2021. Photo by Komang Astika

of beaches is due to three factors: the Biorock reef absorbs wave energy, reduces wave erosion at the shore, and produces large amounts of new coralline algae sand, which builds up under the reefs and along the shore, even where the beach had been progressively eroding. Biorock Indonesia is seeking funds to renovate and expand these projects, not only in Pemuteran but all across Indonesia, and train the many remote fishing communities that are asking for help but have no tourists who can donate small sums to help maintain them. Although Biorock Indonesia works with communities across the archipelago, we discuss only four islands: Bali, Lombok, Sulawesi, and Ambon. The Balinese preserve intact traditions of Indonesia’s ancient Hindu high culture. They are traditionally rice farmers and not Sea People. The ocean is feared as the home of evil spirits, and most Balinese are afraid to swim in the sea. Balinese developed the Subak rice farming system, regarded as the most advanced system ever developed to recycle water, soil, and nutrients at the highest possible efficiency (Lansing, 1991, 2006). Fishermen traditionally did much fishing from the island of Madura, where dynamite fishing destroyed the reefs in the 1980s, causing many to move on to Bali, where most of the reefs were then dynamited in the 1990s. Pemuteran in Buleleng province of Northwest Bali had the largest area of reefs in Bali, and the lowest currents, making it the centre of diving ecotourism on the island. The population of Pemuteran originally came from the opposite end of the island, Karangasem, where they farmed the slopes of Gunung Agung, the highest and holiest

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volcano in Bali. The violent 1963 eruption destroyed large farmland areas and forced the population to flee. Refugees were resettled in Pemuteran, empty because it was too dry to grow rice, forcing the people to turn to the sea to survive. Pemuteran was documented at that time as the poorest village in Bali. People slept on dirt floors with their animals. The development of tourism, based on Pemuteran’s beautiful reefs, transformed the economy. However, in 1998 massive dynamiting of reefs, the use of cyanide poisons, and a devastating high-temperature bleaching event killed almost all the corals and caused fisheries and diving ecotourism to collapse. In 2000 Biorock reef projects began, and around 150 Biorock reefs, sponsored by locally owned hotels and dive shops, revived local tourism, beaches, diving, and fisheries (Fig. 10.17). This created massive employment as copycat hotels and dive shops moved in. Surveys show tourists come from all over the world to see the Biorock projects in Pemuteran, and most said that was specifically why they had come. Word of mouth, not advertising, spreads the message. By 2015 Pemuteran had become one of the richest villages on the island from having been the poorest. Immigration into the village by people seeking jobs is now stressing housing and water resources, causing local sewage pollution and harmful algae to spread on the reef. The decline of tourism caused by Covid has been a blessing regarding water quality improvements, and the Biorock reefs continue to grow beautifully (see recent photographs and video at www.globalcoral.orgwww.globalcoral.org & http://www.biorock-ind onesia.com/). Biorock workshops trained hundreds of Indonesian students who have formed Biorock Indonesia. Led by Prawita Tasya Karissa, they have installed more than 600 Biorock reefs across the Indonesian archipelago. Biorock projects began a few years later at Gili Trawangan, Lombok, with the Gili Eco Trust. Like Pemuteran, diving resorts began because of spectacular coral reefs and fish but collapsed when almost all corals died from dynamite, cyanide, or bleaching in 1998. Working with the Gili Eco Trust, led by Delphine Robbe, some 150 Biorock reefs were installed. Diving on Biorock reefs has become the basis of the economy of Gili Trawangan. Negative pollution consequences started due to uncontrolled expansion and lack of sewage treatment. Covid has stopped tourism, and many immigrants have left the islands, so the waters are clear again, and the coral growth is spectacular (see (https://giliecotrust.com/). The fishing community on Gili Trawangan are Bajau Peoples, often called “Sea Gypsies,” an extraordinary diving people who live entirely from the sea, usually in floating villages, and have migrated across Indonesia from South Sulawesi. The Bajau people are exceptional divers and have unique genetic mutations that greatly increase their ability to breathe and dive deep, some of which may have come from extinct Denisovan ancestors (Ilardo, 2018). Bajau communities are often accused of overexploiting marine resources (TG was once nearly killed by a bomb thrown by a Bajau fisherman while filming a “Protected no-fishing reef” managed by their community in Sulawesi). However, in Gili Trawangan, they clearly see that a live fish is worth much more than a dead fish; they make much less money catching and eating or selling a fish once than they do by selling the same fish repeatedly to watching tourists. Migrating Bajau communities have been widely blamed for reef

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Fig. 10.17 a–c Biorock Indonesia team installing new Biorock reef in Pemuteran, Bali. The structure represents Mythological Balinese figures. Photographs by Iain Robinson

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destruction and overfishing by local communities across Indonesia. However, if they become reef growers like in Gili Trawangan, their incredible mastery of the waters makes them ideal for regenerating Indonesia’s priceless marine resources, the richest and most productive in the world. In North Sulawesi, we grew back to severely eroded beaches with Biorock next to a Minahasan fishing village on the Pulau Gangga, whose beach had washed away after unwise sea wall construction (Goreau & Prong, 2017). We revived coral reefs, seagrass beds, and fisheries. As a result, the village now prefers to regenerate their coastal resources rather than build expensive concrete walls that keep falling. In Ambon, we are growing back the last corals in Ambon Bay, where the spectacular coral gardens were first made famous to science in the 1600’s by the great naturalist Georg Eberhard Rumpf (Rumphius), who described hundreds of species from fishermen’s nets by touch, since he was completely blind (Rumpf & Beekman, 1999), and by Alfred Russel Wallace in the 1800s. Unfortunately, deforestation to grow clove spices for colonial export by the Dutch caused most of the rich soil to wash into the bay and smother the corals, while untreated sewage caused harmful algae blooms. Biorock Indonesia is regenerating Ambon reefs and symbolizing the peace pact that ended the undeclared civil war between Christians and Muslims, with Biorock reefs shaped like a church and a mosque next to each other (http://www.biorock-indonesia.com/biorock-brings-coral-back-inambon/http://www.biorock-indonesia.com/biorock-brings-coral-back-in-ambon/). Indonesia, with the world’s largest and most biodiverse coral reefs, mangroves, and seagrasses, is the centre of our global marine ecosystem regeneration efforts because most of these ecosystems in Indonesia have already been badly degraded or destroyed. Suppose Indonesian fishing communities have the tools to regenerate them with Biorock Technology. In that case, Indonesia could become the world’s largest and most cost-effective Blue Carbon sink, and collapsing livelihoods and customs of its hundreds of Sea People cultures would be rejuvenated.

10.18 Ati The Ati (Aeta) are the aboriginal people of the Philippines, distantly related to Aboriginals and New Guinea people, and have lived there for at least 30,000 years. Called Negritos (little black people) by the Spanish, they were forced into remote islands or mountains, overwhelmed or marginalized when the ancestors of the modern Filipinos migrated from Taiwan around 5,000 years ago. Only one generation ago, the Ati were the only people on the island of Boracay, where they lived by fishing and hunting (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ati_people). When it was realized that Boracay had the finest white sand beaches in the Philippines, all their land was taken. The Ati still survive in one small village, can’t get jobs, have almost no educational opportunities, and survive by sending their small children begging on the streets with blank-eyed stares and hands out in the hope that someone drops a few coins in them so their families can eat that day.

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Their ancient traditional village lands are being claimed by a rich Filipino businessman trying to throw them out of their last refuge so he can build a luxury hotel on their beach. His gunmen openly murdered the only educated Ati leader, and no case was filed against him. The Philippines Government is now offering the Ati 7.8 hectares, less than 1% of the 1032-hectare island they once exclusively owned (https://www.rappler.com/nation/214985-only-8-hectaresboracay-land-to-be-distributed-to-ati-tribe/). Boracay has become a mass tourism destination with all the worst features of greed and over-development, crowded slums, prostitution, and people having to wade through raw sewage in the streets whenever it rains. As a result, the coral reefs are almost entirely dead from sewage, which also causes skin, nose, throat, and ear infections to divers, swimmers, and kite surfers. GCRA researchers did the two most detailed water quality and reef health studies around the island in 1997 and 2007, but none of our recommendations to the Government to clean up the water and restore the reefs were followed. We have been trying for decades to get back to Boracay with funding to work with the Ati community to grow back the coral reefs in front of the last Ati village on Boracay so that they can manage it as an ecotourism snorkelling reserve and set up mariculture projects. They are eager to do so if there is still time, funding, and government support for their First People’s rights. Nevertheless, unfortunately, almost all Philippines reefs have collapsed ecologically, and if they are not regenerated, the country will lose most of its coastal resources.

10.19 Vanuatu The Vanuatu people have developed 113 separate languages and cultures over thousands of years on their archipelago of 83 islands. Although Vanuatu is one of the poorest countries in the Pacific, its people survived two near genocides, first from European diseases and then from European and Australian slavers, so-called “blackbirders” who carried islanders off to labour on sugar cane fields in Australia and coconut plantations in the Pacific. Nevertheless, the Ni-Vanuatu people have been rated happiest in the world by international surveys because the islands are lush, beautiful, and people generous to each other to live in harmony. TG has a special bond with young Vanuatu people because they greatly admire Jamaican culture, and he was the first Jamaican they met. Vanuatu coastal villages fish coral reefs for food, and even though reefs are still among the best in the world, local fishermen were so deeply concerned about the decline of their reefs from coral bleaching that they tried all conventional methods of coral transplantation but found all failed when water became too hot or muddy (conditions that Biorock-grown corals survive). So in June 2016, the United Nations Development Programme funded the Vanuatu Fisheries Department to hold a Biorock coral reef fisheries restoration training workshop. This was attended by more than 100 people, who built and installed Biorock reefs at three sites near Tanoliu, whose

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coral reefs were dredged and destroyed by the US military in 1943 as landfill for an airport runway and never recovered (https://www.globalcoral.org/vanuatu-biorockworkshop-june-9-18-2016/). These villagers wanted to expand the projects and start Biorock giant clam farms greatly, and around a dozen other coastal villages requested similar projects. GCRA feels that Vanuatu is one of the most promising places in the world for reef restoration due to the eagerness of the people, especially the youth (Fig. 18), to restore their resources. Unfortunately, we have not been able to find any funds to continue. We seek support to greatly expand training in Biorock coral reef restoration and mariculture methods to fishing communities across Vanuatu, to set up village cooperatives for giant clam and fish cultivation, and as a base to train people from other Pacific Island nations in reef restoration, in particular atoll islanders (Fig. 10.18).

10.20 Hotsararie Hotsararie (Helen Reef) is an isolated atoll belonging to the Hatahobei (Tobi) People of Palau. Hatahobei is one of the very remote Southwest Islands, closer to New Guinea, Indonesia, and the Philippines than to Palau, whose people speak a completely different language than Palauan. Their islands have no lagoons, no safe anchorages, and hence very few fish resources, so most of the population has been forced to migrate to Palau, where they form an isolated community, feeling discriminated against by their neighbours.

Fig. 10.18 a–c Adults and children at Tanoliu got very involved in the Biorock project. Photos by Robert Lee

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Fig. 10.18 (continued)

The Hatahobei peoples’ only fisheries resource is Hotsararie, a huge remote atoll 80 kms away across the richest tuna fisheries in the Pacific, which the Palau government leases out to foreign commercial fleets. Hotsararie, one of the world’s greatest seabird and turtle nesting sites, has only a single tiny sand bar above water at high tide, uninhabitable because there is no freshwater. Hotsararie means “Reef of the Giant Clams” in the Hatahobei language because it has the most abundant giant clams in the Pacific and has the highest coral, fish, and invertebrate diversity of any Pacific reef. Hatahobei people could not live there permanently to protect their resources since they had to sail from Hatahobei to fish and could stay only as long as their water lasted. While they were on their home island, almost all the giant clams were stolen by foreign industrial fishing fleets, many from Taiwan, leaving the reef barren. The only dry land on Hotsararie, the sand bar, moves sideways 15 m a year across the reef flat due to rapid erosion on the west and deposition of sand on the east. A coconut tree planted on the island’s east shore will collapse into the sea on the west shore before it is old enough to bear nuts! The remains of a concrete platform built on the island by Japanese troops in the 1940s sit underwater nearly a kilometre away. If the Hatahobei people lose this sand bar, they will lose control of their entire atoll and its exclusive economic zone. Hatahobei Governor Sabino Sackarias asked GCRA to grow a solar-powered Biorock coral reef to protect Hotsararie from washing away because they heard of our work growing back beaches naturally and quickly in the Maldives and Indonesia. Unfortunately, it took many years to find funding to get there. Then we had to wait nearly a year because their only supply boat to carry food from Palau to Hatahobei was broken and in dry dock in the Philippines, so Hatahobei islanders had no supplies

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Fig. 10.19 Building a solar-powered Biorock reef with Hatahobei young people at low tide to protect Hotsararie from washing away. Black dots are huge flocks of sea birds over the island. The dark sky is from a forming Super Typhoon. Photo 2004, Wolf Hilbertz

this period, living only from coconuts and fish. When the boat was finally repaired, we had to deliver the rice and betel nuts they were desperate for before going to Hotsararie, where we built a 32 solar panel rack and a Biorock shore protection reef 200 m long (Fig. 10.19). Unfortunately, we were trapped in the lagoon by a Super-typhoon, and when we finally could leave, we were down to the last bag of rice. Unfortunately, we did not have enough time, money, people, or equipment to finish the job properly. Since we had no electricity, we could not weld, so the structure was wired together by hand, and this was not enough to withstand huge logs smashing across the reef, coming from New Guinea, Indonesia, the Philippines, and even from Canada on the opposite side of the Pacific, logs of Douglas Fir with characteristic rocks from British Columbia wedged between the roots. Our solar panels are stored on Hotsararie, we have no funds to get back there with the materials we need to finish the job, so the island continues to wash away. If we can raise funds, we will return to help the Hatahobei people save Hotsararie. TG has lived in every single atoll nation: Maldives, Tuvalu, Kiribati, and Marshall Islands, and all their islands are washing away. Foreign aid agencies have spent millions of dollars building sea walls, and every single one has collapsed, many before they finished building them, or soon will. Biorock beach restoration projects at

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Pulau Ganga, Sulawesi, Indonesia, grew back to a 300-metre-long beach in months, increasing the height of the beach by about 1.5 m and the width by about 10 m (Goreau & Prong, 2017). It is the last hope for atoll countries to save themselves from global sea level rise. Nothing else works (https://www.globalcoral.org/climateproofing-coastlines-with-biorock-technology/). We hope Hotsararie and Hatohobei will be among them.

10.21 Bikini Atoll Bikini Atoll has been inhabited for some 3,500 years by the master mariners of the Pacific, people whose boats staggered Europeans not only because of their incredible speed, sailing circles around the fastest European boats, but because they could go just as fast backwards. The Bikini people, despite their remoteness, were not isolated because they could sail wherever they wished. They were essentially untouched by colonialism. A couple of times a century, Spanish or Germans would show up and demand they all work to produce copra for them, and then they would sail away. World War I, when German rule was replaced by the Japanese, and World War II, when Americans replaced the Japanese, hardly affected them. Nevertheless, in 1946, a US Military Task Force suddenly showed up and told them to leave as fast as they could pack. Their Atoll had been selected in Washington, DC, for nuclear bomb testing precisely because of its isolation (Kiste, 1974; Niedenthal, 2001). The Bikinians packed all they could carry onto a landing craft that would carry them away from their homeland forever. The entire population of 167, against their will, abandoned their houses, chickens, and crops behind, trusting American promises that they would “soon be back.” In short, they were replaced by 42,000 white American men, living on hundreds of naval warships and in a tent city built on top of their abandoned village, complete with bars, movie theatres, bowling alleys, and unlimited food and beer. The huge lagoon of Bikini Atoll was full of huge corals that rose vertically 200 feet from the bottom and grew right up to the surface. These ancient reefs were immediately dynamited so warships could anchor in the centre of the lagoon to be bombed from above and not sink prematurely on the reefs first. No documentation was ever made of 200-foot-tall coral reefs before they were blasted into oblivion, along with the thousands of years of environmental records their coral skeletons contained, just a quick practice run for the REALLY big bombs to come, the biggest the world had ever known. Like rich boys with unlimited toys, they blew up a series of nuclear bombs, in the air, in the water, and deep underground, just to see what would happen if their troops were exposed to sufficient nuclear radiation. They quickly discovered that they would die, making Bikini uninhabitable with nuclear radioactivity for up to a quarter of a million years until the plutonium decays away. They irradiated themselves first, but most terribly, they even managed to irradiate the exiled Bikinians too on the remote, barren desert island where they had abandoned them to starve.

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For thousands of years, Bikinians had one of the largest atoll lagoons, full of corals and fish, at their disposal, suddenly they were dumped on Rongerik, a tiny uninhabitable barren island with no freshwater, no lagoon at all, no reef to fish in, and soon their water and then food was gone affected by nuclear radiation fallout. It exploded in the most concentrated form right over the American barrack cities on Bikini and Enyu islands, where the troops were based, and then the cloud continued to the sea, passing right over the island where the Bikinians were starving. Radioactive white powder flakes fell from the sky. The children thought it was the snow they had seen only in pictures. They rushed out to play and dance in it, rubbing it on their hair and skin, which soon began to fall off in large patches. Months later, women gave birth to “jellyfish babies,” transparent embryos you could see through, with no bones. Many later died of various cancers. The survivors of this horrific treatment were forcibly evacuated again, not home to Bikini as they pleaded, but to tents along the side of the US air force base runway at Kwajalein atoll! Finally, after some further delays, Ujelang, an uninhabited atoll, was found for them. However, they rejected it, it too was also uninhabitable because of lack of water, and it had already been given to the nuclear exiles from Enewetak Atoll, the alternate US nuclear bomb target. Finally, another uninhabitable island, Kili, was found for them further south, and they were dumped again there. This island, although much wetter than Bikini, was uninhabited because it had no lagoon at all, only a narrow fringing reef with no landing beach (their only supply boat was soon wrecked), and waters so rough that most of the year they could not even get into the water to chase the few fish. They became entirely reliant on food aid if it came. Around two thirds of the Bikinians remain on Kili, essentially isolated from the rest of the world except for occasional flights bringing white rice, white flour, and frozen chicken necks and backs from Arkansas. As there is little employment or services on Kili, about a third of the Bikinians migrated to the capital atoll Majuro, where they are isolated on Ejit, a tiny islet on top of the reef flat, which they have to wait for low tide to wade across three tidal passes to get to. Around 15 years ago, Kili and Ejit began to flood with seawater during unusually high “King” tides. As a result, most of the islands are now inundated with seawater once or twice a year. This floods homes, contaminates wells with salt water, and kills fruit trees like mangoes, bananas, and breadfruit. Even coconut trees are dying in the worst flooded areas. It worsens yearly, and soon the islands will be uninhabitable unless they can regenerate their natural coral reef coastal defences (https://www.glo balcoral.org/climate-proofing-coastlines-with-biorock-technology/). Our work in Bikini began in 1946 when my grandfather was the Official Photographer of the Operation Crossroads Task Force, documenting the effects of the first nuclear bomb tests on ships, people, experimental animals, birds, coconut crabs, and marine life. He photographed the homes the Bikinians had abandoned, their chickens still searching for food, the birds, the mangroves, the coral reefs, and the fishes, and he showed how fish bones and organs were so radioactive they could take their own photographs. His photographs are the best record of how Bikini was before and immediately after, and most have never been shown except by me to the Bikini

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community in 2019, 73 years later. In 1947 a massive scientific study was done of the impacts, supervised by Dr. Roger Revelle, the Bikini Scientific Resurvey. TG’s father was Revelle’s graduate research associate, and measured the carbon dioxide, oxygen, and acidity of the waters and air to determine how quickly carbon dioxide was exchanged between the atmosphere and oceans and quantify the metabolism of the entire ocean ecosystem, the photosynthesis, respiration, and calcification of the reef through tidal and day/night cycles. If repeated at the same locations, they would provide the world’s longest record of coral reef response to ocean acidification. He was the diver who collected rare specimens for radioactive measurement, including the first poisonous coral-eating Crown of Thorns starfish collected alive. They hid deep in submarine caves during the day and came out only at night to feed. He died of acute Bikini radiation-caused cancer at the age of 45. Bikini Atoll is a UNESCO World Heritage Site, marking the “Dawn of the Nuclear Age.” Luxury dive cruise ships are the only visitors, diving on the sunken fleet bombed to the bottom in 1946 and the big sharks around them. However, there is no plan for its management. Radioactive wastes on Bikini and Enyu islands were bulldozed flat and buried under dynamited dredged up coral reef fill. Then coconuts were planted on top. These are the most sickly looking coconuts TG has ever seen, and the juice of one exceeds your annual radiation limit. Bikinians used to eat a dozen a day since they often had no freshwater in their wells from saltwater intrusion! The devastated islands of Bikini and Enyu are overrun with imported invasive weed plants, rats, cats, and cockroaches and have no native nesting birds. The uninhabited islands not blasted into oblivion have natural vegetation and are some of the world’s most important seabird nesting sites. These would be wiped out if rats and cats arrived from the two big ruined islands on the atoll, which are on the up-current side of all the natural islands, so it may just be a matter of time since there is no management plan at all. In 2019 TG looked at the condition of the coral reefs around Kili, Ejit, and Bikini. He found that almost all the corals had died from a bleaching event a few years before, and he found more bleaching was underway among the few surviving corals. He also found clear signs on Bikini atoll showing that the sea level has risen over decades but had suffered a smaller but very recent drop during a La Niña, killing coral that was now exposed to air. This recent drop reflects not long-term global sea level rise, about 3–4 mm per year, but instead short-term weather patterns. Sea levels in the Central Pacific can vary by tens of centimetres from year to year, depending on how atmospheric pressure changes during El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO) cycles, which are unfortunately not predictable. Having been expelled from their homeland, starved, irradiated, and abandoned, the Bikini people are now losing their coral reefs to global warming and their islands to global sea level rise. Either they will be forced to abandon their exile islands and their ancient way of life and leave forever, or they can grow solar-powered Biorock reefs, which can grow up to 10 times faster than current sea level rise, regenerate beaches, fisheries, coral reefs, sea grass, and mangroves, and provide new opportunities for highly productive mariculture. A pilot Biorock project was built before the flooding school on Ejit (Figs. 10.20 and 10.21). GCRA is looking for

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Fig. 10.20 Waves break through the fence and flood the Ejit school during King Tides. 2019 low tide photo by T. Goreau

funding to grow reefs to protect all of Ejit (https://youtu.be/cv2h8Uv-MEs?t=1116), Kili, and other atoll islands (https://www.globalcoral.org/shore-protection-in-the-rep ublic-of-the-marshall-islands-pilot-project-report/). The US Government has absolved itself of all responsibility for cleaning up the toxic wastes it left behind on Bikini and Enewetak Atolls. Instead, Biorock should seal the highly radioactive wastes that the US military buried under concrete on Enewetak Atoll. That allegedly “impermeable seal” was supposed to last 250,000 years until Plutonium decays to safe levels, but it is now cracking open, and global sea level rise is flooding it, releasing radioactive wastes to the rising tides. As always, the polluter should pay!

10.22 Conclusions: Extinction, Migration, Assimilation, or Regeneration? Although each of these cultures has a unique history and harvests different marine species, each now faces severe environmental changes and economic pressures that demand adaptations beyond their experience, to which their traditions provide no guidelines for responding. Some are well placed to adapt by learning new methods

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Fig. 10.21 Bikinian schoolchildren at Ejit Island, 2019. TG (beard) has just shown them photographs of how Bikini Island looked in 1946 and built a small Biorock project to protect their school from flooding

to survive climate change, while others may find it impossible because of government opposition to Indigenous or local management or even undesirable because they would rather not learn new concepts and methods. As a result, indigenous cultures face four fundamental alternatives: extinction, migration, assimilation, or regeneration. Physical extinction by outright extermination has historically been the most common. Cultural extinction, often by enforced migration to areas impossible to survive in, or assimilation, where the language and culture are destroyed, replaced by that of their conquerors. The next most common is where the people were not exterminated but became an enslaved underclass or caste. Forced migration removes them from the land itself and usually results in loss of culture and assimilation unless they are lucky enough to find an empty land and preserve their language. Some Indigenous environmental knowledge and practices, particularly concerning plant crop cultivation, processing, and fishing methods, were preserved as “folk culture,” as in Caribbean islands. However, such knowledge was often deliberately destroyed by Christian or Muslim missionaries as “works of the devil,” suppressed to ensure complete subjugation to the conquerors’ dogmatic religious and cultural obsessions. Indigenous Peoples have usually been forced to disappear into the invaders’ culture as enslaved people or, at best, a subservient lower class, usually losing their language in the process, with their original separate cultural identity often denied outright (“they do not have any language or culture of their own, they only speak our language, but badly”).

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The last alternative, regeneration, can take two very different trajectories: a purist “back to the past” approach that rejects all external innovations or a hybrid that preserves past wisdom but also learns and adapts the best of outside knowledge to local ends. The first is an extreme conservative reaction, which some groups strongly favour, like the Ngabe. The second is a new and radical step by cultures that are secure in their cultural heritage, confident in their traditions, and willing to embrace useful new ideas on their terms rather than feeling threatened by them, like the Guna. Because the changes we face will far exceed anything our traditions prepare us for, only in this last regeneration scenario are biological and cultural diversity, biomass, and ecosystem services likely to be preserved. Difficult choices lie ahead for all coastal people that can no longer be avoided. The challenges of climate change in the coming years and decades lie well beyond the traditionally documented experience of any society. Because the old skills and adaptations will mostly no longer work, returning to the past may be impossible when everything has changed everywhere. New technologies, skills, and concepts will be needed to meet the new threats. Habitual business as usual will only cause intensified degeneration of the habitats and resources of each of the Sea Peoples examined here unless each makes dramatic changes of them to learn new approaches to regenerate their habitats for the long-term benefit of their descendants, wherever or whomever they now are. To seize this crisis as an opportunity, Indigenous and Endogenous Sea Peoples must blend the best of modern scientific knowledge with the traditional experience of climate change within a greatly strengthened capacity to defend, regenerate, and sustainably manage their natural resources. Some are much better prepared for future challenges than others. Those failing to learn new Biorock methods to grow up faster than sea level rise will eventually see their natural and cultural resources wither and vanish. They must sink or swim. Sea Peoples should play a critical role by regenerating their living shorelines with new technology to become carbon sinks that adapt to and help reverse climate change. From the examples here, every group faces a marine resource crisis. It has opportunities to use Biorock technology to greatly improve its marine ecosystem services and sustainability. However, due to the failure of both national and international funding policies, none have been able to take advantage of new methods except on a very limited and purely symbolic scale. Until funding is available for these communities to obtain the tools to manage their resources, further decline is inevitable. Governments constantly talk about the “New Blue Economy” that is claimed will make coastal communities rich. However, if we fail to protect and regenerate collapsing ecosystems, there will be no Blue Economy or ecosystem services like fisheries, shore protection, or biodiversity. There is little time left to change our destructive course, and few signs that the world’s leaders have the wisdom to work together to save the future of the oceans and the planet (with positive benefits to everybody) instead of stabbing each other in the back to steal rapidly diminishing marine resources (with negative effects to everyone except the biggest thieves).

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Fig. 10.22 Rogeliano Solis, d. 19 February 2014

10.23 Recommendations Regenerating tropical Green Carbon (Land Biomass), Blue Carbon (Ocean Biomass), and Brown Carbon (Soils, especially marine peat soils, the most carbon-rich of all) are key to growing our planet out of the Climate and Extinction Crises about to hit hard this century. Regeneration of Indigenous and Endogenous managed ecosystems by conservation, and active regeneration, is the most beneficial tool to maintain our planetary life support systems, the quality of the air we breathe, the water we drink, the food we eat, and the cultural satisfaction of living sustainably. Therefore, we call for full recognition of Sea Rights to traditional Indigenous and Endogenous Sea Peoples, along with designated long-term coastal environmental management responsibilities, exclusion of industrial offshore fishing fleets from their waters, an end to all subsidies to offshore fleets, and the funding transferred to support community-run regenerative coastal fisheries management using new Biorock technologies. Let us hope the rest of the world allows Sea Peoples to save themselves and the planet! Acknowledgements I thank all my many good and kind friends in all of these communities over the decades. Unfortunately, there are so many worldwide that there are far too many to mention individually. However, their friendship and sharing of their knowledge and experiences are deeply and gratefully acknowledged. I especially thank Marina Goreau for her review and critical comments. Dedication This chapter is dedicated to my close friend, the late Rogeliano Solis (Fig. 10.22). Environment Advisor to the Congreso General Guna. He was a brilliant marine biologist who studied in Panama, Spain, and the US. Fluent in Dule, Spanish, and English, his dream was to use

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Biorock to establish sustainable lobster mariculture and grow islands in Guna Yala, but his life was tragically cut short by cancer. I worked closely with him for eighteen years to help his people restore their fisheries and coral reefs and save their islands and unique culture from being lost to global warming and sea level rise. We continue to seek support to develop his mission of Guna sustainable development through restoring their natural resources. https://www.globalcoral.org/rogeliano-solis-in-memoriam-panama-indigenous-environme ntal-leader/.

References Abulafia, D. (2019). The boundless sea: a human history of the ocean. Anbleyth-Evans, J., Leiva, F. A., Rios, F. T., Cortes, R. S., Haussermann, V., & Aguirre-Muñoz, C. (2020). Toward marine democracy in Chile: Examining aquaculture environmental impacts through common property local ecological knowledge. Marine Policy, 113, 103690. https://doi. org/10.1016/jmarpolbul.2018.06.051 Araos, F., Anbleyth-Evans, J., Riquelme, W., Hidalgo, C., Brañas, F., Catalan, E., Nuñez, D., & Diestre, F. (2020). Marine indigenous areas: Conservation assemblages for sustainability in Southern Chile. Coastal Management. https://doi.org/10.1080/08920753.2020.1773212 Asner, G. P., Mascaro, J., Anderson, C., Knapp, D. E., Martin, R. E., Kennedy-Bowdoin, T., van Breugel, M., Davies, S., Hall, J. S., Muller-Landau, H. C., & Potvin, C. (2013). Highfidelity national carbon mapping for resource management and REDD+. Carbon Balance and Management, 8, 1–4. Carey. (2021). The complex case of Chesapeake Bay restoration. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 118(25), e2108734118. Cervino, J., Weeks, R., Shorr, J., Lin, C., Gyoza, D., & Goreau, T. J. (2012). Electrical restoration of oysters and saltmarsh at a New York City estuarine wetland. In: International Conference on Shellfish Restoration, Mystic, Connecticut. Clendinnen, I. (1987). Ambivalent conquests: Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan, 1517–1570. Colchester, M. (1994). Salvaging nature: Indigenous peoples, protected areas, and biodiversity conservation. United Nations Research Institute for Social Development. De Georges, A., Reilly, B., & Goreau, T. (2010). Land-sourced pollution with an emphasis on domestic sewage: Lessons from the Caribbean and implications for coastal development on Indian Ocean and Pacific coral reefs. Sustainability, 2, 2919–2949. De Landa, D. (1565). Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan, Sevilla. Duijndam, S., van Beukering, P., Fralikhina, H., Molenaar, A., & Koetse, M. (2020). Valuing a Caribbean coastal lagoon using the choice experiment method: The case of the Simpson Bay Lagoon, Saint Martin. Journal for Nature Conservation, 56, 125845. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. jnc.2020.125845 Ereira, A. (1990). The elder brothers: A lost South American people and their message about the fate of the Earth. J. Cape. Farrell, J., Burow, P. B., McConnell, K., Bayham, J., Whyte, K., & Koss, G. (2021). Effects of land dispossession and forced migration on Indigenous peoples in North America. Science, 374, eabe4943. Felger, R. S., & Moser, M. B. (1985). People of the desert and the sea: Ethnobotany of the seri Indians. U. Arizona Press. Foo, S. A., & Asner, G. P. (2020). Sea surface temperature in coral reef restoration outcomes. Environmental Research Letters, 15, 074045. Goreau, T. J. (1990). Balancing atmospheric carbon dioxide. Ambio, 19, 230–236. Goreau, T. J. (1992). Bleaching and reef community change in Jamaica: 1951–1991. In Symposium on long term dynamics of coral reefs, American Zoologist, 32, 683–695.

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Moreno-Estrada, A., Gignoux, C. R., Fernández-López, J. C., Zakharia, F., Sikora, M., Contreras, A. V., Acuña-Alonzo, V., Sandoval, K., Eng, C., Romero-Hidalgo, S., & Ortiz-Tello, P. (2014). The genetics of Mexico recapitulates native American substructure and affects biomedical traits. Science, 344, 1280–1285. Niedenthal, J. (2001). For the good of mankind: A history of the people of Bikini and their Islands. Bravo, Majuro. Noon, M. L., Goldstein, A., Ledezma, J. C., Roehrdanz, P. R., Cook-Patten, S. C., Spawn-Lee, S. A., Wright, T. M., Gonzalez-Roeglich, M., Hole, D. G., Rockstrom, J., & Turner, W. R. (2021). Mapping the irrecoverable carbon in Earth’s ecosystems. Nature Sustainability. https://doi.org/ 10.1038/s41893-021-00803-6 Rao, S. R. (1987). Marine archaeological explorations off Dwarka, Northwest coast of India. Indian Journal of Marine Sciences, 16, 22–30. Reed, N. (1964). The caste war of Yucatan. Palo Alto. Rick, T. C., Reeder-Myers, L. A., Hofman, C. A., Breitburg, D., Lockwood, R., Henkes, G., Kellogg, L., Lowery, D., Luckenbach, M. W., Mann, R., Ogburn, M. B., Southworth, M., Wah, J., Wesson, J., & Hines, A. H. (2016). Millennial scale sustainability of the Chesapeake Bay Native American Oyster fishery. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 113, 6568–6573. Rumpf, G. E., & Beekman, E. M. (1999). The Ambonese curiosity cabinet-Georgius Everhardus Rumphius. Yale University Press. Satyanarayana, C. (2009). Handbook on hard corals of Gulf of Kachchh. Zoological Survey of India. Tester, F. J., & Kulchyski, P. (1994). Tammarnit (mistakes): Inuit relocation in the Eastern Arctic 1939–63. University of British Columbia Press. Wafer, L. (1695). A new voyage and description of the Isthmus of Panama (Reprinted 1933). Hakluyt Society. Witzel, M. (2012). The origins of the world’s mythologies.

Part IV

Land, Culture, Health, and People

Chapter 11

Regenerative Learning: Hearing Country and Music for Healing People, Place, and Planet Kankawa Nagarra (Olive) Knight, Anne Poelina , and Sandra Wooltorton

Abstract In this chapter, Aboriginal knowledge and lived experiences form the heart of a transformative paradigm for healing people, place, ecosystems, and climate. Using cultural insights, we outline key concepts that form the basis of a healing framework for people that is capable of regenerating cultures, spirit, and Country. We show that reclaiming cultural knowledge is possible because the human spirit— one’s vibrancy or liveliness—has cared for this element of ourselves. The key is to listen deeply and attentively to the human spirit and the music of our places—held in the nature of all beings. As Aboriginal people, we are seasonal people, who respond to the living nature of our places as it communicates in reciprocal ways with us. For people who bear the sickness of cultural loss, the potential for reclaiming remains with us. This perspective marks a radical change in the way mainstream education understands the human capacity to relate to each other and to nature. It is a necessary change for climate action, and one that everyone is encouraged to take up.

K. N. (O). Knight Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council, Broome, WA 6725, Australia A. Poelina (B) · S. Wooltorton Nulungu Research Institute, University of Notre Dame Australia, Broome, WA 6725, Australia e-mail: [email protected] S. Wooltorton e-mail: [email protected] A. Poelina College of Indigenous Education Futures, Arts & Society, Charles Darwin University, Darwin, NT 0810, Australia Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University, Canberra, ACT 2600, Australia © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 A. Penteado et al. (eds.), Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8830-3_11

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11.1 Introduction Informed by Kimberley Aboriginal knowledge and lived experiences, in this chapter I—Kankawa—offer some thoughts on healing. With family, through kinship relationship with aunty Anne Poelina and friend, Sandra Wooltorton, we share lived experiences, and we reflect, learn, and write together. As academics we build upon insights arising from my musical healing and traditional Aboriginal knowledge, deep interdependence concepts developed through Poelina’s works (O’Donnell et al., 2020; Poelina et al., 2020b; Redvers et al., 2020), and regenerative learning ideas recently sketched out (Wooltorton et al., 2022a). We bring these ideas together to enrich description of a regenerative worldview (Wahl, 2016) to address three major interconnected issues—climate change, ecosystem degradation, and colonization of Aboriginal socio-cultures and lands. In our particular context, the notion of regeneration can heal individuals, communities, and Country. This regenerative worldview is relational, aiming for transformation from survival to relationship (Graham, 2008), allowing for recognition of Kimberley Aboriginal nationhood and worldview. The purpose of this chapter is to sketch the worldview, rather than to show how cultural music therapy works. That will be a future paper. Concepts implicit in this regenerative worldview are instrumental in responding to climate change because healing allows for re-awakening a relational world to which humans are intrinsic (but not central). The worldview reveals understandings that are inclusive of more than human worlds1 and underpinned by other than Western experiential worlds (Abram, 1996; Mueller, 2017). From such a viewpoint, we can see with clear eyes the creeping, destructive sickness that is climate change. We need to restore our relationships with each other and all other species, in order to heal and regenerate the living, vibrant spirit2 of our people, our places, and therefore our planet. In this way, we might come to understand that climate change is also metaphor, in that losing one’s spirit is damaging the planet. From this perspective, regeneration means to refresh knowledge systems and earth-based cultures that the people of those places no longer practice and celebrate. Within this healing framework, this chapter collectively foregrounds Kangawa’s insights on healing through music and Country. Kankawa is a world-famous gospel blues musician and is a Walmajarri-Bunuba Elder and traditional owner. Over her lifetime she has accumulated substantial Aboriginal knowledge of culture and placerelationship; experienced the tragedies of colonization; and juxtaposed these to the love and healing potential of music. This chapter highlights Kankawa’s insights in an academic context, to reveal the depth of her cultural music therapy insights, particularly in relation to climate change. These insights highlight the beauty, culture, and significance of Kimberley Aboriginal Country, foreground the context of invasive extractive colonization, and bring forward Aboriginal-led regenerative potential for learning and change through music and hearing Country through Aboriginal voice. 1

“More than human” includes humans, “other than human” excludes humans. By spirit, we mean a being’s vibrancy, liveliness, or animate energy. We do not advocate a particular religious meaning, although this may seem to overlap with our intent.

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About the Authors Kankawa My given name is Kankawa, and my skin name is Nagarra. I am affiliated with the Bunuba, Gooniyandi and the Walmajarri tribal people. My kinship relationships that include Aunty Anne Poelina, means that my stability comes from these affiliations. I get my strength from my languages and culture, through kinship systems that construct my connection to Country. The combination of these elements gives me strength, so that I stand on solid ground, where I am immovable. I am a strong Aboriginal woman, grounded in my journey, drawing on the combination of my strengths. My interest and motivation in this topic, healing through music, has emerged from my personal healing from spiritual transformation experience. This experience has the support of others who have engaged music to facilitate individual spiritual transformation. For instance, I have sat with someone who has this quality in their own music and witnessed the impact of their music on others particularly regarding the way they feel transported by it to the memory of the past, and to the real self within them. As an eminent international blues artist, Aboriginal community leader, and Australian language and culture expert, I use music to lift people’s spirit and help them to connect with the universal spirit of Country. Anne Poelina and Sandra Wooltorton Anne is a Nyikina Warrwa woman of the Martuwarra Fitzoy River, in the Kimberley region of Western Australia. She is a strong cultural woman who is Chairperson of the Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council, and Professor of Indigenous Studies at Nulungu Research Institute, Broome. Sandra is a multi-generational Australian woman of mainly Anglo-Celtic heritage who has spent much of her life in the Kimberley, although she was born and raised on Noongar Country in southwest Western Australia. She is a professor with Nulungu Research Institute, Broome. In this paper, we often switch from the use of me/my or I, Kankawa’s voice, to the use of “we” to indicate a collaborative and/or more theoretical voice. Kankawa’s knowledge and perspective are the core of this paper. Where this is unclear, we simply write Kankawa at the start of the paragraph or section. We wish to stress that we are of the one heart when Kankawa speaks for us as co-writers. With Kankawa’s leadership, this paper was written together.

11.2 Literature Review and Methodology My insights and lived experiences ground my truth. Living in an Aboriginal cultural environment, Country shapes my values, and these concepts are now well documented.

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For example, Country is alive (Milgin et al., 2020; Redvers et al., 2020), Rivers hold living waters3 (RiverOfLife et al., 2021; Wooltorton et al., 2019) and Country is communicative and responsive (Poelina et al., 2020b). It is important to acknowledge the transformative paradigm that holds these concepts together. First, what is a paradigm? A paradigm provides a tool to identify one’s own worldview or, in research terminology, identify one’s paradigm: a metaphysical construct associated with specific philosophical assumptions that describes one’s worldview (Mertens, 2007, p. 215).

That is, a paradigm is a collection of assumptions that define or produce who we are and how we recognize our identity, relationship, and responsibility to everyone and everything around us. A transformative paradigm is process-based, beginning with critiques of power and privilege to highlight issues of injustice. We foreground issues of continuing colonization, particularly extractive colonization, in highlighting a Kimberley Aboriginal effort to speak up for Country and culture. We use this to bring forward healing concepts that combine traditional knowledge and musical experience, accessible across the Kimberley and in fact, the world. These healing concepts are suitable for everyone. In the first instance, we refer to Aboriginal people traumatized by generations of colonial oppression, violence, and forms of abuse. In the second instance, we consider the impact of these healing concepts on lifeways elsewhere, particularly for climate justice. Our task begins with recognizing complexity, particularly the complex “big picture” task of transforming understandings about human/multispecies relationship with Country and River, and their healing qualities (Poelina, 2021). This is consistent with the Nagoya Protocol Article 8 J, to “respect, preserve and maintain knowledge, innovations and practices of Indigenous and local communities embodying traditional lifestyles” (Convention on Biological Diversity, 2011). It is these qualities that colonization systematically attacks, always due to narrowly defined economic development ideas of Country and water (Strakosch, 2015). Colonization has always ignored, and continues to overlook, the wealth, beauty, and integrity of Aboriginal wisdom held in Country, and the deep relationships of care and love of, for, and by Country celebrated by Aboriginal people since time immemorial. This cultural knowledge is now more important than ever, illustrated by the need for a healing framework for Aboriginal people, climate change, and species loss (Milgin et al., 2020; O’Donnell et al., 2020). Our research methodology uses a dialogical approach of response-ability, or the ability to respond to Country (Bawaka Country et al., 2019). Country is alive. We acknowledge the living, responsive nature of Country and the depth of the relationship Aboriginal people have with Country (for example, Bawaka Country et al., 2016; Graham, 2008). It means we listen with great depth and respect to each other. The 3

In this chapter, we acknowledge the living ancestral qualities of the Martuwarra Fitzroy River, which flows freely across eight Aboriginal nations in the Kimberley. As we go to press there is much political ado due to non-Aboriginal proposals for extractive development, which lack Aboriginal free, prior and informed consent. For example, see Poelina (2021).

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production of this paper has been through a deep dialogue, to explore Kimberley insights for healing and regeneration.

11.3 Kimberley Lived Experiences Kimberley Aboriginal cultural concepts inform our understanding of a regenerative worldview. Traditional knowledge and its worldview hold keys to Kimberley Aboriginal stability and futures. Preventing any basic means of stability means disaster. This includes practices that disconnect people from each other and their cultural base— such as continuing colonization including extractive colonization. Through the past 150 years of colonization in the Kimberley we witness the cost of high rates of people dying and the genocide of nations (Georgatos, 2013). This tragedy is of international significance as the knowledge is healing knowledge that the world needs right now. Colonization is attacking knowledge for regeneration that our world needs. Kankawa Aboriginal languages, metaphors, and places encapsulate traditional knowledge. These encode concepts that are often difficult to translate. For instance, a Walmatjarri word is rinyi, which does not translate into English, so we will call it “mystery language.” Everyone needs to understand rinyi, meaning survival. It means we pay very close attention to the sounds around us. For example, we listen for the cricket who will warn us with a long shrill. We learn very early to be observational to see and “listen” to what is around you. Listen deeply, always listen to the rinyi and engage deeply with your leaders and relationships around you. (Otherwise, you might “die”, so to speak!) Climate change is like rinyi. It is a mystery language speaking to your body, your spirit, your heart, the whole of you. Rinyi can mean “save me.” It means, “I am crying out—I am dying. Save me.” It means there are connections that we need to restore physically, emotionally, and spiritually. Country is alive, communicative, and responsive. It has a pirlirr, a spirit. This means that relationally, we connect to our Country. For example, when I walk my Country or sit under a shady paperbark tree on the creek, I hear all sorts of stories from the paperbark tree. I am a poet, and I will compose a poem to the paperbark tree. For example, I hear a particular rustling of the leaves. It is telling me a message, to be calm and settle down, and take healing from what I see and hear around me. Pirlirr is spirit people have, and Country has too. Spirit has many meanings. For instance, there are people who do not like travelling to Perth when sick because they leave their pirlirr—their body, mind, and all of their being, behind. Pirlirr can be lost to Country, for example when mining and removal or relocating of its natural inhabitants. If a traditional owner gives permission for this, his or her pirlirr can leave too, and the person can die because it is just an empty shell as the pirlirr has gone. This relationship with Country—pirlirr—means you will—and must—treat Country with respect because of its communicative nature. If our environment is

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telling us something by its changes, it means Country is communicating with us to STOP doing what is destructive. Examples of these changes are seasonality influenced. For example, as we write this paper, the Kimberley bauhinia tree and several wattle trees are flowering months ahead of the pattern they have followed for millennia. This will have a serious impact on those species that are dependent upon this annual flowering event. The web of species dependent on those trees includes native bees and butterflies. The risk is they may arrive at the normal time and miss their food supply. To me, Country is saying “do not do that anymore.” Country says, “I will look after you and you must look after me.” Kimberley Issues There are overlapping issues in the Kimberley that endanger cultural knowledge and its significance for Aboriginal lives and landscapes. These issues seriously impact Aboriginal young people, as is evidenced by the high suicide rate (Fogliani, 2019; Hope, 2008). For example, extractive colonization continues without social licence (Poelina et al., 2020) and there are threats to mine, frack, and over-extract water in the Martuwarra Fitzroy River (Poelina et al., 2019). As another example of an overlapping issue, Elders are not able to pass on cultural knowledge to younger generations to the extent required for the transmission of traditional knowledge. This is due to violent colonial histories (Georgatos, 2013), historical pressures such as culture bans (Jebb, 2002) and still today, school attendance which is exclusive of culture transfer, work requirements, and financial restrictions (Guenther, 2013). Knowledge systems have suffered greatly, along with Country. These issues mean that Aboriginal knowledge holders cannot take sufficient cultural action such as singing or dancing to heal Country and people. This is necessary to heal climate change symptoms. These issues connect to other impacts such as youth suicide, poor health and education, employment on the wellbeing Aboriginal people experience. They are circular, in the sense that if this knowledge of respect and care of people, culture and Country were widespread, ongoing colonization would cease and cultural governance systems would be respected, relearned, and applied (Poelina et al., 2019; RiverOfLife et al., 2021). Healing: Kimberley Insights. Kankawa Although endangered, it is important to recognize that our knowledge systems are not lost because the human and Country spirit—pirlirr—has cared for this element of ourselves. Healing is not only about the people in our Aboriginal nations. It is about everyone reaching out to all others who are located in the place. It is about society and systems such as schools, choosing to introduce ethics of care that value rivers, valleys, beaches, traditional cultures, and people, particularly those damaged by losing knowledge systems and values (Dodson, 2019; Liddle & Dodson, 2018; Wilson, 1997). Healing is about restoring the roots of humanity, to resume relationships with places, trees, and animals. This way, people can stop being destructive. The ambient sickness needs healing. This sickness can manifest in alcohol, drugs, or other negative outcomes that diminish the spirit of our youth in our remote communities. The

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sickness spreads to the point where it takes a lot of hard work to bring back this connection of mind, body, and spirit. We are talking about spiritual wellbeing, giving regard to the sickness from the loss of one’s pirlirr, and the sense of one’s connection to the pirlirr of Country. The healing framework can be frightening for people who have lost their spirit. We must look for these people, and we must find them because they are our future. We must recognize and honour them, because their spirit is still here. Many of these individuals have not lost the importance of social and cultural knowledge. People need healing. We are both social and relational. We feel whole wellness when we have a constructive relationship with ourselves and with Country. If we do not love ourselves, then we cannot relate to our fellow species and beings in a genuine positive reciprocal relationship. Music offers this healing. Country is interactive and responsive with other people and cultures, so that stories, song, and dance from one language group link relationally with another. In the Kimberley, neighbours can protect nation’s stories for generations. They can— and do—hold stories for nations whose people do not recognize their cultural identity due to colonial or developmental pressures of different kinds. Everything is relationship—everything connects. We have cultural relations who are trees, animals, and fish. For example, the bloodwood tree is my grandfather as it has a skin group, Tjampiyirnti. The barramundi is my mother or uncle, depending up on the barramundi gender. Just as Country has response-ability, in that it can respond to an individual, the individual has response-ability so they can be ready to receive what Country has to offer. That is, deep within us all is a spirit by which we can receive and share knowledge. Our cultural deep listening fully ingrains this spirit. For example, when I hear nature, I hear music in nature. I constantly hear the music of nature. I never drown it out with the noise of a car or a plane. I intentionally keep the music of nature in the foreground of my attention. Everybody has response-ability to Country and other human and non-human residents. This is about kinship and family, regarding our connection to others within a community. And yet in the Kimberley for the last decade or so, government has been trying to close remote communities (Kagi, 2014). I presume government wants to clear Aboriginal people off their land—as they have been doing since colonization began—so that government can enable big developers to destroy our Country by fracking, water extraction for growing cotton and multiple forms of mining (Poelina et al., 2020a; RiverofLife et al., 2021). This has exacerbated issues such as difficulties in cultural transfer and suicide of Aboriginal young people mentioned above, and we need it to stop. Aboriginal Concepts for Music Therapy. Kankawa Combined, Aboriginal concepts such as living Country with pirlirr and deep practical interdependence such as rinyi enable a re-awakening of a relational world, forming a basis by which to learn and live. When we live on land, connected to seasons, language, and Country, we hear music when we hear the sounds of nature. Our relationships, our connectedness formed through thousands of years of memory, and life forms that are already here all around us, will reveal the music of the land, the

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music of the birds, the music in the stillness of a remote billabong, the music in the leaves. I make music out of that. Anything that is of natural origin connects us immediately as it is something we relate to, for example wood makes a psychological connection, such as my wooden guitar. This is why going back to Country regularly is so important. It is to take young people and whole families out to where everyone relationally connects—not only to each other but also to place. This is because modern technology such as metals, computers, and phones has created a vacuum, where the meaningful connection no longer remains. For this reason, we need to remove the phone, leave Facebook behind, and live with Country and people for a week or more at a time. However, because of the nature of modern life, modern logistics are now required to get people back on Country. Therefore, we need funds to establish alternative pathways where our young people develop the physical, social, and spiritual capacity to reconnect with family and create new ways to relate to Country and maintain culture in these modern times. Relevance to Mainstream Society From this regenerative perspective, the challenge for mainstream consumer society, particularly decision-makers, is to realize the madness of consumption-based industry. We are all indigenous to somewhere, and we all have the same capacity to connect with our Aboriginality (Kimmerer, 2013). This is the essence of the call of all generations—to return to who we really are. Through all our ups and downs over the 200 years of colonial Australian history, many of us—of all backgrounds—are damaged in some way. There are different healing journeys many of us need to make, and the underlying concepts in many ways are the same. Open dialogue and deep listening to Country and each other, are the core of this healing journey. Open Dialogue and Deep Listening are the Core of Healing. Kankawa. Governments have a long history of harsh abuse of my family. For example, in the 1970s settlement was created on Country we can no longer move around freely on. Modern day pressures of schools and work commitments reduce time available to spend on Country. Within this context, we can still create a sense of oneness and unity that is required to build and maintain a strong collective spirit. Individuals need to put in time and effort to master the art of really listening to people, deeply. As well, it means listening to nature, to the land about them, to observe, and to listen to Kimberley Aboriginal people who are knowledge holders. We can tell stories around the campfire, and some of the birds such as the night owl will tell us whether a step is right or whether there is danger afoot. Take time to hear whatever the owl is telling you. Is it telling you to sit down and feel the sand, and touch whatever is around you, to enable Country and nature to hear and respond? Listen to the cricket or the mudlark; hear the river as the river flows along its path. You will hear music, and all sorts of meanings in song will come to you. The healing impact of these concepts in communities could be as follows if fully applied.

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Schooling and Learning: Kankawa, Anne and Sandra Schools with a cultural focus and regenerative worldview ground their teaching, learning, and organization by listening more closely to Elders and other cultural knowledge keepers. Children need to learn their cultural heritage according to seasons and times. Schools need to work with children according to traditional knowledge holders. The school needs to operate in a deeply culturally respectful way. It is good for school decision-making to comprise several Elders and Aboriginal Education Workers familiar with Country, so they can advise and guide principals and teachers. At the beginning of each term, cultural meetings can introduce each term and season. Cultural teachers need to map out the whole term, according to the seasonal calendar. Our young people can learn through a holistic curriculum and Indigenous pedagogy that combines cultural values, ethics, and knowledge with learning contemporary technical skills. Songs and music come off the land, as do art, painting, poetry, and reading in an Aboriginal language context. Children need to be in tune with who they are and who their relatives and kinsfolk are including non-human species. They need to know how their ancestors have taken care of the land for tens of thousands of years and now it is their turn to be good cultural land and river keepers themselves. Aboriginal language speaking is vital for children and their parents. We must speak our Aboriginal languages proudly to our children at every opportunity. In schools, qualified Aboriginal language teachers are the right people to model and teach first languages. Languages encode concepts and frame knowledge, which is essential learning for our future generations. We teach kinship in the Aboriginal language context, and all schooling needs to be bilingual, so children learn to be strong, fluent, and competent in each world. Language teaching in the cultural context, includes learning through music, plays, and the lyrics of song.

11.4 Paradigm Transformation—Realities and Opportunities There are issues connected with paradigm transformation, from our point of view. One embedded complexity is that Western education systems imprison teachers and principals within systemic biases and stereotypes about power, privilege, and rights. These same systems advise teaching staff that Aboriginal children need teaching and testing in English, as if this is all that matters. Of course, English is important, but there is much more to children’s lives than top-down systems, which demand compliance from children, teachers, principals, and parents alike. In these Western systems, there is little room for knowledge expansion and deep learning (Guenther & Osborne, 2020; Lowe et al., 2019; Wooltorton et al., 2022b). Kankawa and Anne. Another complexity is that moving us from our Country has taken our people away from our basic relationships. Some community members now do not understand the significance of maintaining cultural relationships, and the value of cultural healing systems in solving problems for humanity and communities alike.

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(RiverOfLife Martuwarra et al., 2020) Climate change and ecosystem damage, social harm and low morale have diminished the wellbeing of many Aboriginal people. We need to recognize that basic healing principles can reconnect us all to Country, kin, and each other. Sandra, Anne, and Kankawa. Finally, many or most Australians, particularly those of other-than-Aboriginal heritage, have also been removed from our basic relationships with kin and Country. We all need to connect with Country through Aboriginal leadership and wisdom, for the sake of our children, families, communities, and planet (Wooltorton et al., 2022a).

11.5 Conclusion A transformative paradigm aims to create movement for change—from survival (which is a struggle) to relationship (that is, knowing who you are through your deep hearing out of your pirrlirr.) That is, you are related to your own environment through knowing the deeper bond and kinship you have with it. Everything in the Kimberley is interconnected through relationship, and this includes people’s relationship with animal, fish and plant species, and climate. The transformative paradigm we speak of in this chapter considers Aboriginal cultural knowledge to be the heart of a regenerative worldview. This worldview considers all these factors to be integral. We cannot heal one without healing all together, simultaneously. All our systems such as care of old people, medical systems, and other care systems, need regeneration through a healing framework of strong cultural guidelines and programs. This is to allow Aboriginal community members to have the time, space, and guidance to reframe themselves, regarding their sense of wellbeing and knowledge of who they are and their cultural roles and obligations. We need to create opportunities to heal our families through feeling the energy of the land. Building young people’s relationship with Country develops a natural sense of obligation to care through learning reciprocal response-ability: that we can respond to land, and it will respond to us. In our modern world, many people wrongly think that the world owes them a living, however strong cultural people understand that it is a joy, a responsibility, and an obligation to care for Country and kin. This chapter has considered healing solutions Aboriginal people use, to reduce the pain and distress from escalating invasive threats from mining, fracking, and water stealing industries. Aboriginal people are trying to keep cultures strong in a pervasive colonial context. Strengthening and in most cases returning to traditional knowledge systems, reinforces relationships with kin and Country. These systems offer hope for everyone, as everybody is Indigenous to somewhere. We can all begin a regenerative journey of learning, recovery, and restoration for deep spiritual healing. It is important to realize that healing people through deep dialogue with people and place is also healing Country and climate. Our investment in cultural and spiritual healing is to learn to decolonize ourselves, along with our people and our places. This is a healing framework, at the heart of a regenerative worldview. It is transformative

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in nature, through reconnecting all elements of the system with Country and each other.

References Abram, D. (1996). The spell of the sensuous: Perception and language in a more-than-human world. Pantheon Books. Convention on Biological Diversity. (2011). Article 8(j)-Traditional knowledge, innovations and practices. Retrieved from https://www.cbd.int/traditional/ Country, B., Wright, S., Suchet-Pearson, S., Lloyd, K., Burarrwanga, L., Ganambarr, R., Sweeney, J., et al. (2016). Co-becoming Bawaka: Towards a relational understanding of place/space. Progress in Human Geography, 40(4), 455–475. https://doi.org/10.1177/0309132515589437 Country, B., Suchet-Pearson, S., Wright, S., Lloyd, K., Tofa, M., Sweeney, J., Maymuru, D., et al. (2019). Goŋ Gurtha: Enacting response-abilities as situated co-becoming. Environment and Planning d: Society and Space, 37(4), 682–702. https://doi.org/10.1177/0263775818799749 Dodson, S. (2019). Indigenous suicide shows our traumatic past is just too heavy a burden. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/mar/26/ind igenous-suicide-shows-our-traumatic-past-is-just-too-heavy-a-burden Fogliani, R. (2019). Inquest into the deaths of: thirteen children and young persons in the Kimberley region, Western Australia: record of investigation into death. Retrieved from Perth https://www.coronerscourt.wa.gov.au/_files/inquest-2019/13-Children-and-YoungPersons-in-the-Kimberley-Region-Finding.pdf Georgatos, G. (2013). The killing times. The Stringer Independent News. Retrieved from https:// thestringer.com.au/the-killing-times-2214#.XJhmgCgzaUl Graham, M. (2008). Some thoughts about the philosophical underpinnings of Aboriginal worldviews. Australian Humanities Review (45), 181–194. Retrieved from http://press-files.anu.edu. au/downloads/press/p38881/pdf/eco04.pdf Guenther, J. (2013). Are we making education count in remote Australian communities or just counting education? The Australian Journal of Indigenous Education, 42(2), 157–170. https:// doi.org/10.1017/jie.2013.23 Guenther, J., & Osborne, S. (2020). Did DI do it? The impact of a programme designed to improve literacy for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in remote schools. The Australian Journal of Indigenous Education, 1–8. https://doi.org/10.1017/jie.2019.28 Hope, A. (2008). Record of investigation in to death. Retrieved from Perth, Western Australia: https://www.humanrights.gov.au/sites/default/files/content/legal/submissions_court/ guidelines/Pickett_finding.pdf Jebb, M. A. (2002). Blood, sweat and welfare: A history of white bosses and Aboriginal pastoral workers. University of Western Australia Press. Kagi, J. (2014). Plan to close more than 100 remote communities would have severe consequences, says WA Premier ABC News. Retrieved from http://www.parliament.wa.gov.au/publications/tab ledpapers.nsf/displaypaper/3912881c1313c21e87d6392248257e46000fdf56/$file/tp-2881.pdf Kimmerer, R. W. (2013). Braiding sweetgrass : Indigenous wisdom, scientific knowledge and the teachings of plants (First (edition). Milkweed Editions. Liddle, R., & Dodson, P. (2018). 20 years ago ’The bringing them home’ report was tabled in parliament, it painted a blick picture on what happened to tens of thousands of aboriginal children who were victims in what is known as the stolen generations. Lowe, K., Tennent, C., Guenther, J., Harrison, N., Moodie, N., & Vass, G. (2019). ‘Aboriginal Voices’: An overview of the methodology applied in the systematic review of recent research across ten key areas of Australian Indigenous education. The Australian Educational Researcher, 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13384-019-00307-5

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Mertens, D. M. (2007). Transformative paradigm: Mixed methods and social justice. Journal of Mixed Methods Research, 1(3), 212–225. https://doi.org/10.1177/1558689807302811 Milgin, A., Nardea, L., Grey, H., Laborde, S., & Jackson, S. (2020). Sustainability crises are crises of relationship: Learning from Nyikina ecology and ethics. People and Nature, 2020(2), 1210– 1222. https://doi.org/10.1002/pan3.10149 Mueller, M. L. (2017). Being salmon, being human: Encountering the wild in us and us in the wild. Chelsea Green Publishing. O’Donnell, E., Poelina, A., Pelizzon, A., & Clark, C. (2020). Stop burying the Lede: The essential role of indigenous law(s) in creating rights of nature. Transnational Environmental Law, 9(3), 403–427. https://doi.org/10.1017/S2047102520000242 Poelina, A. (2021). Martuwarra first law multi-species justice declaration of interdependence: Wellbeing of land, living waters, and indigenous Australian people. (Doctor of Philosophy (Health Sciences)). University of Notre Dame Australia, Fremantle. Poelina, A., Taylor, K. S., & Perdrisat, I. (2019). Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council: An Indigenous cultural approach to collaborative water governance. Australasian Journal of Environmental Management, 26(3), 236–254. https://doi.org/10.1080/14486563.2019.1651226 Poelina, A., Brueckner, M., & McDuffie, M. (2020a). For the greater good? Questioning the social licence of extractive-led development in Western Australia’s Martuwarra Fitzroy river region. The Extractive Industries and Society. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2020.10.010 Poelina, A., Wooltorton, S., Harben, S., Collard, L., Horwitz, P., & Palmer, D. (2020b). Feeling and hearing Country. PAN: Philosophy Activism Nature (15), 6–15. Retrieved from http://pan journal.net/issues/15 Redvers, N., Poelina, A., Schultz, C., Kobei, D. M., Githaiga, C., Perdrisat, M., & Blondin, B. S. (2020). Indigenous natural and first law in planetary health. Challenges, 11(29). https://doi.org/ 10.3390/challe11020029 RiverOfLife, M., Taylor, K. S., & Poelina, A. (2021). Living waters, law first: Nyikina and Mangala water governance in the Kimberley, Western Australia. Australasian Journal of Water Resources, 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1080/13241583.2021.1880538 RiverOfLife, M., McDuffie, M., & Poelina, A. (2020). Martuwarra country: A historical perspective (1838–present). Retrieved from https://researchonline.nd.edu.au/nulungu_research/5/ Strakosch, E. (2015). Neoliberal indigenous policy: Settler colonialism and the ‘post-welfare’ state. Palgrave MacMillan. Wahl, D. C. (2016). Designing regenerative cultures. Triarchy Press. Wilson, R. (1997). Bringing them home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from their Families (9780642269546; 0642269548). Retrieved from Sydney: https://www.humanrights.gov.au/publications/bringingthem-home-report-1997 Wooltorton, S., Collard, L., & Horwitz, P. (2019). Living water: Groundwater and wetlands in Gnangara, Noongar boodjar. PAN: Philosophy, Activism, Nature (14), 5–23. Retrieved from http://panjournal.net/ Wooltorton, S., Guenther, J., Poelina, A., Blaise, M., Collard, L., & White, P. (2022a). Learning regenerative cultures: Indigenous nations in higher education renewal in Australia. Asia Pacific Education Review. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12564-022-09789-y Wooltorton, S., Guenther, J., Wilks, J., & Dwyer, A. (2022b). Aboriginal nation: A strong Kimberley tertiary education narrative. The Australian Journal of Indigenous Education, 51(1). https://doi. org/10.55146/ajie.2022.45

Part V

Climate Change Management

Chapter 12

Indigenous Peoples, Intellectual Property and Sustainability Ana Penteado and Shambhu Prasad Chakrabarty

Abstract Intellectually Property is defined by the concept of intangible property created from human labour intertwined with Nature. This is the foundation of the legal protection of our creative labour, our ideas applied to a useful purpose for the well-being of our society. From philosophical roots, intellectual property protection became an asset for economic means, which directly affects global biodiversity conservation because Nature becomes the ultimate financial resource capable of generating investment for novel products and exhaustion of natural resources. Sustainability is defined as avoiding the depletion of natural resources and maintaining ecological equilibrium, which depends on corporate responsibility, effective ecological metrics, and strong international human rights protection of Indigenous Peoples’ knowledge. The paradoxical relationship of economic development against social inclusion and equity of vulnerable populations includes environmental protection by local laws allied to international treaties to support this fragile balance of opposite values in our society. This paper will address sound solutions for a balanced assessment of legal protection and innovative ideas for businesses, biodiversity conservation, and sustainable use of resources. Keywords Intellectual property · Intangible assets · Biodiversity · Ecological metrics · Indigenous peoples’ knowledge · Exhaustion of natural resources · International human rights · Environmental law · Economic development · Ecological equilibrium

A. Penteado (B) University of Notre Dame, Sydney, Australia e-mail: [email protected] S. P. Chakrabarty Department of Law, University of Engineering and Management, Kolkata, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 A. Penteado et al. (eds.), Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8830-3_12

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12.1 Introduction In the real world, intellectual property is associated with the idea that is workable and can be exploited. In Lockian theory, ideas are useful for creating property and ownership for the creator, whose talent to work out an idea to be exploitable supports our whole Western system of property. In philosophical terms, ideas are capable of dividing and perpetuating their existence. The object of workable ideas, e.g., invention, is finite, so it is a paradoxical union of tangible and intangible. To resolve this paradigm in Law, we fragment these aspects of property into pigeonholes of knowledge: the idea of what intellectual property is and the materialization. Moreover, we tend to think that the invention is innovative for all, so a disconnect between the finality of the idea and its tangible form is separated so that we understand intellectual property. We fail to comprehend that intellectual property is not borne in a vacuum of other laws, and its existence interferes with and supports other legal disciplines such as economic development, environment, business, and science. The implication that intellectual property rights and jurisprudential interpretations impose on other disciplines affects economic and social actors’ structure, functionality, and efficacy. Intellectual property rights are clearly unveiled in sustainability policies, economic policies, international trade, and domestic commerce upon which the environmental laws must work. Moreover, the relationship between intellectual property treaties with other international environmental treaties is well-known since the failure of the Havana Charter to enter into force by the prescribed time-limit.1 This paper will explore aspects of intellectual property rights, the procedures and regulations that control the patentability of the subject matter at the national and international level against the dissemination of free information that surrounded patents before the Second World War, and the relationship between intellectual property assets and the environmental treaties that claim for climate change mitigation against the competition. One of the first treaties to be negotiated by The United Nations Organisation for commerce and environmental protection after the Second World War was the Havana Charter, formally known as the United Nations Conference on Trade and Employment, the Interim Commission for the International Trade Organisation was held in Havana from November 21, 1947, to April 1948.2 It involved trade, commodities, environmental conservation of natural resources, and a novelty in balancing production and consumption. Notably, the future relations with a new organization called the International Trade Organisation, has never come into being. The terms primary 1

See, United Nations Treaty Collection, Chapter X International Trade and Development, available at https://treaties.un.org/Pages/ViewDetails.aspx?src=TREATY&mtdsg_no=X-1-b&chapter=10& clang=_en. 2 See, United Nations Collection, Depositary, Certified True Copies (CTCs) of Multilateral Treaties Deposited with the Secretary-General, Chapter X: International Trade and Development, 1.b. HAVANA Charter for an International Trade Organisation, Havana, 24 March 1948, available at https://treaties.un.org/Pages/CTCTreaties.aspx?id=10&subid=A&clang=_en.

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and related commodities are associated with intellectual property rights (IPRs) as commodities are expressly related to goods and services. The General Agreement on Trade and Tariff (GATT), the temporary agreement from 1947 and its amendments, was focused on customs, prices, and tariffs, intellectual property rights were presented by regulatory provisions on licensing to other countries (Article VIII, (c)) and (Article XIII, 2, (c.), 3, (a)) marks of origin (Article IX), the exhibition of goods (Article X), in avoidance of restrictions of quantity or value of merchandise that would prevent the importation of commercial samples (Article XII, 3, (iii); Article XVIII, Sections 2, 3, 4, A, 7 (a), B, 10; C, 13). In General Exceptions, Article XX, (g) watered down The Havana Charter premise of environmental protection because of an impossible harmony between “conservation of exhaustible resources made effective in conjunction with restrictions on domestic production or consumption.”3 While The Havana Charter’s wording is designed to balance production and consumption, GATT used the word “restriction,” which alters the interpretation for a negative effect on members’ economies. As a result of restrictions on consumption, the clear understanding of some Uruguay Round members was that States would then be less competitive in the market and less able to have access to innovation. Further, Article XXIX prescribed the relationship between the GATT and the Havana Charter, which includes Article 56. Article 56 is dedicated to primary commodities and closely related to being “appropriate to deal with them in a single agreement.” In the General Exceptions, it is noticeable that the adoption of measures to require the conservation of exhaustible natural resources are included as long as domestic measures are also “made effective in conjunction with restrictions on domestic production or consumption.,” Article XX (g). After a long round between 1986 and 1994, the World Trade Organisation (WTO) included formally in its agreements intellectual property rights (IPRs) in 1995 as a crucial element of international trade (Athreye et al., 2020). Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Agreement was ratified, implying that substantial costs would be imposed on nations for noncompliance of its rules, detaching from the intellectual property rights governance from other organizations, specifically from the World Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO). In effect, IPRs were inserted in the Uruguay negotiations against much of the opposition of developing countries.4 Thus, the revision of the Uruguay Round within four years of its inception did not resolve the problem of the exhaustion of natural resources against free trade. As a consequence, the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) mechanisms are almost in eternal conflict with WTO Uruguay Round due to an absent mechanism for

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See, available at https://www.wto.org/english/docs_e/legal_e/gatt47_02_e.htm#articleXVIII. See, Sengupta (2022, p. 43). (Sengupta advocates that the United States of America was persuaded at a later stage of the Uruguay Round by Pfizer to include IPRs due to CIPLA’s effective competition in the pharmaceutical industry).

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disclosure of the source of biological material and associated traditional knowledge in the patentable subject matter.5 The CBD is almost defeated to its birth without an effective mechanism to trace back where the subject matter, such as a microorganisms, viruses and genetic resources, has been located, isolated and collected from Nature. Critics may argue that TRIPs, Article 27.3 (b) is an effective intellectual protection for States that wish to enjoy these exceptions, which India and other developing countries rightly argue against (Sengupta, 2022, p. 44). Nonetheless, disclosure of the used source for a patentable subject matter is necessary. For example, the inclusion of IPRs as a trade component of TRIPs may have been an opportunity for an in-depth review of the WTO. WTO agreements seem to transfer IPRs protections to trade, shifting the power of influence from other UN organisations such as the World Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO) and the specialist agency United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) from effectively protecting Traditional Knowledge (TK) transfigured from a cultural asset to an IPR trading asset. That means that the environmental protection afforded in the Havana Charter, Article 57(d), is anomaly and externality to be dealt with by soft laws so that trade and exploitation continue at minimal accountability to environmental degradation globally. Protecting the environment through biodiversity conservation means responsibly managing our global community and local environment. It seems credible that the TRIPs philosophy does not agree with a consistent policy towards environmental protection and a balance of access to biodiversity. Clearly, policy reform to extract IPRs from trade affairs and advocating for an in-depth review of the WTO will not ever occur. This is because of the nature of the United Nations, and the current governance arrangement that fractions the multi-diverse agencies of the UN into specific areas like health under the World Health Organisation and the Doha Round or Doha Development Agenda. UNESCO is focused on cultural assets. UNESCO is not an active observer of the United Nations Climate Change Convention (UNFCCC). This agency is deemed to be the space for scientific reports that could help to alleviate trade relationships and IPRs in the biodiversity domain. Without local biodiversity, the whole ecosystem adapts poorly to missing links that protect the whole chain of insects, microorganisms, and plants as they interact in a collaborative model. Therefore, short-sighted economic policies will detoriorate climate change mitigation policies and weaken the enforcement of international environmental treaties and domestic environmental laws.6 The consequence 5

That also included evidence of prior informed consent and benefit-sharing arrangements mandatory before granting a patent to an applicant. See, Sengupta (2022, p. 44). 6 The argument that the environment legal protection is soft law and the internationalization of the environment is clearly stated back in the 90s by Pierre-Marie Dupuy as a result of technological advances new regulations opposed to the main customary law were created from which environmental law is the “soft law wave” or “soft norms,” however, Dupuy argues that the challenge is to create a new binding rule of international environmental law which we have been so far unfortunate to see a fragile commitment. Pierre-Marie Dupuy, in Soft Law and the International Law of the Environment (1990) Michigan Journal of International Law, Volume 12, Issue 2.

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is detrimental to all stakeholders involved in curbing greenhouse gas emissions7 because the more industrial activity we have, the less we will achieve the mission of the Kyoto Protocol, Annex B.8 That is more pollution and less biodiversity. The connection of genetic resources and the appropriation of Indigenous Knowledge brings broad implications for those initiated in the intellectual property theory. The unawareness of such alternate power in IP governance may relinquish the idea that the mission of the World Intellectual Property Organisation has been watered down on its functions and administration of IPRs since TRIPs approval. In its final Act and with an introduction to representatives, “The representatives agree that the WTO Agreement shall be open for acceptance as a whole, by signature or otherwise, by all participants.” Therefore, there is no reservation to this trade treaty and no protection for native plants or any genetic resources, even in the case of Indigenous Knowledge associated with it. Article 29 (1) of the TRIPs Agreement9 to be a pre-requisite to the disclosure of origin for the use of native plants, therefore protecting local biodiversity. Alternatively, the minimum standard for disclosure of origin in national patent legislation is linked to the disclosure of the origin of subject matter, for example, native, in extinction or rare plants, is incorrect. The disclosure of origin is not a sine qua non condition for any person skilled in the art to carry on the invention. Therefore, that disclosure is not a patent claim, nor a valid interpretation. The Final Act Embodying the Results of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, TRIPs Article 29 (1) referred to the Paris Convention for The Protection of Industrial Property in 1883 and further amendments. As a matter of international law, the Paris Convention refers to priority and claims in the patent application in Article 4, E (2), (2)(H) and establishes: “Priority may not be refused on the ground that certain elements of the invention for which priority is claimed do not appear among the claims formulated in the application in the country of origin, provided that the application documents as a whole specifically disclose such elements.” “Elements” above are to be understood as claims of the inventive process inherent to a patent application. The elements shall not be understood as disclosure of the 7

Greenhouse gases are comprised of carbon dioxide (CO2 ), Methane (CH4 ), Nitrous oxide (N2 O), Hydrofluorocarbons (PFCs) Sulphur hexafluoride (SF6 ), and Nitrogen trifluoride (NF3 ). These are used in many industries such as refrigeration, air conditioning, fire extinguishing, foam production, solvents, insulating gas, and medical aerosols apart of the bioproducts. See Australian Government Department of the Environment and Energy Synthetic Greenhouse Gases, available at https://www. dcceew.gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/factsheet-synthetic-greenhouse-gasses.pdf. 8 See Doha amendment to the Kyoto Protocol, article 1, Amendment, A, Annex B to the Kyoto Protocol. One may observe that the major polluters—the United States, India and China—are not signatories when the amendment was approved, making their pledges subjective to their domestic policies. 9 Article 29 (1) states “Members shall require that an applicant for a patent shall disclose the invention in a manner sufficiently clear and complete for the invention to be carried out by a person skilled in the art and may require the applicant to indicate the best mode for carrying out the invention known to the inventor at the filing date or, where priority is claimed, at the priority date of application.”.

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origin of the genetic source. Although, as a matter of international public law, the Convention on Biological Diversity and the Nagoya Protocol on Access and BenefitSharing have a weak link with the patent application disclosure of origin in the patent system of TRIPs States members, because Traditional Knowledge is not necessarily registered in publications or written form, quite the opposite, most of our studies has demonstrated that Indigenous Knowledge is customary and of tacit nature. Therefore, the aspects of novelty and the prior art are not necessarily applicable to subject matter related to local genetic resources associated with Traditional Knowledge but rather foreign to Indigenous Knowledge holders. Moreover, the conservation of the environment is not a premise for the TRIPs members to consider under the trade treaty. Accordingly, it has entered into effect as an autonomous trade treaty. On that account, environmental treaties and agreements and declarations of international human rights for cultural rights protection, including traditional medicine and native plants used by Indigenous, tribal peoples, and traditional communities, are not included on TRIPs. Although the Convention on Biological Diversity, Article 8 (j) and more recently, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) suggested that climate resilience is to be included from the perspective of Indigenous Peoples and local communities, few practical initiatives existed, and fewer models embracing Indigenous Knowledge in climate change mitigation issues.10 The only exception is the Bonn Guidelines on Access to Genetic Resources and Fair and Equitable Sharing of the Benefits Arising out of their Utilization, Article 16 C. Responsibilities (a) (v) in considering the environmental impact and consequences “of the access activities”11 to genetic resources. This is a voluntary set of guidelines, not obligatory in nature. Being a specialized agency, the World Trade Organisation took under its political power and sphere of influence a partial IPRs reform under TRIPs, albeit forceful because of its final authority to reform intellectual property rights at the international level with ratification from all States. One could find a justification for a much-needed IPR reform12 or, on the contrary, maintaining the status quo depending on each side one’s interests lay. However, all these considerations must be subject to the authority of this specialized agency solely to be effective and erga omnes to all Member States. 10

See the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, Synthesis Report of the Sixth Assessment Report (AR6), Summary for Policymakers, B.6.4. “However, afforestation or production of biomass crops can have adverse socio-economic and environmental impacts, including on biodiversity, food and water security, local livelihoods and the rights of Indigenous Peoples, especially if implemented at large scales and where land tenure is insecure. Modelled pathways that assume using resources more efficiently or that shift global development towards sustainability include fewer challenges, such as less dependence on CDR and pressure on land and biodiversity. (high confidence)” available at https://report.ipcc.ch/ar6syr/pdf/IPCC_AR6_SYR_SPM.pdf. 11 See, Bonn Guidelines, available at https://www.cbd.int/doc/publications/cbd-bonn-gdls-en.pdf. 12 That is a difficult mission analogous to the revision of the Paris Convention, Ricketson argues that progress in the WTO regarding any reform is unlike. See Sam Ricketson, The Paris Convention for The Protection of Industrial Property, A commentary Oxford University Press, page 76.

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A case study below will illustrate the silent harmful contribution that IPRs insertion to one agency may cause to other agencies involved with other scientific disciplines, such as environment, financial development projects, human rights and cultural assets protection, ethics, and other disciplines, so far beyond trade law such as taxonomy, ethnopharmacology, and ethnobiology to cite just a few.13

12.2 The Neem Tree, The Wonder Tree One of the well known case studies associated with TK in India is the wonder tree ’neem’ (Azadirachta indica. The use of neem in Ayurveda, Unani and as a homoeopathic medicine is widely publicized and well-known (Gupta et al., 2017; Patil et al., 2021, 2022; Saleem et al., 2018; Sengupta, 2022, pp. 41–42; Subapriya & Nagini, 2005). Notwithstanding, an American timber merchant began importing neem seeds from India in 1971 (Sengupta). Sengupta also mentions that in 1985, after the United States Environmental Protection Agency gave clearance to neem as a pesticidal extract, American and Japanese companies competed to be the first to file a patent application. The first to file is also the first to approach local prospective manufacturers, given that neem seeds and leaves are endogenous to India (Sengupta, 2022, pp. 41–42). The know-how shall be local to have the appropriation of the technology to harvest neem seeds and select their leaves (Sengupta). For a fair treatment of sharecroppers that was ethical given that human exposure was certain, a project to have Azadirachtin synthetic was initiated, but the project proved to be a herculean task due to the complexity of the molecular structure of neem (Sengupta, 2022, pp. 41–42). With around four hundred compounds that have been isolated, the neem tree has associated microorganisms called endophytes, accounting for around 30 discovered patentable subject matter in 2020 (Kharwar et al., 2020). The neem extraction technique was available for thousands of years in this case study (Sengupta). Nonetheless, the patent was an acceptable subject matter because that knowledge was not recorded as prior art in the searches conducted by the United States Patent and Trademark Office-USPTO (Sengupta, 2022, pp. 41–42). 14 ,15 ,16 To 13

Within States in which traditional medicine is a cultural knowledge there has been a focus to classify native plants and genetic resources for informing prior art and international searches. See, Cámara-Leret et al. (2014), Kim et al. (2016), and Willcox et al. (2015). 14 This is an extract that mentions Alexander Milburn Co. v Davis Bournonville Co. U.S. 390 [1926]. See, Merges and Duffy (2002). 15 See USPTO The United States Patent and Trademark Office, Manual of Patent Examining Procedure, available at https://www.uspto.gov/web/offices/pac/mpep/s904.html#d0e115758. 16 See USPTO The United States Patent and Trademark Office, Rule 904How to Search and Rule 904.02 (b) Search ToolSelection [R-07.2015], available at https://www.uspto.gov/web/offices/pac/ mpep/s904.html#d0e115758.

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be protected, Traditional Knowledge or Indigenous Knowledge should be codified. A good outcome of the neem tree case study is that its complexity cannot be copied into synthetic material, and the public outcry avoided appropriation via patents. It shall be pertinent to state in this regard, that there is no recorded access and benefit sharing agreement neither acknowledgement of the role of Indigenous knowledge of the local communities as can be found in many other bioprospecting cases.

12.3 The Sustainability of the Environment The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development adopted the Sustainability Development Goals (SDGs) by all United Nations General Assembly members in 2015.17 The holistic approach of the goals is to eradicate poverty and underdevelopment while ensuring environmental sustainability (Hickel). Jason Hickel identifies that five18 of the seventeen goals are directly linked with water and sanitation sustainability management and sustainable and efficient use of natural resources (Hickel, 2019). Hickel also introduces two ecological indicators: (A) Natural Resources use, and (B) Greenhouse gas emissions. Natural resource use is associated with the material footprint a nation consumes, such as metals, fossil fuels, biomass, and construction materials, including other stages in the manufacturing chain that include producing and shipping imported goods (Hickel, 2019, p. 875). Hickel suggests that material footprint is an important indicator for monitoring terrestrial and marine ecosystem degradation. However, SDGs have no quantified target for the use of natural resources efficiently (Hickel, 2019, p. 875). Nonetheless, Hickel mentions that Goal 13 deals with climate change and has a qualified indicator which is “keeping global warming to no more than 2 °C above preindustrial levels,”(Hickel, 2019) which is set against an atomistic view to leave State members to adjust their greenhouse gas emissions according to the Nationally Determined Contributions in the Paris Agreement, which is voluntary.19 That appears at odds with what the Secretary-General of the United Nations, António Guterres, stated in the Sustainable Development Goals Report 2022, “The world is facing a confluence of crises that threaten the very survival of humanity. All of these crises—and ways to prevent and navigate them—are addressed holistically

17

See United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Sustainable Development, The 17 Goals, available at https://sdgs.un.org/goals. 18 These are Goal 6, Goal 12, Goal 13, Goal 14 and Goal 15. 19 Hickel argues that decarbonization is not achievable by the SGD 8 against SDG 13, because the pressure of GDP growth will drive emissions above the qualified target of 2 °C. See, Hickel (2019, p. 878).

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in the SDGs. We ignore them at our own peril.”20 Therefore there is an urgent need to have new technologies to have climate change mitigation on efficient terms to reach these greenhouse gas emissions commitments.

12.4 Innovation and Its Incentives: The Methane Experience In Innovation and its Incentives, Suzanne Scotchmer points out that ideas depend on the market size, so one would easily observe that climate change mitigation and reset of greenhouse gas emissions is a worldwide market (Scotchmer, 2004). Therefore, every country is interested in promoting ideas and the social value of new climate change inventions, particularly in reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Consequently, we would have better biodiversity conservation public policies and local laws supporting global ecosystems. Innovation in new technologies to support biodiversity conservation and new methods to exploit land-use activities such as mining are also recommended for sustainability policies. The case for Methane Emissions from Superemitting Coal Mines in Australia21 is illustrative of technological gaps that needs to be bridged to protect the environment and local communities. Nonetheless, an activity such as mining exploration brings issues such as environmental degradation. Scotchmer also points out that the theory of prospecting advocates for the beneficial effect of new uses for the patented product or processes, which brings about another issue of costly technology that consumers may not use and halt competition (Scotchmer, 2004, p. 1555). 22 Indigenous Peoples survival in their lands and climate change mitigation policies are associated with methane emissions from mining sites, particularly coal mines

20

See The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2022 United Nations, available at https://uns tats.un.org/sdgs/report/2022/The-Sustainable-Development-Goals-Report-2022.pdf. 21 See, Sadavarte et al. (2021). It is important to note that methane is emitted from high-latitude lakes too. See, Matthews et al. (2020). 22 Developed countries have jointly committed $100 billion which is lower than the IPCC had estimated $1.6. trillion to 3.8. trillion to have a swift transition to a low-carbon future and avoidance of climate warming exceeding 1.5 °C. See The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2022, page 55, available at https://unstats.un.org/sdgs/report/2022/The-Sustainable-Development-GoalsReport-2022.pdf.

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(Sadavarte et al., 2021). Atmospheric methane CH4 is the second radiative forcing (RF)23 after CO2 in the Earth’s atmosphere.24 A two-year survey of satellite observations was used to qualify methane emissions from coal mines in Queensland, the largest coal-producing state in Australia. The result is that monitoring and investment in methane recovery technologies for surface and underground mines are necessary. This innovative gap halts corporate social responsibility for biodiversity degradation and true incorporation of environmental sustainability for corporations, as the United Nations Global Compact (UNGC).25 Methane is emitted by many industrial sources, including fossil fuel mining.26 These are observed facts in this study: (A) Satellite-based estimates are significantly higher than those reported to the Australian government, focusing on a single mine (Hail Creek) in a methanerich coal basin (Sadavarte et al., 2021, p. 16573). However, the novel aspect of this research is that researchers went on to quantify fugitive methane plumes from two other coal mines in Queensland state.27 (B) Findings call for increased monitoring (compliance with local environmental laws) and re-assessing the tire-3 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) accounting method using country-specific methodologies and minespecific measured emissions factors (Sadavarte et al., 2021, p. 16577). As the study illustrated, the technology is available, but the IPCC might be lagging behind in technology. (C) Moreover, investment in methane recovery technologies for both surface and underground mines is a must (meaning monitoring needs regulation and environmental laws to curb emissions, investing in new technologies capacitybuilding locally, and/or importing new technologies if they are available).28 23

Radiative forcing (RF) is a concept used for quantitative comparisons of the strength of different human and natural agents in causing climate change. See IPCC Changes in Atmospheric Constituents and in Radiative Forcing, Executive Summary, page 131, 136, available at https:// www.ipcc.ch/site/assets/uploads/2018/02/ar4-wg1-chapter2-1.pdf. But see that the RF cannot be used as a sole indicator for climate change, on page 137. “The RF relationship to transient climate change is not straightforward. To evaluate the overall climate response associated with a forcing agent, its temporal evolution and its spatial and vertical structure need to be taken into account. Further, RF alone cannot be used to assess the potential climate change associated with emissions, as it does not take into account the different atmospheric lifetimes of the forcing agents.”. 24 See IPCC, Changes in Atmospheric Constituents and in Radiative Forcing, page 140, available at https://www.ipcc.ch/site/assets/uploads/2018/02/ar4-wg1-chapter2-1.pdf. 25 See the United Nations Global Compact (UNGC) and see also S. Prakash Sethi & Donald H. Schepers in United Nations Global Compact: The Promise-Performance Gap available at https:// link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10551-013-1629-y. 26 See IPCC, Changes in Atmospheric Constituents and in Radiative Forcing, pp. 135, 140, 142, available at https://www.ipcc.ch/site/assets/uploads/2018/02/ar4-wg1-chapter2-1.pdf. 27 Queensland state in Australia is competitive internationally for extracting coal seam gas (CSG) in which Bowen and Surat’s basins were subject to this study along with Hail Creek. See, Sadavarte et al. (2021, p. 16575). 28 The constraints of measuring models are illustrated by this paragraph: “These retrievals involve a variety of assumptions that introduce uncertainties in the relationships, in particular the fact

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The problem is that a general formulation of an emission metric is used by IPCC, and even though it avoids economic dimensions, which is correct, the formulation produces a false result. However, it should also be suggested that ecological metrics and local data should be included to have a real impact on climate change mitigation.29 Without a metric that looks into the location and time of emissions, global data will not transfer climate change mitigation action to the areas and regions in need affecting adversely populations and remote Indigenous Peoples, tribal and local communities.30 If this metric is more effective than the one applied by the IPCC, Australia is not the only country measuring fugitive methane plumes with false results. According to the International Energy Agency (IEA) (IEA 2022), comparative tables and the reported data to the UNFCCC Norway, Netherlands, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Turkmenistan, Venezuela, the People’s Republic of China, the United States, Russia Federation, Iran, Iraq, India, Brazil, and Algeria are potentially on the same track of using general metrics for faulty results. We should mention that from all these that the retrievals for aerosol and cloud properties are not coincident and the assumption that the aerosol optical depth can be linked to the sub-cloud aerosol concentration. When these empirical parametrizations are included in a climate model, the simulated RF due to the cloud albedo effect is reduced by 50% from their baseline simulation. Quaas et al. also utilised satellite data to establish a relationship between cloud droplet number concentration and fine-mode aerosol optical depth, minimising the dependence on cloud liquid water content but including an adiabatic assumption that may not be realistic in many cases. This relationship is implemented in the ECHAM4 and Laboratoire de Météorologie Dynamique Zoom (LMDZ) climate models and the results indicate that the original parametrizations used in both models overestimated the magnitude of the cloud albedo effect. Even though both models show a consistent weakening of the RF, it should be noted that the original estimates of their respective RFs are very different (by almost a factor of two); the amount of the reduction was 37% in LMDZ and 81% in ECHAM4. Note that the two models have highly different spatial distributions of low clouds, simulated aerosol concentrations and anthropogenic fractions.” See IPCC, Changes in Atmospheric Constituents and in Radiative Forcing, pp. 178; but see also pp. 179–180, 184–185, 198–200, 203–207, available at https://www. ipcc.ch/site/assets/uploads/2018/02/ar4-wg1-chapter2-1.pdf. See, Sadavarte et al. (2021). 29 But compare with this: “There are several problematic issues related to defining a metric based on the general formulation given above. A major problem is to define appropriate impact functions, although there have been some initial attempts to do this for a range of possible climate impacts. Given that impact functions can be defined, AM calculations would require regionally resolved climate change data (temperature, precipitation, winds, etc.) that would have to be based on GCM results with their inherent uncertainties. Other problematic issue the definition of the temporal weighting function g(t) and the baseline emission scenarios.” See IPCC, Changes in Atmospheric Constituents and in Radiative Forcing, page 210, available at https://www.ipcc.ch/site/assets/upl oads/2018/02/ar4-wg1-chapter2-1.pdf. 30 In the IPCC one reads this: “There might be substantial co-benefits realised in mitigation actions involving short-lived species affecting climate and air pollutants; however, the effectiveness of the inclusion of short-lived forcing agents in international agreements is not clear. To assess the possible climate impacts of short-lived species and compare those with the impacts of the LLGHGs, a metric is needed. However, there are serious limitations to the use of global mean GWPs for this purpose. While the GWPs of the LLGHGs do not depend on location and time of emissions, the GWPs for short-lived species will be regionally and temporally dependent.” See IPCC, Changes in Atmospheric Constituents and in Radiative Forcing, page 211, available at https://www.ipcc.ch/ site/assets/uploads/2018/02/ar4-wg1-chapter2-1.pdf.

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countries, only the United States and Brazil are part of the Global Methane Pledge (IEA 2022). Therefore, the Global Energy-related methane emissions by region reported to the UNFCCC are challenged by the estimates from the International Energy Agency (IEA) (IEA 2022), making one wonder what the real data is. Frustrating as this must be for those affected, which is all of us, this is a problem for a holistic approach to all disciplines to tackle, not for atomistic views, as climate change affects all, mostly those people that may have no voice in this discourse: Indigenous Peoples, tribal and local communities.

12.5 Conclusion Climate change is here to stay with our anthropocentric existence. It is imperative that we connect environmental protection, Traditional Knowledge, trade, and competitive technologies with meaningful actions to mitigate climate change. Some populations will be more vulnerable than others to natural disasters, water scarcity and food insecurity. This is the reality for Indigenous Peoples, tribal and local communities that survive amidst these challenges. These communities have existed and have their cultural existence linked to their local land. The land is affected by uninterrupted human exploitation of the soil and subsoil. This weakening the regeneration of the environmental status quo ante, and the climate change mitigation policies ignoring adverse climate change consequences and profiting from indiscriminate appropriation of natural resources will be catastrophic to human existence on earth. Reducing green-house gas emissions is not a mere question of economics and technology transfer, but a question of survival for all States. Social value of innovation for climate change solutions must include Indigenous Knowledge which needs to be promoted for a sustainable future.

References Athreye, S., Piscitello, L., & Shadlen, K.C. (2020). Twenty-five years since TRIPS: Patent policy and international business. Journal of International Business Policy. https://link.springer.com/ article/10.1057/s42214-020-00079-1. Cámara-Leret, R., Paniagua-Zambrana, N., Svenning, J. C., Balslev, H., Macía, M. J. (2014). Geospatial patterns in traditional knowledge serve in assessing intellectual property rights and benefit-sharing in northwest South America. Journal of Ethnopharmacology, 158, 58–65. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jep.2014.10.009. PMID: 25456422. Gupta, S. C., Prasad, S., Tyagi, A. K., Kunnumakkara, A. B., & Aggarwal, B. B. (2017). Neem (Azadirachta indica): An Indian traditional panacea with modern molecular basis. Phytomedicine, 15(34), 14–20. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.phymed.2017.07.001. PMID: 28899496. Hickel, J. (2019). The contradiction of the sustainable development goals: Growth versus ecology on a finite planet. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/sd.1947.

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International Energy Agency (IEA). (2022). Global methane tracker. https://www.iea.org/reports/ global-methane-tracker-2022/overview. Kharwar, R. N., Sharma, V. K., Mishra, A., Kumar, J., Singh, D. K., Verma, S. K., Gond, S. K., Kumar, A., Kaushik, N., Revuru, B., & Kusari, S. (2020). Harnessing the phytotherapeutic treasure troves of the ancient medicinal plant Azadirachta indica (Neem) and associated endophytic microorganisms. Planta Medica, 86(13–14), 906–940. https://doi.org/10.1055/a-11079370. PMID: 32126583. Kim, S., Kim, B., Mun, S., Park, J. H., Kim, M. K., Choi, S., & Lee, S. (2016). Development of a template for the classification of traditional medical knowledge in Korea. Journal of Ethnopharmacology, 3(178), 82–103. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jep.2015.11.045. PMID: 26657579. Matthews, E., Johnson, M. S., Genovese, V., et al. (2020). Methane emission from high latitude lakes: methane-centric lake classification and satellite-driven annual cycle of emissions. Scientific Reports, 10, 12465. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-020-68246-1. Merges, R. P., & Duffy, J. F. (2002). Patent law and policy: Cases and materials (p. 302). LexisNexis Patil, S. M., Shirahatti, P. S., VB, C. K., Ramu, R., Prasad, N. (2021). Azadirachta indica A. Juss (neem) as a contraceptive: An evidence-based review on its pharmacological efficiency. Phytomedicine, 88, 153596. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.phymed.2021.153596. PMID: 34092456 Patil, S. M., Shirahatti, P. S., Ramu, R. (2022). Azadirachta indica A. Juss (neem) against diabetes mellitus: A critical review on its phytochemistry, pharmacology, and toxicology. Journal of Pharmacy and Pharmacology, 74(5), 681–710. https://doi.org/10.1093/jpp/rgab098. PMID: 34562010. Sadavarte, P., Pandey, S., Maasakkers, J. D., Lorente, A., Borsdoff, T., Denier van der Gon, H., Houweling, S., Aben, I. (2021). Methane emissions from superemmiting coal mines in Australia using TROPOMI satellite observations. Environmental Science and Technology, 55(24), 16573– 16580. https://doi.org/10.1021/acs.est.1c03976. Saleem, S., Muhammad, G., Hussain, M. A., & Bukhari, S. N. A. (2018). A comprehensive review of phytochemical profile, bioactives for pharmaceuticals, and pharmacological attributes of Azadirachta indica. Phytotherapy Research, 32(7), 1241–1272. https://doi.org/10.1002/ptr. 6076. PMID: 29671907. Scotchmer, S. (2004). Innovation and incentives (pp. 98–99). MIT Press. Sengupta, N. (2022). Traditional knowledge in modern India preservation, promotion, ethical access and benefit sharing mechanisms. Springer. Subapriya, R., & Nagini, S. (2005). Medicinal properties of neem leaves: A review. Current Medicinal Chemistry: Anti-Cancer Agents, 5(2), 149–156. https://doi.org/10.2174/156801105 3174828. PMID: 15777222. Willcox, M., Diallo, D., Sanogo, R., Giani, S., Graz, B., Falquet, J., & Bodeker, G. (2015). Intellectual property rights, benefit-sharing and development of “improved traditional medicines”: A new approach. Journal of Ethnopharmacology, 24(176), 281–285. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. jep.2015.10.041. PMID: 26528586.

Chapter 13

Despite Repeated Warnings: A Multidisciplinary Approach of the Shortcoming of Numbers in Indigenous Knowledge and Climate Change Ana Penteado

Abstract Life is about numbers. With technology on offer, we think about our own choices detached from any other preoccupation. Daily steps are tracked in a graduate step-index to monitor signs of a sedentary lifestyle for health purposes (Thomson et al., BMC public health several steps/day indicators predict changes in anthropometric outcomes: HUB city steps, 2012), sustainable travel choices are sold online in an eco-friendly conduct, checking their carbon emissions targets via social media applications that manage their personal achievements unrelated to other indicators. At the same time, another group of rarefied economic power pollutes the atmosphere with up to about 300 tons of carbon dioxide adventuring in space travel, regardless of any impact on local, regional, and global climate change (See, The Guardian, Katharine Gammon, Space, How the billionaire space race could be one giant leap for pollution published on 19 of July 2021, available at https://www.theguardian.com/science/2021/jul/19/billionaires-space-tourism-env ironment-emissions.). Unbeknownst to them is the relationship of their actions to ebb away climate change mitigation policies. Economic indicators and human consumer options instruct our life, which has been inundated with more disconnected lifestyle statistics to inform our choices better than an informed guess. In short, indicators manage our choices from personal to the public arena of ideas, which is concerning. Applying critical research methods on meaningful indicators entails designing public policies for sustainability choices, and what an evaluation conveys to a wider audience needs to be clearly communicated to influence a lifestyle change for environmental impact. When we interpret indicators against the selected parameters on climate mitigation, health, sustainability, or business enterprises, we fail to understand the relationship between our local environment and climate change mitigation if we do not monitor our biodiversity conservation policies. This correct interrelation will impact sustainability policies and climate change actions for academia, governments A. Penteado (B) University of Notre Dame, Sydney, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 A. Penteado et al. (eds.), Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8830-3_13

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to local populations for good. Ecological metrics are crucial to link ecological parameters together for a sound decision at the local level. An ecological metric applied to a local biodiversity hotspot suggests effective and good monitoring of rare and native species, a positive outcome for decreasing the degradation of the environment. Therefore, countries should act collaboratively to achieve positive results for climate change mitigation policies focusing on the taxonomic identification of local biodiversity, most of these species have indigenous names and the impact of human interference on local ecosystems, which demands coordinated action. This paper suggests that a holistic approach to ecological metrics may support local biodiversity conservation in connection to Indigenous Peoples Knowledge. This paper will also focus on climate change mitigation public policies that use poor or no ecological indicators in their findings to support ecological education in their daily lives for the present and the future of other generations. It concludes with an analysis of biodiversity conservation policies and economic metrics, a paradoxical relationship represented by the absence of ecological indicators in sustainability reports for evaluating environmental projects, that impact local populations and native flora and fauna. As a result, non-identified native and rare plants are discarded as possible strong indicators for curbing climate change mitigation than economic indicators.

13.1 Introduction Generally, ecological metrics are non-harmonized protocols of flora and fauna identification with variations of interpretation among academics.1 It is agreed that there is a necessity to standardize taxon name harmonization to have a comprehensive ecological metric for plants and animals (Grenié et al., 2022). Systematic data compiled by local taxonomists is rarely considered when designing local, regional, and global public policies core to effective climate change mitigation. That means that looking into the sustainability question from defective or non-existent ecological indicators is perceived as a false good performance and illustrates the limitations on economic indicators that require improvement and additional data from ecological indicators to become a true picture of the climate change situation globally. It is only a good sustainability outcome for any nation if ecological destruction is accounted for on sustainability indicators (Mansori et al., 2023). One of these indicators for habit loss and deforestation is urbanization that impacts ecosystems.2 1

We have even new metrics and new terminology, such as the vegetation integrity metric, See Ian Oliver, Josh Dorrough, and John Seidel in A new Vegetation Integrity metric for trading losses and gains in terrestrial biodiversity value, in Ecological Indicators, Volume 124, May 2021, published at ScienceDirect, available at https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S14701 60X21000066. 2 See What is Global Change, Causes of Global Change, Understanding Global Change, in Urbanization, a project of the University of California Museum of Paleontology, University of California Regents 2023, available at https://ugc.berkeley.edu/background-content/urbanization/#:~:text=Urb anization%20can%20impact%20the%20Earth,and%20alter%20interactions%20among%20orga nisms.

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The idea of a fundamental right to human survival is also the right of adequate housing3 becomes adversarial to the concept of environmental protection, especially concerning endangered native species or flora non-identified by taxonomic classification, as urbanization intensifies, disturbing ecosystems and functions as a predator on local habitats. Climate change mitigation also means a high degree of local custodianship and knowledge of local flora and fauna to allow an honest assessment of the local environment. The impact of ecological indicators benefits generations and consistent avoidance of deforestation. Therefore, ecological indicators should be highly evaluated for preservation of local ecosystems and conservation purposes in the line of biodiversity offsets. Currently, anthropocentric rights have an edge land use for agriculture and expansion of urban areas supported by economic indicators that appear to influence solely the design of climate change mitigation policies (Otero et al., 2020). Generation of green energy per electric cars, production of jobs that incentive pollutant industries, lithium mining for battery production (Vera et al., 2023), the fishing industry that is related to overfishing (Jennings & Kaiser, 1998), and a disconnected animal husbandry policy since a decade ago (Gerber et al., 2013), decreases local native environment protection, as well as our present concept of happiness based on the massive and constant consumption of goods, for the novel effect. There has been a continuous response alarming to exhaustion from Nature, with examples of catastrophic climate events spreading record flooding and displacement in the global south and elsewhere.4 The food supply chain is also affected when expected crop seasons are chaotic, and farming becomes an activity of high-risk return.5

3

See the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the 1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, respectively available at https://www.un.org/en/udh rbook/pdf/udhr_booklet_en_web.pdf and https://treaties.un.org/doc/treaties/1976/01/19760103% 2009-57%20pm/ch_iv_03.pdf. 4 The black Summer in Australia was a bushfire that burned more than 24 million hectares, damaging the ozone layer that has risen the stratosphere temperature by 0.7. °C. This wildfire killed hundreds of people and around three billion animals and 180 million birds, and other endemic species such as bats, frogs, turtles and fish. See ABC News, available at https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-0728/3-billion-animals-killed-displaced-in-fires-wwf-study/12497976. Indigenous Australians were extremely affected by the black summer specific regions, lands, waterways and seas including rain forests and alpine ecosystems, which has ignited a debate on fire management among agencies, scholars and public. See Nolan et al. (2021). See, also Pakistan flooding as a result of climate change impact, Mudassar Hussain, Abdul Rahman Butt, Faiza Uzma, Rafay Ahmed, Samina Irshad, Abdul Rehman and Balal Yousaf in A comprehensive review of climate change impacts, adaptation, and mitigation on environmental and natural calamities in Pakistan, available at https://link.springer. com/article/10.1007/s10661-019-7956-4. 5 See the example of rapeseed oil affected by weather and price (Jannat et al. 2022). But then see the Japanese year-round strawberry production based on the use of warming the planet with kerosene, although other environmentally positive initiatives to curb the use of kerosene have been on trial. See Hiroko Tabuchi in The Secret Behind Japan’s Delicious Strawberries: Kerosene, The New York Times, available at https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/18/climate/japan-winter-strawberriesgreenhouse.html.

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Economic indicators for human well-being must be re-assessed under the ecological metrics to measure whether we have welfare upon the destruction of the environment. We will improve the life span for generations to come and provide food security for all if we develop relevant climate change mitigation policies, achievable with relevant ecological metrics. A serious study on the traditionally selected used economic indicators should be encouraged to associate pertinent environmental metrics focusing on ecological indicators will allow a compilation of climate change useful data as a public policy for States and other key stakeholders. For that matter, we need to identify the gaps in these measurements and what and where they are bestowing ecological undervalue in the production chain. Therefore, the current use of metrics for sustainability and climate change mitigation policies is inefficient to evaluate the environmental conservation policies for megadiverse countries, especially in the southern hemisphere. To illustrate how to deal with wealth and trade in balance with the protection of the environment we need to review the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Reports, hereinafter IPCC. The IPCC mission is to provide transparency in dealing with indicators and focuses on an array of mitigation cost metrics (Krey et al., 2014). Moreover, there is a persistent misunderstanding of what should be measured to avoid further commodification of natural resources for an opportunity to circumvent our anthropocentric extermination. First, we will examine the definition of metrics, then this chapter will be divided into sections: (a) historical sources of metrics and climate change based on a historical fact-based New Zealand quantitative assessment, then the second part introduces the scenario of ecological metrics and the challenges of a non-consistent protocol applied to biodiversity, the next section (b) will look at absent taxonomy to classification and ecological indicators; the next section (c) is a revision of the economic theory of Keynes and Hickel tackling an insatiable society; the following section is (d) examines technologies and taxonomy harmonization from the point of view of native plants and local biodiversity; and then section (e) introduces the connection of warm weather, public health, and ocean warming, examining international law and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change UNFCCC treaty and finally the conclusion. This paper will commence with the historical roots of metrics and indicators and then briefly discuss the strategy behind the numbers to influence public policies worldwide that affect regional and national climate change mitigation policies. There is a strong argument to suggest that ecological indicators are more absent from public policies involving climate change policies, which are harmful for vulnerable populations.

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13.2 What are Metrics, and What do they have to do with the Environment? Generally, metrics are used in the management industry, by project managers and businesses to assess the performance of human labour in a company’s productivity. However, environmental assessments require biodiversity loss indicators as a useful metric to mitigate climate change, so among sources for global greenhouse emissions performance is not an environmental indicator.6 For climate change, as a weather variable (temperature, precipitation, humidity, and wind), to have a meaningful measurement, the indicators of deforestation, overfishing, and absence of taxonomy on native plants and husbandry in poorer countries, namely in the Global South, must be included and all variables are linked and are important.7 In contrast, animal husbandry should be assessed in the final chain of consumption as rich countries largely as the final consumers of these assets. A comparison among Australia, Brazil, Argentina, and the largest consumer, producer, and third biggest exporter of bovine meat, the United States of America is illustrative in post-pandemic times.8 Generally, metrics are an association of several biodiversity factors to evaluate to show which methods and models will achieve pre-determined goals. The issue is that biodiversity metrics need to be harmonized among many indicators to offer a clear big picture, with local, regional, and national factors to compare with international data (Cooper et al., 2023; Ghazoul et al., 2015; Santini et al., 2017). Moreover, targets need to be better defined, land degradation,9 wetland drainage,10

6

In this case, instead of performance, emissions will be calculated by the economic sector. See EPA United States Environmental Protection Agency, Greenhouse Gas Emissions, Global Greenhouse Gas emissions by Economic Sector Data, available at https://www.epa.gov/ghgemissions/globalgreenhouse-gas-emissions-data. Compare Science Daily, Science News, Greenhouse gas emissions at “an all-time high”—and it is causing an unprecedented rate of global warming, say scientists, published by the University of Leeds, June 8 2023, available at https://www.sciencedaily.com/rel eases/2023/06/230608121013.htm. 7 This is a complex prediction, however, focusing on individual species may not be accurate (Rosenblatt & Schmitz, 2014). 8 The American beef production was on the high until recently, leaving behind the traditional South American region. See Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, Compare Data, FAOSTAT, Export Quantity, Bovine Meat, Australia and New Zealand (excluding intra-trade), Argentina, Brazil, South America, and the United States of America, available at https://www.fao. org/faostat/en/#compare. 9 In Australia, the Centre for Earth Observation utilises satellite data and is guided by the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) indicator 15.3.1 (the proportion of land that is degraded over total land area and the global Land Degradation Neutrality Initiative (LDN), see CSIRO, Centre for Earth Observation, Case Studies, Robust land degradation measurements for the globe, available at https://research.csiro.au/cceo/robust-land-degradation-measurements-forthe-globe/. 10 Rivers may have a variation of flow that is consistent to be measured such as the Northern Australian river system, which is suggested to have a correlation with rainfall during the year. See, Amos et al. (2017).

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salinization,11 and also taxonomic and molecular identification (Manoylov, 2014) and variations need to be accounted for, and documentation of activities is processed with flexible and unreliable tools, which may compromise biodiversity loss results. On the other hand, the segregation of indicators by disciplines affects the interpretation of results for further studies in cross-disciplinary and, consequently, the decision-making for better public policies is adversely affected for the future of Global South native plants. Metrics are used by diverse companies, multilateral organizations in charge of lending projects and development initiatives supported by consulting firms,12 and the hired talents for short-term solutions and in the new technology, artificial intelligence. A decision-making process that ignores the synchronicity of taxonomy classification with plant extinction and animal husbandry or mining and electricity projects is problematic. Avoid engaging comprehensive metrics for native plants’ biodiversity loss, which permits misleading public policies to be applied in local biodiversity and may be devastating for the Global South’s genetic resources. Furthermore, climate change mitigation policies fed with defective data compromise the promotion of sustainability and any mitigation of carbon emissions project. Sustainability policies must be considered in a holistic research method, using all biodiversity indicators that affect climate change. One is expected to use metrics to decarbonize the supply chain as a whole to have positive and tangible results instead of one element considered alone. Further, any quantitative assessment also intends to influence the performance and decision-making process of policymakers. Therefore, choosing an economic metric or a collection of economic metrics such as economic growth as a sustainability goal as a priority for environmental conservation is a recipe to increase our weather catastrophes to the point of no return for humanity. For example, businesses may use metrics that enhance their capability to recoup profits via performance, but is that the reason why one should choose the same combination of metrics for climate change mitigation policies? The sustainability goals of growth and performance clash with climate change mitigation (Hickel) for investment and climate change policies if performance results are the only reason to use metrics for climate change mitigation. One should ask questions about which indicators will be crucial to illustrate competing interests (from industry, from locals, from investors) that might affect results for efficient advocacy of climate change mitigation policies.

11

Dryland salinity in Western Australia (salinity on non-irrigated land) is considered an environmental threat for regions such as Western Australia, See Department of Primary Industries and Regional Development, Agriculture and Food, Dryland salinity in Western Australia, available at https://www.agric.wa.gov.au/soil-salinity/dryland-salinity-western-australia-0. 12 A search using the terms “Kpi and metrics for management consultants and managers” will harvest at least 22,000 in any search engine for metrics used by managers since at least 2002. See, Google Scholar.

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13.3 Metrics and Climate Change, An Old Contradiction Historically the climate change problem dates back to 1912, so there has been a preoccupation with the earth’s temperature rising since earlier than that date. In 1912, the Waitemata and Kaipara Gazette was published on August 14, in the section Science Notes and News. Considering that data of 7,000,000,000 was added to the newspaper notes, this was not an exercise of a one-off observation. Indicators must have been used to get the figure of tons of carbon dioxide emissions per year, registered in the Coal Consumption Affecting Climate note. Someone was inviting metrics to be re-assessed centuries later. The problem is the review is purely from the investor’s point of view, as illustrated below: “Metrics are quantitative assessment measures commonly used for assessing, comparing, and tracking performance or production. Generally, a group of metrics will typically be used to build a dashboard that management or analysts regularly review to maintain performance assessments, opinions, and business strategies.”13 Concerning climate change mitigation policies, we must discard indicators of meaningless use for interpretation of climate change mitigation framework and focus on informative ones. We must consider including ecological indicators as a priority in our sustainability equation rather than economic growth indicators that only add financial advantages unless used to manage trade related to greenhouse gas emissions. This is not an entire rebuttal of economic indicators to shape public policies regarding climate change mitigation policies for States, it suggests that standing alone this metric says nothing of sustainability.

13.4 Setting the Scenario Usually, we use metrics in our daily life to do mundane tasks such as measuring the time one accomplished a required task. However, recently there was a movement to apply metrics and performance to sustainability projects focusing on carbon markets and the sale of credits based on ecological indicators.14 One way to measure sustainability is to measure biodiversity spaces or ecological indicators. Ecological 13

See Julie Young, Gordon Scott and Suzanne Kvilhaug, Investing, Fundamental Basics, in Metrics, at Investopedia, available at https://www.investopedia.com/terms/m/metrics.asp#:~:text=Key%20T akeaways,internal%20managers%20and%20external%20stakeholders. 14 Recently, it has been observed that the market for measuring biodiversity by carbon credit has suffered a backlash from global companies that declined to continue their support the initiative, which affects poor countries, see Suzanne Twidale and Sarah Mcfarlane Reuters, Carbon

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indicators assist in managing and measuring CO2 emissions, but we still need to harmonize metrics for biodiversity, creating many protocols and results for CO2 emissions at the local level. Let us then understand what metrics are. The science of metrics has evolved into a sophisticated set of protocols usually accessible to the initiated in the discipline of statistics. One could measure anything and compare it with selected indicators, the problem is the selection of data collection, and the parameters for exclusion of elements to design a target object of study.15 Generally, one refers to performance metrics and specialized tasks designed for individuals and team jobs for peak performance in industries where larger production and efficient distribution of human resources is needed, as Peter Drucker described in his book The Practice of Management (Drucker, 1955). Performance metrics are customized for sales of products and customer satisfaction, aiming for productivity and profits.16 There are also social media metrics since being digitally connected became another feature of modern life (Peters et al., 2013). Furthermore, metrics have been used in other contexts to apply selected methods to interpret utility results on complex engineering tasks (Birch et al., 2014). Conversely, biodiversity metrics are composed of a myriad of indicators using distinctive methods to measure flora and fauna in a territorial space with obviously different results, allowing a decision-making process based on guessing the best model to be used, which is concerning (Tucker et al., 2017). That invites confusion and discrepancies in public policies, albeit goodwill among stakeholders. It is also worth noting that ecological metrics are interconnected with other disciplines to design a meaningful set of indicators for biodiversity. The claim of what is to be demonstrated often needs to be revised because the interpretation should be holistic instead of locked in a pigeonhole approach, one metric. A good example of the pigeonhole theory is the horizontal functionality of the United Nations Organisation that acts independently of the common agendas the diverse agencies may have to act in harmony (Chakrabarty & Penteado, 2021). In short, ecological metrics need an interdisciplinary approach to provide a more transparent interpretation of the biodiversity loss reality in the decision-making process for future climate change mitigation policies. Biogeography, for instance, a field related to biology, is one of these disciplines to be considered for ecological metrics aiding transparency to biodiversity clusters and distribution of species and ecosystems (Sanmartin, 2012). Looking at Biogeographical theory17 to explain biodiversity existence in geographical spaces is a positive indicator because the objective of assessing historical and ecological data on the evolution of species functions as a risk managing Credit Market confidence ebbs as big names retreat, published on 2nd September, 2023, available at https://www.reuters.com/sustainability/carbon-credit-market-confidence-ebbs-big-namesretreat-2023-09-01/. 15 This issue has appeared in fields of behaviour such as psychology, See, Liben-Nowell et al. (2019). 16 In which marketing metrics belong to the same mission as in sales. See, Seggie et al. (2007). 17 Biogeographical theory was also described in this paper by Jonathan Sauer. See, Sauer (1969).

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assessment as rare species with greater extinction rates are documented from the global environmental change and may add as an important resource including as ecological indicator. Another branch of science disconnected from ecological indicators is taxonomy classification, a systematic classification of organisms and species. An updated taxonomy protocol18 that harmonizes or merges taxonomic biodiversity datasets is necessary for sustainable public policies, so the inclusion of identified rare and other local species is crucial for effectively measuring biodiversity loss indicators. No wonder we must unify biodiversity measures for a purposeful decision-making process on public policies. That would be desirable to steer clear from species extinction and a meaningful risk assessment due to development projects and rapid urbanization. Therefore, taxonomic classification is a positive contribution to reduce CO2 carbon emissions.19 Other indicators of multidisciplinary nature must be inserted into the metrics equation of species conservation.20 For example, national laws that protect Indigenous culture and heritage sites, including natural units of biodiversity for conservation goals, to achieve the promotion of local biodiversity conservation and, by default, support ecologically sustainable use of natural resources.21 A just and fair legislative act at the local level coordinated with international instruments mitigates the risk of rare and possibly not identified native plants becoming extinct forever. Additionally, a local ecological indicator accounted for in the design of law could be added as a climate change mitigation indicator promoting transparency to key stakeholders, including direct foreign investors that often rely on bilateral treaties to overcome environmental barriers to development projects; an effective conservation strategy will become a tangible fact if taxonomy harmonization becomes a reality for megadiverse developed countries as in the Australian national, regional, and local levels (Broadhurst & Coates, 2017). In megadiverse countries, it should be considered the possibility to adopt local ecological indicators to the Global South, where most native species and forests are located. 18

See, Australian Government Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and the Water, Australian Biological Resources Study, The importance of taxonomy, available at https:// www.dcceew.gov.au/science-research/abrs. 19 See, Tucker and Cadotte (2013), “Comparing the spatial distributions of biodiversity measures informs conservation decision-making because incongruence between measures highlights how different aspects of diversity (SR, evolutionary history, geographical rarity) are differentially distributed through space.”. 20 Ibidem, “It necessarily involves emphasizing or accommodating multiple priorities including social and economic valuations (Meffe & Viederman, 1995), the functioning of ecosystems and accounting for the services they provide (Chan et al., 2006) and the preservation of the diversity of life. Conservation efforts have focused on numerous aspects of diversity and have produced conflicting priorities (Fleishman et al., 2006). Species diversity, composition, rarity and evolutionary distinctiveness are three important aspects of diversity that are often considered, and conceptual approach that provides a meaningful way to compare differing aspects of diversity is of value.”. 21 See, for example, the Australian Government Federal Register of Legislation, Environment Protection and Biodiversity Act 1999, available at https://www.legislation.gov.au/Details/C2022C 00214.

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Thus, taxonomy classification as an efficient indicator is an important element for conservation and risk mitigation on climate change policies, a problematic fact shared by many jurisdictions with diverse biome and biodiversity hotspots or megadiverse countries. Further, it invites inaction from stakeholders when a lack of harmonization in ecological indicators is present, permitting global initiatives to become a collection of intentions lacking utility in the pure sense of implementation at the local level. e.g., the Conference of the Parties COP 27 advocates for “cooperation across sectors”22 and “sustainable development,”23 a generic version of indicators.24

13.5 Results of Conference of the Parties COP 27 for Taxonomy and Ecological Indicators At COP 27, which took place in Egypt last November 2022, it was hardly mentioned taxonomy as an indicator of climate change mitigation policies. In the AWARe, Action on Water, Adaptation and Resilience, a quick inspection of the document on Means of Implementation, Technology, Data and Information25 reveals that indicators are perceived and accounted for generical meaning instead of plain language on ecological indicators and the interdependence for an inventory of native plants by updated taxonomy to confer conservation and protection of the aquatic species at the local level. As one can attest below, the national water decoupling indicators are linked to water accounting on a general water report for risk analysis. An absence of ecological indicators is present, and one reference to “environmental indicators,”26 which is a generalist term and subject to many interpretations to be associated with the farming industry, not to the conservation of native plants, which raises the question of whether climate change mitigation is about only agricultural innovation to the detriment of conservation of native forests and local plants. Below is the illustration selected from COP 27 about decoupling indicators:

22

See, Global Climate Action United Nations Climate Change Marrakesh Partnership, Summary of Global Climate Action at COP 27 available at https://unfccc.int/sites/default/files/resource/GCA_ COP27_Summary_of_Global_Climate_Action_at_COP_27_1711.pdf. 23 Ibidem. 24 See, COP 27 Sharm-El-Sheikh Egypt, AWARe, Action on Water, Adaptation and Resilience, Introduction available at https://cop27.eg/#/presidency/initiative/aware. 25 See, COP 27 Sharm-El-Sheikh Egypt, AWARe, Action on Water, Adaptation and Resilience, Technology, Data and Information available at https://cop27.eg/#/presidency/initiative/aware. 26 See, Sharm-El-Sheikh Adaptation Agenda Technical Report available at https://climatechamp ions.unfccc.int/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/Finance.pdf.

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“Data and information: • • • •

Support countries in water resources assessment and water accounting; Support countries in its reporting; Publish a regional water report annually under UN auspices; Trusted water monitoring systems and information sharing on a platform that’s open, transparent and accessible for all; • Cooperate with national authorities to improve their early warning systems, seasonal forecasting abilities and outlook capabilities and issue flood and drought warnings at the regional level. Providing technical advice on the needed action and means of communication of technical advice to targeted groups; • Develop national water decoupling indicators and publish transparent analyses of water decoupling potential”a (our stress)

a

From the Annex I List of COP 27 Outcomes, there is no report that describes or refers to the terms above such as “taxonomy,” ecological metrics,” or “interdisciplinary.” However, a reader may find instead “urban nature” See, The Mangrove Adaptation Outcome available at https://climat echampions.unfccc.int/the-mangrove-breakthrough/; Action On Water Adaptation and Resilience Initiative available at https://cop27.eg/#/presidency/initiative/aware. For “urban nature” at Sharm El-Sheikh Adaptation Agenda available at https://climatechampions.unfccc.int/wp-content/upl oads/2022/11/Human-Settlements-1.pdf; for “taxonomy” applied to finance but not to “ecology” or natural organisms but rather “environmental indicators” available at https://climatechampions. unfccc.int/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/Finance.pdf.

The use of generic terms is perceived as an open door for future ineffective public policies or a gap in guidance and interpretation for procurement in ecological and legal actions to delineate principles for sustainable activities in situ, which would be the use of the precautionary principle27 applied to the decision-making process concerning the local and regional environment, specifically on native forest and biomes for governments to act decisively establishing explicit goals.

13.6 Keynes and Hickel, Tackling an Insatiable Society In The General Theory of Employment Interest and Money (Keynes, 1935), Keynes teaches us a lesson about saving resources for the future. He observes that saving from consumption in the present so that one can prepare to consume in the future, which at the end of the day, will provoke an increased desire to hold wealth (Keynes, 1935). In a sense, our society offers to an infinite path to extra consumption. Conversely, sustainability is an indicator that relies on more than just objective indicators like saving. For example, one could not save the weather for the future nor store carbon 27

The precautionary principle is applied to diverse disciplines but focuses on the environment with four key components: preventive nature when facing uncertainty, shifting the burden of proof to the proponent of the activity, avoiding as many harmful actions as possible, and effective public participation. See, Kriebel et al. (2001).

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dioxide at home to release at one’s own desire. Yet, sustainability is a common good everyone should enjoy and practice the saving attitude to enjoy a good future. For that, all individuals should have the same desire to be aligned to a concerted action to improve our climate change mitigation policies at the global level now. Any metrics for sustainability should aim to maintain ecological balance. Consequently, it must consider indicators beyond life expectancy, wide accessible education, and fair income that are not consistent. In addition, they must consider biodiversity offsets such as ecology offsets, conservation offsets, and vegetation offsets which are often more valuable to many generations to come, namely the intergenerational assets (Weiss, 2018), including the generations that will sustain the choices made before their existence. Therefore, to make a complete assessment of the ecological indicators to measure biodiversity loss in the local or regional environment, one needs to include ecological indicators in the supply chain to produce any sort of assets.28 There we have the paradoxical anxieties: to hold wealth for consumption happiness with no preoccupation of ecological breakdown or to invest in ecological assets for the long-term saving of the planet, which restricts their purchase ability or to use meaningless measurements and be satisfied with the results. Plants and trees carry no attraction to the capitalist market built on the transference of capital for immediate use. Sooner than later, humanity will have no choice but to value native species and protect native habitats in perpetuity with no capital gains in the short term. The consumption based on carbon markets for CO2 emissions will illustrate the awful choices for more industrialization (to achieve economic growth) and the association with the depletion of natural resources at the global or regional level and the local level.29 How these two goals could be in the same plan for sustainability goals is the paradox Hickel has demonstrated to us is unknown or, alternatively, no climate change policy will work (Hickel, 2019).

13.7 Technologies and Taxonomy The use of satellite imagery for larger areas with a combined human survey on the ground for genetic diversity control may effectively manage a functioning ecosystem (Chiarucci et al., 2011). However, species diversity is still an issue for measuring and monitoring larger spatial areas subject to biogeographic approaches (Chiarucci et al., 2011). Nonetheless, there is an urgency to develop technologies connected to ecological habitats with quality data. Recent research compares ecological and biogeographic perspectives, in which the similarities are few, and the differences are observed in abundance (Chiarucci et al., 2011). 28

They are also called biodiversity offsets. See, New South Wales, NSW Department of Planning and Environment, about the Biodiversity Offsets Schemes, available at https://www.environment.nsw.gov.au/topics/animals-and-plants/biodiversity-offsets-sch eme/about-the-biodiversity-offsets-scheme. 29 In some countries, meat consumption is a symbol of material affluence.

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The fact that data may be interpreted using specific taxonomic references is confusing, or to produce metrics based on results “using incomplete species lists” is truly worrisome for public policy creation and management in large areas (Chiarucci et al., 2011). Conversely, ecology is complete and accurate for small areas, with specific protocols and criteria (Chiarucci et al., 2011). Therefore ecological metrics a priori may appear inconsistent. In measuring biodiversity species, one observes that the indicators used to look at rare species and common species but not specifically at native species, which is a huge gap for countries like Australia, Brazil, India, and other megadiverse countries of the global South in which native species in situ are not only rare but native (Chiarucci et al., 2011). Focusing on native species for ecological metrics will identify plants not necessarily found in low abundance or rare habitats. However, endemic flora is usually culturally associated with specific geopolitical places such as Switzerland.30 Another fact that is forgotten is that as custodians of their local environment, there is a coincidence of native plants associated with First Nations’ cultural integrity as most of the southern hemisphere is megadiverse and ancestral land to Indigenous and tribal peoples. Therefore, using metrics to indicate the impact of climate change, specifically ecological metrics, may need a human and social understanding of the locality, the Indigenous Peoples’ culture, and the taxonomic name of the native plants to be truly measured for their survival. Back to the core of ecological metrics, another herculean challenge is to measure species abundance on coral, grasses, mosses, and lichens, unlike measurements for birds, fish, or woody plants (Chiarucci et al., 2011). Let alone when taxonomy classification and local identification are not in the same protocol. The result is that changes in measuring biodiversity can be affected by different samples taken by distinctive classifications affected by unrelated parameters in the discipline due to human interpretation (Chiarucci et al., 2011). International law is important in global affairs, and climate change relies on our common will to aim for collective well-being rather than individualist choices. Climate change is generally fact-based and defined by adverse effects in a single instrument, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change 30

See, The Library of Congress, Plant Protection: Edelweiss: Austria, France, Germany, India, Slovenia and Switzerland (2012) p. 7. According to the document, Edelweiss is protected at the canton level, on the canton of St. Gallen, by the Regulation of Wild Plants, which is supported at the national level by the patent legislation of disclosure of patent subject matter source, which manages any useful intellectual property flower the plant in case intellectual property and any industry utilises this local Alpine plant. Her taxonomic name is Leontopodium nivale or Leontopodium alpinum and its flowering season is the European Summer. See also IGE IP, For IP Professionals Disclosure of source (for a historical number of proposals to amend for the WIPO Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore (IGC) available at https://www.ige.ch/en/law-and-policy/international-ip-law/ip-organisations/wipo/biodivers ity-and-sustainable-development/disclosure-of-source. Switzerland was not consulted by the United States when a review of Swiss law was made on this matter. See, Catherine Saez in Intellectual Property Watch, Switzerland Champions Disclosure Requirement in Patents, counter US interpretations, available at https://www.ip-watch.org/2016/09/ 15/switzerland-champions-disclosure-requirement-in-patents-at-wipo-counters-us-interpretation/ Edelweiss is also a national symbol of other European countries; however, only Swiss patent law has a requirement for disclosure of subject matter sources for patents.

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UNFCCC, as a common concern for humankind, supporting the perception of “beings” not “one being.”31 Climate change, in other words, is not a concept but a global problem affecting all of us because science has finally identified global warming as our environmental threat for generations to come. Therefore, examining whether our international policies will define efficient environmental models to produce a coherent legal framework for climate change mitigation seems reasonable. A recent metric for an Environmental Impact Index (EII) consumption-based CO2 emissions is illustrative.32 Compared to the Global Footprint Network map of ecological footprint, one realizes that most of the southern hemisphere still has a significant forest reserve, as data was last collected between 1961 and 2018.33 For Brazil, for instance, the data must be refreshed to include 2019–2023, as the situation has changed dramatically. Similarly, Australia had an alternative warmer climate in the Black Summer of bushfires between 2019 and 2020, with human deaths and about 24 million hectares burned to the ground.34 The future of climate change is not promising for the conservation of native plants if we also research the effect of climate change in other countries, including megadiverse States such as South Africa, China, India, and the Philippines and historically degraded landscape countries such as Egypt and Libya.35 In theory, Brazil (that logic might also apply to other megadiverse countries) has a good biocapacity reserve due to a large untouched geographic region attributed to the conservation indicators of Indigenous lands. Unfortunately, that data must be re-assessed for the last six years because local political forces illegally cleared vast areas of indigenous lands via illegal logging and mining. Illegal mining has been curbed with the new government directive. A recent judgment from the Supreme Court of Brazil has debunked the legal doctrine of temporal framework or Marco Temporal recently, which created an incentive in the Brazilian public policies to

31

See, UNFCCC, PRINCIPLES “Acknowledging that change in the Earth’s climate and its adverse effects are a common concern of humankind” available at https://unfccc.int/resource/docs/convkp/ conveng.pdf. 32 See, Environmental Impact Index, available at https://environmentalimpact.global/. 33 See, Global Footprint Network, Footprint Data Foundation, Brazil (2018) and Australia (2018), available at https://data.footprintnetwork.org/#/. 34 See, ABC News Australia’s Black Summer bushfires were catastrophic enough. Now scientists say they caused a ‘deep, long-lived’ hole in the ozone layer, available at https://www.abc.net.au/ news/2022-08-26/black-summer-bushfires-caused-ozone-hole/101376644. 35 See, Global Footprint Network, Biocapacity Reserve, available at Open Data Platform (footprint network.org). The metric used here is aimed at the ratio of biocapacity. In this essay, I am focusing on biocapacity deficit because that means imports of natural resources to those countries in that status. which means: “A national ecological deficit means that the nation is importing biocapacity through trade, liquidating national ecological assets or emitting carbon dioxide waste into the atmosphere. An ecological reserve exists when the biocapacity of a region exceeds its population’s ecological footprint.”.

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deny compliance for Indigenous protected areas, a constitutional right guaranteed by Indigenous reserved areas.36 Remarkably one of the countries with the most developed constitutional legal frameworks designed for Indigenous Peoples’ rights in their ancient lands in the world, Brazil has still to properly demarcate indigenous areas in the Brazilian Amazon so that the biocapacity reserve is a token of value for political gains or to short-sighted public policies created out of thin air instead of science-based at disposal on an electoral term for federal, state, and municipal representatives of the Legislative power. As a result, these metrics do not read the social turmoil of the local community as a partial interpretation of the exploitation of natural resources in the region. On the contrary, property and ownership are foreign assets to an area that suffers from the destructive misuse of its natural resources. However, economic metrics are unsatisfactory to reach this conclusion. Although Brazil is not an isolated example of bad metrics, it supports the reality that most countries with Indigenous People, tribal and local communities may experience as an intense debate for deforestation and incentive to urbanization regardless of the environment in that these conflicts take place (Alawamy et al., 2020; Austin et al., 2019; Gorte & Sheikh, 2010; Lasco et al., 2013; Sudhakar Reddy et al., 2016; Uhunamure et al., 2016; Zhang et al., 2022). Again, another example is that assembling data that is holistic in its true meaning is necessary. In climate change times, the response from any public policy should be a wide collection of evidence for a comprehensive interpretation by all stakeholders involved. Data that is widely integrated with all factors air, land, desertification,37 weather, water, health, urbanization, flora and fauna species identification and ecological conservation, a review on transgenic foods regulation38 and invasive species control (Olinger et al., 2017), to name just a few, will be a positive response. The use of Venn diagrams that function on many layers for data collection to illustrate connections between social items and scientific findings allows a positive overlap, which is helpful to activate the precautionary principle in case a disequilibrium is detected. Showing transparency where issues are correlated in a visual presentation of such complex concepts in hard science and social indicators is expected. Inaction is a catastrophic interpretation of good metrics, as a historical landscape degradation in megadiverse countries may attest. Promoting segregated data that informs one aspect of the environmental problems only while ignoring other factors, such as conservation, is not tenable. This is apparent

36

See, Vega et al. (2018). See The Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil—APIB, an Indigenous Movement created in 2005, available at https://apiboficial.org/marco-temporal/?lan g=en. 37 See, Benjaminsen and Hiernaux (2019). 38 See, Nature Education, Scitable, David Spurgeon, “Call for tighter controls on transgenic foods” 2014 9 arguing that Canada regulators are too lax on substantial equivalence for genetically modified crops, available at https://www.nature.com/scitable/content/Call-for-tighter-controls-on-transg enic-foods-99234/.

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in direct foreign investment and development projects in the energy, transport, and mining industries.39 Another solution is to add methods already verified, such as the Keeling Curve, created by the late Charles David Keeling (Marx et al., 2017). In 2019, the Keeling curve measured a record above and growing global carbon dioxide level passing 415 parts per million of carbon dioxide. In the same year, the Global Climate 2015–2019 published a recording of greenhouse gas concentrations for the five years, translated as the warmest period with ocean acidification,40 sea level rise, and ocean warming for human beings. The fact that we are still testing inefficient public policies to curb humanitarian catastrophes worldwide suggests that climate change is still considered a territorial problem with a disconnection from the other regions and is stressed in his studies.41 For last, another suggestion is to revisit this celebrated Anthropocene era, which claims humanity will always adapt to the best method for its survival.42 However, I have my profound doubts as I witness warfare events, intergalactic travels with billionaires and the deep sea biopiracy that just attest to our individuality not our collective spirit. Anthropocentrism allows the narrative to be controlled by economic stakeholders and opportunist scholarship to suggest that global emissions are growing slowly, which is a fallacy.43 39

Direct foreign investment is connected to international investment law, which in relation to the environment has been subject to fierce critique as a systemic harm “recipient developing states and their populations through its contribution to corruption, environmental degradation, and severe inequality.” See, Ratner (2017). 40 See, World Meteorological Organization, Global Climate in 2015–2019: Climate change accelerates, Record greenhouse concentrations mean further warming, available at . “More than 90 % of the excess heat caused by climate change is stored in the oceans. 2018 had the largest ocean heat content values on record measured over the upper 700 m, with 2017 ranking second and 2015 third. The ocean absorbs around 30% of the annual anthropogenic emissions of CO2 , thereby helping to alleviate additional warming. The ecological costs to the ocean, however, are high, as the absorbed CO2 reacts with seawater and changes the acidity of the ocean. There has been an overall increase in acidity of 26% since the beginning of the industrial revolution.”. 41 See, World Meteorological Organization, Global Climate in 2015–2019: Climate change accelerates, Record greenhouse concentrations mean further warming, available at . 42 The sophistication of climate change deniers is now arriving at the interdisciplinary field, as this paper suggests that African indigenous peoples have adapted through many indicators, including land grabbing, poverty, and weather unpredictability. This paper acknowledges humans’ drive to change their local continent but suggests the Anthropocentric era will adapt and be resilient as African indigenous peoples. See, African Environmental Change from the Pleistocene to the Anthropocene. Hoag and Svenning (2017). 43 Renewable energy projects are not short-term solutions but depend on an array of decision-making processes, capacity-building and new technologies that are still to be implemented. Recently, the newly created Climate Change Authority in Australia suggested that Victoria, New South Wales and Tasmania will have an agreement by 2028, which will result in a 140 million tonnes reduction of carbon dioxide emissions by 2050. Therefore, this is still not reality but rather a forecast. See, Australian Government. The Climate Change Authority is an independent statutory body established

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13.8 Ocean Warming and Public Health Another aspect of this complex equation in climate change mitigation results is ocean warming. Ocean warming, or changes in ocean heat content (OHC), is a fact that scientists deemed a lost cause, which means global warming is permanent.44 In ocean terms, satellite measurements are surrounded by uncertainty due to the inaccessibility of the near-surface oceanic layer and the variability of the vertical distribution of ocean temperature, salinity, and ocean pressure, so in-situ measurements are composed of a collection of estimates and models (Levitus et al., 2012). Also, in the area, the major source of uncertainty was the collection of sparse data (Levitus et al., 2012) for ocean warming (Sokolov et al., 2010), in which past models still need to address this problem (Gouretski et al., 2022); therefore, a new OHC model is suggested.45 Nevertheless, it is now irreversible that the oceans are warmer and will not return to the status quo ante. The problem of acidification of oceans and the warming of sea temperatures yearly may affect other areas unrelated at first with climate patterns, such as public health. Many consequences of warm weather are related to a rise in viruses and air-related diseases in public health, which is concerning. If the weather is warm, the ocean will consequently be warmer. For instance, a SARS-CoV-2 multi-variant vaccine to target the latest Omicron variants and subvariants is still elusive, although scientific experiments are promising. Nonetheless, warming temperatures and a rise in viruses affecting human health are a connection deemed safe by experts (Gong et al., 2022). There is a need to review international law systems and their procedures in these challenging times; the United Nations systems and their myriad number of metrics to measure phenomena such as education, inequality, climate change, and well-being, among other UNSDGs, quantitative data requires creativity to measure such intangibles. Nevertheless, a set of metrics applicable to all countries should be at the forefront of climate change models in times of uncertainty.

under the Climate Change Authority Act 2011, available here https://www.climatechangeauthority. gov.au/ret/overview. In the 90s, when the environmentalist movement took a turn to become a global problem and public awareness was vital to get finance and investment on national projects, we had some denialists of climate change that shaped the discourse, advocating that instead of climate change mitigation, we were in a Little Ice Age, and, that the data was inconsistent because it was taken only from the North hemisphere perspective. In the last part of the argument, I concur. The most strident voice that gained international traction was Bjørn Lomborg. Lomborg’s research is a typical example of un-holistic data and sectorial assessment of disconnected public policies that gave support to denialists of climate change. For more on his denialist concept of climate change, see, Lomborg (2001). “Of course, if large-scale ecological catastrophes were looming on the horizon, we might be more inclined to afford the extra margin of safety just for the environment.”. 44 See, The Guardian, Damian Carrington, Oceans, Extreme heat in oceans ‘passed point of no return’ in 2014’ on February 1, 2022, available at https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2022/ feb/01/extreme-heat-oceans-passed-point-of-no-return-high-temperatures-wildlife-seas. 45 See, Artificial Neural Network Model for Estimating Ocean Heat Content in the Sea Ice-covered Arctic Regions using Satellite Data (2022). See, also Kondeti and Shanmugam (2022).

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13.9 The Economy Side—Partial Metrics for a Global Interpretation The principle of effective sustainability holds the maximum of good performance on development indicators, which have a poor representation of ecological indicators, allowing a complete interpretation of the environment. In the paper, The Contradiction of the Sustainable Development Goals: Growth versus ecology on a finite planet (2019) (Hickel, 2019), Jason Hickel argued that indicators such as PIB cannot legitimately substitute and provide evidence for destructive levels of ecological impact. In his seminal paper, Hickel analyses that the SDG has little interest in innovating on this matter in the name of sustainability. Hickel describes the solution for this gap in a recipe to avoid empty sustainability policies on climate change mitigation, adding that ecological indicators must be correlated to the consumption-based assets to take into consideration the international trade and indexing ecological indicators segregated from economic indicators for a clear picture Hickel illustrates the case of Germany and Denmark that are champions in environmental policies, however, both countries have poor ecological breakdown when considered resources use (Hickel, 2019). Hickel demonstrates what is more paradoxical than metrics and environment, the hidden connection between wealthy countries’ consumption of goods and the degradation of ecosystems for more urbanization and goods manufacturing. We would also add that the ecological metrics for native biomes that house native species on unique circumstances of micro-climate, which identification is awaiting a taxonomy protocol, is an urgent measure to be achieved because it will create new types of information that anticipate threats to local biodiversity. That information is improved by new data to be potentially shared by all megadiverse countries, as is the case in developed countries such as Australia and the most megadiverse country, Brazil. There are 17 megadiverse countries on the planet, and identifying these rare species and their ecosystems is crucial for survival. In addition, megadiverse biomes, such as the Amazon rainforest and Pantanal in Brazil, demand new and monitored data to cope with aggressive deforestation. For Australia, as the unique biome with the highest reptile diversity in the world, protecting its unique biodiversity is paramount not only because it is a sustainability policy welcomed by the population but also because it is an economic asset for its jurisdiction.46 In a further comparison of regions of unique biome such as Pantanal and Western Australia, to name just two biomes that have incomplete taxonomy protocols on native species, they require new conservation goals and inclusive management in remote regions. If the evaluation is just economic, that is problematic for assessing the extinction of species by natural disasters or urbanization, rendering mitigation policies for climate change partially inefficient. Moreover, that creates a gap in providing a meaningful statistical overview of biodiversity datasets. Hence, we measure without 46

See, Australian Government, Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water, Protecting Biodiversity available at https://www.dcceew.gov.au/environment/land/nrs/aboutnrs/protecting-biodiversity.

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a meaningful ecological indicator for the different extinction scenarios or species abundance. That is not an effective sustainability policy and much less a credible climate change mitigation indicator.47 Another aspect to be considered and correlated for comprehensive fauna and flora monitoring is extractive activities, such as data related to mining (Azadi et al., 2020), urbanization, and hunting, disturbance of local biodiversity and promoting flora and fauna extinction.48 The mere fact that anthropocentric era is a popular expression suggests that we value our existence to the detriment of other species, which may encourage policies of aggressive urbanization in native areas generating a negative impact on the changing nature of habitats, including flora, fauna, water, and landscapes. That accounts for the importance of re-assessing genetic resources, especially rare and unique plant species, with reliable environmental indicators that effectively report ecosystem and vegetation mapping against the land occupation.49 As a consequence, more realistic research may be produced for ecological conservation planning that hopefully shall lead to climate change mitigation, with less carbon emissions, action on taxonomic classification and more protected areas.

13.10 Conclusion It is widely accepted that metrics help us understand good performance and strong sustainability in any human enterprise. Sustainability is the keyword for our future as a human race since development indicators can illustrate ecological impact by a nation’s employment rate or technological advancement. However, this is a false assumption because economic indicators that overlook crucial observations on ecological disruption, biodiversity loss, promote incentive to international trade, more demand for goods and chaotic urbanization harm the unique ecosystem and local environment. An absence of harmonization in taxonomy treaties to identify the local native plants of a nation is a significant drawback of sustainability policies. Ecological indicators need to be harmonized to interpret to the public the evolving initiatives that are the responsibility of governments and policymakers to design and implement monitoring programs for consistent and purposeful sustainability metrics. Therefore, a sustainability report that lacks an appreciation of ecological indicators will be only a partial analysis of development indicators devoid of importance to climate change mitigation policies. 47

For a good overview of different measurements for biological biodiversity, see, Magurran (2021). See, MapBiomas, Brasil, Native Vegetation Loss in South America and Indonesia in the last two decades reached an area larger than Somalia, available at https://mapbiomas.org/en/perda-de-veg etacao-nativa-na-america-do-sul-e-indonesia--em-duas-ultimas-decadas-superam-a-area-da-som alia-1?cama_set_language=en. 49 Ecosystem and vegetation mapping is a priority action from the Australia’s Strategy for the National Reserve System 2009–2030, available at https://www.dcceew.gov.au/sites/default/files/ documents/nrsstrat.pdf. 48

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Economic growth and development do not translate into real ecological destruction in climate change mitigation assessment, so biodiversity loss needs to be more valued and addressed in the equation of sustainability goals. It undermines the Kyoto Protocol mission and related international instruments on their missions and targets on climate change reversibility. There is a palpable tension between what we are measuring and adding scientific interpretation to economic indicators in the climate change discourse affecting an efficient solution to the global, national, and local public policies because there needs to be better ecological indicators analysis. The results for sustainability are a fragmented reality, economics detached from ecological metrics. The result is an interpretation with incomplete metrics feeding multilateral organizations’ reports on projects, government enterprises lacking transparency on deforestation for urbanization purposes, and opportunistic stakeholders gambling the system for their profits. As a result, discredit and persistent distrust permeate the public for supporting public policies at a local and regional level that tend to be ineffective locally and globally. We need to assemble data that is holistic in nature for its true meaning. In climate change times, the response from any public policy related to the environment should be a wide collection of evidence for a comprehensive interpretation by all stakeholders involved.

13.11 Endnotes For Introduction 1. See, Thomson et al. (2012). 2. See, The Guardian, Katharine Gammon, Space, How the billionaire space race could be one giant leap for pollution published on 19 of July 2021, available at https://www.theguardian.com/science/2021/jul/19/billionaires-spacetourism-environment-emissions. 3. See, Grenié et al. (2022). 4. The black Summer in Australia was an intense bushfire that burned more than 24 million hectares50 , bring human death and uncountable number of dead animals, damaging the ozone layer that has risen the stratosphere temperature by 0.7 °C. This wildfire killed hundreds of people and around three billion animals and 180 million birds, and other endemic species such as bats, frogs, turtles and fish. See ABC News, available at https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-07-28/3-billion-ani mals-killed-displaced-in-fires-wwf-study/12497976. Indigenous Australians were extremely affected by the black summer in specific regions, lands, waterways and seas including rain forests and alpine ecosystems, which has ignited a debate on fire management among agencies, scholars and public. See, Nolan et al. (2021) See, also Pakistan flooding as a result of climate change impact (Hussain et al., 2019). 50

See CSIRO, Australia’s Black Summer of fire was not normal—and we can prove it, available at https://www.csiro.au/en/news/all/articles/2021/november/bushfires-linked-climate-change.

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5. See the example of rapeseed oil affected by weather and price. Jannat et al. (2022). But then see the Japanese year-round strawberry production based on the use of warming the planet with kerosene, although other environmentally positive initiatives to curb the use of kerosene have been on trial. See, Tabuchi (2023). 6. See, Krey et al. (2014). 7. See, Cooper et al. (2023), Ghazoul et al. (2015), Santini et al. (2017). 8. See, Manoylov (2014). 9. See, Investopedia, available at https://www.investopedia.com/terms/m/metrics. asp#:~:text=Key%20Takeaways,internal%20managers%20and%20external% 20stakeholders. 10. See, Drucker (1955). 11. In which marketing metrics belong to the same mission as in sales. See, Seggie et al. (2007). 12. See, Peters et al. (2013). 13. See, Birch et al. (2014). 14. See, Tucker et al. (2017). 15. See, Chakrabarty and Penteado (2021). 16. See, Sanmartin (2012). 17. Biogeographical theory was also described in this paper by Jonathan Sauer. See, Sauer (1969). 18. See, Australian Government Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and the Water, Australian Biological Resources Study, The importance of taxonomy, available at https://www.dcceew.gov.au/science-research/abrs. 19. See, Tucker and Cadotte (2013). 20. Ibidem, “It necessarily involves emphasizing or accommodating multiple priorities including social and economic valuations (Meffe & Viederman, 1995), the functioning of ecosystems and accounting for the services they provide (Chan et al., 2006) and the preservation of the diversity of life. Conservation efforts have focused on numerous aspects of diversity and have produced conflicting priorities (Fleishman et al., 2006). Species diversity, composition, rarity and evolutionary distinctiveness are three important aspects of diversity that are often considered, and conceptual approach that provides a meaningful way to compare differing aspects of diversity is of value.” 21. See, for example, the Australian Government Federal Register of Legislation, Environment Protection and Biodiversity Act 1999, available at https://www. legislation.gov.au/Details/C2022C00214. 22. See, Broadhurst and Coates (2017). 23. See, Global Climate Action United Nations Climate Change Marrakesh Partnership, Summary of Global Climate Action at COP 27 available at https://unfccc.int/sites/default/files/resource/GCA_COP27_Summary_of_G lobal_Climate_Action_at_COP_27_1711.pdf. 24. Ibidem.

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25. See, COP 27 Sharm-El-Sheikh Egypt, AWARe, Action on Water, Adaptation and Resilience, Introduction available at https://cop27.eg/#/presidency/initia tive/aware. 26. See, COP 27 Sharm-El-Sheikh Egypt, AWARe, Action on Water, Adaptation and Resilience, Technology, Data and Information available at https://cop27. eg/#/presidency/initiative/aware. 27. See, Sharm-El-Sheikh Adaptation Agenda Technical Report available at https:// climatechampions.unfccc.int/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/Finance.pdf. 28. From the Annex I List of COP 27 Outcomes, there is no report that describes or refers to the terms above such as “taxonomy,” ecological metrics,” or “interdisciplinary.” However, a reader may find instead “urban nature” See, The Mangrove Adaptation Outcome available at https://climatechampions.unfccc.int/the-man grove-breakthrough/; Action On Water Adaptation and Resilience Initiative available at https://cop27.eg/#/presidency/initiative/aware. For “urban nature” at Sharm El-Sheikh Adaptation Agenda available at https://climatechampions. unfccc.int/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/Human-Settlements-1.pdf; for “taxonomy” applied to finance but not to “ecology” or natural organisms but rather “environmental indicators” available at https://climatechampions.unfccc.int/ wp-content/uploads/2022/11/Finance.pdf. 29. The precautionary principle is applied to diverse disciplines but focuses on the environment with four key components: preventive nature when facing uncertainty, shifting the burden of proof to the proponent of the activity, avoiding as many harmful actions as possible, and effective public participation. See, Kriebel et al. (2001). 30. See, Keynes (1935). 31. See, Keynes (1935, p. 211). 32. See, Weiss (2018). 33. They are also called biodiversity offsets. See, New South Wales, NSW Department of Planning and Environment, about the Biodiversity Offsets Schemes, available at https://www.environment.nsw.gov.au/topics/animals-and-plants/ biodiversity-offsets-scheme/about-the-biodiversity-offsets-scheme. 34. See, China as increasing CO2 emissions due to the food options predominantly red meat consumption. Meat is a symbol of material affluence for a country that suffered famine. (source) 35. See, Hickel (2019). 36. See, Chiarucci et al. (2011). 37. See, Chiarucci et al. (2011). 38. See, Chiarucci et al. (2011). 39. See, Chiarucci et al. (2011). 40. See, Chiarucci et al. (2011). 41. See, Chiarucci et al. (2011). 42. See The Library of Congress, Plant Protection: Edelweiss: Austria, France, Germany, India, Slovenia and Switzerland (2012) p. 7. According to the document, Edelweiss is protected at the canton level, on the canton of St. Gallen, by the Regulation of Wild Plants, which is supported at the

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43. 44. 45.

46. 47. 48.

49.

50.

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national level by the patent legislation of disclosure of patent subject matter source, which manages any useful intellectual property flower the plant in case intellectual property and any industry utilises this local Alpine plant. Her taxonomic name is Leontopodium nivale or Leontopodium alpinum and its flowering season is the European Summer. See also IGE IP, For IP Professionals Disclosure of source ( for a historical number of proposals to amend for the WIPO Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore (IGC) available at https://www.ige.ch/en/law-and-policy/international-ip-law/ip-organisations/ wipo/biodiversity-and-sustainable-development/disclosure-of-source. Switzerland was not consulted by the United States when a review of Swiss law was made on this matter. See Catherine Saez in Intellectual Property Watch, Switzerland Champions Disclosure Requirement in Patents, counter US interpretations, available at https://www.ip-watch.org/2016/09/15/switze rland-champions-disclosure-requirement-in-patents-at-wipo-counters-us-int erpretation/. Edelweiss is also a national symbol of other European countries; however, only Swiss patent law has a requirement for disclosure of subject matter sources for patents. See, Chiarucci et al., (2011, p. 2432). See, Chiarucci et al., (2011, p. 2433). See, UNFCCC, PRINCIPLES “Acknowledging that change in the Earth’s climate and its adverse effects are a common concern of humankind” available at https://unfccc.int/resource/docs/convkp/conveng.pdf. See, Environmental Impact Index, available at https://environmentalimpact.glo bal/. See, Global Footprint Network, Footprint Data Foundation, Brazil (2018) and Australia (2018), available at https://data.footprintnetwork.org/. See, ABC News Australia’s Black Summer bushfires were catastrophic enough. Now scientists say they caused a ‘deep, long-lived’ hole in the ozone layer, available at https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-08-26/black-summer-bushfirescaused-ozone-hole/101376644. See Global Footprint Network, Biocapacity Reserve, available at Open Data Platform (footprintnetwork.org). The metric used here is aimed at the ratio of biocapacity. In this essay, I am focusing on biocapacity deficit because that means imports of natural resources to those countries in that status. which means: “A national ecological deficit means that the nation is importing biocapacity through trade, liquidating national ecological assets or emitting carbon dioxide waste into the atmosphere. An ecological reserve exists when the biocapacity of a region exceeds its population’s ecological footprint.” One hopes this situation has advanced with a change in the Brazilian administration. See, Vegan et al. (2018).

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51. See, Alawamy et al. (2020), Austin et al. (2019), Gorte and Sheikh (2010), Lasco et al. (2013), Sudhakar Reddy et al. (2016), Uhunamure et al. (2016), Zhang et al. (2022). 52. See, Benjaminsen and Hiernaux (2019). 53. See, Nature Education, Scitable, David Spurgeon, “Call for tighter controls on transgenic foods” 2014 9 arguing that Canada regulators are too lax on substantial equivalence for genetically modified crops, available at https://www.nature. com/scitable/content/Call-for-tighter-controls-on-transgenic-foods-99234/. 54. See, Olinger et al. (2017). 55. Direct foreign investment is connected to international investment law, which in relation to the environment has been subject to fierce critique as a systemic harm “recipient developing states and their populations through its contribution to corruption, environmental degradation, and severe inequality.” See, Ratner (2017). 56. See, Marx et al. (2017). 57. See, World Meteorological Organization, Global Climate in 2015–2019: Climate change accelerates, Record greenhouse concentrations mean further warming, available at . “More than 90 % of the excess heat caused by climate change is stored in the oceans. 2018 had the largest ocean heat content values on record measured over the upper 700 meters, with 2017 ranking second and 2015 third. The ocean absorbs around 30% of the annual anthropogenic emissions of CO2 , thereby helping to alleviate additional warming. The ecological costs to the ocean, however, are high, as the absorbed CO2 reacts with seawater and changes the acidity of the ocean. There has been an overall increase in acidity of 26% since the beginning of the industrial revolution.”. 58. See, World Meteorological Organization, Global Climate in 2015–2019: Climate change accelerates, Record greenhouse concentrations mean further warming, available at . 59. The sophistication of climate change deniers is now arriving at the interdisciplinary field, as this paper suggests that African indigenous peoples have adapted through many indicators, including land grabbing, poverty, and weather unpredictability. This paper acknowledges humans’ drive to change their local continent but suggests the Anthropocentric era will adapt and be resilient as African indigenous peoples. See, African Environmental Change from the Pleistocene to the Anthropocene. Hoag and Svenning (2017). 60. Renewable energy projects are not short-term solutions but depend on an array of decision-making processes, capacity-building and new technologies that are still to be implemented. Recently, the newly created Climate Change Authority in Australia suggested that Victoria, New South Wales and Tasmania will have an agreement by 2028, which will result in a 140 million tonnes reduction of carbon dioxide emissions by 2050. Therefore, this is still not reality but rather

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61.

62. 63. 64. 65. 66.

67. 68. 69.

70. 71. 72.

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a forecast. See, Australian Government. the Climate Change Authority is an independent statutory body established under the Climate Change Authority Act 2011, available here https://www.climatechangeauthority.gov.au/ret/overview. In the 90s, when the environmentalist movement took a turn to become a global problem and public awareness was vital to get finance and investment on national projects, we had some denialists of climate change that shaped the discourse, advocating that instead of climate change mitigation, we were in a Little Ice Age, and, that the data was inconsistent because it was taken only from the North hemisphere perspective. In the last part of the argument, I concur. The most strident voice that gained international traction was Bjørn Lomborg. Lomborg’s research is a typical example of un-holistic data and sectorial assessment of disconnected public policies that gave support to denialists of climate change. For more on his denialist concept of climate change, see, Lomborg (2001). “Of course, if large-scale ecological catastrophes were looming on the horizon, we might be more inclined to afford the extra margin of safety just for the environment.”. See, The Guardian, Damian Carrington, Oceans, Extreme heat in oceans ‘passed point of no return’ in 2014’ on February1, 2022, available at https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2022/feb/01/extreme-heatoceans-passed-point-of-no-return-high-temperatures-wildlife-seas. See, Levitus et al. (2012). See, Levitus et al. (2012) (for a world ocean heat historical assessment using ARGO data). See, Sokolov et al. (2010). See, Gouretski et al. (2022). See, Artificial Neural Network Model for Estimating Ocean Heat Content in the Sea Ice-covered Arctic Regions using Satellite Data (2022). See, also Kondeti and Shanmugam (2022). See, Gong et al. (2022). See, Hickel (2019). See, Australian Government, Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water, Protecting Biodiversity available at https://www.dcceew. gov.au/environment/land/nrs/about-nrs/protecting-biodiversity. For a good overview of different measurements for biological biodiversity, see Magurran (2021). See, Azadi et al. (2020). See, MapBiomas, Brasil, Native Vegetation Loss in South America and Indonesia in the last two decades reached an area larger than Somalia, available https://mapbiomas.org/en/perda-de-vegetacao-nativa-na-america-do-sulat e-indonesia--em-duas-ultimas-decadas-superam-a-area-da-somalia-1?cama_ set_language=en. Ecosystem and vegetation mapping is a priority action from the Australia’s Strategy for the National Reserve System 2009–2030, available at https://www. dcceew.gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/nrsstrat.pdf.

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Chapter 14

Towards a Better Access and Benefit Sharing Mechanism to Protect Traditional Knowledge in India: A Platter in the Offering Shambhu Prasad Chakrabarty and Ana Penteado

Abstract Traditional knowledge (TK) represents the know-how, technical skills and agricultural, medicinal, and ecological practices of the First Nations of the world. Irrespective of the struggles and vulnerability that centuries of colonization have imposed on their culture and customary laws TK remains till date, a continuous and integral part of their livelihoods. With the passing of years, we have seen an influence from non-Indigenous knowledge into these communities that gradually dilutes the connection with their land and promotes degeneration of their social fabric. This changing social construct has taken a toll on their communities and nature. There has been unprecedented destruction of the planet in the last century in almost all domains. Treaties, conventions, international agreements have created an international platform to bring awareness to non-Indigenous Peoples about this ancestral knowledge that protects the Earth. Along with major environmental implementations, the sharing of benefit mechanism invoked and adopted in various international instruments including the most popular Convention of Biological Diversity also needs a retrospection. India like many other countries has adopted Access and Benefit Sharing (ABS) mechanism and passed the Biological Diversity Act with inadequate results. Keywords Traditional knowledge · Access and benefit sharing · Convention of Biological Diversity · Biodiversity Act (India) · Corporate social responsibility

S. P. Chakrabarty (B) Department of Law, University of Engineering and Management, Kolkata, India e-mail: [email protected] A. Penteado University of Notre Dame, Sydney, Australia © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 A. Penteado et al. (eds.), Traditional Knowledge and Climate Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8830-3_14

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14.1 Introduction The Access and Benefit Sharing (ABS) mechanism incorporated in the Biological Diversity Act (BD Act) (Biological Diversity Act, 2003) has fallen short of achieving the desired objectives of the Convention of Biological Diversity (CBD)1 with meagre financial success to make any significant change in the livelihood condition of tribal and local communities in India. New approaches are required to be researched upon and experimented with to make ABS a more effective mechanism to depend upon. This research paper explores the various ABS systems in multiple international instruments, including CBD and proposed a more pragmatic, effective, and viable ABS mechanism that may be adopted in the Indian context. In doing so, it studies the current position of ABS in India and proposes strategic changes to make the mechanism more effective. Suggestions regarding both social and legal interventions to attain the principal objectives of ABS in CBD and the Bonn Guidelines on Access to Genetic Resources and Fair Equitable Sharing (Bonn Guidelines) have also been suggested.2 This paper also explores the best possible use of funds collected in this regard.

14.2 The ABS Mechanisms The potential of ABS among the users and providers of genetic resources have been the subject matter of discussion and debate in various international forums and have found its place in international instruments. Four of those instruments corresponding to their ABS mechanisms are discussed below for a retrospection: A. Plant Treaty and Benefit Sharing System International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture3 commonly known as the Plant Treaty is one of the forerunners to the global effort for conservation of biological resources in general and agro-biodiversity in particular. Article 1.1 of the Plant Treaty explains the objectives of this Treaty in the said lines, The objectives of this Treaty are the conservation of and sustainable use of plant genetic resources for food and agriculture and the fair and equitable sharing of the benefits arising out of their use, in harmony with the Convention on Biological Diversity, for sustainable agriculture4

1

The Convention on Biological Diversity, available at https://www.cbd.int/abs/bonn/ accessed on 5 October 2022. 2 Bonn Guidelines, available at, https://www.cbd.int/abs/bonn/ accessed on 5 October 2022. 3 This International Treaty was adopted by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations on November 3, 2001. 4 International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture, available at, https:// www.fao.org/plant-treaty/en/, accessed on 6 January 2023.

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Being the first major effort to institutionalize ABS, much ahead of CBD and the Nagoya Protocol on Access and Benefit-Sharing (The Nagoya Protcol), the “Plant Treaty’s multilateral system (MLS) of benefit sharing, which is delivered through the Benefit-sharing Fund (BSF) devoted to smallholder rural farmers in low- and middle-income countries, provides the normative inspiration for this idea.” (de Beer et al., 2022) The Plant Treaty encourages both monetary and non-monetary benefits. “In case of monetary incentives, any person or institution that commercializes a new crop or variety using the genetic resources needs to pay a share to the benefit fund.”5 “In situations where the new variety developed is not made available to others (for example, due to patents), the breeder/developer has to pay a share of profits to the Benefit-sharing Fund.”6 “The rate of compensation is 0.77 % of gross sales.”7 B. The CBD and the Benefit-Sharing System The CBD was used as a collective strategy to protect, conserve, and sustainably use the biological diversity of our planet. Even when the first two objectives (of the convention) are to conserve and sustainably use biodiversity, inclusion of ABS as the third objective appears as an economic odd amidst the abundance of environmental protective measures included in the Convention. CBD’s unique ABS8 is based on prior informed consent (PIC) and mutually agreed terms (MAT). “PIC is the permission given by the competent national authority of a provider country to a user prior to accessing genetic resources, in line with an appropriate national legal and institutional framework.”9 “MAT on the other hand is an agreement reached between the providers of genetic resources and users on the conditions of access and use of the resources, and the benefits to be shared between both parties.”10 CBD Article 1511 mandates and provides a universal set of principles for “access to genetic resources, as well as the fair and equitable distribution of the benefits that result from their use.”12

5

Plant treaty: Ways to benefit custodians of agricultural biodiversity in focus, available at, https://www.downtoearth.org.in/news/agriculture/plant-treaty-ways-to-benefit-custodiansof-agricultural-biodiversity-in-focus-84992#google_vignette, accessed on 6 January 2023. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 8 Access and benefit-sharing (ABS) refers to the way in which genetic resources may be accessed, and how the benefits that result from their use are shared between the people or countries using the resources (users) and the people or countries that provide them (providers), Available at https:// www.cbd.int/abs/infokit/revised/web/all-files-en.pdf, accessed on 5 January 2023. 9 Introduction to Access and Benefit Sharing, available at, https://www.cbd.int/abs/infokit/revised/ web/all-files-en.pdf, accessed on 5 January 2023. 10 Ibid. 11 Ibid. 12 Ibid.

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The major stakeholders of the CBD system include the providers of genetic resources, users of genetic resources, national focal points (NFP), and competent national authorities (CAN). The providers are to be benefitted equitably from mutually agreed terms based on the principle of PIC. “Laws within the provider country may entitle others, such as indigenous and local communities (ILCs), to negotiate terms of access and benefitsharing.”13 “The participation of ILCs is necessary for instances where traditional knowledge associated with genetic resources is being accessed.”14 The users of genetic resources are responsible for sharing the benefits with the providers derived from such genetic resources. The users require a transparent process in the provider country to access the said genetic resources. NFP is responsible for providing all relevant information pertaining to the processes and requirements to access by the users. CNAs are government-established bodies responsible for representing providers and granting access to users at the national and local levels. C. Nagoya Protocol and Benefit Sharing System Governments at the World Summit in 2002 called for an action plan to promote fair and equitable sharing of benefits, which resulted in establishing an Ad Hoc Openended Working Group in 2004 on ABS under CBD. The said Working Group was mandated to negotiate an international regime on ABS. The outcome of six years of negotiation is the Nagoya Protocol on Access to Genetic Resources and the Fair and Equitable Sharing of Benefits Arising from their Utilization,15 which was adopted in 2010 in Nagoya, Japan. Both Access obligations and benefit-sharing obligations have been referred to in the Protocol. Some of the Access obligations include legal certainty, transparency, and fairness in procedures, including rules pertaining to PIC. Some benefitsharing obligations include fair and equitable benefit-sharing, whether monetary or otherwise. The Nagoya Protocol has also advocated the creation of a multilateral ABS mechanism which will deal with genetic resources “occurring in transboundary areas or situations where prior informed consent cannot be obtained.”16

13

Ibid. Ibid. 15 Ibid. 16 Ibid. 14

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D. WHO-PIP Benefit-Sharing System A benefit-sharing model WHO-PIP Framework17 was established on 24th May 2011 and has a benefit-sharing mechanism called Partnership Contribution. It includes the annual cash contribution for using Global Influenza Surveillance and Response System (GISRS) by pharmaceutical manufacturers involved in influenza vaccine, diagnostic, etc. The funds so collected are allocated for: “(a) pandemic preparedness capacity building; (b) response activities during the time of an influenza pandemic; and (c) PIP Secretariat for the management and implementation of the Framework”.18 The objective of the WHO-PIP Framework is to improve preparedness and response in pandemics. It also focuses to strengthen the protection “against the pandemic influenza by improving and strengthening the WHO global influenza surveillance and response system with the objective of a fair, transparent, equitable, efficient, effective system for, on an equal footing: (i) the sharing of H5N1 and other influenza viruses with human pandemic potential; and (ii) Access to vaccines and sharing of other benefits. This Framework applies to the sharing of H5N1 and other influenza viruses with human pandemic potential and the sharing of benefits.”19

14.3 CBD: The Popular Choice Irrespective of the four international instruments recognizing the role benefit sharing can play, the CBD has been the most popular instrument adopted world-over to accommodate ABS in domestic legal systems. Again, the interdisciplinary approach of CBD implies and acknowledges the importance of the role indigenous and tribal peoples plays on one hand and the need to economically sustain their life-skills on the other. It promotes the discovery of the important knowledge base of these communities for the betterment of human life and natural resources. Studies claim that the attainment of the last objective is pivotal in achieving the first two.20 17

The Pandemic Influenza Preparedness (PIP) Framework is an innovative public health instrument that brings together Member States, industry, other stakeholders and WHO to implement a global approach to pandemic influenza preparedness and response. The key goals include: to improve and strengthen the sharing of influenza viruses with human pandemic potential through the WHO Global Influenza Surveillance and Response System (GISRS), and to increase the access of developing countries to vaccines and other pandemic response supplies. 18 Ibid. 19 Pandemic influenza preparedness framework for the sharing of influenza viruses and access to vaccines and other benefits, 2nd ed., available at, https://www.who.int/publications/i/item/978924 0024854, accessed on 6 January 2023. 20 Supra note 2.

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14.4 ABS, TK, and Rights of Indigenous Peoples The Brundtland Report, which is popularly known as Our Common Future, was published in 1987. It declared that, “the need of the day is a marriage between the environment and the economy and used the term ‘sustainable development’ as the way to ensure that economic development would not endanger the ability of future generations to enjoy the fruits of the earth.”21 The said Report at p. 115 referred to the importance of TK with sustainable development in the following lines, “These communities are the repository of vast accumulation of TK and experience that link humanity with its ancient origins. Their disappearance is a loss for the larger society which could learn a great deal from their traditional skill in sustainably managing very complex ecological systems.”22 A. ABS and Traditional Knowledge Indigenous, tribal, and local communities have their independent way of life represented by the autonomy of their language, culture, and knowledge. Certain issues pertaining to ownership, accessibility, and transfer of this knowledge, however, have been the subject of debate in some cases and conflict in some extreme others. This can be seen and experienced by Indigenous and local communities across jurisdictions. Laws governing Indigenous and tribal peoples including their rights can be found being incorporated within local, national, and international instruments. Whether local, customary, or declaratory laws, they vary from one jurisdiction to another in various degrees of accountability. International laws, developed through conventions and treaties are uniform at its origin, but their adoption in national legislations vary significantly. In some countries, international norms have been specifically adopted while in some others partial adoption can be noticed. This bifurcation and contrast make it a puzzle for general understanding, when it comes to achieving a uniformity in adopting and addressing the diverse issues in general and that of access, use, and sharing data with regard to TK in particular. “The Plant Treaty23 as well as the CBD and Nagoya Protocol impose on Member States an obligation to protect TK associated with genetic resources, safeguard the right to FPIC to access knowledge, and to facilitate the sharing of benefits from the exploitation of that knowledge, as of a guarantee participation in decision-making.” (de Beer et al., 2022) Irrespective of this complex legal situation, ABS continues to be popularly adopted from CBD and Nagoya Protocol by many countries today.24 Very recently, Western Australia has moved to adopt the principles 21

Our Common Future, available at https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/content/documents/598 7our-common-future.pdf, accessed on 6 December 2023. 22 Supra Sengupta at p. 39. 23 “International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture”, available at https:// www.fao.org/plant-treaty/en/, accessed on 4 January 2023. 24 “The Nagoya Protocol on Access to Genetic Resources and the Fair and Equitable Sharing of Benefits Arising from their Utilization to the Convention on Biological Diversity” have been ratified by 138 countries till date.

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laid in the Nagoya Protocol a developing initiative for state legislation applicable to the State.25 In India, CBD and Nagoya was ratified and ABS mechanism has been included in the Biological Diversity Act. Specific provisions have been incorporated identifying the major stakeholders of the CBD system including the providers of genetic resources, users of genetic resources, NFP and CAN. Again, to prevent biopiracy, and protect the economic interest of tribal and local communities in their TK, major changes have been done. “While amending the Patents Act, 1970, to make it TRIPS compliant, TK was added as a significant new item to the list of items that are not inventions within the meaning of the Act.”26 Regardless of these recent developments, continuous deprivation of socio-cultural rights with regard to the property collectively owned, and exploitation of TK without any prior consent or permission, or any compensation have deepened a sense of harm among the indigenous and tribal communities and mistrust. The claims made or the natural resources exploited bereft of ethical considerations have made matters of extreme vulnerability for ecological policies and this affects Indigenous peoples. In a majority of biopiracy cases, mere acknowledgement has not been made of the contribution of the local communities let alone any benefit sharing for the access or the profit made from such TK. Amidst a plethora of biopiracy cases, ABS mechanism comes as a welcome relief to the repositors of TK (many being Indigenous and tribal communities). ABS is not a new concept when it comes to providing benefit to the communities from where ancestral knowledge has been retrieved. Inexistent sharing of benefit, or acknowledgment, however, is the norm. The CBD might be considered as the starting point of ABS mechanism in many countries including India, but further research reveals that ABS has been practiced in many jurisdictions including India much before international development. B. Fairness in Benefit Sharing Common rights over natural resources have been enjoyed over centuries. Interestingly, a research paper referred to a fascinating experience from the British in India.27 Protests surrounding the decision of diverting of water of river Ganga at Har Ki Paudi (Haridwar) led to the Britishers to reconsider the decision of diverting the Ganges water to Bhimgoda canal and sign agreements in 1916 with the locals, “the unchecked flow of Ganga will never be stopped, neither any decision on Ganga without the consent of the Hindu community, will be taken.”28 This is considered to be one of the oldest agreements that dealt with ecological resource-sharing. All subsequent 25

WA Biodiscovery Bill: Objectives and principles, available at, https://www.wa.gov.au/organi sation/department-of-jobs-tourism-science-and-innovation/wa-biodiscovery-bill-objectives-andprinciples, accessed on 10 January 2023. The authors have participated in the discussion group organized in this behalf. 26 Sengupta (2019). 27 Ibid. 28 The ABS Clearing-House, available at https://www.cbd.int/abs/theabsch.shtml accessed on 27 August 2022.

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British administrators honoured the same till it was flouted by the government of independent India. In 1972, the UN General Assembly convened in Stockholm, the 1st UN Conference on Human Environment which decided to establish UNEP as a permanent place to discuss environmental issues. It is worth mentioning that the Indian Prime Minister in that conference upheld the importance and relevance of fairness in benefit sharing in the following words: In the meantime, the ecological crises should not add to the burdens of the weaker nations by introducing new considerations in the political and trade policies of rich nations. It would be ironic if the fight against pollution were to be converted into another business, out of which a few companies, corporations, or nations would make profits at the cost of the many. Here is a branch of experimentation and discovery in which scientist of all nations should take interest.29

The international community has been engaged with this complexity and has regularly framed guidelines through international instruments. CBD, the Bonn Guidelines, and the Nagoya Protocol are some significant developments in the recent times in this regard. Many countries including India have signed and ratified CBD and have also incorporated in their domestic laws to some extent the Bonn guidelines and the Nagoya Protocol guidelines. ABS clearing house is one of the recent and successful developments to store and cater information otherwise unavailable. C. ABS Clearing-House With the development of communication technology and digitalization of data, various new avenues have been unravelled to protect TK. One of such development is ABS Clearing-House. ABS Clearing-House provides a space or a platform where ABS information can be exchanged [8]. The house acts as a tool to facilitate implementation of the Protocol. The ABS Clearing-House is a key tool for facilitating the implementation of the Protocol, “by enhancing legal certainty and transparency on procedures for access and benefit-sharing, and for monitoring the utilization of genetic resources along the value chain, including through the internationally recognized certificate of compliance.”30 Additionally, it will help to connect “users and providers of genetic resources and associated traditional knowledge.”31 India has been a storehouse of biodiversity of Asia; however, it is difficult to explore and ascertain the rationale to have only three countries from the Asia Pacific (and India not being one of them) from where experts have been included to be a part of the Informal Advisory Commission to the ABS Clearing-House.32

29

Supra Sengupta. The ABS Clearing-House, available at https://www.cbd.int/abs/theabsch.shtml accessed on 27 August 2022. 31 Ibid. 32 Informal Advisory Commission of ABS Clearing House, available at https://www.cbd.int/doc/ notifications/2019/ntf-2019-082-abs-en.pdf accessed on 27 November 2022. 30

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Success of an ABS mechanism in India could economically help a substantially large number of tribal populations along with achieving the primary objective of sustainable development along with the retention of TK to counter climate crisis issues.

14.5 ABS: Success Stories A. Post-CBD Case Study In a very recent development to compensate the San and Khai peoples of South Africa, an agreement has been entered into between the indigenous community and the rooibos tea industry. A grant of 1.5% economic return has been assured to the indigenous communities for the sale of “unprocessed rooibos” (Aspalathus linearis) tea grown in their land for time immemorial.33 It is estimated to be approximately 12 million Rand in 2019.34 “The communities will split the proceeds fifty–fifty. A third group small-scale non-white rooibos farmers in the region who were disadvantaged under apartheid will share in the Khoi portion.”35 B. Pre-CBD Case Study One of the older case studies on the other side of the Indian Ocean can be found in the Western Ghats of India. Some scientists of “All India Coordinated Research Project on Ethnobiology (AICRPE)”36 are on an expedition with a few members of the Kani tribe. The team noticed in a few days into the forest, that the Kani members showed no sign of fatigue when the members of AICRPE were extremely exhausted. They noticed that the Kani people were “continuously chewing a fruit which they revealed rejuvenated them, later the Kani people decided to share their medicinal TK.” (Chakrabarty et al., 2022) Livelihood, food, and wellness of many tribes including the Kani tribe are dependent on forest produce. “Moopans, uses their TK on medicine based on herbs, it also serves the settlement with medical contingencies.” (Subramanian et al., 2019) “Amrithapala (Janakia arayalpatra), a rare and endemic plant species are used by the local ‘Kani’ tribe as an effective remedy for peptic ulcer, cancer-like afflictions and as a rejuvenating tonic.”37

33

Ibid. Nordling (2019). 35 Ibid. 36 Ibid. 37 Search made in Ayurvedic literature indicates that the plant may be the divine drug named variously as MRITHA SANJEEVINI (the drug that can revive unconscious or dead) or SANJEEVINI, THAMPRA RASAYANI in the Oushadha Nighantu (Dictionary of Medicinal Drugs) of Tayyil Kumaran Krishnan (1906). 34

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14.6 Effectivity of the Existing Mechanism in India As identified earlier, the ABS mechanism followed in India is in furtherance of the provisions of the BD Act38 which was adopted from Article 8(j) of the CBD, read with the Nagoya Protocol39 which reads as follows: (j) Subject to its national legislation, respect, preserve and maintain knowledge, innovations and practices of indigenous and local communities embodying traditional lifestyles relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity and promote their wider application with the approval and involvement of the holders of such knowledge, innovations and practices and encourage the equitable sharing of the benefits arising from the utilization of such knowledge, innovations and practices;40

The BD Act, which came up in 2002 aimed to facilitate registration of relevant local and traditional knowledge at the national, state, and local levels. It further incorporates National Biodiversity Authority (NBA), State Biodiversity Authority (SBA), and local management committees. “Obtaining of any knowledge, pertaining to biological resources occurring in India for the purpose of research, commercial utilization, bio-survey, or bio-utilization, is subject to previous approval of NBA.”41 In 2014, following the CBD and its Nagoya Protocol objectives, the NBA issued relevant ABS guidelines. Another interesting inclusion to the Act was the Benefit Sharing Fund (BSF). The idea of BSF included in CBD dated back to the Plant Treaty. “Established by the International Treaty’s Governing Body in 2009 and under its direct control, the Benefit-sharing Fund supports projects that leverage plant genetic resources to find solutions for complex challenges relating to food and nutrition insecurity, biodiversity loss and climate change.”42 In line with this idea and to make the relevant provisions of CBD effective, the Biodiversity Act empowers SBB to enter into ABS agreements with companies and private bodies and collect royalties. The fund gathered is required to be distributed among the BMCs. Suits have also been filed by SBB for non-compliance of the provisions of BD Act against various agencies and companies.43 The efficacy of ABS mechanism under the BSF specified in BD Act in India has not yet been published (by any Government Report) in any government website as on date. However, some information as to the revenue generated by this mechanism is available. (See Table 14.1) 38

The Biological Diversity Act, 2002 available at, https://legislative.gov.in/actsofparliamentfromt heyear/biological-diversity-act-2002 accessed on 23 November 2022. 39 The Nagoya Protocol on Access to Genetic Resources and the Fair and Equitable Sharing of Benefits Arising from their Utilization to the Convention on Biological Diversity is an international agreement which aims at sharing the benefits arising from the utilization of genetic resources in a fair and equitable way. It entered into force on 12 October 2014, 90 days after the date of deposit of the fiftieth instrument of ratification. 40 Article 8(j), CBD. Available at, https://www.cbd.int/convention/articles/?a=cbd-08. 41 Supra note 7. 42 Benefit-sharing Fund, available at https://www.fao.org/plant-treaty/areas-of-work/benefit-sha ring-fund/fifth-cycle/en/, accessed on 4 January 2023. 43 Supra note 7 at p. 48.

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Table 14.1 National biodiversity authority has received the following royalty for the agreements signed. (http://nbaindia.org/uploaded/pdf/ABS_Factsheets_1.pdf) Sl. no

Forms

1

Form I, IV (combined) [For commercialization and third-party transfer]

2

Form I [Access for commercialization]

3

Form III [Commercialization of Intellectual properties] Total

Total amount received (INR) 39,09,765 4,25,993 3940 43,39,698

A brief study there in portrays a dismal picture of the economic efficacy of this mechanism and raises the question of the need of an alternative sustainable, and revenue generative mechanism.

14.7 The Proposed Mechanism The mechanism proposes a strategy to acknowledge and compensate for past wrongs and injustices caused by biopiracy, prospectively and to some extent retrospectively. It takes into consideration those organizations (primarily Companies registered under the Companies Act in India) which are engaged in pharmaceutical manufacturing and trade accruing benefits from biopiracy without involving any benefit sharing mechanism, statutory, or otherwise any agreement with the providers (Table 14.2). The table explores the identification of profits accrued by such (prior) acts of biopiracy solely to establish the responsibilities (not accountability) of these organizations towards the community (providers) from where the knowledge was received or retrieved (Fig. 14.1). The proposed mechanism only extends to the identification of organizations within Indian jurisdiction, for effective implementation of the ABS mechanism. Table 14.2 Stages of the proposed mechanism Sl. no

Stages

1

Identifying the bio-pirated products

2

Locating the companies

3

Evaluating the benefits of past unethical appropriation

4

Evaluation of accounts of profit from misappropriation

5

Redirecting corporate social responsibility fund to communities responsible for repositories of TK

6

Funding start ups

7

Funding research

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Locating the allegged organisations involved in Biopiracy

CSR fund redirection

Funding Start ups to promote TK/TCE

Equitable Access and Benefit Sharing

Fig. 14.1 Proposed ABS mechanism

After the identification of these companies, registered in India, but carrying on business in India, specific product identification is essential, where allegations of biopiracy are expressed or implied by actions. An inclusive interpretation is to be adopted to compile the list of products and companies engaged or engaging with such activities. An “account of profit” made by the users using marketing and selling of the said product can also be identified through standard accounting models utilized for identical purposes. The benefit sharing mechanism proposed in this research paper adopts the preexisting laws and regulations pertaining to the provisions of the Companies Act, 2013 (read with the previous Act of 1956) on corporate social responsibility (CSR). Section 135(5) of the Companies Act, states that, The Board of every company referred to in sub-section (1), shall ensure that the company spends, in every financial year, at least two per cent of the average net profits of the company made during the three immediately preceding financial years, in pursuance of its Corporate Social Responsibility Policy.44

The mandate to spend certain amount of money (to the BSF) in every financial year may be directed towards a more effective ABS mechanism for the benefits of Indigenous and tribal communities. Redirecting the CSR (to the BSF) in funding startups based on TK and Traditional Cultural Expressions (TCE) can go a long way to protect TK/TCE from discontinuation. The success of startups largely depends on the flow of funds which is guaranteed in this proposed mechanism. It can act as a lifeline to near-extinct and irregularly practiced TK in local areas. Having ascertained direct supervision of the government in the ABS mechanism referred to in the BD Act, it is expected that the startups will be consistently supported by expert strategists to make them viable.

44

Sub Section 1 of Section 135 of the Companies Act, 2013, states that, “Every company having net worth of rupees five hundred crore or more, or turnover of rupees one thousand crore or more or a net profit of rupees five crore or more during immediately preceding financial year shall constitute a Corporate Social Responsibility Committee of the Board consisting of three or more directors, out of which at least one director shall be an independent director.”.

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14.8 What to Do with the Money! Alternative or Ancestral Livelihood or Both Research suggests that it is not tribal and Indigenous communities who are at risk of extinction, however, it is their indigenous way of life. Loss of TK/TCE is dominantly felt in almost all Indigenous communities along with a sharp deviation in livelihood practices. Modern education has overwhelmed traditional educational methods leading to loss of innumerable languages. The ancestral knowledge dissemination and livelihood skills required for continuation of traditional practices are inherent with the “way of life” of these communities, which is fast disappearing. Very few of such community members can now be seen being exclusively engaged with their ancestral profession and continuing their ancestral way of living. The ABS mechanism can and have to some extent achieved success in bringing financial support for these community. In India, the repository’s role is played by the government body responsible to manage the welfare of the respective community. The question remains, however, with regard to the way by which the fund accumulated must be used for the community. What welfare policy would be persuaded to use the money? Is there any policy which will reinvest traditional and ancestral knowledge skills to pass to the next generations, or the money will be used to develop the communities to divorce from any ancestral livelihood practices? Would that be in harmony and in tune with the earls of objectives of the International Labor Organization Convention 107 directives, which India has ratified? “India still follows ILO 107, which has already been replaced by ILO 169.”45 As a matter of fact, “ILO 107 was discarded and was replaced with ILO 169.”46 A. Exploring Joint Management of Resources Towards an Equitable Benefit Sharing A few questions need to be raised at this juncture. Whether control and management of areas domiciled by Indigenous communities be under joint management and control is an open question. What benefits will joint management offer to the communities that could not have otherwise explored? Will this policy enrich the management qualitatively? To start with, joint management of various biodiversity-enriched areas, if actually and mutually implemented, will immediately create a platform to explore means to protect, conserve, and improve the ecosystem services. A joint management is traditionally accepted and has been working for some decades in Australia, and more recently in the Talbot Bay, in Western Australia.47 45

Chakrabarty and Kaur (2021). Ibid. 47 Ronan O’Connell, ‘Australia hands control of its newest national parks to Indigenous peoples’, available at, https://www.nationalgeographic.com/travel/article/australia-hands-control-newest-nat ional-parks-to-indigenous-peoples, accessed on 22 October 2022. 46

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The sense of recognition is in the words of Tyronne Gartsone, chief executive of Kimberley Land Council, the Indigenous body in WA’s Kimberley region: “The creation of these marine parks is a significant milestone for Australia as it shows true co-design between government and traditional owners can be achieved.”48 This gives a feeling of reinstating the possessory rights of the traditional dwellers in their land. It also provides an opportunity to re-practice that traditional knowledge which can only be done in their traditional holdings. B. ABS in Co-managed Land of Tourist Attraction The perception of land ownership, excluding the claims of plundering land from the original inhabiting communities, is a colonial construct emanating from the doctrine of discovery. States have a responsibility to ensure the wellbeing of citizens, it is not a relationship of subservient character as a parens patriae in the colonial era. During their initial independent years, most post-colonial jurisdictions experienced strong colonial influence in an absence of national law and administration of justice. The dominant legal education generally was a continuation of the law of the dominant power. The notion of citizenship was not understood entirely by former colonial subjects. Therefore, former British colonies had enjoyed a perpetual exclusion of indigenous forms of law and governance. Consequently, indigenous assertions of sovereignty were seriously compromised. Indigenous lands and wetlands are best understood by the local communities who can implement the ecological ethos to conserve and protect the habitat. These sustainability practices may influence regulating human interference and tourism in the area. The management and regulation of indigenous “co-managed” land have the potential to develop a sustainable tourism model for these communities in India, building a platform for a strategic economic understanding between Indigenous Peoples and the state. This benefit-sharing mechanism could ideally retain and preserve biodiversity on the one hand and incentivize Indigenous peoples and their Indigenous knowledge on the other. C. ABS in Display of Indigenous Artefacts, etc. in Museums, Display in Libraries, etc. Cultural heritage represented by Indigenous artefacts has been mischaracterized from their local ambience and social value in rituals to become an object of art for display in various non-Indigenous spaces, such as museums. Seldom has any benefit sharing by museum authorities been reported to indigenous communities. The following is an extract from the website of Denver Museum, USA: The Denver Art Museum was one of the first art museums in the nation to collect Indigenous arts from North America. As early as 1925, the DAM recognized and valued the fine aesthetic qualities of Native arts, when many other institutions only valued them as anthropological material. While we collected the early artwork of Indigenous people, we also focused on the work of contemporary Native artists at every moment in time. Today, we have over 18,000 48

Ibid.

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objects by artists from over 250 Indigenous nations. The work encapsulates multiple artistic traditions from these cultures, and ranges from ancient times to the present. Because of our early commitment, today we have one of the strongest and most comprehensive collections of Indigenous arts from North America in the world. The depth of our collection allows visitors to explore the visual diversity and excellence of Indigenous arts as well as to consider the contributions that Native artists have made to artistic conversations throughout time.49

Stanley (2007), an academic who has professional links to museum administrative agendas explained that the modern “agenda of the museum, including those museums which claim to be indigenous museums, continues to be heavily embedded in the belief that traditional cultural beliefs, practices and material manifestations must be saved.” It appears a patriarchal view of conservation of aesthetic objects for a questionable transmission of knowledge as dead reference to a culture. Simpson identified that these museums failed to show indigenous cultures to be dynamic (Simpson, 2001). “Indigenous peoples interest in museums can be best understood in terms of using these historical collections and institutions to address contemporary issues” (Bolton, 2001). In order “for museums to be a true place of memory it is important that the museum makes the link between the past and contemporary issues”50 or “to use its objects in such a way that these objects emphasize the persistence of lived experiences transmitted through generations”51

Do museums, like many other institutions of aesthetic pleasure, share the economic benefits from tickets, exhibitions, or any other source of income with the custodians of these cultural objects, the Indigenous communities? It is challenging to find adequate literature and documents emphasizing the sharing of benefits received by museums displaying Indigenous artefacts to Indigenous communities.52 Earnings must be shared by museums in a fair and equitable way whenever displaying indigenous artefacts. This ABS mechanism will assist in the consistent and continuous supply of revenue to the Indigenous communities.

14.9 Conclusion: The Way Forward Globally, the popularity of benefit-sharing systems has grown significantly, and more so with the CBD-Nagoya-Bonn system, than any other mechanisms discussed above. However, the efficacy of the benefit-sharing system propagated by CBD-NagoyaBonn and the States specifically adopting it, has not been researched upon at length. Hence, the limitations of the system are yet to be distinctively underlined. 49

Indigenous Arts of North America, Denver Art Museum, available at, https://www.denverartmus eum.org/en/collection/indigenous-arts-north-america accessed on, 24 October 2022. 50 Sepúlveda dos Santos (2003). 51 Ibid. 52 Total Revenue $50,720,002, for the year 2020 of the Denver Art Museum https://projects.propub lica.org/nonprofits/organizations/846038240/202130769349300818/full.

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• A significant development in this technological era is the Digital Sequence Information (DSI) of genetic resources. There is ample room for including DSI within the definition of genetic resources in key international ABS instruments (Lawson et al., 2019) to make the system ready to collect, store, secure, and regulate data. • ABS mechanism that has been passed on to different signatory countries from international law is a welcome move and the onus is on the State to make the best of it. Certain sui generis legislative changes are recommended as discussed broadly in the paper with strategic use of CSR funds. • Adequate awareness among the tribal and indigenous community members, and local communities if applicable as to the availability of livelihood opportunities that can bring in more energy towards re-introduction of discontinued traditional practices. • More research investment in this reconstruction effort is required to bring in international scholars working in the domain to actively participate in government promoted and supported projects. Training the members and authorities of State Biodiversity Board and Biodiversity Management Committees (Kohli & Bhutani, 2014) and if needed to provide in certain circumstances some autonomy to act in achieving the greater goals of the BD Act.

References Article 8(j), CBD. https://www.cbd.int/convention/articles/?a=cbd-08. de Beer, J., Oguamanam, C., Ubalijoro, É. (2022). Ownership, control, and governance of the benefits of data for food and agriculture: a conceptual analysis and strategic framework for governance creators. https://zenodo.org/records/7054790. Published September 6, 2022. Biological Diversity Act (2003). https://legislative.gov.in/actsofparliamentfromtheyear/biologicaldiversity-act-2002. Accessed Oct 5, 2022. Bolton, L. (2001). The object in view: Aborigines, melanesians and museums. In: A. Rumsey & J. Weiner (eds.) Emplaced myth: Space, narrative and knowledge in Australia and Papua New Guinea (pp. 215–232). Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press. Bonn Guidelines. https://www.cbd.int/abs/bonn/. Accessed Oct 5, 2022. Chakrabarty, S. P., & Kaur, R. (2021). A primer to traditional knowledge protection in India: The road ahead. Liverpool Law Review, 42(3), 401–427. Chakrabarty, S. P., Tanoue, M., & Penteado, A. (2022). The trouble is, you think you have time: Traditional knowledge of indigenous peoples in Japan and India, the reality of biodiversity exploitation. Environmental Management, 1–13. Chief executive of Kimberley Land Council, the peak Indigenous body, or advocacy association, within WA’s Kimberley region. Informal Advisory Commission of ABS Clearing House. https://www.cbd.int/doc/notifications/ 2019/ntf-2019-082-abs-en.pdf. Accessed Nov 27, 2022. Implementation of Nagoya protocol on access and benefit sharing, India’s experience. http://nba india.org/uploaded/pdf/Implementation%20of%20Nagoya%20Protocol%20in%20India.pdf. Accessed Aug 28, 2022. Indigenous Arts of North America, Denver Art Museum. https://www.denverartmuseum.org/en/col lection/indigenous-arts-north-america. Accessed Oct 24, 2022.

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