Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia 3031168399, 9783031168390

Table of contents :
Preface
Contents
About the Editors
1 Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Resource Management: A Conceptual Framework
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Understanding Knowledge
1.3 Concept of Traditional Ecological Knowledge
1.4 Linking Culture and Nature
1.4.1 Knowledge-Practice-Belief: A Framework for Analysis
1.5 Methods of Documentation of TEK
1.6 Conclusion
References
Part I Concept
2 Traditional Knowledge Systems and Sustainable Development
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Components of Traditional Knowledge
2.2.1 Role of Gender
2.3 Traditional Knowledge Practices
2.3.1 Using Crop Rotation and Crop Varieties
2.3.2 Crop Harvesting and Threshing
2.3.3 Soil Moisture Management
2.3.4 Biotic Stress Management
2.3.5 Organic Manuring, Collection, and Management
2.3.6 Traditional Food and Beverages
2.3.7 Traditional Knowledge of Medicinal Plants
2.4 Threats to Traditional Knowledge
2.5 Saving Our Traditional Knowledge
References
3 Theoretical Framework and Approaches of Traditional Ecological Knowledge
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Key Faces of Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK)
3.2.1 Factual Observations
3.2.2 Management Systems
3.2.3 Past and Current Uses of the Environment
3.2.4 Ethics and Values
3.2.5 Culture and Identity
3.2.6 Cosmology
3.3 Conceptual Framework of Traditional Ecological Knowledge
3.3.1 Science and Traditional Ecological Knowledge
3.3.2 Perspectives of Traditional Ecological Knowledge
3.4 Approaches to Traditional Ecological Knowledge
3.5 Conclusion
References
4 Geographies of Knowledge Synthesis and Interdisciplinarity
4.1 Introduction
4.2 The Land-Labour Linkage
4.3 Rural Space as a Knowledge System
4.4 Geographical Space, Knowledge Transformation, and Evolving Conflict
4.5 Knowledge Transformations
4.6 Spatial Dynamics of Traditional Knowledge Displacement
4.7 Conclusion
References
Part II Practices
5 Traditional Knowledge, Beliefs, and Practices Associated with Ethnic People of Manipur, North East India in Conservation of Biodiversity
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Demography and Physical Characteristics of the State of Manipur
5.3 Wildlife Conservation in Manipur
5.4 Sacred Groves for Conservation of Biodiversity
5.5 Taboos Associated with Conservation of Bio-Resources
5.6 Traditional Practices and Methods of Conserving Landraces
5.7 Significant Bio-Folklore of Manipur
5.8 Discussion and Conclusion
References
6 Appliance of Indigenous Knowlege in Mangrove Conservation and Sustaining Livelihood in Indian Sundarban Delta: A Geospatial Analysis
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Materials and Methods
6.2.1 Study Area
6.2.2 Database and Methodology
6.3 Result and Discussions
6.3.1 Degradation of Mangroves in Sundarban
6.3.2 The Demographic Attributes
6.3.3 Indigenous Communities and Their Livelihood Pattern in Sundarban
6.3.4 ITK-Based Customary Practices for Mangrove Conservation and Sustaining Livelihood
6.3.5 Sustaining Livelihood of the Communities of Sundarban
6.4 Appliance of ITK in Livelihood: Micro-level Scenario
6.4.1 Traditional Cultural Practices in Resource Use
6.5 Conclusion
References
7 Assessing the Traditional Ecological Knowledge on Natural Resource Use Pattern for Self-Sustenance: A Case Study of Pangwals, Western Himalaya
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Materials and Methods
7.2.1 Study Area
7.2.2 Methodology
7.3 Results
7.3.1 Medicinal Plant Use in the Region
7.3.2 Wild Edible Plants Used
7.3.3 Plant Species Used in Agricultural Implements and as Fuelwood
7.3.4 Plant Species Used as Fodder
7.3.5 Commercial Crops in the Region
7.4 Discussion
7.5 Conclusion
References
8 Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Nepal
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Status of Major Natural Resources of Nepal
8.2.1 Land Resources
8.2.2 Natural Vegetation and Forest Resources
8.2.3 Water Resources
8.2.4 Mineral Resources
8.2.5 Tourism Resources
8.2.6 Biodiversity and Protected Areas
8.3 Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management
8.3.1 Resource Management in the Mountain Region
8.3.2 Resource Management in the Hill Region
8.3.3 Resource Management in the Tarai Region
8.4 Importance of Traditional Resource Management
8.5 Conclusions and Future Perspectives
References
9 Indigenous Knowledge and Traditional Practices for Water Resource Management in Rajasthan, India
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Rationale of the Study
9.2.1 Indigenous and Scientific Knowledge
9.2.2 Importance of Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Resource Management
9.3 Materials and Methods
9.4 Result and Discussion
9.4.1 Challenges
9.4.2 Prospects
9.5 Conclusion
References
10 Significance of Indigenous Knowledge Systems in Water Conservation, Management: A Study from Sikkim Himalaya
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Is Indigenous Knowledge Important?
10.3 Study Area
10.4 Methodology
10.5 Results
10.5.1 Perception of Climate Condition
10.5.2 Perception About Climate Change-Related Events
10.5.3 People’s Perception of Ecological Systems
10.5.4 People’s Perception of Information and Awareness Demand
10.5.5 Perception of Community Climate Change Perception
10.5.6 People’s Perception of Adaptive and Coping Strategies to Combat the Impacts of Climate Change
10.5.7 Perception About What Source an Individual Typically Consult to Obtain the Data and Information
10.5.8 Causes of Lack of Knowledge
10.6 Discussion and Conclusion
References
11 Traditional Method of Farming and Land Resource Management in Zanskar Trans-Himalayan Region: A Case Study of Zanskar Sub-Division, Ladakh, India
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Study Area
11.3 Materials and Methods
11.4 Result and Discussion
11.4.1 Mixed Farming
11.4.2 Land Ownership
11.4.3 Various Crops
11.4.4 Cultivation Methods and Diseases
11.4.5 Marketing
11.5 Conclusion
References
12 Traditional Knowledge System for Sustainable Agriculture Practices of Rural Communities of North-Western Himalaya, India
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Material and Methods
12.3 Results and Discussion
12.3.1 Traditional Crops of Mandi District
12.3.2 Traditional Farming Calendar
12.3.3 Traditional Farming Practices
12.4 Conclusion
References
13 Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) and Their Relevance in Preventing and Healing Diseases
13.1 Introduction
13.2 Materials and Methods
13.2.1 Study Area
13.2.2 Field Survey and Data Collection
13.3 Results and Discussion
13.4 Conclusion
References
14 Sustainable Natural Resource Management Through Traditional Ecological Knowledge: A Perspective on the Role of Apatani Tribal Women, Arunachal Pradesh
14.1 Introduction
14.2 Study Area
14.3 Objectives, Data Source, and Methodology
14.3.1 Data Source
14.4 Findings and Analysis
14.4.1 Use and Management of Other Natural Resources for Livelihood and Sustenance
14.4.2 Horticulture
14.4.3 Role of Women in Agroforestry
14.4.4 Role of Women in Management of Community Forestry
14.4.5 Role of Women in the Social and Economic Inter Linkage
14.5 Conclusions
References
15 Contribution of Traditional Ecological Knowledge on Biodiversity Conservation—A Retrospective from the Hindu Kush Himalaya
15.1 Introduction
15.2 Historical Perspective
15.3 Emerging Discourse
15.3.1 Traditional Knowledge and Food Security
15.3.2 Traditional Knowledge and Health
15.3.3 Traditional Knowledge and Resources Governance
15.3.4 Traditional Taboos and Conservation
15.3.5 Traditional Knowledge and Ecology
15.4 Conclusion
References
Part III Issues
16 Traditional Ecological Knowledge, Survival Strategy, and Resilience of the People Living in Inaccessible Rural Areas of Bangladesh
16.1 Introduction
16.2 Life in the Charlands of the Jamuna River
16.3 Coping Strategies of the Haor Dwellers
16.4 Livelihood of People in Drought-Prone Areas
16.5 Tidal River Management in the Southwest Coast
16.6 Floating Gardens (Baira) in the Water-Logged Areas
16.7 Coastal Cyclones and Tidal Surges
16.8 Bamboo Flowering and “Rat Floods” in the Hills
16.9 Conclusions
References
17 Is Validation of Traditional Ecological Knowledge for Natural Resources Management and Climate Change Adaptations Against Western Science a Wise Idea: Exploring Relevance and Challenges
17.1 Introduction
17.2 TEK for NRM and CC Adaptations
17.3 Need for Scientific Validation of TEK
17.4 TEK and Its Scientific Validation
17.5 Challenges in Validating Traditional Knowledge
17.6 Conclusion and Way Forward
References
18 Estimation of Environmental Flow Using Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Conservation of Fish Biodiversity
18.1 Introduction
18.2 Study Area
18.3 Materials and Methods
18.3.1 Traditional Ecological Knowledge
18.3.2 Environmental Flow Assessment
18.4 Results
18.4.1 Impacts of the Dam—TEK
18.4.2 Environmental Flow Assessment
18.5 Discussion and Conclusion
References
19 Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) and Its Importance in the Himalayan Kingdom of Bhutan
19.1 Introduction
19.1.1 Location
19.1.2 Landscape and Ecology
19.1.3 Plant Diversity
19.1.4 Animal Diversity
19.2 Biodiversity Conservation and Bhutan
19.3 Non-Timber Forest Products and Their Management
19.3.1 Fodder
19.3.2 Medicinal Plants
19.3.3 Wild Plants Used for Consumption
19.4 Traditional Forest Management System
19.5 Farming System
19.5.1 Agriculture Practices
19.5.2 Determining Cropping Season
19.6 Threats to TEK
19.7 Conclusion
References
20 Agro-Climatic Constraints and the Adaptive Empirical Knowledge System of Indigenous Farmers in Assam, India
20.1 Introduction
20.2 Agro-Climatic Constraints
20.2.1 Climate Associated Adaptation Barriers
20.2.2 Lack of Technological and Scientific Practices
20.2.3 Lack of Capital/Credit Facilities
20.2.4 Land Fragmentation
20.2.5 Inadequate Storage Facilities
20.2.6 Lack of Irrigation Facilities/Water Shortage
20.2.7 Land-Use/Land-Cover Change
20.3 Climate Constraints
20.3.1 Rainfall and Temperature
20.3.2 Duration of Sunshine (Radiation/Heat)
20.3.3 Climatic Constraints as Perceived by Farmers
20.4 Adaptation Strategies Adopted by Farmers to Deal with Climate Change
20.4.1 Crop Diversification
20.4.2 Changing Crop Varieties and Mixed Cropping
20.4.3 Different Planting Dates
20.4.4 Diversifying from Farm to Non-Farm Activity
20.4.5 Chemical Fertilizer Use
20.4.6 Irrigation System
20.4.7 Soil Conservation Techniques
20.5 Modeing Adaptation Strategies
20.6 Conclusion
References

Citation preview

Suresh Chand Rai Prabuddh Kumar Mishra   Editors

Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia

Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia

Suresh Chand Rai · Prabuddh Kumar Mishra Editors

Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia

Editors Suresh Chand Rai Department of Geography Delhi School of Economics University of Delhi New Delhi, Delhi, India

Prabuddh Kumar Mishra Department of Geography Shivaji College University of Delhi New Delhi, Delhi, India

ISBN 978-3-031-16839-0 ISBN 978-3-031-16840-6 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Preface

Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK)/Indigenous knowledge (IK) offers alternative strategies and perspectives based on communities’ own and locally developed practices of resource use. Asian farmers are very rich in traditional ecological knowledge systems such as soil and water conservation, weed control, preservation and storage of seeds, and resource management. However, as emphasized in the presentday resource management history of Asia, most operative indigenous knowledge has not been well documented and some of them replaced by recent techniques. Despite the existence of rich traditional ecological knowledge, there are barriers to the successful acquisition of traditional ecological knowledge within the local community due to lack of recognition, lack of documentation, poor knowledgesharing culture, etc. Nevertheless, due to technological advancement, indigenous resource management wisdom is neglected and disregarded on the pretext of being unscientific in the modern days. The studies in this book were therefore carried out to assess and document community-based mechanisms in the realm of indigenous resource management techniques. Farmers are conserving their natural resources for many decades with adequate knowledge about the divergence of environmental conditions and seasonal variability without access to external inputs, resources, and scientific knowledge. Farmers refrained from using synthetic agrochemicals but rather promote indigenous techniques viz., crop rotation, and focus on soil fertility improvement and closed nutrient cycles. Practices such as terracing, mixed cropping with legumes to increase reliance on biological fertility, inter-cropping, and adaptation of agroforestry are among the indigenous practices used. The knowledge of resource management in India and other Asian countries has recently undergone dynamic changes. Therefore, there is a need to document indigenous practices at different scales and places to protect their resources to achieve sustainable development goals. This book includes an introduction and three parts. To give readers a better understanding of the authors’ research idea, the introduction details the conceptual framework, linking nature and culture and methods of documentation of traditional ecological knowledge. The second part mainly focuses on the traditional ecological practices in both India and other parts of Asia with a series of linked chapters. The third part is v

vi

Preface

about strategic issues in the traditional ecological knowledge. The contributors are all young and middle-aged researchers of multidisciplinary fields as well as established geographers. In this context, the book is designed for undergraduate and postgraduate students, research scholars, and practitioners. The research papers were presented in a simple manner with case studies at various scales. The editors believe that if we promote indigenous resource management practices, then we can achieve the sustainable development goals easily. We dedicate this book to all the people of Asia for their rich indigenous knowledge to conserve natural resources. This book could not have been prepared without the generous contribution of many researchers. The editors wish to acknowledge their special thanks to several experts who gave their valuable suggestions. The editors thank chapter author(s) for preparing the original contribution to this book. New Delhi, India

Suresh Chand Rai Prabuddh Kumar Mishra

Contents

1

Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Resource Management: A Conceptual Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Suresh Chand Rai and Prabuddh Kumar Mishra

Part I

Concept

2

Traditional Knowledge Systems and Sustainable Development . . . . . K. G. Saxena and K. S. Rao

3

Theoretical Framework and Approaches of Traditional Ecological Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . W. K. N. C. Withanage and M. D. K. Lakmali Gunathilaka

4

Geographies of Knowledge Synthesis and Interdisciplinarity . . . . . . Anand Prasad Mishra, Prakash Chandra Jha, and Soumyabrata Mondal

Part II 5

6

7

1

15

27 45

Practices

Traditional Knowledge, Beliefs, and Practices Associated with Ethnic People of Manipur, North East India in Conservation of Biodiversity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Huidrom Birkumar Singh, Ngairangbam Yaipharembi, Elizabeth Huidrom, and Chingsubam Anniebesant Devi Appliance of Indigenous Knowlege in Mangrove Conservation and Sustaining Livelihood in Indian Sundarban Delta: A Geospatial Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Biraj Kanti Mondal and Rima Das

61

77

Assessing the Traditional Ecological Knowledge on Natural Resource Use Pattern for Self-Sustenance: A Case Study of Pangwals, Western Himalaya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 Dipika Rana, Anupam Bhatt, Brij Lal, and Khan Mohammed Latif vii

viii

Contents

8

Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Nepal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 Basanta Paudel, Til Prasad Pangali Sharma, and Yili Zhang

9

Indigenous Knowledge and Traditional Practices for Water Resource Management in Rajasthan, India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 Pawan Kumar Sharma, Sonal Srivastava, and Mahima Chandauriya

10 Significance of Indigenous Knowledge Systems in Water Conservation, Management: A Study from Sikkim Himalaya . . . . . . 159 Mayank Joshi, Karan Luitel, Saurabh Singh Barfal, J. C. Kuniyal, and Kireet Pande 11 Traditional Method of Farming and Land Resource Management in Zanskar Trans-Himalayan Region: A Case Study of Zanskar Sub-Division, Ladakh, India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 Chhering Tandup 12 Traditional Knowledge System for Sustainable Agriculture Practices of Rural Communities of North-Western Himalaya, India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 Abhay Sharma, Sarla Shashni, and Sumati Rathore 13 Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) and Their Relevance in Preventing and Healing Diseases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211 Krishan Kumar Sihag, Sakshi Agrawal, Jyotshna Mayee Bag, and Sushil Kumar Shahi 14 Sustainable Natural Resource Management Through Traditional Ecological Knowledge: A Perspective on the Role of Apatani Tribal Women, Arunachal Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 Nandini C. Singh 15 Contribution of Traditional Ecological Knowledge on Biodiversity Conservation—A Retrospective from the Hindu Kush Himalaya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 Nakul Chettri and Eklabya Sharma Part III Issues 16 Traditional Ecological Knowledge, Survival Strategy, and Resilience of the People Living in Inaccessible Rural Areas of Bangladesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275 Mahfuzul Haque

Contents

ix

17 Is Validation of Traditional Ecological Knowledge for Natural Resources Management and Climate Change Adaptations Against Western Science a Wise Idea: Exploring Relevance and Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289 Shivani Rai and Shalini Dhyani 18 Estimation of Environmental Flow Using Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Conservation of Fish Biodiversity . . . . . . 303 C. Prakasam and R. Saravanan 19 Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) and Its Importance in the Himalayan Kingdom of Bhutan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317 Tej Kumar Nepal 20 Agro-Climatic Constraints and the Adaptive Empirical Knowledge System of Indigenous Farmers in Assam, India . . . . . . . . 333 Ujjal Deka Baruah, Nitashree Mili, Rudrakshi Gogoi, and Mayuri Chetia

About the Editors

Prof. Suresh Chand Rai is a Professor and Chair of the Department of Geography, Delhi School of Economics, University of Delhi. He did his Master’s in Geography (1979) and Doctor of Philosophy (1984) from Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi. His significant contributions are in the field of land and water resource management. His work has been outstanding in the Integrated Watershed Management in the Sikkim Himalaya which has been recognized through the Soil and Water Conservation Society of USA, Award, 1999. The extensive studies made by Prof. Rai on various aspects of mountain hydrology have not only helped in understanding the structure and function of the systems, but also in finding out means of how to make the system sustainable. He has published more than 100 research papers in various impact factor/peer-reviewed journals and books (h-index-19). Since 2010, he is serving as Secretary General of the National Association of Geographers, India (NAGI), the largest society of Geographers in India. Prof. Rai is elected as Vice-President of the Asian Geographers Association, Beijing, P.R. China (2019–23). Dr. Prabuddh Kumar Mishra is serving as an Assistant Professor (Sr. Scale) in the Department of Geography at Shivaji College, University of Delhi. He has done MA, M. Phil, and Doctorate in Geography from Delhi School of Economics, University of Delhi. His research expertise includes Natural Resource Management, Watershed Management, Mountain studies, Disaster Management, and Livelihood-related issues. He has published 20 research papers, 4 books, and 7 chapters in edited books (Scopus h index 4). He has been engaged in a variety of environmental education programmes for schools and colleges.

xi

Chapter 1

Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Resource Management: A Conceptual Framework Suresh Chand Rai and Prabuddh Kumar Mishra

1.1 Introduction The concept of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) in common parlance is referred to as local knowledge, traditional knowledge, native knowledge, traditional environmental knowledge, people’s science, indigenous technological knowledge, farmer’s knowledge, ethnoecology, folk knowledge, rural people’s knowledge, etc. (Ellen and Harris 2000). In general, such knowledge systems evolve in the local environment and suit to adopt the requirement of local environmental conditions and people. This knowledge system makes progress through trial-and-error methods and consistently incorporates outside influence to meet their condition. Globally, different cultures have gradually evolved and developed different perspectives of nature throughout human civilization, which is deeply embedded in indigenous systems of beliefs and faith, through which people interpret and understand their biophysical environment (Iaccarino 2003). The traditional ecological systems of environmental protection have become a fundamental part of the cultural and social identity of many ethnic communities throughout the world. Geographers, anthropologists, ethnobotanists, policymakers, and other social scientists have conceptualized the concept of TEK from their perspectives. Till the twentieth century, culture-specific knowledge was predominant in anthropology, but recently scholars from various disciplines have shown interest in realizing the importance of this vast untapped knowledge system. There are mainly four different approaches which characterize the anthropological knowledge on research: descriptive historical particularism, cognitive anthropology, cultural ecology, and human ecology. The first two approaches S. C. Rai (B) Department of Geography, Delhi School of Economics, University of Delhi, Delhi 110007, India e-mail: [email protected] P. K. Mishra Department of Geography, Shivaji College, University of Delhi, Delhi 110027, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_1

1

2

S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra

are especially more relevant for the debate related to intellectual property. Whereas, descriptive historical particularism highlights the individuality and importance of each culture as demonstrated in its valuable knowledge of natural resource conservation, plants, animals’ astronomy, weather, etc. On the other hand, cultural ecology focuses on the role of indigenous knowledge in adapting to a particular physical condition (Orlove 1980). In recent decades, TEK has been recognized as an important starting point to bring out effective technology packages for the management and conservation of natural resources. According to Richards (1980), indigenous knowledge is managed and maintained by the people in the native communities, often over several centuries in response to the specific environmental and social milieu. Blaikie and Brookfield (1987) raised several questions regarding the efficiency of indigenous water and soil conservation methods. Such as How serious are these problems, and for whom? Answers to these questions are still some of the most crucial issues in development today. Warren (1991) advocated the positive strength of TEK in developmental projects. Biggelaar (1991) focused on the use of TEK in agriculture in order to formulate more adaptable and suitable technologies for the prevailing farming conditions. Wellard and Copestake (1993) investigated that through TEK farmers can provide better insights into agro-ecosystems. Berkes (1993) advocated that indigenous knowledge is gathered through an array of observations communicated or passed on from one generation to another. For ages, indigenous people are dependent for their survival on local resources, and they have developed ways to conserve their surrounding natural resources. Regarding the insight on indigenous ecological knowledge, DeWalt (1994) says “we are not unsure what it is, it is local people’s knowledge, what ordinarily folk knows”. TEK was previously dismissed by referring to “unscientific” but it is now considered more environmentally sound and productive and often becomes crucial for the development of successful sustainable development strategies. Mathias (1994) in his work reviewed the characteristics, conservational aspects, and usefulness of TEK in sustainable resource management. He described about the methodology and strategy for the conservation of indigenous knowledge that can be carried out within and outside the indigenous communities. Biot et al. (1995) in their study present the critical reviews of approaches to tackle land degradation. Birmingham (1998) in different agro-ecological zones of West Africa tried to develop approaches and methodologies to recover TEK of land typologies and soil types among ethnic groups. Kessler (2006) presented a detailed analysis and synthesis of soil degradation in the Inter-Andean valleys of Bolivia wherein he emphasized the loss of soil fertility that often occurs due to land-use changes and inappropriate land management practices. Such results lead to reduced infiltration rates, higher runoff and erosion, and thus continuous soil degradation. He also focused on the participation of the local people in fair SWC practices and strategies to tackle land degradation. Mishra and Rai (2013, 2014) discussed adequately indigenous conservation practices for the conservation of soil, water, and nutrient conservation and their financial efficiency.

1 Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Resource Management …

3

Several studies and investigations have appeared in the literature over the past few decades which focused on a better understanding of TEK and its potential development in various fields (Warren 1991; Sillitoe 1998). A systematic enquiry and review of the literature represent that there is no shortage of studies on the theme, but very few specific studies have been undertaken to understand the complexity of TEK and its role in sustainable environmental management. In this context, it’s imperative to widen the scope of the field for a better understanding of the theme. Therefore, the present study tries to attempt for better understanding of various aspects of TEK as scientific knowledge and its role in sustainable environmental management.

1.2 Understanding Knowledge Knowledge can be understood as a processed result of information and learning systems of cognitive action of knowing and perceiving. A cognitive system coheres— it sticks together different knowledge and still remains a single whole. It goes beyond the modernist single way, or even the post-modernist recognition of fractured and multiple different knowledge systems. It implies synthesis and the capacity to change and adapt. Knowledge has become the most important factor in any kind of development. The ability of a society to produce, select, adapt, and depend upon the knowledge they possess. Knowledge is more a context-specific interpretation, which is endowed in the mind o the people, who evolve. Knowledge varies between persons, socially and developmentally. Moreover, knowledge is substantive (Cohen 1993), “practice” (Hobart 1993), and practical, situated activity, constituted by a past but changing history of practices. To construct local knowledge as systematic or even to classify practice of dealing with the world of knowledge is to domesticate practices by recourse yet again to a hegemonic epistemology. For local people, the disputation with experts may not call into question the substance of their knowledge but its appropriateness. The sense of discrete local knowledge does not deny that outsiders could know “what we know but rather they could know” as we know. Within the framework of local knowledge, there is much real local knowledge as Geertz use the term, suggesting differing hermeneutic, way of imagining and interpreting “reality” (Geertz 1983). So, knowledge is socially generated as the authentic expression of cognitive diversity within the community, common sense thinking of everyday life what Berger and Luckmann (1967) term “reality”, i.e. socially constructed and oriented toward resolving the practical problem of everyday life. In the positivist doctrine formulated by August Comte, scientific knowledge was only true knowledge. Durkheim understood social reality in terms of objective measurable social facts (Durkheim 1964). Barth (1981) in his study of the ethnography of human knowledge maintains that “knowledge in its different modes can range from an assemblage of disconnected empirical detail to a ‘theory of everything’… as we are in the world constructed on the principle of sociality and morality, not mechanical causality”. Knowledge goes

4

S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra

hand in hand with culture for anthropologists. According to Barth (1981) knowledge enables people with material for reflection and premises for action, whereas a culture too readily comes to embrace also that reflection and those actions. Furthermore, actions become knowledge to others only after the fact. Thus, the concept of “knowledge” situates its items in a particular and undisputable way relative to events, social relationships, and actions. Knowledge is distributed in a population while culture makes us think in terms of diffuse sharing. Out scrutiny is directed to the distribution of knowledge—its presence or absence in particular persons—and the processes affecting these distributions can become the objects of study. Russel (1948) says knowledge is “what a person knows”. He points out that knowledge is dependent on that person’s own individual experience saying “he knows what he has seen and heard, what he has read and what he has been told, and also what from these data he has been able to infer”. Much of our knowledge is accumulated by learning from others (Barth 1981), which are always ineluctably locally invisible from their instrument and their encasement. Barth (1981) presents three components of knowledge. First, any traditional knowledge contains a corpus of substantive assertions and ideas about the aspect of the world. Second, it must be instantiated and communicated in one or several media as a series of partial representations in the form of words, concrete symbols, pointing gestures, and actions. And thirdly, it will be distributed, communicated, employed, and transmitted within a series of instituted social relations. These three facets of knowledge are interconnected as appeared together precisely in the particular actions of every event of the application of knowledge, in every transaction of knowledge, and in every performance. Different modes of traditional knowledge are entangled from the mode of identity. Fact knowledge is not treated on its inherent merits, even if it was possible to establish what these might be. Therefore, knowledge is related to use and practice. It can maintain, transfer, and exchange that serves a purpose. An ideal system of knowledge is generally seen as one that derives its corpus from the abstract principle of systematic deduction. Modern academic knowledge is a “way of knowing” that emerged historically through the union of a number of ideas that are subjected to global systematization through centers of calculation nurturing its spectacular accumulation, scope, and power (Latour 1987).

1.3 Concept of Traditional Ecological Knowledge Traditional ecological knowledge is a concept that is being recognized by conservationists, particularly at the grassroots community level. In this concept, the word “traditional” is a little complex. For some people, the word “traditional” signifies that people are still practicing the old ways or their knowledge is based on some kind of superstition. Whereas, for many others, the meaning of TEK is having or knowing about the knowledge in different ways. It is different from the dimension of knowledge itself. Their knowledge is undergoing continuous revision. In more

1 Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Resource Management …

5

simple words, we can say that TEK is an assimilation of learning and sharing of local knowledge. Traditional indigenous knowledge is unique local knowledge for any community, society, or its culture. On the grassroots level of these local communities, all the decisions are based on local knowledge in various fields such as agriculture, education, food, health, and management of natural resources (Warren 1991). This is a form of informal knowledge of a geographical region that is based on local tradition, customs, culture nonwestern beliefs, and practices and survived for a long time. (Horsthemke 2004). This type of indigenous knowledge is being utilized and practiced by the people for generations and it is developed and progressed by way of a trial-and-error process. This method has provided enough flexibility to this local knowledge to endure with the changes in different time periods. (Kalawole 2001; Stone 2007). In various cases, it has been observed that the local knowledge has been continuously passed in the oral form from one person to another person for

Fig. 1.1 Factors that influence traditional knowledge system (Gopalan and Reedy 2006)

6

S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra

generations in the form of arts, stories, songs, paintings, laws, etc. According to Leach and Mearns (1996), “indigenous knowledge is frequently charged with being methodically wide…. unproven populist or politically naive; and that it generates findings that are too complicated to be of practical use to policymakers”. Often it has been observed that indigenous knowledge and western sciences are two different approaches and dualistic knowledge systems. The modern sciences are believed that it is based on systematic, rational, logical, open and very much based on intelligence and objective reality. Whereas, traditional indigenous knowledge is considered as being based on primitive, traditional, closed, emotional, and unintellectual systems (Mitchel 1995; Herbert 2000). Therefore, the western knowledge is basically seen as modernity, and the traditional knowledge system is mainly considered as the backward and traditional way of life. According to Davies et al. (1994) and Kallard (2000) in the context of underprivileged poor communities, the traditional knowledge system has some advantages over the modern science. They argue that in TKS the local knowledge is tested and it is examined in the situation of survival which is more meaningful for the day-to-day existence. Therefore, traditional knowledge is based on sensible, realistic, and practical considerations of everyday life. Due to the presence of these elements, traditional knowledge incorporates experimental, creative, and dynamic dimensions. It is also influenced by various innovations inside to meet the new conditions. In nutshell, TEK is the practices and innovations of indigenous and local communities in different parts of the world. The TEK is mainly derived from one generation to another in the form of folklore, stories, songs, cultural beliefs and values, proverbs, community rituals, customs, and laws including knowledge of agricultural practices, animal breeds, and plant species. The traditional knowledge is shared and communicated orally through the culture that centers on educational initiatives, known practices and derived technologies, belief systems, more than all, and the operating human resources as represented in (Fig. 1.1).

1.4 Linking Culture and Nature There is a very close relationship between culture and nature. India, China, and ancient Babylon and Egypt have seen great civilizations. In these regions, various religions such as Hinduism, Islam, Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, and even Shamanism have shaped links between humans and nature for thousands of years. There has been a continuous link between the management of sustainable resource use for the conservation and management of natural and cultural landscapes. In border areas of India, China, Bhutan, and Nepal, there are many examples of environmental protection such as sacred forests, lakes, headwater forests, and mountains maintained by local communities.

1 Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Resource Management …

7

1.4.1 Knowledge-Practice-Belief: A Framework for Analysis The TEK or local knowledge starts at the level of the systematic classification and then moves toward a more precise understanding of the processes. There are many ways to understand and comprehend the traditional knowledge systems; a pioneer of the discipline Berkes (1993) considered four interrelated levels. Initially, local people have the knowledge about the soil, various plants grown over it, animals, and landscape. This is the level that includes the identification and classification of various species, their distribution and behavior, and life histories. This type of knowledge has survival values as it is based on the first-hand empirical observation. It is also important to note that for ensuring the sustainable use and management of resources, only local knowledge may not be helpful or sufficient. Therefore, in the second level with the local indigenous environmental knowledge, appropriate techniques, tools, and methods are also included for the resource management. It also requires the understanding of the functional and symbiotic relationship among various species and other ecological processes. The third level of analysis includes suitable social institutions and codes of relationships. Whereas, the fourth level includes the worldwide view which moderates and manages the environmental perception and provides meaning to the observation. This level incorporates belief systems, ethics, religion, etc. which all together analyzes the traditional knowledge. Originally the indigenous knowledge focused more upon technique-based knowledge of the environment but after time its scope has widened and now its philosophy goes beyond this narrow understanding. In the border sense, the IK is contemplated with cultural knowledge socio-economic, political, and spiritual aspects of life. This type of knowledge has greater potential in the fields of natural resource management, ecological research, environmental and biological assessment conservation, and preparation of alternative economic strategies. Besides this, TEK has its own limitation which must be recognized. Generally, it is considered or we have a common notion that whatever the local people in the community do is in harmony with the natural environment. It is not always critically evaluated before reaching a final conclusion. There are several examples and evidence that indigenous people have also done “sins” such as over-cultivation, overhunting, overgrazing, and overfishing. For the utilization of more TEK, it should be properly documented and methodological and ethical considerations must be followed by the researchers while doing the research in the indigenous communities. For all such studies, the participatory rural appraisal is a widely accepted method in which people from the local communities can be engaged in the research process. In this process, there is very less outside involvement and local people are assisted by researchers to record their indigenous knowledge. Here, it’s very important for the researcher to understand about their right over intellectual property. People in the local communities have become more concerned about that knowledge. They feel that their indigenous knowledge is being stolen without any awareness or consent and frequently used by the companies for the economic befits. The local communities are not getting any kind of benefit out of their traditional knowledge. Therefore, ethical consideration and protection of

8

S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra

local knowledge have become a matter of concern. It has been realized over time that while carrying out or planning for any project, TEK must be taken into consideration as it can provide valuable information about the environment and also for its sustainable management in an effective manner. IK is also very helpful and it is advantageous because it is based on locally available materials and skills which is more cost-effective in comparison with outside technologies because local people do not require any kind of specialized training. The incorporation of TEK into various developmental or research projects can strengthen self-determination and sufficiency with local empowerment. These practices may further enhance management plans and reliability among the local communities and outside researchers and will motivate them to tackle local problems with their local knowledge.

1.5 Methods of Documentation of TEK The indigenous practices are documented by using various methods by different scholars. International Institute for Rural Reconstruction (1996) outlined several ways to identify indigenous knowledge such as field observation, participant and non-participant observation, surveys, case studies, in-depth interviews, group discussions, brainstorming sessions, SWOT analysis, village workshops, village reflections, taxonomies, flow chart mapping, and participatory video/photo documentation. Similarly, the TEK is also recorded and documented in several descriptive texts including stories, reports, taxonomies, songs, audiovisuals, seasonal patterns, etc. The TEK is stored in various forms in the local communities such as books, Journals, audiovisuals, museums, and other textual documents. According to Karter (1993), the verbal type of assessment does not always provide desired results but field-based prolonged observations are critically crucial for real insight while documenting TEK. Chande (1993) suggested that personal interviews, surveys, and competitions help in the documentation of TEK. Dubey et al. (1993) have suggested various other methods for the documentation of local people’s knowledge. This type of method includes oral history, critical incidents, case studies, making diagrams, farmers’ indicator inventory, and preference ranking. Mane and Singh (1993) used methods like field observation, dialogues, and joint interpretations to arrive at conclusions to document indigenous practice. Rajasekaran (1993) documented details of the indigenous knowledge system using participatory farmer methods such as participant observations and unstructured exchanges. Singh and Rajoo (1993) used various methods such as agroecosystem analysis, interviews, and participant observations while Vivekanandan (1993) advised methods such as group discussion and village-level workshops with farmers along with extensive field studies in the interiors. He also indicated publishing newsletters in the local language for the communication of traditional farm technologies. As reported by Hanyani et al. (1996), the essential sources of indigenous culture are innovative farmers, indigenous experts, opinion leaders, and village elders. Kanagasabapthi (1996) concluded that various methods that involve local participants are essential for documenting

1 Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Resource Management …

9

indigenous practices. These methods include individual and group interviews, observations of participants, joint interpretations, structured and unstructured interactions, and preference ranking along with field observations and case histories. In the era of science and technology, any practice without a scientific basis for its successful results is not considered valid and fruitful. In many cases, respondents are not able to give an explanation regarding the scientific basis behind the indigenous practices; therefore, scientists are responsible for documenting, testing, verifying, validating, and advocating practices and finding out their rationality. Pulmate and Babu (1993) and Somasundaram (1995) reported few studies on the rationality of indigenous knowledge. Hence, testing rationality, as perceived by the scientist globally, has been one of the means to validate the indigenous knowledge system.

1.6 Conclusion In developed countries, social and scientific researchers have started to recognize that traditional indigenous knowledge system can play a very important positive role in the implementation and formulation of sustainable development policies and programs. The final statement of the world commission on environment and development has also recognized a similar conclusion about TEK. Some traditional lifestyles are threatened with virtual extinction by insensitive development over which the indigenous peoples have no participation. It was emphasized that the traditional rights of the local communities should be recognized and they should be given a more decisive voice in formulating policies about resource development in their areas. Many people are of the opinion that our species and our Earth are approaching toward intersection. Even some agree on the need for change in terms of behaviors, human values, and institutions. Some recommend an elitist approach, driven by the dominant value system of western liberal industrial democracies. Others seek the inclusion of many different voices and views within the dominant paradigm through accommodation or assimilation. These discussions have implications for traditional communities and for traditional ecological knowledge. If the dominant paradigm takes only the tools of traditional ecological knowledge and assimilates them, we may see changes, but they will be circumscribed by the assumptions of that dominant paradigm. Over the past few years, many scholarly discussions have recognized traditional ecological knowledge as a significant resource for development. The present article also attempts to examine the concept of indigenous knowledge and the strategies its advocates present to promote development. To productively engage indigenous knowledge in development, we must go beyond the dichotomy of indigenous vs. scientific and work toward greater autonomy for “indigenous” peoples.

10

S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra

References Barth F (1981) Process and form in social life: selected essays of Fredrich Barth, vol I. Routledge, Kegan Poul Ltd Berger PL, Luckmann T (1967) The social construction of reality: a treatise in the sociology of knowledge. Penguin Book, London Berkes F (1993) Traditional ecological knowledge in perspective. In: Inglis JT (ed) Traditional ecological knowledge: concept and cases. International Research Center and International Program on Traditional Ecological Knowledge, Canada Biggelaar CD (1991) Farming systems development: synthesizing indigenous and scientific knowledge systems. Agric Hum Values 8(1/2):25–36 Biot Y, Laikie PM, Jackson C, Jones P (1995) Rethinking research on land degradation in developing countries. World Bank, Washington, DC Birmingham D (1998) Learning local knowledge of soils: a focus on methodology. Indigenous Knowl Dev Monitor 6(2):111–113 Blaikie P, Brookfield H (1987) Land degradation and society. London Chande S (1993) Developing a strategy for integrating indigenous knowledge system in the area of food, nutrition and family welfare with formal research system. In: Indigenous technologies for sustainable agriculture, paper presented in national seminar, March 23–25. New Delhi Cohen AP (1993) Segmentary knowledge: a Whalsay sketch. In: Mark Hobart (ed) Anthropological critique of development: the growth of ignorance. Cambridge University Press, New York Davies BR, Thoms MC, Walker KF, O’Keefe JH, Gore JA (1994) Dryland rivers: their ecology, conservation and management. In: Calow P, Petts GE (eds) The rivers handbook, vol 2. Blackwell Scientific Publications, Oxford, pp 484–511 De Walt B (1994) Using indigenous knowledge to improve agriculture and natural resource management. Hum Organ 53(2):123–131. https://doi.org/10.17730/humo.53.2.ku60563817m0 3n73 Dubey VK; Naraina GS; Gupta SL (1993) Methodologies for taping and documenting indigenous knowledge technologies. Paper presented at the national seminar on indigenous technologies for sustainable agriculture, March 23–25. New Delhi Durkheim E (1964) The rules of sociological method. Free Press, Glencoe Ellen RF; Harris H (2000) Indigenous knowledge and its transformations: critical anthropological perspectives. Hardwood Academic Publishers Geertz C (1983) Local knowledge: facts and law in comparative perspective. In: Local knowledge: further essay in interpretive anthropology. Basic Book, New York Gopalan A, Reedy PVRM (2006) Empowerment through traditional knowledge system for agricultural sustainability. Indian J Tradit Knowl 5 (1):158–161 Hanyani M, BT Hebinck P (1996) Formal and informal knowledge networks in conservation forestry in Zimbabwe. Indigenous Knowl Dev Monitor 4(3):3–6 Herbert S (2000) For ethnography. Progr Hum Geogr 24:550–568 Hobart M (1993) Introduction in Anthropological critique of development: the growth of ignorance (ed). Rutledge Press, London Horsthemke K (2004) Knowledge, education and the limits of africanisation. J Philos Educ 38(4) Iaccarino M (2003) Science and culture. EMBO Rep 4:220–223 IIRR (1996) Recording and using indigenous knowledge: a manual. International Institute for Rural Reconstruction (IIRR), Silang, Cavite, Philippines Kalawole OP (2001) Local knowledge utilization and sustainable rural development in the 21st century. Indig Knowl Monitor 9(3) November Kallard A (2000) Indigenous knowledge: prospects and limitations. In: Ellen R, Parkes P, Bicker A (ed) Indigenous environmental knowledge and its trasformations. Harwood Academic Publishers, Amsterdam, pp 1–33

1 Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Resource Management …

11

Kanagasabapthi K (1996) Indigenous knowledge system of tribals for agricultural development. Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, Department of Agricultural Extension, Annamalai University, Annamalainagar Karter A (1993) Indigenous learning in crafts: a pilot research effort. Indig Knowl Dev Monitor 1(1):20–22 Kessler A (2006) Moving people-towards collective action in soil and water conservation’s experiences from the Bolivian mountain valleys. Ph.D Dissertation, Wageningen University Latour B (1987) Science in action. Harvard University Press, Cambridge Leach M, Mearns R (1996) The use of the land: challenging received wisdom in the African environments (ed). International African Institute, London Mane PM, Singh RP (1993) Study and documentation of indigenous knowledge/traditional agricultural practices of the tribal farmers. Paper presented at the national seminar on indigenous technologies for sustainable agriculture, March 23–25. New Delhi Mathias E (1994) Indigenous knowledge and sustainable development. Working Paper No. 53, International Institute of Rural Reconstruction, Silang Mishra PK, Rai SC (2013) Use of indigenous soil and water conservation practices among farmers in Sikkim Himalaya. Indian J Trad Knowl 12(3):454–464 Mishra PK, Rai SC (2014) A cost-benefit analysis of indigenous soil and water conservation measures in Sikkim Himalaya India. Mt Res Dev 34(1):27–35 Mitchel T (1995) The object of development: America’s Egypt. In: Crush J (ed) Power of development. Routledge, London, pp 129–157 Orlove BS (1980) Ecological anthropology. Ann Rev Anthropol 235–273 Pulmate L, Babu AR (1993) A reasoned exposition of the traditional farm practices under use by the farmers of shifting and settled cultivation system in Manipur. Paper presented at the national seminar on indigenous technologies for sustainable agriculture, March 23–25, New Delhi Rajasekaran B (1993) A framework for incorporating indigenous knowledge system into agriculture research, extension and NGO’s for sustainable agricultural development. Studies in technology and social change. Paper. No.21. Technology and social change program, Iowa State University, Ames Richards P (1980) Community environmental knowledge. In: Brokensha DW, Warren DM, Werner O (eds) Indigenous knowledge systems and development. University Press of America, Lahham, MD, USA, pp 183–196 Russel B (1948) Human knowledge: the scopes and limits. Simon and Schuster, New York Sillitoe P (1998) The development of indigenous knowledge: a new applied anthropology. Curr Anthropol 39(2):223–252 Singh V, Rajoo RK (1993) Traditional knowledge and wisdom of tribal farmers with particular reference to district Lahul Spiti (HP). Paper presented at the national seminar on indigenous technologies for sustainable agriculture, March 23–25, New Delhi Stone GD (2007) Agriculture deskilling and the spread of genetically modified cotton. In Warrangil current anthropology the 21st century. Indig Knowl Monitor 9:(3) November Vivekanandan P (1993) Approaches in documenting traditional technologies: process and outcome in Tamil Nadu. Paper presented at the national seminar on indigenous technologies for sustainable agriculture, March 23–25, New Delhi Warren DM (1991) Using indigenous knowledge for agricultural development. World Bank Discussion Paper, No 127, p 46 Wellard K, Copestake JG (1993) NGOs and the State in Africa: rethinking roles in sustainable agricultural development. Routledge, London

Part I

Concept

Chapter 2

Traditional Knowledge Systems and Sustainable Development K. G. Saxena and K. S. Rao

2.1 Introduction In the dictionary sense, the term Traditional usually refers to “cultural continuity transmitted in social attitudes, beliefs, principles, and conventions of behavior and practice derived from historical experience” (Berkes 2018). While it is cumulative and open to change (Nakashima 1998; Ellen et al. 2000), the term Ecological Knowledge is what Lévi-Strauss (1962) has called the science du concret, the native knowledge of the natural milieu firmly rooted in the reality of an accumulation of concrete, personal experiences, as opposed to book-learning (Berkes 2018). Traditional knowledge (TK) (or other co-terminus terms such as indigenous knowledge and local knowledge) generally refers to the long-standing information, wisdom, traditions, and practices of certain indigenous people or local communities. Predominantly traditional knowledge has been orally passed from generation to generation and thus ensures its continuation (Johnson 1992; Posey and Dutfield 1996; GRAIN 1995, 2004; Singh 1998). While some forms of traditional knowledge are expressed through stories, legends, folklore, rituals, songs, art, and even laws, other forms are often expressed through different means. TK does not separate “secular” or “rational” knowledge from spiritual knowledge, intuitions, and wisdom. It is often embedded in cosmology, and the distinction between “intangible” knowledge and physical things is often blurred. Indeed, holders of TK often claim that their knowledge cannot be divorced from the natural and cultural context within which it has arisen, including their traditional lands and resources and their kinship and community relations (UNESCO 2013). Many widely used products, such as plant-based medicines, health products, and cosmetics, are derived from traditional knowledge. Several products that support the K. G. Saxena School of Environmental Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi 110067, India K. S. Rao (B) Department of Botany, University of Delhi, Delhi 110007, India e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_2

15

16

K. G. Saxena and K. S. Rao

traditional communities’ livelihoods are based on the TK of agricultural and nonwood forest products (Singh 1998; Twarog and Kapoor 2004; Saxena et al. 2006). While it is appreciated that most the developed societies recognize the value of the handicrafts and handlooms that enhance the quality of life along with the natural food additives and nutraceuticals, the efforts for the continuance of such knowledge need to be strengthened (Gadgil and Berkes 1991; Posey and Dutfield 1996; Farooquee and Rao 1998). TK can significantly contribute to sustainable development as it closely interlinks cultural and biological diversity, forming an essential basis for the conservation and sustainable use of global biodiversity (Maikhuri et al. 2001, 2011c; Farooquee et al. 2011; Pourchez 2017). The vast majority of the world’s genetic resources are found in areas inhabited by indigenous and local communities. Many of these societies have managed the wild and domesticated biological diversity sustainably for generations (Klee 1980; Warren et al. 1993; Ramakrishnan et al. 2000, 2006). It is recognized that some of these traditional practices have been responsible for the existence and enhancement of biodiversity at the local level. Such traditional management systems are helping in maintaining healthy ecosystems that are required for providing ecosystem services (Farooquee and Rao 1998; Ramakrishnan et al. 2003). The existing knowledge, skills, and techniques provide valuable information to the global community and provide the opportunity to use it as a model for biodiversity policies. Most commonly accepted is the role of TK in the “traditional” or primary sectors of the economy: agriculture and pastoralism, forestry, fisheries, water, and products made from natural resources such as crafts, furniture, and housing (Posey 1999; Twarog and Kapoor 2004; Saxena et al. 2006). In recent times, there is a growing acceptance of the role TK could play in humanity’s response to global climate change. It could be seen that the communities adjusted their knowledge systems through modifications in their behavior, and strategies to suit the changes in their surroundings for time immemorial. Communities adapt their livelihoods to apparent changes in climate, biotic stresses, etc. (Farooquee and Rao 1998; Maikhuri and Rao 2006). The linkages of traditional knowledge at various levels depicted in Fig. 2.1 show the four analysis levels as concentric ellipses, with the management system encompassing local and empirical knowledge, the institutional level enveloping the management system, and all three levels embedded within a worldview or belief system. It must be emphasized that these four levels are not always distinct (Berkes 2018).

2.2 Components of Traditional Knowledge Several of the workers attribute most aspects such as soil and water management, traditional forest management, soil fertility, organic manuring management, crop pest management, management of agricultural and horticultural crop soils, and traditional foods and beverages. as part of TK (Brokensha et al. 1980; Ramakrishnan et al. 2003;

2 Traditional Knowledge Systems and Sustainable Development

17

Fig. 2.1 The levels of traditional knowledge linkages (Berkes 2018)

Cairns 2007). Much of the ethnobotanical information is held by the traditional societies due to their cultural affinity. The native communities use plants as medicinal for the treatment of diseases and ailments. Such practices, more prevalent among the local communities, help them to better adapt to the local conditions. Thus, TK practices are sound and farmer-friendly, socially accepted, and environmentally suited to local conditions (Johannes 1989; Inglis 1993).

2.2.1 Role of Gender For ages, traditional systems of medicine are being used by the indigenous communities for the maintenance of health and the treatment of mental and physical illness. The TK acquired by these communities provides an opportunity for the development of modern drugs which are commercially valuable. Women play a significant role in keeping the concept of TK alive and in practice (Joshi et al. 2006; Pourchez 2017). While women in traditional communities are more involved and aware of the local ethnobotanical knowledge, men are not much involved due to their involvement in wage-earning works.

18

K. G. Saxena and K. S. Rao

2.3 Traditional Knowledge Practices 2.3.1 Using Crop Rotation and Crop Varieties Soil fertility management by traditional societies attracted the attention of modern science due to its effectiveness in protecting soil health. Different crops are sown on the same field every alternate year or sowing season in this process. This ensures that the soil fertility of the field is maintained. The traditional communities managed soil fertility and reduced the total amount of manure that needed to be applied to maintain the crop yields by following the crop rotation (Ramakrishnan et al. 1993; Ghosh and Dhyani 2004; Kala 2010; Chandra et al. 2013; Das et al. 2019). The traditional cropping systems in the rainfed conditions in Uttarakhand are managed by a cropping calendar that three cropping seasons are used for crop growth, and a fallow phase is used for soil to restore its potential during the fourth growing season (Maikhuri et al. 2009). For achieving self-sufficiency in the food requirements, the village agricultural area is generally divided into two almost equal halves (called malli sar and mulla sar) where the fallow phase is implemented during the alternate years and thus, each sar will be under cropping for two Kharif seasons and one rabi season. While the cropping system has millets during one of the Kharif seasons and cereal during the other Kharif season, the rabi season has either a pure crop of wheat, barley, mustard or mixed cropping of wheat with mustard, etc. (Maikhuri et al. 2009, 2011a, b). Human labor required for agricultural activities is high. Hired labor is not available in the region. Thus, the traditional societies developed a system by which they will be planting crop varieties with different maturity times to manage the crop growing season to cultivate all the crop fields dispersed across the village landscape. Normally the fields far from habitation are tilled, prepared, and cropped early with crop variety having a long maturation time, and the fields near to the habitation are tilled, prepared, and cropped last with a short maturation time variety of the crop (Laishram et al. 2020). This ensures that the manpower available within the village is effectively used for managing the cropping of the entire cultivable area. As women involve themselves in the weeding and inter-culture activities, they form groups to work in the fields of all members to share the labor requirements (Maikhuri et al. 2009).

2.3.2 Crop Harvesting and Threshing Land preparation and crop threshing are considered to be the most labor-intensive activities in the agricultural activities in settled agriculture or shifting agriculture in the Himalayan region. While sequential planting or sequential harvesting is done in shifting agricultural systems of northeast India (Ramakrishnan 1992) where both men and women share the tasks of land preparation to crop harvesting, in settled farming systems in the western Himalayas, men were required to complete the tasks

2 Traditional Knowledge Systems and Sustainable Development

19

of land tilling and threshing the cereal grain crops. It was noted that the outmigration of the men in search of employment from the western and central Himalayan region has impacted agriculture due to labor shortages and a reduction in animals used for tilling, etc. As traditional communities use various domesticated animals like cows, oxen, and yaks for the crop threshing process in the Himalayan region, it eliminates the requirement for machines (Farooquee and Rao 2001; Maikhuri et al. 2011b).

2.3.3 Soil Moisture Management The Himalayan region is rich with TK systems for soil moisture management. While most modern systems approach soil moisture management by supplementing the moisture through irrigation, the traditional systems have been following methods such as using multi-layered vegetation mixture or mulching to reduce the evaporation losses from the soil layers. The practice of using water pitchers as a source of irrigation on fields is common in areas where rainfall is scarce. Fields with sandy/loamy sand soils are better suited for such practice. When the pitcher is filled with water and the top is covered with a lid placed in the soil and the new plant is planted close to it, the roots draw their moisture/water from a pitcher, thus increasing the survival of the crop plants. “Pani panchayat” an institution that was managing the traditional “gool” (canal)-based irrigation system is based on the wisdom of the community which allows a few persons to build, maintain, and provide irrigation service to the farm fields in return for part of crop yield as a fee from the farmers (Rao and Saxena 1994). The irrigation channels, built on the gravity principle that water flows downstream on slopes, help in maintaining the proper soil moisture required for crop growth. These irrigation channels are based on the water diverted from rivulets and river tributaries by using the natural gradients. Small reservoirs scattered at regular intervals are used to collect the subsurface flows that ooze from slopes in the mountain region to meet the domestic water requirements and irrigation requirements. This practice ensures adequate water availability during the events of water scarcity. Water from these water harvesting ponds can be used for irrigation and drinking purposes. Collecting rainwater from the roofs or terraces of homes is another form of TK for water conservation. The roof water is collected in structures that are lined with plastic or cemented stone walls. The stored water in ponds and depressions is used for irrigational purposes during lean periods (Maikhuri et al. 2005, 2011b; Rao et al. 2016). In some areas during summer, the collected water serves other domestic purposes as well. Harvesting of water is also done by constructing snow towers in the trans-Himalayan region where the melting snow is used for irrigation. While in modern systems the plastic sheets are being used to reduce the percolation losses from ponds, the grass is used as the inner lining by some traditional societies.

20

K. G. Saxena and K. S. Rao

2.3.4 Biotic Stress Management The communities in the Himalayas over the generations have developed unique knowledge of allocating optimal time and human labor required for managing the weed competition to the crops during the growing season. Scientific validation of their practices has indicated that the density of weeds is reduced only to a level that they will not be influencing the crop yields and thus the time spent on weeding is optimized (Ramakrishnan 1992). Only in irrigated cereal cropping systems, complete removal of weeds was seen which required more intense human labor and time inputs. It is believed that weed management focuses on reducing the seed/propagule of weeds to the next cropping season and thus it ensures that the farmer’s inputs to managing weed competition are reduced for future cropping seasons. Trees present in the farm fields influence the amount of photosynthetic radiation available to the crops at the ground and competition for nutrients in the root zone. While farmers reduce the root zone competition by reducing the tree root density in the cropped area during the tilling and intercultural activities, the management of the tree canopy plays a major role in rabi (winter season) cropping. Farmers tend to prune all the branches of trees present in the farm field to reduce the shading effect on the crop as part of the traditional system. However, experimental validation confirmed that pruning of about 75% of the existing lateral branches is sufficient to ensure the required photosynthetic radiation at ground level (Rao et al. 2003).

2.3.5 Organic Manuring, Collection, and Management The organic manures derived from plant and animal resources are valuable byproducts of farming. The traditional systems in the Himalayan region indicate that the farming systems are dependent on the nutrient resources derived from the forest floor litter, crop residues, and weed biomass mixed with animal excreta that has undergone various degrees of microbial decomposition. While most farming systems use fully/partially decomposed farmyard manure for application, the quality and quantity varied greatly due to the availability of resources. The quantity applied also varied depending on the distance from the habitations (Rao et al. 2003). The scientific validation of the nutrient quality of litter on the nutrient quality of the farmyard manure indicates that it has an insignificant variation (Rao et al. 2003; Maikhuri et al. 2001, 2011b) but the time taken for maturation varied depending on the physic-chemical characteristics of organic residues used (Laishram et al. 2012).

2 Traditional Knowledge Systems and Sustainable Development

21

2.3.6 Traditional Food and Beverages Food preparation and food preferences are regionally specific and could also have socio-religious influences in a diverse social setup like India. The Himalayan region is rich with traditional food and beverages which are considered to be part of the TK. While the northeastern Himalayas has a rich knowledge of fermented foods and beverages, the western Himalayan region has a rich knowledge of seasonal wild edibles and pickled foods (Misra et al. 2008). The transhumance communities in the entire Himalayan region use the seasonal grazing resources for fattening the animals that could be used for the production of meat and dairy products in addition to the wool and hide that have livelihood options. The traditional tea that is prepared using the locally available resources is considered to be neutraceutical (Purohit et al. 2002).

2.3.7 Traditional Knowledge of Medicinal Plants The use of plant/animal products for medicinal purposes is a major source of TK systems that could be used for human wellbeing. Such systems of medicine are widely practiced in many communities, but the Himalayan region is rich in such systems. A predominant part of medicinal and aromatic plants that are used as raw materials for the manufacturing of drugs and perfumery products are collected from the wild. It is believed that the use of medicinal plants for treatment is safe. A large number of herbs are also used in natural dyes, pest control, food, perfume, tea, and so on. Traditional medicinal systems have been using the plants or products derived for the treatment of several diseases for ages (Misra et al. 2008; Dhyani et al. 2010; Maikhuri et al. 1998, 2010; Phondani et al. 2010; Kandari et al. 2012).

2.4 Threats to Traditional Knowledge The traditional societies are facing innumerable problems in keeping the continuance of the knowledge as the population is aging and young generations are migrating in search of better livelihood opportunities. As the number of practitioners is declining, the knowledge base is also shrinking. The habitat fragmentation, changing social beliefs, and considering modern technology superior to the traditional knowledge are some of the major threats.

22

K. G. Saxena and K. S. Rao

2.5 Saving Our Traditional Knowledge For time immemorial, all the communities have some TK associated with their life. These practices are eco-friendly and serve as the best practices for sustainable development. Similar to any other system, TK practices may also have some weaknesses, problems, and constraints. Farmers with their local adaptations have survived in the past under extreme conditions based on local knowledge (Nautiyal et al. 2013). The continued existence of TK can be ensured by accepting that the traditional knowledge practices are farmer-friendly, socially accepted, and environmentally sound suited to local conditions. Under the uncertain resource availability scenarios, TK can contribute to the sustaining of livelihood options and thus provide benefits to traditional communities. Habitat conservation could provide an opportunity for the continuance of TK by ensuring the availability of raw materials and thus participatory conservation should be encouraged. Knowledge is the power, and thus, providing awareness and training to local communities on sustainable exploitation of resources is essential for the continuance of TK. Scientific validation of the traditional knowledge as intellectual property rights is essential for its protection. It is a challenging issue for the developing countries as in the current patenting regime if such knowledge is not codified. Traditional knowledge is a living body of knowledge developed, sustained, and passed from generation to generation within a community, often forming part of its cultural or spiritual identity (Ramakrishnan et al. 2012). So it is not easily protected by the current intellectual property system, which typically grants protection for a limited period to inventions and original works by named individuals or companies. Its living nature also means that “traditional” knowledge is not easy to define. Mechanisms need to be implemented to give subjective consideration to the original holders of the knowledge (Maikhuri et al. 2003; Nautiyal et al. 2008; Rawat et al. 2010).

References Berkes F (2018) Sacred ecology. Routledge, New York, p 368 Brokensha D, Warren D, Werner O (eds) (1980) Indigenous knowledge systems and development. University Press of America, Washington, DC Cairns M (ed) (2007) Voices from the forest: integrating indigenous knowledge into sustainable upland farming. Resources for Future, Washington, DC Chandra A, Kandari LS, Negi VS, Maikhuri RK, Rao KS (2013) Role of intercropping on production and land use efficiency in the central Himalaya, India. Environment and we. Int J Sci Technol 8:105–113 Das MC, Saxena KG, Rao KS (2019) Soil biodiversity and their function and threat to them: a review. SGAT Bull 20(1):1–28 Dhyani D, Maikhuri RK, Misra S, Rao KS (2010) Endorsing the declining indigenous ethnobotanical knowledge of seabuckthorn in central Himalaya, India. J Ethnopharmacol 127:329–334 Ellen RF, Parkes P, Bicker A (eds) (2000) Indigenous environmental knowledge and its transformations: critical anthropological perspectives. Harwood, Amsterdam

2 Traditional Knowledge Systems and Sustainable Development

23

Farooquee NA, Rao KS (1998) Transhumance: an adaptation for survival and strategy for conservation natural resources. In: Agarwal DK, Nandi SK, Farooquee NA (eds) Research for mountain development: some initiatives and accomplishments. Gyanodaya Prakashan, Nainital, pp 145–164 Farooquee NA, Rao KS (2001) Changing values among Mon Pa pastoralists and their ecological implications for rangelands in the Eastern Himalayas. Nomadic Peoples 5(1):168–175 Farooquee NA, Gooch P, Maikhuri RK, Agrawal DK (eds) (2011) Sustainable pastoralism in the Himalayas. Indus Publishing Company, Delhi Gadgil M, Berkes F (1991) Traditional resource management systems. Resour Manag Optim 18:127–141 Ghosh P, Dhyani PP (2004) Baranaaja: the traditional mixed cropping system of the central Himalaya. Outlook Agric 33(4):261–266 GRAIN (1995) Towards a biodiversity community rights regime. Seedling, October. www.grain. org/seedling/?id=5 GRAIN (2004) Freedom from IPR: towards a convergence of movements. Seedling, October. www. grain.org/seedling/?id=301 Inglis JT (ed) (1993) Traditional ecological knowledge: concepts and cases. IDRC, Ottawa Johannes RE (ed) (1989) Traditional ecological knowledge: a collection of essays. Gland, Switzerland and Cambridge, UK Johnson M (ed) (1992) Lore. Capturing traditional environmental knowledge. Dene Cultural Institute/International Development Research Centre, Ottawa Joshi AP, Agarwal SK, Kumar R (eds) (2006) Mountain technology agenda: status, gaps and possibilities. Bishen Singh Mahendra Pal Singh, Dehradun Kala CP (2010) Status of an indigenous agro-forestry system in changing climate: a case study of the middle Himalayan region of Tehri Garhwal India. J Forest Sci 56(8):373–380 Kandari LS, Phondani PC, Payal KC, Rao KS, Maikhuri RK (2012) Ethnobotanical study towards conservation of medicinal and aromatic plants in upper catchments of Dhauli Ganga in the central Himalaya. J Mt Sci 9(2):86–296 Klee G (ed) (1980) World systems of traditional resource management. Edward Arnold, London Laishram J, Saxena KG, Rao KS (2020) Rice cultivar diversity, associated indigenous knowledge and management practices in a lowland village landscape from north-eastern India. Vegetos 33(1):172–186 Laishram J, Saxena KG, Maikhuri RK, Rao KS (2012) Soil quality and soil health: a review. Int J Ecol Environ Sci 38(1):19–37 Lévi-Strauss C (1962) La pensee sauvage. Librarie Plon, Paris [English translation 1996. The Savage Mind. University of Chicago Press, Chicago] Maikhuri RK, Rao KS (2006) Water resource management in the central Himalaya: a case study. In: Joshi AP, Agarwal SK, Kumar R (eds) Mountain technology agenda: status, gaps and possibilities. Bishen Singh Mahendra Pal Singh, Dehradun, pp 185–194 Maikhuri RK, Rana U, Rao KS (1998) Indigenous knowledge system on edible oil resources in Central Himalayas: a case study. In: Bashin MK, Malik SL (eds) Contemporary studies in human ecology. Kamal-Raj Publications, New Delhi, pp 123–127 Maikhuri RK, Semwal RL, Rao KS, Saxena KG, Das AK (2001) Indigenous techniques of agricultural soil fertility maintenance in the central Himalaya. Ecol, Environ Conserv 7(1):15–20 Maikhuri RK, Rao KS, Chauhan K, Kandari LS, Prasad P, Rajasekaran C (2003) Development of marketing of medicinal plants and other forest products—can it be a pathway for effective management and conservation? Indian For 129(2):169–178 Maikhuri RK, Rao KS, Kandari LS, Joshi R, Dhyani D (2005) Does the outreach programme make an impact? A case study of medicinal and aromatic plant cultivation in Uttaranchal. Curr Sci 88(9):1480–1486 Maikhuri RK, Rawat LS, Phondani PC, Negi VS, Farooquee NA, Negi CS (2009) Hill agriculture of Uttarakhand: policy, governance, research issues and development priorities for sustainability. India Econ Rev 6:116–123

24

K. G. Saxena and K. S. Rao

Maikhuri RK, Phondani PC, Rao KS, Semwal RL, Kandari LS, Chauhan K, Rawat LS, Dhyani D, Saxena KG (2010) Ethnobiology and traditional knowledge of medicinal plants in health care system. In: Uniyal PL, Chamola BP, Semwal DP (eds) The plant wealth of Uttarakhand. Jagdamba Publishing Co., Delhi, pp 369–379 Maikhuri RK, Rawat LS, Negi VS, Farooquee NA, Rao KS, Purohit VK, Agarwal SK, Chamoli KP, Negi CS, Saxena KG (2011a) Empowering rural women in agro-ecotechnologies for livelihood improvement and natural resource management. Outlook Agric 40(3):229–236 Maikhui RK, Rawat LS, Negi VS, Purohit VK, Rao KS, Saxena KG (2011b) Managing natural resources through simple and appropriate technological interventions for sustainable mountain development. Curr Sci 100(7):992–997 Maikhuri RK, Rao KS, Nautiyal S, Negi VS, Rawat LS, Saxena KG (2011c) Pastoral issues in the light of change and development in the buffer zone of Nanda Devi biosphere reserve. In: Farooquee NA, Gooch P, Maikhuri RK, Agrawal DK (eds) Sustainable pastoralism in the Himalayas. Indus Publishing Company, Delhi, pp 83–101 Misra S, Maikhuri RK, Kala CP, Rao KS, Saxena KG (2008) Wild leafy vegetables: a study of their subsistence dietetic support to the inhabitants of Nanda Devi biosphere reserve India. J Ethnobiol Ethnomed 4:15 Nakashima DJ (1998) Conceptualizing nature, the cultural context of resource management. Nat Resour 34(2):8–22 Nautiyal S, Bisht V, Rao KS, Maikhuri RK (2008) The role of cultural values in agrobiodiversity conservation: a case study from Uttarakhand Himalaya. J Hum Ecol 23(1):1–6 Nautiyal S, Rao KS, Kaechele H, Raju KV, Schaldach R (eds) (2013) Knowledge systems of societies for adaptation and mitigation of impacts of climate change. Springer-Verlag, Berlin, p 720 Phondani PC, Maikhuri RK, Rawat LS, Farooquee NA, Kala CP, Vishvakarma SCR, Rao KS, Saxena KG (2010) Ethnobotanical uses of plants among the Bhotiya tribal communities of Niti valley in central Himalaya, India. Ethnobot Res Appl 8:233–244 Posey D (ed) (1999) Cultural and spiritual values of biodiversity. United Nations Environment Programme, Nairobi, and Intermediate Technology Publications, London Posey D, Dutfield G (1996) Beyond intellectual property: towards traditional resource rights for indigenous peoples and local communities. International Development Research Centre, Ottawa Pourchez L (2017) Women’s knowledge: traditional medicine and nature—Mauritius, reunion and rodrigues. Local and indigenous knowledge, vol 1. Paris, UNESCO, 120 pp Purohit A, Maikhuri RK, Rao KS, Nautiyal S (2002) Revitalizing drink: an assessment of traditional knowledge system in Bhotiya community of central Himalayas India. Indian J Trad Knowl 1(1):72–80 Ramakrishnan PS (1992) Shifting agriculture and sustainable development: a interdisciplinary study from north-eastern India. Parthenon Publishing, Caernforth, p 424 Ramakrishnan PS, Saxena KG, Rao KS (1993) Agro-ecological approaches for soil fertility management. In: Ramakrishnan PS, Saxena KG, Swift MJ, Seward P (eds) Tropical soil biology and fertility research, south east Asia context. Himavikas Publication No. 4. Oriental Enterprises, Dehradun, pp 77–125 Ramakrishnan PS, Chandrashekara UM, Elouard C, Guilmoto CZ, Maikhuri RK, Rao KS, Sankar S, Saxena KG (eds) (2000) Mountain biodiversity, land use dynamics, and traditional ecological knowledge. Oxford & IBH Publishing Co. Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi Ramakrishnan PS, Saxena KG, Patnaik S, Singh (eds) (2003) Methodological issues in mountain research: a socio-ecological systems approach. Oxford & IBH Publishing Co. Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi Ramakrishnan PS, Saxena KG, Rao KS (2006) Shifting agriculture and sustainable development of north-eastern India: tradition in transition. Oxford & IBH Publishing Co. Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi Ramakrishnan PS, Saxena KG, Rao KS, Sharma G (eds) (2012) Cultural landscapes: the basis for linking biodiversity conservation with the sustainable development. UNESCO, New Delhi, p 217

2 Traditional Knowledge Systems and Sustainable Development

25

Rao KS, Saxena KG (1994) Sustainable development and rehabilitation of degraded village lands in Himalaya. Himavikas Publication No. 8. Bishen Singh Mahendra Pal Singh, Dehra Dun, xiv+287pp Rao KS, Semwal RL, Maikhuri RK, Nautiyal S, Sen KK, Singh K, Chandrasekhar K, Saxena KG (2003) Indigenous ecological knowledge, biodiversity and sustainable development in the central Himalayas. Trop Ecol 44(1):93–111 Rao KS, Saxena KG, Tiwari BK (2016) Biodiversity, climate change and socio-economic development in the Indian Himalaya: an overview. Bishen Singh Mahendra Pal Singh, Dehradun, 86pp Rawat LS, Maikhuri RK, Negi VS, Bahuguna A, Rao KS, Agarwal SK, Saxena KG (2010) Managing natural resources with eco-friendly technologies for sustainable rural development: a case of Garhwal Himalaya. Int J Sust Dev World 17(5):423–430 Saxena KG, Rao KS, Maikhuri RK (2006) Building on traditional technologies for sustainable mountain development. In: Joshi AP, Agarwal SK, Kumar R (eds) Mountain technology agenda: status, gaps and possibilities. Bishen Singh Mahendra Pal Singh, Dehradun, pp 129–139 Singh NG (1998) Community intellectual rights protect indigenous knowledge. Biotechnol Dev Monit 36:11–12 Twarog S, Kapoor P (eds) (2004) Protecting and promoting traditional knowledge: systems, national experiences and international dimensions. United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. Document No, United Nations, Geneva. UNCTAD/DITC/TED/10 UNESCO (2013) The traditional knowledge act, 2013. Legislation of UK, London Warren DM, Brokensha D, Slikkerveer LJ (eds) (1993) Indigenous Knowledge Systems. The Cultural Dimension of Development. Kegan Paul International, London

Chapter 3

Theoretical Framework and Approaches of Traditional Ecological Knowledge W. K. N. C. Withanage and M. D. K. Lakmali Gunathilaka

3.1 Introduction Long before Brundtland, the concept of words like stability, balance, harmony, the economics of nature, or performance had gained widespread recognition. People in the Pleistocene era lived sustainably, tying their survival to the health of the environment. Environmental wisdom has become much more ingrained in their life, much like a scientific understanding of the environment. Early men, particularly native peoples, had a more educated understanding of the fundamentals of ecological and evolutionary biology (Marshall 1995, 2001). This was especially true of America’s indigenous people. Early studies by Huntington (1992), Anderson (1996), Hughes (1996), Berkes (1999), Krech (1999a, b), Pierotti, and Wildcat documented indigenous Americans’ consciousness before Europeans arrived (1997a, b, 2000). These early accounts demonstrate the importance of indigenous knowledge in practical situations such as agricultural activities and fire ecology (Johannes 1989). While some studies deem local people’s understanding to be on par with western scientific knowledge, others do not (Turner 2005). Though several studies saw indigenous knowledge as the origins of people’s local knowledge, it is a collection of values (Fig. 3.1). Indigenous people’s wisdom is derived from a variety of philosophical systems. Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) (Johannes 1989; Pierotti and Wildcat 2000), Indigenous Knowledge (Warren et al. 1995), Local Knowledge (Berkes 1999), Folk Knowledge (Alessa 2009), Naturalized Knowledge Systems, and Native Science are some of the terms used to describe so-called knowledge. Because the scope of context is all about natural W. K. N. C. Withanage (B) Department of Geography, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Ruhuna, Matara 81000, Sri Lanka e-mail: [email protected] M. D. K. Lakmali Gunathilaka Department of Geography, University of Colombo, Colombo-3, Sri Lanka © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_3

27

28

W. K. N. C. Withanage and M. D. K. Lakmali Gunathilaka

Socio-Ecological System

Knowledge • biota . ecosystems . place

Practice . skills . management systems . techniques

TEK

Ethics . values . moral code . moral judgment

Fig. 3.1 Core elements of TEK

resources, TEK is more inclusive as well as too wide. Because the scope of context is all about natural phenomena, TEK is more inclusive as well as too wide. Some may argue that native people have a vast range of knowledge that is not limited to the everyday world. When the extent of each term is compared, the application of TEK and the purposes of TEK become evident (Fig. 3.2). In non-western civilizations, new information is updated regularly and incorporated into the traditional framework. As a result, information is no longer valid and must be replaced by fresh data. This ensures that native people, like scientists, regularly examine the validity of the knowledge they frequently communicate. TEK, according to Nadasdy (2003), is “more of a way of life” than mere knowledge. Native people, for example, can tell the age of a moose, the time, and the direction of the wind by looking at moose tracks. The moose’s behavior is paired with their knowledge, which is enough to locate the moose (Nadasdy 2003). TEK is founded on meticulous empirical observation, which is significantly more evident when examining their expertise. When biologists and native experts, such as Moose Jackson, one of the Native American specialists, are compared, the gap in information transfer is obvious. Biologists would take notes and publish the most important results; communicate their knowledge through conferences, meetings, and forums; and possibly educate some students, but not

3 Theoretical Framework and Approaches of Traditional Ecological …

29

every detail would be shared or elaborated on. While the local expert instructs their young hunters on the spot, the moose’s behavior is paired with their knowledge, which is enough to locate the moose (Nadasdy 2003). TEK is founded on meticulous empirical observation, which is significantly more evident when examining their expertise. When biologists and native experts, such as Moose Jackson, one of the Native American specialists, are compared, the gap in information transfer is obvious. Biologists would take notes and publish the most important results; communicate their knowledge through conferences, meetings, and forums; and possibly educate some students, but not every detail would be shared or elaborated on. While the native expert instructs their young hunters on the field, explaining previous experiences and passing on the knowledge gained. This is exactly how indigenous people live, not like the rest of the world. This is exactly how indigenous people live, as opposed to biologists who are paid for their bread and meat. In the 1980s, the phrase TEK became popular. Agriculture, pharmacy, ethnobotany, history, animal science, and ecology all benefit from learning TEK. Anthropologists were the first to investigate TEK. Ethnoecology, a subclass of ethnoscience, was the first to investigate ecological knowledge. TEK is defined as “the study of systems of knowledge produced by a given culture to classify the objects, activities, and occurrences in its world,” according to ethnoecology. TEK is made up of numerous knowledge bases gathered from indigenous peoples all over the world, from the Arctic to the Amazon. As a result, there is no widely agreed definition of TEK in the literature. It is possible to generate the following by combining key features of TEK’s working definition: “TEK is a cumulative body of knowledge and beliefs, handed down through generations by cultural transmission, about through

Past/current uses

Ethics and values

Management systems

Detailed observations

Fig. 3.2 Goals of TEK

Culture and identity

Cosmology

Goals of TEK

Planning and management process

30

W. K. N. C. Withanage and M. D. K. Lakmali Gunathilaka

generations, about the relationship of living beings with one another and with their environment. Further, TEK is an attribute of societies with historical continuity in resource use practices; by and large, these are non-industrial or less technologically advanced societies, many of them indigenous or tribal.”

3.2 Key Faces of Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) TEK is a problematic word used to describe one of the important sectors of natural resource management and environmental research. It is also known as indigenous knowledge. Nakashima et al. (2012) define it as “knowledge and know-how collected through centuries and regenerated by each new generation that directs human civilizations in their numerous interactions with their surrounding environment.” Indigenous knowledge, native science, and adaptive management are all phrases that have been linked to TEK. It is now a major worry on the world policy agenda, according to the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP). TEK also has several practical implications in the field of Natural Resource Management (NRM), such as deer cleaning techniques (Whyte 2013), burning practices (Reo 2001; Kimmerer and Lake 2001), water level observations, sea ice (Nakashima et al. 2012), and animal population movement (Eisner et al. 2009). The majority of NRM researchers and scientists say that TEK should be viewed as a collaborative notion that encourages varied groups to exchange and learn from one another to improve environmental stewardship. The term’s applicability dates back millennia when indigenous observations and interpretations of meteorological phenomena guided the seasonal and annual activities of local communities in many rural societies. Indigenous peoples acquired this knowledge base through experience, direct observations, and interactions with the environment. The Earth Summit, which highlighted the successful implementation of Agenda 21, with acknowledgment of the contribution of indigenous knowledge/TEK to the fight for a sustainable future, lay the groundwork for the TEK’s recent history, and numerous references can be found. The Earth Summit, which highlighted the successful implementation of Agenda 21, recognized the contribution of indigenous knowledge/TEK to the quest for a sustainable future, and numerous references can be found in principle 22 of the Rio Declaration, chapter 26 of Agenda 21, and articles 8 and 10 of the Convention on Biological Diversity. Some indigenous scientists, such as McGregor (2008), have said that TEK entails the interaction of knowledge, people, and all creations (natural and spiritual). As a result, rather than knowledge, TEK is a process of participating appropriately in such situations. The link with creation, according to the aboriginal people, is TEK. Those links, as well as those based on a blend of extraction, are critical parts of TEK. As a result, (Pierotti and Wildcat 2000) claim that TEK is primarily concerned with persuading humans to appreciate non-humans. Pierotti and Wildcat demonstrated that motivation is a critical component of TEK. Then, according to McGregor, Pierotti, and Wildcat, TEK is more than simply relationship knowledge; it is also involved in duties. These duties stem from a set of ideas about the world. These obligations

3 Theoretical Framework and Approaches of Traditional Ecological …

31

stem from certain views about the interactions of living (human and animal) and non-living things (nature). The TEK is not easily transportable to multiple settings unless the new context’s people also understand the responsibility systems. Since TEK was taken from its culture and fit into policy-relevant disciplines such as anthropology, ethnobiology, ecology, and climatology, the responsibilities of an indigenous people/group are integrated as tactics in their policy framework of environmental governess. Since centralized, bureaucratic resource management systems have been criticized for causing ecological collapses, more focus has shifted to the collaborative process, which many believe can improve the robustness of ecological management decisions and management practices that are more attuned to local specifics. When it comes to policy implications of the TEK, the Canadian state government has been working since the 1970s to improve the participation of Canadian first nations in land and natural resource choices, because of years of political activity and court rulings. While some researchers have attempted to develop TEK based on elements, others have discovered TEK aspects in a more limited way. However, Houde (2007) synthesized six interrelated and mutually informative faces as Fig. 3.3 to facilitate an understanding of essential TEK faces. It is simple to differentiate the areas and converge thinking and knowledge by building a pentagon by the cosmological meaning of the knowledge system (Fig. 3.3). The three faces of the bottom are non-native and would tend to understand to a greater extent. But according to Houde upper three faces allow better reflection of challenging involvements in decision-making in the environment and natural resource management.

5. Culture and identity

4. Ethics and Values

3. Past and current uses of environment

6. Cosmology 2. Management systems

1. Factual observations

Fig. 3.3 Key faces of traditional ecological knowledge. Adapted from Houde (2007)

32

W. K. N. C. Withanage and M. D. K. Lakmali Gunathilaka

3.2.1 Factual Observations This is the most well-known face of TEK, which can be derived through factual and detailed observations of TEK holders. This is also the first corpus of information that scholars have investigated through their folk taxonomy research. Johnson, Mailhot, and Kuhn are among the few researchers who have identified three distinct components of environmental recognition, naming, and classification. Two sets of different empirical facts and information can be found here, according to Wenzel (1999). Animal facts, behavior, habitats, and animal abundance are only a few instances of factual observations (Nakashima 1990; Mailhot 1993; Brant Castellano 2000; Huntington 2000). Understanding the interrelationships among species, the biophysical environment, population spatial distribution, and temporal patterns is another sort of knowledge (Freeman 1992; Ferguson and Messier 1997). The understanding of ecosystems is highly influenced by factual observations. Because they define ecosystem components, factual observations largely reflect our understanding of ecosystem processes. According to Usher (2000), this knowledge is formed through generalized observations and then reinforced through time by other TEK bearers. Natural resource management bureaucrats use information gained by factual observations because social life enriches and verifies personal knowledge and is tied to survival (Berkes 1988; Nadasdy 2003). Factual observation is appealing because it has the potential to improve scientific understanding of the environment while also providing extra information on environmental changes. Thus, as the first nations of Canada participated in the decision-making process related to development projects that had unintended and undesirable environmental consequences, Steveson (1996) and Usher (2000) discovered that factual observation is more fruitful in the Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) and risk assessment contexts. Since factual observations have traditionally centered on the economic value and utility of TEK indigenous peoples, arguments for TEK fundamental rights have been made (Mauro and Hardison 2000).

3.2.2 Management Systems Because TEK is primarily concerned with humanity’s survival and the environment, scholars have conducted extensive research on resource management systems and how they have evolved to the local environment. Pest management, multiple cropping, and resource conservation are examples of management techniques that assure the long-term viability of local resource consumption (Berkes 1988; Guan et al.1988; Johnson 1992). In this context, TEK is founded on the “Complex Web of Practices” idea, which is concerned with the understanding of animal interrelationships that can be altered via the use of appropriate and effective technology (Johnson 1992; Rajasekaran 1995; Wenzel 2004). For example, in North America, this face has been investigated as a novel form of environmental sustainability through harvesting

3 Theoretical Framework and Approaches of Traditional Ecological …

33

rotations in beaver trap-line systems, fire control, and wild egg collecting patterns (Lewis 1989; Berkes 1998; Hunn et al. 2003). The system dynamics that are required to cope with change have been identified and modified here. In Canada, model forests are genuine evidence based on a flexible and local management approach that gives aboriginal people more influence over information management and outcomes. The 2001 update to Quebec’s forest legislation allowed for the customization of forest management regulations to meet local needs, particularly for aboriginal people.

3.2.3 Past and Current Uses of the Environment This underlines the temporal dimension of TEK locating it, particularly in geographical/spatial context. Oral history is typically used to relay past and contemporary environmental use (Neis et al. 1999; Usher 2000; Peters 2003). Knowledge about temporal patterns of land use, settlements, land occupancy, harvest levels, as well as medicinal plant locations, and historical sites are all considered (Mailhot 1993; Lewis and Sheppard 2005; Duerden and Kuhn 1998). The information is passed down through the generations through narratives that create a sense of family and community. This face has been adopted in the Canadian setting, and it has been frequently revealed by aboriginal people in Canada. The oral history of Canada’s first nations, particularly historical places and occupancy patterns, has been given greater authority according to a Supreme Court decision in 1997. To restore lost geography and express a historical aboriginal connection to the area, toponyms in indigenous languages are used on maps. Because of this knowledge compromise, aboriginal people have gained greater legitimacy within the western scientific paradigm, as well as increased acceptance of the authoritative worth of indigenous knowledge systems (e.g., land-use maps).

3.2.4 Ethics and Values This face is associated with “value statements about how things should be,” according to Usher (2000). This face, according to WenZel (2004), is linked to the belief system as well as the arrangement of facts and behaviors. These environmental ethics, according to Berkes (1999), check exploitive abilities and express the values of correct attitudes that respect non-humans, the environment, and their relationships. However, because indigenous voices addressing their values have limited results due to incompatibility between the state government and indigenous people’s ethics, the issue is not adequately addressed in government policies on natural resource management. For example, in British Columbia, Canada, the Haida people oppose disrespectful animal hunting activities such as recreational bear hunting and catchand-release fishing (Burles et al. 2004).

34

W. K. N. C. Withanage and M. D. K. Lakmali Gunathilaka

3.2.5 Culture and Identity The language and images of the past, which color the culture’s life, play a major part here. As a result, destroying any aboriginal image causes their culture, identity, and people to vanish, and too much linguistic and visual alteration has the same effect. Stories, values, and social relationships all play a role in aboriginal cultures and identities’ survival, reproduction, and evolution. The benefits of the cultural landscape should be restored, according to Lewis and Sheppard (2005). There are substantial links between language and meaningful toponyms, local cuisine, landuse practices, identity, and cultural survival, according to aboriginal scholars and researchers (Duerden and Kuhn 1998; Callaway 2004). The geographical elements in this area serve as reference points for passing on tacit information. The land alteration may result in the break and destruction of historical ties with the past, resulting in a diminished sense of place, as the landscape features here serve as reference points for expressing tacit knowledge. Indigenous people’s identities are defined by their sense of location. The truth is that hydropower dam development in Canada has had a negative impact on indigenous societies, particularly their culinary culture. Furthermore, the Indian government estimates that 40% of all persons displaced by dams are indigenous people, who make up 6% of the Indian population. Similarly, practically all significant dams in the Philippines have been built in areas occupied by the country’s indigenous people (William 1999). In most cases, the effects of climate change and pollution on the terrain have lowered indigenous people’s confidence in their ability to survive (Berkes et al. 2005). Another example is the shortened lifespans of indigenous peoples in South America (mostly in Amazonia), who are severely threatened by the Hamburger Connection and the Tran-Amazonia transportation network (Dumont et al. 1998; Myers et al. 2005). Furthermore, the relationship between cultural identity and the environment, language, local eating habits, and indigenous societies’ land occupation is commonly expressed. Indigenous peoples have the power to negotiate co-management with decision-makers in larger society because of this link.

3.2.6 Cosmology This is the final face of culturally based conventional ecological knowledge. This, according to Kuhn and Duerden (1996), serves as the foundation for the faces of others and is inextricably linked to them. This usually refers to assumptions and opinions about the world’s functioning and manifestations (Neis et al. 1999; Nickels 1999). According to scholars such as Mailhot, Duerden, and Khun, this is the worldview that helps people see how things are connected. Also included are the principles that govern human-animal relationships as well as human function. Many anthropologists and cultural ecologists have focused on the face while trying to understand man-animal relationships and how such relationships shape social relationships and

3 Theoretical Framework and Approaches of Traditional Ecological …

35

obligations. Many anthropologists and cultural ecologists have focused on the face while trying to understand man-animal relationships and how those relationships shape social relationships and obligations surrounding management techniques, for example. According to Howard and Widdowson (1996), cosmology is like religion, and TEK has been impacted by Christian values in most cases. In cosmology, it is maintained that all animals are equal and that humans do not have a special kingdom or superpower. They believe that nature is at their disposal to be exploited as they see fit. In addition, most researchers have suggested that scientific knowledge is not that unlike TEK and that if this is true, it could result in a significant disparity between powerful and weak communities. As a result, Watson-Verran suggested that science and other knowledge systems are more concerned with knowledge construction processes.

3.3 Conceptual Framework of Traditional Ecological Knowledge 3.3.1 Science and Traditional Ecological Knowledge Since science is the main characteristic of human societies, there are both parallels and differences between TEK and western science. Humans generally engage in both art and science, and every society does so in tandem. While many biological scientists and natural resource management experts ignore TEK, other sciences, such as agriculture, place a higher value on it. However, data showed that TEK is made up of more than simply practice; it is also made up of scientific curiosity. The natives, who have no formal science education or knowledge of science, are concerned about the fundamentals of science. Thus, TEK is not just a knowledge system and practice; it is a holistic system of knowledge, practice, and beliefs. Vinyeta and Lynn (2013) differentiated the TEK and science as presented in Table 3.1. Table 3.1 The difference between TEK and science Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK)

Science

Oral tradition

Written tradition

Holistic approach

Reductionist approach

Learned from observations and experience

Taught and analytical learning

Based on the cumulative, collective experience

Based on laws and theories

Mainly qualitative (but with exceptions)

Mainly quantitative

Information generated by resource users

Information collected by experts or specialists

Long lifespan within one location

Short lifespan over large areas

Applied to daily living and practices

Hypothesis testing and model building

Source Vinyeta and Lynn (2013)

36

W. K. N. C. Withanage and M. D. K. Lakmali Gunathilaka

In the social context, several key dimensions can be identified in TEK according to Levi-Strauss (1962), Tanner (1979), Freeman and Carbyn (1988), Berkes (1989) which are as follows: . Emblematic meaning through oral history, place names, and spiritual relationships. . Conceptualizing the setting that is different from that of western science of which ecology is a part. . Relations between both public members and other beings, and communal resource management institutions. The TEK must be preserved for social reasons because it is a tangible component of the culture. According to Carl Hrenchuk, it can also improve humans’ cultural aspirations, and that knowledge will aid societal development. Then indigenous peoples can contribute to resource management, conservation, and development planning by using their traditional wisdom. According to Knudtson and Suzuki (1992), TEK is a supplement to science, not a replacement for it. El-Hani and Souza De Ferreira maintained that TEK and western science are distinct and that they should be distinguished for the sake of clarity on the nature of knowledge and science. According to Kimmerer (2002), knowledge systems have empirical data about natural occurrences and ecosystem components, as well as predictive power. Local ecological knowledge-related research has exploded in the last two decades because of growing acknowledgment, particularly among ecologists and biologists, who believe that TEK may supplement western scientific knowledge. While scientific knowledge is based on deductive reasoning, TEK is based on people’s firsthand contact with the environment. Due to international conventions and declarations, that research has been accelerated. The tangible and practical significance of TEK has been adapted by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN 1986) as follows: . New scientific knowledge can be generated through perceptive investigation of TEK. . Most of the TEK is highly relevant in the Natural Resource Management (NRM) context. . TEK is an essential tool for protected area management and conservation education. . TEK is a tool for development planning that can be adapted by policymaking agencies. . TEK is a tool for environmental impact assessment (EIA).

3.3.2 Perspectives of Traditional Ecological Knowledge Traditional ecological knowledge is mostly represented through the direct link between humans and nature. Though it became popular in the late 1980s, its origins may be traced back to hunting and gathering civilizations. In recent years, TEK has

3 Theoretical Framework and Approaches of Traditional Ecological …

37

placed a greater emphasis on the fields of environment and agriculture. Anthropologists researched TEK in-depth as part of ethnoecology. Creation, codes, practices, and a body of factual knowledge were identified as four interconnected components of TEK at the Canadian first nation’s assembly. The focus of TEK’s empirical study is on practices and facts. Figure 3.4 represents how factual knowledge is embedded in a web of indigenous knowledge. The spiritual qualities of the culture lie at the heart of this network, which is sometimes disregarded by western scientists and scholars. This spiritual side is usually associated with discrete facts such as dreams, norms, and legends, which are often overlooked in the context of western resource management. As a result, traditional ecological knowledge must be considered as a totality, according to this website. Because TEK is dynamic and developing, western science technologies like mapping and geographic information systems can be used to incorporate the TEK web while keeping the essential values intact. When operationalizing the TEK for problem-solving and empirical research, it may arise several issues as mentioned by Stevenson (2000) as follows: . Issues created in the TEK-based decision-making paradigm since that involving the non-indigenous decision-makers from the western science as biologists, natural resource managers, and public servants. . The methods/strategies that propose to solve those issues normally originated out of the indigenous mind.

Fig. 3.4 Conceptualization of TEK in an indigenous knowledge web. Source Berkes (1993a, b)

38

W. K. N. C. Withanage and M. D. K. Lakmali Gunathilaka

. Lack of capacity of the indigenous people to interpret the situations. . Translation of the oral TEK into a formal format in the dominant culture may cause to create an authority and exclude the indigenous people from the decision-making process. Thus, there is a need for a community-based adaptive mechanism for natural resource management that guided collaborative research on TEK to discourse on the need for a shared and expressed understanding of traditional standards and alternative natural resource management perspectives to achieve community stewardship and sustainable development goals.

3.4 Approaches to Traditional Ecological Knowledge According to Oscar Kawagley, there are five factors to consider grasping the concept of traditional ecological knowledge: (i) actuality or uniqueness, (ii) comprehension, (iii) action, (iv) appealing to the senses, and (v) shapes that can be relied upon. To comprehend indigenous knowledge, one must study metaphysics, epistemology, ethics, aesthetics, and logic. These characteristics aid in the differentiation of traditional ecological knowledge from European scientific knowledge. Traditional knowledge, for example, sees metaphysics as the result of unusual or unique happenings, which European viewpoints refer to as anecdotes. This is what is statistically acknowledged as “average” in scientific knowledge. Such unusual behaviors are frequently attributed to “spirits” in aboriginal cultures, but the English phrase falls short of capturing the full extent of the term (Marshall 2005). Indigenous people have never regarded “spiritual” factors as “supernatural,” implying that they are not apart from reality. Unusual events are part of the culture, and they alter the culture’s epistemology. Some of these impacts are widely understood, while others are less so, but all might be addressed. In European thought, Aristotle and his philosophy were historically followed. Aristotle’s core argument was right in the eyes of the indigenous people. Aristotle’s concept of community membership, on the other hand, was erroneous, as it excluded the non-human group. Public administration and ethics exist in the kingdom of ecological communities and ecosystems, according to indigenous perspectives. Long-term observation of natural phenomena led to the development of TEK. The data collected is largely concerned with interactions between biological entities and biological and physical entities, as well as landforms and climatological occurrences (Barsh 2000). Indigenous knowledge is divided into three categories: practical, empirical, and ideological. These people used to focus on the local environment since such rare knowledge (long-term, continuous, meticulous observations) is significant and thorough (Kidwell and Velie 2005). TEK is defined as “the aggregate of data and ideas collected by a human group on its environment over many generations as a result of the group’s use and occupation of a specific territory” (Mailhot 1994), implying that the special information obtained only has a local application (Brody 1982). Although no issue about the indigenous people’s intellectual and

3 Theoretical Framework and Approaches of Traditional Ecological …

39

philosophical traditions is off-limits, rough things are possibly impossible to know. Indigenous people’s knowledge is specific, and it is also superior to the western perspective in terms of understanding the local scene. Local knowledge is made up of the logical and theoretical themes of many indigenous communities. Shared information is derived from a shared understanding of ecological issues, and such links exist both inside and across societal and biological populations. TEK should receive careful consideration rather than ignore them. Use of the term “traditional” is more specific aboriginal knowledge that is limited only to a group of people. Sometimes it may concentrate on thoughts that are ghettoized earlier. Also, the English meaning of “traditional” indicates knowledge that is not open to casual progressions. This is what Tanner also emphasized. However, the choice of words in this work decided to use TEK and native science from the scientific perspective. Two forms of TEK are existing: (i) patterns work over many generations, e.g., trophic changes, and (ii) specific observations unified into these designs, e.g., one species prey upon or is preyed upon by another. In many talks, the ecological side of indigenous knowledge is largely disregarded. The actual knowledge basis is the oral tradition. The ecological aspects of population ecology, such as interspecies competition and life tables, are frequently discussed but not emphasized. Such empirical findings should not be overlooked. Generations of TEK are being updated. The information collected can be used to create a philosophical framework. In the TEK, attitude and philosophy are quite important. Some may say that the TEK is outdated, yet their knowledge is never harmed and is always carefully kept. However, whatever approach is taken, the ecological component of the TEK, which connects flexibility and changeable tradition to the everyday world, should not be overlooked. As TEK becomes more scientific in the most relevant sense, acknowledging the ecological component adds value. Although indigenous knowledge is scientific, it is not divorced from religious and aesthetic values (Cordero 1995), and it varies philosophically from western science. John Joseph Matthews states three elements of life after studying the Osage religion notions that relate to nature: self-preservation, reproduction, and forced labor (for example, coercion motivates a bird to sing) (Logsdon 1972). The ability to comprehend reality and how it adapts to varied beliefs is astounding, and it closely resembles Darwinian principles. Humans, for example, are thought to be quite like other living organisms in both corners of the world. The spiritual parts of TEK are meant to reduce the negative consequences of human activity. Many types of science are related to resource management. Their rites and ceremonies are well-designed to limit unwanted effects, much like research protocols developed to reduce negative effects on subject populations. Their actions demonstrate the relationship between science and knowledge. Another example is the comparison between human and animal behavior. Clan names are used by indigenous people to identify predator creatures that are like humans, such as bears, orcas, wolves, and eagles. Bear, orca, wolf, and eagle are popular tribal clan names used to indicate environmental relatedness. Their knowledge of behavior lays the groundwork for behavioral ecology. Furthermore, an understanding of species interactions helps to familiarize ecological and evolutionary links

40

W. K. N. C. Withanage and M. D. K. Lakmali Gunathilaka

(Barsh 2000). Numic people, Shoshones, and Comanches, for example, referred to wolves and coyotes as brothers, indicating an evolutionary link between two animals that are closely related under the genus Canis (Papanikolas 1995). Furthermore, wolves prey on adult deer, while coyotes prey on fawns, bunnies, and rodents, indicating that their ecological position in the trophic cascade is correct. The study of population ecology is complex. The TEK has a significant impact on population ecology. The coyote’s perspective is used to explain aspects of life history. The local proverb, “If it weren’t for coyote, there would be too many people now,” according to Smith (1993), highlights the potential of population growth putting a strain on limited resources. All the data gathered is linked to environmental and seasonal changes, allowing TEK to view the operating animal world as well as changing features of plant and animal populations and ecosystems in detail. Their in-depth knowledge of nature also leads them to conservation biology. Their actions have no negative consequences for communities or ecosystems; instead, they affect individuals. When it comes to hunting and collecting, people generally think twice before pursuing an animal. Their actions frequently have a low environmental impact. In this sense, the approaches of TEK can be simply stated as branches of science including Evolutionary ecology, Population ecology, Conservation biology, Behavioral ecology, Climatology, Community ecology, Geography, and aesthetics. TEK is produced by natural ecologists. However, wide-ranging, TEK varies from scientific ecological knowledge in various ways: TEK is mainly qualitative; TEK is holistic; TEK is moral; TEK is psychic more forwarded to spiritual; TEK is grounded on experimental observations; TEK is founded on data/information produced by resource users; TEK is based on diachronic data. However, there are a few exceptions that show TEK is scientific. Berkes (1977) showed that subarctic Cree fishermen conducted controlled field tests. As a result, TEK cannot simply be regarded qualitative and must be distinguished from European science. Furthermore, TEK differs from scientific ecology. TEK is an integrated knowledge system. The sociocultural dimension of TEK denotes the symbolic significance of language history, spiritual links, and place names, as well as a unique cosmology of perspective. Regardless of the many disagreements about TEK’s methodologies, it is vital to believe that TEK is the path to long-term sustainability. Their understanding is far closer to environmental determinism, and present people can learn from history to slow down the rate of environmental degradation. Native people’s conservation mindset is extremely obvious through their activities (Figs. 3.5 and 3.6) and is a fantastic strategy that modern Homo sapiens fail to achieve and present people can learn from history to slow down the rate of change.

3.5 Conclusion This paper primarily examined the historical context of traditional ecological knowledge, as well as the multifaceted characteristics of traditional ecological knowledge, with a concentration on the six aspects outlined. The conceptual framework is utilized

3 Theoretical Framework and Approaches of Traditional Ecological …

41

Fig. 3.5 Traditional deer grass management helps healthier plants. Source Anderson (2016)

Fig. 3.6 Harvest soaproot ensuring more soaproot in future. Source Anderson (2016)

to differentiate science from traditional ecological knowledge, which is considered a native science. TEK has a long history of ecological and socioeconomic ramifications, but its recent history can be traced back to significant environmental and development milestones like Agenda 21 and the Rio Declaration. All of this emphasizes the importance of TEK for the world’s long-term sustainability. Scholars on the subject have attempted to identify and separate the various aspects of TEK, as well as

42

W. K. N. C. Withanage and M. D. K. Lakmali Gunathilaka

the contrasts and parallels between TEK and western sciences. In addition, in most of their literature, most researchers emphasize the interconnectedness and mutual faces of the TEK. This discussion led to the identification of traditional ecological knowledge techniques. TEK differs from what is known in European science. However, the continuous information passed down from generation to generation is sound science that can be applied to current world events, particularly in the areas of resource management, development, environmental and hydro-ecological issues, and mitigation and adaptation to changes brought on by massive anthropogenic pressures. There is still a debate about whether TEK is a science or not, but deep investigations reveal the science behind native science, which shows that early humans were aware enough to conserve and protect the environment while surviving on natural resources. TEK is a fundamental subject that can aid in the comprehension of the environment, which is at the heart of human survival. TEK is a knowledge basis for western science that has recently been applied to resource management and ecological health in tandem with western science. To reap the full benefits of TEK, however, its use and application must be improved qualitatively and quantitatively in a more mixed approach.

References Alessa (Na’ia) L (2009) What is truth? Where western science and traditional knowledge converge. In: (Shaa Tl’aa) M (ed) The Alaska native reader: history, culture, politics, Williams. Duke University Press, Durham, NC, pp 246–251 Anderson (2016) What is traditional ecological knowledge? https://www.kcet.org/shows/tendingthe-wild/what-is-traditional-ecological-knowledge. Accessed 25 Feb 2022 Anderson EN (1996) Ecologies of the heart: emotion, belief, and the environment. Oxford University Press, New York, NY Barsh RL (2000) Taking indigenous science seriously. In: Bocking SA (ed) Biodiversity in Canada: ecology, ideas, and action. Broadview Press, Toronto, ON, pp 152–173 Berkes F (1977) Fishery resource use in a subarctic Indian community. Hum Ecol 5:289–307 Berkes F (1993a) Weaving traditional ecological knowledge into biological education: a call to action. Bioscience 52(5):432 Berkes F (1993b) Traditional ecological knowledge in perspective: traditional ecological knowledge concepts and cases. In: EDI Julian T (ed) Inglis international program on traditional ecological knowledge. International Development Research Centre, Canada Berkes F (1999) Sacred ecology: traditional ecological knowledge and resource management. Taylor and Francis, Philadelphia, PA Brody H (1982) Maps and dreams. Pantheon Books, New York, NY Cordero C (1995) A working and evolving definition of culture. Can J Nativ Educ 21(suppl):7–13 Huntington HP (1992) Wildlife management and subsistence hunting in Alaska. University of Washington Press, Seattle Hughes JD (1996) North American Indian ecology. Texas Western Press, El Paso, TX Houde N (2007) The six faces of traditional ecological knowledge: challenges and opportunities for Canadian co-management arrangements. Ecol Soc 12(2):34 Johannes RE (1989) Traditional ecological knowledge: a collection of essays. IUCN (World Conservation Union), Gland, Switzerland Krech S (1999a) The ecological Indian: myth and history. W. W. Norton, New York, NY Krech S (1999b) Playing with fire. New Scientist, 23 October: 5656

3 Theoretical Framework and Approaches of Traditional Ecological …

43

Kidwell CS, Velie A (2005) Native American studies. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, NE Logsdon G (1972) John Joseph Matthews-a conversation. Nimrod 16(2):70–75 Marshall J III (1995) On behalf of the wolf and the first peoples. Red Crane Books, Santa Fe, NM Marshall J III (2001) The Lakota way. Viking Compass Books, New York Marshall J III (2005) Walking with grandfather: teachings from Lakota wisdom keepers. Sounds True Press, Louisville CO Mailhot J (1994) Traditional ecological knowledge: the diversity of knowledge systems and their study, great whale environmental assessment 4. Great Whale Review, Montreal Nadasdy P (2003) Hunters and bureaucrat: power, knowledge, and aboriginal state relations in the Southwest Yukon. UBC Press, Vancouver Nakashima et al (2012) Weathering uncertainty: traditional knowledge for climate change assessment and adaptation. Paris, UNESCO, and Darwin, UNU, p 100 Papanikolas Z (1995) Trickster in the land of dreams. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, NE Pierotti R, Wildcat D (1997a) Evolution, creation, and native traditions. Winds Change 12(2):73–77 Pierotti R, Wildcat D (1997b) The science of ecology and native American traditions. Winds Change 12(4):94–98 Pierotti R, Wildcat D (1999a) The connectedness of predators and prey: native Americans and fisheries management. Fisheries 24(4):22–23 Pierotti R, Wildcat D (1999b) Traditional knowledge, culturally based worldviews and western science. In: Posey D (ed) Cultural and spiritual values of biodiversity. U.N. Environment Program Intermediate Technology Publications, London, pp 192–199 Pierotti R, Wildcat D (2000) Traditional ecological knowledge: the third alternative. Ecol Appl 10:1333–1340 Smith AM (1993) Shoshone tales. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, UT Turner N (2005) The earth’s blanket: traditional teachings for sustainable living. University of Washington Press, Seattle, WA Vinyeta K, Lynn K (2013) Exploring the role of traditional ecological knowledge in climate change initiatives. Generator Technical Report. PNW-GTR-879. U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station, Portland, OR, 37 Warren DM, Slikkerveer LJ, Brokensha D (eds) (1995) The cultural dimension of development: indigenous knowledge systems. Intermediate Technology Publications, London Whyte KP (2013) On the role of traditional ecological knowledge as a collaborative concept: a philosophical study. Ecol Process 2(7):2–12

Chapter 4

Geographies of Knowledge Synthesis and Interdisciplinarity Anand Prasad Mishra, Prakash Chandra Jha, and Soumyabrata Mondal

4.1 Introduction Systems thinking is a means of looking at the world, a worldview, and the practice of unifying information to comprehend its complexities (McPhearson 2013). Since early times, ecologists have been thinking about systems; however, geographers have come to understand the concept of nature based on production with humans (users) as the fundamental concept of systems. Over the past twenty years, the nature-society debates have reinforced the importance of geographical perspectives to the study of science and knowledge that could be contested locally as well as globally. “The political, ecological critique has been following the systems approach to understanding ecology as a social relation. The complexity and unpredictability of socio-ecological systems require that co-production of knowledge by researchers and other stakeholders be undertaken through transdisciplinary research to achieve science’s best vision, i.e., a synthesis of scientific knowledge and practical knowledge” (Bohan and Dumbrell 2019). Due to the continuously evolving relationships between nature and society, it becomes extremely important, as political–ecological analysis necessitates an integrated understanding of the inter-relations between political conflicts over environmental resources, cultural meanings associated with the environment, and ecological dynamics of environmental change (Nygren and Rikoon 2008). As against “Green” objectives pursued by colonial powers, a common vision is emerging through radical geography as well as through the anarchist route, though they vary with each other. Rejecting commodification of nature, Marx said “even society as a whole, a nation, or all existing societies put together, are not owners of the Earth” (as cited in UK Essays, January 2015). “They are merely its occupants, its users and like A. P. Mishra (B) · S. Mondal Department of Geography, Institute of Science, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi 221005, India e-mail: [email protected] P. C. Jha Independent Researcher, Varanasi, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_4

45

46

A. P. Mishra et al.

good caretakers, they must hand it down improved to subsequent generations” (Peet and Watts 2004). Human geography is identified in terms of the “study of people’s relations with their ‘environment’, not only in the sense of cartographic location or position within broader ecosystems of life, rather extending to social, cultural, economic and political environments, focuses on the two key notions of space and place, and seeks to understand the way in which we shape—and are shaped by—the spaces and places we inhabit, pass through, and circulate within” (Ince 2010).

4.2 The Land-Labour Linkage Considering the land-labour relations and their role in knowledge production, the unleashing of transformative processes is generally acknowledged both in urban and rural spaces. Due to the lack of common interconnections and uncertainty, the crisis of hegemonic knowledge production has recently been seen as a major problem area and a subject of discussion in political ecology. In this context, the concept of “non-equilibrium ecology” (Forsyth 2008) and the place-based approach can play a useful role in understanding the intricate and contingent interconnections of factors producing socio-environmental changes. Recent studies conducted in political ecology point to this emerging area of research. Gonda et al. (2021) have tried to envision post-colonial political ecology research and establish de-colonial research agenda, which includes several new factors contributing to critical reflexivity in political ecology research. “The present pandemic has opened up new opportunities for radically interrogating the socio-environmental processes that contribute to creating and maintaining our world order” (Leach et al. 2021).The evolutionary dynamics of space are self-explained in the argument that the social-ecological process is involved in building land-labour linkages. The ancient settlements over a geographical space are examples of the land-labour linkages. On the occasion of the 20th International Geographical Conference, London, the symposium on “The Rural Landscape and its Evolution” concluded that “the scientific study of settlements must be founded on an appreciation of the nature and limitation of historical perspective, archaeological or documentary” (Singh and Singh 1975), though it contains contradictory views, i.e., appreciation of nature versus limitations of historical and archaeological perspectives. While discussing this dilemma, Jordan (1966), in response to Stone’s (1966) formulation on the issue of settlement geography, states “I believe the study in the form of the cultural landscape, involving its orderly description and attempts explanation. It is to cultural geography what geomorphology is to physical geography. Geomorphologists study the form and evolution of the physical terrain, while settlement geographers do likewise with the cultural landscape. Just as the Geomorphologists seek to classify descriptive findings into various landform types and regions, so the settlement geographer does the same for the various aspects of the visible imprint of man on the land” (Jordan 1966).This reveals ground realities of our spatial dynamics where due to the land-labour activities, the varying nature of social formations evolved. The ignorance of historical facts is a major issue in most of the

4 Geographies of Knowledge Synthesis and Interdisciplinarity

47

studies related to social and cultural geography. It needs certain theoretical exercises to explain most of the geographical phenomena of space. Concerns were raised as to “derivative theory is undoubtedly more strongly developed in geography than indigenous theory. Most of the theories at present time in the field of geography belong to this type. The question, therefore, arises as to whether the indigenous theory can be developed in geography as opposed to derivative theory and, if so, what the relationships are between them” (Harvey 2007). Since land-labour relations constitute a predominant factor in shaping the status and behavioural face of space-society, this may be utilized by geographers with the help of documentation of pace-based knowledge (synthesis) for the locations of socio-ecological significance. In the context of changing land-labour relations, the peri-urban space provides an interesting ground for the exploration of problems in knowledge synthesis. The urban space is a place for both growth and innovation. Moreover, the rapid process of urbanization in an era of neoliberal intervention diverted the natural dynamics of knowledge synthesis and ultimately created displacement of local and traditional knowledge in most of the peri-urban areas. In the post-Covid-19 scenario, this phenomenon has re-surfaced these questions. On this account, a proper equilibrium between knowledge synthesis and growth is the need of present-day development politics. The paradox of a large urban area is that, while it attracts people for commerce, culture, and professional growth, it also creates the most difficult social problems. The capital-technology initiatives try to solve problems faced by society and space through technological advantage in most urban centres. And it involves new praxis that configured a sociotechnical-ecological system at the nexus of food-water-waste-energy with alterations of the natural land-knowledge process. “Indeed Hartshorne’s definition of geography as the study of inter-relationship within areas has a distinctively functional-ecological ring. At the present time, numerous geographers consider ecological notions to be a crucial foundation for geographic explanation” (Harvey 2007). The natural process of functional knowledge formation got raptured due to contemporary developmental strategies. This new process needs a thorough spatial analysis of knowledge synthesis by researchers and policymakers.

4.3 Rural Space as a Knowledge System Rural geography is characterized by both continuity and change. Villages in ancient society depict the multi-structural phenomenon of civilizational discourse with substantial knowledge for the future world. A typical Indian village is a repository of knowledge accumulated in rural space over time. As Gandhi observed for India, “what I say is not from history, but from what I have seen myself. I have travelled from one end of India to the other, and I have seen the miserable specimens of humanity with lusterless eyes. They are India. In these humble cottages, in the midst of these dung-heaps, are to be found the humble ‘Bhangis’ in whom you find the concentrated essence of wisdom” (Gandhi 1947). Here, through his intensive field observations in various geographical and human settings, Gandhi was able

48

A. P. Mishra et al.

to see through the production of value-added knowledge. German economist Ernst Friedrich Schumacher, the author of “Small is Beautiful”, “who championed local sustainable technologies that empower people, was inspired by Gandhi and the Indian economist J. C. Kumarappa” (Nagendra 2018). “Geographers have always regarded geographical knowledge as central to understanding the modern world” (Morgan 2008). Contrary to this, nature and its documentation of this kind of geographical knowledge have many questions on its processes and impact on people, livelihood, and habitat. In fact, “a person’s knowledge of an environment is not a straightforward reflection, but is actually a social construct. We think our ideas all the time in line with our prejudices and morals” (Eden 2003). According to Alastair, “geography is more than a handy tool for the present; geographical knowledge evolves and endures, allowing us to constantly re-assess the world and our place in it from nature perspectives” (Jenifer Hill Geography 2012). This perspective in geographical studies is quite significant as it may help in formulating various layers of human knowledge and habitat constructed by their inhabitants with tools, techniques, and indigenous practices. It provides some guidelines for its documentation. World-wide knowledge baskets are confronted with risks and challenges posed by corporates for more profits. The story of Mexico corn is a case in point; “what we consumed today as corn (maize) is not the product of nature alone; it is equally the product of thousands of years of labour of farmers indigenous to what is now Mexico, working with nature. About 9000 to 10,000 years ago they began choosing kernels of a wild plant to plant, eventually making it their staple food. As they preserved seeds from their own crops and exchanged seeds with neighbours, they developed a vast range of varieties with different properties. This unique genetic treasure of Mexico’s corn varieties is the source even today required to develop new varieties. The US producers are actually the indirect beneficiaries of Mexican farmers’ stewardship since their high-yield hybrids are derived from the varieties that originated in Mexico’s fields” (cited from MR Online 2021). The agrarian society constructed many knowledge baskets and utilized its potential for making knowledge that gets transmitted and enhanced from generation to generation. Since this knowledge is at greater risk, the Geographers need to explore and protect this repository in the future. Another case is exemplified by a typical Indian village system with its setting and cropping pattern which mostly follows agro-climatic zones characterized by agro-ecological behaviour. The expanding market forces create pressure and unsustainable cropping pattern surpassing the agro-climatic realities posing a threat to agro-ecology. This was witnessed especially in Punjab State in paddy procurement by the Food Corporation of India (FCI). As a result, paddy quickly turned into a feasible commercial crop for the farmers. Since paddy has such a huge demand, both within and beyond the state, farmers may usually sell it to private traders for a better price. A few paddy types, like “Basmati,” continue to be sold in the open market for much more than the MSP (Maximum Support Price) available in local markets (“Mandis”). Subsequently, wheat and rice arose as the two most prevalent crops in Punjab and the number of other crops propagated came down from 21 in the year 1960–61 to 9 only by 1990– 91. This has now become the trend even today. During the winter (“Rabi”) season, the proportion of area under crops other than wheat decreased from 62.74% in 1960–61 to

4 Geographies of Knowledge Synthesis and Interdisciplinarity

49

17.12% in 2004–05. The change was much superior for the rainy (“Kharif”) season, where the proportion of area under rice cultivation amplified ten-fold to 63.02% in 2004–05 from 6.05% in 1960–61 (Toor et al. cited in Lakhwinder Singh 2013). The increasing market pressure disrupted or acclimatized the knowledge process and impacted the existing crop rotation system. It may be noted that the geographical setup in Punjab does not support rice cultivation and people inhabiting the region also consume less rice following geographical behaviour and ccivilizational practice. One needs to understand how an unsustainable cropping pattern makes ecological wellbeing a distant goal. “One of the most significant and pressing contexts for such a systems-wide transformation is the contemporary phenomenon of urbanization. The processes of urbanization are implicated in worsening environmental degradation and poverty, while at the same time cities often drive growth and innovation” (Ernstson et al. 2010). In this context, Bugliarello et al. (1994) observe “the paradox of the large city is that, while its attraction for business, culture, and the profession is unsurpassed, the city is also unsurpassed in concentrating within itself the most difficult social problems of our time—poverty, disease, alienation, despair, neuroses, as well as social unrest and failures of complete technological systems” (Marshall and Dolley 2019). David Harvey went as far as to conclude that “cities—those ‘workshops of civilization’—are founded upon the exploitation of the many by the few. Urbanism founded upon exploitation is a legacy of history. A genuinely humanizing urbanism has yet to be brought into being” (Harvey 1973). More so, because the merger of peri-urban into urban becomes a complete break from the continuity that rural space offers. In the midst of the contemporary global urban change, a major feature of transformative innovation must contribute to the establishment of more humanizing urbanization. During this process of urban transition, the ground realities of the space and people with resource-base and accumulative knowledge should be major elements of concern of political ecology.

4.4 Geographical Space, Knowledge Transformation, and Evolving Conflict The evolution of knowledge is a process that took its shape in a locational context as it mostly reflects the imprint of human activities in a given space/time frame. The attachment of people to their land has intensified with the progress of human history and the exploration of resources by applying knowledge to the production of nature. These are the processes that discovered biotics, minerals, energy resources, etc., through the appropriation of knowledge from nature. The natural variation reflected through impacts also reveals its physical as well as human behaviour over time and space. Under these circumstances, most of the production of nature derived from the associated phenomenon of man-nature interaction which got modified with acquired knowledge becoming a reality during the progress of human history. The labour process, in particular, became a catalyst for socio-natural discourse, in which

50

A. P. Mishra et al.

“nature is mediated through society and society through nature, differential labours on different environments in different places become tied to capitalism in general (a local–global dialectics)” (Castree 2003). The discipline of geography in the era of technological revolution is confronted with its qualitative paradigm and the various emerging techniques rather seeking new alternatives can be developed along the routes for bridging the whole range of land-labour interactive process in a more systematic manner. Progress of human history dent many imprints on space that needs proper documentation and explanation in geographical discourse. “In the long run, the quality of geography in this century will be judged less by its sophisticated technique or its exhaustive detail, than by the strength of its logical reasoning”(Harvey 2007). The issue of documentation of facts over space and preparedness of bridge for developing qualitative input to the transformation of knowledge and its relation to the progress of human society in the specific region needs to be addressed in a fresh and creative way. In geographical studies, “space may be treated in a variety of ways and that the concept of space is itself multi-dimensional. Yet many formal languages are available to discuss different facets of this multi-dimensional concept. The lesson that should be learned is that there is no need to take a rigid view of the spatial concept itself either for philosophical purposes or for the purpose of empirical investigation. The concept itself may thus be regarded as flexible-to be defined in particular contexts, to be symbolized in particular ways, and to be formalized in a variety of spatial languages. Such flexible use requires care. But it also provides the challenging opportunity to develop geographic theory in a new and creative way” (Harvey 2007). As we know languages are the custodian of our universal knowledge across the globe which may help in the study of geographies of knowledge transformation over space. Language is itself a product of human labour as interactive processes of attachment of man to land in a given ecosystem. Approximately 7139 languages are articulated by the communities whose lives are impersonated by our rapidly changing world. Nearly 40% of languages are now endangered, often with less than 1,000 speakers remaining (https://www.ethnologue.com, dated 17.05.2021, time 13.16). Human progress and behavioural patterns in a geographical setting are the product of land, water, and physical environments. As knowledge is acquired through a dynamic interactive process, the inter-relationship of land-labour activities becomes more responsible for the progress made in human society. Importantly, a geographical perspective for knowledge systems can explain (through in-depth analysis of community language and their ecological behaviour) in a given geographical reality. “After all, language is the product of a social tradition and reacts to other modes of thinking.” The very genesis of our modern linguistic units in their historical settings is one of the most important proofs of these latent and dormant geographic factors, which led to the present pattern in a proper political environment. This process sometimes results in the division of larger units (Krishna-Godavari basin) and at other times in the fusion of contiguous units (Gujarat). An interesting example of the former type is the division of the Krishna-Godavari basin into Maharashtra and Andhra, both occupying either end of the valley. As Spate put it, “the boundary of Maratha’s speech shows a striking accordance with the edge of Lavas” (Suba Rao 2010). Here, we see the impact of geography on language, knowledge, and society.

4 Geographies of Knowledge Synthesis and Interdisciplinarity

51

The disappearance of language is a threat to the imprint of labour that is dented over space and time. It also initiates the process of progress in human history. In this context, the issue is not only the loss of accumulated knowledge as inherited but also connections with natural and social worlds being completely swapped. “The newer political ecology, however, draws from post-structuralism concern with knowledge, power, and discourse (as discussed by Peet and Watts 1996).” It is mostly confined to, individuals and groups who know and practice Indigenous Technical knowledge (ITK) in a specific geographical region which harkens back to earlier studies of ethnobotany. But the dynamics of knowledge synthesis is a complex phenomenon which occurred not in isolation but rather in multilevel functional activities. “Indigenous knowledge is, of course, a tricky idea because most knowledge is not simply local but complex hybrids drawing upon all manner of knowledge-farmers in India may simultaneously employ concepts from Hindu religion and modern Green Revolution technologies” (Watts 2003). Further Watts (2003) concludes this debate as “local actors know a great deal about local ecology and that this knowledge is typically culturally ‘institutionalized in a variety of persons, rituals, and customary practices’.” However, it has many questions that need proper attention while dealing with the process and transformation of knowledge. Development-induced displacement in this era of neoliberalism has generated unsurmountable impacts on developing societies. Therefore, “environmentalists often view the process of globalization as a combination of economic and political changes that reduces the possibilities of local regulation of environmentally destructive behaviours by corporations acting beyond the control of any single state government” (Karliner 1997). These spatial realities are the elements that cause evolving conflict across geographical regions. The conflict marks an appearance wherever corporation-induced development is initiated. Under the market pressure, social unrests simultaneously pose challenges to sustainability for requisite space in society. The emerging developmental conflicts over space need proper attention by policymakers and researchers that can address the present-day crisis. Researchers have attempted to investigate “the micro-politics of peasant battles” for access to productive resources, as well as “the symbolic conflicts that underpin those struggles” (Walker 2006). Moreover, this is quite visible in most of the agricultural practices varying with geographical realities, i.e., climate, soil, vegetation, and topography of the land; the evolutionary process of cropping pattern; and its knowledge influenced by local space and ecology. The infusion of capital and technology has impacted land, people, and their natural environments bringing disequilibrium in social and cultural practices. It has also initiated a social mobilization that subsequently turned into political reality and resultant community unrest, a by-product of displacement of people from their rooted knowledge-sense inherited from long cultural practices. Social scientists have treated these issues with the help of political-economic concepts for explanations and solutions. Still better explanations under the environmental justice framework have been offered considering multi-structural society and knowledge appropriation. Initially, “ecological anthropology raised the question of perception and cognition, and almost no attention was given to the social contractedness of environment and environmental issue by the panoply of actors (the farmer, the scientist, the regulator, the politician, and

52

A. P. Mishra et al.

so on).” The consequence of failing to take this discourse seriously, it attempts to categorize ecology under an unproblematic category (“natural laws”). It was here that post-structuralism was to have an impact in the 1990s (Watts 2003). In the same context community knowledge, political power, development, and its relation to global finance capital emerging as new a spatial reality need a more comprehensive theoretical understanding of the political ecology useful for understanding contemporary development.

4.5 Knowledge Transformations The language as a product of attachment of the people to their lands and people’s behavioural practices in sync with the environment, a cultural heritage, the agricultural practices that peasants performed in most of the micro-spatial realities of the “mother” earth has been in a flux of knowledge-based civilizations. The cropping pattern developed by communities to achieve food security, livelihood, and sustainability in the knowledge process has undergone changes from time to time. Most agrarian societies have developed their own mechanisms for interacting with various components, further value-adding and enriching their habitats. Kosambi (1962) argued that “the Aryans were the first inventors of the use of the plough with the iron tip in the field and this led to the upturning of soil for increasing the aeration. This led to the growth of a high level of food production.” Consequently, it resulted in agricultural growth, the evolution of nature-friendly cropping system, and nutrition-based food production.” The old practices followed in the ancient society have shown that knowledge transformation with its continuity shaped and reshaped dynamics of development that opened up routes for knowledge synthesis which is a key to understanding development with continuity. In fact, documenting knowledge transformation may be useful in providing the basis for political ecology. “The span of theoretical approaches is as wide as the range of subject matter: from high Marxian theoretical critiques of capitalism… to studies of the formation of social capital and sustainable livelihood strategies by indigenous rural social movements” (Peter and Walker 2006). Documentation of these practices is a difficult and challenging task considering their vastness and sacredness; however, it needs to be performed by present-day geographers, especially in the Indian sub-continent. “A farmer cannot work without applying his mind. He must be able to test the nature of his soil, mustwatch changes in weather, must know how to manipulate his plough skilfully, and be generally familiar with the movement of the star, the sun, and the moon. The farmer knows enough about astronomy, geography, and geology to serve his needs. Physically, it goes without saying, he is always sturdy. He is his own physician, when ill. Thus, we can see that he does have an educated mind (Gandhi 1913).” “There is thus a need for plural understanding of transformations because this could substantially improve understandings of transformations; is ethically required; could increase agency for contributing to sustainability transformations; could support research on transformative change” (Lam et al. 2020).

4 Geographies of Knowledge Synthesis and Interdisciplinarity

53

4.6 Spatial Dynamics of Traditional Knowledge Displacement Food and agriculture, human and animal health, clothing, shelter, architecture, art, culture, handicrafts, natural resource management, and many other aspects of rural people’s lives and livelihoods in India rely heavily on traditional knowledge, innovations, and practices (Sahai et al. 2005). “Traditional knowledge is an inextricable aspect of the ‘biocultural heritage’ of aboriginal peoples and local communities.” It is only “traditional” to the extent that its development and use are entrenched in a community’s cultural norms and practices; it does not have to be ancient or immobile. “Traditional” can, in fact, be viewed as dynamic and developing (Gervais 2008). Over 75% of the world’s biological resources are considered to be found in the Global South, in Indigenous Peoples’ and Local Communities’ (IPLC) traditional or ancestral environments (Chakrabarty and Kaur 2021). India is a biologically and culturally rich country that encompasses ten biogeographic zones, with a plethora of items derived from tribal peoples’ and local communities’ biocultural knowledge. These items have the potential to diminish poverty and boost local economies, as well as to protect biodiversity, traditional knowledge, and culture, and fortify community cohesiveness (Pant 2015). Globally the traditional knowledge has been displaced, and in India, several empirical pieces of evidence show the displacement of traditional knowledge concomitant with the advent of modern scientific interventions and resultant environmental degradation. Mono-cropping patterns have resulted in diminishing fertility by increasing the salinity of soils (Yang et al. 2020). As a result, the traditional knowledge of how to produce such species, as well as their distinctive means of conservation, has vanished. In Northeast India, traditional communities utilize and preserve the biological diversity and variability of the ecosystems through numerous informal institutions and adopting traditional ecological knowledge systems. These groups have a wide range of dietary habits, cultural and linguistic differences, as well as community knowledge and informal rural social structures, all of which determine the access and preservation of natural resources in these regions. As per a meeting report published in Current Science (2009) on “Community-based sustainable natural resources management and Development in Northeast India”, “Northeast India in general and Arunachal Pradesh in particular is well-known for the diverse species and varieties of flora and fauna” (Singh et al. 2009). The presence of diversified cultures and communities makes the region unique in India. People of Northeast India have long coexisted with nature, developing location-specific traditional ecological knowledge systems that are tuned to culture and ecology. The survival strategies of these communities are subsistence in nature, rather than abolishing biodiversity and other resources. However, at present time acculturation, commercialization, and modern technology-led developmental processes have deteriorated the dynamics of sustainable conservation of biodiversity and other natural resources. Community mobilization through indigenous institutions is critical to change people’s attitudes and involve them in conserving the

54

A. P. Mishra et al.

biodiversity of this region.” R Mili (GBPIHED, Itanagar 2008) analysed the importance and relevance of the traditional Adi community in preserving and protecting Arunachal Pradesh’s natural resources and stated that, rather than shifting cultivation, the bulk of the literature recorded from Southeast Asia that addresses the degradation of natural resources is due to modern constructions and developmental operations. “Jhum” cultivators played a significant role in managing over 30 native crops and the biodiversity of the region. As per Dollo et al. (2009), there is extensive Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) in wet paddy cultivation using a combination of rice, fish, and millet embedded within the hill communities of Arunachal Himalaya, particularly among the Apatani community, which is deemed as one of the region’s most efficient and productive agricultural systems. This knowledge built on centuries of informal experiments with the surrounding environment has been adapted to the local ecology and is efficient in sustainable resource extraction and conservation. According to Jeeva et al. (2006), native communities in Meghalaya perform two foremost types of agricultural practices, i.e. Jhum (shifting cultivation) and bun (raised bed cultivation). These conventional methods of cultivation are well suited to environmental conditions and the traditional knowledge of indigenous communities to grow cereals and other agricultural crops has assisted them to uphold ecological stability. Although, in current years, due to an upsurge in population, increased food consumption, inadequate land availability, and the farmers’ socio-economic condition, bun farming practices in Meghalaya have perceived several changes (Alston and Pardey 2014). Similarly, the Yanadi community in Andhra Pradesh’s Chittoor and Nellore districts possesses a plethora of traditional knowledge on primary healthcare, specialized remedies (such as snakebite cures), wild foods, sustainable harvesting, and natural resource management. The Yanadi’s traditional health knowledge is inextricably related to bioresources and medicinal plants for healing, which are resulting from consistent access to and monitoring of the natural resource. Because of the restrictions enforced by reserve forests and protected areas, as well as a deficiency of formal access to forest areas and rapid deforestation caused by overexploitation by the younger generation who are unaware of their use in healthcare, Yanadi traditional medicine is likely to disappear in the near future. Besides at present times, Yanadi people are looking for other livelihood opportunities in other places by getting jobs and forgetting their ancient rich traditions and customs. Accordingly, indigenous knowledge and customary activities that have been practised ever since the dawn of time are vanishing day by day (Vedavathy 2010). Hence, Traditional knowledge and management approaches are critical in the management of natural resources. Although empirical evidence reveals the truth that many traditional knowledge systems are in danger of extinction due to rapidly changing environments and reckless shifting economic, political, and cultural phenomena from a global standpoint. These indigenous knowledge systems must be preserved and revived in order to conserve biodiversity, improve food security, and protect the world’s natural resources (Syarief et al. 2017).

4 Geographies of Knowledge Synthesis and Interdisciplinarity

55

4.7 Conclusion Traditional knowledge, as a significant component of social ecology, plays a dominant role in shaping and reshaping the economic and cultural patterns, and systems ecology has multiple linkages with the post-structuralist ideological debates and it initiates the process to move towards the deconstruction of the grand narrative. This has been possible due to a better understanding of traditional knowledge’s transformative changes and its synthesis. In the context of this language as custodian of people’s knowledge needs a proper understanding and documentation. In a fast-moving globalized era, the traditional society and its people have rapidly progressed with the changing world and its associated impacts on the relationship between traditional knowledge and development are facing challenges. To address these additional challenges, appropriate documentation is essential to “identify behind the spoken words of the discourse of the silence, which, emerging in the verbal discourse, induces these blanks in it, blanks which are failures in its rigour, or the outer limits of its effort” (Althusser and Balibar 1970). Capital and technology-based economic approach ignore the various inherited traditional knowledge and invisible voices and community efforts that they acquired during their civilizational development. Simultaneously, the community is significant because it is usually perceived as “a locus of knowledge; a site of regulation and management; a source of identity (a repository of ‘tradition’); an institutional nexus of power, authority, governance, and accountability; an object of state control and a theatre of resistance and struggle (of social movement, and potentially of alternate vision of development). It is often invoked as a unity, as an undifferentiated entity with intrinsic power, which speaks with a single voice to the state, to transnational NGOs or World Court, Communities, of course, are nothing of the sort” (Watts 2003). In the post-pandemic world, many of the grand narrative formulations have failed to meet the challenges posed by counterproductive impacts, both on the people and their environments. The increasing pressure generated by the hegemony of capital and technology is displacing people from their habitats with losses of language and indigenous knowledge earned in generations through a community process. In this context, the Indian sub-continent as a geographical space has many unfolding layers of knowledge that can be used to study the alternative developmental policies of a given spatial reality. Antonio Gramsci makes provocative comments on the distinct unity of nature and society, particularly how the notion of hegemony relates to the fundamental issues within political ecology (Ekers et al. 2009). A Gramscian geographical dialectical approach to traditional knowledge can complement non-representational theory and post-politics by interceding between the utmost limits of objective and subjective intent (Doucette 2019). Traditional knowledge as a tool of narratives unravels the nexus between the people and their environments. Hence, it is high time to document the various transformative processes that have made an impact on the knowledge system of the communities with respect to their locations or histories of existence in the Global South. Political ecologies of social movements against big dams, the “Chipko” movement for the protection of Himalayan ecology, community-led water conservation

56

A. P. Mishra et al.

movements, agro-ecology, and soil conservation are some of the relevant examples that highlighted the relevance of traditional knowledge and concept of development with continuity. Weiner (1999) appropriately witnessed, “story of the survival of independent scientists-led citizen’s movements for nature protection in the Soviet Union from Stalin to Gorbachev, all confirm, for example, a ‘family resemblance’ political ecology. Like any family, there are complex interdependencies, interaction, conflicts, and negotiations among members and yet these dialectics of ideas reflect precisely the dialectics of nature and society itself” (Watts 2006). We can consider these endeavours in community knowledge and their political ecology as collective wisdom and efforts of citizens to protect their nature, life, and livelihood. Enlightened (organic) intellectuals and scientists will always lend support to this noble cause. A Geographer’s field study needs to be turned from colourful mapping to “multi-coloured” narratives of struggles for their survival in a given spatial reality. The rise of global civil society, its linkages, and its impacts on traditional knowledge and social/environmental justice movements are dialectically relevant to knowledge synthesis as a new element in the narratives of threats, survival, and struggles of the local communities. Moving beyond the Marxian dogma, it needs a creative addition in dialectical perspective-based ground realities. Gandhian vision for experimenting with truth and Gramsci’s advocacy for the role of organic intellectuals towards society as a citizen vanguard could be guiding principles for the emerging research agenda.

References Alston JM, Pardey PG (2014) Agriculture in the global economy. J Econ Perspect 28(1):121–146. https://doi.org/10.1257/jep.28.1.121 Althusser L, Balibar E (1970) Reading capital (trans: Brewster B ). New Left Books, London Bohan D, Dumbrell A (2019) Resilience in complex socioecological systems. Advances in ecological research, vol 60. Academic Press Bugliarello G (1994) Technology and the city. In: Fuchs RJ, Brennan E, Chamie J, Lo F, Uitto JI (eds) Mega-city growth and the future. United Nations University Press, Tokyo, New York, Paris, pp 131–146 Castree N (2003) The production of nature. In: Sheppard E, Barnes TJ (eds) A companion to economic geography. Blackwell Publisher, Pondicherry, p 280 Chakrabarty SP, Kaur R (2021) A primer to traditional knowledge protection in India: the road ahead. Liverpool Law Rev 42:401–427. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10991-021-09281-4 Dollo M, Samal PK, Sundriyal RC, Kumar K (2009) Environmentally sustainable traditional natural resource management and conservation in Ziro Valley, Arunachal Himalaya, India. J Am Sci 5(5):41–52 Doucette J (2019) Political will and human geography: non-representational, post-political and Gramscian geographies. Prog Hum Geogr 44(2):315–332 Eden S (2003) Environmental science, knowledge and policy. In: Viles H, Rogers A (eds) The student’s companion to geography. Oxford Blackwell, pp 88–91 Ekers M, Loftus A, Mann G (2009) Gramsci lives! Geoforum 40(3):287–291. https://doi.org/10. 1016/j.geoforum.2009.04.007 Ernstson H, Van der Leeuw S, Redman CL, Meffert DJ (2010) Urban transitions: on urban resilience and human-dominated ecosystems. Ambio 39:531–545. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13 280-010-008-9

4 Geographies of Knowledge Synthesis and Interdisciplinarity

57

Forsyth T (2008) Political ecology and the epistemology of social justice. Geoforum 39(2):756–764. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2006.12.005 Gandhi MK (1913) Writings. 12 March 1913–25, December, Vol 13, p 64 Gandhi MK (1947) Speech before Inter-Asian relation conference. Comprehensive website by Gandhian Institutions Bombay Sarvodya Mandal and Gandhi Research. https://www.mkgandhi. org/speeches/interasian.htm. Accessed 6 June 2020 Gervais DJ (2008) The TRIPS agreement: drafting history and analysis. Sweet & Maxwell, London Gonda N, Leder S, González-Hidalgo M et al (2021) Critical reflexivity in political ecology research: how can the Covid-19 pandemic transform us into better researchers? Front Human Dyn 3. https:// doi.org/10.3389/fhumd.2021.652968 Harvey D (1973) Social justice and the city. Edward Arnold, London Harvey D (2007) Explanation in geography. Rawat Publication, Jaipur Hill J (2012) Editorial: The nature of geographical knowledge, on behalf of the editorial collective. Geogr Sheffield 97(2–3). https://www.proquest.com/docview/1459729184. Accessed 26 Feb 2020 Ince A (2010) Whither anarchist geography? In: Jun N, Wahi S (eds) New perspectives on anarchism. Lexington Books, Lanham, MD, pp 209–226. https://www.academia.edu/6982655/Whither_A narchist_Geography. Accessed 6 June 2020 Jeeva SRDN, Laloo RC, Mishra BP (2006) Traditional agricultural practices in Meghalaya, North East India. Indian J Tradit Knowl 5(1):7–18 Jordan TG (1966) On the nature of settlement geography. Prof Geogr 18(1):26–28. https://doi.org/ 10.1111/j.0033-0124.1966.00026.x Karliner J (1997) The corporate planet: ecology and politics in the age of globalisation. Sierra Club Books, San Francisco Kosambi DD (1962) Myth and reality: studies in the formation of Indian culture. Popular Prakashan, Bombay Lam DPM, Hinz E, Lang DJ et al (2020) Indigenous and local knowledge in sustainability transformations research: a literature review. Ecol Soc 25(1):3. https://doi.org/10.5751/ES-11305250103 Leach M, MacGregor H, Scoones I, Wilkinson A (2021) Post-pandemic transformations: how and why COVID-19 requires us to rethink development. World Dev 138:105233. https://doi.org/10. 1016/j.worlddev.2020.105233 Marshall F, Dolley J (2019) Transformative innovation in peri-urban Asia. Res Policy 48(4):983– 992. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.respol.2018.10.007 McPhearson T (2013) Wicked problems, social-ecological systems, and the utility of systems thinking. NewYork. https://www.thenatureofcities.com/2013/01/20/wicked-problems-social-eco logical-systems-and-the-utility-of-systems-thinking/. Accessed 26 Feb 2021 Monthly Review Online (2021) The indian farmers are right: their land is at stake (Part 3), originally published by The Research Unit for Political Economy (R.U.P.E.). https://mronline.org/2021/02/ 12/the-indian-farmers-are-right-their-land-is-at-stake-part-3/. Accessed 26 Feb 2021 Morgan J (2008) Editor Geogr 93(1):2–3 Nagendra H (2018) The global south is rich in sustainability lessons that students deserve to hear. Nature 557(7706):485–488. https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-018-05210-0 Nygren A, Rikoon S (2008) Political ecology revisited: integration of politics and ecology does matter. Soc Nat Resour 21(9):767–782. https://doi.org/10.1080/08941920801961057 Pant R (2015) Protecting and promoting traditional knowledge in India: what role for geographical indications? IIED Working Paper. IIED, London. http://pubs.iied.org/16576IIED Peet R, Watts M (eds) (2004) Liberation ecologies: environment, development, social movements, 2nd edn. Routledge, London Sahai S, Kumar U, Ahmed W (2005) Indigenous knowledge: issues for developing countries. Gene Campaign, Delhi Singh RL, Singh KN (1975) Readings in rural settlement geography. National Geographical Society of India, Varanasi

58

A. P. Mishra et al.

Singh RK, Srivastava RC, Mukherjee TK (2009) Meeting report: community-based sustainable natural resources management and development in Northeast India. Curr Sci 96(1):19–21 Stone KH (1966) Further development of a focus for the geography of settlement the professional geographer. In: Singh RL et al (eds Reprint Vol 18–1) Readings in rural settlement geography. National Geographical Society of India, Varanasi, 1975, pp 15–17 Suba Rao B (2010) Geographical factors in Indian history. In: Desai AR (ed) Rural sociology in India, Popular Prakashan, Mumbai, pp 126–130 Syarief R, Sumardjo Kriswantriyono A, Wulandari Y P (2017) Food security through community empowerment in conflict prone area Timika Papua. Indones J Agri Sci 22(3):163–171. https:// doi.org/10.18343/JIPI.22.3.163 UK Essays (2015) Political ecology has come of age geography essay. https://www.ukessays.com/ essays/geography/political-ecology-has-come-of-age-geography-essay.php?vref=1. Accessed 30 Aug 2021 Vedavathy S (2010) Displaced and marginalised: protecting the traditional knowledge, customary laws and forest rights of the Yanadi Tribals of Andhra Pradesh. IIED Publications Library. https:// pubs.iied.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/migrate/G02788.pdf Walker PA (2006) Political ecology: where is the policy? Progr Hum Geogr 30(3):382–395. https:// doi.org/10.1191/0309132506ph613pr Watts M (2003) Political ecology. In: Sheppard E, Barnes TJ (eds) A Companion to economic geography. Blackwell Publisher, Puddychery, pp 257–274. https://doi.org/10.1002/978047069 3445.ch16 Weiner DR (1999) A little corner of freedom: Russian nature protection from Stalin to Gorbachev. University of California Press, Berkeley, Calif. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft1m3nb0zw/ Yang T, Siddique KHM, Liu K (2020) Cropping systems in agriculture and their impact on soil health—a review. Glob Ecol Conserv 23. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.gecco.2020.e01118

Part II

Practices

Chapter 5

Traditional Knowledge, Beliefs, and Practices Associated with Ethnic People of Manipur, North East India in Conservation of Biodiversity Huidrom Birkumar Singh, Ngairangbam Yaipharembi, Elizabeth Huidrom, and Chingsubam Anniebesant Devi

5.1 Introduction Peaceful and sustainable living with nature has been the key principle of ethnic communities around the world. There are approximately 300 million indigenous people living in the world belonging to 5,000 diverse ethnic groups. The ethnic groups of the world are composed of 4% of the world’s population and 95% of the world’s cultural diversity. India alone records 84 million indigenous populations belonging to 461 distinct ethnic groups (Claudia 2008). Diverse ethnic communities of the world depend on the biological resources available around them and actively participate in maintaining the resources by imposing cultural and religious beliefs which have been practiced before human civilization and continued till today. Such cultural acts provide a way of sustainable utilization of resources despite giving knowledge on the value of biological resources and their conservation. Traditional or indigenous knowledge refers to any knowledge, novelty, or practice of the indigenous local people and communities in general (Jasmine et al. 2016). They have significant value in ensuring the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity. Such knowledge is seldom documented to its full extent because it is mainly passed on from generation to generation in the form of stories, songs, customary rituals, traditional laws, agricultural practices, etc. They ultimately form a part of the cultural and spiritual identity of the community. Traditional knowledge systems practiced by ethnic communities for cultural, religious, spiritual, social, and economic values of biological resources are of great importance for humankind and future generation. The biological resources are not H. B. Singh (B) · N. Yaipharembi · E. Huidrom · C. A. Devi CSIR-North East Institute of Science & Technology, Branch Laboratory, Lamphelpat, Imphal, Manipur 795004, India e-mail: [email protected] Academy of Scientific and Innovative Research (AcSIR), Uttar Pradesh, Ghaziabad 201002, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_5

61

62

H. B. Singh et al.

only essential life sustenance resources, but also play an important role in fulfilling the cultural, religious, and social needs of the tribal people (Ravishankar 1995). Our living planet, the earth is continuously evolving altering its biological diversity, global biogeochemical cycles, and land patterns (Chapin et al. 2000). Biodiversity covers the variability of living organisms and their intricate inter-relationships for their survival. Humans greatly influence the existence, survival, and elimination of many species that exist on earth. As the world becomes globalized and the older generation is being replaced by the younger generation, the invaluable knowledge possessed by our ancestors is degrading slowly which is our great loss. Nevertheless, the traditional practices of utilizing and conserving natural resources are not yet completely lost and are still followed among different ethnic groups living around the world. The indigenous people of Manipur have been utilizing many plants and animals not only for sustenance (food, health, shelter, and clothing), but also for learning and understanding their applications in predicting the weather, forecasting natural calamities, in religious rituals, safeguarding ecosystem, and so on. Traditionally, plants and the study of their habit and morphology have contributed to the establishment of local beliefs and forecasting systems in bio-folklore. Plants such as Agave americana L., Hibiscus cannabinus L., Quercus serrata Thunb., etc. are important species utilized in our traditional knowledge system for forecasting purposes (Singh 2011). The ancient relation of the people and their traditional knowledge with such bioresources around them are indicative of the fact that bio-folklore is strongly prevalent in the communities. Bio-folklore and traditional knowledge can bring meaningful conservation of biological resources to some extent locally. Due to various natural and man-made activities, the world is getting warmer day by day. This phenomenon is called global warming. The erosion of traditional knowledge and practices and loss of biological elements from this earth give impetus to impact human survival and accelerate global climate change. Hence, conservation of protection and protection of biodiversity is an unavoidable duty and responsibility for our survival.

5.2 Demography and Physical Characteristics of the State of Manipur Manipur is a small state in the extreme Northeast region of India spread over an area of 22, 327 km2 with a population of approximately 28.56 lakhs and a population density of 128 per km2 (Census 2011). It lies between 93°20' E to 94°47' E and 23°5' N to 25°41' N (Fig. 5.1). Manipur has 16 administrative districts out of which five lie in the central valley and the remaining in the hill areas which surround the centrally located valley. Manipur can be characterized into two distinct physical regions—an outlying area of rugged hills and narrow valets and the inner valley area of flat plain topography with all associated landforms. The two areas have a big difference not only in physical features, but also in terms of their various flora and fauna. The hill areas occupy 90%

5 Traditional Knowledge, Beliefs, and Practices Associated with Ethnic People …

63

Fig. 5.1 Location map of Manipur in North East India

of the total geographical area in the state. The valley stretches about 60 km from North to South and 32 km from East to West (Department of Town Planning, Govt. of Manipur 2021). The people of Manipur are grouped into four main ethnic communities, the Meitei and Meitei-Pangal (Meitei Muslim community) inhabiting the valley, and the Naga and Kuki mostly inhabiting the hilly areas (Jain and Singh 2012). Altogether, there are 33 recognized tribes in Manipur under these three main ethnic communities. All the communities have their own distinct dialect, cultures, costumes, and traditions, and accordingly, different traditional knowledge based on these diverse traditions. Most of the state’s population is rural and still follows their traditional beliefs, including botanical folklore, and still abides by the traditional ways of conserving biodiversity that was passed down from their ancestors (Singh and Singh 1996). The state of Manipur in North East India is endowed with rich biodiversity that has a high global significance. It falls within the Indo-Burma biodiversity hotspot region, which means it is one of the most biologically rich places on the earth. The state is nature’s paradise for its wild flora and fauna, harbouring over 3000 species of higher plants within an area of 22,327 km2 and hence being an important source for germplasm (BSI 2000). Takhtajan (1969) considers the North Eastern region of India, including Manipur as the centre of origin of angiosperms due to the maximum number of primitive flowering plants. The state is, therefore, a unique habitat region of its features such as rich biological diversity, the landscape of high mountains and low wetland habitats, and agro climate (Singh 2013). The indigenous peoples of Manipur

64

H. B. Singh et al.

state are closely associated in various ways with their surrounding landscapes and resources, mainly plants and animals, for their day-to-day requirements (Singh 2011).

5.3 Wildlife Conservation in Manipur Before independence, the rulers of the princely state of Manipur were less concerned about the conservation or protection of wildlife and forests. The Kings, British officers, and army personnel focused more on activities such as game hunting big and ferocious animals like tigers, lions, elephants, etc. for trophies. Forests were divided into reserve and private categories, and free hunting was allowed mostly in the latter. Random hunting of predators like tigers, and lions and giving encouragement in such by handing out rewards to the people were the main reasons due to which the population of predators was reduced. A similar fate occurred with other species of birds, fishes, and game animals (Shamungou 2000). The implementation of the State’s Forest Act and Game Rules of Manipur in 1916 brought a curve in the local conservation of forests and wildlife. Clauses relating to fishing in various rivers in the hills and plains of Manipur, hunting of animals particularly deer, and shooting of bird species were included. Restrictions were placed on the trade in wildlife materials and penalties were imposed for any breach of these rules (Shamungou 2000). In post-independence, the Government of India created the Indian Board for Wildlife (IBWL) in 1952 which was the main advisory body to the government on the matter of wildlife conservation. In the line of the Central Board, the state of Manipur also set up its own Board in 1954, which took decisions to declare the Sangai (Brow-Antlered deer, scientifically called Rucervus eldii eldii), which is also the state animal of Manipur, as a protected animal, and an area of 50 km2 at the South of Loktak Lake including Keibul Lamjao as a protected sanctuary. This endangered species is endemic to Manipur. In 1977, the Keibul Lamjao National Park came into being under the Wildlife (Protection) Act of 1972 (Shamungou 2000). Such decisions made by the government raised the issue that conservation of wildlife is a deeply necessary action and must be undertaken by locals and authorities alike.

5.4 Sacred Groves for Conservation of Biodiversity The tradition of conserving nature has been evidenced around the world specifically in the biodiversity-rich regions where local people protect and worship natural sacred sites as an ancient practice. These practices are sustained, even today, and play a vital role in conserving biodiversity. In such a tradition, the local people are all involved in conserving and protecting nature through certain cultural and religious beliefs. One such practice involves the safeguarding of certain areas of forest considered sacred sites. Sacred groves that exist around the world are preserved in different forms over many generations (Bhagwat and Rutte 2006). They may also include burial grounds

5 Traditional Knowledge, Beliefs, and Practices Associated with Ethnic People …

65

and are generally preserved as sacred sites for worshipping ancestral or Sylvan deities (Mgumia and Oba 2003). The local communities impose certain religious, social, and cultural rules which often forbid certain activities like the felling of trees and killing of animals but permit the harvest of medicinal plants for treating ailments, and fruits for consumption by the local people (Hughes and Chandran 1998). Sacred groves are the reservoirs of the natural gene pool of rare to common species of flora and fauna and an example of habitat preservation through community participation (Gadgil and Vartak 1975). The Meitei community residing in the valley region of Manipur also maintains the very beautiful tradition of safeguarding forests as sacred groves through cultural and religious beliefs associated with the community. Worshipping forest deities or Sylvan deities is an essential custom of this community that has been practiced since the olden days. The Sylvan deities or forest deities are locally known as Umang Lai in Manipuri. The Umang Lai conveys the true essence of the calm and quiet environment of beautiful forests. The local inhabitants maintain a patch of undisturbed forest locally called as Lai-Umang around the region, observing and worshipping a deity residing in the forest who according to their beliefs is the protector or guardian of the locality (Fig. 5.2). Such sacred groves are maintained undisturbed as much as possible and hence harbour the true essence of naturally rich biodiversity protected by the indigenous local people. Mostly, they represent relic types of vegetation and conserve many rare and threatened plants. These were protected due to the fear of the ruling deity (BSI 2000). The protections are based on the ground of cultural associations and religious beliefs and taboos practiced and followed by the indigenous local people since ancestral times. Any sort of disturbances, for instance, cutting down of trees or killing of animals residing in the sacred groves are prohibited and considered to be a bad offense to the deity bound to the grove. Fig. 5.2 Traditional sacred forests of Manipur

66

H. B. Singh et al.

Sacred groves thus act as essential repositories of diverse flora and fauna including the rare, endemic, and primitive species confined in the region. They are also the home of important ethnomedicinal plants which are utilized by traditional healers for treating various ailments and saving lives. One important significance of sacred groves is the availability of diverse tree species. These tree species play an important role in releasing oxygen, keeping the environment cool, sheltering, and feeding hundreds of birds and animal species living around the forest. The dominant species grown in these sacred groves belong to the Ficus genus, such as Ficus bengalensis, Ficus religiosa, Ficus glomerata, etc. The minimal presence of anthropogenic pressure in such sacred forest areas leads to flourishing natural ecosystems, which are seen in various modes, such as the establishment of several honeycombs on the branches of the trees (Fig. 5.3). The absence of disruptions due to human activities has tremendously supported the populations of bees, wasps, and other such species which are indicative of a naturally balanced ecosystem. The beautiful co-existence of flora and fauna in the sacred groves builds an ecosystem that maintains and conserves biodiversity at the local level. Sacred groves are maintained in most major localities of Manipur which are guarded by the respective local inhabitants. There is usually a temple built inside the sacred site and religious rituals-related materials, for example, lighted candles, vegetables, fruits, flower offerings, and flags are kept in front of the temple or around the site, in accordance with the local tradition and practices. Such decorum of the site enthusiasts the local people, and subsequently develops the vibes of religious association. The ritualistic festival locally known as Lai Haraoba is celebrated in honour of the Sylvan deities worshipped by the local inhabitants. The festival is observed every year for at least one day to a few days and is one of the most important religious festivals of the Meitei Community. The festival marks peace, prosperity, and communal harmony with the worship of traditional deities and ancestors of the Meitei society. The main theme of the traditional practice of maintaining and Fig. 5.3 Honeycombs undisturbed on trees of sacred forests

5 Traditional Knowledge, Beliefs, and Practices Associated with Ethnic People …

67

safeguarding sacred groves is the conservation and protection of biological diversity. This indicates that restrictions imposed based on cultural and religious beliefs still play a small role in sustainable living and biodiversity conservation at the local level.

5.5 Taboos Associated with Conservation of Bio-Resources In specific regions around the world, where the folklore and traditional knowledge related to biodiversity is rich, there also exist rituals and taboos involving certain plants and animals in accordance with religious beliefs. Many plants and animals are considered holy among the ethnic communities which accordingly imbibes cultural and spiritual values. Taboos regulate human behaviour through traditional and social rules which are normally unwritten and orally transmitted in society from older to younger generations (Colding and Folke 1997; Banjo et al. 2006). In most cultures, the social taboos and informal religious practices determine the behaviour of a person (Colding and Folke 2001). Such taboos and restrictions are thus, an integral part of society, especially in rural areas. In Manipur, most of the ethnic communities (especially the Meitei) have a tradition of growing ritualistic plants around their houses or preserving them in sacred groves. Rare forest species are thus protected based on indigenous cultural and religious beliefs and taboos (Pandey 2003). The people in the community are advised and taught right from childhood that deities or evil spirits reside on these plants/trees and they should not be cut. Urination and disposal of garbage and dirty items are not permitted near such plants, as it is believed it will anger the deity and bring a bad woman to the family or to the person. Plucking of flowers, fruits, and cutting of plant parts are strictly prohibited, especially on certain days of the week and during the night time as it is a belief that plants also sleep during night time. The cutting of trees and bamboo in a household or a community is generally done by the elders; youths are restricted from this activity. This practice ensures that the decision of cutting down trees is taken rationally and only when needed. It may be hypothesized that in the past, these sacred plants might have been incorporated with some social taboos by the ancestors to conserve them from destruction or overexploitation. Some of the important plants associated with beliefs and taboos of the Meitei community are: Aegle marmelos L. Correa (Manipuri Name—Heikhagok; Common Name—Bael; Family—Rutaceae): There is an old tradition of planting Aegle marmelos plants near temple boundaries since it is believed to be sacred. The leaves of the plant are offered to the Hindu deity, Shiva, during worship. Hence, this plant is generally grown nearby temples. Alangium chinense (Lour.) Harms (Manipuri name—Kokkal; Family— Cornaceae):

68

H. B. Singh et al.

During a lunar eclipse, people, especially pregnant women, are strictly advised to stay inside the house. If an emergency arises and she must go outside, the leaves of this plant are put on top of the head while doing so, as per beliefs that it will ward off negative harmful energy. Due to its importance in such beliefs, the plant is cultivated in homestead gardens in almost every household in the Meitei community. Bambusa spp. (Manipuri name—Waa; Common Name—Bamboo; Family— Poaceae): In the olden days, bamboo plants were usually grown in groves around the house compound. It is a method of community conservation of such species. The felling of bamboo plants is limited only a few days a week. It is considered inauspicious to cut bamboo plants on Tuesdays, Thursdays, Saturdays, and Sundays. Cutting down bamboo plants by the youth is also restricted. Butea monosperma (Lam) Kuntze (Manipuri Name—Pangong; Common Name— Flame of the forest; Family—Fabaceae): In the Meitei culture, in case a person does not come back home for a long time and no whereabouts of the person are known, then he/she is assumed to be dead. The wood of this tree is used as a substitute for the body of the missing person and the cremation ceremony of the person is performed. It bears significance as a sacred plant and is not used for other purposes. It is planted religiously. Brassica campestris L. (Manipuri Name—Hanggam; Common Name—Mustard; Family—Brassicaceae): The Meitei community follows the ritual of cremating the dead. The remnants of the cremated body, especially a piece of bone, are usually covered by soil on the ground and mustard seeds are sown in the soil. If the seeds grow into the plants after some time, it is believed that the person had done good deeds in his lifetime and he will reborn as a person again. If the seeds fail to grow as plants, it is believed that the person had not contributed to the society in his life and he will not be reborn as a human being. Once the plants are grown, they serve as a source of food for grazing animals and birds. Ficus hispida L. (Manipuri name—Ashi-heibong; Common name—Opposite leaf Fig; Family—Moraceae): It is a traditional practice not to eat the whole fruits of the Ficus hispida plant. Half of the fruit is eaten while the other half is thrown away, in the belief that if the whole fruit is eaten, it might lead to health issues. The underlying knowledge is that this practice might be an effective means of dispersal of the seeds, thus contributing to the species population for the next season. Ficus religiosa L. (Manipuri name—Sana Khongnang; Common Name—Peepal; Family—Moraceae): A few Peepal trees are usually planted in each village. They are planted in community lands in wide-open spaces and near river banks. The trees have religious and

5 Traditional Knowledge, Beliefs, and Practices Associated with Ethnic People …

69

spiritual significance as they are also worshipped as deities. Rituals and offerings are performed at the foot of the tree as the trees are considered sacred. The bad luck and misfortune of the local people are believed to be borne by the tree if planted on the community land but strictly prohibited from planting on private land. Lopping of branches of some species of Banyan, Peepal, and trees is considered taboo and bad luck is believed to befall those who do so. In case such trees must be cut down, religious rites are performed beforehand, as a mark of showing respect to the tree. Due to the religious importance, it has in society, the tree is usually saved from destruction even in the wake of urbanization. Neptunia oleracea Lour. (Manipuri Name—Ekaithabi; Common Name—Sensitive Neptunia; Family—Mimosaceae): It is a very important aquatic vegetable of Manipur. Traditionally, the plant is propagated vegetatively. At the end of the season, the vegetative stem is buried inside peats as a mother plant for the next generation as the plant cannot survive cold weather. Oryza sativa L. (Manipuri Name—Manipuri Chak-hao; Common Name—Aromatic Black Rice; Family—Poaceae): This is an indigenous rice variety of Manipur which is known for its unique flavour, aroma, and black colour (very rich with antioxidants and anthocyanin pigments). This rice variety is utilized in cooking traditional dishes which is a must in religious feasts and also offered to deities during worship. There is a custom in Manipur that if a family starts the cultivation of this paddy, it should not be stopped and should be continued. The cultivation should be carried forward since it is believed that discontinuing it will bring misfortune to the family. This might be considered a means of conserving and continuing the cultivation of this indigenous paddy. Phlogacanthus thyrsiformis Nees. (Manipuri name—Nongmangkha; Family— Acanthaceae): In the Meitei community, people do not harvest leaves and inflorescence from this plant on Sundays as it is believed to bring ill luck and misfortune. The leaves and inflorescence are used for consumption as local vegetables and for medicinal purposes. Piper betle L. (Manipuri name—Pana mana/Kwa mana; Common Name—Betel; Family—Piperaceae): Bad luck is said to befall those who pluck leaves of these plants on a Sunday. It is believed that snakes are found near these plants on Sundays, therefore, this belief might have been a way to reduce the indiscriminate plucking of leaves from the plants. Spondias mangifera Willd. (Manipuri name—Heining; Common name—Hog Plum; Family—Anacardiaceae):

70

H. B. Singh et al.

The local people believe that the plant possesses evil spirits, hence cutting down the tree is restricted. The plant is protected from unnecessary exploitation and the tree is well taken care of due to the edibility of the fruit and fear of spirits. Terminalia spp. (Manipuri name—Maiyokpha; Family—Combretaceae): In the traditional healing system, the bark of the plant is used for the treatment of high blood pressure and heart diseases. However, the bark cannot be just collected from the plant when it is needed. It is an old ritual to formally take ‘permission’ from the plant a day before by inviting the plant in the form of Pana-tangga (a combination of betel nuts and leaves and banana leaf arranged in a layer in a rounded shape). If the bark is taken from the plant without this ritual and used as medicine, it is believed that the illness will worsen instead of getting cured. Toona ciliata M. Roem (Manipuri Name—Tairen; Common Name—Red cedar; Family—Meliaceae): Plants with great value are often found conserved by planting them in their homestead lands and utilizing the plants for cultural and social purposes whenever in need. For example, Toona ciliata is a tree species that have a close religious association with the Meitei community of Manipur which is used in sacred religious rituals and to ward off evil spirits in folklore. Two to three leaves are dipped in water in an earthen pot and the water is sprinkled on the worshipper. One must not enter a temple while performing a religious ritual without getting touched by the water-dipped with Toona ciliata. The tree is regarded as a sacred plant that is grown and conserved in almost every household and is supposed to be planted on the east side of the main house. Any garbage disposal or defecation acts near the tree are not supposed to be done. The plant is also well utilized for its medicinal value and for making furniture while also conserving it for religious purposes. Due to such beliefs and taboos, many of the medicinally important plants are preserved and are seen grown in the vicinity of houses escaping the force of urbanization. Documentation of such plants is needed for posterity, conservation, and sustainability. Duttaphrynus melanostictus Schneider (Manipuri name—Hangoi borobi; Common name—Asian Black-Spined Toad; Family—Bufonidae): In Meitei culture, killing frogs is a religious taboo since it is believed that in doing so, the person will go to hell and will not be reborn as a human. The croaking sound of this frog insinuates the onset of rain. Bubulcus ibis Linnaeus. (Manipuri name—Urok; Common name—Cattle egret; Family—Ardeidae): It is considered inauspicious to kill the local bird ‘Urok’ during the Manipuri month of Hiyanggei (which falls in November) as it is assumed that the bird is a fasting fish during that period. The bird population is declining steadily in Manipur and such beliefs help in the conservation of such species, even if it is minimal. Catching fish is restricted and considered inauspicious during their breeding season. The logic behind this is that if fishing is done during the breeding season, there is a huge loss in

5 Traditional Knowledge, Beliefs, and Practices Associated with Ethnic People …

71

the fish population. Husbands of pregnant women are usually not allowed to kill fish or life while their wives are pregnant due to the belief that it can lead to misfortune and bad luck for the child. The traditional beliefs and taboos associated with such plants and animals contribute to some extent to the conservation of biodiversity from ever-increasing urbanization. The respect and fear associated with these plants and animals make them less vulnerable to threat and exploitation. The local people try to conserve these species with their traditional beliefs.

5.6 Traditional Practices and Methods of Conserving Landraces Agriculture is the key occupation in Manipur. Most of the ethnic groups residing in the region follow the practice of cropping and cultivating plants in their homestead lands or on agricultural lands to meet their basic need for healthy foods and as a means of self-sustenance. Collection and trade of bioresources such as wild plants for vegetables, fodder fuel, etc. are considered an alternative source of income in rural areas and are mainly done by the women in the community (Jain and Singh 2012). There are diverse traditional varieties and landraces grown by the diverse ethnic groups inhabiting the region. These landraces play a major role in being the basis of food supply and providing nutritious healthy diets for the ethnic groups. The traditional varieties and landraces carry great value for these ethnic groups. However, economic and agricultural development has led to genetic erosion worldwide resulting in loss of crop diversity. This results in the replacement of nutritious indigenous varieties of food plants with high-yielding less nutritious exotic varieties. Therefore, there is a concern about the importance of conserving indigenous landraces and crop diversity (Bellon et al. 2015). Rice is the staple food for the indigenous people of Manipur and it is cultivated by almost every household that owns paddy fields. There are diverse landraces of paddy which the small farmers in the region still continue to grow. While most of them are replaced by improved varieties, some of them are still retained and conserved. Different ethnic groups of Manipur possess and follow traditional methods of seed selection for sowing in the next season. The seeds meant for sowing are first segregated and stored separately. People widely use traditional granaries for storing and preserving food grains for consumption. Traditional granaries are made of bamboo coated with a mixture of cow dung and soil. The granaries are made in such a way that there is enough flow of air to keep the seeds dried, disease-free, and remain viable as long as possible. They not only cultivate plants for food supply, but also conserve the plants which are of economic value or which are considered to have medicinal values. It is also a common practice in the region to collect and consume diverse wild edible plants ranging from small herbs to large size trees for their food supply. Like any other

72

H. B. Singh et al.

ethnic group in the world, the diverse ethnic groups of Manipur also have the tradition of harvesting the best quality seeds of the plants they cultivated and storing the seeds for future consumption, and using the seeds in the next sowing season. Diverse indigenous varieties and landraces of maize are also widely cultivated and consumed by different ethnic groups of Manipur. Devi et al. (2013) reported 40 maize landraces with significant variations from 9 districts of Manipur. These landraces were characterized based on three phenotypic traits: Kernel colour, Kernel shape, and Kernel row. Variations among the landraces in kernel colours observed include yellow, variegated, white, red, purple, brown, black, and orange. Kernel shapes of levelled, rounded, indented, pointed, sharply pointed, and shrunken kernels were also reported. Variations in kernel row arrangement include regular, irregular, straight, and spiral arrangements. The significant differences in the trait of these landraces may provide wide options for improvement through seed selection. These indigenous landraces are valuable resources that are conserved spontaneously from generation to generation. The best quality corns are harvested from the field and the fruits are kept hanging in the kitchen or in a storeroom. Similarly, the harvests of other food plants like bulbs of onion and garlic are stored and preserved in bulk in such a way for future use. They have the belief that such a method of storing will provide the plant parts longevity or protection from any plant diseases. The indigenous people of Manipur, mainly residing in the valley districts, have had the practice of maintaining ponds in their home compounds since the olden days. These ponds are maintained for multiple uses, i.e. from water for daily use to rearing and preserving local fishes. Osteobrama belangeri (locally known as ‘Pengba’) is the state fish of Manipur and conservation of this species is necessary. Acanthopthalmus pandia (Nganap), Amblypharyngodon mola (Muka nga), Anabas testudineus (Ukabi), Balitora brucei (Nunga), Chana punctatus (Ngamu), Barilius guttatus (Ngawa), Channa striatus (Ngamu), Aorichthys aor (Ngachou), Ctenopharyngodon idella (Napi chabi), and Clarius batrachus (Ngakra) are some of the important indigenous fishes of Manipur. They are consumed widely by the local people and have high demand in the market. These indigenous fishes were once abundantly found when there were enough habitats like ponds. However, their availability in the regions has been threatened recently due to habitat loss like converting ponds into places for construction, pollution of rivers, lakes, and streams, and overexploitation of the fishes due to population increase. There also exists local communityestablished ground rules wherein there is selective utilization of water bodies for different purposes. For example, human activities like bathing, washing clothes, etc. are not allowed in or nearby the lakes and ponds, but the water can be used after transporting to their respective households. The maintenance of local ponds by the indigenous people of Manipur plays an important role not only in the sustainable utilization of water, but also in the conservation of the locally available indigenous varieties of fishes for future generations by creating their proper habitat. Apart from local ponds, there is also a community habit of the establishment of small household gardens in most households in the state. Such gardens are mini-pools of diverse species of plants used commonly in cooking traditional dishes. The habit of

5 Traditional Knowledge, Beliefs, and Practices Associated with Ethnic People …

73

nurturing such household gardens, even if on a small scale, helps in conserving gene pools of species that are otherwise on the road to decline because of urbanization and loss of cultivable land.

5.7 Significant Bio-Folklore of Manipur A traditional boat-racing festival called ‘Heigru hidongba’ is performed as a socioreligious ceremony every year on the moat of the Sagolband Bijoy Govinda, Imphal on the 11th day of the Manipuri calendar month called Langban (coinciding with the month of September) with various religious customary rites. The fruit associated with this festival is Phyllanthus emblica Gaertn belonging to the Phyllanthaceae family which is known as ‘heigru’ in Manipuri and commonly known as Indian Gooseberry. A garland of 108 fruits interspersed with the stem of ‘hup’ (a wild grass) is first offered to Bijoy Govinda and afterwards placed on the hull of one of the two boats before the race takes place (Devi 2010). Until this festival has taken place that year, the people of Manipur are forbidden from eating the fruit as a part of their religious belief. It is a way of conservation since the fruit is allowed to mature fully before being eaten. The Kombirei plant is called Iris laevigata Fisch, which belongs to the Iridaceae family, and is commonly known as Rabbit-Ear Iris. It is deeply rooted in Meitei culture and is believed to have first grown from the body of an unmarried lady, as per folklore. According to the story, the woman committed suicide because she belonged to a low-class family and society did not approve of her relationship with a man belonging to a high-class family. In those times, suicides were taboo and the dead bodies were not cremated but abandoned in a deserted area or ‘paat’. The Kombirei plant is believed to have first sprouted from the body of this young woman. The Kombirei flower is usually offered to the deities on Cheiraoba (New Year of Manipur). Urirei and Madhabi are the female protagonists of a very famous Manipuri novel, Madhabi, written by Dr. Kamal. There are two species of flowering plants in Manipur which are named after the two female lead characters of this classic novel, which is based on a tragedy of love. Urirei species is called Stixis suaveolens (Roxb). Pierre which is commonly known as Fragrant caper vine and belongs to the family Resedaceae. Madhabi is commonly known as Helicopter Flower and scientifically called Hiptage benghalensis (L). Kurz belongs to the family Malpighiaceae. Due to the affection associated with Urirei and Madhabi, the two plants are fondly cultivated by locals in their gardens.

5.8 Discussion and Conclusion The dependence of human survival for food, shelter, and health care on plants, animals, and other natural resources has existed since human civilization. The ethnic

74

H. B. Singh et al.

people of Manipur are nature-worshippers. Most of the taboos, beliefs, religious rituals, and ceremonies of the people are rooted in the worship of nature and its resources. Ethnic communities occupy a big role in conserving and maintenance of biodiversity. They are conscious of the fact that biological diversity is a key factor in generating the ecological services and natural resources on which they depend. The practices of some indigenous groups have been known to influence the local environment in ways such as facilitating the restoration of degraded landscapes (Gadgil et al. 1993). The identification and recognition of flora and fauna species associated with religious beliefs and practices contribute to the safeguarding and conservation of such species, which in the present context of biodiversity issues, is to be appreciated. However, amidst the increasing modernization and urbanization along with the wider reach of formal education, the traditional beliefs and practices are slowly eroding day by day, even among the indigenous people. Such changes in social beliefs and the degradation of traditional practices have contributed to the decline of our cultural as well as biological integrity. ‘Uningthou’ (Scientific name—Phoebe hainesiana Brandis, Family—Lauraceae) is the state tree of Manipur. The population of the tree has declined in its natural habitat in the recent past due to the massive exploitation of its timber. Shirui lily (Lilium mackliniae Sealy of the family Liliaceae) which is endemic to Manipur and also the state flower of Manipur is facing a threat to its survival due to rampant collection and which might be due to global climate change. The origin of traditional practices involving the conservation of biodiversity might be traced to their basis of practice, experience, and common sense rather than theory accumulated over a long historical time period. This indicates that their knowledge base is indeterminate, and their application involves an intimate relationship with the belief system. The significance of the knowledge-practice-belief complex of indigenous peoples relating to the conservation of biodiversity should be acknowledged entirely to enable sustainable management and development of our local environment. Conservation of such traditional knowledge would be most appropriately accomplished by encouraging and enhancing the community-based resource-management systems of indigenous people. Revival of traditional knowledge and spreading awareness amongs the younger generations will help in the preservation of natural resources. An increase of protected areas in the form of sanctuaries, National parks, biosphere reserves, etc. by the concerned authorities will be an effective means of conservation. Community inclusive management of natural systems such as sacred groves, farming of landraces, and awareness of traditional practices are key sustainable methods by which biodiversity can be preserved as well as augmented.

5 Traditional Knowledge, Beliefs, and Practices Associated with Ethnic People …

75

References Banjo AD, Otufale GA, Abatan OL, Banjo EA (2006) Taboo as a means of plant and animal conservation in south-western Nigeria: a case study of Ogbe river and its basin. World Appl Sci J 1:39–43 Bellon MR, Gotor E, Caracciolo F (2015) Conserving landraces and improving livelihoods: how to assess the success of on-farm conservation projects. Int J Agric Sustain 13(2):167–182 Bhagwat SA, Rutte C (2006) Sacred groves: potential for biodiversity management. Front Ecol Environ 4(10):519–524 BSI (2000) Flora of Manipur, vol 1. Botanical Survey of India, Kolkata, India Census (2011) Statistical handbook of Manipur. Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Government of Manipur Chapin FS, Zavaleta ES, Eviner VT, Naylor RL, Vitousek PM, Reynolds HL, Hooper DU, Lavorel S, Sala OE, Hobbie SE, Mack MC, Díaz S (2000) Consequences of changing biodiversity. Nature 405(6783):234–242 Claudia S (2008) The role of indigenous peoples in biodiversity conservation. The natural but often forgotten partners. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The World Bank. 1818 H Street, N. W. Washington, D.C. 20433, USA Colding J, Folke C (1997) The relations among threatened species, their protection, and taboos. Conserv Ecol 1:1–6 Colding J, Folke C (2001) Social taboos: “invisible” systems of local resource management and biological conservation. Ecol Appl 11:584–600 Devi CJ (2010) Cultural history of Manipur. Mittal Publications, New Delhi, India Devi HN, Devi KN, Singh NB, Singh TR, Jyotsna N, Paul A (2013) Phenotypic characterization, genetic variability and correlation studies among maize landraces of Manipur. Int J Bio-Resour Stress Manag 4(2):352–355 Gadgil M, Berkes F, Folke C (1993) Indigenous knowledge for biodiversity conservation. Ambio 22(2/3):151–156. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4314060 Gadgil M, Vartak D (1975) Sacred groves of India—a plea for continued conservation. J Bombay Nat Hist Soc 72:313–320 Hughes DJ, Chandran MD (1998) Sacred groves around the earth: an overview Jain A, Singh HB (2012) Community dependence on wetland in the Indo-Burma biodiversity hotspot: a case study from Manipur. LAP Lambert Academic Publishing, USA, Northeast India Jasmine B, Singh Y, Onial M, Mathur VB (2016) Traditional knowledge systems in India for biodiversity conservation. Indian J Tradit Knowl 15(2):304–312 Mgumia FH, Oba G (2003) Potential role of sacred groves in biodiversity conservation in Tanzania. Environ Conserv 30:259–265 Pandey DN (2003) Sacred forest: the case of Rajasthan. India in Forest Service, India Ravishankar T (1995) Strengthening the role of tribal communities in biodiversity conservation. In: Proceedings of WWF national conservation congress, New Delhi, India, pp 65–67 Shamungou Kh (2000) Wildlife in Manipur. Sangai Publication, Nambol, Manipur, India Singh HB (2011) Plants associated with forecasting and beliefs within the Meitei community of Manipur, North-East India. Indian J of Tradit Knowl 10(1):190–193 Singh HB (2013) Economic bio-resources of Manipur-profile and linkages. In: Sharma HD (ed) Historically, ethnicity, bio-resources and environment. The Other Manipur, vol 1. Akansha Publishing House, New Delhi, pp 293–332 Singh PK, Singh HB (1996) Superstition in botanical folklore with reference to Meitei culture, Manipur. J Econ Taxon Bot 12:367–372 Takhtajan A (1969) Flowering plants: origin and dispersal (tran: Jeffrey C) Oliver and Boyd, Edinburgh Town Planning Department, Government of Manipur (2021). https://www.tpmanipur.mn.gov.in/en/ home_content/profile-of-the-state. Accessed 28 March 2022

Chapter 6

Appliance of Indigenous Knowlege in Mangrove Conservation and Sustaining Livelihood in Indian Sundarban Delta: A Geospatial Analysis Biraj Kanti Mondal and Rima Das

6.1 Introduction The Sundarban is a unique region with exceptional geophysical and ecological character (Pound et al. 2018; Ghosh et al. 2018; Sahana et al. 2020), which symbolizes a rare combination of man–environment relations. In the region, atmospheric hazards, catastrophic events, and climate change consequences are intensely rooted. The inhabiting populace of this deltaic region largely depends on natural resources, especially mangrove forests, and is engaged in agriculture and fishing. Thus, the mangrove forest-dependent ‘ecosystem people’ harvest food and other resources from the forest (Chowdhury et al. 2008; Hajra and Ghosh 2018; Dutta et al. 2019) or exercise their work hard to survive by cultivating (Bakshi and Panigrahi 2015; Das 2016; Mondal et al. 2015; Jahan 2018; Dutta et al. 2019; Laha 2019) or mostly reliant on fishing activities for their livelihood. But, the decrease of a breeding ground for numerous estuarine fish is a consequence of climate change, which would diminish their population thereby hampering the livelihood of the inhabitants and increasing their proclivity towards poverty. These coastal and marginalized people apply their indigenous knowledge to combat the challenges of adaptation during vulnerable situations. The physical vulnerability enhances other sorts of challenges mostly in economic, social, demographic, and ecological sectors (Hahn et al. 2009; Dumenu and Obeng 2016; Sahana et al. 2019; Sahana and Sajjad 2019), which enhances inhabitant’s helplessness and reduce their adaptive capacity. The poverty and massive illiteracy enhance the vulnerability and inequality in various socioeconomic sectors, still, they are surviving optimistically by applying the ITK and making them capable of disaster preparedness. B. K. Mondal (B) Department of Geography, Netaji Subhas Open University, Kolkata 700064, India e-mail: [email protected] R. Das Department of Geography, Bhangar Mahavidyalaya, South 24 Parganas 743502, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_6

77

78

B. K. Mondal and R. Das

The local inhabited communities harvest the resources in such a manner that is fully compatible with conservation. All the traditional and cultural practices related to the customary use of resources are based on the principle of sustainability. They consider the forest as holy as the mosque or temple, and therefore, the traditional cultural practices developed by their forefathers must be respected and the renovation of traditional institutions is also an urgent need in society. The less availability of fish resources indicates that their breeding fields have been seriously hampered. No government policy, law, or regulations are adopted in consultation with the local resource users, and therefore, the community does not have any effective active professional associations with government policy. Recently, some non-government organizations and civil society organizations are trying to work as watchdogs and have been able to make a little improvement in their attitude. The traders and illegal extractors are responsible for the destruction of the forest resource base and that’s why they have to be immediately rooted out. The biodiversity conservation approach is not compatible with the mangrove forest conservation in the Sundarban. It was always been wrongly conceived that local communities are responsible for forest destruction. Sometimes it is true, but they have not gotten any alternative livelihood opportunities and occupations. They are often compelled to depend fully on the forest resource base. These communities with their traditional cultural practices are everywhere much concerned about the conservation and sustainable utilization of those forest resources. They are entirely dependent on the forest resources as they give their livelihood and enable them to survive. Besides, there is always a lack of policy coherence and commitment and also in the implementation of policies and programmes for the poor. Henceforth, they are not getting any boost from their existing occupation or the programmes. It is urged to recognize and respect the indigenous and local communities of the forest and to ensure effective participation and decision-making in the management procedure of the forest resources of Sundarban. The inhabitants of Sundarban used the mangrove forest products for subsistence and commercial purpose. As the Sundarban is overpopulated by almost 4.4 million people, of whom 56% are landless, forest products are one of the essential components of the livelihood of the people. The people of this backward region thus always employ their ITK and TEK for the use of the resource. There are some works that already have been completed on the ITK in West Bengal (De and Saha 2001; Konar 2010; Pandit 2011; Lanzano 2013; Mukhopadhyay and Roy 2015; Roy et al. 2020), but very few on Sundarban (Eaton 1990; Sen and Pattanaik 2017a, b; Ray 2013; Sen 2016; Mukhopadhyay 2016). The extreme environmental events and climate change-induced hazards have a larger persuade on those sections of the society or population globally. This situation is more aggravated in a developing country like India, especially in Sundarban, a backward region, where most inhabitants are reliant on natural resources for their livelihood (Mondal 2018). Here the people are exclusively dependent on primary economic activities like agriculture and fishing, and furthermore, they are inclined towards the mangrove forest resources for their livelihood. The stakeholder of the region, being marginalized and poor have the least capacity to respond to natural hazards like cyclones, floods, etc. As the challenges of adaptations, displacement of

6 Appliance of Indigenous Knowlege in Mangrove Conservation …

79

habitat, or the economy is largely affected by any kind of hazardous circumstances, thus this is considered as the vital one to portray the appliance of risk and vulnerability status in this Sundarban Biosphere Reserve (SBR). The micro-level study was conducted in the Gosaba block to assess these aspects minutely and to portray the ground-level scenario. Henceforth, the current submission looks for the questions of ITK to sustain livelihood in the background of uncertainty due to hazards, vulnerability, and probable ITK that can be used as the adaptation strategy to conserve the mangrove forest cover in Sundarban. The present attempt emphases on the geospatial analysis of the data, collected from field surveys, interviews, unobtrusive observation on the main along with secondary data sources, to tease out the prospects of saving this unique Biosphere Reserve.

6.2 Materials and Methods 6.2.1 Study Area The present study is carried out in the Indian Sundarban Delta, also known as World Heritage Site (1987) and Ramsar Site (2019) which is an active coastal delta contoured by numerous rivers, a complex network of tidal waterways, mudflats has a significant amount of mangrove forests (Das 2006). Its northern part is demarcated by the Dampier-Hodges line, while the southern portions are open to the Bay of Bengal and among the 102 islands, only 54 islands are inhabited by population. There are 19 blocks; six blocks of North 24 Parganas and thirteen blocks of South 24 Parganas districts in Indian Sundarban. The region has a total landmass of 4493.60 km2 and is inhabited by more than 4.4 million people, which at present is close to 5 million (Census of India 2011). The area extends from 21°00’N to 22°30’N and 88°00’E to 88°29’E (Fig. 6.1). To assess the appliance of ITK regarding vulnerability and adaptation strategies, the Gosaba block has been considered for an in-depth investigation from the region.

6.2.2 Database and Methodology Following a three steps methodology using the combination of primary and secondary data, the present study was completed. At the pre-field stage various literature and reports were reviewed and in the field stage primary data was collected through interviews with apposite questionnaire survey along with minute observations in the field, and at the post-field stage, the preparation of maps and graphs was carried out by analyzing the data. The secondary data has been collected from the Census of India, District Census Handbook, District Statistical Handbook, District Human Development Report, Report of State Disaster Management Authority, and a few

80

B. K. Mondal and R. Das

Fig. 6.1 Location map of Indian Sundarbans

other published reports. The primary data was collected through field visits, observation, and direct interviews through Focus Group Discussion (FPD) with individuals of different age groups, following a two-stage cluster purposive random sampling method. In the initial stage, two Mouzas (administrative units) were chosen randomly located on a diverse island of Gosaba block; while in the second stage, two villages within these mouzas were selected randomly for the survey. A direct interview was carried out during the survey choosing 30 individuals (differentiated in terms of age, gender, occupation, income, ITK) from each mouzas covering a total of 60 individuals through FGD (special in-depth interviews were conducted with the elder persons) in the year 2018–2019. The questionnaire scheduled was designed to understand the abandoned and existing ITK regarding forest and livelihood. Some other structured questions were asked concerning the changes of the forest cover, impacts of climateinduced events and hazards, nature of suffering, level of impact on life, livelihood, types of losses, traditional inter-generational economic activities, land use land cover change, environmental changes, etc.

6 Appliance of Indigenous Knowlege in Mangrove Conservation …

81

6.3 Result and Discussions 6.3.1 Degradation of Mangroves in Sundarban The mangrove cover area of Sundarban was gradually depleted over the years. Such degradation was mapped through previous maps, records, and satellite imageries using geospatial technology and it indicates a drastic change from 1776 to 2014. The changes in mangrove covers were depicted (Fig. 6.2) starting from the Rennel to the modern satellite-based mangrove forest map of Sundarban, especially in the years 1776, 1873, 1975, and 2014. The increasing trend of population concentration over the area, their dependency on the forest resources, and other anthropogenic effects are the root cause of such mangrove depletion. Furthermore, the periodic cyclones cause high human mortality and production losses and the damages and breakage of the river embankment cause saline water incursion into the agricultural lands resulting in loss or low agricultural productivity. Therefore, it often forces people to depend heavily on the ecosystem, and resources of mangroves to meet their livelihood needs, and these anthropogenic activities often damaged mangrove forests and the ecosystem.

6.3.2 The Demographic Attributes Rural Intensity Index The map of rural intensity, population density of the inhabited, traditional and mixed communities of Sundarban depicts the concentration, intensity and population pressure. Almost 4.4 million people inhabited the ISD and there are inter-block variations of rural intensity. It reveals from the map (Fig. 6.3) that Sandeshkhali–II has a low rural intensity index (1.72) which suggests a low concentration of rural population, whereas Patharpratima has the highest index value (2.82) explaining a very high concentration of rural community which is spread over several 88 villages. About seven blocks belong to high (37%) (Basanti, Canning–I, Joynagar–I, Mathurapur–I, Patharpratima, Haroa, Hasnabad), while only four blocks (Namkhana, Mathurapur– II, Sandeshkhali-I and Sandeshkhali-II) belongs to the very low (21%); and other blocks belongs to moderate (26%) and low (16%) category.

Population Growth and Density Sundarbans is one of the most heavily populated parts of West Bengal with a high population growth rate. The average population density of Sundarban (Fig. 6.4) in 2001 is about 929 persons/sq.km. which has increased to 1,082 persons/sq.km. in 2011 (Census of India 1991, 2001, and 2011). The block-wise variation of population

82

B. K. Mondal and R. Das

Fig. 6.2 a–d Changes in Mangrove Forest Cover in India Sundarban (1776 to 2014). Data Source a Map of 1776 (Rennel 1780); b Map of 1873 (Statistical Account of Bengal, 1875); c Map of 1975 (USGS: Landsat 1 MSS, 1975); d Map of 2014 (USGS: Landsat 8 OLI, 2014)

growth rate (Fig. 6.5) signifies that the maximum growth rate is found in the CanningII block, followed by Canning-I, and Basanti blocks. Almost all other blocks have also a growth rate of above 10 and only a few blocks have a higher growth rate in 2011 than in the year 2001. The overall population increase of the region is quite high mostly due to natural increase and migration in the region due to environment-induced immigration.

6 Appliance of Indigenous Knowlege in Mangrove Conservation …

83

Fig. 6.3 Rural intensity of Sundarban

Poverty and Concentration of BPL Populace in Sundarban In Sundarban, about 44 percent population is breathing beneath the poverty line and the poverty ratio of all the blocks was quite high (Fig. 6.6). The highest poverty ratio is noticed in the Basanti block, followed by the Canning-II block and these high rates of poverty are aggravating the demographic and socioeconomic vulnerability of the inhabitants of Sundarban. The BPL households of Sundarban have shown high rates of concentration in all the respective 19 blocks of Sundarban of the two corresponding districts. The maximum number of BPL (Below Poverty Line) population concentrates in Gosaba, Basanti, Patharpratima, Namkhana, and Sandeshkhali-II since the percentage of BPL households to a total number of households in these blocks is above 50. The sketch of poverty in Sundarban, therefore, reveals the fact that most of the inhabitants of Sundarban indicate a high attentiveness towards vulnerability in response to climate change and related hazardous consequences. It is due to the over-dependency on the forest and fishing-based economic structure and insufficient productive land for compound agriculture.

84

B. K. Mondal and R. Das

Fig. 6.4 Population density of Sundarban

6.3.3 Indigenous Communities and Their Livelihood Pattern in Sundarban There are some traditional and indigenous communities spread out in the entire Sundarban region. They are known for their traditional occupation, mostly inhabited by the side forest area, but currently, they are changing their occupation and become few in number. Beyond these traditional communities, Sundarban is inhabited by migrated and mixed communities all over the region. These communities build up their settlement in the fringe and border areas. Initially, Sundarban was an unoccupied land, and later backward class people, like SC, ST, Hindus, and Muslims migrated here from surrounding regions and inhabited it. Here, among the SC, the usually widespread communities are Poundra, Bagdi, Bedia, Malo, Namasudra, Chamar, Jelekaibartya, and Raibanshi, whereas Bhumij, Mundra, Oraon, and Santal are the familiar tribal groups. While, among the Hindus, Brahman, Bauri, Gowala, Kayesth,

6 Appliance of Indigenous Knowlege in Mangrove Conservation … Fig. 6.5 Block-wise population growth rate status

85

Population Growth Rate in Sundarban Sandeshkhali-II Sandeshkhali-I

2011

Sagar

2001

Patharpratima Namkhana Minakhan Mathurapur-II Mathurapur-I Kultali Kakdwip Joynagar-II Joynagar-I Hingalganj Hasnabad Haroa Gosaba Canning-II Canning-I Basanti

0

5

10 15 Growth Rate

20

25

Tanti, and Mahisya (leading group) and Fargis among the Muslims were found dominant in the region. The IKT and TEK of each indigenous and the local communities of the Sundarban are depicted in the study.

Munda Community The Mundas are the indigenous people distributed in the Sundarban blocks of the South and North 24 Parganas districts. They belong to the Austroloid people of Central India, being dark-complexion, short with wavy hair. Initially, they migrated here and started living by cleaning the forest cover, but their hunting and gathering occupations were closed when Sundarban was declared a Reserve Forest. Since then, they live very close to the mangrove forest, but they do not fully depend on forest resources but rather depend on agriculture, earth cutting, catching fish and crabs, etc. Currently, by profession, the Mundas collect fish and crabs from nearby rivers and water bodies, canals, or creeks.

86

B. K. Mondal and R. Das

Poverty Ratio in Sundarban

Fig. 6.6 Block-wise poverty ratio status Hingalganj Hasnabad Minakhan Haroa Sandeshkhali II Sandeshkhali I Patharpratima Namkhana Sagar Kakdwip Mathurapur II Mathurapur I Gosaba Basanti Kultali Jaynagar II Jaynagar I Canning II Canning I

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

Poverty Ratio (%)

Jele Community (Fisherfolk) This river water is the source of different variety of fish species which indirectly serves as the source of income for the jele community in the Sundarban. At present, every day, almost 10–13 thousand fishermen catch fish in the Sundarban. As most of the fishermen cannot bear the financial expenses of their children, the rate of literacy is not achieved up to the desired level. The average family member of the respondents is 4 to 5 and almost 90% of the family has only one earning member, therefore, the monthly average income is between Rs. 2500 to 3000. Henceforth, the per capita monthly income is very low and lies below the poverty line. About 35% of villagers are completely landless, 29% have only homestead, and 36% have both homestead and agricultural land. Most of the jele go to a river inside the forest for fish catches almost every day and they catch many fishes. To catch these fish, generally they use a kheola net, and these fishes are abundant in the mid-June to mid-August months of the monsoon season, this is because, in the rainy season, the salinity of river water remains low. During the ebb tide, fishermen can catch more fish and then they use a big loop net for catching fish in the river and a small loop net for closed water bodies (Table 6.1). Almost all the fishermen are of the opinion that the number of fish in the

6 Appliance of Indigenous Knowlege in Mangrove Conservation …

87

Table 6.1 Different kinds of net used by fishermen of Sundarban Types of net

Fishing area

Catching fish (zoological name)

Technique and ITK used

Bada jal/ Behundi jal

River

All kinds of fish, normally big fish

Netted by boat in the river

Khewla jal

Ponds, canals, small rivers

Koi (Anabus testudineus), Parshe (Liza parsia), Shol (channa striatus), and some small fishes

Manually thrown to water in every attempt

Kol jal

Small water bodies, canal

All kinds of fish

Netted at the mouth

Char jal

Small water bodies, canal

All kinds of fish

Netted in line with mud

Karent jal

River, canal

All kinds of fish

Floating by using sponge wood

Net jal

Rivers, canal

All kinds of fish

Floating through boat

Kathi jal

River

All kinds of fish

Two boats with two sides of net

Jagatberhi jal

Sea, river

Fishes like Hilsha (Tenulosa ilisha)

By boat

Chakni jal

Small rivers, canal

All kinds of fish

Spreading net in a systematic way

Komar jal

Small canal, ponds

Koi (Anabus testudineus), Vetki (Lates calcarifer), Prawn (Microbraium rosenbergii), Tangra (mystus vittatus) etc

Commonly used

Source Tabulated by the authors

Sundarban has drastically declined because of over-harvesting and non-maintenance of the traditional cultural practices to catch the fish.

Bawali Community The woodcutters of the Sundarban are famous as ‘Bawalis’ because they protect their lives from wild animals with the help of bauls. They generally believe that bauls have the mantras to manage tigers by impounding them. Usually, this community is engaged in collecting trees like keora, gewa, garan, vola, etc., from the forest area of the Sundarban. About 5% of people are completely landless and 42% of people have only homestead, and the remaining 53% do have agricultural land and homestead. Each bawali people mostly worked for the Mahajan as a wage labourer only with a very low amount of money. Each bawali cannot take the collected firewood for their

88

B. K. Mondal and R. Das

family because of the Mahajan. Every year, 2–5 bawalis die due to tiger attacks. The families of the community often encounter an economic crisis when the bawalis go to the forest and stay away from the family. In that case, their family members borrow money from relatives or Dadonder/Mahajan. Most of the bawalis are not well off to send their children to school, rather they think that their children can help in agricultural activities and take care of household works. It is observed that more than 65% of bawali’s adolescent boys do not like to take or adopt their father’s profession.

Moual Community These traditional honey collectors collect honey from the forest and sustain their livelihood by selling it. The term ‘moual’ is imitated from the word ‘mou’ (honey) and they collect it from the ‘mouchak’ (hive or honeycomb), especially during late spring (mid-March to June). The mouals prefer sufficiently warm weather as it allows bees to gather pollen and collect the honey from early blooming plants and flowers of the forest. Most of the moual live below the poverty line and fully depend on forest resources. As gathered from the survey that only 40% of people have homestead; 25% of people have both homestead and agricultural land, and the remaining 35% are landless. During the season, the mouals earn some money and in the lean period, they do agricultural work or become wage labourers or van pullers. Most of the women of the mouals are housewives and engaged in agriculture work as labourers, matting, weaving, and other handicraft making to support their family and even the children help their parents in the money-earning process.

Golpata Collectors Community The Golpata collectors are distributed in the coastal villages and transitional zones of the forest area. The Golpata collectors require separate permission for Golpata collection and they usually get permission in the month of mid-November to midMarch. For every trip of one month, they get Rs. 2000–2500 cash by collecting and selling it. Most of the Golpata collectors have often been bound to work as labourers of the Mahajan, particularly in the offseason for income generation. The versatile palm trees (Nypa palm) are an economically very significant source of non-wood products. It is an admirable thatching material and is generally used for roofing and fencing the wall of the cottage. Golpata collectors have similar societal as well as socioeconomic backgrounds and follow the same culture as that of Bawalis. It is noted from the primary collection that almost 7% of Golpata collectors are landless and 42% have only homestead, and the remaining people have both homestead and agricultural land. Almost 40% of the respondents are illiterate, 39% have only elementary education, and the remaining 21% do have only secondary education. Most of the elder women are housewives and they remain busy with household activities, while the girl children help their mother at the cost of their education.

6 Appliance of Indigenous Knowlege in Mangrove Conservation …

89

6.3.4 ITK-Based Customary Practices for Mangrove Conservation and Sustaining Livelihood Mangrove Conservation and Management The Sundarban Development Board (SDB) was initiated in late 1981–82 as a Social Forestry Programme in Sundarban aiming to produce fuelwood steadily for the rural people. It is also effective in maintaining ecological balance by departing the inhabitants from cutting down the mangrove trees. These conservation measures include mangrove plantation, strip plantation, and farm forestry [distribution of plants] which became very effective since its initiation. The SDB and NGOs involved the local community and their ITK in the mangrove conservation process, and in these plantation techniques, the increasement of mangrove nurseries; direct mangrove sapling plantation, and subsequent transplantation in the islands was initiated.

Management Apparatus of Livelihood The management of Sundarban mangroves is not only a matter of formulation of plans, but also creating awareness among the inhabited community so that they can apply their ITK in conservation and maintenance. The ITK-based potential measures and management practices are mentioned below (Table 6.2). At present, the endangered ecosystem of Sundarban is waiting for conservative use of the resource base for its sustainable development. To achieve this sustainable level of development, a proper environmental management plan should be introduced with the following points: . The inhabitants of Sundarban must switch over to alternative sources of income despite agriculture and fishing. . A new set of income generative opportunity-based work should be followed, like prospective agriculture (oil seeds, red chilies, tomato, sunflower, and vegetables), agro-based industries (oil mills, rice mills, etc.), and forest-based industries (honey, bee-wax collection, etc.), sustainable tourism, household units. . Conserve the aquatic resources because it is the source of income for many people. . An Environmental Monitoring Cell should be introduced to implement the fishing rules and regulations and to take care of the fishing grounds in the ways like ban of some destructive nets, replacement of some nets, rotation of fishing grounds, restriction of trawler routes, ban of night trawling, maintaining the ecological balance in the aquatic area. . Introduce training for the local fishing community about eco-friendly practices. . The government should strictly take disciplinary action against violations of fishing-related rules in the entire Sundarban.

90

B. K. Mondal and R. Das

Table 6.2 Thrust areas of potential measures and management practices Thust areas

Potential measures and management apparatus

Environmental justice for management . Deforestation could be reduced by community forest management . ITK of the stakeholders must be incorporated in the development process . Awareness about the conservation strategies and its need should be fixed by discussions with the stakeholders . Local inhabitants must be involved in the management process . Local management groups may be created based on the location, site, and situation across gender and age . Tree saplings should be produced for the locals to strengthen the forestation and its maintenance . Rapidly growing and imperative mangrove species should be encouraged . A report or complaint monitoring system should be generated to control the loss of any species . Environmental justice principles should be ensured through management . More accession of the local stakeholders should be encouraged . The socio-ecological system (SES) should be strengthened Governance

. Need to introduce an integrated management system for better governance . A strong and regulated network should be prioritized . A gap in maintenance and governance should be identified and reduced . A periodic assessment of the declining condition and environmental degradation should be introduced . Advance techniques, employment of RS & GIS, and statistical and mathematical models should be encouraged for periodic assessment . An integrated and common network of multi-scale stakeholder systems for better communication may be introduced . The bottom-up approach for management must be prioritized . The holistic and practical processes should be encouraged . Tree saplings should be produced by the locals to strengthen the forestation

6.3.5 Sustaining Livelihood of the Communities of Sundarban Most of the traditional communities of Sundarban depend on the forest while the traditional economic activities are mostly located in the fringing areas of the coastal

6 Appliance of Indigenous Knowlege in Mangrove Conservation …

91

and fragile blocks of Sundarban. In some portions (villages) of the Hingalganj, Gosaba, Basanti, Kultali, and Patharpratima block, all these communities, mainly Jele (Fishermen), Bawali (Woodcutter), Mouali (Honey collector) uphold their livelihood in Sundarban. Some of the para or villages are named after specific communities who live there, like Jele para, Muchi para, Muslim para, Dhopa para, etc. The ITK of the traditional communities of Sundarban is very unique as their livelihood is far different from the recently mixed communities, and therefore, their livelihood-related ITK persevered with their occupation is being analyzed in this chapter.

Munda Community Mundas came here by clearing the forest to practice agriculture for Zamindars but after the abolition of the Zamindari System in the 1950s. About 85% of Mundas have only homestead, 7% of Munda have agricultural land, and the remaining 8% are landless. These landless Mundas work as day labour with a very low wage. At present, they are mostly shifted to agriculture, fishing, van driving, small businesses, and jobs. Almost 60% of respondents Mundas are illiterate and among the remaining 40%, 35% have primary education (level I-V) and only 5% received secondary education (level VI-X). They have their religion and some of the religious rituals are similar to the Hindu religion. At the end of mid-September, they observe ‘Karam Puja’ where they use chicken, paddy, mustard, milk, and bananas, and both males and females dance together. They perform ‘Sarul Puja’ before taking food from the new paddy in mid-November and mid-March and observe ‘Veloya Puja’ before planting the paddy. They organize ‘Burha-Burhi Puja’ for family welfare at the time of wedding and for newly born babies. If all the people of a generation die, then they observe ‘Dawri Puja’ for peace of the departed souls.

Jele Community (Fisherfolk) In the entire Sundarban region, the common equipment for fishing is small country boats, khepla Jal, or behundi jal. The Jele community considers the forest a holy praying place like other communities. Only male person catches fish from the river inside the forest and they believe the social norms. Adolescent boys also go to the forest with an elder to help in fishing. Usually, they entered the forest for 15–20 days and all kinds of fishing are done with different nets. During fishing practice in the forest area, they follow their ITK norms, such as: . They enter the forest by the name of Almighty, Alam Shah Fakir, and Banbibi. . They do not go to the river inside the forest on Friday. . They promise to offer a particular sacrifice to a deity at the entrance to the forest and a safe return home. . They are barred from committing any nuisance inside the forest area.

92

B. K. Mondal and R. Das

. The net is washed with gold, silver, and 7 kinds of flower-washed water to keep the net free from all kinds of evils. . They do not call the tiger rather call them Bagh mama or Barhemia. . The female members of the family also maintain some customs at home, like: – – – – –

Prayers for the safe return of males. Not to put off hands’ bangles, any ornament worn on nose or necklace. Not to use oil on their heads. Not to mud-wash their earthen floor. Not to wash clothes with soap.

. They employ their ITK during the practices of different types of fishing, like: – They nurture the polyculture of fish and prawn in the hatcheries, brackish water, and inundated lands, which are locally known as Gheris or Bheris. Among the estimated 400 various mangrove swamp species, 172 are recorded as diversified species, and apart from fish species, 20 species of prawn, 44 crab species including two edible crabs. This brackish water aquaculture flourished in two processes—Shrimp aquaculture and Paddy cum prawn fishery. The brackish water fisheries are famous as Nona Gheri or Bheri. – The operational activities by using fishing nets during a tidal ebb in the major rivers by the traditional fisherman are continued throughout the year. – The coastal and estuarine areas of Sundarban provide vital input by acting as a playground for various species of crab. Canning, Sagar, Namkhana, Mathurapur-II, Gosaba, Sandeshkhali-I, Sandeshkhali-II, and Hingalganj blocks are popular for the extensive traditional crab culture. – Despite fishing, women and men are involved in shrimp collection and this activity plays the role of major aquatic destruction in the Sundarban. In the surrounding area, male, females, and children push or pull small drag nets for collecting shrimp and small fish. It is estimated that nearly 55% of inhabitants are involved in shrimp collection. Most farmers now stock ponds with shrimp seeds and provide feed to promote rapid growth. At present, four major types of the shrimp farm system, i.e., traditional, extensive, semi-intensive, and intensive are being used to develop it as an industry. – They practice some effective ITK methods like the utilization of pots in shallow water for getting small indigenous fishes, especially air-breathing fishes; they add lemon juice in pot water for longevity of Anabas testudineus fishes; the tribal community used thin iron rods with curved ends to catch mud crabs; for strengthening the fishing net, they used unripe gab fruit extract (Roy et al. 2020). Bawali Community The bawalis collect firewood, like Goran, Sundri, Keora, Gewa, Kankra, Shingra, Bhola, Krip, etc., from the forest area. From December to March, they get permission

6 Appliance of Indigenous Knowlege in Mangrove Conservation …

93

from the Forest Department for cutting wood. A group of 5 to 10 bawalis enter the forest for the one-month duration and collect about 20 to 25 kgs of wood. Normally, bawali enter the forest for 30–37 days and they take food and water along with them. Bawalis use an axe to cut wood and the handle of the axe is made of wood, especially the Amur tree. Usually, they use da (A cutting weapon made of iron) and Pas dingi (a small boat) to carry the wood through small creeks to the main boat situated in the river. Bawalis believe that the Creator wash the forest two times a day and maintains its sanctity and they (irrespective of religion) worshipped Banbibi or Banobibi or Bonbibi (the main goddess of the Sundarban), Gazi (Muslim religious leaders) and other gods and goddesses. They follow the traditional practices during their stay in the forest: . They generally putting right leg first into the forest and remember the name Bonbibi and by stepping left leg first they come out of the forest. . Some go to the forest with Gazi’s mantra bounded by red coloured garments or handkerchiefs. . They do not go to the forest on Friday. . The Muslim bawalis follow the religious ritual before going to the forest. . If any Bawali is killed by a tiger, the clothes of that person is put on the riverside and people do not cut trees in those places for the next one year because tigers can recognize that human being may come to this place. . The harvesting of wood is done cyclically so that there will be adequate re-growth of the plants by the next harvest. . They maintained the sustainable use of forest and thus do not cut the young-strait trees and harvest trees. According to the bawalis, there are two types of Goran; one is ‘Bachai’ and another one is ‘Khadi’. Bachai (selected straight stick) is a quality goran that is used for construction as well as roof supports and fencing. . They only cut one tree from a stock of 5 to 6 trees. The stock which has only 1 or 2 sticks has not to be cut. No saw will be used for cutting. . Bawalis respect Majhi’s decision. . They start woodcutting before sunrise and end before noon. . The responded Bawalis told that wood cutting in a sustainable manner needs long experience. All the resource users pray to offer to Banbibi. In doing so, they do not need any priests. Bawalis have a strong belief in Banbibi and Pir-baba for saving them from tigers’ attacks. . They do not call the tiger ‘tiger’ but rather call Barho Mia (Elder brother) or Mama (maternal uncle). They usually apprehended tigers and crocodiles and spend the evening reciting stories of tigers and snakes from Gazi kalu champavati, Banobibir zahurnama, and Manasamangal. . When bawalis go to the forest, then their other family members remain engaged in agricultural activities. Their wives at home pray for their safe return and following disciplines such as: – They do not wash their head with soap – They do not boil their dirty clothes for washing (usually clothes are cleaned by boiling).

94

B. K. Mondal and R. Das

– – – – –

Even they do not clean their house with mud. Any furnaces are not made at this time. They do give alms to the beggars. They do not slaughter poultry for guests inside the premise of the house. Muslim women try to keep Roja (fasting) and Hindu women also try to keep fasting.

Moual Community One of the traditional and seasonal livelihood activities of Sundarban is the collection of honey, wax, and timber/fuelwood from the mangrove forest area. More than 1000 people in this region were engaged in this livelihood activity and on average 60,000 kg. of honey is being collected each year. About 120,000 quintals/year o timber afuelwoodood are collected from the forest. But this profession has a fatal risk of life from tiger or crocodile’s attack in the deep forest. The same fate is frequently met by woodcutters and fishermen. The maximum extent of man-eating tigersger takes place in the area during the season (April–may) of honey collection and peak salinity of the creek water. The extent of death either by tiger or crocodile (annual death average: 20–25 persons) attack on snake bite (annual death average: 130–150 persons) is the fate that the inhabitants accepted as a pattern of life. In the entire Sundarban, there are few pockets on every island inhabited by the bereaved wives of those dead people, known as ‘Bidhobapara’ (village of the widows). Poverty, social neglect, depression, poor livelihood, and multiple somatizations make their life in such a sorrowful state. Honey hunting in the Sundarban area a otakentakes as a holy occupation and thus it holds a festive and traditional character. At the onset, mouals are assembled in a commonly known place and grouped into five to seven members and choose a group leader for command during the journey. During the time of their entering the forest, they offer prayer to the forest goddess Banbibi irrespective of religion. They consider Sundarban as a very holy place and when they enter the forest first they become holy. Mouals believe that Banbibi is the goddess of the forest and so they pray to her for their safety and as well as get honey. The Hindus also believe that there is a special god for honey whose name is Dakshina Roy and so they offer puja to him. The Sundarban mangrove forest contains various honeycomb trees like Genwa, Goran, Garjan, Bain, etc., The contribution of these trees to honey production is 39, 11, 10, and 16% respectively and they serve as an ecological input. The bulk of honey is collected in the first part from March to June, i.e., during pre-monsoon to uphold its best quality. Non-tribal Muslims and tribal lodhas and Mundas were the traditional honey collector of Sundarban. Later, the scheduled caste people also engaged in this activity and acquired this traditional skill and became an integral part of that seasonal activity. Mouals area very poor community, and to get into the forest, they must have a boat, but all respondents said that they do not have thein boat. Even they do not have pea rmit fee, and therefore, they have to borrow from the Mahajan. Therefore, they have to depend on the Mahajan or money lenders for a

6 Appliance of Indigenous Knowlege in Mangrove Conservation …

95

boat and some moual who work as wage labourers hire a boat from Mahajan. They borrow a boat that can carry 8 to 10 kgs of honey and in that case for each Rs.1000 they have to give 2/3 kg honey to the Mahajan as the interest of one month/trip. Almost 6 of 0% of mouals believe that everybody cannot harvest honey from the dense forest. It needs long experiences and courage. To them, it will take one to three years to learn to harvest honey from the forest. Due to the huge collection of honey and maintaining the rule of sustainability, there has been a negative change in the biological resources of Sundarban.

Golpata Collectors Community Golpata collectors take a boat with a capacity of 8 to 10 kg and a very small country boat to enter the remote forest. A group of 5–6 members goetogetherer in a boat which is led by majorhi (boat leader). They entered the forest for a month and therefore, take essential food, water, and, medicines. They maintain the traditional cultural practices while cutting Golpata, like: . Exploitation is not allowed in any area more than once a year and no cutting occurs in of June, July, August, and September which is the growing period of the tree. . All dead and dry leaves will be cut at the time of clearing the forest. . They do not destroy the flowers and fruits at the time of cutting the leaves. . Sapling plots must not be disturbed by them. . Young plants are not being damaged at any cost. . During the cutting of leaves, they do not take any fried foods and green uncooked onions and do not see their faces in the mirror. No use of comb because of fear of death. They often start the activity by taking sweet food (normally gur made of sugar juice) items. Like Bawalis, they also enter the forests with right their foot and come out with their left foot. . While entering the dense forest, they utter the name of the almighty and Banbibi. Women do not cut Golpata because they think women are not always purified. While males are in the forest their wives maintain some customs like Bawalis’ wives’ rituals. They have a similar cultural affinity with bawalis and the risks and vulnerabilities are also the same.

6.4 Appliance of ITK in Livelihood: Micro-level Scenario 6.4.1 Traditional Cultural Practices in Resource Use The Sundarban mangroves currently provide sufficient income from non-wood forest produces like golpata, grass, hental, honey, herbal medicinal plants, etc.; and from

96

B. K. Mondal and R. Das

shrimp, crabs, finfish, shells, etc. Almost two lakh people derive all or part of their income by collecting this product from the forest of Sundarban. All the community harvest resources from the mangrove forest for a few months starting from November to March of every year. During the rest of the year, most of them are engaged in other activities, like agriculture, more specifically invited with rice cultivation, fishing, etc. The majority of the respondents of the surveyed area work as wage labour in the agricultural sector and very few are engaged in the cultivation of their land. The micro-level Mario of the two villages of the Sajnekhali and Bidya Forest Range of STR of Gosaba block have been analanalyzed. (a) Dulki: It consists of one EDC (Eco-Development Committee) with 556 households and 2147 population. (b) Bally-II: This village is surrounded by tidal rivers and consists of two EDCs with 11,466 people and 2229 households. The graph (Fig. 6.7) stated that most of the people of the two villages (Dulki and Bally-II) of Gosaba block are engaged in agriculture-related activities rather than household industrial activities and as they are employing their ITK in the income generation and sustaining livelihood. In both the villages, the engagement as agricultural labourers is the highest, followed by NTFP collection and others. Among the two villages, the literate person, the concentration of SC people than ST and male workers and agricultural labourers than females are comparatively very high in Bally-II than in Dulki block (Fig. 6.8). The local people of the villages are mostly engaged in the collection of tannin bark, golpata, natural and cultural honey, bee wax, fuelwood, fishes, prawn, crab, shrimps, etc., from the mangrove forest. These non-timber forest products have a great contribution to run the livelihood of the forest fringe dwellers. It also reveals that the collection of honey, wood, wax, and fish has a greater percentage in both the villages (Fig. 6.9). The average annual income of the two villages is not enough to sustain their livelihood (Fig. 6.10). Thus, most of the inhabitants have to engage in various activities apart from working in the agricultural sector. The people are most preferably Sub-occupation of the Resource Users Others NTFP Collector Household Industrial worker Agriculture in own land Agricultural Labour 0

Bally II

Dulki

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

% of population

Fig. 6.7 Sub-occupation of the study villages. Data source BDO office, Gosaba block (2020)

90

6 Appliance of Indigenous Knowlege in Mangrove Conservation …

97

Demographic attributes of Bally-II and Dulki village, Gosaba Female Agricultural Workers Male Agricultural workers Female Workers Male Workers ST SC Literate Female Literate Male 0 Bally II

1000

2000

3000

4000

5000

6000

People

Dulki

Fig. 6.8 Demographic attributes of the study villages. Data Source Census of India (2011)

NTFP collection, Dulki village Honey

Wax

Fish

Prawn

20%

Crab

NTFP collection, Bally-II village

Firewood

Honey

Wax

Fish

Prawn

16%

21%

Crab

16%

9%

9% 18%

10%

Firewood

14%

19% 27%

22%

Fig. 6.9 NTFP collection of the study villages. Data source Gosaba BDO office (2020)

Average annual income from NFTPs

Average annual household income 200000

160000 140000 120000

Income (Rs.)

Income (Rs.)

150000 100000 50000

100000 80000 60000 40000 20000

0 Agriculture

Labour Dulki

NTFP

Service

Bally II

Total

0 Honey

Wax

Fish Dulki

Prawn

Crab

Firewood

Bally II

Fig. 6.10 Annual income from household and NTFP collection. Data source Gosaba BDO office (2020)

engaged in the fishing sector as the fish and prawn collection-related activities help to sustain and here they employ their ITK and thus it become inter-generational economic practices since very long.

98

B. K. Mondal and R. Das

Table 6.3 Livelihood issues affected by climate change-induced condition: Respondent’s view Livelihood Issues

Cyclone

Flood

Riverbank erosion

Embankment damage

Salinity

Sea level rise

Soil erosion

Agriculture

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Livestock

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

No

Yes

Fishing

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Shrimp culture

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

No

Honey production

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

No

Yes

No

Respondent’s View on Livelihood Issues Affected by Climate Change The ITK of the inhabited community of the study villages of the Gosaba block and the perception of various issues of climate change along with the effects on livelihood, and ecological systems is very imperative. The reaffirmed perceptions on the livelihood affected by climate change-induced hazardous situations from the local community are stated below (Table 6.3). It revealed that roughly all the livelihood-dependent issues in the study areas, like agriculture, livestock, fishing, shrimp culture, honey collection, etc., are affected mostly by the cyclone, floods, riverbank erosion, sea-level rise, embankment damages, salinity, soil erosion, and only a few are stated that shrimp culture and honey collection are not much affected by soil erosion and salinity issues. Moreover, it can be assumed that the inhabitants are often bound to cope with such vulnerable situations by their adaptive capacity using the ITK.

6.5 Conclusion The ITK and TEK-based knowledge of the indigenous inhabited communities append a collective responsibility for sustainable use of the mangrove resources and management of the natural resources of ISD. This knowledge and practices help to develop the adaptive capacity of the inhabitants of ISD to respond collectively, especially during stressed circumstances, and thus heighten their resilience. It is imperative to note that the ISD is very susceptible to any kind of hazard and therefore, the blending of relevant TEK-related practices is extremely essential to formulate any resilient strategy leading towards sustainable solutions. The systematic documentation, protection, and strengthening of such knowledge systems have superior potential henceforth, it would be a key resolution for adaptation and mitigation, especially during climate change-induced hazards. In this chapter, diverse aspects, like mangrove forest degradation, population, poverty, etc., are used to understand the existing as well as abandoned situations of ISD and ITK-related practices about

6 Appliance of Indigenous Knowlege in Mangrove Conservation …

99

forest conservation, sustaining livelihood, coping, and adaptation to climate risks. The study also employed the remotely sensed data for accurate forest degradation, and secondary data to depict the demographic pressure along with the primabservation with the application of participatory methods, like traditional historical knowledge base, recall method, seasonal movement, occupational practices, etc. The group discussion with the selected members of the indigenous community (diverse age, gender, education qualification, and exposure to the outer world) is also conducted which helps to portray the varied opinion, knowledge base, and occupational behaviour of the ISD. Therefore, it can be concluded that Sundarban as an ecologically as well as economically resourceful area should be used properly to achieve environmental sustainability through employing the ITK and TEK along with the modern approach to management. To ensure the conservation, protection, and proper management of the resources as well as the forest resource of Sundarban, one thing should always be remembered that the people must not expel from using the resources. A particular pattern of use of these resources with some special care so that the recourse base will neither be exhausted or not destroyed. Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank Netaji Subhas Open University for providing the supportive research project funding (No. AC/140/2021-22) and Prof. Pranabes Sanyal, Ex-Field Director, Sundarban Tiger Reserve and Sri Subhas Acharya, Former Joint Director, Sundarban Development Board, for their valuable comments; and Sri Subrata Sarkar, without whom the fieldwork in Gosaba would have been hundred times difficult. This effort is a tribute to the inhabitants of Sundarban for their spontaneous response during interviews and discussions.

References Bakshi A, Panigrahi AK (2015) Studies on the impact of climate changes on Biodiversity of Mangrove forest of Sundarban Delta Region. J Environ Sociobiol 12(1):7–14. https://www.res earchgate.net/publication/320244331 Banerjee BK, Singh H (1993) The shrimp fry by catch in West Bengal. Madras: Bay of Bengal Publication.WP/88 Census of India (2001–2011) Provisional Population Totals. Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India, Ministry of Home Affairs, New Delhi, India. https://censusindia.gov.in/ 2011census/dchb/DCHB_A/19/1917_PART_A_DCHB_SOUTH%20TWENTY%20FOUR% 20PARGANAS.pdf. Accessed 02 Mar 2020 Chakraborty SC (2005) The Sundarbans Terrain, Legends, Gods and Myths. Geograph Rev India 67(1):1–11 Chaudhuri AB, Choudhury A (1994) Mangroves of the Sundarbans, India. Gland: IUCN – The World Conservation Union, vol 1 Chowdhury AN, Mondal R, Bramha A, Biswas MK (2008) Eco-psychiatry and environmental conservation: study from Sundarban delta, India. Environ Health Insights 2:61–76. https://doi. org/10.4137/EHI.S935 Das K (2016) Livelihood dynamics as a response to natural hazards: a case study of selected places of Basanti and Gosaba blocks, West Bengal,. Earth Sciences. Science Publishing Group 5(1):13. https://doi.org/10.11648/j.earth.20160501.12 De B (1994) West Bengal District Gazetteers: 24-Parganas. Government of West Bengal, Calcutta

100

B. K. Mondal and R. Das

De HK, Saha GS (2001) Indigenous technical Knowledge in feed and nutrition. Aquac Asia VI 2:20–21 District Human Development Report of South and North 24 Parganas (2009) Development & Planning Department, Government of West Bengal, pp 1–20. http://www.wbpspm.gov.in/public ations/District%20Human%20Development%20Report. Accessed 12 Mar 2020 District Statistical Handbook of South and North 24 Parganas (2009) Development & Planning Department, Government of West Bengal, pp 1–20. http://www.wbpspm.gov.in/publications/Dis trict%20Statistical%20Handbook. Accessed 12 Mar 2020 Dumenu WK, Obeng EA (2016) Climate change and rural communities in Ghana: social vulnerability, impacts, adaptations and policy implications. Environ Sci Policy 55:208–217 Dutta S, Maiti S, Garai S, Bhakat M, Mandal S (2019) Socio Economic Scenario of the Farming Community Living in Climate Sensitive Indian Sundarbans. Int J Curr Microbiol Appl Sci. Excellent Publishers 8(02):3156–3164. https://doi.org/10.20546/ijcmas.2019.802.369 Eaton RM (1990) Human settlement and colonization in the Sundarbans: 1200–1750. Agric Hum Values 7(2):6–16 Ghosh S, Chakraborty D, Dash P, Patra S, Nandy P, Mondal PP (2018) Climate risks adaptation strategies for Indian Sundarbans. PeerJ. https://doi.org/10.7287/peerj.preprints.26963v2 Hahn MB, Riederer AM, Foster SO (2009) The livelihood vulnerability index: a pragmatic approach to assessing risks from climate variability and change—a case study in Mozambique. Glob Environ Chang 19(1):74–88 Hajra RG, T, (2018) Agricultural productivity, household poverty and migration in the Indian Sundarban Delta. elementa. University of California Press 6. https://doi.org/10.1525/elemen ta.196 Hunter WW (1875) A statistical account of Bengal, vol I, Part-II: Sundarbans. Calcutta: Government of West Bengal Jahan A (2018) The Effect of Salinity in the flora and fauna of the Sundarbans and the impacts on local livelihood. Master Thesis in Sustainable Development 2018/33. Published at Department of Earth Sciences, Uppasala University. http://uu.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1261398/FUL LTEXT01.pdf. Accessed 07 Mar 2020 Kanjilal T (1999a) Ban Kete Basat (Deforestation for Settlement). Pathe Prantare (in Bengali). Projanma, Calcutta, pp 7–14 Kanjilal T (1999b) Sundarbaner Nadibandher Samasya (Problems of river embankments of Sundarbans). Pathe Prantare (in Bengali). Projanma, Calcutta, pp 34–37 Kanjilal T (2000) Who killed the Sundarban? Tagore Soc Rural Develop, Calcutta Konar AK (2010) Tribal communities and their age-old sacred groves: a fair fieldwork in the Purulia District of West Bengal. India. Stud Tribes Tribals 8(1):1–12 Laha A (2019) Mitigating climate change in Sundarbans role of social and solidarity economy in Mangrove conservation and livelihood generation implementing the sustainable development goals: what role for social and solidarity economy? http://unsse.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/ 07/258_Laha_Mitigating-Climate-Change-in-Sundarbans_En.pdf. Accessed on 10 Mar 2021 Lanzano C (2013) What kind of knowledge is “indigenous knowledge”? Critical insights from a case study in Burkina Faso. Transcience 4(2):3–18 Mallick R (1999) Refugee resettlement in forest reserves: West Bengal Policy reversal and the Marichjhapi Massacre. J Asian Stud 58(1):104–125 Mandal AK (2003) The Sundarbans of India: a development analysis. Indus Publishing Company, New Delhi Mandal AK, Ghosh RK (1989) Sundarban: a socio-bio-ecological study. Bookland, Calcutta Mondal BK (2015) Nature of propensity of Indian Sundarban. Int J Appl Res Stud 4(1):1–17 Mondal BK (2018) Assessment of effects of global warming and climate change on the vulnerability of Indian Sundarban. In: Shukla PS (ed) Sustainable development: dynamic perspective. Anjan Publisher, Kolkata, pp 63–74 Mukherjee KN (1969) Nature and problem of neo-reclamation in the Sundarbans. Geograph Rev India 31(4):1–20

6 Appliance of Indigenous Knowlege in Mangrove Conservation …

101

Mukhopadhyay A (2016) Living with disasters: communities and development in the Indian Sundarbans. Cambridge University Press, New Delhi Mukhopadhyay R, Roy SB (2015) Traditional knowledge for biodiversity conservation, maintain ecosystem services and livelihood security in the context of climate change: case studies from West Bengal, India, Biodiversity 6(1, 2): 22–29 National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO) (2001) Consumption of some important commodities in India. Report No. 461, NSSO 55th Round 1999/2000. New Delhi: Department of Statistics, National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO), Government of India O’Malley LSS (1998) Bengal District Gazetteers: 24 Parganas. Government of West Bengal, Calcutta Pandit PK (2011) Conservation and cultural dimensions of sacred groves in Paschim Medinipur District, West Bengal, India. The Indian Forester 137(5) Pound B, Lamboll R, Croxton S, Gupta N (2018) Climate-Resilient Agriculture in South Asia: an analytical framework and insights from practice. https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/res ources/OPM_Agriculture_Pr2Final_WEB.pdf. Accessed 2 Mar 2020 Ray T (2013) Indigenous fishing knowledge of Sundarban. Lokaratna V & VI: 1–11 Roy A, Sinha A, Manna RA, Aftabuddin MD, Das SK (2020) Traditional knowledge of the fishermen community of Indian Sundarbans: an assessment of rationality and effectiveness. Indian J Fish 67(2):94–101. https://doi.org/10.21077/ijf.2019.67.2.86752-13 Sahana M, Sajjad H (2019) Vulnerability to storm surge flood using remote sensing and GIS techniques: a study on Sundarban biosphere reserve, India. Remote Sensing Appl Soc Environ 13:106–120 Sahana M, Rehman S, Ahmed R, Sajjad H (2020) Analyzing climate variability and its effects in Sundarban Biosphere Reserve, India: reaffirmation from local communities, environment, development and sustainability. Springer Netherlands, (0123456789). https://doi.org/10.1007/ s10668-020-00682-5 Sahana M, Rehman S, Paul AK, Sajjad H (2019) Assessing socio-economic vulnerability to climate change-induced disasters: evidence from Sundarban biosphere reserve. Geol Ecol Landscapes, India. https://doi.org/10.1080/24749508.2019.1700670 Sarkar SK, Bhattacharya AK (2003) Conservation of biodiversity of the coastal resources of Sundarbans, Northeast India: an integrated approach through environmental education. Mar Pollut Bull 47:260–264 Sen A (2016) Honey, they shrunk our livelihoods! Down to Earth. 31st December 2016. http://www. downtoearth.org.in/news/honey-they-shrunk-our-livelihoods-56630 Sen A, Pattanaik S (2017a) Role of CBNRM in the livelihoods of Sundarban: implications of customary rights, law and practices. Econom Political Weekly LII 29:93–104 Sen A, Pattanaik S (2017b) How can traditional livelihoods find a place in contemporary conservation politics debates in India? Understanding community perspectives in Sundarban, West Bengal. J Political Ecol 24:861–880 Silas EG (1987) Mangroves and fisheries: management strategies. In: Proceedings of the national seminar on estuarine management, STEC, Trivandrum, India, pp 258–267

Chapter 7

Assessing the Traditional Ecological Knowledge on Natural Resource Use Pattern for Self-Sustenance: A Case Study of Pangwals, Western Himalaya Dipika Rana, Anupam Bhatt, Brij Lal, and Khan Mohammed Latif

7.1 Introduction The Himalayan region is rich in biological resources, traditional knowledge, and practices that provide the basis for the well-being and livelihoods of the indigenous mountain communities that maintain their health and replenishes the environment (Samant et al. 2013; Magni 2017). The mountain system of the Himalayas covers about 18% of the geographical area of India which accounts for more than 50% of forest cover and 40% of endemic species of the Indian subcontinent (Rao et al. 2003). The biodiversity of the Himalayas is a storehouse of natural resources and other ecosystem services that fulfil or meet the demands of innumerable people residing in uplands and lowlands (Negi et al. 2019). It is well documented that around 20% of Earth is a dwelling place for about 370 million indigenous people who have a historic and cultural relation with biodiversity (UNESCO 2016). The rich resources and ecosystem services of the Himalayan region not only provide sustainable livelihood to the native mountain people, but also to the other populations in the adjoining areas. Thus, natives of such premises have established symbiotic associations with nature and have a deep-rooted history of religious and cultural beliefs (Kala and Sharma 2010; Vidyarthi et al. 2013). On the International platform also under the UN Agenda 2030 for the promotion of D. Rana School of Biological and Environmental Sciences, Shoolini University, Solan 173229, India D. Rana · A. Bhatt · B. Lal (B) Environmental Technology Division, CSIR-Institute of Himalayan Bioresource Technology, Palampur H.P-176061, India e-mail: [email protected] K. Mohammed Latif (B) Dr. Harisingh Gour Vishwavidyalaya (A central University), Sagar, Madhya Pradesh 470003, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_7

103

104

D. Rana et al.

‘Sustainable Development Goals’ (SDGs) and the agreement on the Aichi Biodiversity Targets (ABT) by the Parties of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) biodiversity conservation has been emphasized (Navarro et al. 2017). The traditional knowledge systems play a significant role in the socioeconomic status of developing nations, as the people are much dependent on bioresources and biodiversity (Langton et al. 2009; Lal et al. 2019). The indigenous people are dependent on various bioresources to meet their basic sustenance needs including food, fodder, fuel, fibre, medicinal plants, etc. (Samant et al. 1998; Dorji 2012). The mountain people are involved in various other practices like agriculture, cattle rearing, and forestry for meeting day-to-day needs. Himachal Pradesh state is one of the Indian Himalayan regions that is located in the northwest corner between the latitudes 30° 23’–33° 13’ N and longitudes 75° 43’–79° 4’ E. Pangi sub-division is a tribal region located in the district Chamba that consists of 16 panchayats and 54 inhabited villages at the elevations between 2100 and 3400 m above mean sea level (Bhatt et al. 2018). The villages at the high altitudes are primarily inhabited by Bhots (Buddhists) and called the Bhatoris, while the other tribal Hindu population is called the Pangwals. The valley has rich floral and faunal diversity besides possessing rich ethnic and cultural diversity. The local inhabitants have vast traditional knowledge and thus the present study was conducted in this unique and lesser-explored region.

7.2 Materials and Methods 7.2.1 Study Area Pangi valley is located between the latitudes of 30°48’N to 33°13’N and longitudes of 76°15’E to 76°47’E and is divided into three forest ranges, namely: Killar, Sach, and Purthi. River Chandrabhaga meanders through the valley from East to West. The catchment area of the river is characterized by vegetation types varying from temperate, sub-alpine, and alpine and is dominated by species like Betula utilis, Cedrus deodara, Pinus wallichiana, Juglans regia, etc. The main occupation of the people is agriculture and cattle rearing. An indigenous breed of cow called ‘Churi’ is reared in the region that is well adapted to the extreme climatic and geographical conditions of the region (Figs. 7.3 and 7.4). Besides the collection of plants and other resources from the wild, the people also cultivate many crops like Amaranthus paniculatus, Fagopyrum spp., Hordeum vulgare, and Triticum aestivum. With time, the cultivation of cash crops such as peas, apples, and other fruits has also increased in the region. People celebrate several seasonal fairs and festivals throughout the year like Jukaru, Lishoo, Punahie, Phoolyatra, Sheel, etc. The people in the region have Mahila mandals, and a praja system for proper administrative functioning. These indigenous people can be considered conservationists of cultural heritage and traditional knowledge. Both Pangwali men and women have a unique way of dressing

7 Assessing the Traditional Ecological Knowledge on Natural Resource …

105

Fig. 7.1 Pangwali women in traditional attire

Fig. 7.2 Pangwali men wearing traditional cap ‘Tope’

in peculiar caps called ‘Tope’ worn by men and ‘Joji’ worn by women (Figs. 7.1 and 7.2) (Bhatt et al. 2018).

7.2.2 Methodology Extensive field tours were conducted in the Pangi region of district Chamba from July 2017 to September 2018 to cover ten villages in the area (Fig. 7.5). The various villages consisted of Hudan, Jhalwas, Killar, Leu, Parmas, Parmar, Sach, Sural, Tatan, and Tamoh in which a total of 120 informants were interviewed through pre-designed semi-structured questionnaires and group discussions to document the resource use in the region. It was assured to take prior consent of the informants before conducting interviews. A local guide was hired to enable better understanding and reliability for

106

D. Rana et al.

Fig. 7.3 Indigenous breed of cow (Churi)

Fig. 7.4 Cattle rearing by indigenous people

the entire duration of the study. Observations of the researchers while documenting the process of various preparations were also a tool for collecting information.

7.3 Results 7.3.1 Medicinal Plant Use in the Region A total of 38 plant species were documented that were used by the local people for curing various ailments. The most commonly used plants included Aconitum heterophyllum, Angelica glauca, Artemisia parviflora, Inula racemosa, Onosma hispida, Valeriana jatamansi, and Viola canescens. The various modes to treat the disease were powder, decoction, paste, and fresh aerial parts. The maximum parts used were roots, leaves, and aerial parts of the plants, seeds, and flowers. The common

7 Assessing the Traditional Ecological Knowledge on Natural Resource …

Fig. 7.5 Map showing the surveyed villages in the study area

107

108

D. Rana et al.

ailments that were mostly cured using these medicinal plants included cold, fever, cuts, wounds, and joint pains (Table 7.1).

7.3.2 Wild Edible Plants Used A total of 19 species of wild plants were reported by the informants for their use as edibles. Fruits of 10 species were edible, while for 6 species, leaves were edible and aerial parts of 3 species were harvested for cooking (Table 7.2) (Fig. 7.6). The people of the region have different methods of preserving food products for the winter season. They sun-dry the various vegetables, cheese, and even meat and store them for consumption during harsh environmental conditions (Fig. 7.7; Table 7.3).

7.3.3 Plant Species Used in Agricultural Implements and as Fuelwood Twelve species were reported to be used as fuelwood and agricultural implements. Most of the agricultural implements were prepared from Betula utilis, Celtis australis, Prunus cerasoides, Pyrus pashia, and Viburnum spp. The common fuelwood species were Crataegus songarica, Elaeagnus conferta, Juglans regia, Pinus wallichiana, Prunus cornuta, Ulmus wallichiana, and Viburnum spp. (Fig. 7.8).

7.3.4 Plant Species Used as Fodder Fifteen plant species were reported to be used as fodder (Table 7.4). The tree species consisted of Aesculus indica, and Ulmus wallichiana while the shrub species consisted of Desmodium elegans, and Lonicera quinquelocularis while the herb and climber species consisted of Astragalus rhizanthus, Cicer microphyllum, Fragaria nubicola, and Hedera nepalensis (Fig. 7.9).

7.3.5 Commercial Crops in the Region People in the region have started cultivating some commercially important cash crops like apples, and peas (Fig. 7.10 and Fig. 7.11). Wild commercially important plants include Pinus gerardiana, Corylus jacquemontii, etc.

7 Assessing the Traditional Ecological Knowledge on Natural Resource …

109

Table 7.1 Medicinal plants used by the local people Botanical name

Life form

Family

Local name

Disease treated

Mode of use

Part use

Aconitum heterophyllum Wall. ex Royle

Herb

Ranunculaceae

Atis

Fever, Abdominal pain

Powder

Rt

Aconitum violaceum Jacq. ex Stapf

Herb

Ranunculaceae

–

Joint pain

Powder

Rt

Angelica glauca Edgew

Herb

Apiaceae

Chura

Joint pain, Fever, Cough, Repellent

Powder

Rt

Artemisia maritima L.

Herb

Asteraceae

Saici

Stomach worms, Repellent

Decoction

Ap

Artemisia parviflora L.

Herb

Asteraceae

Shambar booti

Stomach pain, Decoction, Lf Cuts, Wounds Paste

Astragalus himalayanus Klotz

Herb

Fabaceae

Kayabachtp

Bladder pain

Berberis lycium Royle

Shrub Berberidaceae

Kasmal

Conjunctivitis, Dilute Toothache paste, Twig

Rt, St

Berginia ligulata (Wall.) Engl

Herb

Saxifragaceae

Shaprotri

Cold, Stone

Smoke, Powder

Lf

Chenopodium album L.

Herb

Amaranthaceae

Baathu

Indigestion, Tonic

Fresh

Ap, Sd

Cicer microphyllum Benth

Herb

Fabaceae

Chiri

Canker sore

Fresh

Sd

Clematis grata Wall

Herb

Ranunculaceae

Bharani

Acne, Boils

Paste

Lf

Datisca cannabina L.

Shrub Datiscaceae

Pahari neem Fever, Repellent

Decoction, Lf Fresh

Epilobium aungustifolium L.am

Herb

Onagraceae

Dharshak

Burn, Rashes

Paste

Lf

Gentiana moorcroftiana Wall. Ex G. Don

Herb

Gentianaceae

–

Jaundice

Decoction

Lf

Heracleum lanatum Michx

Herb

Apiaceae

Dundu

Fever, Abdominal pain, Snake bite

Decoction, Rt Paste

Hyoscyamus niger L.

Herb

Solanaceae

Dhandhuru

Asthma, Cough, Toothache

Powder

Sd

Inula racemosa Hook. F Herb

Asteraceae

–

Rheumatism, Jaundice, Stomachache, Asthma

Powder

Rt

Powder

Sd, Fl

(continued)

110

D. Rana et al.

Table 7.1 (continued) Botanical name

Life form

Lactuca dissecta D. Don Herb

Family

Local name

Disease treated

Mode of use

Part use

Asteraceae

Dudhil

Infection

Paste

Ap

Lonicera Shrub Caprifoliaceae quinquelocularis Hardw

Bakhur

Skin eruption

Paste, Dry

Fr

Mentha longifolia (L.) Huds

Herb

Lamiaceae

Mahni

Boils, Repellent

Paste

Lf

Morina coulteriana Royle

Herb

Morinaceae

Tinglaa

Abortifacient, Incense

Decoction

Fl, Rt

Morina longifolia Wall

Herb

Morinaceae

Tinglaa

Incense

Dry

Fl

Onosma hispida Wall. Ex G. Don

Herb

Boraginaceae

Kom

Dye, Cuts, Wounds

Paste

Ap

Origanum vulgare L.

Herb

Lamiaceae

Marua

Astringent, Heatstroke

Fresh, Dry Ap

Scrophulariaceae Kour

Rheumatism, Fever

Powder

Rt

Picrorhiza kurroa Royle Herb ex Benth Sinopodophylum hexandrum Royle

Herb

Berberidaceae

Bankakri

Asthma, Dye, Pain

Powder

Rt, Fr

Ranunculus arvense L.

Herb

Ranunculaceae

Gudi

Cuts, Wounds

Paste

Lf

Ranunculus laetus Wall. Herb Ex Royle

Ranunculaceae

Jaldaru

Scar

Paste

Lf

Rheum australe D. Don

Herb

Polygonaceae

Paven

Appetizer

Dry

Lf

Rubia cordifolia L.

Herb

Rubiaceae

Mishtu

Ringworm

Paste

Ap

Sarcococca saligna (D. Don) Muell.-Arg.

Shrub Buxaceae

Diyund

Astringent

Paste

Lf

Saussurea costus (Falc.) Herb Lipsch

Asteraceae

Kuth

Rheumatism, Cold

Powder, Paste

Rt

Scorzonera virgata DC.

Herb

Asteraceae

Thunbu

Constipation

Powder

Lf

Thymus linearis Benth

Herb

Lamiaceae

Sunouni

Heatstroke, Indigestion

Paste

Lf

Urtica dioica L..

Herb

Urticaceae

Ain

Weakness

Fresh

Lf

Valeriana jatamansi DC.

Herb

Valerianaceae

Mushakwala Incense, Scar

Dry, Paste

Rt, Lf

Verbascum thapsus L.

Herb

Scrophulariaceae Jangli Tamaku

Boils, Wounds Paste

Ap

Viola canescens Wall. Ex Roxb

Herb

Violaceae

Cold, Cough, Fever

Fl

Vanksha

Decoction

Abbreviations used: Ap—Aerial part; Lf—Leaf; Rt-Root; Fl—Flower; Fr—Fruit; Sd—Seed

7.4 Discussion Recently, the studies on the documentation of traditional knowledge have gained much attention. It has been reported that 80% of the world’s population still uses traditional medicinal practices (WHO 2008; Samant et al. 2001). In remote mountain

7 Assessing the Traditional Ecological Knowledge on Natural Resource …

111

Table 7.2 List of wild edible plants from the study area Botanical name

Life form

Family

Local name

Mode of use

Part use

Chenopodium foliosum Wall

Herb

Amaranthaceae

Cheyi

Fresh

Fr

Crataegus songarica K. Koch

Tree

Rosaceae

Pingyath

Fresh

Fr

Elaeagnus conferta Roxb.

Tree

Elaeagnaceae

Gaihein

Fresh

Fr

Fragaria nubicola Hook.

Herb

Rosaceae

Dhul-akhre

Fresh

Fr

Malva neglecta Wall.

Herb

Malvaceae

Sonchal

Fresh, Dry Lf

Morus serrata Roxb.

Tree

Moraceae

Nangle

Fresh, Dry Fr

Nasturtium officinale R.Br.

Herb

Brassicaceae

Saa

Fresh, Dry Ap

Oxyria digyna (L.) Hill

Herb

Polygonaceae

Suchali

Fresh, Dry Ap

Phytolacca acinosa Roxb.

Herb

Phytolaccaceae

Ranshag, Ashlu

Fresh

Lf

Polygonum alpinum Allioni.

Herb

Polygonaceae

Chohr

Fresh

Ap

Prunus cornuta (Wall. Ex Royle) Steud.

Tree

Rosaceae

Jammu

Fresh, Dry Fr

Rubus ellipticus Sm

Shrub

Rosaceae

Aakhre

Fresh

Fr

Rubus niveus Thunb

Shrub

Rosaceae

Lal aakhre

Fresh

Fr

Silene vulgaris (Moench) Garcke

Herb

Caryophyllaceae

Ghantoli

Fresh

Lf

Stellaria media (L.) Vill.

Herb

Caryophyllaceae

Kokuwa

Fresh

Lf

Trigonella emodi Benth.

Herb

Fabaceae

Kuchona

Fresh

Lf

Urtica dioica L.

Herb

Urticaceae

Ain

Fresh

Lf

Viburnum cotinifolium D. Don.

Shrub

Caprifoliaceae

Tilanj

Fresh, Dry Fr

Viburnum grandiflorum Buch-Ham. Ex D. Don

Shrub

Caprifoliacae

Tilhanj

Fresh, Dry Fr

Abbreviations used: Ap—Aerial part; Lf—Leaf; Fr—Fruit

regions, cultural diversity is closely related to biodiversity along with religious and conservation ethics (Negi 2010). In the present study, the rich traditional knowledge of the Himalayan tribal community- the Pangwals has been highlighted. The people of the region are dependent largely on natural resources for their survival. They celebrate several festivals throughout the year. It has been stated that the collaborative harvesting and sharing of wild foods foster social bonding among the mountain people (Kehoe 2014). Thereby, the traditional knowledge of the Pangwals can have great implications for bioprospection and employment generation in this region.

112

D. Rana et al.

Table 7.3 List of plant species used in fuelwood and agricultural implements Botanical name

Life form

Family

Local name

Uses

Mode of use

Parts used

Betula utilis D. Don

Tree

Betulaceae

Bhuj

Plough, Fuel wood

Dry

St, Br

Celtis australis L.

Tree

Cannabaceae

Khirak

Neck yoke, Fuel wood

Dry

St, Br

Crataegus songarica K. Koch

Tree

Rosaceae

Pingyath

Cane, Fuel wood

Fresh

St

Elaeagnus conferta Roxb. Tree

Elaeagnaceae

Gaihein

Cane, Fuel wood

Fresh

St

Juglans regia L.

Tree

Juglandaceae

Gahyel

Fuelwood, Timber

Dry

St, Br

Pinus wallichiana A.B.Jacks.

Tree

Pinaceae

Chil

Fuelwood, Timber

Dry

St, Br

Prunus cerasoides Buch.-Ham. ex D.Don

Tree

Rosaceae

Krun

Neck yoke, plough, Fuel wood

Dry

St, Br

Prunus cornuta (Wall. Ex Royle) Steud.

Tree

Rosaceae

Jammu

Cane, Fuel wood

Fresh, Dry

Br

Pyrus pashia Buch.-Ham. Tree ex D.Don

Rosaceae

Say

Plough, Fuel wood

Dry

St, Br

Ulmus wallichiana Planch.

Tree

Ulmaceae

Mandhu

Fuelwood, Cane

Dry

St, Br

Viburnum cotinifolium D. Don

Shrub

Caprifoliaceae

Ka

Cane, Fuel wood

Fresh, Dry

St

Viburnum grandiflorum Buch-Ham. Ex D. Don

Shrub

Caprifoliaceae

Tilhanj

Cane, Fuel wood

Fresh, Dry

St

Abbreviations used: Br—Bark; St—Stem

Juglans regia Fig. 7.6 Wild edibles collected from forests

Prunus armeniaca

7 Assessing the Traditional Ecological Knowledge on Natural Resource …

Drying of Nasturium officinale and Silene vulgaris young leaves and shoots

113

Drying of cheese extracted from buttermilk

Fig. 7.7 Traditional food preservation of wild-collected plants and milk products

Plough

Ox Neck Yoke (beam) used in ploughing

Fig. 7.8 Agricultural implements made from forest wood

The maximum number of species were reported from the family Asteraceae (7 no.) followed by Fabaceae, Polygonaceae, Ranunculaceae, and Rosaceae (5 no.). The usage of the leaf was the maximum (32%) followed by aerial part (16%) and root (15%). Previous studies conducted in the Indian Himalayan region have shown similar trends (Rana et al. 2019, 2021). The native people of the Himalayan region have a wide knowledge of natural resource use (Bates et al. 2009; Samant et al. 2013) which has proved to be resilient and sustainable in face of environmental changes. In wake of the misuse of traditional knowledge and associated resources, the Biological Diversity Act, of 2002 can help preserve intellectual property rights. The State Biodiversity Boards (SBBs) at the state level along with Biodiversity Management Committees (BMCs) through the maintenance of People’s Biodiversity Registration (PBRs) wave way for fair and

114

D. Rana et al.

Table 7.4 List of plant fodder species from the study area Botanical name

Life form

Family

Local name

Mode of use as fodder

Part used

Aesculus indica Hook.

Tree

Sapindaceae

Gonn

Fresh

Lf

Astragalus rhizanthus Royle ex Benth.

Herb

Fabaceae

Zomoshing

Fresh

Ap

Cicer microphyllum Benth Herb

Fabaceae

Chiri

Fresh

Ap

Cuscuta reflexa Roxb.

Climber

Cuscutaceae

Amarbel

Paste, Fresh

Wp

Desmodium elegans DC

Shrub

Fabaceae

Kathi

Fresh, Dry

Lf

Fragaria nubicola Hook

Herb

Rosaceae

Dhul-akhre

Fresh

Ap

Hedera nepalensis C. Koch

Climber

Araliaceae

Kurrai

Fresh, Dry

Lf Ap

Impatiens sulcata L.

Herb

Balsaminaceae

Halva

Dry

Lonicera quinquelocularis Hardw.

Shrub

Caprifoliaceae

Bakhur

Paste, Dry Lf

Polygonum alpinum Allioni.

Herb

Polygonaceae

Chohr

Fresh

Ap

Rumex acetosa L.

Herb

Polygonaceae

Ubbal

Fresh, Dry

Lf

Rumex nepalensis Spreng. Herb

Polygonaceae

Ubbal

Fresh, Dry

Lf

Silene vulgaris (Moench) Garcke

Caryophyllaceae

Ghantolu

Fresh

Lf

Herb

Smilax aspera L.

Shrub

Smilacaceae

Dadrund

Fresh

Ap

Ulmus wallichiana Planch.

Tree

Ulmaceae

Mandhu

Dry

Lf

Abbreviations used: Ap—Aerial part; Lf—Leaf; Wp—Whole part

Fodder collected from wild Fig. 7.9 Fodder plants collected from wild

Drying of fodder for storage

7 Assessing the Traditional Ecological Knowledge on Natural Resource …

Apple (Malus domestica)

115

Seasonal Pea harvesting in the region

Fig. 7.10 Cultivated commercial crops

Neoza (Pinus gerardiana)

Hazelnut (Corylus jacquemontii)

Fig. 7.11 Wild commercial crops

equitable sharing of biodiversity. It is essential that tribal people are made aware of the sustainable harvesting techniques of plants for their conservation (Rana et al. 2019).

7.5 Conclusion The use of natural resources forms an important component of the Pangwali lifestyle. These tribal people not only sustain them in a resource-limited environment, but these are also of high cultural significance for them. Many resource use patterns are linked to their social and cultural values, and during winters when the food is limited, the Pangwals process and store food. Unfortunately, declining trends in this knowledge have serious implications and it, therefore, becomes important to preserve this knowledge. It is hoped that the present study from one of the remote areas of the Himalayas will inspire further work and lead to value addition vis-à-vis its conservation.

116

D. Rana et al.

Acknowledgements The Director, CSIR-IHBT, Palampur is highly acknowledged for providing facilities and encouragement. Thanks are also due to the financial assistance provided by DST, Govt. of India under the project entitled "Network programme on the convergence of traditional knowledge system for sustainable development in the Indian Himalayan Region". The authors are highly grateful to the indigenous people of the Pangi region for sharing their knowledge.

References Bates P, Chiba M, Kube S, Nakashima D (2018) Learning & knowing in indigenous societies today. UNESCO Bhatt A, Rana D, Uniyal SK, Kumar A, Lal B (2018) Biodiversity, traditional knowledge, and cultural aspects of the native people of the Pangi valley, Chamba district. In: H.P. Proceedings of International Biodiversity Congress, Forest Research Institute, Dehradun, vol 4, pp 1–6 Dorji Y (2012) Women’s role in wild yam, conservation, management and use in Bhutan. In: Verma R (ed) Khadka M. Gender and Biodiversity management in the Greater Himalayas, ICIMOD, pp 27–51 Dutt B, Nath D, Chauhan NS, Sharma KR, Sharma SS (2014) Ethno-medicinal plant resources of Tribal Pangi Valley in District Chamba, Himachal Pradesh. India. IJBSM 5(3):416–421 Kala M, Sharma A (2010) Traditional Indian beliefs: a key toward sustainable living. Environmentalist 30(1):85–89 Kehoe M (2014) Ethnographic explorations of the foodways of three generations of women in Kasabonika Lake First Nation. Masters Thesis Lal B, Rana D, Bhatt A (2019) Natural resource use pattern for self-sustenance by the natives of Tissa region of Himachal Pradesh in Western Himalaya, India. Ethnobotany 2:132–152 Langton M, Ma Rhea Z, Sykes H (2009) Indigenous education and the ladder to prosperity. Perspectives:95–119 Magni G (2017) Indigenous knowledge and implications for the sustainable development agenda. Eur J Educ 52(4):437–447 Navarro LM, Fernández N, Guerra C, Guralnick R, Kissling WD, Londoño MC, Muller-Karger F, Turak E, Balvanera P, Costello MJ, Delavaud A (2017) Monitoring biodiversity change through effective global coordination. Curr Opin Environ Sustain 29:158–169 Negi VS, Maikhuri RK, Maletha A, Phondani PC (2019) Ethnobotanical knowledge and population density of threatened medicinal plants of Nanda Devi biosphere reserve, Western Himalaya, India. Iran J Sci Technol Trans A Sci 43(1):63–73 Negi CS (2010) Traditional culture and biodiversity conservation: examples from Uttarakhand. Central Himalaya. MRD 30(3):259–265 Rana D, Bhatt A, Lal B (2019) Ethnobotanical knowledge among the semi-pastoral Gujjar tribe in the high altitude (Adhwari’s) of Churah subdivision, district Chamba. Western Himalaya. J Ethnobiol Ethnomed 15(1):1–21 Rana D, Bhatt A, Lal B, Parkash O, Kumar A, Uniyal SK (2021) Use of medicinal plants for treating different ailments by the indigenous people of Churah subdivision of district Chamba, Himachal Pradesh. India Environ Dev Sustain 23(2):1162–1241 Rao KS, Semwal RL, Maikhuri RK, Nautiyal S, Sen KK, Singh K, Chandrasekhar K, Saxena KG (2003) Indigenous ecological knowledge, biodiversity and sustainable development in the central Himalayas. Trop Eco 44(1):93–111 Samant SS, Dhar U, Palni LM (1998) Medicinal Plants of Indian Himalaya. Gyanodaya Prakashan, Nainital Samant SS, Dhar U, Rawal RS (2001) Diversity and distribution of wild edible plants of Indian Himalaya, In: Pandey PC, Samant SS (eds) Plant diversity of the Himalaya, Gyanodaya Prakashan, Nainital, pp 421–482.

7 Assessing the Traditional Ecological Knowledge on Natural Resource …

117

Samant SS, Sekar KC, Arya SC (2013) Wild Edible plants. In: Rawal RS, Bhatt ID, Sekar KC, Nandi SK (eds) The Himalayan biodiversity: richness, representativeness, uniqueness and life support values. Kosi-Katarmal, Almora, Uttarakhand, India, pp 53–55 UNESCO (2016) Education for people and planet: creating sustainable futures for all. Global education monitoring report. UNESCO, Paris Vidyarthi S, Samant SS, Sharma P (2013) Traditional and indigenous uses of medicinal plants by local residents in Himachal Pradesh, North Western Himalaya, India. Int J Biodivers Sci Ecosyst Serv Manag 9(3):185–200 World Health Organization (2008) Traditional medicine. Fact Sheet N134, WHO, Geneva, Switzerland

Chapter 8

Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Nepal Basanta Paudel, Til Prasad Pangali Sharma, and Yili Zhang

8.1 Introduction Earth has a diversity of natural resources of varying importance (Van De Wetering 1995). The resources that developed without human interference are defined as natural resources (Barbier 2005; Paudel 2021). Natural resources include land, water, minerals, air, fossil fuels, and forests (Havranek et al. 2016). The uses of natural resources have high value for humans, and many studies have noted that human civilization is directly associated with the availability and use of natural resources (Du et al. 2020; Lyle 1999; Nath 2021). Natural resources can be managed in different ways; initially, there was a lack of advanced tools and knowledge for natural resources management, however, traditional knowledge has been applied for natural resources management and use almost from the beginning of human civilizations (Menzies 2006). Some of those traditional practices are very useful in the current period and have scientific meaning as well. In recent years, more advanced tools and techniques have been applied to the management of natural resources (Thakur and Thakur 2021). Historically, there have been different traditional practices for natural resource management in different parts of the globe (Nesheim et al. 2006). Traditional ecological knowledge seems more scientific in the matter of land, water, and forest resources management (Berkes et al. 1994; Olsson and Folke 2001). Of the many natural B. Paudel · Y. Zhang (B) Key Laboratory of Land Surface Pattern and Simulation, Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Resources Research, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100101, China e-mail: [email protected] B. Paudel · T. P. Pangali Sharma Nepal Geographical Society, Kathmandu 44600, Nepal Institute of Fundamental Research and Studies, Kathmandu 44600, Nepal Y. Zhang University of Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100049, China © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_8

119

120

B. Paudel et al.

resources, land resource management most obviously uses traditional ecological knowledge. Farming in hilly and mountainous regions uses terraces, which were traditionally managed differently in the lowlands, river valleys, and foothills. Terrace farming has controlled soil erosion and losses of fertile land (Tarolli et al. 2014) since ancient times. Traditional ecological knowledge for many kinds of natural resource management has a long history in the Himalayan region (Rai 2007). In the case of Nepal, the community forestry program that was started in 1990 was very successful, and most of the community user group applied indigenous knowledge to the management and conservation of natural vegetation and forest areas (Ghartichhetri et al. 2016; Paudel et al. 2016). The people in Nepal practice indigenous methods for land resource management, as well as for water resources, in different ecological regions. In the case of water resources management, the government of Nepal has emphasized hydroelectricity production based on the run of the river model. Due to the diverse topographical settings in Nepal, this model is more suitable for the development of hydropower projects. Traditional channel irrigation systems are still popular in the hilly and mountain regions, which were more advanced in the lowland Tarai region of the country. For mineral resources, there was some coal mining that applied traditional knowledge but most such mining supported the livelihoods of a small number of people. From the perspective of exploring ecological traditional knowledge for natural resources, i.e., land, water, forests, and mineral resources management in Nepal, this chapter deals with the general status of natural resources and traditional ecological knowledge, as well as their management in different ecological regions of the country.

8.2 Status of Major Natural Resources of Nepal 8.2.1 Land Resources Nepal is located in the central Himalaya, and the country has diverse geographical landscapes with vast altitudinal variations from the southern lowland Tarai region to the northern high Himalaya region. The country has five major physiographic regions including Tarai, Siwalik, Middle Mountain, High Mountain, and High Himalaya. The altitudinal variation ranges from 60 m above sea level (masl) to the top of the world, Mt. Sagarmatha, at 8848.86 masl (Paudel 2021). Due to such altitudinal variation within a short horizontal distance, the land resources of the country are quite diverse. The status of land cover in Nepal shows that the majority of the country is covered by forest areas, followed by agriculture areas. In the third position is shrubland and grassland, and barren land takes the fourth position. Snow/glaciers and water bodies are fifth, and built-up areas have the smallest area in Nepal (Table 8.1). The land resources distribution shows that most of the snow/glaciers and barren land areas of the country are situated in the northern part; however, the agricultural areas are mainly

8 Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Nepal Table 8.1 Land use land cover status of Nepal

Land resources types

121 %

Agriculture land

29.83

Forest

39.1

Shrub land and grassland

11.3

Barren land covers

10.65

Snow/glacier and water bodies

8.8

Built-up area

0.32

Source Uddin et al. (2015)

Fig. 8.1 Land cover status of Nepal. Source Uddin et al. (2015)

distributed in the lowland southern part of the country (Fig. 8.1). The mountainous topography of the country attracts tourists from all over the world.

8.2.2 Natural Vegetation and Forest Resources The largest portion of the area of Nepal (more than 50%) is covered by natural vegetation including forest, shrub land, and grassland, with 39.1% forest area and 11.3% shrub land and grassland (Uddin et al. 2015). A governmental study in 2018 found that 44.47% of the country was covered by forest areas, excluding shrubland and grassland (MoFE 2019; Paudel and Adhikari 2021). Due to the vast altitudinal variations of the country, there are six major vegetation zones: tropical (below 1000

122

B. Paudel et al.

Fig. 8.2 The major vegetation zones of Nepal

masl), subtropical (1000–2000 masl), temperate (2000–3000 masl), subalpine (3000– 4000 masl), alpine (4000–5000 masl), and nival (above 5000 masl) (Paudel 2021) (Fig. 8.2). In Nepal, the southern lowland area is dominated by evergreen tropical vegetation, and the High Himalaya topography in the northern part of the country is dominated by alpine vegetation. Nepal has some valuable vegetation species as well as medicinal plants. The majority of the tropical vegetation is distributed in the Tarai and Siwalik (Chure) areas of the country. Sal trees (Shorea robusta) are the most common vegetation in the tropical vegetation zone of Nepal (Paudel 2021). In the subtropical vegetation zones, sal trees and chir pine (Pinus roxburghii) are the common species (Sapkota et al. 2009). In the temperate vegetation zone, broadleaved evergreen vegetation dominates including Rhododendron spp., Sorbus cuspidata (Metz 1997), Symplocos ramosissima, and Lauraceae (Pandey et al. 2016). The subalpine vegetation zone has flowering and endemic plant species including Taxus, Swertia, Betula, and Paris (Ghimire et al. 2006; Paudel 2021; Shrestha and Jha 2009). The alpine vegetation zone has mainly shrubs and bushy vegetation, and common species are Rhododendron setosum, Gentiana spp., Primula spp., Saussurea spp., and Corydalis spp. (Paudel et al. 2020; Shrestha et al. 2005). The nival vegetation zone has very little hardy vegetation due to climatic conditions of the region and is mostly covered by snow, glaciers, and barren land/rocks. Some lichens and flowering vegetation have been reported in this vegetation zone (Bajracharya 1996; Shrestha et al. 2005).

8 Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Nepal

123

8.2.3 Water Resources Nepal is one of the richest countries in terms of water resources, with more than 6000 river systems originating from the High Himalayan region that provide resources for the country (Paudel 2021). The water resources of the country are mainly used for irrigation, hydropower development, drinking water, and tourism activities. There are many famous river systems in Nepal including Koshi, Narayani, Karnali, Bagmati, Babai, Rapti, Tinau, Kamala, and so on, and most of them originate from the High Himalaya region and carry eroded sediments from higher zones to deposit in the lower zones, which results in fertile agricultural land in the lower zones of the country (Rimal et al. 2018; Yogacharya 1996). Due to topographical variations in Nepal, the water resources are mainly used for hydropower, tourism, and irrigation in the Hilly and Mountain regions of the country and for irrigation in the lowland Tarai region. The different river systems have different runoff capacities. Some of the major rivers’ annual runoff quantities and catchment areas are summarized in Table 8.2. Alpine glaciers and snowmelt of the High Himalayan region are the major sources of most river systems in Nepal. These glaciers and snow provide freshwater for human use. Thus, the snow, glaciers, river systems, and human society are associated with one another. The water resources of the country are not only useful for hydropower projects, drinking water, and irrigation, but also important for freshwater ecosystems (Paudel 2021). Lakes are also a major source of water resources. Nepal has several famous lakes, which support the water tourism of the country as well as water ecosystems. The majority of the lake water resources are associated with river systems that feed and drain the lakes (Paudel 2021). Imja, Tilicho, She-Phoksundo, Rara, Fewa, Rupa, Begnas, Jagadishpur, and Bishajari lakes are some of the famous lakes of Nepal, of which the water resources support irrigation and tourism development. Water resources have been directly associated with human society since the beginning of civilization because they provide water to drink and fish to eat (Sadoff Table 8.2 Annual runoff in major river systems of Nepal

River system

Catchment area (km2 )

Mean annual runoff (billion m3 )

Karnali

42,890

42

Narayani

31,100

39

Koshi

54,100

22

Mahakali

12,100

4

Bagmati

2700

4

West Rapti

3380

3

Babai

3 000

2

Kamala

1450

1

Source Paudel (2021), Yogacharya (1996)

124

B. Paudel et al.

and Grey 2002). In recent decades, water resources also have been used for irrigation, transportation, tourism, hydropower development, and ecosystem and habitat preservation, in addition to water for drinking and fishing.

8.2.4 Mineral Resources Mineral resources are another important resource for humans. There are several mineral resource areas in Nepal. Iron, copper, zinc, lead, cobalt, nickel, gold, silver, tin, tungsten, molybdenum, chromium, titanium, uranium, thorium, bismuth, mercury, lithium, arsenic, tantalum, niobium, titanium, vanadium, antimony, cadmium, and beryllium metallic minerals have been found in different part of the country (Kaphle 2011; Paudel 2021). Nonmetallic and industrial minerals such as limestone, dolomite, phosphorite, magnesite, talc, mica, ceramic clay, laterite or red clay, bauxite, pyrite, silica sand, barite, graphite, calcite, diatomite, and rock salt are also found in Nepal (Kaphle 2011). Precious and semiprecious stones (gemstones) that are found within the country include ruby, sapphire, emerald, tourmaline, beryl, aquamarine, garnet, amazonite, epidote, quartz, and kyanite (Kaphle 2011; Paudel 2021). Notable decorative and dimension stone resources include marble, granite, quartzite, and slate (Kaphle 2011). Construction minerals are the fourth type of nonmetallic mineral found in Nepal. Marble, basalt, granite, sandstone, phyllite, slate, flagstone, quartzite, schist, limestone, dolomite, quartzite, river boulders, cobbles, pebbles, and sand are the most commonly available mineral resources (Kaphle 2011; Paudel 2021). Energy resources such as coal, petroleum, natural gas, methane, geothermal hot springs, and radioactive minerals are also found in certain parts of the country (Kaphle 2011). In Nepal, Jajarkot, Dhading, Langtang, Taplejung, Sankhuwasabha, and Manang are noted as the more valuable places because there found some precious and semiprecious minerals, and such minerals have a higher value than other minerals (Paudel 2019). Jajarkot is famous for aquamarine, tourmaline, kyanite, rock crystal, and heliodor (yellow beryl); Dhading for ruby, sapphire, spinel quartz, rutile, and amethyst; Langtang for aquamarine, tourmaline, topaz and quartz; Taplejung for sapphire, tourmaline, aquamarine, quartz, grossular and spessartine garnet, eolite, and amazonite; Sankhuwasabha for aquamarine, tourmaline, hessonite garnet, agate, labradorite, smoky topaz, kyanite, danburite, hambergite, and amazonite; and Manang for aquamarine, tourmaline, quartz, epidote, amethyst, and hambergite (Kaphle 2011; MoICS 2021; Paudel 2021, Paudel 2019).

8 Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Nepal

125

8.2.5 Tourism Resources There are significant tourism resources in Nepal. The country has identified 1792 major peaks above 5000 masl, which are trekking, mountaineering, and adventure tourism (Paudel 2021). Of the 14 highest peaks in the world over 8000 masl, eight are in Nepal including the world’s highest peak, Mt. Sagarmatha. The beautiful natural landscape and unique climatic conditions attract tourists from all over the world. Glaciers, lakes, waterfalls, rivers, grasslands, and valleys are the other geographical features that help to promote tourism as a major source of revenue for the government. Such geographical features not only attract tourists, but also provide employment opportunities.

8.2.6 Biodiversity and Protected Areas The biodiversity of Nepal is very rich due to its diverse climate and geography. There is a total of 20 protected areas, which contribute to the conservation of myriad flora and fauna in different territories. Of the 20 protected areas, 12 are national parks, 6 are conservation areas, 1 is a wildlife reserve, and another is a hunting reserve (Fig. 8.3). These protected areas provide habitat for many wild species and diverse natural vegetation. Most importantly, these protected areas also attract nature-based tourism to Nepal. Chitwan national park is the oldest one of the 12 national parks, established in 1973. It is situated in the Tarai region and covers 932 km2 (Pokhrel 2018). One-horned rhinoceroses, elephants, tigers, deer, leopards, monkeys, boars, langurs, wild dogs, and hyenas are the major wild species found within the park (Kafley et al. 2009).

Fig. 8.3 Geographical distribution of protected areas of Nepal

126

B. Paudel et al.

Sal forest, riparian, and grassland are the most common vegetation types within this national park. Sagarmatha, Langtang, Shey Phoksundo, Rara, Bardia, Makalu Barun, Khaptad, Suklaphanta, Banke, Shivpuri Nagarjun, and Parsa are the other national parks (Fig. 8.3) that provide a protected habitat for flora and fauna of Nepal. Annapurna conservation area, established as a conservation development project in 1986, is the largest of the six protected conservation areas in Nepal, with 7629 km2 ; it became a protected area in 1992 (Paudel 2021). This conservation area provides large-scale protection of regional flora and fauna and contributes to nature-based tourism in Nepal. Kanchenjunga, Manaslu, Krishnasar (Blackbuck), Gaurishankar, and Api–Nampa are the other conservation areas, which along with Koshi Tappu wildlife reserve and Dhorpatan hunting reserve play crucial roles in protecting flora and fauna of Nepal including promotion of nature-based tourism.

8.3 Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management Natural resources are those assets that exist in nature and develop without the intervention of humans, such as land, water, plants, and animals (Pearce et al. 1990). Natural resource management refers to the responsible use of these natural resources with a focus on sustainability for future generations. The common natural resources of air, sunlight, water, soil, rocks, plants, minerals, animals, and fossil fuels can be categorized into renewable and nonrenewable natural capital. Resources that can be used and renewed repeatedly and perhaps infinitely are called renewable natural resources (Ghorashi and Rahimi 2011). Conversely, resources that are limited in quantity and cannot be used repeatedly within a short span of time are nonrenewable natural resources. Traditional ecological knowledge is the term used to describe the relationship that the local people hold, from generation to generation, with their surrounding environment (Leang et al. 1996). Traditional ecological knowledge is often differentiated from what might be thought of as a more inclusive category, local ecological knowledge. Many communities have developed detailed knowledge about their surrounding environment, while traditional knowledge is generally associated with indigenous communities with several centuries of accumulated knowledge (Berkes 1993). Traditional ecological knowledge is used to refer specifically to indigenous knowledge; conversely, local ecological knowledge refers to a more inclusive set of knowledge rooted in local practices. Although traditional ecological knowledge stresses continuity and long-term practices, it is important to note that this does not mean that it is static. Traditional ecological knowledge is rooted in, and informed by, a habitual lifestyle, but it adjusts to change and incorporates contemporary information and technology. In other words, traditional ecological knowledge can be revised daily and seasonally through an annual cycle of activities (from scientific attributes).

8 Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Nepal

127

Fig. 8.4 Interrelationships between forest, farmland, and livestock in the Nepalese agroforestry system

The traditional ecological knowledge system of the mountain people constitutes the largest reservoir of knowledge about diverse species of plant and animal life in Nepal (Ingty 2017). Their indigenous agricultural system has used the practices and techniques that represent what scientists have called principles of permanence, which permit continuous cropping year-round without the use of chemicals. Chemical use in farmland diminishes soil quality. In contrast, traditional knowledge and practices do not deplete the earth’s natural resources and often replenish the environment. Hence, traditional agricultural knowledge has been recognized as the most effective method of promoting sustainable natural resources management (Ingty 2017). In short, traditional ecological knowledge is an aggregate body of knowledge, practices, and beliefs about the management of the surrounding environment that evolves by adaptation (Fig. 8.4) and is handed down through generations by cultural transmission. Natural resources are critical for subsistence agriculture in the mountain and hilly regions of Nepal. Local people plan on long-term use of available resources because they rely on local sources more than outsiders. Hence, local management systems are increasingly acknowledged as central to sustainable natural resources management in Nepal (Mahat 1987). As the pressure on resources increases, the need for more effective conservation and management is increasingly important. Central natural resources management has largely been unsuccessful, leading to recent national policies and rural development programs that emphasize local forms of resource management. Nepal has been divided into three ecological regions: Tarai (Tarai and Siwalik), Hill (Middle Mountain), and Mountain (High Mountain and High Himalaya). The Mountain and Hill regions make up approximately 83% of the area and the remaining 17% is the Tarai region (Paudel 2021). A majority of the Mountain area is susceptible to landslides, while the Tarai region is regularly threatened by flooding and sedimentation (Karkee 2004). However, people have been living in those places for generations. In these circumstances, local people have formulated traditional ecological knowledge for natural resource management. For example, agroforestry

128 Table 8.3 Agroforestry over different physiographic zones of Nepal

B. Paudel et al. Physiographic zone

Agroforestry practices

Tarai and Siwalik

Home gardens Planting trees among agricultural crops Intercropping with horticultural trees Taungya system Silvopastoral system

Hill/Middle mountain Alley cropping Home gardens High mountain

Silvopastoral system

Source Amatya et al. (2018)

can support the increasing population in the Hill and Mountain regions of Nepal. Systematic land management governance in Nepal appeared during the mid-1960s after the establishment of the Ministry of Land Reform (MoLAR). In addition to that, the Nepal Government decentralization act of 1982 gave more responsibility to district-level ministry offices to implement development programs, which helped to institutionalize traditional ecological knowledge, i.e., the concept of community forests. Sections 8.1 to 8.3 discuss the different types of resource management practices in different regions of Nepal. Agroforestry is a widely used practice in all three ecological zones. Details of individual practices are given in Table 8.3 (Amatya et al. 2018).

8.3.1 Resource Management in the Mountain Region The Mountain ecological region starts from 3000 masl (Paudel 2021). Land, water, forest, and grasslands are the major natural resources available in the region. The climatic conditions and available soil nutrients allow people to practice maize–millet– potato, maize–wheat–vegetable–bean, and rice–maize–walnut cultivation; livestock farming (for meat and fibers); honey production; and medicinal herbal and nontimber forest production (NTFP) effectively. Land resources are one of the basic assets for human livelihood, and various land use practices have been implemented in different spatial settings to allocate limited land resources effectively (Lv et al. 2021). For example, historical, religious, cultural, and ecological sites are suitable for promoting sustainable tourism. The existing land features of the mountain area must be intensively managed by incorporating traditional ecological knowledge in resource management. The protection of grasslands and forests and the extension of agroforestry including planting along rivers and roads are also important to execute properly to minimize risk and maximize land resource productivity. Most agriculture practices in the Mountain region promote terrace farming and biodiversity conservation for livelihood improvement and ecological stability.

8 Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Nepal

129

Livestock production is a major livelihood activity in the mountain region of Nepal, while some households have farmland along the river to cultivate vegetables. The availability of grazing land is very important for livestock production. Yaks, cattle, sheep, goats, and horses are the major herd animals found in the Mountain region of Nepal. Livestock move in an annual cycle according to their specific requirements and grazing availability at different altitudes. Pasture at high altitudes is only accessible for grazing during summer (July to September); however, some animals, i.e., yaks, are adapted only to cold conditions and are seldom taken below 2500 masl. Livestock provides milk and fibers and their dung is a major source of fuel. Yak–cattle crossbred male chauries are used for transport. Goats and sheep supply meat and fiber. Similarly, mule, sheep, and goat trading is a major source of income in the mountain region of Nepal. There are three traditional livestock management systems practiced in the various ecological regions.

Transhumance System (Mountain) This system is dominant in the High Himalayan areas where herds of yaks, cattle, sheep, goats, and horses migrate from one place to another throughout the year. Livestock moves together in an annual cycle according to their requirements and grazing availability at different altitudes. This system uses fodder resources from alpine pastures during the monsoon, and crop stubble and fallow in winter. During upward and downward migration, undergrowth in the forest regions is the major forage source.

Sedentary System (Hill) In this system, livestock grazes around the village and returns to animal sheds in the evening. Cattle, buffalo, and goats are the main livestock that graze in the forest, on cultivated land after the harvest, and on fallow land. Crop residues are used as fodder stock for livestock.

Stall-fed System (Tarai) This system is mainly found in the Tarai region of Nepal. This system is governed by the availability of community grazing land and the steepness of the terrain. This system prevails in areas of intensive cultivation, where crop by-products are adequate to feed the animals in winter.

130

B. Paudel et al.

Fig. 8.5 Shifting cultivation as it is practiced in Nepal

8.3.2 Resource Management in the Hill Region The Hill region of Nepal has limited arable land and subsistence farming has traditionally been practiced using many types of agroforestry. Besides agriculture and forestry crop cultivation, livestock raising is one of the major components of mountain farming in Nepal. Agroforestry is an integrated approach to using the interactive benefits of growing trees and shrubs with crops and/or livestock (Beetz 2002). Agricultural and forestry technologies combine to create more diverse, productive, profitable, healthy, and sustainable natural resource management (Yadava 2009). To support the growing population in the Hill region, agroforestry concepts and practices are inevitable (Jodha et al. 1992). Shifting cultivation (khoria kheti, or swidden agriculture) is the dominant land use practice in the Hill region of Nepal. It is a traditional farming system, practiced mainly on inaccessible and steep lands by indigenous peoples including the Chepang, Magar, Sherpa, Rai, Tamang, and Gurung. These groups have practiced shifting cultivation for generations, adapting it to local conditions and changing circumstances (Aryal and Kerkhoff 2008). Shifting cultivation involves an interchange between crops and long-term fallow forest (Fig. 8.5). In this process, the forest is burned and the land is cleared to provide ash as fertilizer for the soil. Crop yields are comparatively high for the first few years and gradually soil fertility decreases. Then fields are abandoned for several years to rebuild fertility, and the farmer clears another piece of forest. This system is dominant in the Chitwan, Makawanpur, Tanahun, Gorkha, Lamjung, Nawalparasi, and Dhading districts of Nepal. Terrace farming is another common traditional farming practice in the Hill region of Nepal. Studies have suggested that overuse of resources leads to disaster (Ives and Messerli 2003), and the existing lithological conditions further create unsafe conditions in the Hill region of Nepal.

8.3.3 Resource Management in the Tarai Region Altitudes less than 500 masl are categorized as the Tarai ecological region (Paudel 2021). The Tarai region is rich in soil properties. Home gardens are a very common

8 Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Nepal

131

practice in the Tarai region, where people plant fruit trees and orchards in their yards as windbreaks. For example, sissoo, mango, eucalyptus, and lychee are common in home gardens. Tea planted as an understory with alder and Albizia or Bombox spp., respectively, are commercially used cultivation practices in eastern Nepal. Trees are often planted around farmland in the Tarai region as fodder for livestock and firewood for household consumption. Intercropping is a frequent practice, where banana, pineapple, and papaya are planted on embankments. The taungya system is an extension of shifting cultivation (Upadhyay and Yadava, 2009). It is a method of forestry in which cultivators are allowed to raise agricultural crops for initial periods of a few years and then they raise forest plantations. Agricultural cropping is usually confined to the periods before the canopy of the forest crop starts closing. In Nepal, the taungya system was started in 1972 at Tamagadhi in the Bara district (Amatya et al. 2018). The silvopastoral system involves raising livestock on improved pastures grown in association with trees. Some additional commonly used systems are alley farming and living fences.

8.4 Importance of Traditional Resource Management Natural resource management conserves land, forest, and water resources to maintain the ecological functions of these resources while intensifying agricultural and forestry production. Natural resource management is a development issue in Nepal. However, during the past two decades, significant damage to forests, soils, and riverine systems in many areas of Nepal has led to widespread environmental damage and declines in agricultural productivity. Natural resource management has been complicated by three factors: increasing pressure on resources, government-centered policies, and the country’s mountainous terrain, geographic diversity, and dispersed settlement patterns. A majority of the population solely relies on agriculture for their livelihood. The recent population growth in Nepal has consistently outpaced the growth of the agricultural sector. This population growth has resulted in the expansion of agriculture to marginally arable land and has caused environmental degradation. Hence, long-term efforts to sustain the increasing population aim to intensify cultivation rather than expand agricultural land. The Copenhagen conference of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) resulted in the proposal of carbon capture and storage (CCS) as an effective method of removing carbon from the atmosphere (Pachauri et al. 2014). However, recent studies have shown that traditional ecological methods of agriculture sequester carbon more effectively than CCS (Takimoto et al. 2008). Thus, eco-indigenous knowledge should be considered essential for sustainable natural resource management and mitigation of climate change. Construction and maintenance costs in mountainous topography are relatively high (USAID 1990). Hence, natural resource management practices that require substantial investments in engineering works (dams, river training structures, fences, and other physical barriers to protect forest lands or prevent landslides) can be very

132

B. Paudel et al.

costly to implement and maintain. In such cases, traditional ecological knowledge of resource management remains important to stop environmental degradation. Traditional ecological knowledge is cumulative and dynamic, which provides a historical understanding of environmental change. However, it does not mean denying the present information and emerging cultural understanding. Traditional knowledge has also been described as a holistic approach, which views all elements as interconnected. But interconnectedness is missing from resource management, and efforts are now being made to understand the connections among species and their environments and the effects of those connections on resource management. It is difficult to use traditional ecological knowledge without understanding its cultural context. Practical knowledge of where to find and how to process resources cannot be separated from traditional structures of territory and resource ownership or cultural rules regarding resource use within a community. Traditional ecological knowledge discussions focus on the practical knowledge that is derived from, and reflects, a spiritual relationship with the land and resources. Local practices are governed not only by the principle of sustainability for survival, but also by a moral stance against waste or greed.

8.5 Conclusions and Future Perspectives Research and extension programs should try to promote local resource conservation with technical assistance to strengthen the government’s resource-related higher education, research, and planning institutions. The relationships among people and their environments have always been academic interests. There is a long history of studying traditional land-based activities, and these practices are getting more attention for sustainable resource use and environmental conservation. Many international organizations have emphasized the potential of traditional knowledge to provide insights into biodiversity conservation. Recently, geographers, social scientists, planners, and resource managers have paid more attention to traditional ecological knowledge and its role in contemporary environmental resource management scenarios. Although deforestation is a serious issue, conservation measures should not prohibit farmers from using the forests because such a strategy has not worked in the past and would deprive farmers of fuel and fodder (USAID 1990). Instead, we should encourage local farmer involvement in reforestation and maintenance activities under Nepal’s community forestry program. The community forestry program encourages individuals and groups to plant trees on private and public lands. We should also include a livestock improvement and management component to promote environmentally friendly husbandry practices. Technical assistance should be provided to establish a local institutional framework to strengthen district-level government forestry offices and organize participants. Sustainable husbandry practices include stall feeding and selective culling of animals, controlling grazing on lands that are being reforested, and growing grass

8 Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Nepal

133

and other cover crops that can be used as fodder. We should adopt an integrated approach to design and implement natural resource management, which would not only conserve the natural resource base, but also complement existing farming activities. An integrated approach is applicable in the Hill region because most hill slopes in Nepal are intensively used for agriculture. Mountain topography typically supports three different agriculture practices: food crop cultivation on foothills/bottom land; terraced cultivation and harvesting forests in the middle; and pasture production and animal husbandry in higher altitudes. Low-cost technology, native vegetation, and local materials should be emphasized to curb soil erosion, control animal grazing, and conserve water resources within small catchment areas. Acknowledgements We acknowledge the support from The Second Tibetan Plateau Scientific Expedition and Research of China (Grant No., 2019QZKK0603), and Special Research Assistant Program, Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Resources Research, Chinese Academy of Sciences (Grant No., Y9K90010AJ). We are very grateful to the editors and reviewers for their valuable time.

References Amatya SM, Cedamon E, Nuberg I (2018) Agroforestry system and practices in Nepal. Sopan Press Pvt. Ltd., Dillibazar, Kathmandu Aryal KP, Kerkhoff EE (2008) The right to practice shifting cultivation as a traditional occupation in Nepal: a case study to apply ILO conventions nos. 111 (employment and occupation) and 169 (indigenous and tribal peoples). International Labour Organization Bajracharya DM (1996) Phyto-geography of Nepal Himalaya. Tribhuvan Univ J 19(2):57–76 Barbier EB (2005) Natural resources and economic development. Cambridge University Press Beetz A (2002) Agroforestry overview; Horticulture System Guide. National Sustainable Agricultural Information Service. ATTRA, pp 1–5 Berkes F (1993) Traditional ecological knowledge in perspective. Traditional ecological knowledge: concepts and cases, p 1 Berkes F, Folke C, Gadgil M (1994) Traditional ecological knowledge, biodiversity, resilience and sustainability. In: Biodiversity conservation, pp 269–287. Springer Du X, Zhou D, Chao Q, Wen Z, Huhe T, Liu Q (2020) The history of human civilization. In: Overview of low-carbon development, pp 1–40. Springer Ghartichhetri DB, Cheng S, Xu Z, Bhandari J, Wang L, Liu X (2016) Community forestry and livelihood in Nepal: a review. J Animal Plant Sci 26(1):1–12 Ghimire SK, Mckey D, Aumeeruddy-Thomas Y (2006) Himalayan medicinal plant diversity in an ecologically complex high altitude anthropogenic landscape, Dolpo Nepal. Environ Conserv 33(2):128–140 Ghorashi AH, Rahimi A (2011) Renewable and non-renewable energy status in Iran: art of knowhow and technology-gaps. Renew Sustain Energy Rev 15(1):729–736 Havranek T, Horvath R, Zeynalov A (2016) Natural resources and economic growth: a meta-analysis. World Dev 88:134–151 Ingty T (2017) High mountain communities and climate change: adaptation, traditional ecological knowledge, and institutions. Clim Change 145(1):41–55 Ives JD, Messerli B (2003) The Himalayan dilemma: reconciling development and conservation. Routledge

134

B. Paudel et al.

Jodha N, Banskota M, Partap T (1992) Strategies for the sustainable development of mountain agriculture: an overview. Sustain Mountain Agricul Perspect Issues 1:3–40 Kafley H, Khadka M, Sharma M (2009) Habitat evaluation and suitability modeling of Rhinoceros unicornis in Chitwan National Park, Nepal: a geospatial approach. XIII World Forestry Congress. Buenos Aires, Argentina Kaphle KP (2011) Mineral resources of Nepal and their present status. J Nepal Geol Soc Karkee K (2004) Land degradation in Nepal: a menace to economy and ecosystems. Lund University, Sweden Leang S, Ma SY, Thomson J, Bombay BJ, Spanos CJ (1996) A control system for photolithographic sequences. IEEE Trans Semicond Manuf 9(2):191–207 Lv T, Wang L, Xie H, Zhang X, Zhang Y (2021) Exploring the global research trends of land use planning based on a bibliometric analysis. Curr Status Fut Prospect Land 10(3):304. https://www. mdpi.com/2073-445X/10/3/304 Lyle J (1999) Design for human ecosystems: landscape, land use, and natural resources. Island Press Mahat TBS (1987) Forestry-farming linkages in the mountains. ICIMOD, Kathmandu Menzies CR (2006) Traditional ecological knowledge and natural resource management. University of Nebraska Press Metz JJ (1997) Vegetation dynamics of several little disturbed temperate forests in east central Nepal. Mt Res Develop 333–351 MoFE (2019) National Level Forests and Land Cover Analysis of Nepal using Google Earth Images. F. R. A. T. C. Ministry of Forests and Environment. http://frtc.gov.np/old/noticefile/Forest% 20and%20Land%20Cover%20Analysis_final_report_1550056739.pdf MoICS (2021) Precious & Semi-Precious Stones. Ministry of Industry, Commerce and Supplies (MoICS) Trade and Export Promotion Centre, Government of Nepal, Kathmandu, Nepal. https:// www.tepc.gov.np/major_products/full_content/precious-semi-precious-stones Nath P (2021) Some perceptions on natural resources. The Basics of Human Civilization, pp 97–101. CRC Press Nesheim I, Dhillion SS, Anne Stølen K (2006) What happens to traditional knowledge and use of natural resources when people migrate? Hum Ecol 34(1):99–131 Olsson P, Folke C (2001) Local ecological knowledge and institutional dynamics for ecosystem management: a study of Lake Racken watershed. Sweden. Ecosystems 4(2):85–104 Pachauri RK, Allen MR, Barros VR, Broome J, Cramer W, Christ R, Dasgupta P (2014) Climate change 2014: synthesis report. Contribution of Working Groups I, II and III to the fifth assessment report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Ipcc Pandey K, Adhikari Y, Weber M (2016) Structure, composition and diversity of forest along the altitudinal gradient in the Himalayas, Nepal. Appl Ecol Environ Res 14(2): 235–251 Paudel A, Markwith SH, Konchar K, Shrestha M, Ghimire SK (2020) Anthropogenic fire, vegetation structure and ethnobotanical uses in an alpine shrubland of Nepal’s Himalaya. Int J Wildland Fire 29(3):201–214 Paudel B (2021) Geography of Nepal Himalaya. Nepal Mountain Academy, Government of Nepal. ISBN: 978-9937-9478-2-4 Paudel B, Adhikari BR (2021) Land Use and Land Cover. In: Ojha RB, Panday D (eds) The Soils of Nepal. Springer International Publishing, pp 41–51. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-809 99-7_5 Paudel B, ZhangY LS, Liu L, Wu X, Khanal NR (2016) Review of studies on land use and land cover change in Nepal. J Mt Sci 13(4):643–660. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11629-015-3604-9 Paudel DP (2019) Present status and utilization of the mineral resources in Nepal. The Third pole J Geogr Educat 85–96 Pearce DW, Turner RK (1990) Economics of natural resources and the environment. Johns Hopkins University Press Pokhrel J (2018) Land use and land cover changes in Chitwan National Park and adjacent areas from 1988 to 2017. The University of Arizona

8 Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Nepal

135

Rai SC (2007) Traditional ecological knowledge and community-based natural resource management in northeast India. J Mt Sci 4(3):248–258 Rimal B, Zhang L, Stork N, Sloan S, Rijal S (2018) Urban expansion occurred at the expense of agricultural lands in the Tarai region of Nepal from 1989 to 2016. Sustainability 10(5):1341 Sadoff CW, Grey D (2002) Beyond the river: the benefits of cooperation on international rivers. Water Policy 4(5):389–403 Sapkota IP, Tigabu M, Odén PC (2009) Spatial distribution, advanced regeneration and stand structure of Nepalese Sal (Shorea robusta) forests subject to disturbances of different intensities. For Ecol Manage 257(9):1966–1975 Shrestha BB, Jha PK (2009) Habitat range of two alpine medicinal plants in a trans-Himalayan dry valley, Central Nepal. J Mt Sci 6(1):66–77 Shrestha MR, Rokaya MB, Ghimire SK (2005) Vegetation pattern of trans-Himalayan zone in the North-West Nepal. Nepal J Plant Sci 1:129–135 Takimoto A, Nair PR, Nair VD (2008) Carbon stock and sequestration potential of traditional and improved agroforestry systems in the West African Sahel. Agr Ecosyst Environ 125(1–4):159–166 Tarolli P, Preti F, Romano N (2014) Terraced landscapes: from an old best practice to a potential hazard for soil degradation due to land abandonment. Anthropocene 6:10–25 Thakur B, Thakur RR (2021) Early and modern paradigms in natural resource management: global and Indian experiences. In: Thakur B, Thakur RR, Chattopadhyay S, Abhay RK (eds) Resource management, sustainable development and governance, Springer, pp 27–58 Uddin K, Shrestha HL, Murthy MSR, Bajracharya B, Shrestha, Gilani H, Dangol B (2015) Development of 2010 national land cover database for the Nepal. J Environ Manage 148, 82–90. https:// doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvman.2014.07.047 Upadhyay M, Yadava M (2009) Agroforestry system practiced in Nepal. Tribhuvan University. Institute of Forestry, Office of the Dean, Pokara USAID (1990) Natural resource managment: AID’s experience in Nepal. https://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_ docs/PNAAX247.pdf Van De; Wetering SB (1995) A new century for natural resources management. Island Press Yadava A (2009) Economical response of cultivation of lemon grass (C. flexuosus’ CKP-25’) under agroforestry system. Indian J Agroforestry 11(2):66–70 Yogacharya KS (1996) Assessment of water resources of Nepal and its economic value

Chapter 9

Indigenous Knowledge and Traditional Practices for Water Resource Management in Rajasthan, India Pawan Kumar Sharma, Sonal Srivastava, and Mahima Chandauriya

9.1 Introduction Indigenous Knowledge (IK) is defined as “any understanding rooted in local culture and includes all knowledge held more or less collectively by a community that informs the interpretation of the world” (Sillitoe et al. 2002) which varies between communities and originates from a variety of foundations presenting itself as a dynamic fusion of past ‘tradition’ intertwined with religious principles, folklore, land use and present innovation playing a significant role in sustainable natural resource management, traditional culture and livelihood with a view to the future (Parrotta and Agnoletti 2007). IK is developed outside of the formal education system rooted in culture and is exclusive to a place and is central to local level decision-making with meaningful participation. It is the ‘social capital’ of the poor and is integral to the development processes of local communities (Warren 1991). The social significance is reflected in their cosmology, language, community structure, rituals, songs, material culture, local knowledge and perception of the landscape, among other aspects. It is argued that Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) protects society through complex exchanges with the immediate surroundings and aids in natural resource management (Das et al. 2021). Since natural resources have been pushed into catastrophe mode through continuous exploitation of exponentially increasing human population (Reddy 2016), sustainable resource use and conservation advanced by local societies have gained substantial ground worldwide (Das et al. 2021). TEK is a more pluralistic resource management style with acceptance of differences in knowledge, conservational use and values between and within different local

P. K. Sharma (B) · S. Srivastava · M. Chandauriya Department of General and Applied Geography, Dr. H.S. Gour Central University, Sagar 470003, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_9

137

138

P. K. Sharma et al.

societies (Norton 2000) with the core principle of access and contribution to environmental decision-making by all the members of the community (Jackson 2006). Globally, indigenous knowledge is being underused. Still, this valuable reservoir’s relevance has been acknowledged, especially in developing countries like India, where IK is an asset to resource conservation and management (Chaplin et al. 2000). The challenge is to facilitate cooperation between indigenous and scientific knowledge by promoting information partnerships (Eversole 2015). Kloppenburg argues that TEK provides diverse methods for planning management techniques than contemporary scientific methods (Kloppenburg 1991) and is considered an effective way for the achievement of 17 SDGs (Segger and Phillips 2015). As for water resource management, rainwater harvesting (RWH) has a long tradition in developing countries like India at small catchment levels (Agrawal and Narain 1997). The traditional communities heavily rely on their knowledge through observation of the environment and have been dealing with natural disasters (Pareek and Trivedi 2011). They have produced significant knowledge on disaster vulnerability and mitigation (Gernier 1998). Water vulnerability is a multivariate issue including water scarcity and water stress, water quality issues and accessibility issues where the influence of governance and social factors has been underestimated. It is reported as of 2005, 1.4 million tube wells out of 40 million tube wells in India are in Rajasthan and where it is the main source of irrigation (30 million ha), at least twice the other sources (Ministry of Agriculture 2014) where groundwater provides for 70% of the total irrigation and 80% of the domestic uses, which might start lagging by the year 2020 and has led the demand for groundwater policy reforms in India, especially in the state of Rajasthan (Birkenholtz 2008). India has a long indigenous tradition of intercepting monsoonal runoff to recharge groundwater to protect it from high evaporation rates and making it accessible for the whole year to increase the groundwater capacity for irrigation, extensively used by small farmers, suggesting an urgent need to understand the influences of these traditional techniques on a water balance that could positively affect the agricultural resilience (Mudrakartha 2007). A significant rise in groundwater has been testified in several Indian states where community-based participatory methods have been introduced (Pathak et al. 2013). Being the largest state in India, with a population of 68 million, Rajasthan accounts for only 1% of India’s water resources (Government of Rajasthan 2010). The rainfed areas of eastern Rajasthan experience scanty rainfall, recurrent droughts, and uncertain agrarian production with depletion in overall water resources (Fig. 9.1). There is a high dependency on groundwater due to the climate and scarcity of surface water in Rajasthan ensuing in its depletion and risks in the view of lack of other sources as Sharma et al. (2006) identify “drought, desertification and water shortages as permanent features of the life of dry lands where increase in evapotranspiration has severe impacts on agriculture, horticulture, forestry, and human activities.” Possible changes in extreme weather events, such as a 5–25% rainfall decline in drought-prone central India, may cause increased cases of heatwaves and drought in these regions and lead to acute water shortages (Sen and Singh 2002). In developing countries, conservation policies have been initiated to include the demands and views of local communities (Western et al. 1994). It is argued that the

9 Indigenous Knowledge and Traditional Practices …

Fig. 9.1 Net Groundwater availability in Rajasthan, India (2020). Source India-WRIS (n.d.)

139

140

P. K. Sharma et al.

application of water harvesting methods is strongly governed by local conditions and includes various practices like small dams, micro-catchment, floodwater and groundwater and rainwater harvesting, all of which have been identified to be found and located in Rajasthan. One such work of RWH has been documented in the catchment of the Arvari river, located in the eastern parts of Rajasthan where 366 RWH structures such as Anicut, Johad, Bandh and Talab have been built by an NGO named Tarun Bharat Sangh (TBS) with community efforts which takes pride in designing its harvesting structure based on traditional knowledge and shramadan viz. voluntary labor (Glendenning and Vervoort 2010). Although Gupta (2011) argues that the likes of TBS have avoided the issues of equity while burdening the locals with participation, Gupta calls out TBS for only focusing on the conservation aspect of water management and ignoring the extraction process and remarks on the contention of being wary of romanticizing the past and traditional practices. There have been records of wasteful and unequal distribution of the water management services such as increasing dependence of Jaipur (capital city of Rajasthan) and other cities on Bilaspur Dam which takes water from the Banas River, maintains the pattern of urban misuse and deficit in the rural areas (Everard et al. 2018). Trevor Birkenholtz exposes how the indigenous knowledge and technologies of groundwater conservation and irrigation of Rajasthan have been produced, contested, legitimized and hybridized by the state (Birkenholtz 2008). Rajasthan’s Jal Swavlamban Abhiyan (Water Self Reliance Mission) is a step forward in protecting and integrating indigenous knowledge and traditional practices with science and technology in water management (Everard et al. 2018).

9.2 Rationale of the Study 9.2.1 Indigenous and Scientific Knowledge Scientific Knowledge (SK) is branded as global and Indigenous Knowledge (IK) as local (Sillitoe 2002). The former is international and cosmopolitan in its appearance, whereas the latter relates closely with a particular cultural context with contrast in their approaches to understanding problems (Sillitoe 2017). SK, which is considered the dominant knowledge system, comprises an in-depth understanding of trained specialists, whereas IK comprises a local knowledge of thoroughly knowledgeable citizens who are deemed subordinate (Failing et al. 2007). There is a crucial necessity for effective integration of IK and modern science for resource management (Das et al. 2021); however, to ensure technology adoption with TEK, it is important to consider the socio-cultural dimensions alongside the profitability of technology (Vanclay 2004). Recent literature has successfully shown the merits of IK, both for instrumental or social justice reasons and to support adaptation (Reid et al. 2006). On the policy side, the reference to TEK in the Paris Agreement in the United Nations Framework

9 Indigenous Knowledge and Traditional Practices …

141

Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC 2013) was significant and long overdue. The cautionary approach toward local knowledge still prevails which is illustrated in the formulation of the Paris Agreement. It is mentioned that “the best available science should guide the adaptation action and, as appropriate, traditional knowledge” (Ford et al. 2013). The contributions of IK in the adaptation to climate change have been well articulated and documented over the past 10–15 years (ACIA 2004; Leonard et al. 2013; Patel et al. 2020). TEK was central to the social responses to the droughts and famines of the 1960s and 1970s (Sillitoe 2017). Realistically, adaptation decisions and following actions are the outcomes of very complex processes, influenced by historical trajectories that guide local communities’ acceptance of change and the options available (Naess 2017). In this faith, IK can be “the missing link between neglect and empowerment as well as between losing and surviving.” (World Bank 1999). As argued above, it is questionable to overly privilege SK over IK as evident from costs being paid through unbarred technological advancements such as climate change, land degradation and water pollution when the inclusion of IK can advance more sustainable ways as these impacts become more worrisome (Sillitoe 2017). It is important to advance collaborative approaches to resolve the differences between IK and SK and find common grounds through advances in methods and processes for integration in theory and practice through a sophisticated system of institutions, processes and partnerships (Bohensky and Maru 2011) to build socio-ecological resilience through co-management. Berkes et al. (2000) argue that IK-based practices have been used to manage complex systems which are low cost similar to the western adaptive systems. Adarsha watershed near Kothapally village, Andhra Pradesh (India), reports numerous types of water harvesting constructions being done with community participation, and these harvesting resulted in increased groundwater levels providing for supplemental irrigation (Singh et al. 2009). Siraf, Iran, with limited rainfall, has managed to use its water with efficiency by integrating TEK and scientific knowledge with a mixture of “rainwater harvesting, underground water resources and underground gardens” (Tahmasebi 2009). IK is a practical concept, and appropriate ‘techno-blending’ with indigenous knowledge is essential for people to improve their livelihood and design development projects. Incorporation of the TEK and local wisdom of people gathered over time should be a part of dealing with the natural environment (Berkes et al. 2000) seems essential in the face of climate change and sustainable resource management.

9.2.2 Importance of Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Resource Management In water conservation and watershed management, ‘traditional’ water harvesting systems are gaining recognition in terms of “enhancing sustainability, reducing vulnerabilities and even drought-proofing semiarid regions of the countryside”

142

P. K. Sharma et al.

(Gupta 2011). In her study about the Pacific Northeastern peoples, Nancy J Turner realized that the First Peoples were managing resources in different ways instead of just receiving from nature. “Their Traditional Land and Resource Management (TLRM) systems provide many lessons on how humans can work with natural processes to ensure the wellbeing of our planet” (Turner 2020). In another example, Hu´y’at in Heiltsuk territory, North Hunter Island and ‘Old Town’ have been managing the land, water and resources differently (Lepofsky et al. 2017). The Kayapo Indians of the Brazilian Amazon create controlled forest patches (apete) in campo/cerrado as a resource management technique are a brilliant example of the employment of traditional ecological knowledge, further imposing the need to revive the ecological and inventive roots of the “lessons learned through millennia of experience and survival” (Posey 1985). Such studies investigating indigenous knowledge suggest that TEK and Indigenous techniques are far more sophisticated than assumed for a long time. In Iran, the indigenous techniques in the semiarid regions are relevant “since the appropriate choice of technique depends on the amount of rainfall and its distribution, land topography, soil type and soil depth and local socio-economic factors, these indigenous systems tend to be very site-specific” argues Tahmasebi (2009). In Ghana, Luc Hens (2006) maintains that the traditional farming practices of land rotation and shifting cultivation with an appropriate gap of 10 years allow the land to restore its natural fertility and such “practices are champions in sustainable land use and water management”. Now, the waiting period is reduced to 2–3 years only, and fertility is to be restored through fertilizers which is hard for a lot of farmers to obtain, resulting in lower fertility and land degradation. Numerous studies have established the significance of the spatial distribution of indigenous systems in a particular region (Mohamed and Ventura 2000), in fostering biodiversity conservation practices (Rundstrom 1995). Australia’s ‘Caring for Country’ is a collective approach to nurturing and maintaining the ecosystem by combining conventional scientific fire management with the burning systems of Aboriginal people (Moller et al. 2004) as the planners have started to bring stakeholders and citizens to the processes for the sake of empowerment, representation, differential interests and cultural homogeneity of environmental valuation.

9.3 Materials and Methods TEK may be recognized by researchers through observation and recording of the folk cultures, through classification and nomenclature of various components and specific focus on stakeholders. People’s Biodiversity Register (PBR) Program of India works to document the TEK for the future. Gokhale et al. (2006) discuss how PBR is used to record TEK and protect the intellectual property rights of local and tribal communities in India. Kala (2005) assisted the Apatani community in addressing intellectual property rights after documenting 150 medicinal plants used by the said community.

9 Indigenous Knowledge and Traditional Practices …

143

While discussing the role of indigenous knowledge and practices in biodiversity conservation, Hens (2006) calls for attention to be focused on documentation of biodiversity-related TEK as well as educate one on “the values and limitations of IK so that it can obtain a fair place in the development paths.” There have been a few attempts to document the traditional water management practices in India, including Rajasthan (Gaur et al. 2018; Malik 2008; Narain et al. 2006). Adhering to the tradition and importance of the documentation of the TEK emphasized by many previous studies, we have attempted to document and describe the various Traditional Water Harvesting and Management Practices through an extensive literature review and questionnaire-based survey in Rajasthan.

9.4 Result and Discussion The traditional practices for water harvesting in Rajasthan are spread across the state and some other nearby places of central and western India in Gujrat and Madhya Pradesh and the northern state of Haryana (Table 9.1). Agriculture in India is primarily dependent on groundwater which also provides resilience against climate shocks like droughts, and as a result, the groundwater has been overexploited and may not exist (Moench 2007). The present study concludes as answered by people to the question “Why the traditional water management practices/structures are being abandoned in your area?”; the various reasons for the abandonment of these structures are a result of siltation in the structure beds, people receiving filtered potable water, encroachment over the small and large structures such as Khadin, lack of maintenance and repairing of the old structures, carelessness, climate change impacts such as lesser rainfall, lack of groundwater, diminishing groundwater level, sand mining in rivers such as Banas river, water drying in structures such as Johad due to higher evaporation, etc. through the questionnaire-based survey. People have cited that almost all kinds of traditional water harvesting structures are being abandoned, especially in urban and rurban areas except Tanka/Tanki which are still found to be a common water harvesting structure in rural areas across Rajasthan. Malik (2008) recorded that most Beris were silted up due to lack of maintenance for a long time. The desilting would involve the community working together for procedures such as removing the silt and constructing a concrete ‘cap’ for access. The quantifiable effect of indigenous knowledge and traditional practice on water resource management is not well documented in Rajasthan or for that matter India. These practices and the rituals associated with them keep the communities not only coming together and concelebrating ideas but also protecting to continue the legacy of sustaining these practices for the sake of attachment. The depletion of the traditional practices and indigenous knowledge is often called to be a result of “inaccurate and poor conception” (Fernández-Llamazares et al. 2015) without acknowledging, for instance, “the impacts of colonization and globalization on IK traditions” (Parsons et al. 2017). In rural Tanzania, the water vulnerability in the areas of low and erratic rainfall patterns, with a long record of devastating famines

Mewar region monsoon runoff water to nearby River/Stream villages

Small concrete check dam that holds the tributary to the main river reach

Bandh

Community

Alwar, Pali, Jodhpur

Small masonry dams Community build across a stream to hold water submerging the upstream area during monsoon

Anicut Surface Runoff

lift irrigation and groundwater recharging in wells

Jaipur, Alwar, Groundwater Drinking for Churu, Sawai monsoon runoff people and livestock Madhopur

Community

Uses

Small earthen dams of crescent shape mostly constructed on the foothill catchments

Water source

Johad

Area

Community /Individual

Description

Practice

Monsoon

Varying nature as per the geographical circumstances

Monsoon

Water availability

Table 9.1 Description of various traditional water management practices/structures in Rajasthan, India

Bandhs are constructed near small streams as well to utilize surface runoff during monsoon

Mostly renovated by the Mukhyamantri Jal SwavlambanYojana (MISA)

Miraculous regeneration through NGO Tarun Bharat Sangh (TBS)

Remark

(continued)

Glendenning and Vervoort (2011)

Glendenning and Vervoort (2011); Narain et al. (2006) and questionnaire-based survey

Glendenning and Vervoort (2011) and questionnaire-based survey

References

144 P. K. Sharma et al.

An iron wheel fitted with Individual, Alwar equidistant buckets was household or often moved by a pair of community bullocks to fetch water from the well. (https:// indianculture.gov.in/)

Rehats

Community

Cascading earthen embankments to tap rainfall runoff

Paals Alwar

Sawai Madhopur Ganganagar Jodhpur

Community

village ponds

Talab

Area

Community /Individual

Description

Practice

Table 9.1 (continued)

Drinking for humans and livestock and irrigation

Uses

Groundwater

Irrigation

Rainfall-Runoff Recharge of groundwater and irrigation

Groundwater Rainfall

Water source

Cropping season

Monsoon and 3 months after it

Throughout the year

Water availability

Rehats is not exactly a water harvesting practice but a traditional extraction practice

Acts are reservoirs

Remark

(continued)

Everard et al. (2018) and questionnaire-based survey

Badiger et al. (2002)

Glendenning and Vervoort (2011) and questionnaire-based survey

References

9 Indigenous Knowledge and Traditional Practices … 145

Individual and Community

Beris are naturally occurring ‘Taanka’ shaped reservoirs and are underground

Beri

Naadi or A large or small pond is Community village pond found in almost all settlements in Rajasthan. Planting trees around these creates an oasis in the desert improving the local environment

Community /Individual

Description

Practice

Table 9.1 (continued)

Bharatpur Nagaur Churu Chittorgarh

Western Rajasthan Jodhpur

Area

Rainfall, Surface runoff

Groundwater

Water source

drinking (human + livestock) Domestic use Groundwater recharge via seepage

Drinking

Uses

Water availability ranges from 2-12 months after the rainfall

Summer and Monsoon

Water availability

The name of the pond ending as ‘Desar’ denotes feminine contribution

They are found infrequently and are scattered

Remark

(continued)

Goyal and Gaur (2022); Malik (2008); Narain et al. (2006) and questionnaire-based survey

Malik (2008) and questionnaire-based survey

References

146 P. K. Sharma et al.

Kund/Kundi Circular rainwater Individual harvesting structures in the Thar area The catchments of kunds are made with lime and mortar for higher runoff generation

It is a cylindrical storage Individual tank built underground. and Smaller tanks are usually Community connected to roofs for rainwater harvesting

Taanka

Community /Individual

Description

Practice

Table 9.1 (continued) Water source

Western Rajasthan

Rainwater

Western Rainwater, Rajasthan Groundwater Bikaner Phalodi, Barmer Balotra region

Area

Drinking domestic use and Irrigation

Drinking (People + livestock)

Uses

After Monsoon

Monsoon Summer

Water availability

The Kunds are constructed outside the home, whereas tankas are typically constructed inside the house

Found in other arid and semiarid climates in countries such as Ghana, Kenya, Sri Lanka, Yemen, Thailand and Botswana

Remark

(continued)

Gaur et al. (2018); Goyal and Gaur (2022) and questionnaire-based survey

Goyal and Gaur (2022); Malik (2008); Narain et al. (2006) and questionnaire-based survey

References

9 Indigenous Knowledge and Traditional Practices … 147

Individual

Kuis or beris are small wells usually 5 m (m) to 12 m deep with a very narrow opening

Step wells usually are constructed to minimize evaporation

water harvesting Community structures similar to Baori found in Rajasthan and Gujarat that collect subsurface seepage of a nearby talab/lake

Kuis/Beris

Baoris/Bers

Jhalara

Community

Community /Individual

Description

Practice

Table 9.1 (continued)

Percolated Rainwater

Water source

Western Rajasthan, Jodhpur

surface water,

Sikar, Jaipur, Groundwater Alwar in Raj., Gujarat and some parts of north India

Bikaner Jaisalmer and Barmer

Area

Water availability

only for community bathing, religious rites

Drinking Bathing

Constructed in the sandy catchment

Remark

Throughout the year

Religious importance thus getting renovated

Throughout Often constructed the year outside the village, (most are dry) on routes as resting places for travelers

water is safe Summer to keep as a last resort in crises and used sparingly

Uses

(continued)

Goyal and Gaur (2022); Narain et al. (2006) and questionnaire-based survey

Goyal and Gaur (2022); Narain et al. (2006) and questionnaire-based survey

Goyal and Gaur (2022) and questionnaire-based survey

References

148 P. K. Sharma et al.

Natural ground depression in low porosity area

Toba

Community

Jodhpur

All of Rajasthan

Individual and Community

Deep cylindrical man-made depressions. Two types; Kuccha and Pucca wells are found

Area

Wells

Community /Individual Jodhpur, Hyper arid patches

Description

Khadin, also An earthen embankment Community called dhora was constructed across the hill slopes to tap on surface runoff

Practice

Table 9.1 (continued)

Groundwater and Rainfall

Groundwater

surface runoff

Water source

Drinking

Drinking Domestic use

Drinking, irrigation

Uses

Throughout the year

Throughput the year

Throughout the year

Water availability

The depression checks are formed to tap into rainfall-runoff

Wells are traditional water harvesting and extraction practice found across India

excess water drains off through sluices and spillways

Remark

(continued)

Questionnaire-based survey

Questionnaire-based survey

Goyal and Gaur (2022) and questionnaire-based survey

References

9 Indigenous Knowledge and Traditional Practices … 149

Community

open well of shared ownership (saza = partner) to provide for Rehats (indigenous water extraction technique)

It is a percolation tank, with a bund to impound rainwater flowing through a watershed and a waste weir to dispose of the surplus flow

SazaKuva

Rapat

Water source

Jaipur Alwar

Surface water

Eastern Groundwater Rajasthan Mewar region

Area

Source Questionnaire-based survey and various literature

Community

Community /Individual

Description

Practice

Table 9.1 (continued)

Recharge wells within 3–5 km downstream

Irrigation

Uses

After monsoon

Throughout the year

Water availability

(Water Harvesting Systems: Traditional Systems, n.d.)

References

Silting is one of the (Water Harvesting significant Systems: Traditional problems with this Systems, n.d.) structure leaving them usable for only about 5–20 years

Collective ownership by the farmers with adjacent landholdings

Remark

150 P. K. Sharma et al.

9 Indigenous Knowledge and Traditional Practices …

151

(Maddox 1998), is linked to, albeit often not caused by, droughts. For example, it is no coincidence that the worst famine in oral history happened after the First World War, during which colonial powers confiscated food and required labor to support the war effort, leaving fields uncultivated (Maddox 1998). In Rajasthan itself, the British rule established many large dams over rivers and tried to study and modernize the traditional practices without considering deeply the socio-physical significance which led to various water-related problems going out of hand in some areas of Rajasthan. The use and conservation of these traditional practices are embedded in taboos with religious anecdotes and traditional customs such as landownership (Hens 2006) as found in the survey, many religious and ritualistic practices mandatorily being held around or with the use of these structures led to the protection, maintenance and new constructions, saving the practices for the larger good. A severe challenge for the researchers is the lack of TEK data for sparsely populated semiarid/arid regions where economic resources are limited (particularly in developing countries), such as for spatial disparity in rainfall, aquifer characteristics and soil. Mudrakartha (2007) establishes that the widely occurring agricultural droughts in arid and semiarid regions are causing the lowering of the groundwater levels. The water stored or harvested in these structures is used for many different purposes, including drinking, bathing, livestock, domestic purposes as well as irrigation. In the Semi-Arid Tropical regions, there is only a limited amount of water available for supplemental irrigation. Thus, water harvesting in surface ponds or groundwater recharge if efficiently used is an important factor in increasing crop productivity (Singh et al. 2009). Several studies produce examples for such situations. In Rabi and Zaid seasons, use of the recharged groundwater in Paals and their surrounding areas are used to irrigate less wastewater-consuming crops resulting in the raised water table. The farmers of this region can pump more water at a reduced cost (Badiger et al. 2002). Similarly, Taankas are of significant importance in Rajasthan, where most households have their own water harvesting structures of limited capacity in form of Taanka (Malik 2008), which can offer an operational and economic check against dry spells and droughts (Goyal and Gaur 2022). Although there is evidence of a gradual decrease in the use of traditional water management techniques, records suggest increasing numbers of tube wells (Everard et al. 2018). The data to assert the gradual abandonment of conventional water recharge structures is low, but the recent literature suggests that their restoration can be substantial in water balance (Narain et al. 2006).

9.4.1 Challenges One of the major challenges in protecting these practices and related benefits of water conservation and sustainability is the growing unawareness of these practices. It is labor-intense where the whole community and sometimes households have to build and continuously maintain the structure when one push on the switch (electric motor) can pull water from beneath the ground to their tanks as cited by many

152

P. K. Sharma et al.

individuals in the survey. The idea of sustainability and loss of groundwater and the sheer impressive results of these practices is unknown to a lot of these individuals due to a lack of education and privilege to only scientific knowledge and technology, and they are choosing the rather unsustainable and faster options. TEK is being lost to the modern struggles of finding better economic opportunities and livelihood in cities resulting in the abandonment of villages by a younger population and increased use of mechanized water extraction techniques that might limit the availability of water and its accessibility in a rather harsh manner (Everard et al. 2018). The knowledge transfer, engagement and built social relationships determine the degree to which the knowledge is termed useful in indigenous communities (Parsons et al. 2017). About 60.60% of respondents in our survey told us that there has not been any new construction of traditional water harvesting structures in their area in the past 5 years. James C Scott points out that so many well-intended measures taken by governments have gone wrong because of the exclusion of local knowledge and solely choosing scientific measures and processes (Scott 1998). The lack of inclusion in the state government’s policy framework (Rajasthan Water Policy) is another critical move by the state government representing the lack of vision about the role of IK and traditional practices in natural resource management, especially for water. The research and development of the database and documentation of usability of these practices is long due where “examining the interaction of existing local and state forms of knowledge of groundwater and irrigation is a useful starting point” (Birkenholtz 2008). Indigenous knowledge is context specific, what works in one place may not play out similarly for others (Hens 2006) and is not easily replicable unless it is incorporated and supported with other knowledge systems is another challenge to its inclusion in policy framework as pointed out by Gorjestani (World Bank 1999) and he suggests raising awareness, “enhancing local capacity to document and exchange IK and applying IK in development programs.” Key challenges to the implementation of Community Natural Resource Management are identified as the conflict between interest groups and stakeholders, heterogeneous demographic interests, need for extensive institution building and educational efforts. On the other hand, excessive focus on harvesting can lead to what is evident from the RWH analysis of Arvari River which shows that these systems do reach “a limiting point where the sustainability indices do not increase further” and in some case decrease due to several reasons including finite runoff, small RWH structures and limited aquifer storage capacity (Glendenning and Vervoort 2010). Suppose there are many previously built RWH structures, in that case, the benefit of making additional is marginal considering the higher building cost of harvesting every unit of water, low storage capacity aquifer, declining odds of discovery of accurate locations, etc. (Kumar et al. 2006). These limitations of the TEK-based management systems and often politicized motivations leading to over-construction, only to be abandoned and left dry have been a real problem in some areas of Rajasthan (Gupta 2011).

9 Indigenous Knowledge and Traditional Practices …

153

9.4.2 Prospects Parsons et al. (2017) argue that the inclusion of sustainability and wellbeing concepts as offered by indigenous knowledge as a driving value in planning and policy provides a better idea of inclusive goal setting and desired outcomes. While discussing the role of cultural values and indigenous knowledge of Rajasthan in disaster risk reduction, some conclude that there is a need for a paradigm shift in policy framework and design from ‘top down’ to ‘bottom up’ in the context of a participatory approach while integrating scientific and indigenous knowledge (Pareek and Trivedi 2011). When asked, “Do you think the government should provide the budget for the construction and renovation of these structures?”, 95.5% of respondents answered ‘Yes’, stating that the government’s aid in protecting these traditional water management systems and inclusion of technology is welcome to the folks of this region and in some places the government aid has been provided. Although traditional practices have been acknowledged fairly largely at this point, their use and incorporation in policy design are yet not central. Das et al. suggest a few policy recommendations such as “improvement in digital documentation of TEK and practices, development of a regional database for different SDGs, empowerment of indigenous communities by disseminating and implementation of various initiatives, high-quality knowledge management by scientific communities, capacity building programs, and establishment of participatory networks involving various stakeholders” (Das et al. 2021). Several other scholars have also established the need for National laws and policies to create space for traditional and indigenous practices as well as timely evaluation to maintain equality in power distributions and intellectual rights (Bohensky and Maru 2011). Several respondents to our questionnaire have obliged that governmental support will keep these practices relevant to the upcoming generations. MNREGA can be the scheme to initiate the action of preserving, maintaining and promoting these practices with the aid. Based on the Central Arid Zone Research Institute (CAZRI) recommendations, the Government of Rajasthan has made roof-based rainwater harvesting mandatory in all new buildings with a covered area of more than 1,500 m2 (Narain et al. 2006). These practices have proved to be better suitable for the climate and environment of the place and can act as a mechanism for adaptation to sustainability in regards to water management. The technological improvements and engineering of these traditional practices can bring the best of these practices and allow better management of the resources.

9.5 Conclusion The State Water Policy of Rajasthan recognizes that some differences in access to water are inevitable in Rajasthan due to the vast variation in rainfall patterns and groundwater availability. “Therefore, stress is being laid on water management to remove inequalities in access of water amongst various water user sectors (drinking,

154

P. K. Sharma et al.

agriculture, industry, etc.); urban and rural population and between rich and poor”. The integration of TEK and Scientific Knowledge is the way to manage the limited resources of our land, especially water in a desert region. The complete and detailed documentation of the Traditional Water Management practices in Rajasthan in this paper is somewhat pioneering in documenting many of these practices and their nature, areas and significance in the water resource management in Rajasthan, which has been overlooked for a long time. The authors found that integrating scientific knowledge with traditional knowledge and building up the policy framework for sustainable water management practices in the increasing drought-prone area is better. The authors further call for hydrologists, geologists, geographers, anthropologists, etc., to collaborate and make the integration a reality at the ground level in such regions.

References ACIA (2004) Impacts of a warming arctic. Cambridge University Press Agrawal A, Narain S (1997) Dying wisdom : rise, fall and potential of India’s traditional water harvesting systems: IRC. https://www.ircwash.org/resources/dying-wisdom-rise-fall-and-potent ial-indias-traditional-water-harvesting-systems Agricultural Statistics at a Glance (2014) http://eands.dacnet.nic.in/PDF/Agricultural-Statistics-AtGlance2014.pdf Badiger S, Sakthivadivel R, Aloysius N, Sally H (2002) Preliminary assessment of a traditional approach to rainwater harvesting and artificial recharging of groundwater in alwar district, Rajasthan. International Water Management Institute Berkes F, Colding J, Folke C (2000) Rediscovery of traditional ecological knowledge as adaptive management. Ecol Appl 10(5):1251–1262 Birkenholtz T (2008) Contesting expertise: the politics of environmental knowledge in northern Indian groundwater practices. Geoforum 39(1):466–482 Bohensky EL, Maru Y (2011) Indigenous knowledge, science, and resilience: what have we learned from a decade of international literature on “integration”? Ecol Soc 16(4):6 Chaplin FS, Zavaleta ES, Eviner VT, Naylor RL, Vitousek PM, Reynolds HL, Hooper DU, Lavorel S, Sala OE, Hobbie SE, Mack MC, Diaz S (2000) Consequences of changing biodiversity. Nature 405:234–242 Das A, Gujre N, Devi RJ, Mitra S (2021) A review on traditional ecological knowledge and Its role in natural resources management: north east India, a cultural paradise. Environmental Management Everard M, Sharma OP, Vishwakarma VK, Khandal D, Sahu YK, Bhatnagar R, Singh JK, Kumar R, Nawab A, Kumar A, Kumar V, Kashyap A, Pandey DN, Pinder AC (2018) Assessing the feasibility of integrating ecosystem-based with engineered water resource governance and management for water security in semi-arid landscapes: a case study in the Banas catchment, Rajasthan, India. Sci Total Environ 612:1249–1265 Eversole R (2015) Knowledge partnering for community development. In Routledge Failing L, Gregory R, Harstone M (2007) Integrating science and local knowledge in environmental risk management: a decision-focused approach. Ecol Econ 64(1):47–60

9 Indigenous Knowledge and Traditional Practices …

155

Fernández-Llamazares Á, Díaz-Reviriego I, Luz AC, Cabeza M, Pyhälä A, Reyes-García V (2015) Rapid ecosystem change challenges the adaptive capacity of local environmental knowledge. Glob Environ Chang 31:272–284 Ford JD, McDowell G, Shirley J, Pitre M, Siewierski R, Gough W, Duerden F, Pearce T, Adams P, Statham S (2013) The dynamic multiscale nature of climate change vulnerability: an inuit harvesting example. Ann Assoc Am Geogr 103(5):1193–1211 Gaur M K, Goyal R K, Kalappurakkal S, Pandey C B (2018) Common property resources in drylands of India. Int J Sustain Dev World Ecol Gernier L (1998) Working with indigenous knowledge: a guide for researchers | IDRC - International Development Research Centre Glendenning CJ, Vervoort RW (2010) Hydrological impacts of rainwater harvesting (RWH) in a case study catchment: the arvari river, Rajasthan, India. Part 1: Field-scale impacts. Agric Water Manag 98(2) 331–342 Gokhale Y, Gadgil M, Gupta A, Sinha R, Achar KPP (2006) Managing people’s knowledge: an Indian case study of building bridges from local to global and from oral to scientific knowledge. In: Reid WV, Berkes F, Wilbanks T, Capistrano D (eds), Bridging Scale and Knowledge Systems: Concepts and Applications in Ecosystem Assessment 1st ed, pp. 241–253 Island Press Government of Rajasthan (2010) State water policy Goyal RK, Gaur MK (2022) indigenous knowledge for water harvesting and management in hot arid zone of india. Agri J World 2(2):9–13 Gupta S (2011) Demystifying ’tradition’: the politics of rainwater harvesting in rural rajasthan. India Water Alternatives 4(3):347–364 Hens L (2006) Indigenous knowledge and biodiversity conservation and management in ghana. J Hum Ecol 20(1):21–30 India-WRIS (nd). Accessed March 30, 2022, from https://indiawris.gov.in/wris/#/GWResources Jackson S (2006) Compartmentalising culture: the articulation and consideration of Indigenous values in water resource management. Aust Geogr 37(1):19–31 Kala CP (2005) Ethnomedicinal botany of the Apatani in the Eastern Himalayan region of India. J Ethnobiol Ethnomed 1:1–8 Kloppenburg J (1991) Social theory and the de/reconstruction of agricultural science: local knowledge for an alternative agriculture. Rural Sociol 56(4):519–548 Kumar MD, Ghosh S, Patel A, Singh OP, Ravindranath R (2006) Rainwater harvesting in India : some critical issues for basin planning and research. Land Use and Water Research 6:1–17 Leonard S, Parsons M, Olawsky K, Kofod F (2013) The role of culture and traditional knowledge in climate change adaptation: lnsights from East Kimberley. Australia. Global Environmental Change 23(3):623–632 Lepofsky D, Armstrong CG, Greening S, Jackley J, Carpenter J, Guernsey B, Mathews D, Turner NJ (2017) Historical ecology of cultural keystone places of the northwest coast. Am Anthropol 119(3):448–463 Maddox GH (1998) Leave wagogo, you have no food: famine and survival in Ugogo, Tanzania, 1916–1961. Northwestern University, UMI Malik D (2008) Sustainable water security in the thar desert, India: Blending traditional wisdom with modern techniques. Access to Sanitation and Safe Water: global partnerships and local actions - Proceedings of the 33rd WEDC International Conference, 500 pp 335–339 Moench M (2007) When the well runs dry but livelihood continues : adaptive responses to groundwater. The Agricultural Groundwater Revolution: opportunities and threats to development Mohamed MA, Ventura SJ (2000) Use of geomatics for mapping and documenting indigenous tenure systems. Soc Nat Resour 13(3):223–236 Moller H, Berkes F, Lyver PO, Kislalioglu M (2004) Combining science and traditional ecological knowledge: monitoring populations for co-management. Ecol Soc 9(3):2 Mudrakartha S (2007) To adapt or aot to Adapt : the dilemma between long- term resource management and short-term livelihood. In: Giordano M, Villholth K (eds) The Agricultural Groundwater Revolution:Opportunites and Threats to Development pp 243–265 CABI

156

P. K. Sharma et al.

Naess L (2017) I will continue to fight them: local knowledge, everyday resistance and adaptation to climate change in semi-arid tanzania. In: Sillitoe P (ed) Indigenous Knowledge: enhancing its contribution to natural resource management pp 86–98 Narain P, Khan MA, Singh G (2006) Potental for water conservation and havesting against drought in Rajasthan. Working Paper 104 (Drought Series: Paper 7). Colombo, Sri Lanka: International Water Management Institute (IWMI) Pareek A, Trivedi PC (2011) Cultural values and indigenous knowledge of climate change and disaster prediction in Rajasthan. India Indian J Tradit Knowl 10(1):183–189 Parrotta JA, Agnoletti M (2007) Traditional forest knowledge: challenges and opportunities. For Ecol Manage 279:1–4 Parsons M, Nalau J, Fisher K (2017) Alternative Perspectives on Sustainability: indigenous knowledge and methodologies. Chall Sustain 5(1):7–14 Patel SK, Sharma A, Singh GS (2020) Traditional agricultural practices in India: an approach for environmental sustainability and food security. Energy, Ecology and Environment 5(4):253–271 Pathak P, Chourasia AK, Wani SP, Sudi R (2013) Multiple impact of integrated watershed management in low rainfall semi-arid region: a case study from Eastern Rajasthan, India. J Water Resour Prot 05(01):27–36 Posey DA (1985) Indigenous management of tropical forest ecosystems: the case of the Kayapó Indians of the Brazilian Amazon. Agrofor Syst 3(2):139–158 Reddy KN (2016) Eradication of Rural Poverty through Sustainable Natural Resources Management in India. Int Res J Soc Sci 5(1):32–34 Reid WV, Mooney HA, Capistrano D, Carpenter SR, Chopra K, Cropper A, Dasgupta P, Hassan R, Leemans R, May RM, Pingali P, Samper C, Scholes R, Watson RT, Zakri AH, Shidong Z (2006) Nature: the many benefits of ecosystem services. Nature 443(7113):749 Rundstrom RA (1995) GIS, Indigenous peoples, and epistemological diversity. Cartogr Geogr Inf Sys 22(1):45–57 Scott JC (1998) Seeing like a State: how certain schemes to improve the human conditions have failed. Yale University Press Segger MCC, Phillips FK (2015) Indigenous traditional knowledge for sustainable development: the biodiversity convention and plant treaty regimes. J for Res 20(5):430–437 Sen S, Singh RB (2002) Climate variability, extreme events and agricultural productivity in mountain regions. Oxford & IBH Pub. Co Sharma S, Bhattacharya S, Garg A (2006) Greenhouse gas emissions from India: a perspective. Curr Sci 90(3):326–333 Sillitoe P, Bicker A, Pottier J (2002) Participating in development. approaches to indigenous knowledge. In Routledge. https://doi.org/10.1663/0013-0001(2003)057[0162:br]2.0.co;2 Sillitoe P (2017) Indigenous knowledge: enhancing its contribution to natural resources management. CABI Singh P, Pathak P, Wani SP, Sahrawat KL (2009) Integrated watershed management for increasing productivity and water-use efficiency in semi-arid tropical India. J Crop Improv 23(4):402–429 Tahmasebi A (2009) Indigenous knowledge for water management in Iran’s dry land - Siraf. Int J Environ Stud 66(3):317–325 Turner NJ (2020) From “taking” to “tending”: learning about indigenous land and resource management on the Pacific Northwest coast of North America. ICES J Mar Sci 77(7–8):2472–2482 UNFCCC (2013) Best practices and available tools for the use of indigenous and traditional knowledge and practices for adaptation, and the application of gender-sensitive approaches and tools for understanding and assessing impacts, vulnerability and adaptation to climate change (Issue October) Vanclay F (2004) Social principles for agricultural extension to assist in the promotion of natural resource management. Aust J Exp Agric 44(3):213–222 Warren DM (1991) Using indigenous knowledge in agricultural development. World Bank Discussion Papers, vol 127

9 Indigenous Knowledge and Traditional Practices …

157

Water harvesting systems : traditional systems (nd). Accessed Mar 30 2022 http://www.rainwater harvesting.org/Rural/Traditional1.htm Western D, Wright RM, Strum SC (1994) Natural connections: perspectives in community based conservation. Island Press World Development Report (1999) Knowledge for development. Oxford University Press

Chapter 10

Significance of Indigenous Knowledge Systems in Water Conservation, Management: A Study from Sikkim Himalaya Mayank Joshi, Karan Luitel, Saurabh Singh Barfal, J. C. Kuniyal, and Kireet Pande

10.1 Introduction Indigenous Knowledge (IK) is defined as the skills and philosophical developments by the societies through generational long interaction with their natural environments over a period (UNESCO). The words traditional knowledge, local knowledge, traditional ecological knowledge, and ethnoecology are synonyms of “indigenous knowledge”. These are transferred from one generation to another through stories, legends, folklore, rituals, songs, and even laws. Globalization, government policies, capitalism, colonialism, and other rapid social-ecological changes are the main threats to indigenous knowledge (Llamazares et al. 2021). Though indigenous knowledge is cost-effective, sometimes it performs better than modern science and technology (Rasid and Paul 1987). There are two main challenges faced by indigenous knowledge, viz., (i) IK is a region and geographically specific and depends on geography, economic, and cultural settings, and (ii) the amalgamation of IK with modern science is difficult (Briggs 2013). Broadly, indigenous knowledge can be divided into structural and non-structural forms (Dekens 2007). Structural indigenous knowledge is defined as physical visible technical knowledge with a concrete aspect of local knowledge whereas the non-structural is difficult to recognize and mainly related to environmental, agricultural, socio-cultural, and historical knowledge (Dekens 2007). IK covers a wide variety of contexts, covering agricultural, ecological, medicinal, M. Joshi (B) · K. Luitel · S. S. Barfal G. B. Pant National Institute of Himalayan Environment, Sikkim Regional Centre, Pangthang, Gangtok, East Sikkim 737101, India e-mail: [email protected] J. C. Kuniyal · K. Pande G. B. Pant National Institute of Himalayan Environment, Kosi Katarmal, Almora, Uttrakhand, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_10

159

160

M. Joshi et al.

biodiversity, scientific, and technical knowledge (World Bank 1998). In the present scientific world, the significance of IK is much more than to early. IK believes, the production/extraction of natural resources is only for immediate survival and subsistence needs only. Thus, no single resource is being overexploited. Natural resources are considered sacred and their exploration depended on “conservation ethic”. IK believes in the conservation of natural resources for future generations (Murphree 1991). Globally, many communities are using the IK for their sustainable development. For example, in central Mexico, the farmers are using the traditional methods for soil conservation like the dumping of the crop remains at channel heads to decrease runoff speed, construction of layered check dams to control channel activity and sediment entrapment, and plantation of long-rooted grass on channel wall for soil strength and erosion (Bocco 1991). Similarly, the people of West Pokot and Turkana, Kenya, have been using traditional knowledge for soil and water conservation (Barrow 1989). Kenyah Dayak communities of Swidden are traditionally using the agroforestry system for forest re-growth (Colfer 1983). The Tunjung and Benuaq Dayak groups of East Kalimantan, Indonesia, have been using similar traditional practices, namely munaant, simpukng, and lemboin home and forest gardens for biodiversity conservation (Sardjono 1990). Traditional healers and local community members of the Marakwet community in Kenya have been using wild plants for treating stomachache, diarrhea, chest problems, and typhoid (Wanjohi et al. 2020). The Carão community of the Brazilian semi-arid region is using the traditional knowledge of medicinal plants for their treatment (Silva et al. 2011). The Hanunoo people of the Philippines know ~1600 plant species in their forest. There are about 550 tribes living in India. According to the year 2011 census, a total of 1045.46 lakhs people belong to the tribal population. Out of these, ~90% of tribal communities live near the forest areas and cover 15% of the geographical area of the country (Madegowda 2009). As per the year 1951 census, 5.6% population of India was tribal which rose to 8.4 and 8.6% in the years 2001 and 2011 censuses, respectively. Around 60% of forest cover lies in the 187 tribal districts (Forest Survey of India Report 2003). In Lahaul and Spiti valleys, Indian western Himalaya, the native people (Lahaulas in Lahaul and Bhotias in Spiti) have been using the traditional Amchi system of medicine practiced (Singh 2012). In the Southern Western Ghats, India. The ethnic communities (Kani/Kanikaran) have been using 54 plant species to cure skin diseases, poison bites, wounds, and rheumatism (Ayyanar and Ignacimuthu 2005). The Saharia tribe in the Baran district of Rajasthan, India, has been using the traditional knowledge of different animals and animal-derived products for different ethnomedical purposes, including cough, asthma, tuberculosis, paralysis, earache, herpes, weakness, muscular pain, etc. (Mahawar and Jaroli 2007). The Soligas tribe in the Chamarajanagar district of Karnataka possesses rich and deep traditional and indigenous knowledge of ecology, forest conservation, and resource management systems which they transfer from one generation to the next. The Soliga tribe of Karnataka was doing shift cultivation and collection of non-timber forest products which were harvested in an indigenous and sustainable method (Madegowda 2009). In Sikkim, as per the 2011 census, around 33.8% population belongs to the tribal

10 Significance of Indigenous Knowledge Systems …

161

community. Bhutia and Lepcha are the main tribal communities of Sikkim. These communities are using various traditional methods to conserve the soil cover, its fertility, forest, and water resources. Rai et al. (1994) studied the Mamlay watershed in Sikkim Himalaya and documented various traditional knowledge for soil and water conservation used by these communities. The villagers have been using local varieties of pulse and follow crop combination and crop rotation based on region and microclimatic conditions (Rai et al. 1994). In the present study, we did a questionnaire survey among the local and tribal people to understand (i) The knowledge of local people about climate change-related issues, (ii) The traditional knowledge of ecology, forest conservation, and resource management, (iii) Their traditional system of agriculture and land use, and (iv) To understand their traditional method for water conservation. The questionnaire results show that the tribal people are aware of the effects of climate change and are changing their agricultural practices in order to combat the effects of climate change. Further, they are using traditional knowledge for ecology, forest conservation, and resource management.

10.2 Is Indigenous Knowledge Important? The IK believes in local development, empowerment, and amplification in the self-sufficiency and strength of self-determination (Ulluwishewa 1993). Indigenous people can offer important insight into the local ecosystem and how to manage its natural resources successfully. As science advances, the overexploitation of natural resources also increases. This results in a worldwide ecological crisis. The indigenous peoples maintain ecological balance, in the areas where they live, without causing substantial ecological damage (Matowanyika 1994). Therefore, IK may serve as a strong foundation for developing alternative resource management strategies. The Indigenous knowledge systems and technologies are economically viable, and sustainable, with minimal risk to natural resources, rural farmers, and producers.

10.3 Study Area The present study area, the East district, falls in Sikkim state. Sikkim is a small and tiny state of India bounded between 27.08°N–28.13°N and 88.08°E–88.92°E (Fig. 10.1). Geographically, Sikkim State stretches over 7,096 km2 and covers 0.2% area of India. The state is characterized by a steep slope gradient, which varies from 322 m (Jorethang) to 8,586 m (Khangchendzonga) (Joshi 2022). Three ethnic groups, Lepchas, Bhutias, and Nepalese consist of the Sikkimese people. Out of these, the Lepchas are the ancient tribe of Sikkim (Pradhan and Badola 2008). The district covers an area of 560 km2 . Two mountain passes of East Sikkim, namely Nathula and Jelepla, connect Sikkim with China. As per the year 2011 census, East Sikkim district has a population of 283,583 having a population density of 295 persons/km2 .

162

M. Joshi et al.

Fig. 10.1 Geographical location of study area

The elevation of the study area ranges from 610 m-3753 m. The district is surrounded by densely forested regions comprising tropical to alpine (Tambe et al. 2012). Four main seasons, namely (i) Spring: March and April; (ii) Summer (monsoon): May to September; (iii) Autumn: October and November; and (iv) Winter: December to February, exist in Sikkim. The average daytime temperature during summer varies in the range 5–25 °C, while during winter seasons the mercury drops to −5 to 7 °C, respectively (Sikkim Tourism Department). The district mainly experiences two rainy seasons, viz., summer rains and winter rains. Around 184 rainy days are observed at Gangtok in East Sikkim. As per Indian Metrological Data, the average annual rainfall in Gangtok is 3,894 mm. Five villages, namely Kambal (27° 22' 22.09'' N, 88°29' 48.38'' E), Samdong (27° 21' 27.39'' N, 88° 29' 34.24'' E), Tumin (27°19' 54.77'' N, 88° 30' 53.59'' E), Raley/Khesay (27°20' 45.29'' N, 88°0.29' 33.70'' E), and Pangthang (27° 23' 5.64'' N, 88° 39' 29.52'' E) in East district of Sikkim were selected for the study. These villagers are composed of all ethnic groups of people such as Nepalis, Bhutias, and Lepcha, and show a wide range of cultural-ethnic diversity. According to the census of 2011 Kambal, Samdong, Tumin, Raley/Khesay, and Pangthang villages had a total of 202, 481, 589, 391, and 87 households, respectively (Table 10.1).

10 Significance of Indigenous Knowledge Systems …

163

Table 10.1 List of studied GPUs along with the households and population (Census 2011) Sr. No Name of GPUs 1

Kambal

District

No. of households Total population Male Female

East Sikkim 202

1049

542

507

2

Samdong

East Sikkim 481

2125

1090 1035

3

Tumin

East Sikkim 589

2974

1522 1452

4

Raley-Khesay

East Sikkim 391

1712

853

859

5

Pangthang Forest East Sikkim 87 Block

399

208

191

10.4 Methodology A questionnaire is a research tool that consists of a series of sequential questions with the goal of gathering data from responses (Tile 1838; Gault 1907). In the year 1838, the Statistical Society of London invented these questionnaire-based investigations. The primary goal of this questionnaire-based study is to collect pertinent data in the most accurate and valid way possible (Taherdoost et al. 2016; Misra and Jain 2016). These community-based surveys give useful baseline data, and the results may generalize to the wider population if conditions are favorable (World Health Organization 2004; Sharma et al. 2022). However, in recent decades, questionnaire surveys have evolved significantly, with the inclusion of strengths and limitations of various testing and evaluation methodologies, as well as their reliability and validity (Presser et al. 2004). Detailed questionnaire surveys were carried out during the years 2018–2020, in the villages of East Sikkim District in order to collect community knowledge about the traditional knowledge of water-related studies. These data were validated through field observation and group discussions. The focused age groups of the participants for the survey are above 30 years and also should be living in the same place for more than 2 years as they could have a better understanding of the changing climatic events. This exercise was performed with groups of males and females in every village in order to generate different views. Simple random sampling methods were used to select households for the questionnaire survey. The opinions/views of all participants were treated equally regarding the matter discussed and everything was recorded in the questionnaire. The questionnaire covered four sections viz. perception toward climate change, perception of climate-related events, changes in agriculture practices, forest resources, and traditional adaptive measures. Moreover, information on farmers’ knowledge about land management, soil fertility, and soil erosion was retrieved through personal interviews and group discussions. A total of 305 Households were surveyed during the study in identified villages. A total of 40 households from Tumin GPU, 42 households from Kambal GPU, 56 households from Raley/Khesay GPU, 80 households from Samdong GPU, and 87 households from Pangthang Forest Block village of East Sikkim were surveyed. The respondents were composed of all ethnic groups of people such as Nepalis, Bhutias, and Lepchas. The survey sites and targeted people were continuously monitored/surveyed for 3 years

164

M. Joshi et al.

from 2018 to 2020 to observe any change in their adopted methodology. This study is further strengthened with the help of secondary literature and information.

10.5 Results A total of 305 Households were surveyed during the questionnaire survey. Following are the results of the questionnaire survey.

10.5.1 Perception of Climate Condition The people perception survey results show that around 67% felt increasing temperature, and 33% said that they didn’t feel any increase in temperature (Table 10.2). 72% experienced uneven distribution of rainfall, whereas 27% of people didn’t feel any change in rainfall and 1% could not say anything about it. About the late onset of monsoon, 38% said that they experienced change at the onset of monsoon, whereas 59% of people did not see any change in the late onset of monsoon. 26% of people experienced the early withdrawal of monsoon and 70% of people didn’t experience any change in the monsoonal time, whereas 4% were unaware of any change (Table 10.2). 29% of people experienced increased incidences of droughts, whereas 48% denied this and 23% don’t know about this (Table. 10.2). Regarding water availability, 95% of villagers said that the water sources are decreasing and only 3% said that there is no change in water source availability. Almost all the people (99%) experienced the drying of streams in recent times (Table 10.2).

10.5.2 Perception About Climate Change-Related Events About 88% of people said that the seasons are changing, whereas 12% denied this. 33% of people responded that they are experiencing a long dry spell. 67% didn’t agree with this. 69% of people say that snowfall is decreasing, whereas 21% of people say that they didn’t experience such and 10% have no idea about this. 54% of people didn’t experience the warmer wind and 40% have no idea about this. 61% of people say that nowadays the summer seasons become prolonged. 14% didn’t agree about this, whereas 25% of people are unaware of this. Regarding the short winter period, 46% of people agree about the shorter winter period, 31% of people said that it is not true, whereas 23% have no idea about this (Table 10.2).

10 Significance of Indigenous Knowledge Systems …

165

Table 10.2 People’s perception of climate conditions, climate-related events, and ecological system (%) Information about

Yes

No

Don’t know

Increasing temperature

67

33

0

Uneven distribution of rainfall

72

27

1

Late onset of monsoon

38

59

3

Early withdrawal of monsoon

26

70

4

Increased incidents of droughts

29

48

23

Water source availability decreasing

95

3

2

Drying up of streams

99

1

0

Change in seasons

88

12

0

Long dry spell

33

67

0

Decrease in snowfall

69

21

10

Wind is getting warmer

6

54

40

Prolonged summer seasons

61

14

25

Short winter period

46

31

23

Incidents of disease in crops

73

25

2

Incidents of pest and insects in crops

76

21

3

Changes in yields

64

15

21

Decrease in availability of medicinal plants

97

0

3

Decrease in availability of wild edible plants

47

53

0

10.5.3 People’s Perception of Ecological Systems About 73% experienced the incidents where a crop gets infected by various diseases that affect its productivity in recent times, about 25% of respondents have not encountered such events whereas 2% have no idea about the incidents of disease in crops. Similar to this, 76% of respondents claims majorly their crops were affected by pests and insects and 21% didn’t see any such incidents. 64% of people mentioned that they have changed the type of yield, and 15% of people are still growing regular crops. About 97% of villagers observed a decrease in the easy availability of medicinal plants, and 3% didn’t feel any change in the availability of medicinal plants. Similarly, 47% of people observed a decrease in the easy availability of wild edible plants, whereas 53% said that there is no such case (Table 10.2).

166

M. Joshi et al.

10.5.4 People’s Perception of Information and Awareness Demand In order to people’s perception regarding information and awareness, we found that 100% of the respondents follow traditional systems for information and awareness (Fig. 10.2a). For planning ideas and awareness programmes, 71% of the respondents say it should be discussed at the local level and only 1% say on the National level (Fig. 10.2b).

10.5.5 Perception of Community Climate Change Perception Under this survey, we find that 54% of the respondents think climate change is a real topic of concern in the present case scenario and already happening now but opposite to that statement, 23% of individuals think impacts of climate change will start in the near future. Similarly, 14% of the respondents claim climate change and its impacts will become a major problem in the longer term in the future. A small number of individuals in the communities were totally unaware of the demerits of climate change because 9% of the respondents said the climate is not a big issue in the communities and is not happening now and in the future; they don’t see such events can create any problem in near future to them (Fig. 10.2c). Like the statement above mentioned, the figure clearly states that 47% of the respondents take the issue of climate change-related events very seriously, and opposite to that 7% of the respondents don’t take this as a serious issue and 23% of the respondents have no idea about this. Rest 23% of individuals considered this situation somewhat serious or serious (Fig. 10.2d).

10.5.6 People’s Perception of Adaptive and Coping Strategies to Combat the Impacts of Climate Change For adaptive and coping strategies against climate change, we find communities adopting various traditional and modern techniques to combat the impacts of climate change. In communities practicing intercropping on a large scale to increase their yield, 68% of respondents adopted this technique, whereas 25% are still unaware of this and 7% haven’t known about this farming technique (Fig. 10.3a). To deal with the water scarce problems, 71% of the respondents adopted the rainwater harvesting technique to provide drinking water, domestic water, water for livestock, water for small irrigation, and a way to increase groundwater levels (Fig. 10.3b). Rainwater harvesting has been practiced for a long time now but still, 29% of the respondents were unaware of this. 95% of the respondents adopted the mulching technique to

10 Significance of Indigenous Knowledge Systems …

167

Fig. 10.2 a–d People’s perception record about the consultation for information and awareness and climate change

suppress weeds and prevent water loss via evaporation (Fig. 10.3c). This is an interesting way to tackle the impacts of climate change but still, 5% of the respondents were unaware of this. About 20% of the respondents also adopted modern technique like the zero-tillage process which not only reduce the cost of cultivation it also reduces soil erosion, crop duration, irrigation requirement, and weed effect. But sadly, 60% of did not apply this technique due to a lack of information, and 20% don’t know about this technique (Fig. 10.3d). Crop variety improvement is the basic step to improve food crop production which is adopted by 25% of the individuals whereas 75% of respondents were not interested in adopting this modern method of farming (Fig. 10.3e). About 56% of the respondents still follow traditional methodologies against pests, insects, and disease control, but 23% of the respondents were unaware of their traditional systems (Fig. 10.3f). Crop insurance is a modern method initiated by the

168

M. Joshi et al.

Fig. 10.3 Various traditional methods used by farmers as an adaptive measure

government of India under Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojna. It is an easy way for farmers to protect themselves against financial losses due to uncertainties that may arise due to crop failures or losses, but we find none of the respondents (100%) were taking the benefit of this government scheme (Fig. 10.3g). Similarly, agroforestry techniques were adopted by 57% of the population, and the rest 43% of the respondents were not following such modern agricultural methods (Fig. 10.3h). Out of all these, crop rotations are mostly used methods for farming. 90% of the respondents were currently using this methodology to increase their yields and the rest 10% were not interested in adopting this method (Fig. 10.3i).

10.5.7 Perception About What Source an Individual Typically Consult to Obtain the Data and Information With this survey, we came to know that village elders and information from adjacent villages are the main sources an individual relies on, to consult or to obtain any sort of information. Only a few numbers of Individuals, i.e., 13% of respondents refer

10 Significance of Indigenous Knowledge Systems …

169

to any government reports or any kind of official data; rest of the respondents rarely or occasionally go through such reports (Fig. 10.4a). In order to gain knowledge, newspapers or any social messages also play a key role. With our survey, we come to know that 56% of the mass refer to newspapers all the time to gather information. 28% of respondents occasionally refer to such news articles and 15% of individuals rarely refer to newspapers to obtain data and information (Fig. 10.4b). If we talk about teachers for consultation, 79% of respondents rarely go to them, and the rest never consult with them (Fig. 10.4c).

Fig. 10.4 Information about the data consulted by farmers on various aspects

170

M. Joshi et al.

10.5.8 Causes of Lack of Knowledge The survey result shows that 65% of people say that lack of awareness or understanding is the main hurdle to getting information about climate change, 31% of people say that it is a small hurdle whereas 4% didn’t feel any hurdle. 40–45% of people say that due to insufficient time and lack of awareness, they are unable to acquire information or plan their strategies whereas 12% didn’t feel this is any problem. A total of 92% of people say due to lack of access to information they are unaware of climate change. Unfortunately, 43% of the respondents don’t see climate change as a big issue due lack of awareness, 21% of the respondent were aware of the seriousness of the issue (Table 10.3). About 31% of respondents experienced a lack of social acceptance of strategies that take climate change into account and about 14% were unaware of this. The majority of the respondents don’t see opposition from neighbors or others as a barrier, but a lack of money and resources is a serious issue within the community. About 44% of individuals think lack of resources and money is a big issue; on the other hand, 42% say it’s not a big issue and only 14% of respondents think lack of money is not hurdled to acquire information. Similarly, lack of unity and illiteracy is the major issue in the communities. 48% of the respondents said lack of unity is a big hurdle in a community to grow; only a few about 18% think it’s not a hurdle. Similarly, for illiteracy 53% say it’s a serious issue, 32% say not a serious issue, surprisingly 13% say it’s not even an issue, and 2% don’t know about this (Table 10.3). Table 10.3 Barriers faced by individuals (%) Information

Big hurdle Small hurdle Not a hurdle Don’t know

Lack of awareness/understanding

65

31

4

0

Insufficient time to get information or plan for potential changes

40

45

12

6

Lack of access to information

56

36

7

1

Not a high priority in my community/household

21

43

23

13

Lack of social acceptability of strategies 31 that take climate change into account

35

20

14

Opposition from neighbors or other in community

4

17

58

21

Lack of money or resources

44

42

14

0

Lack of unity

48

34

18

0

Illiteracy

53

32

13

2

10 Significance of Indigenous Knowledge Systems …

171

10.6 Discussion and Conclusion Climate change made a negative impact on water sources and water availability for household use and their agricultural activities. Our survey results show that maximum number of people are aware of climate change and its related phenomenon, viz., increase in temperature and uneven distribution of rainfall. Most of the people say that due to climate change, the water source availability decreased (95%), the streams are drying (99%), and incidences of disease in crops (73%) and incidents of pests and insets in crops (76%) have increased which results in changes in yields (64%), reduction of availability of medicinal plants (97%), and wild edible plants (47%). However, most of the people (48%) denied any incidences of droughts. Further due to climate change, the seasons are changing (88%), the winter period becomes short (46%), there are long summer seasons (61%), snowfall is decreasing (69%), the temperature is increasing (67%), and rainfall pattern becomes uneven (72%). The survey results further highlighted that most of the people have a lack of awareness/understanding (65%) about the causes of climate change; limited access to information (56%) or insufficient time (40%) poses a big hurdle to collecting this information. Due to this, most of the people (43%) think that climate change is not a high priority to their community. The questionnaire survey among the people of villages shows that lack of social acceptability of strategies (31–35%) is the big hurdle. Lack of money or resources (44%), lack of unity (48–34%), and illiteracy (53–32%) are other hurdles. In recent time, around 50% of natural-springs has dried up, which were the major source of drinking water in the Himalayan region (Aayog 2017). The eastern Himalayas segment receives significantly more amount of precipitation than the western Himalayas (Anders et al. 2006) but still, the region faces the problem of a water crisis every year (Das et al. 2022; Sharma et al. 2022). This is due to the steep topography and fast deforestation which lead to huge surface runoff of rainwater, creating a cause of water scarcity. For example, Darjeeling, a Sikkim Himalayan district of the state of West Bengal, receives a mean annual rainfall of 3334.3 mm (Guhathakurta et al. 2020) yet facing acute water shortage during the post-monsoon and pinnacle tourist seasons. This is because of the steep slopes of the hills which leads to huge surface runoff of rainwater, creating a cause for water scarcity. In the Himalayas, most of the marshy areas and wetlands have been consumed due to urban expansion. Further, degradation of catchment areas, due to accelerating soil erosion and encroachment, and lack of management of rainwater during the dry seasons, causes a water scarcity problem in the Himalayas (Fazal and Amin 2011). This situation persists in all the eastern Himalayan states (Das et al. 2022). In the Sikkim Himalaya, people are aware of climate change and related impacts. People (100%) depends on traditional knowledge. They are using traditional methods such as adaptive and coping strategies. The size of their fields depends upon the availability of land, and it generally varies in the range 2-5 m (H & W) X 10–30 m (L). The slope of the agriculture fields depends on the type of crop. For example, the fields of millet, maize, and legume crops (required minimum water) are sloping outward for fast removal of water whereas, for the rice fields (which required more

172

M. Joshi et al.

water), the slope of the terraces is inward. The inward slopes of the terrace fields help the conservation of water and soil nutrients. It further helps to stabilize the irrigation water required for rice cultivation. For the traditional knowledge, most of the people depend on village elders. However, the people (38–37%) rarely consult with government officials/reports. 56% of people consult with the newspaper. Most of the people (68%) are now using intercropping, agroforestry (57%), and crop rotation (90%). To mitigate the water crisis, people are using (71%) rainwater harvesting. Erosion is one of the major issues for loss of soil fertility. ~ 175 million hectares of land in India converted to non-agricultural land due to soil erosion and land degradation (Sharma and Rai 2013). In Sikkim, most of the people (95%) are using mulching, whereas most of the people are not using zero tillage (60%) to stop soil erosion. The people (75%) are using traditional seed banks and not getting improved yields. 56% of people are using traditional knowledge for pest and insect control. 71% of people say that they use local information in planning for adaptation to climate change. 47% of people have an option that the problem of climate change is very serious. Similar results were also recorded in the Papung-Ben Khola watershed, South Sikkim district of Sikkim (Mishra and Rai 2013). For the protection of the catchment region from grazing, and forest cutting the people of Sikkim declare it a “’sacred forest”, and the location of spring is declared as “Devithan”. Sikkim state adopted organic farming in the year 2003. Since then, people stopped using pesticides. Further banning open grazing in reserved forest areas and plantations near water sources helped the improvement of nature’s health and water conservation. This suggests that if we use the traditional methods of agriculture, water conservation, and soil erosion, then nature heels herself without any time lag. Acknowledgements We would like to thank the Director of G.B. Pant “National Institute of Himalayan Environment” (NIHE) for providing the facilities and encouragement. This study is partially funded by Phase- 1 of NMSHE-TF 3 (Climate change part) and In-House Project-1 of the Institute. MJ acknowledges Prof. S. C. Rai (Delhi University) and Dr. Prabuddh Kumar Mishra, Editors of the book, for their suggestions and inputs for the improvement of the manuscript.

References Aayog NITI (2017) Inventory and revival of springs in the Himalayas for water security. Report of Working Group I. Department of Science and Technology, Government of India, New Delhi, pp 52 Anders AM, Roe GH, Hallet B, Montgomery DR, Finnegan NJ, Putkonen J (2006) Spatial patterns of precipitation and topography in the Himalaya. Special Papers-Geol Soc Am 398:39–53 Ayyanar M, Ignacimuthu S (2005) Traditional knowledge of kani tribals in Kouthalai of Tirunelveli hills, Tamil Nadu. India J Ethnopharmacol 102(2):246–255 Barrow EGC (1989) The value of traditional knowledge in present-day soil conservation practice: the example of West Pokot and Turkana. Soil Water Conserv Kenya, pp 471–485 Bocco G (1991) Traditional knowledge for soil conservation in central Mexico. J Soil Water Conserv 46(5):346–348

10 Significance of Indigenous Knowledge Systems …

173

Briggs J (2013) Indigenous knowledge: a false dawn for development theory and practice? Progress Develop Stu 13(3):231–243 Colfer CJP (1983) Change and indigenous agroforestry in East Kalimantan. Borneo Res Bull 15(1):1–52 Das MM, Barfal SS, Joshi M, Joshi R, Kumar D (2022) Review on water scarcity across Indian Himalayan Region. Smart City: computational and experimental techniques for sustainable urban development. Bentham Sci Pub: 92–102 Dekens J (2007) Local knowledge for disaster preparedness: a literature review. International centre for Integrated mountain development (ICIMOD) pp 84 Fazal S, Amin A (2011) Impact of urban land transformation on water bodies in Srinagar City. India J Environ Protection 2(02):142–153 Fernández LÁ, Lepofsky D, Lertzman K, Armstrong CG, Brondizio ES, Gavin MC, Lyver POB, Nicholas GP, Reo NJ, Reyes GV, Turner NJ (2021) Scientists’ warning to humanity on threats to Indigenous and local knowledge systems. J Ethnobiol 41(2):144–169 Forest Survey of India Report (2003) https://www.fsi.nic.in/documents/sfr_2003_hindi.pdf Gault RH (1907) A history of the questionnaire method of research in psychology. The Pedagogical Seminary 14(3):366–383. https://doi.org/10.1080/08919402.1907.10532551 Guhathakurta P, Khedikar S, Menon P, Prasad AK, Sable ST, Advani SC (2020) Observed rainfall variability and changes over West Bengal state. India meteorological department, Pune, Maharashtra, India. pp 27 Joshi M (2022) Co-seismic landslides in the Sikkim Himalaya during the 2011 Sikkim Earthquake: lesson learned from the past and inference for the future. Geol J 1–22. https://doi.org/10.1002/ gj.4416 Madegowda C (2009) Traditional knowledge and conservation. Econ Pol Wkly 44(21):65–69 Mahawar MM, Jaroli DP (2007) Traditional knowledge on zootherapeutic uses by the Saharia tribe of Rajasthan. India. J Ethnobiol Ethnomedicine 3(1):1–6 Matowanyika JJZ (1994) Lecture on indigenous resource management: six-week course in human and social perspectives in natural resources management: 6 February-18 March, 1994. Harare, Zimbabwe Mishra A, Jain SK (2016) A survey on question answering systems with classification. J King Saud Uni-Comput Inf Sci 28(3):345–361 Mishra PK, Rai SC (2013) Use of indigenous soil and water conservation practices among farmers in Sikkim Himalaya. Indian J Tradit Knowl 12(3):454–464 Murphree MW (1991) Communities as institutions for resource management. Conference paper in the National Conference on Environment and Development Maputo, Mocambique. pp 1–20 Pradhan BK, Badola HK (2008) Ethnomedicinal plant use by Lepcha tribe of Dzongu valley, bordering Khangchendzonga Biosphere Reserve, in north Sikkim. India. J Ethnobiol Ethnomedicine 4(1):1–18 Presser S, Couper MP, Lessler JT, Martin E, Martin J, Rothgeb JM, Singer E (2004) Methods for testing and evaluating survey questions. Public Opin Q 68(1):109–130 Rai SC, Sharma E, Sundriyal RC (1994) Conservation in the Sikkim Himalaya: traditional knowledge and land-use of the Mamlay watershed. Environ Conserv 21(1):30–34 Rasid H, Paul BK (1987) Flood problems in Bangladesh: is there an indigenous solution? Environ Management 11(2):155–173 Sardjono MA (1990) The Lembo-culture in East Kalimantan. A model for the development of agroforestry land use in the humid tropics. GFG-Report 21:45–62 Sharma A, Joshi M, Joshi R, Kumar D, Singh M, Kumar K, Upreti M, Barfal SS (2022) Effect of rapid urbanization on water quality: an experimental study from Indian Himalayan city, Gangtok. Bentham Sci Pub 76–91 Silva FDS, Ramos MA, Hanazaki N, Albuquerque UPD (2011) Dynamics of traditional knowledge of medicinal plants in a rural community in the Brazilian semi-arid region. Rev Brasi De Farmacogn 21(3):382–391

174

M. Joshi et al.

Singh KN (2012) Traditional knowledge on ethnobotanical uses of plant biodiversity: a detailed study from the Indian western Himalaya. Biodivers Res Conserv 28:63–77 Taherdoost H (2016) Validity and reliability of the research instrument; how to test the validation of a questionnaire/survey in a research. How to Test the Validation of a Questionnaire/survey in a Research Int J Academic Res Management 5(3):28–36 Tambe S, Kharel G, Arrawatia ML, Kulkarni H, Mahamuni K, Ganeriwala AK (2012) Reviving dying springs: climate change adaptation experiments from the Sikkim Himalaya. Moun Res Develop 32(1):62–72 The World Bank annual report 1998 (English). Washington, DC. World Bank Group http://docume nts.worldbank.org/curated/en/390771468320070967/The-World-Bank-annual-report-1998 TilE Statistical Society of London (1838) Ulluwishewa R (1993) Indigenous knowledge systems for sustainable development: the case of pest control by traditional paddy farmers in Sri Lanka. J Sustain Agri 3(1):51–63 Wanjohi BK, Sudoi V, Njenga EW, Kipkore WK (2020) An ethnobotanical study of traditional knowledge and uses of medicinal wild plants among the Marakwet community in Kenya. Evidence-Based Complementary and Alternative Medicine, 2020; Article ID 3208634 1–8. https://doi.org/10.1155/2020/3208634 World Health Organization (2004) The World Health Report: 2004: changing history. World Health Organization, pp 145

Chapter 11

Traditional Method of Farming and Land Resource Management in Zanskar Trans-Himalayan Region: A Case Study of Zanskar Sub-Division, Ladakh, India Chhering Tandup

11.1 Introduction Globally, agriculture provides a livelihood for more people than any other industry. Growth in agricultural production and productivity is needed to raise rural incomes, to support the increasing numbers dependent on the industry and to meet the food and raw material demand (Mishra et al. 2021, 2022). Technological change plays a key role in agricultural development. The invention, innovation and diffusion chain involves many links. The development of market infrastructure and institutions is essential for economic growth. Animal products cost more per unit of energy than staple crops, so consumption is low in developing countries (Aima 1985). Rising income and populations result in rapidly increasing demand. Market demand is concentrated in urban areas, so it leads to high transportation costs from remote areas. A transformation of developed country agriculture occurred toward the middle of twentieth century, through the widespread induction of industrial inputs of mechanical power, fertilizers and other agro-chemicals (Bandhyopadhya 1995). The fertilizers replaced the need for animal manure. Change was slower in remote areas, where the use of animal draft is still common since higher cost, labor saving technology is less appropriate (Chadha 1988; Mishra 2017; Mishra et al. 2019). The dzo, yak, dzomo and horse are the domestic animals which have an important role in the farming system of Zanskar. These animals are used for plowing the fields, threshing the harvest, transportation and a source for the production of wool, hair, dung, etc. (Gokhale 1986). Besides these domestic animals, people keep goat, sheep, donkey and poultry for basic requirements.

C. Tandup (B) Department of Geography, Institute of Mountain Environment, Bhadarwah Campus, University of Jammu, Jammu and Kashmir 182222, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_11

175

176

C. Tandup

Snowmelt water is the only source of irrigation in Zanskar. Farming in Zanskar is 100% irrigated. Yura1 is used to irrigate the fields. Every household gets their turn to irrigate their respective fields for a fixed time once or twice in a month. This is necessitated by a lack of water resources. Minimum modern inputs are using in farming practices of Zanskar region. People nowadays use tractors and threshing machines. The people of Zanskar practice a mixed kind of agriculture, in which livestock has a significant role in their agricultural system. The agriculture of Zanskar is not much modernized as compared to other parts of the country (Cunningham 1970). The agriculture is based on self-reliance in food. The mixed farming and social setup in Zanskari traditional way of life has been effectively providing enough food, fuel and clothing for all, while using most of their natural resources in a conservative manner. In a very recent time, the people of Zanskar have got opportunity to select other livelihood options for their survival. Among there are service sectors, private business and tourism sector (Goldstein and Tsarang 1987). Similar studies on indigenous knowledge practices, land productivity and cost–benefit analysis were conducted in Sikkim Himalaya (Mishra and Rai 2013, 2014). This paper studied the various traditional methods involved in the farming processes, i.e. growing crops, monthly agricultural activities and landholding sizes of the Zanskar Subdivision.

11.2 Study Area The nomenclature of Zanskar comes from the local word ‘Zangskar’ meaning white copper. Zanskar is basically a Buddhist area with a small Muslim population. It covers an area of some 7000 km2 and is situated at an elevation between 3500 and 7000 m above the mean sea level (Singh 2007). Its climate is very severe, and it remains cut off from the rest of the world from November to June when only limited helicopter service is its only link with the outside world (Osmoston and Crook 1970). The region remains snow-covered during winters, and the movement of people comes to a near standstill even within the region. Winter is severely cold and nearly no outdoor activity is possible for four to five months. People live in small houses built of stone, mud and wood. Human beings and domestic animals share the same cooking-cumsleeping room on the ground floor during the winter months (Raza and Singh 1983). Domestic animals are grazed on natural pastures in summers but have to be stall-fed during winters. The villages are mostly situated along the two main tributaries of the Zanskar River. The first one, the Stod, has its source near the Pensi-La (4400 m) pass. The second branch is formed by two main tributaries known as Kurgiakh-chu with its source near the Shingo-La and Tsarap-chu with its source near the Baralacha-La. These two rivers unite below the village of Purne to form the Luknak River, also named Lingti or Tsarap. The Luknak-Chu then flows northwestwards along a narrow 1

Is a small canal used for irrigation purpose.

11 Traditional Method of Farming and Land Resource Management …

177

and precipitous gorge toward the Padum village, where it unites with the Stod River to form the Zanskar River (Fig. 11.1). The Great Himalayan Range is to the southwest, and it separates Zanskar from Kishtwar and Chamba districts. To the northeast lies Zanskar Range separating Zanskar from the Leh district. Zanskar River is the only drainage outlet for the whole Zanskar region. It cuts a deep and narrow gorge through the Zanskar range (Singh 1995).

Fig. 11.1 Base map of study area

178

C. Tandup

11.3 Materials and Methods Relevant data to meet the study objectives have been obtained from both primary and secondary sources. Information about socio-cultural constraints and agricultural attributes was not available; therefore, to familiarize with the area and know about these aspects, the researcher conducted four months’ survey through questionnaires of 237 households in 24 revenue villages of Zanskar during 2014–2015. Primary Census Abstract, Kargil District 2012, Statistical Handbook, LADHC, Kargil District (2000–13), Records of Revenue Department and Zanskar (2013) were also utilized to validate the study findings. The study is based on the analysis of various parameters of agricultural, soil, water, climatic, social, cultural, livestock and economic indicators acquired through questionnaires. This questionnaire contains eight blocks. Each block contains information on details of respondents, household information, information about agricultural land, cultivation, livestock details and questions on agricultural problems. Sample population was selected from all the villages based on the number of households in the villages. There are 237 households which were selected as the sample population. All collected information was tabulated and compiled for further analysis. Statistical techniques have been used to analyze various kinds of data. GIS software Arc 9.1 has been used to prepare various types of maps. Diagrams like pie, bar and linear are also used to make information and the results more presentable. Figure 11.2 shows the diagrammatic representation of the methodology of the study. Methodology

Primary Survey Questiomaries/ Agriculture, liabilities Live stocks, Constraints

Interview

Secondary Data Weather Data Census

DHBC Agriculture Census

Random Sampling Survey (235 Households) Tabulation & Compiled

SPSS Analysis

Google Map

GIS

Output

Fig. 11.2 Diagrammatic representation of methodology of the study

11 Traditional Method of Farming and Land Resource Management …

179

11.4 Result and Discussion 11.4.1 Mixed Farming The people of Zanskar rear various domestic animals like horse, ass, donkey, yak, dzo, dzomo, goat, sheep, etc. These animals have a vital role in the process of farming. People get many food items like dairy products, meat, wool, hide, hair and dung for fuel directly from domestic animals. The Zanskar region remains cut off from the rest of the world for more than 6 months. During these months, some basic necessity requirements of people are fulfilled by these animals. The Zanskar region has a very limited season (May to September) for farming practices. During this short season, people keep domestic animals in higher reaches known as doksa.2 During this time period, mainly women members of a household go to doksa along with domestic animals. Male members exercise farming in the village. During the doksa, they collect butter, cheese, hair, wool and dungs as stock. Generally, in a doksa, one female member carries two to three domestic animals. One doksa carries 20–50 livestock. In 3 months, they can collect on average around 50–80 kg of butter, 150– 200 kg of dry cheese and 240–300 kg of dung for fuel. The cost of Zanskari butter is | 450/kg, cheese is | 200/kg and for dung it is | 50/kg in the local market. During this short time period, they are able to earn a good amount of money. The Pashmina wool is very famous in Zanskar which is also a good source of income for the local people, but the extraction of pashmina wool is not at a large scale as in Leh district. A very limited amount of pashmina wool is produced in Zanskar. Mainly males and children are engaged in farming practices in lower valleys. Very limited agricultural activities are an important along with rearing domestic animals in the region. A limited season is available to do agricultural activities. During this time period, people grow peas, barley, wheat, vegetables and alfalfa. The farming of the Zanskar region is to produce for self-subsistence. The people of Zanskar were self-dependent only on their farming before the 1980s (Singh 1991). They purchase or exchange very limited items like salt, sugar, hardware, etc. After connecting the area by road with the district headquarters, people are exposed to new opportunities and options. Government also opened ration stores because of which they are able to produce some surplus production from farming. The surplus production is sold in the local market, Kargil and Leh. Farming is also important because it gives fodder like alfalfa, weeds, straw and hay for domestic animals. Plate 11.1 shows the livestock production for local consumption. Figure 11.3 shows the mixed farming practices in Zanskar.

2

Is a kind of transhumance activities performed in Zanskar.

180

C. Tandup

Plate 11.1 Environs of a doksa and dry cheese near Panzila in Zanskar Mixed Farming in Zanskar Snow melts water

Domestic Animals (Yak, Dzo, Dzmo, Pashi, Goats, Sheep, Horse, Donkey) Peas Vegetables Surplus Sale In market for Income

Farming Alfalfa

Straw

Hay Weeds

Haulm Mustard

Irrigation Straw Grain

Domestic Animal Consumption Local Consumption and Sale in Dairy Products market if surplus production Hide, nair Domestic Consumption Meat Wool Dung Excreta Local Fertilizer in fields Eurine

Fig. 11.3 Reflecting mixed farming in Zanskar

11.4.2 Land Ownership In Zanskar, land records are maintained by the revenue department and are known as ‘Patwari’ records. The title refers to the government official known as ‘Patwari’, whose duty is to maintain land records. The standard local unit of area used by the ‘Patwari’ and the farmer is the kanal3 which is one-eighth of an acre. Based on land, the interview and observation of field land ownership in Zanskar can be divided in the following way. 2.a Land owned by private Private land in Zanskar is divided among the Khangchen and Khangchung. The average landholding size is very small in Zanskar. The private land is again divided into the following three types: a. Jing: land which is used for cultivation purposes and grows various types of crops. 3

Is a unit to measure land by revenue department, which is one-eighth of an acre.

11 Traditional Method of Farming and Land Resource Management …

181

b. Oal: land which is used to grow fodder for domestic animals, e.g. Alfalfa. c. Tsas: land used for the production of vegetables. Nowaday, farmers are aware enough to grow vegetables as cash crops, because in the local market demand for vegetables has increased due to people who have come from outside the region for the purpose of jobs and business. Table 11.1 reports data on average land per household in Zanskar, which clearly reflects that the maximum of land is used for jing (cultivation), oal (alfalfa) followed by tsas (land for vegetables). From this table, it can be clearly analyzed that the village-wise household average landholding is highest in Ichar (123 Kanal) and Raru Money. Map 11.1 shows the average land per household in Zanskar under various categories. In this map, it is clearly visible that landholding size per household is highest in Sham and Stod valley as compared to Luknak valley. This is mainly because of existing of river terraces and alluvial fans in Stod and Sham valley. The Luknak valley is situated in a very narrow valley. In Luknak valley, Ichar and Raru have the highest per household land. Almost every village has the highest graph in jing followed by oal and tsas categories of land: (81.32 Kanal), Padum (73 Kanal) and Hamiling (71 Kanal). The maximum of these villages are situated on river terraces as compared to other villages. This is one of the reasons. The same table also clearly shows that the villages having less landholding sizes per household are Salapi (22 Kanal), Chah (25 Kanal), Kargyak (28 Kanal) and Testa (29 Kanal). A maximum of all these villages are situated in Luknak valley which is a gorge. Here maximum villages are situated on alluvial fans. 2.b Land owned by Monastery Society of Zanskar is dominated by monastic culture, in which monastery plays a vital role in villages and every village is associated with the main monastery near it. So in every village, there is land which is owned by the local monastery. There are the following three types of monastic lands: a. Khral Jing: monastery land leased to tenant farmer He has to give some demarcated community land. b. Shas Jing: land allotted to a farmer for a few years in return for a proportion of the produce. c. Rang Bad: land which is directly managed by the monastery manager. Table 11.2 shows village-wise household working as a tenant on monastery land. From this table, it can be clearly analyzed that among 237 households only 22 farmers are tenants on monastery land. It also can be analyzed that maximum of farmers in villages are not working as a tenant on monastery land. Zangla is the only village where five farmers are tenants of monastery land. 2.c Community land In Zanskar, primarily in the valley, alluvial fans and river terraces are used for cultivation purposes. Rest of the land which is barren but cannot be brought under irrigation

182

C. Tandup

Table 11.1 Average land owned per household in Zanskar Average land per household in Zanskar (land in Kanal) Sr. No.

Village

1

Zangla

Total households 34 2

Cultivable land (in Kanals) Jing (cultivated)

Oal (alfalfa)

Tsas (vegetables)

Total

14.53

8.21

1.78

24.52

2

Hamiling

35

25

11

71

3

Padum

18

38.5

23.72

11

73.22

4

Salapi

11

13.8

7.3

0.9

22

5

Sani

11

12.4

4.3

0.8

17.5

6

Rantaksha

5

28.8

15.5

2

46.3

7

Ating

5

10

10.2

1.64

21.84

8

Remala

2

22.5

27.5

2.5

52.5

9

Phey

11

14.45

12

1.2

27.65

10

Tongde

10

23.3

7.7

3.5

34.5

11

Ufti/Pibiting

24

22.66

16.02

8.76

47.44

12

Tungri Thahan

11

38.9

19.27

4.63

62.8

13

Techa Khasar

3

10.67

8.33

1.67

20.67

14

Karsha

15

Langmi-Reging

16

Abran

19

20.94

16.26

3.34

40.54

2

12.5

17.5

3

33

22

17.9

15.18

2.73

35.81

17

Akshow

8

30

17.25

2.62

49.87

18

Pipcha

5

22

15.9

2.2

40.1

19

Testa

14.9

12

2.47

29.37

20

Raru-Moony

11 7

39

25.42

16.9

81.32

21

Shunshadey

8

19.37

15.12

4.62

39.11

22

Ichar

2

75

35

12.5

122.5

23

Kargyak

3

16

10

2.33

28.33

24

Chah

3

16

7.3

2

25.3

569.12

371.98

106.09

1047.19

Total

237

Source Primary Survey (2015)

is generally used for grazing their herds, and collecting fuels and wood. This land is situated in hilly areas. This kind of land is owned by the state government. Every village has its own.

11 Traditional Method of Farming and Land Resource Management …

183

Map 11.1 Average land owned per household in Zanskar

11.4.3 Various Crops Very limited number of crop plants is grown in Zanskar. The most important staple is barley (Ney). This crop is grown in all the villages. It can be grown below the height of 4500 m from the mean sea level. This crop is very important for all types of traditional food. Besides this, local brew Chang4 is also made from this crop. The cost of barley is | 20/kg. The second important crop is peas (known locally as Shenma). Peas grow throughout the Zanskar region. There are only a few villages where peas cannot be grown. It requires a higher temperature as compared to barley. Wheat is another important crop in Zanskar. It is grown as a fast ripening crop, last to be sown and first to be harvested. It can yield more grain than barley. Vegetables of various sorts are grown in very small quantities by most households even at the highest altitudes. They are planted usually in small irrigated gardens near the house, protected from livestock by a wall or thorn fence. The most widespread are potato, cabbage, radish, carrot, cauliflower, beans, tomato, turnip, etc. Agriculture department and SKUAST center in Zanskar are trying to introduce varieties of vegetables in recent times. Plate 11.2 shows various crops grown in Zanskar. Table 11.3 and Plate 11.2 show land under various crops and vegetables grown in Zanskar. 4

Is a kind of local brew.

184

C. Tandup

Table 11.2 Village-wise household having a tenant on monastery land Sr. No.

Village

1

Zangla

Total households 34

Yes 5

No 29

2

Hamiling

2

0

2

3

Padum

18

2

16

4

Salapi

11

2

9 11

5

Sani

11

0

6

Rantaksha

5

0

5

7

Ating

5

0

5

8

Remala

2

0

2

9

Phey

11

1

10

10

Tongde

10

2

8 24

11

Ufti/Pibiting

24

0

12

Tungri Thagan

11

2

9

13

TechaKhasar

3

1

2

19

1

18

2

0

2

22

2

20

14

Karsha

15

Lungmi-Reging

16

Abran

17

Akshow

8

1

7

18

Pipcha

5

1

4

19

Testa

11

0

11

20

Raru-Moony

7

1

6

21

Shunshadi

8

1

7

22

Ichar

2

0

2

23

Kargyak

3

0

3

24

Chahh

3

0

3

237

22

215

Total Source Primary Survey (2015)

We can clearly observe from the pictures, the various vegetables grown in Zanskar. The demand for local vegetables is increasing day by day in local markets which is the main reason for farmers’ concentration to produce more vegetables. It can also be inferred from Table 11.3 that wheat occupies the highest cultivated land followed by peas and barley. At the same time among vegetables, potato has the highest cultivated land followed by cabbage, radish carrot and cauliflower. Negligible land is used for turnips in Zanskar. Village-wise data can also be analyzed for respective crops from the same table.

11 Traditional Method of Farming and Land Resource Management …

Vegetable Peas

Cabbage

185

Beans

Potato

Plate 11.2 Various vegetables grown in Zanskar

11.4.4 Cultivation Methods and Diseases The farming Process in Zanskar is the best example of organic farming. As discussed earlier Zanskar has a very limited time period for agriculture activities. Very little modern technology is used by the farmer of this region. Farming is purely based on traditional technology. Both males and females are engaged in agricultural activities. Plowing and sowing is exclusively a male domain, but weeding is done by women only. Terraces and irrigation systems are well maintained, and most fields are fully and uniformly stocked with crops that are almost weed-free. Agriculture is dependent on 100% irrigation. The main source of water is melted glaciers and snow. Of course, there is some cooperation within families between the kang-chen and khang-chung. The yaks and dzos are borrowed for some time to make up a plowing team between families in different villages when the plowing seasons do not coincide. In recent times, farmers are using tractors for plowing purposes. Figure 11.4 shows the monthwise agricultural activities in Zanskar region. There is also a report of disease and climatic hazards faced by the farmers. There are some villages which face water crises during years of less snowfall. The villages which face acute water shortages are Skagyam, Hamiling, Remala, Manda, Tesa Khasar, Langmi Reging, Peshu, Renam, etc. Heavy rain in summer can bring streams and rivers up in spate, destroying crops and eroding fields or spreading gravel over them. Early snow in autumn, before the harvest is complete, is a serious hazard,

834

241

Sani

5

Langmi-Reging

Abran

Akshow

Pipcha

Testa

15

17

18

19

Karsha

14

16

62

323

201

399

788.2

86

771

691

Tungri Thahan

Techa Khasar

12

1139

345

13

Ufti/Pibiting

11

305

Phey

Tongde

9

10

105

Remala

8

232

109

Rantaksha

Ating

6

7

192

1304

Padum

Salapi

3

4

142

Zangla

Hamiling

1

2

Total land

Village

Sr. No.

11

5

8

21

2

19

4

11

17

10

11

2

5

5

10

10

18

2

11

Wheat

11

5

8

21

2

19

3

11

17

10

11

2

5

5

10

10

18

2

11

Pea

Table 11.3 Village-wise production of various crops

11

5

8

21

2

19

3

11

17

10

11

2

5

5

10

10

18

2

11

Potato

8

2

2

17

2

16

3

7

12

9

11

2

5

4

10

8

0

10

Barley

4

0

1

16

2

15

3

3

6

8

8

2

5

0

7

10

2

0

8

Cabbage

3

0

0

2

2

15

3

1

3

3

6

2

3

0

6

8

1

0

5

Radish

0

0

0

0

2

14

3

1

2

2

3

1

2

0

0

4

1

0

4

Carrot

0

0

0

0

2

12

3

0

0

1

2

0

0

0

0

1

1

0

2

Cauliflower

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

Turnip

275

183

372

690

70

642

37

646

1065

292

242

92

79

213

139

188.2

1237

136

772

Others (barren or not cultivated)

(continued)

48

17

27

98

16

129

25

45

74

53

63

13

30

19

53

53

67

6

62

Total (cultivated)

186 C. Tandup

Chah

24

3

205

9558

3

2

8

7

Wheat

78

85

Source Primary Survey (2015)

Total

Ichar

Kargyak

22

23

245

569

313

Raru-Moony

Shunshade

20

21

Total land

Village

Sr. No.

Table 11.3 (continued)

204

3

3

2

8

7

Pea

204

3

3

2

8

7

Potato

147

3

3

2

6

5

Barley

109

0

0

0

6

3

Cabbage

68

0

0

0

4

1

Radish

41

0

0

0

2

0

Carrot

26

0

0

0

2

0

Cauliflower

0

0

0

0

0

0

Turnip

8554

66

73

237

269

539

Others (barren or not cultivated)

1004

12

12

8

44

30

Total (cultivated)

11 Traditional Method of Farming and Land Resource Management … 187

188

C. Tandup

Month Wise Chart of Agricultural Activities

Months April May June Farming Distribution Irrigation or Dolchoo Activities of Manure Ploughing or Jingbad

July

Weeding or Yurma

August September October Harvesting or Yampsaa Threshing and Stocking or Khuee

October onwards no Agricultural Activities Fig. 11.4 Month-wise agricultural activities in Zanskar

and is said to be one reason why the wheat and barley are not dried in stooks, but laid out flat on the ground in concentrated areas. The cereal crops are almost free of fungal diseases and insect pests. The cold dry winters and warm dry summers are unfavorable to fungi and insects. The peas are subject to attack by larvae of the pea mouth, but the incidence is not usually enough to cause serious damage. It is also noticed that crops are damaged by locusts in the recent few years, in which entire crops are destroyed. Government agencies provide compensation in the form of economic incentives.

11.4.5 Marketing Earlier, agricultural products are used only for self-consumption and exchange for salt, sugar, etc. items purposes. It is only after the 1980s when the region was connected by road from district headquarters, Kargil, that it recorded some surplus production. To date, farming in Zanskar region is driven by self-sufficiency. Farmers are not very aware of cash crop products. The main reason is very high transportation costs up to the main market like Leh, Kargil, Srinagar, Jammu and Delhi. The supply of basic food items through Public Distribution System (PDS) by government has now lead to the production of surpluses by the farmer. Farmers sell this surplus production in the local market in Padum, which is the main Central Business District (CBD) of the region. The main agricultural products which are sold in the local market are barley, peas and wheat. Some farmers are growing vegetables such as cash crops recently. The scale of production is very limited because of limited demand. Almost every household has its own production of local vegetables. It is demanded by businessmen, laborers who have come from outside and government employees.

11 Traditional Method of Farming and Land Resource Management …

189

Zanskar has huge potential for horticulture if transportation is made available and traveling distance to market is reduced. It has the same physio-climatic conditions which are obtained in Lahaul and Spiti district of Himachal Pradesh. This district is one of the richest because of peas and potato farming. The only way for Zanskar to replicate Lahaul and Spiti success is to provide it with connectivity through the planned Nimmo-Padum-Darcha (NPD) road which has not yet been completed. Leh is the main market for dairy products, mainly Zanskari Butter and Cheese. Male members usually after finishing all agricultural activities come to Leh and sell dairy products during the winter months. The demand for Zanskari butter and cheese is huge in Leh because it is used for Tsa-cha1 and thukpa. The demand for both food items is very high during winter to keep the body warm. Farmers earn a good amount of money by selling dairy products in Leh.

11.5 Conclusion It can be concluded from the above discussion that farmers of Zanskar valley practice traditional farming for centuries. It remains isolated for most of the time period. The prime source of livelihood is agriculture which is based on traditional farming. Agriculture is dependent on 100% irrigation. The main source of water is melted glaciers and snow. The prime agricultural productions are barley, wheat, peas and limited vegetables. It can also be inferred from Table 11.3 that wheat occupies the highest cultivated land followed by peas and barley. The growths of these products are very limited, and they are mainly used for self-consumption. The farmers of Zanskar also owned domestic animals like yak, cow, sheep, horse and donkeys for domestic use. They get milk far, meat and medium of transportation from these domestic animals. The local community is self-dependent as far as concerns local consumption. The region has very limited months for agricultural activities. It begins in the month of April and completely closes at the beginning of October every year. During this short growing season, farmers are involved in a mixed kind of farming. Farming system is mainly based on traditional methods. The use of modern technologies and fertilizers is limited. Landholding sizes are small because of the mountainous region. The agricultural activities carried on alluvial fans in the area. The society is dominated by monastic culture and almost every village has monastery agricultural land owned by tenants. There is a lack of proper marketing for agricultural products. The surplus products are sold in the local market. Transportation is the biggest hurdle in marketing. Zanskar has huge potential for horticulture if transportation is made available and traveling distance to market is reduced. It has the same physio-climatic conditions which are obtained in Lahaul and Spiti district of Himachal Pradesh. This district is one of the richest because of peas and potato cultivation. Leh is the main market for dairy products, mainly Zanskari butter and cheese. Male members usually after finishing all agricultural activities come to Leh and sell dairy products during

190

C. Tandup

the winter months. The demand for both food items is very high during winter to keep the body warm. Farmers earn a good amount of money by selling dairy products in Leh.

References Aima A (1985) Income and occupational structure of Ladakh—a case study of Leh. In: Hussain M et al (eds) Geography of Jammu and Kashmir. Asian Publishing House, New Delhi, pp 304–316 Bandhyopadhya MK (1995) The Buddhist Ladakh area. In: Pal A (ed) The Himalaya—environment, economy and society. Vikas Publishing, New Delhi Chadha SK (1988) Himalaya—ecology and environment. Mittal Publication, New Delhi Cunningham A (1970) Ladakh—physical, statistical and historical. Sagar Publication, New Delhi Gokhale S (1986) Man-environment interaction and problems of socio-economic development in Zankar. Unpublished thesis, CSRD, JNU, New Delhi Goldstein MC, Tsarang P (1987) De-encapsulation and change in Ladakh. In: Raha MK (ed) The Himalayan heritage. Gian Publishing House, pp 443–455 Mishra PK (2017) Assessment of run-off and soil loss under different land-use practices in a Himalayan Watershed, India. Am Res J Hum Soc Sci 3:1–10. https://doi.org/10.21694/23787031.17002 Mishra PK, Rai SC (2013) Use of indigenous soil and water conservation practices among farmers in Sikkim Himalaya. Indian J Traditi Knowl 12(3):454–464 Mishra PK, Rai SC (2014) A cost-benefit analysis of indigenous soil and water conservation measures in Sikkim Himalaya, India. Mt Res Dev 34(1):27–35. https://doi.org/10.1659/MRDJOURNAL-D-12-00013.1 Mishra PK, Rai A, Rai SC (2019) Agronomic measures in traditional soil and water conservation practices in Sikkim Himalaya, India. Am Res J Agric 5:1–16. https://doi.org/10.21694/23789018.19003 Mishra PK, Rai A, Abdelrahman K, Rai SC, Tiwari A (2021) Analysing challenges and strategies in land productivity in Sikkim Himalaya, India. Sustainability 13(19):11112. https://doi.org/10. 3390/su131911112 Mishra PK, Rai A, Abdelrahman K, Rai SC, Tiwari A (2022) Land degradation, overland flow, soil erosion, and nutrient loss in the Eastern Himalayas, India. Land 11(2):179. https://doi.org/10. 3390/land11020179 Osmoston H, Crook J (1970) Himalayan Buddhist villages environment, resources, society and religious life in Zanskar Ladakh. Motilal Banarasidas Publishers Private Limited, Delhi Raza M, Singh H (1983) Problem of regional development in Trans-Himalaya—a case study of Ladakh—perspectives in agricultural geography. Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi, p 238 Singh H (1991) Education diffusion in high altitude district of Leh—problems and prospects. Think India 3(2−3):14–24 Singh H (1995). Ecological setup and agrarian structure of high altitude villages of Ladakh. In: Osmaston H, Denwood P (eds) Proceeding of the 4–5th international colloquia on Ladakh. Motilal Banarsidass Publisher, New Delhi, pp 193–208 Singh H (2007) Ladakh environment, socio economic set-up and the problems and prospects of development. CSRD/SSS, JNU, New Delhi

Chapter 12

Traditional Knowledge System for Sustainable Agriculture Practices of Rural Communities of North-Western Himalaya, India Abhay Sharma, Sarla Shashni, and Sumati Rathore

12.1 Introduction The Indian Himalayan Region (IHR) inhabits a special place in the mountain ecosystem with its rugged beauty, snow-clad peaks, glaciers, dense forest cover, and unique cultural and biological diversity and is referred to as a water tower of Asia (Schild 2008). This part of the Himalayas covers an area of about 5.37 lakh km2 , is inhabited by a large population, and forms the northern boundary of the country (Samal et al. 2000). The IHR covers partially/fully twelve states and union territories of Jammu and Kashmir, Ladakh, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram, Tripura, Meghalaya, and hilly regions of two states; Assam and West Bengal. As per a recent FAO report (FAO and IFAD 2019) IHR holds nearly 70% rural population and 30% urban population, respectively which Himachal Pradesh dominates in the rural population (90%), followed by Uttarakhand (70%) and Mizoram (50%). The IHR is an important part of our country as it provides water to a large part of the Indian subcontinent and supports a rich diversity of flora, fauna, human communities, and cultures (Singh 2006). IHR embraces numerous tribes and sub-tribes, which are well-known for their cultures and traditional knowledge systems (TKS) in their various aspects of life (Wangpan et al. 2017). Where around a percent of people from tribal communities living in mountain regions are completely dependent on traditional agriculture (Pradhan et al. 2018). For instance, indigenous farming in North-eastern India has unique crop protection and pest management ways performed

A. Sharma Horticultural Research Station, Seobagh, Kullu 175 138, Himachal Pradesh, India S. Shashni (B) · S. Rathore GB Pant National Institute of Himalayan Environment, Himachal Regional Centre, Mohal-Kullu 175 126, Himachal Pradesh, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_12

191

192

A. Sharma et al.

by local and tribal communities (Ramakrishnan 2007) as well as the cultivation of indigenous crop varieties in Uttarakhand. Himachal Pradesh is one among the states lying in IHR, which covers an area of 55,673 km2 and is situated between the latitudes 30°22, 40,, to 33°12, 40,, North and longitudes 75°45, 55,, to 79°40, 20,, East at an elevation range starting from 300 m above mean sea level (amsl) in plains of Kangra and Una to nearly 7,000 m asl in the Himalayan range of Lahaul and Spiti district (Balokhra 1999). It includes a diverse variety of natural resources, which supports the largest population of wildlife and human welfare (Teri 2015). Native people of these mountain regions belong to various ethnic societies and tribal communities which have been very popular for performing traditional farming practices and using wild medicinal plant species for curing various ailments and diseases (Vidyarthi et al. 2013). This brings acknowledgment of the Traditional Knowledge System (TKS) for the conservation of social, cultural, and biological resources (Lal and Singh 2008). The term Traditional Knowledge (TK) is said to be native knowledge in the form of information, custom, songs, proverbs, and traditional farming activities used by local communities which plays an important role in the protection, conservation, and natural resources (Jasmine et al. 2016). In the present situation, traditional knowledge practices and innovations are disintegrating at a rapid pace due to urbanization, modernization, climate change, reduced dependence of the local population on endemic medicinal flora, deteriorating interest’s in indigenous foods, traditional handicrafts and handlooms, increased extinction of traditional farming practices, agriculture crops, natural habitats of wildlife, degradation of traditional water structures, and declining control over the local resource base (Natarajan and Govind 2006). Moreover, the traditional agriculture system can sustain the environment from these anthropogenic activities and related threats (Watson 2019). It is been certain to be a dynamic means for the conservation of natural resources such as soil, water, and agro-ecosystem. The distinctiveness of this traditional agriculture system is its innovative, ecological sustainability, community adequacy, and ecological and economic feasibility (Wezel et al. 2009). The traditional agriculture system sustains the crop yield by judiciously utilizing native resources available and getting flexible with micro-climatic conditions of the particular region of the mountain ecosystem (Berkes et al. 2000; Lincoln 2019). Certainly, the Hilly regions of the Himalayan ecosystem are characterized by their unique ecological entity and topographical diversities (Barah 2010). The diverse typologies, difficult terrains, small landholdings, poor infrastructure, remoteness, ethnicity, unique socio-economic features, vast agro-climatic variability, low crop production, fewer livelihood options, migration of youth for education and employment as well as distinctive gender dimensions separate the hill and ecosystem from the rest (Chandra et al. 2011; Fatima and Hussain 2012). However, hilly regions are rich in agricultural crop diversity, which supports the farmer’s community economically and the environment ecologically (Sundriyal et al. 1994; Wani 2011). Traditional agriculture system includes the cultivation of indigenous crops, use of traditional fertilizers and pesticides, old age farming techniques, and livestockintegrated farming (Altieri and Nicholls 2017). Traditional farming practices

12 Traditional Knowledge System for Sustainable Agriculture …

193

performed in the hilly and mountainous regions such as mixed-cropping, intercropping, crop rotation, and mulching, provide financial resilience to the farming community (Johns et al. 2013). Furthermore, in Himachal Pradesh, the farming niches have immense scope for the cultivation of traditional agriculture crops like Amaranthus, Buckwheat, Finger Millet, Barley, Chenopodium, Soybean, etc., as they have wider adaptability to low temperature and moisture stress conditions (Dhanta and Negi 2018). These crops have remained an important component in difficult terrains of the hill mountain ecosystems due to their insect-pest infestation property, enhanced soil nutrients, used as fodder, cover crop, green manure crop, and have high nutritional and medicinal value (Luitel et al. 2017; Babu et al. 2018). The local hill farmers, with their deep traditional knowledge, have been practicing the cultivation of traditional crops, which conserves agriculture diversity, sustains the hill agroecosystem, has higher nutrition concentration, supports food and health security as well as ensures livelihood opportunities (Misbahuzzaman 2016). It has been acknowledged by Biswas et al. (2010) and Kala (2014) that there has been a change in the traditional agricultural knowledge system influenced mainly by cultivating high-yielding cash crops leading to the degradation of hill agroecosystem due to increased insect-pest attacks. Further negatively affecting loss in crop productivity and soil fertility as well as deteriorating health of the entire ecosystem, nevertheless provide advantageous economic growth due to high crop yield. Population explosion, climate variability, urbanization, non-conventional agricultural practices, and outmigrations have brought the destruction of hill agro-ecosystem services such as increased soil erosion, chemical contamination, loss of soils nutrient, loss of food, and nutritional security (Shukla et al. 2018). Essentially, Pandey et al. (2019) described that traditional crop productivity in hilly regions is on the verge of decline, due to very less cultivation of indigenous crops. Also, traditional hill cropping systems such as mixed cropping alone is not so advantageous but inter-cropping of the traditional crops with aromatic and medicinal plants can enhance agriculture production and sustainable improvement of the traditional cropping system. Though the rich nutritional value of traditional crops, there has been a decline in the cultivation of the crops due to less awareness of the benefits of the crops and no proper market to sell these crops. Anyhow the cultivation of these crops is again gaining momentum owing to their nutraceutical superiority and bringing better crop yield, livelihood opportunities, and sustainability to the hill agroecosystem (Choudhary et al. 2012). Nevertheless, numerous sustainable hill agricultural practices such as terrace farming, crop rotation, mixed cropping, application of traditional manure, and draught power have been devised by the hill farmers, which manage the agroecosystem, consconservel health, and reduce pest-insect attacks (Srivastava and Pandey 2006). Therefore, there is a great need to make the traditional cropping system more productive by adopting classical models such as the cultivation of old varieties of crops, organic farming in place of chemical-based farming including different traditional farming practices in the hilly regions. This will boost the economy of the region and also ensure environmental as well as nutritional security. Hence, the present study

194

A. Sharma et al.

has been investigated to document the traditional knowledge system used by local communities and its prospects for sustainable development of the region.

12.2 Material and Methods The present study has been carried out in Mandi district of Himachal Pradesh state lying in the lap of the North-Western Himalayas situated at 31°13, 20,, to 32°04, 30,, N and 76°37, 20,, to 77°23, 15,, E (Balokhra 1999). Mandi district embraces a 398,305 ha geographical area, which includes arable land of 85,800 ha, out of which only 15.1% land is irrigated, 44.04% comes under forest cover, 24.18% under permanent pasture, and 21.57% is cultivable (Fig. 12.1). A large population of the farming community of the district has marginal and small landholdings averaging 0.40 ha coupled with poor socio-economic status and practicing poor crop management (Anonymous 2017– 2018). Maize, paddy, wheat, and barley are some of the major cereal crops whereas finger millet, amaranthus, and buckwheat are traditional crops cultivated Mandi district (Satyarthi et al. 2018). Black gram, kidney bean, cowpea, and chickpea are the major pulses while sesame, mustard, soybean, and linseed are the leading oilseeds in the

Fig. 12.1 Map of Mandi district with its different biological and cultural diversity

12 Traditional Knowledge System for Sustainable Agriculture …

195

district (Choudhary et al. 2012). Also, most of the farming population holds small and marginal farms performing integrated farming to earn their livelihood. The climate of the study region varies considerably and the season cycle is like that of temperate. The upper areas of the district experience sufficient snowfall during winter. The post-monsoon starts in the middle of November and continues till mid-March. This is followed by the onset of monsoons (the last week of June to Mid-September) and a bigger summer from March to May with monthly maximum and minimum temperature which varies from 22.2 to 39.0 °C and −1.8 to 20.4 °C and an average annual rainfall of 1630.1 mm (Anonymous 2017–2018). The information related to indigenous crops has been collected based on a structured questionnaire based on personal interviews with Mandayal and Gujjar communities during the period from 2014 to 2019. The whole information in each case was subsequently compiled and has been cross-validated to ascertain the facts about the local use of the practices and presented.

12.3 Results and Discussion A cropping system displays a cropping pattern used on a farm by the local inhabitants and the interaction with farm resources, enterprises, and available innovative ecological technology. Local farmers have adopted certain integrated sustainable hill agriculture practices and quality cropping patterns and sturdy crop varieties which are easily utilized and grown on the farms located in the fragile topography and gain efficient crop yield. Based on a survey and assessment of interviews around 21 traditional crop varieties which include cereals, millets, pulses, and oilseeds cultivated in the study region (Table 12.1). Some are important major components in diet and others provide much-needed nutrients in the diet of the common people.

12.3.1 Traditional Crops of Mandi District • • • •

Cereals: Paddy, Wheat, Maize, Barley Pseudo-cereal: Buckwheat and Amaranthus Millets: Proso millet (Cheena), Finger Millet (Kodra), and Foxtail millet (Kauni) Pulses: Chickpea (Chana), Lentil (Masoor), Horsegram (Kulth), Kidney Bean (Rajmah), Black gram (Urad), and Cowpea (Rongi) • Oilseeds: Linseed (Alsi), Mustard (Sarson), Sesame (Til), and Soybean

196

A. Sharma et al.

Table 12.1 List of traditional crops cultivated by the communities of hilly regions of Mandi district Sr. No.

Botanical name

Vernacular name

Family

1

Amaranthus viridis

Salyara/siul/cholai, amaranth

Amaranthaceae

2

Brassica compestris

Sarson

Brassicaceae

3

Chenopodium album L.

Bathua, bathu

Chenopodiaceae

4

Cicer arietinum L.

Chana, chickpea

Fabaceae

5

Eleusine coracana

Kodra, ragi, finger millet

Poaceae

6

Fagopyrum spp.

Gangari/kathu, buckwheat

Polygonaceae

7

Glycine max (L.)

Soybean, soya

Fabaceae

8

Hordeum vulgare

Barley, jau

Poaceae

9

Lens culinaris Medik

Masoor daal, masar, lentil

Fabaceae

10

Linum usitatissimum L.

Alsi, flax, linseed

Linaceae

11

Macrotyloma uniorum Lam

Kulth, kulthi, horsegram

Fabaceae

12

Oryza spp.

Rice, chawl

Poaceae

13

Panicum miliaceum

Cheena, vhinni, proso millet

Poaceae

14

Phaseolus vulgaris L.

Rajmah, bali, kidney bean

Fabaceae

15

Pisum sativum

Matar

Leguminosae

16

Sesamum indicum L.

Til, sinsim, sesame

Pedaliaceae

17

Setaria italica (L.)

Kangni, kauni, foxtail millet

Poaceae

18

Triticum aestivum

Kanak, genhu, wheat

Poaceae

19

Vigna mungo (L.)

Mash, maah, urad, black gram

Fabaceae

20

Vigna unguiculata (L.)

Rongi, cowpea

Fabaceae

21

Zea mays

Makki, chhali, maize

Poaceae

Cereals Wheat In the Mandi district, wheat is one of the major and important cereals crops cultivated in the study region followed by rice and then maize (DOA 2009). Approximately, 75% of the total cultivated area under wheat comes in the hilly regions, where it is cultivated as a winter crop under rainfed as well as irrigated conditions. At higher elevations, wheat is intercropped with barley and is rotated with rice or maize as a staple crop (Chaudhary and Singh 2020). Wheat is used to meeting the food requirements of the vast population of the study region as well as the states in different forms such as chapatti, bhatooru, chilra, siddu, gulgule, seera, etc. Additionally, it is a staple food for the majority of the people, wheat is also being used increasingly as feed in some parts of the study region, where rearing livestock and raising poultry are of economic importance. Whereas, due to its nutritional and medicinal values, traditionally it is used in curing anemia by giving juice of fresh seedlings and sprouted grains to control the blood sugar level of the patients (Satyarthi et al. 2018).

12 Traditional Knowledge System for Sustainable Agriculture …

197

Barley It is cultivated in a very small area of the region and is considered a nutritious and disease-resistant food crop (Bhagat et al. 2009). Traditionally, it is used for the religious ceremonies in and as Hawan samagri and during Navratris for worshiping goddess. Barley seedlings are raised as per religious rituals and on the ninth day are distributed along with prasad to the little girls, who are considered equivalent to the goddesses. Also, barley is a storehouse of nutrition packed with protein, fiber, iron, etc. and provides a beneficial antioxidant effect (Satyarthi et al. 2018).

Pseudo-Cereal Buckwheat Buckwheat cultivation is limited in the high-altitude areas of the Mandi district. It has been recorded that the cultivation of the buckwheat has been decreasing at an alarming rate in the region mainly due to changing cropping patterns, migration, low productivity, change in food habits, low economic returns, etc. Also, the increase in the cultivation of cash crops such as peas, rajmah, potatoes, and high remuneration from the crops has declined the cultivation of buckwheat. Recently, the demand for buckwheat is increasing which can be mainly due to its medicinal and nutritive values (Rana et al. 2012; Babu et al. 2018). Traditionally, cutlets are prepared with grain flour mixed with boiled colocacia and potato tubers. Buckwheat hay, straw and residue are also used as animal feed. It is also an excellent source of nectar for bees. It is used to control blood sugar, weight reduction, and increase immunity (Satyarthi et al. 2018). Amaranths Amaranth is one of the traditional crops cultivated in hilly regions of Himachal Pradesh. The amaranth grain has a high level of protein, fat content, and minerals such as calcium, magnesium, and phosphorus, as well as dietary fiber providing high potential in terms of food energy (Anand et al. 2020). Locals consume these grains after roasting and popped as snacks traditionally (Mishra et al. 2014). Also, amaranths seeds are used for preparing sweets and sour kheer, and laddo as eatables during fasting days in religious ceremonies. Owing to the significantly high protein content, vitamins, and minerals in amaranth makes it a promising nutrition grain (Sindhu et al. 2019). Since, its cultivation is limited to small acreage and yield is significantly less. Therefore, there is a need to increase the cultivation of amaranths with good market demand.

Millets Millets are a major source of macronutrients such as carbohydrates, fats, and proteins (Saxena et al. 2018), mainly cultivated in rainfed and irrigation-dependent regions

198

A. Sharma et al.

with marginal conditions of soil fertility, moisture availability, and unfavorable conditions such as increased temperature and drought (Chen and Lu 2018). The three types of millets cultivated in the study region are Proso millet (Cheena), Finger Millet (Kodra), and Foxtail millet (Kauni). These are mostly cultivated in the mixed or intercropping system with the dual purpose of food as well as fodder. This also provides livelihood opportunities to the marginal farmers of the region with its inherent ability to grow and less infestation from diseases and pests. The qualities of these three millets are described as follows: Eleusine coracana (finger millet) locally known as Kodra is one of the staple crops among tribal farming communities of the study region. It has extraordinary potential to grow under low temperature, low moisture, and fragile soil conditions. It is believed to be referred to as a potential solution for addressing malnutrition and hidden hunger worldwide. Traditionally, kodra is cooked like rice, with grounded flour for making roti and chilra. Also, it is used against dysentery, constipation, and anemia, and its by-product is used as livestock feed as well as the whole plant is used for making baskets, mats, etc. Setaria italica (Foxtail Millet) belongs to the oldest cultivated crop in the Himalayan Region. It has been playing a significant role in the food security of the tribal communities of IHR. These crops have the inherent capacity to grow in low rainfall regions and less fertile soils. Traditionally grains are cooked like rice and are famously used as eatable during fasting days. Also, helps to cure chickenpox, fever, and cholera. Panicum miliaceum (Proso Millet) is one of the highly nutritious crops cultivated in hilly regions for providing food for native people as well as for preparing local beverages. The whole grains are boiled like rice, roasted, cooked into porridge; ground, and baked into bread or chapatti. Various preparations of proso millets are consumed during religious and ceremonial fasts. Whereas, crop residue is used as livestock feed and fodder. It can reduce cholesterol levels, and the risk of heart diseases, and also antioxidants present in the proso millet play important role in the body’s immune system.

Pulses Cultivation of Pulses is an essential component of indigenous cropping systems for instance mixed cropping or inter-cropping, which has encouraged the dual benefits and reduced economic losses of the rural people staying in the IHR (Choudhary 2013). The major pulses grown in the study region are Chickpea (Chana), Soybean, Lentil (Masar), Horsegram (Kulth), Kidney Bean (Rajmah), Pea, Black gram, Cowpea, etc. Cultivation of these pulses in the hilly region has an outstanding ability to take roots in poor soil, through its ability to fix atmospheric nitrogen biologically with help of symbiotic bacteria Rhizobium present in their root nodules. Thus, the cultivation of pluses plays an important role to increase soil productivity and making the environment ecologically sound. Overall, this signifies that these nitrogen-fixing

12 Traditional Knowledge System for Sustainable Agriculture …

199

crops are favorable in increasing nutrients (NPK), reducing soil loss, increasing crop productivity, and conserving soil water retention (Lamichhane 2013).

Oilseeds In Mandi district, three major oilseeds viz; sesame (Til), linseed (Alsi), and mustard (sarson) are grown. Cultivation of oilseed crops in the study region is done on an area of about 600 ha. These oilseed crops are mainly grown in the rabi season, out of which 230 ha is irrigated and 340 ha is rainfed (Anonymous 2017–2018).

12.3.2 Traditional Farming Calendar There are no written records of a farming package of practices such as land formation, conservation tillage, mulching, sowing duration, fertilizer application, and irrigation phase in the region. Despite that, a farming calendar has been framed based on traditional knowledge related to indigenous farming practices gather from the local inhabitants of the study region (Fig. 12.2). This manufactured calendar determines when and what crops to sow to secure a sufficient food supply to support the community for the entire year. According to this calendar, farmers follow different farming practices such as sowing, harvesting, irrigation, land preparation, removal of weeds, and use of fertilizers, about the traditional names of months. Local inhabitants of the study region have different local names for the farming seasons such as Shadh (mid-June to mid-July) and Kati (mid-Oct to mid-Nov) for sowing seeds of crops. Whereas, Baisakh (mid-April to mid-May) and Shauj (midSep to mid-Oct) as well as Kati (mid-Oct to mid-Nov) months are for harvesting crops. Every month is famous for its traditional purpose for instance Masheed (midNov to mid-Dec) is the best time for removing weeds so that nutrients are directly available for a good yield of the crop. In mid-September, when Kharif crops are harvested like rice (Oryza sativa) and maize (Zea mays), local communities of the study region welcome the winter season through the traditional commemoration of the Sair/Sairira sajja festival and worship with durva (Cynodon dactylon), lemon (Citrus ssp.), and petha (Benincasa hispida). The traditional farming system in the hilly region of the study region follows mainly a mixed cropping pattern i.e., cultivation of two crops in the same field. The cropping patterns are based on two major seasons, viz., Rabi season crops (sown in winter from Kati to Masheed and harvested in summer from Baisakh to Jaith), which include Rice (Oryza sativa), Maize (Zea mays), Amarathus, Finger millet, etc. Whereas, Kharif season crops are cultivated with the starting of the monsoon season (Shadh); since these crops are mainly dependent on rain for irrigation and are harvested in Shaj to Kati, which embraces Wheat, Barley, Lentil, Linseed, etc. The major pulses grown in the study region are green gram, black gram, pigeon pea, cowpea, etc. in kharif season and chickpea, lentil, matar, etc., in the rabi season. The

Sowing

Maagh

Harvesting

Faagan

Irrigation

Chaitra

Chaitra

Mid-MarchMid April

Land Preparation

Baisakh

Baisakh

Mid-April- Mid May

Weeding

Jaith

Jyestha

Mid MayMid June

Fig. 12.2 Seasonal traditional calendar for agriculture crops in the study area

Vigna unguiculata (L.) Zea mays

Vigna mungo (L.)

Setaria italica (L.) Triticum aestivum

Sesamum indicum L.

Panicum miliaceum Phaseolus vulgaris L. Pisum sativum

Fagopyrum spp. Glycine max (L.) Hordeum vulgare Lens culinaris Medik. Linum usitatissimum L. Macrotyloma uniorum Lam. Oryza spp.

Eleusine coracana

Cicer arietinum L.

Chenopodium album L.

Brassica compestris

Amaranthus viridis

Local month name

Faalgun

Maagh

Hindi Name

Crops

Mid FebMid March

Mid JanMid Feb

Months

Fertilizer

Shadh

Aashadh

Mid-JuneMid July

Kharif

Shaun

Shraavan

Mid-JulyMid Aug

Rabi

Bhaadru

Bhaadrapad

Mid AugMid Sep

Shauj

Ashwin

Mid SepMid Oct

Kati

Kaartik

Mid-OctMid Nov

Masheed

Mid NovMid Dec Maarg Sheersha Posh

Paush

Mid DecMid Jan

Kharif/Rabi

Seasons

200 A. Sharma et al.

12 Traditional Knowledge System for Sustainable Agriculture …

201

hilly region is mainly dominated by legume cultivation, which includes soybean, black gram, and horse gram; whereas higher altitude regions are favorable for the cultivation of pea and rajmah, the two most important summer legumes. Moreover, climate variability, population pressure, and migration of youth have led to negative impacts on hill agroecosystems of the region such as declining crop production, pressure on marginal lands, and the declining carrying capacity of the agro land. Although the traditional knowledge of local inhabitants of the study region has been cultivating old traditional crop varieties through a mixture of indigenous farming methods, which includes crop rotation, mixed cropping, intercropping, and terrace farming, and making the hill agriculture sustainable. This indigenous knowledge of local communities residing in the study region plays is strengthened by making a stable traditional agricultural system, especially by increasing crop productivity, providing healthy and nutritious food, and enhancing soil productivity. Since, these leguminous crops have the inherent ability to protect soil health by reducing soil erosion, adding nutrients to the soil with help of mineralization of dead roots and leaves acting as organic matter, and reducing the attack of pests, pathogens, and weed infestations. This is entirely based on local resources available in the surrounding space, on which local inhabitants are mainly dependent (Pilbeam et al. 2005).

12.3.3 Traditional Farming Practices Land is the most fundamental natural resource on which agricultural production depends and soil is the ultimate source of mineral nutrients for plants (Sigunga and Wandahwa 2011). Presently, there is an exponential growth in population in India, which has brought higher demands on agriculture to satisfy the hunger needs of the people (Pandey et al. 2020). But due to unsustainable techniques used in agriculture such as injudicious use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides, cultivation of monoculture crops, overproduction, and more food waste. This has brought harm to the agricultural land, increased soil erosion, and decreased soil fertility and productivity (Komatsuzaki and Ohta 2007). For achieving the future goal of food security, there is a need for sustainable land and soil, which can only be achieved by the traditional knowledge of the local communities staying in the mountain ecosystem. Since, these communities have been using sustainable land management practices, which include proper nutrient management and appropriate soil conservation methods for a long time. The traditional farming practices used by the local communities of the study region are considered a symbol of conservation. Documentation of traditional lands and soil management practices such as terrace farming, vegetative barriers, biopesticides, traditional fertilizers, green manuring, mulching, crop rotation, and the intercropping system is of a primitive style that involves the thorough use of indigenous

202

A. Sharma et al.

knowledge of the farmers (Table 12.2). This sustains the environment due to its ecofriendly nature and helps in reducing soil erosion and safeguarding hilly regions from landslides as well as sustains ecosystem services provided by the soil ecosystem. Numerous traditional farming practices which are operated at minimum mechanization of the field through partial or permanent organic cover and diversification of Table 12.2 Traditional farming practices utilized in Mandi district S. No.

Practice

1

Plant-based pesticides Use of plants such as Easily available and neem/leaves of walnut as pest eco-friendly in nature repellent

Process/method

Benefits

2

Bunding

Contour-bunding is one of the Conserves soil quality most important practices utilized for soil conservation, which allows water to stand in bunds and irrigate the crop

3

Conservation tillage

Practice of leaving of previous year’s crop residue or building of crop residue (such as corn stalks or wheat stubble) on the soil surface to minimize soil erosion and maintain moisture level

Control soil erosion and maintain moisture level

4

Crop residue management

Leftover crops after harvesting (leaves, stalks, roots) are ploughed back into the fields, which releases significant amount of nutrients

Maintains soil moisture

5

Crop rotation

The practice of cultivating of different crops in the same area e.g., wheat–potato–wheat; finger millet–wheat–finger millet

Reduces soil erosion, binds soil, increases soil fertility, and enhances crop yield

6

Cover cropping/green manuring

Cultivation of green manure Enriching soil by nutrients crop or buried in the same and enhancing the soil filed such as cowpea, barseem fertility

7

Intercropping/mixed cropping systems

Cultivating of two or more crops together on same land e.g., corn + beans + lady finger + muli + shalgum; rajmah + cauliflower + cabbage

8

Manual ploughing and Use of pair of bulls and The process will kill the harrowing wooden plough to cut or insects living in the soil and loosen the soil and removal of eliminate the weeds weeds

Maintains the nutrient status of soil and reduces erosion

(continued)

12 Traditional Knowledge System for Sustainable Agriculture …

203

Table 12.2 (continued) S. No.

Practice

Process/method

9

Shelter belts/wind breaks/barriers

Row of trees or shrubs Prevents the crop loss and planted across the wind provides scenic beauty direction of crop against wind

Benefits

10

Terrace farming

Creating steps or terraces on mountain slopes to carry out farming

Soil nutrients are not lost due to runoff but pushed from one step to another

11

Traditional fertilizers

Use of cow dung, ash from burnt woods

Easily available, effective for providing necessary nutrients to crops and soil, and eco-friendly in nature

12

Tree cropping system (agroforestry)

Combination of cultivation of Dual benefits at the same crops, fruits, and forest plants time

13

Use of mulching

Placing the straw or crop Increase fertility, decrease in residue. Ex. paddy husk, corn weeds, increase in water stalks conservation, organic matter increases and temperature regulation

14

Vegetative barriers

The practice of closely spaced Control soil erosion and add plantation of shrubs or trees organic matter to on contours decomposition

crops particularly by crop rotation and mixed cropping system bring sustainable agriculture system (Gomiero 2018; Bhan and Behera 2014). Moreover, large numbers of traditional farming practices are performed by the farmers towards the expansion of modern agriculture in addition to traditional knowledge for the conservation of the environment, culture, and genetic resources (Fig. 12.3).

Mulching Mulching is one of the soil and water conserving practices worked out in the hilly regions of selected sites, through the spreading of dry grass, straw, dry leaves, and other crops on the surface of soil. This practice helps in holding soil moisture, preventing weed growth, reducing soil erosion, improving soil productivity, and enhancing soil structure. A similar trend has been noticed in the hilly regions of Uttarakhand, where the highest crop yield was recorded under the effect of mulching and the lowest in the case of clean cultivation i.e., without mulching (Nautiyal et al. 2017).

204

A. Sharma et al.

Fig. 12.3 Traditional agriculture practices utilized by local communities in Mandi district

Crop Rotation The practice of crop rotation means the cultivation of a sequence of crops on the same land (Dury et al. 2012). It is one of the effective approaches to producing high crop yields, nourishing soil ecosystem, and carbon sequestration in comparison to growing the same type of crop continuously (Triberti et al. 2016). This practice is mostly used in the study region, which includes a sequence of cultivation of two different categories of the crop cultivated after a cyclic rotation for instance cultivation of cereal and legume. It is one amount of traditional practice utilized from historical times, which is effective in the control of weeds, pests, and diseases. Crop rotation not only assists nutrient restoration in the field after the cultivation of mono-crop but also diversifies the field with high net production. Also, this practice is repeatable and sustainable for reducing soil erosion, binds soil, increasing soil fertility, improving water-use efficiency, and enhancing crop yield. For example, Wheat–Potato–Wheat; Finger millet–wheat–Finger millet; etc. Moreover, crop rotation helps to improve soil quality and crop productivity through improved SOC or increased organic matter, nutrient cycling, and managing pests and disease attack in the fields (Jarecki and Lal 2003).

12 Traditional Knowledge System for Sustainable Agriculture …

205

Inter-Cropping/Mixed-Cropping The practice of cultivating more than one crop in the same field with the application of basic farming materials (Hauggaard-Nielsen et al. 2008). This practice sustains crop failure from adverse impacts of changing climatic conditions such as drought, excessive rainfall, and hailstorm (Shava et al. 2009). Intercropping system is the efficient utilization of the natural resources such as land, light, water, and nutrient leading to increase productivity and stability of the agroecosystem (Ning et al. 2017). The practices of these cropping systems are presently utilized in hilly regions of selected study sites. Local people of the study region have been cultivating two or more crops in the same agricultural field, which ensures the farmer from crop loss. As if the yield of one crop is not so good then they can be benefitted from the other. This cropping system mainly follows the traditional method, where subsistence agriculture is dominated with minimal mechanization. In the present scenario of agriculture, intercropping/mixed cropping has played a significant role for the enhancement of crop productivity in extreme weather conditions. Mixed cropping reduces the mechanical disturbance of the field because two or more cultivated crops have a different flowering and fruiting seasons are an example, Corn + Beans + Lady finger + Muli + Shalgum; Rajmah + Cauliflower + Cabbage; etc. shows mixed crop system, which maintains the nutrient status of soil and reduces erosion. This system helps in reducing soil erosion, and runoff water conserve soil moisture, increases crop production, and improves soil productivity, which has been validated by Lamichhane (2013). Moreover, intercropping of legumes with cereals provides high crop productivity with maintaining the crop field (Mao et al. 2015). Since, legumes make a symbiotic association with rhizobium bacteria that help in nitrogen fixation, leading to increased soil productivity by increasing soil available nitrogen (Duchene et al. 2017). For instance, intercropping of maize with legumes reduces nitrate leaching and synthetic fertilizers input and enhances agro-biodiversity of the field; embraces soil health and crop yield (von Cossel et al. 2017). Green manure in the form of cultivation of legume intercropping system helps in reducing soil erosion and thoroughly enhancing soil stability (Forte et al. 2017).

Agroforestry Systems It is one of the best practices of planting trees with crops by exploiting the ecological and economic interactions of the different components (Albrecht and Kandji 2003). In this practice the planted tree species may be fruit or fodder, depending upon the requirement of the farmers and the conditions of the field. The intercropping of trees along with the crops is one of the historical practices as its origin is considered to the beginning of agriculture and animal husbandry. It is a common practice carried out mostly in the study site of Mandi district, which includes the planting of trees around agriculture fields, particularly on the edges of agriculture fields. Local people of the study region cultivate different crops such as wheat, pea, potato, cauliflower, mustard, etc., during the winter season and maize, tomato, etc., during the summer

206

A. Sharma et al.

months either in inter-cropping or mixed-cropping systems on the permanent terraces prepared across the hilly slopes. Also, different fodder, fuel, and timber tree species viz., Grewia optiva (buel), Celtis australis (Khirak), Bauhinia variegata (Kachnar), Albizzia chinesis (Ohi), Toona ciliata (Toon), Morus alba (Toot), Ulmus laviegata (Meryano), etc., are grown on the bunds of terraces or sides of the crop fields. Similar results of the benefits of agroforestry have been corroborated by Sundriyal et al. (1994). A similar trend of the agri-horticultural system is predominantly followed in the study region; for instance, fruit trees are cultivated on terrace bunds along with agriculture crops since fuel and fodder are readily available from other sources. Agriculture crops like pea, cabbage, Colocassia, turmeric, and pulses are generally grown in the inter-spaces of horticulture trees such Malus domestica (apple), Prunus domestica (plum), P. armeniaca (apricot), P. persica (peach), P. dulcis (almond), and Pyrus communis (pear). Also, fuel or fodder/timber trees are cultivated near the farm edges or on slopes of hills which are managed under agri-horti-silvicultural system. This system helps in reducing the water evaporation, minimizes the wind erosion by acting as wind breaks, and also play important role in nutrient recycling in the deep soil. Additionally, it has been found that local communities use many sturdy plant species like Alnus nitida (kosh), Berberis asistata (kashmal), Rosa brunoni (kuja), and Cedrus deodara (dyar) in landslide-prone areas or slopes. The root system of these trees or shrubs species act as a strong agent in holding soil firmly adds soil nutrients, reduces soil erosion, increases water holding capacity, and finally conserves soil.

Traditional Fertilizers (Manure, Mixture of Ash, and Crop Residue) The term organic composting is a sustainable process of microbiological degradation and recycling of perishable waste into Farm Yard Manure which is an eco-friendly method of managing large amounts of agricultural waste generated after harvesting (Singh et al. 2017). Documentation of traditional fertilizers in the Mandi district was done. Local people of the region have good indigenous knowledge of making fertilizers such as manure made up of cow dung, the mixture of ash from burnt woods which are easily available and are considered traditional fertilizers. In addition, the vermicomposting method uses earthworms, which help to produce compost with very high nutrients and also reduce the attack of diseases. Also, the cultivation of cover crops produces nitrogen and phosphate on the field, as the crop is harvested at flowering stage and left on the field as a layer of green manure, which protects the moisture in the soil and provides it with fresh nutrients.

12 Traditional Knowledge System for Sustainable Agriculture …

207

Shelter Belts/Wind Breaks/Barriers In the study region of the Mandi district, local communities plant trees or shrubs across the wind direction of crops. This system further prevents crop loss, controls soil erosion, adds organic matter to decomposition, and provides scenic beauty.

12.4 Conclusion Traditional Knowledge System on the sustainable agriculture practices in the study region of Himachal Pradesh has contributed to the sustainable food security and development of the region. Traditional farming practices of the region offer an innovative approach while overcoming the limitations of modern agricultural techniques by conserving crop diversity and stabilizing the environment. Cultivation of traditional crops will also be beneficial in terms of environmental and economic development. The result shows that local inhabitants of the region are very much concerned about their agroecosystem and ready to strengthen their farming practices through the application of their traditional knowledge system if good economical returns are assured. Change in climatic conditions has also introduced a variety of horticultural and agricultural crops in the region which is also benefiting the marginal farmers of the region. Therefore, the use of traditional farming practices with traditional techniques such as mixed cropping and intercropping is also suggested with this for good economic return. Acknowledgements The authors are indebted to the Department of Science and Technology, New Delhi, for providing financial assistance and GB Pant National Institute of Himalayan Environment, Himachal Regional Centre, Mohal-Kullu Himachal Pradesh for providing all support and encouragement that made this work successful. We also acknowledge the support of local communities for sharing their indigenous knowledge.

References Albrecht A, Kandji ST (2003) Carbon sequestration in tropical agroforestry systems. Agric, Ecosyst Environ 99(1):15–27 Altieri MA, Nicholls CI (2017) The adaptation and mitigation potential of traditional agriculture in a changing climate. Clim Change 140(1):33–45 Anand A, Dhaliwal YS, Verma R (2020) Morphological and functional characteristics of underutilized crops of Himachal Pradesh. J Pharma Phytochem 9(5):71–75 Anonymous (2017–2018) Statistical abstract of Mandi district. Department of Economic and Statistics, Government of Himachal Pradesh, Shimla, p 168 Babu S, Yadav GS, Singh R, Avasthe RK, Anup Das A, Mohapatra KP, Tahashildar M, Kumar K, Prabha M, Devi MT, Rana DS, Pande P, Prakash N (2018) Production technology and multifarious uses of buckwheat (Fagopyrum spp.): a review. Indian J Agron 63(4):415–427

208

A. Sharma et al.

Balokhra JM (1999) The wonderland: Himachal Pradesh—an encyclopedia on a tiny state of Western Himalaya, vol II. HG Publications, Madangir Village Market, New Delhi, p 944 Barah BC (2010) Hill agriculture: problems and prospects for mountain agriculture. Ind J Agri Eco 65: 18 Berkes F, Colding J, Folke C (2000) Rediscovery of traditional ecological knowledge as adaptive management. Ecol Appl 10(5):1251–1262 Bhagat RM, Singh S, Sood C, Rana RS, Kalia V, Pradhan S, Immerzeel W, Shrestha B (2009) Land suitability analysis for cereal production in Himachal Pradesh (India) using geographical information system. J Indian Soc Remote Sen 37:233 Bhan S, Behera UK (2014) Conservation agriculture in India—problems, prospects and policy issues. Int Soil Water Conserv Res 2:1–12 Biswas S, Swanson ME, Md. Shoaib JU, SM, Haque (2010) Soil chemical properties under modern and traditional farming systems at Khagrachari, Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh. J For Res 21(4):451–456 Chandra A, Saradhi PP, Maikhuri RK, Saxena KG, Rao KS (2011) Traditional agro diversity management: a case study of central Himalayan village ecosystem. J Mt Sci 8(1):62–74 Chaudhary J, Singh HP (2020) Diversification of agricultural crops in Himachal Pradesh: a shift towards high-value crops. Int J Curr Microbiol Appl Sci 9(12):2224–2235 Chen Y, Lu C (2018) A comparative analysis on food security in Bangladesh, India and Myanmar. Sustainability 10:405 Choudhary AK (2013) Technological and extension yield gaps in pulse crops in Mandi district of Himachal Pradesh, India. Indian J Soil Conserv 41:88–97 Choudhary AK, Thakur SK, Yadav DS (2012) Development of integrated farming system model for marginal and small farmers of Mandi district of Himachal Pradesh—an innovative extension tool. J Hill Agric 3(1):46–52 Dhanta R, Negi YS (2018) Agricultural growth and crop diversification in western Himalayan state of Himachal Pradesh. Pac Bus Rev Int 11(4):114–123 DOA (2009) District agriculture plan: Mandi, Himachal Pradesh, vol VIII Duchene O, Vian JF, Celette F (2017) Intercropping with legume for agroecological cropping systems: complementarity and facilitation processes and the importance of soil microorganisms: a review. Agric, Ecosyst Environ 240:148–161 Dury J, Schaller N, Garcia F, Reynaud A, Bergez JE (2012) Models to support cropping plan and crop rotation decisions: a review. Agron Sustain Dev 32(2):567–580 FAO and IFAD (2019) United Nations decade of family farming 2019–2028. Global action plan. Rome. ISBN 978-92-5-131472-2 Fatima K, Hussain A (2012) Problems and prospects of hill farming. Res J Agric Sci 3(2):578–580 Forte A, Fagnano M, Fierro A (2017) Potential role of compost and green manure amendment to mitigate soil GHGs emissions in Mediterranean drip irrigated maize production systems. J Environ Manage 192:68–78 Gomiero T (2018) Food quality assessment in organic vs. conventional agricultural produce: findings and issues. Appl Soil Ecol 123:714–728 Hauggaard-Nielsen H, Jørnsgaard B, Kinane J, Jensen ES (2008) Grain legume-cereal intercropping: the practical application of diversity, competition and facilitation in arable and organic cropping systems. Renew Agric Food Syst 23(01):3–12 Jarecki MK, Lal R (2003) Crop management for soil carbon sequestration. Crit Rev Plant Sci 22(6):471–502 Jasmine B, Singh Y, Onial M, Mathur VB (2016) Traditional knowledge systems in India for biodiversity conservation. Indian J Tradit Knowl 15(2):304–312 Johns T, Powell B, Maundu P, Eyzaguirre PB (2013) Agricultural biodiversity as a link between traditional food systems and contemporary development, social integrity and ecological health. J Sci Food Agric 93(14):3433–3442

12 Traditional Knowledge System for Sustainable Agriculture …

209

Joshi PK (2017) Inherent vulnerability assessment of agriculture communities in the Himalayas. In: Belavadi VV, Karaba NN, Gangadharappa NR (eds) Agriculture under climate change: threats, strategies and policies, 1st edn. Allied Publishers, New Delhi, India, p 67 Kala CP (2014) Changes in traditional agriculture ecosystem in Rawain valley of Uttarakhand state in India. Appl Ecol Environ Sci 2(4):90–93 Komatsuzaki M, Ohta H (2007) Soil management practices for sustainable agro-ecosystems. Sustain Sci 2:103–120 Lal B, Singh KN (2008) Indigenous herbal remedies used to cure skin disorders by the natives of Lahaul-Spiti in Himachal Pradesh. Indian J Tradit Knowl 7:237–241 Lamichhane K (2013) Effectiveness of sloping agricultural land technology on soil fertility status of mid-hills in Nepal. J For Res 24(4):767–775 Lincoln NK (2019) Learning from indigenous agriculture. Nat Sustain 2(3):167 Luitel DR, Siwakoti M, Jha PK, Jha AK, Krakauer N (2017) An overview: distribution, production and diversity of local landraces of buckwheat in Nepal. Adv Agric 1–6 Mao LL, Zhang LZ, Zhang SP, Evers JB, van der Werf W, Wang JJ, Spiertz H (2015) Resource use efficiency, ecological intensification and sustainability of intercropping systems. J Integr Agric 14(8):1542–1550 Misbahuzzaman K (2016) Traditional farming in the mountainous region of Bangladesh and its modification. J Mt Sci 13(8):1489–1502 Mishra G, Joshi DC, Panda BK (2014) Popping and puffing of cereal grains: a review. J Grain Process Stor 1:34–46 Natarajan M, Govind S (2006) Indigenous agricultural practices among tribal women. Indian J Tradit Knowl 5:118–121 Nautiyal P, Sachan VK, Papnai G, Tiwari RK, Manisha (2017) Impact of adoption of mulching technology in higher apple production in Uttarakhand. J Krishi Vigyan 6:101–104 Ning C, Qu J, He L, Yang R, Chen Q, Luo S, Cai K (2017) Improvement of yield, pest control and Si nutrition of rice by rice-water spinach intercropping. Field Crops Res 208:34–43 Pandey M, Nautiyal BP, Kumar N (2019) Sustainability improvement of traditional cropping system in Uttarakhand, India, through intercropping with medicinal and aromatic plants. Curr Sci 117(8):1281–1285 Pandey B, Reba M, Joshi PK, Seto KC (2020) Urbanization and food consumption in India. Sci Rep 10:17241 Pilbeam CJ, Mathema SB, Gregory PJ, Shakya PB (2005) Soil fertility management in the mid-hills of Nepal: practices and perceptions. Agric Hum Values 22(2):243–258 Pradhan A, Chan C, Roul PK, Halbrendt J, Sipes B (2018) Potential of conservation agriculture (CA) for climate change adaptation and food security under rainfed uplands of India: a transdisciplinary approach. Agric Syst 163:27–35 Ramakrishnan PS (2007) Traditional forest knowledge and sustainable forestry: a north-east India perspective. For Eco Manag 249(1–2):91–99 Rana JC, Sharma BD (2000) Variation, genetic divergence and interrelationship analysis in buckwheat. Fago 17:9–14 Rana JC, Chauhan RC, Sharma TR, Gupta N (2012) Analysis problems and prospects of buckwheat cultivation in India. Eur J Plant Sci Biotechnol 6:50–56 Rana SS, Sharma SK, Negi SC, Soni RP, Katoch M (2015) An exploratory study on farm diversification in Himachal Pradesh. Himal J Agric Res 41(1):66–72 Samal PK, Fernando R, Rawat DS (2000) Influences of economy and culture in development among mountain tribes of Indian central Himalaya. Int J Sustain Dev World Ecol 7:41–49 Satyarthi K, Sharma YP, Sharma P, Vaidya P, Randhawa SS (2018) Traditional food grain crops of Himachal Pradesh. State Centre on Climate Change of the H.P. Council for Science Technology & Environment (HIMCOSTE), Shimla, Himachal Pradesh, p 64 Saxena R, Vanga SK, Wang J, Orsat V, Raghavan V (2018) Millets for food security in the context of climate change: a review. Sustainability 10:2228

210

A. Sharma et al.

Schild A (2008) ICIMOD’s position on climate change and mountain systems. Mt Res Dev 28:328– 331 Shava S, O’Donoghue R, Krasny ME, Zazu C (2009) Traditional food crops as a source of community resilience in Zimbabwe. Int J Afr Renaiss Stud 4(1):31–48 Shukla R, Chakraborty A, Sachdeva K, Joshi PK (2018) Agriculture in the western Himalayas—an asset turning into a liability. Dev Pract 28:318–324 Sigunga DO, Wandahwa PJ (2011) Land and soil resources and their management for sustainable agricultural production in Kenya: current position and future challenges. Eger J Sci Technol 11:66–86 Sindhu R, Beniwal SK, Devi A (2019) Effect of grain processing on nutritional and physicochemical, functional and pasting properties of amaranth and quinoa flours. Indian J Tradit Knowl 18(3):500–507 Singh JS (2006) Sustainable development of the Indian Himalayan region: linking ecological and economic concerns. Curr Sci 90:784–788 Singh A, Singh K, Wasnik K, Singh RP (2017) Vermicompost and farmyard manure increase fertility of sodic soil and the productivity of green vegetables. Int J Adv Res 5(2):2320–5407 Srivastava SK, Pandey H (2006) Traditional knowledge for agro-ecosystem management. Ind J Trad Knowl 5(1):122–131 Sundriyal RC, Rai SC, Sharma E, Rai YK (1994) Hill agroforestry systems in south Sikkim, India. Agrofor Syst 26(3):215–235 Teri (2015) Green growth and biodiversity in Himachal Pradesh. The Energy and Resources Institute, New Delhi, p 13 Triberti L, Nastri A, Baldoni G (2016) Long-term effects of crop rotation, manure and mineral fertilisation on carbon sequestration and soil fertility. Europe J Agro 74:47–55 Vidyarthi S, Samant SS, Sharma P (2013) Traditional and indigenous uses of medicinal plants by local residents in Himachal Pradesh, North Western Himalaya, India. Int J Biodivers Sci, Ecosyst Serv Manag 9(3):185–200 von Cossel M, Möhring J, Kiesel A, Lewandowski I (2017) Methane yield performance of amaranth (Amaranthus hypochondriacus L.) and its suitability for legume intercropping in comparison to maize (Zea mays L.). Ind Crops Prod 103:107–121 Wangpan T, Tangjang S, Arunachalam A (2017) Tribal agriculture: tradition in transition in the Indian Eastern Himalaya. Curr Sci 112(7):1327–1329 Wani MH (2011) Hill agriculture: problems and prospects for mountain agriculture. Ind J Agri Eco 66:3 Watson D (2019) Adaptation to climate change through adaptive crop management. In: Sarkar A, Sensarma S, vanLoon G (eds) Sustainable solutions for food security. Springer, Cham, pp 191–210 Wezel A, Bellon S, Dore T, Francis C, Vallod D, David C (2009) Agroecology as a science, a movement and a practice—a review. Agron Sustain Dev 29(4):503–515

Chapter 13

Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) and Their Relevance in Preventing and Healing Diseases Krishan Kumar Sihag, Sakshi Agrawal, Jyotshna Mayee Bag, and Sushil Kumar Shahi

13.1 Introduction India is enormously rich in ethnobotanical knowledge and it can be traced back to the Vedas too. Medicinal (vegetable) plant diversity is abundant in India, and it is dispersed across the nation in a range of environmental, regional, tribal, and folk knowledge systems (Sahu et al. 2014). The tribal people of India have maintained a wealth of information about the traditional therapeutic applications of the plants that grow in their environment (Pandey et al. 2018). In India, at a height of 2000 m above sea level, Bastar is one of the tribal districts in Chhattisgarh’s southern region (Sharma 2019). Bastar district is surrounded by Maharashtra state in the west, Kanker district in the north, Odisha state in the east, and Dantewada district in the south, in Chhattisgarh state (Sinha et al. 2012; Sharma 2019). Bastar’s entire forest area is 7112 km2 , accounting for more than 75% of the district’s total area. Tribals such as the Abujhmaria, Gonds, Muria, Dandmaria, Halba, Doriya, and Bhattra make up about 70% of the area’s population (Shrivastava 2015). All tribals rely on forest resources for their health and livelihood, thus they have a broad understanding of plants and their consumption. In most underdeveloped nations, indigenous herbal medication is a part of the culture and the primary way of treatment (Pandey et al. 2018). Botanically derived vegetable plants have played a major role in human civilizations throughout history and prehistory, but as modern civilization evolved, the use of allopathic medications expanded, while herbal medicinal use was restricted to a few people or areas. Orthodox medications or pharmaceuticals, on the other hand, K. K. Sihag · S. Agrawal · J. M. Bag · S. K. Shahi (B) Bio-Resource Tech Laboratory, Department of Botany, School of Life Science, Guru Ghasidas Vishwavidyalaya (A Central University), Bilaspur 495009, Chhattisgarh, India e-mail: [email protected] K. K. Sihag ICMR-VCRC, Department of Health Research, Ministry of Health & Family Welfare, Government of India, Puducherry 605006, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_13

211

212

K. K. Sihag et al.

are chemical compounds that, when injected into the body, might cause adverse consequences and hence cause sickness. Traditional ethnomedicine is the mother of all other medical systems. Ethnomedicinal research includes evaluating the health outcomes and consequences of traditional beliefs and behaviors (Rajesh et al. 2013). Since Vedic times, the popularity of vegetable plants, that has medicinal values, has always remained at its peak (Chauhan et al. 2014). Vegetable plants with medicinal properties play an important part in both traditional and modern healthcare systems (Bargali and Shrivastava 2002). These plants have become the main source of medication in the Bastar area due to a lack of modern facilities and the remoteness of the district’s interior. In this area, ethnomedicinal vegetable plants and their products are employed by tribal communities to treat a variety of ailments. The indigenous peoples of that region rely on woodlands for a living, and traditional medicine continues to be the primary source of treatment for up to 70% of the rural population (Sinha et al. 2012). As a result, the ethnobotanical applications of this particular group of vegetable plants are crucial. Amaranthus, Moringa Oleifera, Colocasia esculenta, and Cordia dichotoma are some examples of vegetable plants that may be utilized to cleanse the colon, enhance digestion, and food absorption, and increase the immune system (Chauhan et al. 2014). However, due to the lack of interest of the present generation, both non-tribals and tribals, there is a risk that information accumulated over thousands of years may be lost. Thus, this historically occupied knowledge has been passed down from generation to generation which is better from a socio-economic point of view (Sharma 2019). This knowledge in popular culture is getting diminished at a very faster rate. The current research was conducted in Chhattisgarh’s Bastar area. The goal of this study is to document the 50 traditional vegetable plants used for therapeutic purposes. The research also looks at how the tribals employ several plant species from various families to cure a variety of severe and frequent diseases. Herbs, in particular, have been demonstrated to be greatly beneficial. This tribal expertise is beginning to fade; hence, an attempt has been made in this chapter to document it for future generations.

13.2 Materials and Methods 13.2.1 Study Area Bastar is the southernmost region in the state of Chhattisgarh at 19° 11, N to 20° 13, N, 81° 17, E to 82° 04, E, and 600 m altitude. According to Census, 2011, Bastar has an area of 10,469 km2 which is 7.74% of the area of Chhattisgarh with a population of 1,413,199 among which 698,487 are males and 714,712 are females (Fig. 13.1). The region is known for its beautiful forests, vegetation, and tribal culture. The tribal community of Bastar is mainly Gond, Mudia, Muria, and Bhattra that are trained

13 Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) …

213

Fig. 13.1 Location map of Bastar, Chhattisgarh

for their culture, art, festivals, and natural lifestyle. A large population of the tribal community still resides in the dense forests of Bastar.

13.2.2 Field Survey and Data Collection The study was carried out in January and February (2022) in different tribals of inhabitants of the Bastar district. Information has been collected regarding the medicinal values of different vegetables from medicine men and even local people. The survey was done with the help of questionnaires, which were followed by group interviews for comparative statements and authentication about particular plant species used in curing ailments. The necessary information on plants and parts used in curing diseases was also recorded. Information about the vegetables was recorded with

214

K. K. Sihag et al.

their local name, botanical name, plant parts used, and medicinal values. Furthermore, an ethnobotanical survey was done to verify the acquired data by visiting the local markets and interacting with the local vendors of Bastar. The plants were recognized by using the taxonomic literature “Flora of Bilaspur” (Panigrahi and Murti 1989) and Floras (Bentham and Hooker 1875). The scientific names of the plant were cross-verified by visiting the website www.theplantlist.org.

13.3 Results and Discussion The people of Bastar are inhabitants of different tribes. These people consume vegetables in their daily meals. Vegetables contain a good amount of vitamins, minerals, anti-oxidants, phytochemical compounds, and soluble and insoluble dietary fiber. In the forest of Ratanpur, Singh et al. (2017) gathered medicinal plants from the Belgahna region of Bilaspur district and reported 67 plant species belonging to 65 genera and 40 families of angiosperm. The most common source of medicinal plants is found in trees (32) followed by (21) herbs, climbers (7), and (6) shrubs. Lal et al. (2017) investigated a variety in the Bhoramdeo wildlife sanctuary by conducting a survey in three villages. Pahchrahi and Bairkh in India’s Kabirdham area yielded 115 edible plant species divided into 108 genera. Herbs, shrubs, trees, and climbers included 45 families and 59 species, including 09 shrubs, 29 trees, and 18 climbers. According to the above findings, the current study was carried out in the Bastar region, where we examined 50 vegetable plants with therapeutic capabilities that belong to 29 families (Fig. 13.2) and have been utilized by people from various tribes in the Bastar area for a long time. These vegetables are used by the locals for various types of ailments. Moreover, this study provides a detailed picture of the pharmacological and biological properties of several plant organs utilized by tribal healers of the area, including root, stem, leaf, rhizome, tuber/bulb, bark, fruit, seed, and flower. Mostly, the tribals devour leaves, which are the most often utilized and effective portion of the plant (Fig. 13.3). Simultaneously, the above plants under investigation were categorized into different plant types and several medicinal plant species viz., climber, shrub, tree, and herb. The results showed that out of a total of 50 vegetable plants under investigation, nine are climbers, four are shrubs, three are trees, and thirty-four are herbs. Herbs were shown to be the most effective in treating a variety of severe conditions, followed by climbers, shrubs, and trees. The local people consume these vegetable plants such as Basella rubra, Colocasia esculenta, Amaranthus viridis, Chenopodium album, and others as shown in Fig. 13.4 which aid in the treatment and cure of various serious ailments such as asthma, anemia, jaundice, piles, stomach issues, cough, diabetes, diuretic, dysentery, dyspepsia, eczema, and eye problems (Table 13.1). The benefits of eating these vegetables include their low calorie and fat content. Chronic constipation and irritable bowel syndrome can all be avoided by eating fiber-rich foods. It was also revealed that

13 Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) …

215

Amaranthaceae Tiliaceae 8 Acanthaceae Amaryllidaceae Solanaceae 7 Portulacaceae Anacardiaceae 6 Polygonaceae Apiaceae 5 Papilionaceae

4

Araceae

3 Nyctaginaceae

Asteraceae

2 1

Moringaceae

Basellaceae

0

Marsileaceae

Boraginaceae

Malvaceae Lamiaceae Fabaceae Cucurbitaceae Costaceae Convolvulaceae

Brassicaceae Caesalpiniaceae Celastraceae Chenopodiaceae Cleomaceae Commelinaceae

Fig. 13.2 Family distribution of the vegetable plants used by the tribes of Bastar 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Fig. 13.3 Graph showing useful parts of the vegetable plants used by the tribes of Bastar in curing different types of diseases

216

K. K. Sihag et al.

Fig. 13.4 Vegetables along with their local names used by the tribal people of Bastar

these medicinal plants are said to have no adverse effects and provide a wide range of health advantages. These plant species have been widely utilized as a vegetable in regional communities, despite their usage as a medicinal commodity.

13.4 Conclusion The purpose of this study was to look at the therapeutic potential of medicinal plants from the Bastar area of Chhattisgarh, India. The findings, which were based on

English name

Chaff-flower

Spleen amaranth

Green amaranth

Spiny amaranth

Local name

ChirchidaBhaji

KhedaBhaji

RopaBhaji

KantaBhaji Amaranthus spinosus

Amaranthus hybridus

Amaranthus dubius

Achyranthes aspera

Botanical name

Amaranthaceae

Amaranthaceae

Amaranthaceae

Amaranthaceae

Family

Table 13.1 Enumeration of vegetables used by the people of different tribes in Bastar district

Herb

Herb

Herb

Herb

Habit

Shoots, leaves

Shoots, stem, leaves

Leaves

Seeds, leaves

Parts use

(continued)

Leaf paste used against scorpion bite and snake bite; cooked leaf used against diarrhea, nursing mothers; shoot decoction used for eczema by applying externally

Cooked shoot and stem used for intestinal bleeding, diarrhea, anemia; leaf decoction used against excess menstruation

Cooked leaf taken orally for lactating mothers, hemorrhage, anemia; leaf decoction taken orally for kidney problems, fever

Leaf paste used against snakebite; leaf decoction taken orally for stomach pain, fever; seed decoction for cough

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

13 Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) … 217

English name

Elephant-head amaranth

Slender amaranth

Local name

Laal Bhaji

ChaulaiBhaji

Table 13.1 (continued)

Amaranthus viridis

Amaranthus tricolor

Botanical name

Amaranthaceae

Amaranthaceae

Family

Herb

Herb

Habit

Shoots, stem, leaves

Leaves, stem

Parts use

(continued)

Leaf is diuretic; diluted leaf decoction used in eye infections; tender shoots are eaten for improving eyesight; stem and leaf paste are used against snake and scorpion bites, respectively

Cooked leaves and stem used against, intestinal bleeding, diarrhea, excess menstruation, and is diuretic

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

218 K. K. Sihag et al.

English name

Hygrophila

Malabar spinach

Local name

MokhlaBhaji

Red Poi Bhaji

Table 13.1 (continued)

Basella rubra

Asteracantha longifolia

Botanical name

Basellaceae

Acanthaceae

Family

Climber

Herb

Habit

Leaves

Whole plant, roots, seeds, leaves

Parts use

(continued)

Cooked leaves taken orally against dysentery, leprosy, swelling, anti-oxidant, anti-inflammatory, and wound healing

Leaf extract taken orally against jaundice; cooked leaf taken orally for curing diabetes, liver problems; cooked seed taken orally for blood-related diseases; whole plant and root used in curing inflammation, hepatic obstruction, pain, urinary infections, edema and gout, root decoction used against rheumatism

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

13 Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) … 219

English name

Purple bauhinia

Red spiderling

Asiatic pennywort

Local name

KoliaariBhaji

PunarnavaBhaji

BramhiBhaji

Table 13.1 (continued) Family

Centella asiatica

Boerhavia diffusa

Apiaceae

Nyctaginaceae

Bauhinia purpurea Caesalpiniaceae

Botanical name

Herb

Herb

Tree

Habit

Whole plant

Whole plant

Leaves, stem, flower

Parts use

(continued)

Decoction of whole plant is used as tonic, stomach problem, consumption of leaves on empty stomach used in treating memory loss, dysentery, skin treatment, and fever

Leaf paste used against snake bite; leaf extract used to treat diabetes; cooked leaf taken orally against liver, anemia, and stomach problem; leaf decoction used to treat jaundice, asthma

Laxative of flower used to cure piles, stomach ailments, swelling boils, and ulcers; stem used to treat dysentery and diarrhea; cooked leaves used to cure diabetes

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

220 K. K. Sihag et al.

Botanical name

Carthamus tinctorius

Cassia tora

English name

Safflower

Sickle senna

Local name

BarreyBhaji

CharotaBhaji

Table 13.1 (continued)

Caesalpiniaceae

Asteraceae

Family

Herb

Herb

Habit

Leaves, seeds

Flower, seeds, leaves

Parts use

(continued)

Washing with leaf decoction help to improve skin diseases and ringworm, cooked leaf; seed powder used to cure eczema, arthritis, and leprosy

Flower and leaf extract applied externally for skin problems, rheumatism, and joint pain; Seed oil helps in promoting hair growth; oil consumption orally controls blood sugar level; cooked leaves and oil consumed to control cholesterol levels and prevent heart disease

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

13 Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) … 221

English name

Black-oil tree

Plumed cockscomb

Local name

MalkanginiBhaji

SiliyariBhaji

Table 13.1 (continued)

Celosia argentea

Celastrus paniculatus

Botanical name

Amaranthaceae

Celastraceae

Family

Herb

Climber

Habit

Stem, leaves, flower

Seeds, leaves

Parts use

(continued)

Leaf paste used against snake bites; cooked leaf and flower consume to cure uterine bleeding, dysentery, diarrhea, and hypertension; stem decoction used for eczema by applying externally

Seed and oil consumption on empty stomach help to sharpen the memory; leaf extract is used as anti-narcotic; seed paste apply to skin to cure piles, etching, wound healing; applying oil on feet improves eyesight; the roasted seed is taken orally in leprosy

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

222 K. K. Sihag et al.

English name

Jute mallow

Asian spiderflower

Local name

Safed ChechBhaji

Balakut/HurhurBhaji

Table 13.1 (continued)

Cleome viscosa

Corchorus olitorius

Botanical name

Cleomaceae

Tiliaceae

Family

Herb

Herb

Habit

Leaves, seeds, roots

Leaves, stem

Parts use

(continued)

Cooked leaves consumed orally against diarrhea, dysentery, stomach pain, piles, cardiac stimulant; leaf extract is used to remove pus from ear, healing wounds; seeds are used for anthelmintics; root extract is used to treat chronic painful joints

Leaves are used for gonorrhea, fever, anti-inflammatory; cooked leaves reduce internal bleeding, prevent asthma attacks, and improve eyesight, maintain blood health, wound healing; extract of stem and leaves prevent hair fall and also kill lice

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

13 Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) … 223

Colocasia esculenta

Commelina benghalensis

Taro

Tropical spiderwort

JangalKochai

Kenna Bhaji

Colocasia antiquorum

Taro

KochaiBhaji

Botanical name

English name

Local name

Table 13.1 (continued)

Commelinaceae

Araceae

Araceae

Family

Herb

Herb

Herb

Habit

Leaves, flower, rhizome

Corm, leaves

Leaves, tuber

Parts use

(continued)

Leaf paste used to treat wounds, acne, boils, prickly heat; cooked leaf reduce high blood pressure, leprosy, constipation Cooked flower and rhizome along with leaf consumed orally for stomach problems

Corm extract used to treat body ache and baldness; leaf extract applied externally to maintain healthy mucus membrane, skin, eye vision and for snake and scorpion bites

Cooked tuber consumption reduces heart diseases; cooked leaf taken orally improves eyesight; leaf extract used for curing ear ache, stomach problems

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

224 K. K. Sihag et al.

Corchorus trilocularis

Cordia myxa

Wild Jute

Assyrian plum

Sea trumpet

Lal ChechBhaji

BoharBhaji

BodiBhaji

Boraginaceae

Tiliaceae

Malvaceae

Family

Cordia subcordata Boraginaceae

Corchorus capsularis

White jute

BudkariBhaji

Botanical name

English name

Local name

Table 13.1 (continued)

Climber

Shrub

Herb

Herb

Habit

Bark, leaves, flower, fruits, seeds

Fruits, leaves

Leaves, roots, seeds

Leaves, roots, fruits

Parts use

(continued)

Leaf and flower decoction used to control blood pressure; bark, leaves, fruits, and seeds are used to cure ulcer, inflammation, and diabetes

Fruit pulp is used to treat cough, chest complaints, wound healing, and ulcer; leaf is used to treat dyspepsia, fever, and diarrhea

The leaves are used as a plaster to reduce swellings, seeds are used to treat nausea

Cooked leaves and fruits used to increase appetite, reduce stomachache; roots and leaf infusion used against dysentery

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

13 Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) … 225

English name

Spiral gingers

Autumn squash

Local name

Kew bhaji

KumhdaBhaji

Table 13.1 (continued)

Costaceae

Family

Cucurbita maxima Cucurbitaceae

Costus speciosus

Botanical name

Climber

Herb

Habit

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

Shoots, fruits, leaves, flowers, seeds

(continued)

Fruit stalk paste used to heal boils and earache; seed consumption reduces risk of diabetes, reduces inflammation, and controls obesity; cooked leaf, flower, shoot, and fruit are taken orally to treat constipation, eyesight, and control blood pressure

Stem (rhizome), leaves Leaf paste used against snake bite; leaf extract used to cure eye and ear infections; rhizome powder used to treat asthma with honey; fresh juice of rhizome used to treat pain; decoction of rhizome used to treat fever and intestinal worms

Parts use

226 K. K. Sihag et al.

Dolichos lablab

Hyacinth bean

Deccan hemp

Semi Bhaji

PatawaBhaji Hibiscus cannabinus

Botanical name

English name

Local name

Table 13.1 (continued)

Malvaceae

Papilionaceae

Family

Shrub

Climber

Habit

Seeds, leaves, flowers, roots

Fruits, seeds, leaves

Parts use

(continued)

Cooked leaves used to treat dysentery, throat disorder; seed paste applied externally to aches, bruises; flower extract is taken orally to cure acidity

Cooked fruit and seed have anti-oxidant, anti-inflammatory properties, good for appetite, prevent heart-related diseases; leaf paste is applied to the skin to cure skin-related diseases

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

13 Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) … 227

English name

Roselle

Water spinach

Local name

KhattaBhaji

KarmattaBhaji

Table 13.1 (continued)

Ipomoea aquatica

Hibiscus sabdariffa

Botanical name

Convolvulaceae

Malvaceae

Family

Herb

Shrub

Habit

Shoots, leaves

Seeds, leaves, fruits, and roots

Parts use

(continued)

Cooked young shoot taken orally to cure diabetic patients; leaf decoction used to treat cough, constipation; fried leaves eaten to cure fever

Cooked leaves consumption helps in boosting immunity, reduces risk of heart disease, prevents constipation; leaf paste used externally on ulcer; the roasted seed has diuretic properties; fruits are taken orally to cure scurvy; root extract is used as tonic to improve appetite

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

228 K. K. Sihag et al.

English name

Sweet potato

Sweet pea

Spider wort

Local name

KaandaBhaji

TiwaraBhaji

GumeeBhaji

Table 13.1 (continued)

Fabaceae

Convolvulaceae

Family

Leucas cephalotes Lamiaceae

Lathyrus sativus

Ipomoea batatas

Botanical name

Herb

Herb

Herb

Habit

Whole plant

Leaves, seeds

Shoots, tuber, leaves

Parts use

(continued)

Leaf extract applied on nasal as drop, cure headache, eye infection, jaundice, snake bite; whole plant decoction taken internally to prevent skin diseases, cold cough, fever, anemia; cooked leaf taken orally help indigestion

Seed oil is used to treat scabies, eczema, and allergy; cooked leaves and seeds were taken to cure diabetes, spinal cord affection, and paralysis

Cooked tuber was used to improve eyesight, and help in constipation; cooked leaf and stem were taken orally to control blood sugar levels, and prevent heart disease

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

13 Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) … 229

English name

Hairy pepperwort

Burclover

Bitter melon

Local name

ChunchuniaBhaji

ChanauriBhaji

KarelaBhaji

Table 13.1 (continued)

Momordica charantia

Medicago denticulata

Marsilea vestita

Botanical name

Cucurbitaceae

Fabaceae

Marsileaceae

Family

Climber

Herb

Herb

Habit

Fruits, seeds, leaves

Whole plant

Whole plant

Parts use

(continued)

Seeds have antitumor activity; ripe fruit used as tonic for stomach-related problems; infusion of leaf help in treating jaundice, malaria; decoction of leaf used to cure diabetes and control blood pressure

Leaves and seeds in powdery form help lower cholesterol levels and cure arthritis, kidney problems, and fever

Leaf extract uses to stop nose bleeding; decoction of the whole plant is used as a mouth cleanser and reduces swelling; cooked leaf taken to cure indigestion

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

230 K. K. Sihag et al.

Botanical name

Moringa pterygosperma

Phaceolus radiatus

English name

Drumstick tree

Mung beans

Local name

MungaBhaji

Mung Bhaji

Table 13.1 (continued)

Papilionaceae

Moringaceae

Family

Climber

Tree

Habit

Fruits, seeds, leaves

Fruits, seeds, leaves, flower

Parts use

(continued)

Seeds are used to treat paralysis, liver ailments, cough, and fever; leaf and fruit help in inducing urination; extract of sprouted seed and seed coat help in controlling diabetes

Cooked leaf and fruit taken orally by lactating mother, have anti-oxidative properties, cure anemia; flower decoction is used to get relief from cold and cough; seed decoction is used as antibacterial fluid; fruit extract taken to cure asthma, rheumatism, and gout

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

13 Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) … 231

Phaseolus vulgaris

Common beans/French beans

Common knotweed

BarbattiBhaji

ChantiBhaji Polygonum plebeium

Botanical name

English name

Local name

Table 13.1 (continued)

Polygonaceae

Papilionaceae

Family

Herb

Climber

Habit

Whole plant

Fruits, seeds, leaves

Parts use

(continued)

To control blood pressure, and mouth and throat infections Cooked crushed seed help in bowel movement; cooked stem and leaf eaten to treat diarrhea, mouth and throat infection, in controlling blood pressure; similarly root also helps in bowel movement

The cooked leaf is eaten to reduce blood sugar levels, and treat arthritis; dry seed paste is used in ulcer boils; sprouted seeds are consumed to reduce the risk of heart-related problems, and maintain blood pressure

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

232 K. K. Sihag et al.

Raphanus sativus

Semecarpus anacardium

Radish

Marking nut

MuraiBhaji

BhelvaBhaji

Portulaca oleracea

Common purslane

GolBhaji

Botanical name

English name

Local name

Table 13.1 (continued)

Anacardiaceae

Brassicaceae

Portulacaceae

Family

Tree

Herb

Herb

Habit

Fruits, leaves

Roots, leaves

Whole plant

Parts use

(continued)

Fruit and nut extract is used as anti-inflammatory agents in treating arthritis; leaf extract is used for anti-cancer purposes

Diluted leaf extract is applied to the eye and ear to get relief from the eye and ear infection; diluted root extract improves eyesight; cooked leaf and root used to treat indigestion, stomach pain, and asthma

Extract of the plant helps in wound healing, skin diseases, and earache when applied externally; the seed is used as tonic in case of dyspepsia

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

13 Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) … 233

English name

Potato

Spinach

Fenugreek

Local name

AlooBhaji

PalakBhaji

MethiBhaji

Table 13.1 (continued)

Trigonella foenum-graecum

Spinacia oleracea

Solanum tuberosum

Botanical name

Fabaceae

Chenopodiaceae

Solanaceae

Family

Herb

Herb

Herb

Habit

Leaves, seed, stem

Leaves, seed

Leaves, tuber

Parts use

(continued)

Consumption of cooked leaf and stem help in lowering blood cholesterol, diabetes; seeds used to treat stomach ulcer; seed paste is used externally to treat boils, ulcers, and burns

Consumption of cooked leaf useful for stomach and intestinal ailments; seeds useful in treating fever, urinary discharge, and jaundice

Tuber extract taken in moderate quantity helps in treating ulcer, pain, and acidity; leaf extract act as a cardiotonic; ripe potato paste used on skin burn for relief

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

234 K. K. Sihag et al.

English name

Ivy gourd

Onion

Beetroot

Local name

KundruBhaji

PyaazBhaji

Chukundar

Table 13.1 (continued)

Beta vulgaris

Allium cepa

Coccinia grandis

Botanical name

Amaranthaceae

Amaryllidaceae

Cucurbitaceae

Family

Herb

Herb

Climber

Habit

Roots, leaves

Bulb, flower, leaves

Fruits, leaves

Parts use

(continued)

The root is used in treating stomach-related problems, and constipation and as tonic; leaf extract is taken orally to cure anemia, yellow jaundice and in purification of blood

Bulb extract consumed orally to treat toothache, cough, allergy, phlegm, sinus, asthma, hair fall; cooked leaf and flower consumed to reduce swelling, in treating diabetes, preventing blood clotting

Leave extract taken orally to cure diabetes; leaf decoction is taken orally in treating gonorrhea; cooked tender fruit is eaten in curing constipation

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

13 Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) … 235

English name

Feather-leaved cassia

Local name

JhirhulBhaji

Table 13.1 (continued)

Cassia mimosoides

Botanical name

Caesalpiniaceae

Family

Shrub

Habit

Leaves, roots

Parts use

Leaf extract used in treating diarrhea; roots used in curing dysentery and stomach pain

Medicinal uses (as per medicine men and local/tribal peoples of Bastar)

236 K. K. Sihag et al.

13 Diversity of Vegetables of Bastar District (India) …

237

tribal healers’ traditional knowledge, demonstrated that medicinal plants had a wide range of therapeutic potency against a variety of serious diseases using natural, lowcost, and handmade medicines. Furthermore, the data demonstrated that plant-based therapies have huge therapeutic potential and may achieve the same results with fewer adverse effects than manufactured medications. This is the first study of its sort from Bastar, describing the effectiveness of fifty therapeutic vegetables from several plant families in great detail. The current study, on the other hand, will serve as a major platform for exploring local potential medicinal plants with disease-healing properties, and their continued examination will serve as the foundation for future herbal medicines.

References Bargali SS, Shrivastava SK (2002) Exploration of valuable medicinal vegetal wealth from the tribal belt of Bastar district in Chhattisgarh. Botanica 52:75–82 Bentham G, Hooker JD (1875) Flora of British India. Reeve L. & Co., Henrieta Street, Convent Garden, London Chauhan D, Shrivastava AK, Patra S (2014) Diversity of leafy vegetables used by tribal peoples of Chhattisgarh, India. Int J Curr Microbiol Appl Sci 3:611–622 Lal S, Gupta DK, Dewangan B, Koreti D (2017) Some edible plants of Bhoramdeo Wild Life Sanctuary Kabirdham, Chattisgarh, India. Indian J Sci Res 13:236–247 Pandey D, Khandel P, Verma P (2018) Exploration of the unique blend of traditional knowledge and medicinal plants from Bastar, Chhattisgarh, India. J Chem Biol Res 35:517–526 Panigrahi G, Murti SK (1989) Flora of Bilaspur district of Madhya Pradesh, vol 1. Botanical Survey of India, P-8, Brabourne Road, Pooran Press, 21 BalaramGhose Street, Calcutta Rajesh S, Moyna C, Goutam MP (2013) Ethno medicinal practices among the Binjhwar tribe of Chhattisgarh, India. Glob J Res Med Plants Indig Med 2:525–531 Sahu PK, Masih V, Gupta S, Sen DL, Tiwari A (2014) Ethnomedicinal plants used in the healthcare systems of tribes of Dantewada, Chhattisgarh India. Am J Plant Sci 5:1632–1643. https://doi.org/ 10.4236/ajps.2014.511177 Sharma HS (2019) A survey on the leafy vegetables of Kondagaon area of Bastar Chhattisgarh. J Emerg Technol Innov Res 6:325–337 Shrivastava M (2015) Important ethnomedicinal plants used by the Muria tribes of Bastar for the treatment of snake bite. Indian J Appl Pure Biol 30:165–168 Singh RS, Shahi SK, Kanwar L, Soni DK, Yadaw RK (2017) Ethnomedicinal plant diversity of belgahna region, Bilaspur district (Chhattisgarh). Int J Bot Stud 2:1–5 Sinha MK, Patel DK, Kanungo VK (2012) Medicinal plants used as antidotes in northern part of Bastar district of Chhattisgarh. J Ecobiotechnol 4

Chapter 14

Sustainable Natural Resource Management Through Traditional Ecological Knowledge: A Perspective on the Role of Apatani Tribal Women, Arunachal Pradesh Nandini C. Singh

14.1 Introduction The majority of the tribal population nestled in the North-East part of India continues to depend upon a traditional process of agricultural practices and forest-based natural resources for their livelihood sustenance. While the resources are sustainably maintained with traditional ecological knowledge (Ramakrishnan 1997; Dollo 2005), the traditional farming system stands out as a mixture of the crop, forestry, and animal husbandry (Gangwar and Ramakrishnan 1987; Maikhuri and Ramakrishnan 1990; Ramakrishnan 1993; Dollo et al. 2006). Alongside crop farming and livestock domestication, the forest and its products are intricately linked with day to day living of most of the tribal communities as these provide fodder for livestock, firewood for the hearth, edible roots, and shoots for daily food requirements and medicinal plants as a remedy for any r ailments. The wood and bamboo play a major role as it constitutes the prime material for construction in the form of planks and posts as well as the roof of the houses (Maikhuri 1996; Upreti and Sundriyal 2001). Arunachal Pradesh is one such example that distinctively mirrors such a situation in a predominant manner and stands out with its variegated traditional ecological knowledge, being practiced over generations to sustain the balance of optimum utilization and maximum conservation. Arunachal Pradesh, the easternmost state of India, located between latitudes 26°28, N–29°30, N and longitudes 91°30, E–97°30, E, occupies an area of 83,743 km2 and is the largest among the seven north-eastern states. Popularly known as the land of the rising sun, in common parlance, the state recorded a population total of 1,382,611 persons as per the census report of 2011. Known erstwhile as the North-East Frontier N. C. Singh (B) Department of Geography, Rajiv Gandhi University, Rono Hills, Itanagar, Arunachal Pradesh 791112, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_14

239

240

N. C. Singh

Agency or NEFA, Arunachal became the 24th Indian state on 20th February 1987. Since then, the state which initially was divided into five districts named after its five major rivers has been further divided into 26 districts in 2020, particularly on the basis of various dialectical identities that the major tribes (26 in number) and subtribes (about 110 in number) speak and practice. The state has a very long international boundary with Bhutan, Tibet, China, and Myanmar to the west, north-west, north, and east respectively, and has a state boundary with Assam and Nagaland in the south and south-east. The area represents a terrain consisting of sub-mountain and mountainous ranges inhabited totally by hill tribes and sub-tribes and thereby reflect a variegated mode of life and livelihood sustained through the age-old traditional practices that must have evolved in the constant efforts of adjustment within the accepted surroundings. The state of Arunachal Pradesh abounds in natural bounty and has a very rich biodiversity that is sustained by the undulating topography, extreme variations in altitude ranging from 150 to 6,500 m with equally varied climatic conditions (Rao et al. 1994; Nayar 1996; Myers et al. 2000; Yumnam 2008). Although the tribal population if compared numerically is less than the total tribal population of India, it reflects a high degree of concentration in almost all the seven states. The North East in general constitutes of tribal bulk of the population (Shankar et al. 2009). The state of Arunachal Pradesh with its wide geographical, climatic, and cultural diversity runs in continuation of these similar trends and is further diversified by the number of tribal groups inhabiting the state, thereby reflecting a repository of wealthy traditional knowledge in the region (Singh et al. 2009). Though the forest is the prime land use, agriculture is the mainstay of the upland community (Ramakrishnan 1997), where more than 85% of the total population of Arunachal Himalayan largely depends on it (Dollo and Sundriyal 2003). Agricultural practices in upland regions are diverse, ranging from a variety of shifting cultivation systems fallow systems (Gangwar and Ramakrishnan 1987), home gardens (Maikhuri and Ramakrishnan 1990) to sedentary systems such as valley rice cultivation (Kumar and Ramakrishnan 1990; Ramakrishnan 1993). Each type of land use has distinct nature of management and is still sustainable where resources are managed through traditional knowledge, which has evolved through informal experimentations over centuries (Ramakrishnan 1994). The term “Traditional Ecological Knowledge System” is used to describe the knowledge system developed by the community as opposed to the modern-day scientific knowledge that is generally referred to as ‘modern’ knowledge (Ajibade 2003). TEK also known as IKS (Indigenous knowledge system) refers to “a cumulative body of knowledge, belief, and practice, evolving by the accumulation of TEK and handed down through generations through traditional songs, stories, and beliefs. It is concerned with the relationship of living beings (including humans) with their traditional groups and with their environment.” It is important to note that indigenous knowledge is not a universal concept among various societies but is referred to as a system of knowledge traditions or practices that are heavily dependent on “place”. Thus one can say that traditional or Indigenous knowledge is the knowledge that develops through adaptation of the natural surroundings and therefore is often unique in its own way to a given culture or society. Such systems in practice thereby

14 Sustainable Natural Resource Management …

241

form the basis for local-level decision making starting from food consumption and preservation on a daily basis to agriculture, health care, education, natural resources management, and a host of other activities in rural communities (Warren 1991). Mostly unwritten, these knowledge systems are carried forward from one generation to another by the way of practices in their day-to-day life. Interestingly in most rural and even urban societies, women are the forebearer of such a knowledge system which they carry from one generation to another. In tribal societies of Arunachal Pradesh too, women are the bearer of such traditions as they play a very crucial role in the management of available natural resources for providing fire for the hearth, food for the family, and fodder for the animals. Being located in hilly topography and amidst nature’s bounty of a number of forest types in the area the tribal women in their process of collecting the needed items for their daily consumption like fruits, edible leaves, herbs and shrubs, and firewood, become more intricately linked to the natural environment surrounding them. This interaction, therefore, with the ecological system has enabled the tribal women the ability to acquire knowledge both about the optimum use and simultaneously conserve the environment and natural resources therein. Thus, one can say that like in any rural society tribal women of Arunachal Pradesh form the backbone of the rural economy through their knowledge of what is termed as IKS through which they manage their home that forms the smallest unit of the whole community at large. Within this background, the paper attempts to evaluate the value of traditional natural resources management and conservation practices done by the Apatani community in Ziro valley. The study attempts to provide a clear understanding of the practice of traditionally inherited environmentally sustainable indigenous resources management process, taking the role of Aptani tribal women of Zero Valley, Arunachal Pradesh, through the utilization of their IKS (Indigenous Knowledge system) for use and conservation of available resources in the area in a sustainable manner, along with its future potential and its possible applicability to other areas as a role model for ecologically viable sustainable development. In this process, it is expected that the data generated as an outcome will help the policy planners and resource managers for efficient management of limited resources mountain regions in general and in fragile Himalayas in particular.

14.2 Study Area The present study has been carried out in Ziro valley, predominantly inhabited by the Apatani tribe (Apatanis is one of the major ethnic tribal groups of Arunachal Himalaya inhabiting eco-culturally valued zone in Ziro valley, sharing 2.26% population of the Arunachal Pradesh). The Apatanis with highly developed valley cultivation of rice projected over centuries have been often referred to be one of the relatively advanced tribal societies in the northeast region of India (Dhillon et al. 2007). According to the local meaning, ‘Apa’ means showing affection while ‘tanii’ means for the human race thus Apatani

242

N. C. Singh

is an affectionate name for descendants of Abotani called the tanii tribe today. The Apatani tribe inhabits a small but beautiful place popularly known as the Apatani plateau. Nevertheless, the western scholars enchanted by its vivid natural beauty named the Apatani plateau the “Italian garden of the east”. The plateau firmly rests in the heart of the Lower Subansiri districts with vast lush green forests encompassed by picturesque hillocks and mountains. Topographically, the stretches of this captivating landscape comprise the cultivated area of about 32 and 43 km2 under forest and plantation. Another about 1058 km2 area is covered by a number of undulated small hills at an elevation of 1525 m above sea level and tall mountains extending from 1830 to 2900 m in altitude. The beauty of natural scenery, the manmade landscape of the plateau, and the specific farming and conservation techniques of the Apatani have led UNESCO to nominate Ziro for becoming a World Heritage Site in 2006 (United Nations 2006) (Fig. 14.1). The uniqueness of the Apatani tribe lies in the distinct culture with systematic landuse practices and rich traditional ecological knowledge of natural resources management and conservation, acquired over the centuries through informal experimentation which is strikingly different from the other twenty-five major tribes of the state. The extensive wet rice cultivation system along with fish farming known as pisciculture in the same field without the use of any farm animals or machines is remarkable and consequently draws visitors from far and wide to study their system both from an academic and from the management perspective. The aptly managed social forestry system of the Apatanis equally holds the ground and is another example of sustainable management of natural resources. The overall climate of the Lower Subansiri district as a whole varies as per the altitude and the nature of the terrain. Broadly the climate of the area can be categorized into four seasons. The community has distinct traditional land use practices and rich traditional ecological knowledge of natural resources management and conservation, acquired over the centuries through informal experimentation. The richness of the forest is maintained through traditional ecological knowledge by means of selective harvesting, as well as by conserving the potential, ritualistic, and socio-culturally valued species.

Fig. 14.1 Map showing study area, Ziro Valley. Source Maps of India & Arunachal Pradesh district Handbook of Lower Subansiri District

14 Sustainable Natural Resource Management …

243

The knowledge of their resource conservation is reflected not only in the management of forestry only but is incredible towards agricultural practice (paddy cum fish culture) with high agro-biodiversity (16 and 4 landraces of rice and millet respectively), and a strong sense of soil and water conservation practices through indigenous technologies. Agronomic yield is five times as high as the state average with a maximum of 55 qha-1 and is further strengthened by the integration of fish culture (Dollo et al. 2009). The entire process therefore calls for an appreciation of the potential role of the traditional knowledge system and its suitable application in managing and maintaining the biodiversity, through the conservation of flora and fauna as part of the carefully carved socio-cultural values guided by their inherited norm over centuries has been the crucial factor in sustaining the rural economy of Apatanis of Ziro valley. It is noteworthy to mention that off late as a result impact of climate change and urban expansion, there has been a shift from more extensive to intensive systems of land use in most of the tribal areas affecting the practice of the jhum cultivation. This can be explained in terms of the expansion of urban areas along with other developmental activities, engulfing the earlier available spaces which are modified and planned for habitation. Consequently, this has led to non-availability of land for the traditional jhum cultivation, thereby compelling the Jhumias to return to the same area within a shorter fallow cycle. The resultant impact has been upon the yield and crop quality as the land being left for less duration as fallow does not help to rejuvenate the soil fertility completely for the next cycle of crops. It is therefore not surprising to find a shift among the tribal communities to sedentary agriculture as a livelihood (Gangwar and Ramakrishnan 1987). Animal husbandry integrated with the agroecosystem is an important component of the tribal economy, and the prosperity of a tribal family is assessed on the basis of the number of animals it owns (Gangwar and Ramakrishnan 1987). However, the potentiality of livestock management has declined over the year and land degradation has taken place due to the dilemma of farmers either to adopt modern farming or maintain traditional systems. Traditional practices in resource management are basically people’s innovations to environmental stress and transformation developed and refined through trial and error (Palni and Choudhury 2000). In this context, it is interesting to mention that the traditional agriculture system of the Apatanis has been in continuation with little change to take note of, particularly in the face of the nature and dimensions of change happening among the other tribal communities in Arunachal Pradesh as well as in the other states of North East. The Apatanis with highly developed age-old valley rice cultivation has often been counted to be one of the advanced tribal communities in the north-eastern region of India (Haimendorf 1962). It has been known for its rich economy for decades and has good knowledge of land, forest, and water management (Chaudhary et al. 1993). The high-energy efficiency of Apatani agroecosystems is in contrast with that recorded from jhum in northeast India (Kumar and Ramakrishnan 1990), and highly evolved traditional forest-based natural resources management and conservation are unique in upland India (Sundriyal and Dollo 2004). They have considerable expertise in land and water resources management. Indigenous integration of pisciculture in

244

N. C. Singh

valley rice cultivation is a distinct characteristic of Apatani agroecosystem, which has further boosted the local economy. A number of studies have been carried out on the agriculture system, particularly jhum system, natural resource utilization, and livestock managements but there is hardly any data available on traditional natural resources management and conservation in Apatani valley with few exceptions of socio-anthropological investigations (Ramakrishnan et al. 2006). The Apatani tribe is known for its colorful culture with various festivals, intricate handloom designs, skills in cane and bamboo crafts, and vibrant traditional village councils called bulyañ. This has made the Ziro Valley a good example of a living cultural landscape where humans and the environment have harmoniously existed together in a state of interdependence even through changing times, such co-existence being nurtured by the traditional customs and spiritual belief systems. The entire valley area is divided as per clan divisions and comprises of mainly seven villages namely Hong, Hija, Mudang Tage, Bulla, Hari, Bamin Michi, and Dutta.

14.3 Objectives, Data Source, and Methodology The study in its endeavor to understand the given context has proceeded with the main objectives. To assess, understand, and analyze the role of women in the rural economic setup in general and among the Apatani tribe in particular along with the applicability, potentiality, and perspective of traditional knowledge systems in resource management for sustainable development.

14.3.1 Data Source The study is mainly based on primary data collected during the months of September– October 2019, some supporting documents and information forming the secondary data have also been used source to analyze the existing and emerging situation. As very few studies have been done in these aspects, secondary data and additional information remain perineal constrain. For the present paper, data has been collected through an intensive field survey by using a pre-tested questionnaire which was designed as both open-ended and closed-ended at the household and village levels. Information has been gathered through interviews, along with personal observations which have been included to supplement the information collected with the help of schedules. Folklores and traditional stories have also formed a crucial base, along with the other data collected from the various related department, unpublished works, articles, available books, reports, and from district statistical handbooks, census, and other research records to substantiate.

14 Sustainable Natural Resource Management …

245

14.4 Findings and Analysis While trying to assess the objective, the question that arises is why target women and their role? In most of the rural economies of India, women have been playing and continue to play a significant role in the economic sustenance of families (Bhuyan 1989; Rao 2003) women constitute more than half of the agricultural labor force, contributing to the economy through often relegate to the daily chores, economically unrecognized and socially invisible they continue to carry on such responsibilities with unbroken regularity. Her traditional assignments of collecting fuel, fodder, and other items pertaining to daily needs are taken as a guaranteed social norm and are carried out by them in almost all rural societies. The development in any society depends on the active role played by women in various fields and the intricate relationship between women and nature enables them to understand and manage the resources in a better manner, a practice of a process that can be termed sustainable development in the present context. Today as the focus of development across the world is getting directed toward sustainable development being accepted as the most viable process to mitigate the emerging threats of climate change and other issues, it is also becoming more and more obvious that the implementation and success of sustainable development can become effective by making women as an equally important partner in the development process, as undoubtedly, they form the crucial link between the environment and society. Thus, the role of women is very important not merely because their knowledge would efficiently direct toward the justified optimum use of resources but, because such a situation would, actually will create a change in the social status and would create opportunities which in turn would definitely affect economic independence, demographic inequality, and social progress. In any traditional society, the role of women continues to be substantial and crucial as a mentor of her home for daily needs, a process that intensifies her interaction with the forest as a major dependable user and conservator of resources for survival. It is not surprising therefore that under such a situation, women become the protector of the available natural resources around them and conserve these through the use of traditional knowledge mostly inherited and practiced among the generation providing the ways in which they have been using and managing the local natural resources without depleting them. Women in Arunachal Pradesh are given to spend considerable time in the forest in their daily schedule for their livelihood and are popularly called the guardian of biodiversity. (Pandey 1997; Sundriyal 2005). Their contribution is much more than their tribal men folk in running various errands, their traditional acumen of managing economic and family affairs in the milieu of shifting agriculture carve out a comparable place with men in the cash and commercial oriented economy. The Apatani women of Ziro Valley have been playing a very significant role in the sustenance of their families largely depending upon the surrounding environment on the one hand and are negotiating the social transition of modern change on the other. The focus and understanding become necessary as the Apatani Women singlehandedly manage

246

N. C. Singh

the entire agriculture system (without any machine or animals, chemical pesticides, or even marketed fertilizers, or HYVs) the primary occupation or the main livelihood of the Apatani tribe for sustenance. The relevance of the indigenous knowledge system and the techniques of resource management practiced by the Apatanis over the generations have to be understood. The Apatani plateau is a flat oval-shaped depression about 14.37 km long and at an average of 11 km wide and is drained by a single river locally named kele dividing the plateau into two equal parts. This small but perennial rivulet is the only source of water for irrigating the fields besides depending upon the rain. The valley is located amidst the mountain ranges of about the height of 1600 m and has a cool climate throughout the year in comparison to the nearest plains of Assam. Role of Apatani women in the Agricultural system As already stated, the Apatanis are considered to be a progressive community in contrast to the other major tribe of the state who even now practice the jhum (slash and burn/shifting) system of cultivation in hills states like Arunachal Pradesh. The Apatanis have been practicing settled agriculture and their land-use system which shows a sequential pattern from center to periphery in the form of practicing wet rice cultivation at an altitude of 1525–1570 m. The Apatanis are known for their basic dexterity in using every inch of cultivable space of land. As the weather becomes suitable by the onset of spring or from the month of March the paddy fields are prepared/mainly for sowing of paddy saplings and fish culture. Paddy fields are made suitable for fish culture by making strong bundhs between fields in order to prevent leakage of water and retain water up to the desired depth and also to prevent the escape of cultivated fishes during the rainy season when water gets filled in the fields. The Apatanis are very meticulous in taking care of their agricultural fields. One of the most striking features of agricultural practice is the system of irrigating the rice paddies. They regulate their canals and channels from the day they start wet rice cultivation. Taking advantage of the gradient of the hillock only a forest river and its tributary streams known as kiiley and siigan respectively in the local language are taped by making gates called bohgo. Water is then diverted to paddy terraces through a network of canals and channels popularly known as (siigansiilin). Inter–water distribution among the agricultural fields is made through two or more inlets or outlets (muhgo) dug over the bunds or through wooden/bamboo tube lets (siicho) fitted through the bunds of every plot. In every field, the water flow is maintained and rice plots are either drained through the elongated channels constructed in the middle of the paddy fields. The Apatani women are strongly involved in the construction of bundhs (Raised Mud borders to demarcate the individual land boundary as well as to maintain the height to allow water to remain within the paddy fields for the initial duration of growth of the seedling). Bamboo mattings are done at the base of the bundhs for their support. The water from the river is channeled through these fields through a single Nala and that irrigates the entire valley. Once water is filled in one plot the bundh is sealed and the water overflow to the other field. The beginning and end of filling of these paddy fields up to the exact level are calculated and accordingly

14 Sustainable Natural Resource Management …

247

timing of the preparation of the fields is done. On the bundhs, millet cultivation is a common practice in the Apatani plateau, leaving no portion of paddy plots unutilized. These are harvested before the water is let out and fish are taken out by using a bamboo basket through the water as a filter for water and a net for the fish. After the transplantation of paddy, they repeat three cycles of weeding to ensure a weed-free field and healthy crop. Moreover, with a traditional system of maintaining cooperative effort and optimized water use along with nutrient use in their rice fields. In areas where paddy fields remain underwater for 3–5 months in a year, paddy-cum fish culture is the usual traditional practice that provides an additional supply of fish on one hand and nutrients for the soil through the waste products on the other. In the absence of any major river in the area as fish breeding grounds, the system of paddy cum fish culture speaks of the optimum use of the available resource in the valley land, in the most sustainable manner. The Apatani women, therefore, exhibit a system of wet rice cultivation and extensive agriculture even without the use of animals and machinery maintained and sustained through their traditional knowledge system. The agricultural system has however undergone changes in the recent past and has transformed into mixed farming including paddy-cum-fish cultivation, multiple cropping of domesticated plants in plantation gardens, forestry, and rearing of livestock. Rice or Aemo in tanii dialogue is the staple food and by far the most important of all; it is followed by millet cultivated mainly for brewing local beer or porey, maize, and soya or perun in Apatani. However, today the progressive farmers who are almost 95% women have added the cultivation of green leafy vegetables like cabbage, cauliflower, etc., along with tomato and potato on a commercial basis. Primarily paddy cultivation in the plateau is being taken on to serve both the needs and demands of the tradition. The fish reared in paddy fields usually yield about 150 kg from each hectare/paddy field. Further, the rice is supplemented with millet or sarse in Apatani cultivated on elevated partition bunds (agre) between the rice plots. The management of agriculture including water resources, the maintenance of footpaths, fences, and drainage, the preparation of nurseries and fields as well as sowing, transplanting, and harvesting are all done by women groups on a rotation basis, this group ranges from young to old comprising mostly of females at least eight types of groups are mutually formed in rather an informal way by peers of the same age groups such group in local term is called as Patang. There are three kinds of patang i.e., konchipatang who work early in the morning, transplanting who work during the daytime, and alyingpatang who work in the evening time. The system of patang is most prevalent in Apatani society no payment is made for mutual assistance but the person in whose field the group work is expected to provide a midday meal, local beer, and tea. Today with the modernization change has come and cash has evolved as means of exchange where a large amount of money is spent on agricultural labor Rs 150/- to 200/- during leveling and more during transplanting and harvesting period per day. The amount varies from village to village. In one way though the change is drifting away from tradition it has become a source of income for landless labor and the unemployed to earn their livelihood.

248

N. C. Singh

One of the notable features of the Apatani agricultural system is the absence of the exploitation of animal labor or plough no modern technology-based agriculture implements are used right from soil digging and dugging over (ditretahniin), clots cutting (dikotahmiiniin), earth packing (kutuboniin), and smoothening of soils (ditre/dikonyorniin) instead all these are done with simple and indigenous tools like iron spades (dipey) slightly curved bladed hoes. The process of utilizing varieties of domestic waste products like leftover heaps of rice bran, poultry dropping, pig excreta, and many other household wastes is dumped in the fields by putting them in pits in their paddy field to enhance crop productivity during the month of December and January. This forms the natural fertilizers, which in turn enhance soil fertility as well as feed to fishes. The entire process is another example of the use of IKS to sustain the ecological balance without harming the nature on the one hand and utilization of resources to the optimum on the other. The entire agriculture practice from sowing, weeding, and harvesting is completely done by the women group of female farmers. This group of women farmers who usually put up long working hours to manage the agricultural fields become very much aware of the resources available around them and their usage, particularly in the surrounding forest area (Table 14.1). Table 14.1 Type of agriculture practiced by the Apatanis and the product output Type of farming nature of production

Settled agriculture (wet rice cultivation and pisciculture) for self-sustenance with little profit for exchange within the community mainly in the form of barter trade

Quality & quantity

Local variety, no measurement system like tons or kilos are done, the quantity is mainly counted in terms of bora (gunny bags, or local basket called Yagii)

Paddy for self-consumption for market Total produce for self-consumption nil, or occasionally Total No. of village covered No. of farmers in the sample area

7 (Seven) 100 (survey area)

The working hrs and work cycle Working season Cropping pattern

Women Farmers 9–11 h a day (minimum to Maximum) 2 months Mono crop in case of Paddy (wetland) and mixed farming (upland) vegetables cabbage, chillies, etc. are grown for commercial purpose to be sold at the local market)

Source Field survey

14 Sustainable Natural Resource Management …

249

14.4.1 Use and Management of Other Natural Resources for Livelihood and Sustenance Besides managing such a scrupulous detailed agriculture process during the moderate month Apatani women use the other natural resources of forest and forest products available in the area particularly during the lean months thereby maintaining and managing the economic sustenance of their families. The Apatani women are known for their traditional skills in the management of bamboo plantations mostly located at the adjoining site of the kitchen garden or a little away from the houses in the community-owned lands. Mostly forest is categorized into three types and the products are utilized accordingly to the seasonal variations. The first category of forest which are grown for domestic as well as commercial use are known as Bije (bamboo grove), these are mostly maintained near the houses and are extensively used for construction of the floor material in the forms of bamboo mats and for making granary house. The young tender bamboo plants and shoots are also used as a food item and are most popular not only among the Apatanis but among most of the tribal population of North East including Assam. Known as bamboo tenga. It will be worthy to mention that off late, due to greater interaction through tourists and also access through IT, this sour item of bamboo shoots is gaining fast popularity outside North East and now gets supplied to other parts of the country as well. The second category is known as Sansun (forest where pine trees are grown). This is away from the houses and agricultural fields and is maintained by the men folk. However, most of the collections in these forests particularly that of flowers, leaves, and even edible shoots are done by the women for functions, rituals, and even in the daily meals. Often if the collections are more they are seen as selling them in the market as well thereby making some benefit out of it to add extra income for the family. The Third category of the forest known as Morey or (deep forest) is usually far from the villages and is fronted by the women in groups, to collect medicinal and herbal plants. These are used as a cure to many ailments as well as eaten as a diet for their nutrient and good health or one can say like vitamin supplements. Mostly the Apatani women who are apt gatherers in the forest have the knowledge of these medicinal and herbal plants, as well as the proportion and manner of their uses, a skill inherited from generations as traditional or indigenous knowledge of the community, and practiced to sustain their lives. Like food items, these products are also sold in the local market which adds to their income for sustaining the family. It is worth mentioning that such herbal products are obtained by modern and branded companies (mostly through middlemen) to produce large-scale beauty and other associated products for commercial purposes.

250

N. C. Singh

14.4.2 Horticulture Another significant area where Apatani women have been crucial in the development of horticulture. The practice started from kitchen gardens again totally managed by women farmers and slowly came to be the most suitable alternative for the limited nature of agricultural crops in the valley. Today horticulture has become the most important occupation, particularly among the new generation; The study area with its bountiful topography and pleasant climatic conditions substantiates the development of horticulture by means of producing a number of exotic fruits which are now popular in many national and international markets. This condition of the valley adds vast scope to the potential for utilizing naturally available resources. With its temperate and sub-tropical humid in nature and an average annual rainfall of 734.50 mm. of which nearly 60–70% is recorded during the monsoon period, and high relative humidity throughout the year except in the winter months when the humidity is slightly less, about 80% of the total geographical area of the district is suitable for horticultural activities and accordingly out of the total area of 2398 ha of horticultural land in the entire district 804 ha area under cultivation in the study area. This includes plantation crops and spices. The inhabitants of the district cultivate both subtropical and temperate crops in the district. Some of the major Horticulture products that are grown in the study area are Passion fruit, kiwi, cardamom, plum, pear, and vegetables like Cabbage, Tomatoes, ginger, etc. These products are being sold in the local market. Horticulture is the main occupation next to the agriculture for the inhabitants of the district. In Ziro valley horticulture has a vast scope which is now becoming popular and is practiced in a commercial way, particularly for specific fruits like Kiwi, plum, and orange. What is important to note is that with the help of SHG (Self Help Groups) formed at the village levels, and micro-credits from the Gamin bank NABAD and other developmental schemes of the State Government the womenfolk have started setting up small cottage industries to market not only raw but processed products in the local as well to the nearby areas. Other fruits like peach, pears, apples, etc. can be further added to this which is generating income and has vast scope to increase the potential of the women farmers in the area. The vegetables like turmeric, ginger, tomato, cabbage, cauliflower, radish, spinach, beans, chilly, potato, etc. also hold strong tendencies of growth as cash earners as they cater to the feeder areas like Assam (Harmuti, Lakhimpur) Alo, Pasighat, Naharlagun, Itanagar.

14.4.3 Role of Women in Agroforestry Another significant example of natural resource management by the Apatani women predominantly is agroforestry in the study area. The importance of agroforestry lies in the growing of medicinal plants that are of immense economic and cultural value. Traditionally Apatanis are settled in seven villages in the ziro valley of lower

14 Sustainable Natural Resource Management …

251

Subansiri district have varied named and unnamed valuable plants which are used as food and for other medicinal purposes, In the earlier days the Apatanis villages were not only familiar with the knowledge of medicinal plants but they were also an expert trader and met their necessities in exchange of paddy, which was always in excess of their requirement. Their immediate dependence on nature had developed knowledge which ultimately is reflected in their traditional culture, religion, local belief, folklore, taboos language, and dialects. For many, the Apatanis had kept alive a self-managed system of folk medicine that was mainly based on herbal remedies. Their ingenuity still reflects their traditional management and sharing of natural resources in a way that there is optimum utilization of such resources. The region has so far documented about 158 medicinal plant species used by the local people of ziro valley. In terms of a number of medicinal plant species, Asteraceae was the most dominant family (19 species, 11 genera) of medicinal plants followed by Zingiberaceae, Lamiaceae, Araceae, and Verbanaceae. The invention of a number of uses of Asteraceae by the Apatani tribe demonstrates the dominance of Asteraceae around the Apatani group of villages. This is the most dominant family of medicinal plants across the north-eastern states of India. Parts of this plant-like leaf are used for body ache, asthma, skin disease, shoots for blood purification, and leaf for cough, headache, and sores. Interestingly most often the elderly women folk of the villages are the knowledge bearer of these high valued medicinal plants owing to the fact that they know the forest area where these plants grow, as well as their usage as a home remedy for the family members in case of illness. With the new generation, however, such knowledge is becoming limited as most of the modern youths are not much acquainted with the forests and hardly venture into them owing to their changed lifestyle, education, and culture.

14.4.4 Role of Women in Management of Community Forestry The Plateau has a number of plantation forestry around every village and the periphery of lower slopes of the cultivated land is managed intensively in the form of bije, sadi, sansun, etc. These farm forestry or plantation forestry in the Ziro plateau has been an integral part of the Apatanis and its social set up. This wealth is guarded and maintained by all communities of the plateau which not only fulfills various basic needs both economically and socially but also the wet rice land agro-ecosystem of the Apatanis is very much dependent upon nutrients wash-out from these hill slopes. Agroforestry/farm forestry of Apatanis can be classified into three types based on intensification of management. The bije or bamboo grove is highly intensively managed and is located nearby a homestead, the Apatanis are considered legendary for their traditional skills in the management of bamboo plantations. Further, they possess a wealth of knowledge too for using and managing the cane resources

252

N. C. Singh

domestically and commercially. The bamboo grove has been one of the most intensively managed parts of the forest and on the basis of the length of distance from the village the bamboo gardens, are designated as ukobije (those located nearer to village/home/homestead) and ado bije (a distance grove). Bamboo gardens require careful maintenance like weeding, fencing, etc. in the initial year of new plantation and constant protection from biotic meddling, stray livestock, and trespassing of people. Pine trees and other tree species are usually grown lesser in number than bamboo species. The art of practice of bamboo gardening in the Apatani plateau is one of the rarest techniques ever known. The bamboo is being maintained as an alternate wealth for its uses vary from the construction of houses (ude), fencing (sullu/narun) granary (nesu), and handicrafts (biidu-biigia) to rituals/ceremonial needs for making ropes and flower-like decorative ritual items called (somey/sopu). Further, the fresh bamboo shoots (byapu/beh/wiitiibiirii) are collected for a vegetable which is boiled and used as a kind of spicy dish locally called Pikey. Also, the bamboo shoots are sliced into pieces to prepare hikhu and hiyi/hihi it is a fermented/decomposed form of the shoots. These are commercially sold in the market by the women groups which helps them in generating income. There are varieties of bamboo species In the Apatani plateau apart from that the progressive farmers are trying Chinese bamboo (phyllotachys pubescence) to grow along with the local bamboos. As stated earlier The Apatani women play a crucial role in managing the community forest both in the utilization of the available natural resources and its conservation in an optimum manner. Some of the activities that highlight the apt resource management procedure by using their traditional knowledge system can be understood through the following type of activities.

Sadi/Sansun These are pine tree plantation areas. Sansun or moreysansun is a portion of land where pine trees along with other mixed plantations with or without bamboos are raised, it is located a little farther away from the village, and its management of it is less intensive in comparison to the dense forest areas. The pine tree timber is used in many ways like pillar/post for making the local houses, tools, and furniture, it is also used for roofing of the house and is called as santa in the local usage. Besides tender twigs and fruits are also used to make a variety of handy craft items etc. However the most important use of the pine tree is done for medicinal purposes. Through the traditional knowledge system of the Apatanis, the resin (saatialla) extracted from pine trees has been in use as alternate medicine/ointment for joint pain, bone dislocation, and healing of cracked heels and chapped skin. This knowledge is exclusive of the Apatanis as pine trees are found around the Ziro valley due to the suitable climate and topography.

14 Sustainable Natural Resource Management …

253

Rantii Next comes the dense forest or Rantii. These forests are frequented by women in groups mainly to collect firewood and also some specific edible herbs, medicinal plants, and leaves. These are sacred plots of community land situated usually between village and paddy fields leading way to morey (forest). It is believed that rantii serves as spiritual armour to mankind and does away with evil forces. It is generally covered with pine trees along with trees like piita (white maple), pecha (Silver maple), and kiira (Oak). Apatani opines the forest (morey) as a high land area having a variety of wild tree species located generally far away from the village. Morey is a leastmanaged forest such areas come up naturally. The plantation of this part is mainly used for firewood and other construction works. These areas has also different kinds of medicinal plants which is locally used for curing different kinds of diseases by the local people and which can further be used commercially if proper knowledge of their uses is imparted to the people. Plants such as riiko, saniitero, salyo, sampre, and other eatable wild fruits like bachin, diiransankhan, and biilinetc are found in these areas. All these are local names, and the fruits are used specifically as the local dish. The farm forestry or plantation forestry in the Apatani plateau has been an integral part of the local system which is judiciously maintained by all community members as it fulfills the basic needs. The rich natural resources combined with the traditional conservationist attitude of the Apatani community provide solutions to many of their economic needs. The following table gives an idea about the nature and type of forest products obtained from the forest and is used for various medicinal and cosmetic purposes. What needs to be noted is that this forest has been maintained for centuries in the Apatani plateau in a most judicious manner, while at the same time the forest products have been collected and used throughout. This in its own way reflects the significance and appropriation of the century-old traditional knowledge system as well as the role played by the tribal woman in its implementation (Table 14.2). Agroforestry Product Uses (Bamboo, pine trees, wild fig & medicinal Plants, as construction materials, fencing, as food (tender bamboo shoots). Thus, the role of women in the given context appears to be one of the most crucial links between the environment and community that provides means and ways of sustainable development in the most efficient manner. The following flow diagram can best explain the role of women in the social and economic interlinkage within an environmental setup. This is an attempt to highlight the role of women who are the crucial link for managing the natural resources in the most efficient way, utilizing but not allowing to exploit, so that there remains enough for the future generation to come.

254

N. C. Singh

Table 14.2 Important agroforestry products having immense cultural and commercial value Agroforestry products

Uses

Bamboo, pine trees, wild fig & medicinal plants

Housing, fencing, as food (tender bamboo shoots)

Gymostemmtedata

Used for stomach problems like diahoreia, stomach pain

Chirata plant leaves

Used for malaria, stomach ache, skincare, and indigestion

Acoruscalamus

Used for Digestion related problems and diabetes

Ballerina jantamansi

Used as a common base for skincare and ointment-type products prepared from other medicinal herbs

Alovera

Used for skincare, beauty product (along with local herbs

Siiyangharma

Used for digestion

Tiiming

Used as a Dye, and antiseptic base

Mapi

Used as iodine supplementary

Tabusapu

Used for digestion and health tonic

Kukulyu

Used for digestion and health tonic

Telatarma

Used for Gynae problem

Berberiswallichiana

Roots are used for relief from body pain, spins for tattooing

Perillafrutesceus

Seeds are used for headaches and fever

Micheliachampaca

Eaten cooked, the stem is used in cough, fever improves the loss of appetite and liver disorder

Centella Asiatic

Used as a vegetable, use as a memory booster, and promote appetite

Source Field survey

14.4.5 Role of Women in the Social and Economic Inter Linkage The role of Apatani women stands out as dominantly significant, which can provide direction towards a sustainable way of utilizing the resources so that the future generation is not put at stake. This becomes more imperative as the modern phase and space of development predominantly emphasizes the links between development and environmental problems that get further promoted by political and economic change locally, nationally, and globally thereby posing serious implications for the following: (a) The relationship between resource use, population growth, technological spread, and the process of development, (b) Concern about the production and distribution of resources of food, energy, and industry amongst the developed, developing, and underdeveloped nations of the world, (c) Concern about uneven development about

14 Sustainable Natural Resource Management …

255

the gross imbalance between the rich and poor nations, about economic dominance and ideological differences, and (d) concern about environmental degradation and ecological disaster. In the given context of understanding therefore addressing the third objective it becomes imperious that development is an unfolding of human potentials for meaningful participation in economic, social, political, and cultural processes and institutions so that people can improve their conditions. To achieve this, however, there has to be a check balance between the need availability, accessibility, and distribution in an appropriate manner. Sustainable development offers a vision of progress that integrates immediate and long-term objectives for local and global action and regards social, economic, and environmental perspectives. Sustainable development stands for meeting the needs of the present generation without jeopardizing the ability of the future generation, in other words, a better quality of life for The Pillar of Sustainable development stands on Economic development, social development, and Environmental protection, and these cannot be achieved without the active participation of the stakeholders that is the people in general and women folks in particular. What is surfacing as the most important consensus is to use those methods and tools that will last disbalance the ecology in a given setup. To elaborate further this approach getting acknowledged as the most suitable means to attain the targeted goal of development. This can be done only through tapping into local knowledge by involving those who are in accordance with the natural surroundings of the area and naturally then the role of women stands out as the forebearer and practician of the indigenous knowledge system. In this context, one can refer to the events of the world summit on sustainable development in 2002 and 2005 that recognized the essential role women play in sustainable development. In the Beijing platform for action, the general assembly highlighted the need to involve women actively in environmental decision-making at all levels, integrate concern and perspective in policies and programs for sustainable development, and strengthen or establish mechanisms at the national, regional, and international level to assess the impact of development and environmental policies on women. Women make up a large number of the poor in communities that are highly dependent on local natural resources for their livelihood and are disproportionately vulnerable to and affected by any change. The limited access to resources and decision-making process increases their vulnerability more leading to insecurity and deteriorating living conditions. Most often in the developing and underdeveloped countries, women are not the only victim of climate change, but also effective agents of change in relation to both mitigation and adaptation since they usually have in-depth knowledge and expertise of the surrounding environment which they gather in process of managing the resources for the household as well as inherit traditionally from one generation to another. Undoubtedly then this knowledge can become guiding and working factors to promote the policy plans to mitigate the challenges of climate change mitigation, disaster reduction, and other adaptation strategies. Women’s responsibilities in household and communities as a steward of natural resources has positioned them well for livelihood strategies adapted to changing environmental realities. Despite the possibilities of such significance, the

256

N. C. Singh

reality however is that women still continue to remain underrepresented in most of the decision-making process, particularly in respect of sustainable development which impedes their ability to contribute the unique and valuable perspective and expertise on available natural resource management which is enormously significant, particularly in the context of the looming threat of climate change. The question, therefore, remains as to how to achieve this, particularly for the purpose of development and changing livelihood conditions, particularly in the rural areas where fast depleting resources and decreasing opportunities have become a cause of concern that is no longer limited to the boundaries of the political slogan but is causing economic and social disbalance across political boundaries. In the given context recognizing the role of women in the rural context and incorporating them in the active participation in the management of the local resources seems to be the most plausible alternative. And in order to do so, examples and realtime practices need to be adopted. Undoubtedly in this context, the role played by Apatani women in this Unique picturesque valley can definitely become a striking reference and would stand out as a role model for sustainable rural development not only in other parts of the north-east but beyond. The goal therefore should remain towards achieving a better-sustained living condition with better resource management, aiming at more productivity, better economic growth, and a better standard of living leading to a stable economy and development with broader opportunities at the same time maintaining the balance of optimum use with minimum exploitation of the available resources so that not only the present but the future generation is able to sustain irrefutably (Fig. 14.2).

Fig. 14.2 Total outcome women’s participation in development goals. Source By the author

14 Sustainable Natural Resource Management …

257

14.5 Conclusions Though strongly rooted in heritage and practiced thoroughly, the role of Aptani women is now getting a new dimension of challenge of change, particularly with the advent of Modernization, where the younger generation is turning away from the age-old practice towards the different pattern of living and cultural change creating varied social values and ethics and affecting the very nature of tribal cultural practices. This is creating a loss of the cultural heritage on one hand and that uncertainty for the younger generation in the form of unemployment and resultant insecurity, and restlessness, often leading to social chaos and political instability on the other. The impact of these sudden changes is more strongly felt among the women as they still largely depend on and associate themselves with the subsistence economy and the forest product for their daily food requirements. The changes in the form of urban expansion, deforestation, shortage of water sources, and consequence weather change have forced these societies today to a crossroads of transition, thereby bringing about a noticeable change in their egalitarian social matrix, severely affecting the role of women (As women in these tribal societies single handily carry on the agricultural activities and, is responsible for the food fodder and water for the family as well as the herd.) posing critical situations for sustenance, hitting at the very base of their agrarian economy, identity, and social space. While this is perhaps unavoidable in the given social milieu, it can definitely be given a new dimension by making better opportunities at the local level, thereby empowering both the individual and the community in the larger social context. This can be attained by recognizing the indigenous knowledge on farming and resource management and needs to be looked into as models for generating livelihood means to achieve what is understood as Development by the Popularization of IKS. Social awareness regarding the traditional knowledge and its uses should be imparted to the local people especially the young generation for the sustainability of the environment. Interaction and approach to the present generation about how to utilize the inherited indigenous knowledge in assimilating with the latest trend for their next future generation. Such a development process would provide a better quality of life with the involvement and use of the available knowledge, and the people for now and for the generation to come by both utilizing and preserving the environment so that these needs can be met not only in the present but also for future generations.

References Ajibade LT (2003) In search for methodology for the collection and evaluation of farmers’ indigenous environmental knowledge. Published Online January 2003. https://hdl.handle.net/10520/ EJC61407 Ajibade LT, Shokemi O (2003) Indigenous approach to weather forecasting in ASA LGA, Kwara State, Nigeria. Indilinga Afr J Indig Knowl Syst 2:1. https://hdl.handle.net/10520/EJC61414 Bhuyan BC (1989) The tribal Women. Cosmos Publications, New Delhi

258

N. C. Singh

Dhillon MK, Singh H, Sidhu M, Gill J (2007) Involvement of farm women in agricultural and allied activities factors associated and constraints faced. Himal J Agric Res 48(3):221–227 Dollo M (2005) Environmentally Sustainable Traditional Natural Resource Management in https:// www.researchgate.net publication. 22861878 Dollo M, Sundriyal RC (2003) Agricultural status and future potentialin the State of Arunachal Pradesh, India. Arunachal Univ Res J 6(2):21–33 Dollo M, Chaudhury S, Sundriyal RC (2006) Traditional farming and landtenure systems in West Kameng district, Arunachal Pradesh. In: Ramakrishnan PS, Saxena KG, Rao KS (eds) Shifting agriculture and sustainable developmentof North-Eastern India. UNESCO-MAB series. Oxford & IBH, New Delhi, India, pp 293–315 Dollo M, Samal PK, Sundriyal RC, Kumar K (2009) Environmentally sustainable traditional natural resource management and conservation in Ziro valley Arunachal Himalaya, India. J Am Sci 5(5):41–52 Gangwar AK, Ramakrishnan PS (1987) Cropping and yield patterns under different land use systems of the Khasis at higher elevations of Meghalaya in North-Eastern India. Int J Ecol Environ Sci 13:73–86 Haimendorf CVF (1962) The Apatanis and their neighbours. Oxford University Press, London Kumar A, Ramakrishnan PS (1990) Energy flow through an Apatani village ecosystem of Aranuchal Pradesh in north-east India. Hum Ecol 18(3):315–336 Kurian NJ (2007) Widening economic and social disparity: Implication for India. Indian J Soc Sci 27(126):374 Maikhuri RK (1996) Eco-Energetic analysis of village ecosystem of different traditional societies of Northeast India. Energy 21(12):1287–1297 Maikhuri RK, Ramakrishnan PS (1990) Ecological analysis of cluster villages emphasizing land use of different tribes of Meghalaya in north-east India. Agr Ecosyst Environ 31:17–37 Myers N, Muttermeier RA, Muttermeier CA, da Fonseca GAB, Kent J (2000) Biodiversity hotspots for conservation priorities. Nature 403:853–858 Nayar MP (1996) Hotspots of endemic plants of India. SB Press, Trivandrum, Nepal and Bhutan Palni LMS, Choudhury D (2000) Agricultural self-reliance in northeast India: the potential of indigenous technical knowledge and traditional practices. In: Resources management for selfreliant agricultural economy of NE region, vols 9–10/17 Pandey BB (ed) (1997) Status of women in tribal society, Arunachal Pradesh, Directorate of Research, Government of Arunachal Pradesh (ITANAGAR) INDIA Ramakrishnan PS (1983) Socio-economic and cultural aspects of jhum in the north east and options for eco-development of tribal areas. In: Chaubey NP (ed) Tribal techniques, social organization and development: disruption and alternates. Indian Academy of Social Sciences, India, pp 12–30 Ramakrishnan PS (1993) Shifting agriculture and sustainable development: an interdisciplinary study from North-Eastern India. Oxford University Press, Delhi, p 424 Ramakrishnan PS (1994) Himalayan environment and sustainable development. Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi, p 84 Ramakrishnan PS (1997) Scientific basis of traditional wet rice cultivation by North-East India hills tribes. In: Behera MC, Roy NC (eds) Trends in Agrarian Structure in the Hills of Northeast India. Commonwealth Publishers, New Delhi, pp 233–247 Ramakrishnan PS, Saxena KG, Rao KS (2006) Shifting Agriculture and sustainable development of North-East India. Tradition in Transition (UNESCO and Oxford and IBH, New Delhi, India. Rao RR, Singh B, Singh MP (1994) Biodiversity in India: floristic aspects. Mittal Publications, Dehradun, India Rao VM (2003) Tribal women of Arunachal Pradesh (Socioeconomic status) Mittal Publications. New Delhi, India Sathaye J, Shukla PR, Ravindranathan N (2006) Climate change, sustainable development and India: Global and national concern. Curr Sci 56(90):314–325 Shankar R, Deb S, Sharma BK (2009) Traditional healing practices in Northeast India. Curr Sci 97(1):12–13

14 Sustainable Natural Resource Management …

259

Singh RK, Srivastava RC, Mukherjee TK (2009) Community based sustainable natural resources management and development in Northeast India. Curr Sci 96(1):20–21 Sundriyal RC (2005). Livelihood and natural resources utilization pattern in an ethnically diverse area in Arunachal Pradesh. In: Bhatt BP, Bejrbaruah KM (eds) Agroforestry in north east India: opportunities and challenges. ICAR, Meghalaya, India, pp 55–70 Sundriyal RC, Dollo M (2004) Apatani cultural landscape: integrated natural resource management and community development–towards local assetsbuilding and transformations. In: Ninth International Congress on Ethnobiology, Social Change and Displacement, 13–17th June, University of Kent, Canterbury, UK Upreti TC, Sundriyal RC (2001) Indigenous resources and community dependence: a case study from Arunachal Pradesh, India. Grassroots Voices: J Resour Dev 6(1–2):28–39 United Nations (2006) Report of the World Commission on Environment and Development Warren DM (1991) Indigenous knowledge, bio diversity conservation and development. In: James VU (eds) Sustainable development in third world countries; applied and theoretical perspective. Pager Publications, Westport, USA Yumnam JY (2008) Rich biodiversity of Northeast India needs conservation. Curr Sci 95(3):297

Chapter 15

Contribution of Traditional Ecological Knowledge on Biodiversity Conservation—A Retrospective from the Hindu Kush Himalaya Nakul Chettri and Eklabya Sharma

15.1 Introduction The contemporary phase of increasing biodiversity loss and human civilizations is intricately linked to the state of interdependence between humans and nature (Naeem et al. 2016). This interdependency and changing state of biodiversity loss is projected to hinder Sustainable Development Goals (Blicharska et al. 2019) and face sixth mass extinction if the pace of biodiversity loss is not halted (Briggs 2017). It is evident that such interdependency is built on a strong social-ecological system through necessitybased innovations, experimentation, and resource management practices enriching biodiversity conservation (Negi et al. 2018). Such seasoned traditional knowledge is becoming a promising instrument in the contemporary state of global crises (Ogar et al. 2020). The recent global reports sparked critical reflection on humanity’s roles in biodiversity loss and climate change (IPBES 2019). The recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report is now “unequivocal” and presents an “established fact” that human activities are causing the warming (IPCC 2021). This indicates a double edge sword for humanity as climate change and biodiversity loss increasingly threatens ecosystems and human wellbeing (Pecl et al. 2017). The Convention of Biological Diversity (CBD) defines “biodiversity loss” as “the long-term or permanent qualitative or quantitative reduction in components of biodiversity and their potential to provide goods and services, to be measured at global, regional, and national levels” (UNEP 2004). This definition has been realized and recognized as a major contemporary global challenge, which has also been emphasized even in the recent World Economic Forum’s Global Risk Report (WEF 2022). N. Chettri (B) International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development, Kathmandu, Nepal e-mail: [email protected] E. Sharma Saint Mary’s Hill, Kurseong, Darjeeling, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_15

261

262

N. Chettri and E. Sharma

The Hindu Kush Himalaya (HKH), the highest and the most fragile mountain ecosystem in the world, is arguably one of the most biodiversity-rich regions in the world (Chettri et al. 2022). With four out of 36 Global Biodiversity Hotspots and more than a thousand languages and ethnic groups, the HKH region is in limelight for biodiversity and cultural diversity (Xu et al. 2019). Clustered in diverse bioclimatic zones and micro-climate, the region is known for traditional practices, culture, and local knowledge systems adopted and practiced contributing to biodiversity conservation (Anthwal et al. 2010; Negi 2010). However, such knowledge systems are scattered, poorly documented, and understood at a larger scale such as the HKH. With the influences of globalization and modernization, this rich cultural heritage is being lost from the HKH at an unprecedented pace. In the present chapter, we bring a brief retrospective narrative on traditional knowledge and its contribution to biodiversity conservation in the HKH.

15.2 Historical Perspective Human civilization in the past was largely driven by pastoralist lifestyles and agricultural intensifications (Ellis et al. 2021). The intensity of these two broad livelihood options increased over the millennia exploring new and potential areas for civilization (Goldewijk et al. 2011). The HKH region has been identified as a key migratory route to south-east Asia in the history of human migration from Africa (Tamang et al. 2018). Though the migration took place in phases, these civilizations were instrumental in bringing agricultural and pastoral practices to the HKH enriching traditional knowledge and innovations in natural resources management and sustainable utilization (Miehe et al. 2014; Chen et al. 2015). In addition, increasing societal networks and trade across the region facilitated the exchange of culture, knowledge, and materials leading to increased biodiversity through the use, diversification, and promotion of plants, animals, agrobiodiversity, and traditional knowledge (Xu et al. 2019).

15.3 Emerging Discourse The accelerating global environmental crisis, driven by climate change, biodiversity loss, and pollution, among others, has led to an awakening of interest in the knowledge, values, and practices of Indigenous peoples (Brondízio et al. 2021) and the contribution of indigenous communities in biodiversity conservation has been well recognized globally (IPBES 2019). Efforts have also been made to link such contributions through a comprehensive review considering pathways at the global level (see Brondízio et al. 2021) and advocating through global discourses (Hill et al. 2020). Based on the rich but scattered literature from the HKH, we bring the following board narratives linking the contribution of traditional knowledge to biodiversity conservation- focusing on ecosystems, species, and genetic levels (Fig. 15.1).

15 Contribution of Traditional Ecological Knowledge …

263

Fig. 15.1 Broad areas of traditional knowledge system contributing to biodiversity conservation in the Hindu Kush Himalaya

15.3.1 Traditional Knowledge and Food Security The HKH is known for its rich traditional crop variety, used by mountain communities, ensuring food and nutrient security (Rasul et al. 2018). A wide range of approaches and practices could be seen using traditional knowledge for agrobiodiversity conservation (Rivera-ferre et al. 2021). Some of the prominent ones are using traditional gene banks for seed security (Bisht et al. 2007); home gardens for nutrient security (Pala et al. 2019); changing cropping patterns to deal with climate change stress and human-wildlife conflict among others (Sharma et al. 2021; Poudel et al. 2022). The region also has a rich cultural practice of using different traditional foods, beverages, and fermented items used to preserve and keep them longer (Ray et al. 2016). These practices are mainly practiced in ensuring food and nutrient availability during the lean and off seasons (Tamang 2020) and addressing multiple challenges of food, medical and nutritional crises faced by mountain communities (Ojha et al. 2022). This knowledge system could be seen at ecosystem, species, and genetic levels. At the ecosystem level, there are instances of managing agroecosystems for food and medicine which kept the biodiversity intact for generations (Table 15.1). One such example is the shifting cultivation—a traditional land use practice widely used in the HKH where ecosystem interventions with fallow management; species conservation by keeping agrobiodiversity and using different races of species enriching genetic diversity (Pandey et al. 2022).

The pastoralist communities are living in harsh conditions for millennia and manage their resources through rotational grazing practices allowing the ecosystem to restore

Elected Pipon (Head of the system) is responsible for decision-making in resources regulation, sustainability, utilization, and development interventions among others looking at the ecosystem level

Highland pastoralists

Dzumsa—a customary practice in resources management

Taboos for conservation The tribal communities in Arunachal Pradesh consider themselves as part of the ecosystem and use resources with strict regulatory mechanism, even to enter the key habitats, by 14 out of 15 tribal communities uses taboos

Ecosystem

The entire ecosystem is managed as a mosaic of forest, fallow, and other land-use types enriching functional diversity

Traditional practices

Shifting cultivation

Genetic diversity

Out of 35 mammal species found in Arunachal, 28 are having taboos. The Himalayan Marmot is revered as the reincarnation of a Lama—a monk and the Elephant is worshiped and considered as mother of land

Capped Langur among monkeys and Takin—an endemic species to Eastern Himalaya has taboos for their hunting contributing to conservation at the genetic level

Collection time of wild species, Yak breeding practices allow medicines, and other resources the community to bring hybrid are strictly regulated species for better

Community use 39 plant The plants are used for curing species, belonging to 31 genera 21 different diseases of 7 and 21 families as medicines different types of livestock for treating livestock

Diversity of species is enriched Six breeds of livestock and through annual practices. In this three varieties of rice were case study, 55 crops species reported were reported

Species

Janaki et al. (2021)

(continued)

Acharya and Sharma (2012)

Khan et al. (2021)

Pandey et al. (2022)

References

Table 15.1 A table showing a few traditional practices and their contributions to biodiversity conservation at ecosystem, species, and genetic levels

264 N. Chettri and E. Sharma

Species Arrival of white wagtail (Motacilla alba) and citrine wagtail (Motacilla citreola), first flowering of Dandelion (Taraxacum) are critical indicators of seasonal changes and cues for local people to launch specific activities such as farming (e.g., preparing butter-making, cropping and taking livestock to rangeland)

Ecosystem

The whole social-ecological system in the study area is guided by a seasonal calendar developed by local communities including sowing, pasture management, and coping with changes in weather and climate

Traditional practices

Traditional seasonal calendar and ecology

Table 15.1 (continued) NA

Genetic diversity Yang et al. (2019)

References

15 Contribution of Traditional Ecological Knowledge … 265

266

N. Chettri and E. Sharma

15.3.2 Traditional Knowledge and Health The HKH is known for high-value medicinal plants, animals, and other health practices contributing to the well-being of its people and the wider world (Abbasi and Bussmann 2021). It is quite evident that ethnobotany and ethnozoology are one of the most researched areas in the HKH (Rana et al. 2019; Dhakal et al. 2020). These traditional practice documents reflect the richness and diversity of species used for different ailments and treatments through local knowledge and in many instances pass on to generation through oral transfer (Dutt et al. 2015). Similarly, Shamanism and Amchi practices used different plant species contributing substantially to the health care system in many remote mountain areas where access to other means of treatment is limited (Devi 2021; Tashi et al. 2022). In recent times, these highvalue medicinal plants are event being traded to global pharma companies bringing revenues to the local governments and people (Timmermann and Smith-Hall 2019). The herding communities of the HKH are instrumental in preserving these cultures and practices as their knowledge system brings effective management of resources for sustainable use (Table 15.1). The use of ethnoveterinary practices in the remote areas of Neelum Valley in Pakistan is a good example of such practices (Khan et al. 2021).

15.3.3 Traditional Knowledge and Resources Governance The interdependency between people and biodiversity is as old as the civilization itself and took different forms of the management system as it evolved (Farooquee et al. 2004). Considering each ecosystem as a source of food, shelter, and medicine— customary practices started to ensure the sustainability of limited resources available in the mountain ecosystems (Chaudhry et al. 2011). As a result, the local community designated such areas as Sacred Groves to ensure biodiversity thrives (Anthwal et al. 2010) and even capture carbon (Devi et al. 2021). Likewise, the herding practices among 31 different herding communities reported in the HKH revealed sustainable and participatory means of resource governance (Joshi et al. 2020). The customary rules in a migration pattern, grazing time, and cyclic resource use practices are still thriving in the harsh mountain ecosystems—largely due to the strict regulatory mechanism and collective decision-making approaches. Resources governance through Dzumsa-customary institutions in north Sikkim is an exemplary case even today due to its transparent, participatory, and sustainable practices (Thapa and Sachdeva 2017). This customary system reflects community-based ecosystem management where resources use patterns, migration timing, and geographical priority of herding community, conflict resolutions are practiced largely focusing on sustainable use of resources (Table 15.1; Acharya and Sharma 2012).

15 Contribution of Traditional Ecological Knowledge …

267

15.3.4 Traditional Taboos and Conservation Taboos have played an important role in biodiversity conservation worldwide through regulation, allowing periods for rejuvenation and restoration (Schwartz 2021). The customary practices of regulation, restricting the collection, hunting, and allowing restoration of natural resources are widely practiced in the HKH (Nijhawan and Mihu 2020). There are practices of taboos for hunting and collection of natural resources when there is a breeding season for certain species of fishes and wildlife (Negi 2010; Janaki et al. 2021) and other plant species (Sharma et al. 2021). These traditional practices and regulating mechanisms are instrumental in rejuvenating the population and supporting biodiversity conservation (Table 15.1). Recent research from the Eastern Himalayas revealed that out of 35 mammal species found in Arunachal, 28 are having taboos practices by local communities (Janaki et al. 2021).

15.3.5 Traditional Knowledge and Ecology The diverse traditional ecological knowledge systems are key to effective biodiversity conservation. It is well-known fact that local knowledge and expertise are widely used for both qualitative and quantitative wildlife assessment and conservation interventions (Stern and Humphries 2022). In the HKH, the use of local expertise in biodiversity exploration and conservation is reported by many including the appreciation of the knowledge of the Lepcha community on nature by Ali (1998). In his book—Birds of Sikkim—he made a special mention of the rich knowledge of Lepcha communities on birds and other biodiversity even with separate local names for each species. Similarly, the use of a seasonal calendar by local communities for sowing seeds, weeding, harvesting, etc. is widely practiced in the HKH (Bhagawati et al. 2017); its utility in climate change adaptation (Yang et al. 2019) and weather forecasting (Rautela and Karki 2015) are also documented. In recent years, researchers are even using people’s perceptions and knowledge to validate modern science (Pei et al. 2020). Some of the examples are climate change (Chaudhary et al. 2011), and fuelwood and fodder values (Chettri and Sharma 2009). One such example of local knowledge is the seasonal calendar being used for understanding the ecological processes as documented by Yang et al. (2019). The study highlights the role of the traditional calendar developed by the Tajik community living in Taxkorgan in China being used for seasonal activities based on indicators from nature such as the arrival of species and phenology among others (Table 15.1; Yang et al. 2019; Ding et al. 2021).

268

N. Chettri and E. Sharma

15.4 Conclusion The human civilization witnessed a significant change in the past through innovation and learning about land-use patterns and resource utilization (Goldewijk et al. 2011), especially in the mountain ecosystem (Payne et al. 2020). The local communities living in the HKH are rich in traditional knowledge and use this knowledge in a wide range of interventions contributing to biodiversity conservation. Largely, driven by limited options for food, medicine, and shelter needs, the communities evolved by diversifying the learning through innovation and using traditional knowledge for better resources governance, sustainability, and economic development (Negi 2010). It is being realized that the local communities and traditional knowledge systems are substantially contributing to almost 30% of the protected areas worldwide (IPBES 2019) and are the key custodians of genetic diversity (Ruiz and Vernooy 2012). In the HKH, the highlighted narratives from the traditional knowledge and practices clearly indicate contribution to all forms of biodiversity-ecosystems, species, and genes. The sacred groves-wetlands, forests, and mountains are key interventions at ecosystem levels whereas sustainable use of species for medicine, use of taboos, and local knowledge and expertise for mapping and conservation interventions are pivotal for maintaining biodiversity and sustaining the ecosystem services from the HKH. However, this heritage knowledge is slowly fading and leading to biodiversity loss, especially the traditional mountain crops, health care systems, and ecosystems conserved through sacred groves. The age-old highland herding and resources governance practices are either taken over by statuary laws or young generations are not interested. Therefore, the traditional social-ecological system practiced by our forefathers must be preserved through proper documentation and policy interventions to ensure a sustainable future for generations to come.

References Abbasi AM, Bussmann RW (2021) Ethnobiology of mountain communities in Asia. Springer International Publishing, Cham, Switzerland, Pp, p 439 Acharya BK, Sharma G (2012) The traditional Dzumsa system and their role in resource management in cultural landscape in North Sikkim. In: Ramakrishnan PS, Saxena KG, Rao KS, Sharma G (eds) Cultural landscape-the basis for linking biodiversity conservation with the sustainable development. UNESCO, New Delhi, India, pp 175–186 Ali S (1998) The birds of Sikkim. London, UK, Oxford Anthwal A, Gupta N, Sharma A, Anthwal S, Kim KH (2010) Conserving biodiversity through traditional beliefs in sacred groves in Uttarakhand Himalaya, India. Resour Conserv Recycl 54(11):962–971 Bhagawati K, Sen A, Shuklia KK (2017) Seasonal calendar and gender disaggregated daily activities of indigenous Galo farmers of eastern Himalayan region of India. Curr Agric Res J 5(3):325–330 Bisht IS, Mehta PS, Bhandari DC (2007) Traditional crop diversity and its conservation on-farm for sustainable agricultural production in Kumaon Himalaya of Uttaranchal state: a case study. Genet Resour Crop Evol 54(2):345–357

15 Contribution of Traditional Ecological Knowledge …

269

Blicharska M, Smithers RJ, Mikusi´nski G, Rönnbäck P, Harrison PA, Nilsson M, Sutherland WJ (2019) Biodiversity’s contributions to sustainable development. Nat Sustain 2(12):1083–1093 Briggs JC (2017) Emergence of a sixth mass extinction? Biol J Lin Soc 122(2):243–248 Brondízio ES, Aumeeruddy-Thomas Y, Bates P, Carino J, Fernández-Llamazares Á, Ferrari MF, et al (2021) Locally based, regionally manifested, and globally relevant: indigenous and local knowledge, values, and practices for nature. Ann Rev Environ Resour 46:481–509 Chaudhary P, Rai S, Wangdi S, Mao A, Rehman N, Chettri S, Bawa KS (2011) Consistency of local perceptions of climate change in the Kangchenjunga Himalaya landscape. Curr Sci 504–513 Chaudhry P, Dollo M, Bagra K, Yakang B (2011) Traditional biodiversity conservation and natural resource management system of some tribes of Arunachal Pradesh India. Interdiscip Environ Rev 12(4):338–348 Chen FH, Dong GH, Zhang DJ, Liu XY, Jia X, An CB, Ma MM, Xie YW, Barton L, Ren XY, Zhao ZJ, Wu XH, Jones MH (2015) Agriculture facilitated permanent human occupation of the Tibetan Plateau after 3600 B.P. Science 345(6219):248 Chettri N, Sharma E (2009) A scientific assessment of traditional knowledge on firewood and fodder values in Sikkim India. Forest Ecol Manag 257(10):2073–2078 Chettri N, Joshi S, Shakya B, Chaudhary S, Adhikari L, Bhattarai N et al (2022) Changing paradigm in transboundary landscape management: a retrospect from the Hindu Kush Himalaya. In: Schickhoff U, Singh RB, Mal S (eds) Mountain landscapes in transition. Sustainable development goals series. Springer, Cham, pp 639–656 Devi NB, Lepcha NT, Mahalik SS, Dutta D, Tsanglao BL (2021) Urban sacred grove forests are potential carbon stores: a case study from Sikkim Himalaya. Environ Chall 4:100072 Devi S (2021) Buddhist rituals for health and healing in western Himalayas: a special reference to the shamans. In: Most Ven. ich Nhat Tu, and Most Ven. ich Duc ien (eds) Buddhist approach to harmonious families, healthcare, and sustainable societies. Buddhism Foundation Today, HCM City, Vietnam, p 639 Dhakal P, Chettri B, Lepcha S, Acharya BK (2020) Rich yet undocumented ethnozoological practices of socio-culturally diverse indigenous communities of Sikkim Himalaya India. J Ethnopharmacol 249:112386. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jep.2019.112386 Ding XY, Zhang Y, Wang L, Zhuang HF, Chen WY, Wang YH (2021) Collection calendar: the diversity and local knowledge of wild edible plants used by Chenthang Sherpa people to treat seasonal food shortages in Tibet China. J Ethnobiol Ethnomed 17(1):1–14 Dutt HC, Bhagat N, Pandita S (2015) Oral traditional knowledge on medicinal plants in jeopardy among Gaddi shepherds in hills of northwestern Himalaya, J&K, India. J Ethnopharmacol 168:337–348 Ellis EC, Gauthier N, Goldewijk KK, Bird RB, Boivin N, Díaz S et al (2021) People have shaped most of terrestrial nature for at least 12,000 years. Proc Natl Acad Sci 118(17) Farooquee NA, Majila BS, Kala CP (2004) Indigenous knowledge systems and sustainable management of natural resources in a high altitude society in Kumaun Himalaya India. J Hum Ecol 16(1):33–42 Goldewijk KK, Beusen A, Van Drecht G, De Vos M (2011) The HYDE 3.1 spatially explicit database of human-induced global land-use change over the past 12,000 years. Glob Ecol Biogeogr 20(1):73–86 Hill R, Adem Ç, Alangui WV, Molnár Z, Aumeeruddy-Thomas Y, Bridgewater P, Tengö M, Thaman R, Yao CY, Berkes F, Carino J (2020) Working with indigenous, local and scientific knowledge in assessments of nature and nature’s linkages with people. Curr Opin Environ Sustain 1(43):8–20 IPBES (2019) Global assessment report of the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services. In: Brondízio E, Settele DS, Ngo HT (eds) IPBES secretariat, Bonn, Germany, 1144 pages. ISBN: 978-3-947851-20 IPCC (2021) Summary for policymakers. In: Climate change 2021: the physical science basis. contribution of working Group I to the sixth assessment report of the intergovernmental panel on climate change [Masson-Delmotte VP, Zhai A, Pirani SL, Connors C, Péan S, Berger N, Caud

270

N. Chettri and E. Sharma

Y, Chen L. Goldfarb MI, Gomis M, Huang K, Leitzell E, Lonnoy JBR, Matthews TK, Maycock T, Waterfield O, Yelekçi R, Yu BZ (eds) Cambridge University Press. In Press] Janaki M, Pandit R, Sharma RK (2021) The role of traditional belief systems in conserving biological diversity in the Eastern Himalaya Eco-region of India. Hum Dimens Wildl 26(1):13–30 Joshi S, Shrestha L, Bisht N, Wu N, Ismail M, Dorji T, Dangol G, Long R (2020) Ethnic and cultural diversity amongst yak herding communities in the Asian highlands. Sustainability 12(3):957. https://doi.org/10.3390/su12030957 Khan SMR, Akhter T, Hussain M (2021) Ethno-veterinary practice for the treatment of animal diseases in Neelum Valley, Kashmir Himalaya Pakistan. Plos One 16(4):e0250114 Miehe G, Miehe S, Böhner J, Kaiser K, Hensen I, Madsen D, Liu J, Opgenoorth L (2014) How old is the human footprint in the world’s largest alpine ecosystem? A review of multiproxy records from the Tibetan Plateau from the ecologists’ viewpoint. Quat Sci Rev 86:190–209 Naeem S, Chazdon R, Duffy JE, Prager C, Worm B (2016) Biodiversity and human well-being: an essential link for sustainable development. Proc R Soc B: Biol Sci 14;283(1844):20162091 Negi CS (2010) Traditional culture and biodiversity conservation: examples from Uttarakhand Central Himalaya. Mt Res Dev 30(3):259–265 Negi VS, Pathak R, Sekar KC, Rawal RS, Bhatt ID, Nandi SK, Dhyani PP (2018) Traditional knowledge and biodiversity conservation: a case study from Byans Valley in Kailash Sacred Landscape, India. J Environ Plan Manag 61(10):1722–1743 Nijhawan S, Mihu A (2020) Relations of blood: hunting taboos and wildlife conservation in the Idu Mishmi of Northeast India. J Ethnobiol 40(2):149–166 Ogar E, Pecl G, Mustonen T (2020) Science must embrace traditional and indigenous knowledge to solve our biodiversity crisis. One Earth 3(2):162–165 Ojha SN, Anand A, Sundriyal RC, Arya D (2022) Traditional dietary knowledge of a marginal hill community in the Central Himalaya: implications for food, nutrition, and medicinal security. Front Pharmacol 12:789360. https://doi.org/10.3389/fphar.2021.789360 Pandey DK, Dobhal S, De HK, Adhiguru P, Devi SV, Mehra TS (2022) Agrobiodiversity in changing shifting cultivation landscapes of the Indian Himalayas: an empirical assessment. Landsc Urban Plan 220:104333 Pala NA, Sarkar BC, Shukla G, Chettri N, Deb S, Bhat JA, Chakravarty S (2019) Floristic composition and utilization of ethnomedicinal plant species in home gardens of the Eastern Himalaya. J Ethnobiol Ethnomed 15(1):1–6 Payne D, Snethlage M, Geschke J, Spehn EM, Fischer M (2020) Nature and people in the Andes, East African Mountains, European Alps, and Hindu Kush Himalaya: current research and future directions. Mt Res Dev 40(2):A1 Pecl GT, Araújo MB, Bell JD, Blanchard J, Bonebrake TC, Chen IC, Clark TD, Colwell RK, Danielsen F, Evengård B, Falconi L (2017) Biodiversity redistribution under climate change: impacts on ecosystems and human well-being. Science 31:355(6332):eaai9214 Pei S, Alan H, Wang Y (2020) Vital roles for ethnobotany in conservation and sustainable development. Plant Divers 42(6):399 Poudel TR, Aryal PC, Thapa-Parajuli R, Thapa A, Yadav SK, Prakash M (2022) Depredation loss drives human-wildlife conflict perception in the trans-Himalayas. J Environ Manag 311:114763 Rana D, Bhatt A, Lal B (2019) Ethnobotanical knowledge among the semi-pastoral Gujjar tribe in the high altitude (Adhwari’s) of Churah subdivision, district Chamba, Western Himalaya. J Ethnobiol Ethnomed 15(1):1–21 Rasul G, Hussain A, Mahapatra B, Dangol N (2018) Food and nutrition security in the Hindu Kush Himalayan region. J Sci Food Agric 98(2):429–438 Rautela P, Karki B (2015) Weather forecasting: traditional knowledge of the people of Uttarakhand Himalaya. J Geogr Environ Earth Sci Int 3(3):1–14 Ray M, Ghosh K, Singh S, Mondal KC (2016) Folk to functional: an explorative overview of rice-based fermented foods and beverages in India. J Ethnic Foods 3(1):5–18

15 Contribution of Traditional Ecological Knowledge …

271

Rivera-ferre MG, Di Masso M, Vara I, Cuellar M, López-i-Gelats F, Bhatta GD, Gallar D (2021) Traditional agricultural knowledge in land management: the potential contributions of ethnographic research to climate change adaptation in India, Bangladesh, Nepal, and Pakistan. Climate Dev 13(7):644–661 Ruiz M, Vernooy R (eds) (2012) The custodians of biodiversity: sharing access to and benefits of genetic resources. Routledge Schwartz MW (2021) Conservation lessons from taboos and trolley problems. Conserv Biol 35(3):794–803 Sharma A, Thakur D, Uniyal SK (2021) Taboos: traditional beliefs and customs for resource management in the western Himalaya Indian. J Tradit Knowl (IJTK) 20(2):575–581 Stern ER, Humphries MM (2022) Interweaving local, expert, and Indigenous knowledge into quantitative wildlife analyses: a systematic review. Biol Cons 266:109444 Tamang JP (2020) History and culture of indian ethnic fermented foods and beverages. In: Tamang J (eds) Ethnic fermented foods and beverages of India: science history and culture. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1486-9_1 Tamang R, Chaubey G, Nandan A, Govindaraj P, Singh VK, Rai N, Mallick CB, Sharma V, Sharma VK, Shah AM, Lalremruata A (2018) Reconstructing the demographic history of the Himalayan and adjoining populations. Hum Genet 137(2):129–139 Tashi N, Thakur S, Kour J, Dutt HC (2022) Moxibustion: a complementary therapy among bot tribe inhabiting padder valley of Western Himalaya, India. In: Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, India section B: biological sciences, pp 1–8 Thapa S, Sachdeva SA (2017) Institution of Dzumsa in North Sikkim: a sociological understanding. Sociol Bull 66(2):212–222 Timmermann L, Smith-Hall C (2019) Commercial medicinal plant collection is transforming highaltitude livelihoods in the Himalayas. Mt Res Dev 39(3):R13–R21 UNEP (2004) Decisions adopted by the conference of the parties to the convention on biological diversity at its seventh meeting (UNEP/CBD/COP/7/21/Part 2) decision VII/30 WEF (2022) The World Risk Report 2022, 17th edn. World Economic Forum Xu J, Badola R, Chettri N, Chaudhary RP, Zomer R, Pokhrel B, Hussain SA, Pradhan S, Pradhan R (2019) Sustaining biodiversity and ecosystem services in the Hindu Kush Himalaya. In: Wester et al (eds) The Hindu Kush Himalaya assessment. Springer, Cham, pp 127–165 Yang H, Ranjitkar S, Zhai D, Zhong M, Goldberg SD, Salim MA et al (2019) Role of traditional ecological knowledge and seasonal calendars in the context of climate change: a case study from China. Sustainability 11(12):3243

Part III

Issues

Chapter 16

Traditional Ecological Knowledge, Survival Strategy, and Resilience of the People Living in Inaccessible Rural Areas of Bangladesh Mahfuzul Haque

16.1 Introduction Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) refers to local indigenous knowledge of rural communities applied in agriculture, fisheries, livestock, healthcare, natural resource management, and other activities. The people of rural Bangladesh living in various ecosystems have developed through a process of “innovation and adaptation” a variety of surviving strategies and resilience that are compatible with the local environment, ecology, economy, and socio-cultural system (Haque 2000b). TEK is of local people, unique to their cultural heritage. This knowledge is a resource, which should be organized to supplement scientific knowledge for rural development. It is true that the term “indigenous” is synonymous with “traditional” and “local” differentiating this knowledge from other knowledge gleaned through scientific innovations and practices in typical academic institutions (Mustafa 2000). TEK takes its origin in local people’s diverse and complex livelihood and survival strategies (Khan et al. 2000). This knowledge of the rural people is not generally codified or written in formal languages. It travels from generation to general orally. TEK is of a particular community with a specific ecological set-up, inherently diverse and multi-faced, developed through people’s trials with varied livelihood and survival strategies (Khan et al. 2000). Sillotoe et al. (1998) stated that indigenous knowledge relates to any knowledge held jointly by rural communities. Considering the importance of the traditional knowledge playing a significant role in natural resource management in rural areas, it is increasingly felt that such a piece of knowledge is sponsored and acknowledged before it is lost. The importance of traditional knowledge and practices cannot be avoided terming it as prehistoric or primitive. With the advent of modern amenities and technology, the local community is exposed to contemporary and current M. Haque (B) Department of Sociology, Bangladesh University of Professionals, Dhaka, Bangladesh e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_16

275

276

M. Haque

knowledge, although, the community has not disowned its indigenous knowledge ingrained in them over the generations. TEK is disappearing fast with the arrival of modernization, urbanization, industrialization, and the rapid spread of exotic culture. The chapter is based on secondary sources of literature. Efforts have been taken to consult articles published in peer-reviewed journals and books. The overall goal of this chapter is to examine traditional ecological knowledge of the rural communities and their survival strategies and resilience, as they live in difficult and isolated terrain-periodically visited by floods, river-erosion, water-logging, cyclones, tornadoes, drought, and desertification. The chapter argued that the local communities because of their isolation from the mainstream due to inaccessibility had to find out alternative means of livelihood for survival based on their traditional knowledge, which they acquired over the generations. Bangladesh, gifted with the Ganges-Brahmaputra-Jamuna river systems, with more than 300 perennial tributaries and distributaries is a live delta (Haque 2022a, b). Its rivers are changing their courses and through a process of erosion and accretion, charlands (tract of land shoals in a river course) are formed and deformed. Besides the charlands, there are haors and swamp forests in the north-east, regularly visited by flash floods and heavy rainfall. Untimely floods devastate their only crop and make them poppers. The haor areas suffer from a shortage of potable water, cooking fuel, and less land available for vegetable cultivation. The water-logged areas in the south-western region face shortage of food, drinking water, and unemployment. Flood Control Drainage and Irrigation (FCD/I) projects were undertaken on the coast to protect the land from tidal surges and intrusion of saline water. These structures were later found to have adverse impacts on the environment and turned agricultural lands into wetlands. The long stretch of the 710 km shoreline continues to face hydrometeorological disasters like cyclones and tidal surges. With tidal inundation and cyclones, the coastal people lose their crops and their houses are damaged. The one-tenth area of the country in the south-east is hilly land belonging to Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). The area is mainly under shifting cultivation, locally known as “Jhum”. The area is full of hills and hillocks covered with dense vegetation. Periodic “Bamboo flowering” in the inaccessible remote areas attracts rodents and the hill farmers lose their crops due to “rat floods” causing food shortage and famine. A question arises, how do the people in such a hostile environment survive? It is indeed, their indigenous knowledge and local wisdom considering varied ecology, that rescue them from the vagaries of nature. In the following sections, an attempt has been made to describe the struggle of these desperate people and their survival in a challenging environment. The chapter has been structured as follows: the first section gave a general introduction to local and traditional knowledge of the communities living in various ecosystems-wetlands, charlands, uplands, coast, water-logged, and drought-prone areas of the country. Definitional issues related to various terms and terminology used in this chapter are also discussed in threadbare. The next sections described traditional ecological knowledge and survival strategy and resilience of the communities living in charland areas of the Jamuna river in the north; Haor wetlands and swamp forests in the north-east; drought-prone areas in the west; water-logged areas

16 Traditional Ecological Knowledge, Survival Strategy …

277

in the south-west; cyclone and tidal surge-afflicted areas in the coast; and food crisishit areas due to rodent attack in the south-eastern hills. The final section suggests recommendations on how to document, promote, and conserve traditional ecological knowledge, survival strategy, and resilience of the people living in various ecosystems on the periphery. The chapter concludes that traditional ecological knowledge needs protection and mainstreaming with the national plans and policies for its survival.

16.2 Life in the Charlands of the Jamuna River Char is a tract of land shoals in a river course or in an estuary caused mainly by accretion. Jamuna is a braided river and its chars are intermittently affected by floods, erosion, and accretion. During the monsoon (June–September), the lives of the charland people become very difficult, as they have to negotiate their ways through muddy water. They face river erosion, soil erosion (sand dunes), water scarcity, fuel crisis, drought, and desertification. During floods, they encounter epidemics in the form of diarrhea. They suffer from food insecurity and at times sell their households, and cattle at a throwaway price for survival (Montu 2003). They are often forced to migrate due to river erosion and have to shift their houses four to five times. Cut off from the mainland, the area is physically isolated from the growth centres. They suffer from inaccessibility and isolation. This physical isolation has had a deep-rooted effect on the psyche of the charland dwellers (Haque 2020). In such a God-forsaken place, the local charland people, however, neither left their lands nor went into migration. Based on their local and traditional knowledge learned from their forefathers, they cling to their paternal properties based on their coping strategies for survival. They are the most desperate and helpless people living on the newly accreted lands in the north-western region of Bangladesh. A question arises, how do they survive during floods, cyclones, river-erosion, soil-erosion, heatwave, and cold waves? They repair and go for the refurbishment of house roofs only during high floods. Prior to floods, they elevate their homesteads and put mud paste mixed with jute fibre and paddy husks in order to protect their houses from the direct impact of floods (Nasreen 2000). To avoid soil erosion, they dig short bamboo stakes along the plinth, and erosion is halted. When the floodwater rises, they lift their wooden cots over the bamboo platform to remain dry. Cooking is done on a portable earthen oven placed over raised wooden cots. Large earthen jars (Motka) are used to store seeds and food grains to keep them dry. The neck of the tube well is raised above the flood water to keep it functional. They make rafts from banana trunks used for communication and keep vigil at night to keep away snakes and other insects. The charlands dwellers are subject to the whims and caprices of the rivers in a hazardous man-environment situation. Their agricultural coping strategies are based on traditional knowledge and practices before and after the floods. The choice of crops for plantation depends on the weather pattern, flooding intensity, and frequency.

278

M. Haque

Groundnuts and sweet potatoes are planted on the sandy bar, out of reach of floodwater. They plant deep-water Aman rice, which can survive flooding. They practice intercropping in order to offset the loss due to crop failure. Farmers plant short-term flood-sensitive Aus rice along with flood-tolerant Aman rice keeping in mind the advent of early flooding. It is seen that deep-water Aman can survive flooding, as it can grow 6 inches a day up to a height of 15 feet (Hasan et al. 2000; Haque 2020). Seedlings during the post-flooding period are critical. Sometimes, floating seedbeds are constructed by placing banana trunks horizontally on the shallow water and layers of water hyacinth and mud put over them (Hasan et al. 2000). They have developed an acute power of observation based on their local and traditional knowledge and can predict the type of floods, both frequency, and intensity. They get al. armed with the onslaught of a high flood if they encounter torrential rain during monsoon and the water of the river flow is relatively clean and has a current. Depending on the severity of floods, they adopt different cropping strategies. Time and again, it is proved that these desperate people of the charlands could cope with the situations with ease and knew how to live in a hostile environment, cut off from the main growth centres.

16.3 Coping Strategies of the Haor Dwellers Haor is a saucer-shaped waterbody, formed in between the levees of the river. There are as many as 421 haors spread over the north-eastern part of Bangladesh and they remain inundated roughly for 6 months a year (Haque 2013; 2022a, b). These haors are inhabited by around three million people scattered in small cluster villages. During monsoon, the whole area is turned into a sea with 6–7 feet high waves, locally known as “Afaal”. When a boat gets capsized and drowned in high waves, they term it “Afarmara”. They plant Chailla (Hemarthria protensa) grass in and around their homesteads in order to halt the wave actions that continuously erode their homes (Haque 2000b). To strengthen the fencing of their homes, they collect a grass-like plant from the beels, called Ara. The grass is dried in the sun, soiled with mud paste, and finally dried to protect their homes from high waves, rain, and thunderstorms. Village women collect Murta (grass-like plants) to weave mats and various household products (IUCN 2003). These handicrafts bring some extra income for the village women during “Nidan” (A famine-like situation, when there is no work in the field from October to March). During Nidan, scarcity of food forces the farmers to sell domestic cattle, poultry, and kitchen utensils at a throwaway price to earn a living (IUCN 2005; Haque 2012). In order to protect crops from inundation, villagers construct “submersible” earthen embankments on the river mouth. After the harvest, these submersible embankments are dismantled and get submerged and do not create any structural obstacles. The only cash crop grown here is Boro rice, which is harvested during the first two weeks of May. A local variety of rice with a low yield gets harvested before the floods. On the other hand, the high-yield variety of BIRRI-28 gets matured not before mid-April running the risk of inundation by flash floods (IUCN 2004). As

16 Traditional Ecological Knowledge, Survival Strategy …

279

the whole community is dependent on these one-crop lands, harvesting rice in due time is very important for their survival. The challenge, they face is the flash floods coming from the north in mid-April, inundating only-crop rice fields and causing immense miseries for the farmers. To address such a situation, the haor dwellers have developed early warnings for flash floods, rainfall, and storms, based on their age-old experience with nature, animal behavior, and the movement of insects and birds. Islam and Bremer (2016) conducted a study in the haors to understand local and traditional knowledge regarding early warnings for heavy rainfall, hailstorm, thunderstorm, and flash floods. Local proverbs such as “abundance of mango will result in floods and bumper harvest of jackfruit will lead to increased rice production” are in common use in predicting early flooding. These local elderly people are likewise men without having any institutional knowledge. Like “local scientists”, they could interpret early warnings of floods or rainfall by observing the behavior of animals, birds, and insects. According to them, if snakes visit their houses, it is understood that a major flood is in the offing if frogs croaking heard in March (Bengali month of Chaitra) meaning the arrival of monsoon. They forecast rainfall if they find the grasshoppers are flying too high in the middle of April. They could foresee a big storm coming if the cattle returned to their homes or if birds returned to their nests early. If herons are found flying erratically, they understand a north-westerly storm coming. Likewise, a persistent southerly wind may be a precursor of heavy rainfall. If the water level rises coinciding with a cold breeze, they get warned that a flash flood was coming. In some areas, the haor people believe that there would be flash floods in the event of sighting of a large moon or the moon gets shrouded by clouds. For protection against hailstorms and flash floods, people in some haor areas, follow primitive local practices of engaging “hirali” (exorcist) to recite the mantra and burry talismans in the field to ward off witchcraft (Haque 2012). The senior citizens, based on their experience, wisdom, and traditional knowledge are capable of providing early warning. They interpret existing natural signs to predict the weather. According to them, weather forecasting by the met office is often vague, incorrect, and not location or time-specific (Islam and Bremer 2016). As the whole depressing land of haors remains tree-less, there is a serious crisis of fuel and fodder. People send their domestic cattle to faraway places for grazing. As the land remains underwater for half of the year, people plant haor-resistant tree species like Hijal (Barringtonia Acutangula), Karoch (Pongamia Pinnata), Barun (Crateva nurvala), and Reedlands, since they can withstand inundation and not die (Haque 2019). These trees form a ring of swamp forests and act as a sanctuary for fisheries. Villagers protect the forests, as they get their fuel, fodder, and thatching materials from the lone swamp forests. Inaccessibility and isolation made the haor people resilient to a hostile environment periodically visited by flash floods and rainfall.

280

M. Haque

16.4 Livelihood of People in Drought-Prone Areas Local traditional knowledge passed down from generation to generation is a precious resource for the rural people living with extreme weather conditions. With just one percent tree cover in the Barind area of Rajshahi, Bangladesh faces creeping desertification in the west (Haque 2000b). Barind tracts are susceptible to drought due to their soil condition, rainfall pattern, and temperature. Over the years, drought has caused huge damage to crops, livestock, fisheries, horticulture production, and livelihood. Due to poor rainfall, soils remain mostly dry with low moisture content. People based on their local wisdom excavated khari (canal-like reservoirs created by sealing off a portion of the river) to combat desertification. Kharis is excavated to store rainwater during monsoon. People dig a hole at the corner of their plot of land to create a small pond. This small water body is used for irrigation, fisheries, and duck rearing and helps to keep the area moist. Barind Multipurpose Development Authority (BMDA) has undertaken a massive irrigation project by extracting groundwater. However, there are allegations that excessive groundwater mining is lowering the water table having an adverse impact on the environment. There are indigenous Santals communities in Rajshahi, Dinajpur, Chapai Nawabganj, and Sapahar areas, and they have developed some coping strategies for the drought-like situation. They accurately predict the advent of drought, rainfall, and weather pattern by noticing various signs among the plants, insects, animals, and celestial bodies. Local signs indicating extreme drought are a group of pigeons spreading their feathers on the ground; the western sky appearing bright red during sunset; lightning followed by thunder in the eastern sky at night; and termite den and mound in dry soil. According to them, if the hoppers fly, a rainbow appears in the eastern sky, snails are climbing the trees, earthworms crawl all over the ground and ants move to safer places- indicating imminent rainfall. Other signs of the advent of rainfall are black ants collect eggs and grains and secure them to safer places; termite den and mound in wet soil; frogs continue to croak; birds-Fatik pakhi (Common Lora) are heard chirping. Traditional and ecological knowledge and practices for protection against extreme weather events are a mixture of beliefs, myths, and age-old practices. Common mitigation and coping measures against drought include local methods of storing water, changing food habits, lifestyle, and agricultural practices. As drinking water is scarce, people in drought-prone areas, store water in an earthen jar (Kolshi) to keep the water cool. In shortage of food, people eat Kalai ruti (bread made of pulses) for sustaining a longer time (Islam 2016). To protect the fields against extreme weather impacts, the farmers use “mulching” around fruit trees on their homestead. This practice preserves soil moisture and reduces soil temperature. Plants with low water requirements such as shishu (dalbergia Sissoo), pipul (Ficus religiosa), tentul (Tamarindus indica), babla (Vachellia nilotica) are planted to halt evapotranspiration and keep the area shady and cool (Haque 2013, 2019). Extreme sunlight makes work in the field harder, the farmers use bamboo hats to protect themselves from extreme heat. They also use Moringa (Sajina) leaves as vegetables to keep themselves cool

16 Traditional Ecological Knowledge, Survival Strategy …

281

during drought-like situations as it balances the body temperature. They consume a soft drink made from brown palm sugar to keep themselves cool. People wrap their bodies in wet clothes and bath more than once to avoid extreme heat weather. They spread rice straw on their corrugated iron sheet roof as a cushion against heat and construct double ceilings made of bamboo, wood, or jute sticks to keep their houses shady.

16.5 Tidal River Management in the Southwest Coast In the mid-sixties, a massive plan for constructing coastal embankments was conceived in the south-western tidal zone. “Polders” were constructed in the project area under USAID’s Coastal Embankment Project, covering 400,000 ha of land to protect the area from daily inundation by saline waters in order to grow more food (Haque 2013). Initially, the polders helped to grow more food for the first few years. Since the 1980s, negative environmental impacts became evident. The embankments around the polders restricted the tidal flow of the rivers, resulting in the siltation of the riverbed. This caused drainage congestion, as the drainage outlets were ineffective due to sedimentation in the mouth of the sluice gates. Rivers due to siltation were unable to drain water from the waterlogged areas. Many structural solutions, similar to Khulna-Jessore Drainage Rehabilitation Project (KJDRP) were taken to get the area rid of waterlogging- an attempt found futile. Local people instead of a structural solution suggested the continuation of natural tidal flow in the form of Tidal River Management (TRM). TRM is a new terminology given by experts and water engineers on an ageold practice in the south-western region, based on their local indigenous knowledge (Kibria and Hirsch 2011). TRM helps the effective management of sediment. The high tides bring in muddy water flow with sediments. Local people cut the embankment to allow the river to flow into the floodplain. The natural high tide of the river leaves sediment on the floodplain and enriches the soil. This process is environment-friendly, as it does not clog the river channel and keeps the river free. In pre-polder days, villagers used to construct seasonal embankments, known as Dosher Badh (embankments constructed collectively) or Ostomasi Bandh (embankments for eight months only) allowing the tidal flow to raise the floodplains. The local communities developed an indigenous knowledge system of water and river basin management uniquely adapted to this natural process. Low dikes and wooden sluice gates are constructed to protect the land from saline water infiltration. During monsoon, the farmers could flush out saline water from the field and invite sweet river water from the north- helping them to get a good harvest and a variety of fish. According to Kibria and Hirsch (2011), it was a unique system of land–water interface developed over hundreds of years. This age-old practice worked well for many generations. Since the 1980s, due to the construction of Flood Control, Drainage, and Irrigation (FCD/I) projects, a huge area of lowland remained inundated for more than six months

282

M. Haque

a year causing waterlogging. The effect was the reduced carrying capacity of the rivers and channels, which led to further flooding due to serious drainage congestion. TRM is the most effective method to raise land and make it cultivable, mitigate the waterlogging crisis, increase the navigability of the rivers, reduce salinity and address climate change. It is also an effective climate change adaptation strategy to protect the region from sea level rise. This river management process is environment-friendly, economically viable, and socially acceptable. Time and again, the affected local people of the water-logged area were able to convince the water engineers, water planners, and development partners that structural solutions may not be the only answer to all of their woes. These local people are to be consulted and their views and concerns are to be taken into consideration prior to the undertaking of policies and plans on the coast.

16.6 Floating Gardens (Baira) in the Water-Logged Areas Due to the construction of Flood Control, Drainage, and Irrigation (FCD/I) projects, many areas of the western and southern parts of Bangladesh got waterlogged creating hindrance to agricultural cultivation and resulting in food shortage (Haque 2000a). Moreover, due to climate change-induced sea-level rise, many areas of low-lying coast got inundated and permanently waterlogged forcing people to migrate due to a lack of employment opportunities and food shortage (UNDP 2017). In such a situation, local people discovered their age-old tradition of “floating garden” and cultivating vegetables in a barren waterbody. In many areas of western and southern Bangladesh, farmers were found cultivating vegetables and raising seedbeds in the floating garden, locally known as Baira. Growing of plants in nutrient supplemented water without the use of soil is known as hydroponics. Baira is a form of hydroponics, which has been in practice in the wetlands of Bangladesh over the years. This “floating garden” enables vegetables and crops to grow on thick floating platforms of mud and water hyacinth in waterlogged areas. Cultivation of Baira is a useful technique, based on local people’s traditional knowledge, and is used widely in the floodplains of Bangladesh. It facilitates employment in waterlogged areas during monsoon; increases food production and income of the farmers. The process of construction of Baira vegetable beds is very simple. Water hyacinth is mainly used mixed with mud to create floating beds. Other aquatic plants required for baira cultivation include durali, topa pana, khudipana, kanta shaola, and dholkolmi. Other materials used include rice straw, coconut husk, and bamboo. People raise seedlings or cultivate varieties of crops on baira platforms. Vegetables are cabbage, eggplant, ladyfinger, cauliflower, carrot, bottle gourd, pumpkin, chili, radish, spinach, tomato, etc. Baira farming includes raising seedlings as well as cultivating vegetables. In both cases, the germination of seeds is the first step. There are two processes: a ball or cushion-like structure made of aquatic plants is used, where the seeds are planted

16 Traditional Ecological Knowledge, Survival Strategy …

283

(Irfanullah 2005). The other process of germinating seeds is to plant directly on the floating platform on coconut husks. One of the important features of baira is that it shortens the crop’s life cycle. It takes only 15–25 days to achieve marketable seedlings. Around two to five crops like seedlings could be obtained from one baira in three months. On average, two to three-crop cycles are common in baira farming, which helps to earn extra income for the marooned people.

16.7 Coastal Cyclones and Tidal Surges The 710 km stretch of coastal line covering a number of small and newly emerged charlands (shoals) on the Bay of Bengal is exposed to tropical cyclones and tidal surges that periodically visit the area causing immense suffering to people, damage to crops, and loss of lives. They come across salinity intrusion and prolonged inundation during tidal surges. Around 35 million people representing 29% of the total population remain most vulnerable to the vagaries of nature (Rasheed 2008). In the last 150 years, 35 devastating cyclones visited the coast of Bangladesh. Usually, the months of April–May and November are the seasons for cyclones and associated tidal surges. Around 3,30,000 people on the coast died on the 12 November 1970 devastating cyclone and another 138,882 people died on the 29 April 1991 cyclone (Haque 2019). Such a huge death and devastation had a deep scar on the minds of the coastal people. It remained in their psyche as they look back to the coast. Despite repeated attacks by periodic cyclones, tidal surges, and climate changeinduced sea-level rise, the coastal people did not abandon their islands. Through a process of innovation and adaptation, they have developed a variety of coping strategies and resilience, suitable to the local environment. These survival strategies are based on their local and traditional knowledge and acquired from their forefathers over the generations. Although much of this knowledge and practices are on the verge of extinction due to non-documentation, they still cherish such knowledge in their legends, folklores, and traditions. In recent days, through a paradigm shift in disaster management, loss of lives has been brought down to a great extent as evident in Sidr and Aila that hit the coast in 2007 and 2009 respectively. Such a shift in management includes putting more emphasis on disaster risk reduction and not on relief and rehabilitation, improving cyclone warning systems, and fast evacuation to cyclone shelters. Coastal people based on their local ecological knowledge sharpened their warning and prediction skills. Such predictions are based on observing various signs in nature, animals, insects, and celestial bodies. They look at the wind direction; temperature and salinity of seawater; color and shape of the clouds; the appearance of the rainbow; and erratic behavior of certain birds and insects (Hassan 2000). They believe that wind blowing from the southeast (Agni con) is more likely to create a storm and if the wind blows from the northeast (Ishan con), it has the potential to generate a cyclone but not a severe one. Along with wind direction, they watch seawater temperature,

284

M. Haque

the color of the clouds (if turned red), and the appearance of a rainbow. They consider the abnormal behavior of birds as signals of a rapid storm approaching. The question is what do they do for their survival in cyclones and tidal surges? Their simple tactics include binding themselves to trees to save themselves from being drifted to the sea; holding on to other floating items such as timber, thatched roof, straw piles, and bunches of coconuts to remain afloat. For survival, they eat edible plants, drink coconut water and rainwater, and use herbs for treating minor injuries. In some areas, women, prior to the advent of cyclones, burry thatched rice (chira) and molasses (gur) in sealed earthen pots to meet immediate food requirements after the storm. Women, instead of traditional sarees, put on salwar and kameez, which help them to swim during the tidal surges. It is evident that local knowledge of the coastal people did help reduce the loss of lives and properties to a great extent due to their understanding of indications of eminent disasters.

16.8 Bamboo Flowering and “Rat Floods” in the Hills One-tenth of Bangladesh in the south-east belongs to Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). Common farming practice is jhum or shifting cultivation. Bamboos are in abundance in the CHT, where traditionally, they are used for a variety of purposeshousing, including fencing, basket, and handicraft making. This hilly region faces an outbreak of rodent population due to “bamboo flowering” and it is a scientifically accepted phenomenon happening in the South Asian region of India, Bangladesh, and Myanmar. The dominant gregarious bamboo species in the region generally flower on a 40–50 years cycle (Haque 2022a). Rats feed on the seeds. Expansion of the rat population occurs through reproductive rate. When the bamboo seeds are all eaten, the rats move out of their holes and attack agricultural crops and villages in search of food, eating everything they can find and creating food insecurity in a jhum-based economy, otherwise known for food abundance. This is a silent disaster, not known to many in the outside world. People’s livelihood is at stake. Following the devouring of crops, the rodents get into people’s houses, eating stored food, and even bite people while they sleep. A potential threat of bubonic plague loom large entering the plague-endemic neighbouring country of Myanmar. A similar attack in 2006 in the north-eastern state of Mizoram, India entered Bangladesh in late 2007 and continued till 2015 causing food insecurity in an area, otherwise known once as a “breadbasket”. Handling this silent disaster is a big task and local traditional knowledge helped the farmers to contain the menace. Jhumiya farmers developed some common environmental and cultural methods such as: (a) removing garbage, junk, poultry litter, and other nesting materials of rodents to discourage them to thrive; (b) regular maintenance of dikes, bunds, and earthen embankments in order to help deter rats to make nests; (c) some farmers use crude electric fence to drive away from the rodents, and (d) banding the trunk of coconut trees with metallic sheet prevent rodents from climbing (Chakma et al. 2018). There are some traditional ways to repel rats, such as placing spike-like date

16 Traditional Ecological Knowledge, Survival Strategy …

285

leaves along the edges of jhum fields and flagging palm leaves or polythene pieces on a stick to make rattling sounds to scare away the rodents. Some cultural practices include deep tillage to destroy rat habitat in burrows, diversification of agriculture, like replacing rice with sunflower and horticulture, and flooding of sugarcane fields before plantation to drive away rodents, etc. The indigenous hill farmers have found some predators like cats, mongooses, jackals, foxes, owls, hawks, kites, snakes, and monitor lizards for containing the rodent menace. Farmers sometimes place tree branches in the crop field to encourage the predators like barn owls and birds to feed on the rats. Farmers were also found adopting various coping strategies. These include: (a) planting different non-food crops such as chili, ginger, or turmeric instead of staple foods like rice, maize, or wheat; (b) stopping cultivating jhum altogether; (c) building trap barricades around the jhum fields to discourage rat influx; (d) manually catching the rats; (e) local administration declaring “cash for rat tails” as incentives, and (f) diversify their income through the production of handicrafts and selling non-agricultural products. Instead of chemical treatment, like the use of insecticide and pesticide, the jhumiya farmers resorted to techniques based on age-old local traditional knowledge and practices, which they found very effective and handy against rodent attacks.

16.9 Conclusions Challenge is how to link local and traditional knowledge with science? In order to convince the policymakers and executives, a scientific explanation of local wisdom is necessary. According to UNESCO’s program on Local and Indigenous Knowledge Systems (LINKS), local and indigenous knowledge refers to the “understandings, skills and philosophies” practiced and believed by the communities having close interaction with the natural environment (Hiwasaki et al. 2014; Haque 2022b). Local knowledge is based on specific ethnocultural and agro-ecological conditions. It is a dynamic knowledge, which travels orally from generation to generation. It is often said that unwritten knowledge runs the risk of being lost in oblivion, if not properly documented, promoted, and preserved. Researchers often face the dilemma of accepting indigenous knowledge as they look for a scientific basis. The question is how to validate local knowledge with scientific findings. A number of authors worked on this issue. Hiwasaki et al. (2014) are of the opinion that a process could be initiated to identify, document, validate, and promote local and indigenous knowledge and incorporate this knowledge with everyday science. They termed it as “Local and Indigenous Knowledge and Practices, Inventory, Validation and Establishing Scientific Knowledge (LIVE)”. Through this method they gave scientific explanations to local knowledge like (a) observations of animal behavior; (b) observations of celestial bodies; (c) observations of the environment and surroundings; (d) material culture; and (e) traditional and faith-based beliefs and practices (Haque 2022b). Hiwasaki et al. (2014) further observed that the key to the successful implementation of the “LIVE Scientific Knowledge” tool is the

286

M. Haque

obligation and responsibility of all concerned to develop a policy and an action plan for speedy implementation. A question arises, could we mainstream local indigenous knowledge in our national plans and policies? The international community acknowledged the contribution of indigenous knowledge and practices and the “Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction (2015–2030) put emphasis on coping strategy and resilience of the local community in facing natural disasters (Haque 2019). Emphasizing the role of the stakeholders, the framework is of the opinion that indigenous peoples, through their age-old traditional knowledge provide an important contribution to adopting plans and policies, including that of early warning. The Framework observed that traditional, indigenous, and local knowledge would supplement scientific knowledge. In line with the international commitment, Bangladesh’s national plans and policies are to recognize, incorporate and promote local and traditional knowledge in agricultural development, rural development, fisheries, and disaster management in consultation with the affected local community. Based on a bottom-up planning process in a participatory way, local traditional knowledge has traveled a long way and it is high time that the policy planners and executives recognize the same and political blessings are obtained for its effective implementation.

References Chakma N, Sarker NJ, Belmain S, Sarker SU, Aplin K, Sarker SK (2018) New records of rodent species in Bangladesh: taxonomic studies from rodent outbreak areas in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Bangladesh J Zool 46(2):217–230. https://doi.org/10.3329/bjz.v46i2.39055 Hassan S (2000) Indigenous perceptions, predictions and survival strategies concerning cyclones in Bangladesh. In: Khan N A, Sen S (eds) Of popular wisdom: indigenous knowledge and practices in Bangladesh. Bangaladesh resource centre for indigenous knowledge, Dhaka Hasan M, Haque SM, Saroar M (2000) Indigenous knowledge and perception of the Charland people in coping with natural disasters in Bangladesh. Grassroot Voice-A J Resour Dev 3(1–2):34–44 Haque M (2022a) Bamboo flowering, rat floods and food security in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh: coping mechanism. ATSK J Sociol 1(1):1–7 Haque M (2022b) Indigenous knowledge and practices of the small ethnic communities of AsiaPacific Island Countries in facing hydro-meteorological hazards. In: Islam GMT, Shampa, Chowdhury AIA (eds) Water management: a view from multidisciplinary perspectives, 8th international conference on water and flood management, Switzerland, Springer Nature, pp 143–153 Haque M (2020) Vulnerability of the Charland dwellers to climate change: various adaptation practices in Bangladesh. In: Momen MN, Baikady R, Sheng Li C, Basavaraj M (eds) Building sustainable communities civil society response in South Asia. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore, pp 75–85 Haque M (2019) Indigenous knowledge and practices in disaster management: experiences of the coastal people of Bangladesh. In: Zutshi B, Ahmad A, Srungarapati AB (eds) Disaster risk reduction: community resilience and responses. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore, pp 59–72 Haque M (2013) Environmental governance: emerging challenges for Bangladesh. AHDPH, Dhaka Haque M (2012) Dirghashasera Haorer Jole Vashe (Sighs over the Haor Waters). Ghasful Nodi, Dhaka

16 Traditional Ecological Knowledge, Survival Strategy …

287

Haque M (2000a) Development disasters: the role of indigenous knowledge and practices. In: Sillitoe P (ed) Indigenous knowledge development in Bangladesh, present and future, Dhaka, The University Press Limited, pp 37–40 Haque M (2000b) Indigenous knowledge and practices in disaster management in Bangladesh. In: Khan NA, Sen S (eds) Of popular wisdom: indigenous knowledge and practices in Bangladesh. Bangladesh Resource Centre for Indigenous Knowledge, Dhaka, pp 141–145 Hiwasaki L, Luna E, Syamsidik Shaw R (2014) Process for integrating local and indigenous knowledge with science for hydro-meteorological disaster risk reduction and climate change adaptation in coastal and small island communities. Int J Dis Risk Reduct 10(2014):15–27 Irfanullah HM (2005) Baira: the floating gardens for sustainable livelihood. IUCN, Dhaka, Bangladesh Islam AKM, Bremer S (2016) Signs of the weather, Dhaka Tribune Islam MS (2016) Indigenous knowledge can help fight extreme weather. Dhaka Tribune IUCN (2005) Community based approach for restoration of swamp forest in the Haor Areas, Dhaka IUCN (2004) Introduction to community based haor and floodplain resource management, Dhaka IUCN (2003) Monitoring and evaluation guidelines for community based wetland resource management, Dhaka Khan NA, Sen S, Mustafa M (2000) A primer on the documentation of indigenous knowledge in Bangladesh: The BARCIK’s experience. In: Khan NA, Sen S (eds) Of popular wisdom: indigenous knowledge and practices in Bangladesh. Bangladesh Resource Centre for Indigenous Knowledge, Dhaka, p 15 Kibria Z, Hirsch D (2011) Tidal river management (TRM), climate change adaptation and community based river management in Southwest Coastal Region of Bangladesh, Uttaran, Dhaka, Bangladesh Montu RI (2003) The life in Charlands. Ecofile 7(3):7–15 Mustafa MM (2000) Towards an understanding of indigenous knowledge. In: Sillitoe P (ed) Indigenous knowledge development in Bangladesh, present and future. The University Press Limited, Dhaka, p 27 Nasreen M (2000) Indigenous coping mechanisms: the role of rural women during non-flood and flood periods. Grassroots Voice 3(3):69–81 Rasheed KBS (2008) Bangladesh, resources and environmental profile. AH Development Publishing House, Dhaka Sillitoe PP, Dixon JB (1998) IK research on floodplains of Bangladesh: the search for a methodology. Grassroots Voice 1(1):5–15 UNDP (2017) Lessons learned for adaptive livelihoods in the Southwestern waterlogging areas of Bangladesh, Dhaka

Chapter 17

Is Validation of Traditional Ecological Knowledge for Natural Resources Management and Climate Change Adaptations Against Western Science a Wise Idea: Exploring Relevance and Challenges Shivani Rai and Shalini Dhyani

17.1 Introduction The Anthropocene represents human rule over the nonhuman world, with all the harmful implications for humans and nonhumans living on this planet (Spannring and Hawke 2021). Biological diversity loss and climate change, along with unsustainable resource management, are driving natural areas worldwide to the brink of collapse, from forests to rivers to grasslands. The natural world is deteriorating at a rate unmatched in human history, according to a worldwide assessment report from the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES). Human actions have “seriously impacted” three-quarters of the planet’s dry land, endangering critical ecosystems and pushing 1 million species to extinction. According to the research, while natural degradation is rising in several indigenous communities, it is “less severe” than in the rest of the world (IPBES 2019; IPCC 2021). The term “traditional” refers to knowledge derived from centuries of observation and interaction with nature where resources are owned, maintained, or utilized traditionally. This understanding is frequently rooted in a cosmology that honors the oneness of life, regards nature as sacred, and recognizes humans as a part of it. It also S. Rai Institute for Environment and Human Security, United Nations University, Platz d. Vereinten Nationen 1, 53113 Bonn, Germany S. Dhyani (B) Critical Zone Research Group, Water Technology and Management Division, CSIR-NEERI, Nehru Marg, Nagpur, Maharashtra 440020, India e-mail: [email protected] IUCN Commission On Ecosystems Management, Rue Mauverney, 28 1196, Gland, Switzerland © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_17

289

290

S. Rai and S. Dhyani

includes practical techniques to maintain the balance of the ecosystem they reside so that essential services such as water, soil, food, shelter, and medicine may continue to flourish. The set of information, beliefs, traditions, practices, institutions, and worldviews generated and preserved by the indigenous and rural groups in contact with their biophysical environment are known as Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK). TEK has been established with evidence to improve livelihoods, sustain biodiversity and ecosystem services, and create resilience in social-ecological systems by disciplines ranging from anthropology and ethnobiology to systems ecology and resilience theory (Gadgil et al. 1993; Berkes 1993; Gómez-Baggethun et al. 2013). According to the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, Indigenous peoples have an association or strong links with their region and surrounding resources. They uphold distinct social, economic, and political systems and maintain unique languages, cultures, beliefs, and knowledge systems, often forming non-dominant sectors of society.1 Indigenous people worldwide use 22% of the world’s land surface despite having only 4% of the world’s population (more than 476 million indigenous people live in 90 nations around the world). Indigenous communities administer or have tenure rights over at least 38 million km2 in 90 countries or legally distinct territories (Garnett et al. 2018). This area encompasses more than one-fourth of the world’s land area and connects roughly 40% of all terrestrial nature reserves and ecologically preserved landscapes. Indigenous lands also hold hundreds of gigatonnes of carbon, slowly dawning on industrialized governments looking to secure major carbon stocks to combat climate change. Despite their “low-carbon” traditional methods of living contributing little to it, indigenous communities and local people living in remote and inaccessible fragile landscapes are worst affected by climate change due to their long-standing reliance on local biological diversity, ecological services, and cultural landscapes for sustenance and well-being (Raygorodetsky 2011). Meeting local and global conservation, climate, and sustainable development goals requires acknowledging Indigenous Peoples’ rights to land, benefit-sharing, and institutions (Garnett et al. 2018). Local environmental knowledge is passed down through generations among indigenous peoples through ceremonies and cultural celebrations. Behavioral techniques include farming activities, conservation of food and water, irrigation and soil improvement practices, native crop types and animal breeds, pest and disease management, and livelihood diversification (Mbah et al. 2021). Community-based climate change adaptation and natural resource conservation are built on the foundation of local perspectives and knowledge. Despite the challenges of global change, eroding cultures, and transformation, traditional knowledge serves as the foundation for forecasting weather, and sustainable natural resource management, thus sustaining the livelihoods of the community and resilience of the landscape against the consequences of climate change and variability (Mekonnen et al. 2021). To stop the damage to human survival, we must safeguard, preserve, and promote indigenous populations’ cultural traditions, traditional sustainable usage, and skills. Efforts 1

https://www.unep.org/news-and-stories/story/indigenous-peoples-and-nature-they-protect.

17 Is Validation of Traditional Ecological Knowledge …

291

to document and analyze traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) have exploded in recent decades, fueled by an increase in the perceived value of the knowledge. This rethinking is a direct result of global environmental, socio-economic, and ecological change and several dangers to indigenous peoples’ survival and cultural heritages around the world. Small-scale indigenous communities or different sociocultural sectors within more complex societies have locally diverse knowledge, belief, and practice systems that include a richness of essential and practical information about the natural world, its components, and their relationships (Stanford and Luisa 2009). Researchers have recently focused more on Indigenous Knowledge System (IKS)based climate change adaptation, owing to the Paris Agreement’s recognition of indigenous peoples and their traditional systems as part of the answer to climate change. This information helps foster adaptation and resilience during disasters. Furthermore, the UN sustainable development targets 2015 noted that there could be no proper sustainable development without conserving indigenous people’s traditional knowledge and territories. The organizers of the 2014 US National Climate Assessment (NCA) made a determined effort to reach out to Indigenous peoples and engage with them. It resulted in the completion of information on climate change impacts on the Indigenous peoples in a US national assessment. However, there is still a lot of potential for upgrading the evaluation processes to ensure that Indigenous viewpoints and knowledge systems are adequately recognized (Maldonado et al. 2016). Therefore, the value of indigenous peoples’ knowledge in preserving the ecological and socio-economic sustainability of natural resources is becoming increasingly recognized. Historically, people have created many interrelated and confirmed beliefs about the physical, biological, psychological, and social worlds. These concepts allowed successive generations to obtain a complete and reliable understanding of humans and their surroundings. Specific approaches of seeing, thinking, experimenting, and validating are utilized to produce these ideas. These ways show the difference in science from other forms of knowing and constitute an essential element of science’s nature. Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) and synonyms or related concepts like local or indigenous knowledge have roots in international development and adaptive management. The role of TEK in enabling or deterring cross-cultural and cross-situational cooperation among professionals who work for indigenous and non-indigenous environmental governance institutions, including tribal natural resources departments, federal agencies working with tribes, and co-management boards, needs to be investigated (Whyte 2013). Many national governments question a lot of such indigenous practices and their sustainability and relevance in changing times, e.g., Shifting or Jhum cultivation (Dasgupta et al. 2021). Hence, it is crucial to understand such questions’ practical and scientific relevance. Against this backdrop, the chapter explores the existing methods of validating TEK against scientific knowledge to understand the synergies and trade-offs in the process.

292

S. Rai and S. Dhyani

17.2 TEK for NRM and CC Adaptations Human beings have exploited natural resources in search of well-being, facilitating the depletion of natural resources. Although modern approaches to Natural Resources Management (NRM) are in place to improve the productivity of natural resources, it does not ensure long-term sustainability (Das et al. 2021). On the contrary, TEK plays a substantial role in NRM in the short and long term (Lemi 2019). TEK has the potential to detect changes in the environment and adapt to sustainable management practices based on their generations of experience and knowledge about their surrounding nature and climatic conditions. It preserves the natural resources while simultaneously playing an instrumental role in climate change adaptation strategies (Vinyeta and Lynn 2013). TEK and modern science-based NRM are both based on observations and generalizations. However, instead of modern sciencebased NRM that offers quantitative data obtained from systematic experimentation, TEK presents qualitative data derived from trial and error-based studies (Das et al. 2021). Indigenous groups highly depend on TEK as it acts as their guide to interacting with natural resources. Therefore, TEK is vital for the cultural and economic survival of the indigenous groups. Besides, it has also proven highly beneficial to non-indigenous communities in sustainable NRM and Climate Change Adaptations (CCA) (Vinyeta and Lynn 2013). The interrelatedness between TEK, NRM, and CCA can be vital in achieving SDGs. As TEK can help understand the impacts of climate change on the ecological processes for organisms and others, it is said to have considerable influence on SDG 13: Climate Action (Das et al. 2021). TEK has emerged as an effective tool for NRM, which has encouraged inclusive NRM through community participation (Das et al. 2021). Local communities share a symbiotic relationship with their natural resources found locally. Involving them in decision-making, like forest development efforts, can protect and promote sustainable environment development (Agbogidi et al. 2003). One of the most common TEK methods for NRM has been protecting nature and natural resources in sacred groves (Das et al. 2021). Many myths, beliefs, taboos, and faiths are associated with sacred groves worldwide. Forests and trees are believed to be the home of deities by the locals, and they prohibit people from cutting these down. As people abstain from harming any trees in the sacred grove, it promotes the conservation of trees and other organisms in the area (Parthasarathy and Naveen Babu 2019). Several sacred groves are still preserved, worshiped by locals, and restricted for any commercial harvesting of resources. This has also helped ensure sustainable use of wild use by traditional measures. Community conserved forests or Van Panchayats in Uttarakhand are rotationally harvested following informal traditional calendars of resource harvesting (Dhyani et al. 2011; Dhyani and Dhyani 2016; Dhyani 2018; Dasgupta et al. 2021). Apart from this, TEK has also played a significant role in the context of climate change. TEK has helped in short and medium weather forecasting and adopting adaptive responses such as sustainable use of seasonal resources, intercropping, water management, etc. Rainwater harvesting has prevailed in South Asia since 8000 years

17 Is Validation of Traditional Ecological Knowledge …

293

back and is still practiced today. It has proven crucial in managing water resources efficiently, especially these days due to the uncertainty caused by climate change (Pandey et al. 2003).

17.3 Need for Scientific Validation of TEK Historically, humans belonging to different cultures worldwide have formed distinct perspectives on nature. Many of these are rooted in indigenous people’s traditional belief systems, which they applied to comprehend and explain their biophysical environment. The cultural identities and ethics of indigenous people are inextricably linked to their environmental management systems. Concurrently, their understanding symbolizes a richness of natural wisdom and experience assembled over time through direct observations and passed down often verbally through generations (Mazzocchi 2006). On the contrary, science is perceived by laypeople as a collection of scientific data. It is a technique for testing hypotheses. The word “science” comes from the Latin word “scientia,” which means “knowing.” Science is a systematic repository of information derived from the generalization and interconnection of disparate facts (Fig. 17.1).

Fig. 17.1 Nature of science: world views, scientific inquiry and science enterprises. Adapted from http://www.project2061.org/publications/sfaa/online/chap1.htm

294

S. Rai and S. Dhyani

Table 17.1 Diverse attributes of western science and TEK Sr. No

Western science

Traditional ecological knowledge

1

Analytical and reductionist methods

Intuitive and holistic vision

2

Positivist and materialist

Spiritual and without any distinction between empirical and sacred knowledge

3

Objective and quantitative

Subjective and qualitative

4

Based on an academic and literate transmission

Often transmitted verbally from one generation to another

5

Separates its research subjects from their vital background by placing them in controlled and simplified experimental situations

It is always dependent on the context and specific local factors

6

Organizes observations by disciplines

Takes a more comprehensive approach

7

Perceive reality through the lens of a linear cause-and-effect model

Interprets reality as a realm built of constantly generating multilayered cycles where all aspects are intertwined and intricate

Source Nakashima and Roué (2002), Iaccarino (2003)

However, both Western Science and TEK have their distinctive characters and clear distinctions that are presented in Table 17.1. It is essential to understand that there is a high chance of the risk of altering the systems while attempting to analyze and assess traditional knowledge systems by external (scientific) criteria. Simultaneously, we cannot approve only those aspects of conventional knowledge that appear to meet scientific criteria and neglect the others. This cognitive mining process would disintegrate the entire system, driving traditional knowledge at the risk of being extinct (Nakashima and Roué 2002). The importance of integrating Traditional Knowledge with Western Science has been recognized in the past. However, validating this knowledge within environmental governance frameworks has only gained attention recently (Gerhardinger et al. 2009; Weiss et al. 2013). In addition, validation of such knowledge can aid in gaining attention from non-indigenous communities and government agencies (Gratani et al. 2011). However, validation of Traditional Knowledge alone is not always feasible. A cross-cultural validation that considers all knowledge systems equal should be promoted (Gratani et al. 2011). For millennia, indigenous peoples have used Indigenous Knowledge (IK) to influence environmental management decisions. Many western countries have employed environmental assessment (EA) methods to consider industrial projects based on scientific data in the last 50 years. EA methods have recently tried to incorporate IK in some countries and locations, but practitioners and academics have critiqued EA’s ability to engage IK meaningfully (Eckert et al. 2020). There is a scarcity of information about the kind, location, and outcomes of TEK-integrated initiatives. Understanding the nature of TEK-integrated projects is crucial since many high

17 Is Validation of Traditional Ecological Knowledge …

295

conservation value ecosystems are managing territories that have been inhabited by native tribes for generations (Henn et al. 2011).

17.4 TEK and Its Scientific Validation A study by Dhyani et al. (2020) also supported that the Hybrid knowledge Framework can be used to restore degraded land for halting biodiversity loss, human well-being, and sustainable land restoration. In this approach, restoration must be planned and carried out in light of increased climate uncertainties and a better grasp of future restoration goals. The inclusion of local communities in mapping degraded lands and identifying species to provide support to species modeling for a better understanding of climatic uncertainty has been endorsed and recognized by the Integrated Climate Sensitive Restoration Framework. The Framework can help achieve the UN decade on ecosystem restoration (2021–2030), SDG 15, and the post-2020 Global Biodiversity Framework by bringing about dramatic changes. There is evidence that in the Environmental Assessments (EA), cumulative TK provides the best meaningful environmental baseline measure for ecosystem health (MacDonald et al. 2009). Although the “extractive” paradigm for employing TK in the present environmental impact assessments is flawed, TK can be applied through dominant ecological frameworks to improve the outcomes of EA and boost “the importance accorded to Indigenous knowledge in dominant science, research, and policy circles” (Latulippe 2015). According to Arsenault et al. (2019), environmental baselines are essential for understanding the findings of monitoring, sampling, and testing activities and defining acceptable risk levels from environmental contaminants. In addition, before the development impacts, baselines that account for long-standing traditional knowledge systems can provide even more precise estimates of specific environmental and social circumstances. The different case studies presented in Table 17.2 depict the significance of TEK across all sectors like a disaster, biodiversity, health, climate, and natural resources. Despite the importance of this unique knowledge, there is often a need to validate it to western science. However, it is often argued that the validation of TEK to other knowledge is unethical and discriminatory. The case studies presented above showcase that validation of TEK can unwrap some of the unknown facts. This does not mean that validation is necessary, rather, it means that bridging the gap between these two pieces of knowledge may provide solutions to the unprecedented challenges.

17.5 Challenges in Validating Traditional Knowledge Scientific knowledge has long played a crucial role in our industrialized cultures and has dominated the knowledge systems. Overlooking other knowledge systems and imposing only Western scientific ideas and processes disrupt existing social and

Tibetan Plateau Remote sensing, meteorological, and livestock data supported this warming trend due to climate change. Such knowledge can expedite adaptation efforts

Climate Change Adaptation (CCA) Herders observe delayed or shorter yak milking seasons as compared to past years. Additionally, experiencing shorter summer days, decreased vegetation, and diversity over the years

References

Researchers conducted a physio-chemical analysis Gosai et al. (2011) of the soil samples from the area. The characterization of soil was found to be directly correlated with the TEK of Nyishi tribe

India

Agriculture The “Nyishi” tribes have a unique approach to determining the kind of crop cultivation in their field based on the TEK. Based on their TEK, they have classified the soils by color and texture. Accordingly, they cultivate the crops depending on these properties of soils

Chisadza et al. (2014)

Local traditional knowledge (LTK) was validated using meteorological data and it was found to be highly reliable

Zimbabwe Disaster Risk Reduction Local knowledge for forecasting drought exists in the Mzingwan catchment in Zimbabwe. The knowledge involves using indicators like observing the leaves, fruits, flowers in the Boscia albitrunca tree, etc., and singing by the bird such as Clamator jacobinus or Bucorvus leadbeateri for determining the amount of rainfall in the upcoming months

Klein et al. (2014)

(continued)

Scientific experiments such as chemical genomics, Molimau-Samasoni et al. (2021) metabolomics, and bioassay-guided fractionation provided molecular insights into traditional knowledge, opening new doors to potential new uses for plants

Asia

Human well-being “Mataltafi” or Psychotria insularum is a traditional Samoan medicine used to cure inflammation-associated illnesses

Validation

Region

Context

Table 17.2 Elucidating the importance of TEK, different case studies highlighting the role of TEK and methods of validating it to western science are presented below

296 S. Rai and S. Dhyani

Region

Australia Conservation The Aboriginal Australians can locate the habitat and occurrence of the declining mankarr species across the remote areas of Australia. They believe that these species occur in 6 types of habitats: verges of salt lakes, mulga, laterite, sandplain, dune fields. However, over the years, many factors (change in the land use management, rainfall patterns, increased predators) contributed to the decline of these species

Context

Table 17.2 (continued) References

Survey data models confirmed the distribution of Skroblin et al. (2021) mankarr species in the exact locations (related to lakes) as observed by Indigenous Knowledge (IK). Moreover, as IK mentioned in other areas, researchers believe that the differing observations inferred from these two methods could better understand the extent of distribution of these species

Validation

17 Is Validation of Traditional Ecological Knowledge … 297

298

S. Rai and S. Dhyani

economic relationships and contaminate local knowledge. Accepting science as the final arbitrator of knowledge’s validity and setting the barrier beyond which knowledge is no longer deserving its name would reduce the incredible cultural heritage to a monolithic structure. The significance of the cultural history and measures to preserve it for current and future generations must be recognized and established (Mazzocchi 2006). Policymakers should aim for well-informed, socially just methods to make environmental judgments. Unfortunately, time and again, traditional knowledge is misunderstood by scientists as outdated, static, and not relevant to the current socio-ecological changes (Wheeler et al. 2020). As a result, the traditional knowledge holders are often forced to seek validation from scientists. However, some scholars have raised concerns regarding such verification as it may disempower and marginalize traditional groups. Besides, traditional knowledge has its value and does not need to be subjected to external validation (Matsui 2015). Moreover, scholars have also expressed suspicions about integrating Traditional knowledge with western science as it could result in the exploitation of information (Ramos 2018). The term TEK is frequently used in environmental and natural resource science and policy discussions. Although there could be discrepancies with scientific methodologies characteristic of disciplines, such systems have experimentally validated understandings of the interactions among living organisms and their surroundings. Unfortunately, however, TEK is often used in contentious ways. This is due to three factors: (i)

TEK is a term used to describe knowledge production systems whose worth is often neglected or dismissed by scientists and policymakers. Ignorance and dislike of “non-Western” knowledge systems are mostly linked to colonial and other discriminatory attitudes and institutions of science. (ii) TEK definitions are frequently developed by academics or experts who are not members of the community and hence tend to prioritize their agendas for TEK. (iii) TEK is a conflicting authority with science, resulting in disputes between indigenous and scientific professional authorities (Whyte 2013). Failures to implement best practices, financial constraints, knowledge incompatibilities, and effects of colonization are some of the significant constraining conditions to validating TEK following western scientific approaches (Eckert et al. 2020).

17.6 Conclusion and Way Forward From this critical review, it was observed that traditional knowledge and western science are two unique knowledge systems with high intrinsic value on their own. Therefore, validating one knowledge with another is not adequate and should be avoided. Since gaps exist in these knowledge systems, combining the two can have a more significant and prominent impact on fostering sustainable development, enhancing socio-economic upliftment, and landscape resilience in climate change

17 Is Validation of Traditional Ecological Knowledge …

299

(Mekonnen et al. 2021). Furthermore, the weaving of different knowledge systems may provide us with better insight into socio-ecological connections and mechanisms and foster trust in the research findings, facilitating the uptake by decision-makers (Henri et al. 2021). It is essential to acknowledge and accept that the real world is too dynamic and multifaceted to be reduced to static representations. Dealing with this level of complexity necessitates techniques and strategies that uphold a constant state of curiosity and eagerness to learn. We may go much beyond a conventional pluralist approach to knowledge by appreciating the distinctiveness of each knowledge system. Organizing community-wide dialogue can help foster social cohesion and uncover and improve knowledge. This is where hybrid knowledge frameworks have a particular function and importance (Dhyani et al. 2020). Although the Western rationale is building a new approach to learning from complex systems, learning how traditional techniques explain such complexity would be as valuable. Additionally, besides being more comprehensive, they are more suited to dealing with the uncertainty and instability intrinsic to natural systems. Traditional wisdom and Western science maybe two different systems of knowledge but are based on the same reality (Mazzocchi 2006). The TEK notion should be viewed as a collaborative effort. It invites people from all walks of life to learn from one another and share perspectives to collectively manage the natural resources better and adapt to climate change, building intergenerational partnerships. More emphasis should be placed on developing long-term processes that allow for responsible consideration of the various consequences of alternative strategies to knowledge in accordance with stewardship aims (Whyte 2013). Acknowledgements Authors acknowledge Knowledge Resource Centre (KRC), CSIR-NEERI, Nagpur, India for plagiarism check using a licensed version of i-th enticate under the number.

References Agbogidi OM, Ofuoku A, Dolor D (2003) Role of community forestry in sustainable forest management and development: a review. https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/Role-of-com munity-Forestry-in-sustainable-forest-a-Agbogidi-Ofuoku/7a92b27d963a3248226b668ab1f117 92eb74febe Arsenault R, Bourassa C, Diver S, McGregor D, Witham A (2019) Including indigenous knowledge systems in environmental assessments: restructuring the process. Glob Environ Politics 19(3):120–132. https://doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00519 Berkes F (1993) Traditional ecological knowledge in perspective. In: Inglis JT (ed) Traditional ecological knowledge: concepts and cases, pp 1–6. https://idl-bnc-idrc.dspacedirect.org/bitstr eam/handle/10625/10887/IDL-10887.pdf Chisadza B, Tumbare MJ, Nyabeze WR, Innocent N (2014) Validation of local knowledge drought forecasting systems in the Limpopo River Basin in Southern Africa. Disaster Prev Manag 23(5):551–566. https://doi.org/10.1108/DPM-02-2014-0032

300

S. Rai and S. Dhyani

Das A, Gujre N, Devi RJ, Mitra S (2021) A review on traditional ecological knowledge and its role in natural resources management: North East India, a cultural Paradise. Environ Manag. https:// doi.org/10.1007/s00267-021-01554-y Dasgupta R, Dhyani S, Basu M, Kadaverugu R, Hashimoto S, Kumar P et al (2021) Exploring indigenous and local knowledge and practices (ILKPs) in traditional Jhum cultivation for localizing sustainable development goals (SDGs): a case study from Zunheboto District of Nagaland, India. Environ Manag. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00267-021-01514-6 Dhyani S (2018) Impact of forest leaf litter harvesting to support traditional agriculture in Western Himalayas. Int Soc Trop Ecol 473–488. http://216.10.241.130/pdf/open/PDF_59_3/7%20Shal ini%20Dhyani.pdf Dhyani S, Bartlett D, Kadaverugu R, Dasgupta R, Pujari P, Verma P (2020) Integrated climate sensitive restoration framework for transformative changes to sustainable land restoration. Restor Ecol 28(5):1026–1031. https://doi.org/10.1111/rec.13230 Dhyani S, Dhyani D (2016) Significance of provisioning ecosystem services from moist temperate forest ecosystems: lessons from upper Kedarnath valley, Garhwal India. Energ Ecol Environ 1(2):109–121. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40974-016-0008-9 Dhyani S, Maikhuri RK, Dhyani D (2011) Energy budget of fodder harvesting pattern along the altitudinal gradient in Garhwal Himalaya India. Biomass Bioenergy 35(5):1823–1832. https:// doi.org/10.1016/j.biombioe.2011.01.022 Eckert LE, Claxton NX, Owens C, Johnston A, Ban NC, Moola F, Darimont CT (2020) Indigenous knowledge and federal environmental assessments in Canada: applying past lessons to the 2019 impact assessment act. FACETS 5(1):67–90. https://doi.org/10.1139/facets-2019-0039 Gadgil M, Berkes F, Folke C (1993) Indigenous knowledge for biodiversity conservation. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/240046204_Indigenous_Knowledge_for_Biodiv ersity_Conservation Garnett ST, Burgess ND, Fa JE, Fernández-Llamazares Á, Molnár Z, Robinson CJ et al (2018) A spatial overview of the global importance of Indigenous lands for conservation. Nat Sustain 1(7):369–374. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41893-018-0100-6 Gerhardinger LC, Godoy EAS, Jones PJS (2009) Local ecological knowledge and the management of marine protected areas in Brazil. Ocean Coast Manag 52(3–4):154–165. https://doi.org/10. 1016/j.ocecoaman.2008.12.007 Gómez BE, Corbera E, Reyes-García V (2013) Traditional ecological knowledge and global environmental change: research findings and policy implications. E&S 18(4). https://doi.org/10.5751/ ES-06288-180472 Gosai K, Arunachalam A, Dutta BK, Prasanna KGV (2011) Indigenous knowledge of soil fertility management in the humid tropics of Arunachal Pradesh. http://nopr.niscair.res.in/handle/123456 789/12017 Gratani M, Butler JRA, Royee F, Valentine P, Burrows D, Canendo WI, Anderson AS (2011) Is validation of indigenous ecological knowledge a disrespectful process? A case study of traditional fishing poisons and invasive fish management from the wet tropics, Australia. E&S 16(3). https:// doi.org/10.5751/ES-04249-160325 Henn M, Ostergren D, Nielsen E (2011) Integrating traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) into natural resource management 27(3). https://nau.pure.elsevier.com/en/publications/integrating-tra ditional-ecological-knowledge-tek-into-natural-res Henri DA, Provencher JF, Bowles E, Taylor JJ, Steel J, Chelick C et al. (2021) Weaving indigenous knowledge systems and Western sciences in terrestrial research, monitoring and management in Canada: a protocol for a systematic map. Ecol Solut Evid 2(2). https://doi.org/10.1002/26888319.12057 Iaccarino M (2003) Science and culture. Western science could learn a thing or two from the way science is done in other cultures. EMBO Rep 4(3):220–223. https://doi.org/10.1038/sj.embor. embor781 IPBES (2019) Global assessment report on biodiversity and ecosystem services of the intergovernmental science-policy platform on biodiversity and ecosystem services

17 Is Validation of Traditional Ecological Knowledge …

301

IPCC (2021) Summary for policymakers. In: Masson-Delmotte V, Zhai P, Pirani A, Connors SL, Péan C, Berger S, Caud N, Chen Y, Goldfarb L, Gomis MI, Huang M, Leitzell K, Lonnoy E, Matthews JBR, Maycock TK, Waterfield T, Yelekçi O, Yu R, Zhou B (eds) Climate change 2021: the physical science basis. contribution of working Group I to the sixth assessment report of the intergovernmental panel on climate change. https://www.ipcc.ch/report/ar6/wg1/downloads/rep ort/IPCC_AR6_WGI_Full_Report.pdf Klein JA, Hopping KA, Yeh ET, Nyima Y, Boone RB, Galvin KA (2014) Unexpected climate impacts on the Tibetan Plateau: local and scientific knowledge in findings of delayed summer. Glob Environ Chang 28:141–152. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2014.03.007 Latulippe N (2015) Situating the work: a typology of traditional knowledge literature. AlterNative: Int J Indig Peoples 11(2):118–131. https://doi.org/10.1177/117718011501100203 Lemi T (2019) The role of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) for climate change adaptation. IJESNR 18(1). https://doi.org/10.19080/IJESNR.2019.18.555980 MacDonald DD, Clark MJR, Whitfield PH, Wong MP (2009) Designing monitoring programs for water quality based on experience in Canada I. Theory and framework. TrAC Trends Anal Chem 28(2):204–213. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trac.2008.10.016 Maldonado J, Bennett TMB, Chief K, Cochran P, Cozzetto K, Gough B et al (2016) Engagement with indigenous peoples and honoring traditional knowledge systems. In: Jacobs K, Moser S, Buizer J (eds) The US national climate assessment. Springer International Publishing (Springer Climate), Cham, pp 111–126 Matsui K (2015) Problems of defining and validating traditional knowledge: a historical approach. IIPJ 6(2). https://doi.org/10.18584/iipj.2015.6.2.2 Mazzocchi F (2006) Western science and traditional knowledge. Despite their variations, different forms of knowledge can learn from each other. EMBO Rep 7(5):463–466. https://doi.org/10. 1038/sj.embor.7400693 Mbah M, Ajaps S, Molthan-Hill P (2021) A systematic review of the deployment of indigenous knowledge systems towards climate change adaptation in developing world contexts: implications for climate change education. Sustainability 13(9):4811. https://doi.org/10.3390/su13094811 Mekonnen Z, Kidemu M, Abebe H, Semere M, Gebreyesus M, Worku A et al (2021) Traditional knowledge and institutions for sustainable climate change adaptation in Ethiopia. Curr Res Environ Sustain 3:100080. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.crsust.2021.100080 Molimau-Samasoni S, Woolner VH, Foliga ST, Robichon K, Patel V, Andreassend SK et al (2021) Functional genomics and metabolomics advance the ethnobotany of the Samoan traditional medicine “matalafi”. Proc Natl Acad Sci U States Am 118(45). https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas. 2100880118 Nakashima D, Roué M (2002) Indigenous knowledge, peoples and sustainable practice. In: Timmerman P (ed) Encycl Glob Environ Change (5):314–324. http://web.mnstate.edu/robertsb/ 307/Indigenous_Knowledge.pdf Pandey DN, Gupta AK, Anderson DM (2003) Rainwater harvesting as an adaptation to climate change. https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/Rainwater-harvesting-as-an-adaptationto-climate-Pandey-Gupta/e81e0aefc5aaa5bf7d830cd7e6bebb662fa57209#citing-papers Parthasarathy N, Naveen BK (2019) Sacred groves: potential for biodiversity and bioresource management. In: Leal Filho W, Azul AM, Brandli L, Özuyar PG, Wall T (eds) Life on land. Springer International Publishing (Encyclopedia of the UN Sustainable Development Goals), Cham, pp 1–16 Ramos SC (2018) Considerations for culturally sensitive traditional ecological knowledge research in wildlife conservation. Wildl Soc Bull 42(2):358–365. https://doi.org/10.1002/wsb.881 Raygorodetsky G (2011) Why traditional knowledge holds the key to climate change. United Nations University. https://unu.edu/publications/articles/why-traditional-knowledge-holds-the-key-to-cli mate-change.html Skroblin A, Carboon T, Bidu G, Chapman N, Miller M, Taylor K et al (2021) Including indigenous knowledge in species distribution modeling for increased ecological insights. Conserv Biol: J Soc Conserv Biol 35(2):587–597. https://doi.org/10.1111/cobi.13373

302

S. Rai and S. Dhyani

Spannring R, Hawke S (2021) Anthropocene challenges for youth research: understanding agency and change through complex, adaptive systems. J Youth Stud 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1080/136 76261.2021.1929886 Stanford Z, Luisa M (2009) Methodology for developing a vitality index of traditional environmental knowledge (VITEK) for the project global indicators of the status and trends of linguistic diversity and traditional knowledge. https://terralingua.org/our-projects/biocultural-diversity-toolkit-terral ingua/measuring-biocultural-diversity/measuring-traditional-environmental-knowledge/ Vinyeta K, Lynn K (2013) Exploring the role of traditional ecological knowledge in climate change initiatives. Portland, OR Weiss K, Hamann M, Marsh H (2013) Bridging knowledges: understanding and applying indigenous and western scientific knowledge for marine wildlife management. Soc Nat Resour 26(3):285– 302. https://doi.org/10.1080/08941920.2012.690065 Wheeler HC, Danielsen F, Fidel M, Hausner V, Horstkotte T, Johnson N et al (2020) The need for transformative changes in the use of Indigenous knowledge along with science for environmental decision-making in the arctic. People Nat 2(3):544–556. https://doi.org/10.1002/pan3.10131 Whyte KP (2013) On the role of traditional ecological knowledge as a collaborative concept: a philosophical study. Ecol Process 2(1). https://doi.org/10.1186/2192-1709-2-7

Chapter 18

Estimation of Environmental Flow Using Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Conservation of Fish Biodiversity C. Prakasam and R. Saravanan

18.1 Introduction Hydropower production being a renewable source of energy often shadows the fact that it affects the natural ecosystem directly or indirectly. As a mitigation measure, the National Green Tribunal (NGT) passed an order to maintain 15% of average lean season flow as environmental flow downstream of the dam to maintain a healthy ecosystem. According to Goguen et al. (2020), the increasing water discharge demand affects fish habitat and aquatic life. Richter et al. (2012) state that the larger water supply of the world’s streams is presently being used, yet any kind of law secures just a little part of these waterways. The definition of ecological flow varies with respect to various aspects; in terms of the habitat of the river, it is termed as the minimal flow of required water for the fish species to spawn, offspring, and continue to prevail in a healthy environmental condition for its habitat. The fish ladder is a passage that acts as a passage through the river for the fish to be in a healthy ecosystem. The fish ladder in the Pandoh was at stake, and the free-flowing for the fish is questionable; the river’s flow should be accountable to overcome this drawback. Faisal et al. (2014) did qualitative research by using key informants, and semistructured and focus group discussions were conducted in Ban Khammex, Thailand, to analyze the farmer’s perception of drought and its impact. The analysis shows that the farmer’s awareness of the drought is well established in terms of rainfall, management, and mitigation measure. Chen (2016) assessed the impacts due to the Hydropower and hydraulic project construction and operation on the environment, C. Prakasam (B) Department of Geography, School of Earth Sciences, Assam University, Diphu Campus, Diphu, Assam 782462, India e-mail: [email protected] R. Saravanan Ecofirst Services Limited, Tata Consulting Engineering Limited, Bangalore, Karnataka 560001, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_18

303

304

C. Prakasam and R. Saravanan

considering various factors that impact the natural and social environment of the Xiaolangdi Water Control Project. Chandy et al. (2012) surveyed the local community/people’s perceptions of three rural projects’ socioeconomic and environmental impacts on future sustainable living. With the fact that these projects help the rural in terms of income, the impact on the environment is quite overlooked. The author argues that these types of project should be supported in unsupported, unclaimed wastelands instead of agricultural lands that helps the agriculture. Nguyen et al. (2017) analyzed the impacts after the Binh Dien hydropower dam construction on the Hu Trach River in central Vietnam, before and later to the resettlement of the villagers. The result shows that the resettlement was ineffective as the compensation given was short-lived. As per the Brisbane Declaration, the environmental flows usually describe the quality and quantity of the river flow mandatory to endure estuarine and freshwater ecosystems. The river flow regimes play vital parts in controlling aquatic ecosystems’ biotic functions and compositions (Richter et al. 1996). At the point when regularriver systems are modified by dams or any water structures, the current ecological conditions and natural surroundings to that local fish species will be adjusted are highly agitated. Furthermore, the existence of geomorphic on that numerous fish species depend on living space creation and upkeep is changed, accordingly upsetting the existence phases of local oceanic and floodplain species (Bunn and Angela 2002). King et al. (2008) state that manipulating the river flow profile to deliver water for numerous usages has ended up in increasing deterioration of the water ecosystem. To give adequate freshwater rivers and keep up the fundamental products and enterprises given by the river, in this way, the parts of the normal river system should be explored (Arthington et al. 2006). This requires evaluation of the ecological flow with respect to the existing river ecosystem’s habitat and the river’s hydraulic aspect (Zhang et al. 2017). Runoff volumes were affected by landscape, rainfall, and age of the landscape (Hayes et al. 2018). The storage of flow, Abstraction, and diversion modify the river’s nature. To mitigate environmental flows are applied and to defend affected rivers from ecological weakening. Marin et al. (2017) evaluated the environmental flow with help of TEK. TEK provided the lake trout descriptions and its seasonal movements, reproductive timing, and spawning locations. The abundant knowledge of TEK on fish species illustrates how TEK can provide information on the population differentiation in addition to the difference in their species type (Cranney and Tan 2011). Proposed that the traditional ecological play a pivotal role in determining the environmental outcomes in terms of water planning (Usher 2000). There are two types of TEK, they are TEK about the environment and TEK about the usage of the environment. The environmental values and knowledge system are key components of it. In order to compile or document the TEK, the research requires trained personnel must be equipped with the support of the experts in the TEK (Berkes et al. 2000). Some of the TEK and management systems are being developed by means of local ecological knowledge. This will be interpreting and responding to feedback of the stakeholders/local management for the resources. This technique is similar to adaptive management; however, it emphasizes feedback learning and the action taken against the unpredictability of the ecosystems

18 Estimation of Environmental Flow Using Traditional Ecological …

305

(Tagliari et al. 2021). The author interviewed about 97 stakeholders in the Araucaria Forest System in Brazil on the practices of how they use Araucaria angustifolia trees (araucaria) regarding the Araucaria Forests preservation status to investigate likely results of two elective protection models: hierarchical with prohibitive use, and base up with cooperative administration. We recognized the input components in each model, for AFS versatility. Our models showed that a hierarchical technique keeps up with woodland cover versatile to unlawful logging however at the expense of losing TEK (sabotaging socio-biological strength) and backwoods flexibility to other outside unsettling influences, for example, environmental change. The initial objective of this research work is to compile the traditional ecological knowledge on the fish species in the Pandoh river basin. This is carried out to understand the local scientific knowledge about the fish species in the Pandoh river basin. To compile the changes in the fish species and document the same. Further, the research work attempts to evaluate the impact by correlating the TEK, hydrology, and habitant method. It involves evaluating and modeling the environmental flow requirements using the hydraulic-habitat approach for the selected fish species. It suggests suitable recommendations for overcoming the drawback due to the fish ladder failure and better spawning of the fish habitat.

18.2 Study Area Pandoh Dam is 457 m in width, 2134 m in length, and depth of 15.58 m situated in Mandi district, Himachal Pradesh. It is part of the Beas River basin with a catchment area of 134 ha ranging between Shivalik mountains at 899 m altitudes. Bhakra Beas Management Board constructed an earth-shake fill dam for the generation of hydroelectric power at an altitude of 899 m in 1977. It is surrounded by temperate forests having a high diversity of flora and fauna. About 14% of upriver catchment is covered with snow and ice permanently. The altitude of the location of Pandoh dam is between 900 and 5000 m MSL. The major tributaries that join the Beas River on the upriver side of Pandoh Dam are Parvati, Tirthan and Sainj, Sabari Nala, and Bakhli Khad rivers. The common fish species in this area are snow trout, Brown trout, Rainbow trout, and Mahseer among which the best sport fish, Rainbow and Brown trout, are the remarkable sources to the river. Figure 18.1 represents the DEM of the downstream side of the Pandoh basin. The stretch of trout fishing is 5 km from Manikaran of the hydropower dam. The catchment receives precipitation due to the southwest monsoons as well as the western disturbances during winter.

306

C. Prakasam and R. Saravanan

Fig. 18.1 DEM of the study area—Pandoh Dam. Source ASTERDEM

18.3 Materials and Methods 18.3.1 Traditional Ecological Knowledge To collect TEK on the existing fish species, the fieldwork and questionnaire survey were conducted with the stakeholders. Based on previous TEK studies of fish species in the Pandoh river, we assume that local fishing experts could give details about the variation of the lake and temporary trends in the use, distribution, and the abundance of the habitat. The following methods are being followed to document the TEK. They are literature review, semi-structured interview, focus group interview, participants observation, language, and oral history. The order of these methods can be any based on the preferences. Preferably, no information would be gathered until a favored technique is laid out with native gathering pioneers and with neighborhood TEK holders through them or past hands-on work. Experienced social researchers best collect TEK information; somebody who has existing information on or potentially associations with the native gathering is referred to in a perfect world. A literature survey is a significant part of any examination project. During a writing search, ethnographies and assortments of stories/fantasies/legends and tunes will be instrumental to one’s examination for data on social orders, factions, managers of information, functions, uses, cycles, and cooperations. The critical review is presented in Table 18.1. The semi-directive interview is a standard ethnographic technique for social affairs data and can utilize both an open-finished and close-finished (yes or no inquiries)

18 Estimation of Environmental Flow Using Traditional Ecological …

307

Table 18.1 Literature review of the environmental methodologies Method

Types of method

Advantages

Disadvantages

Hydrology method Data required: the time series of long-term flow data (>20 years)

(i) Range of variability approach (RVA). Monico et al. (2022) (ii) Desktop reserve model. Desai (2012) (iii) Flow duration curve (FDC). Maddu et al. (2022) (iv) Base flow methodology (BFM). Herrera and Burneo (2017) (v) Tennant. Prakasam and Saravanan (2020) (vi) Tessmann, 7Q. Pastor et al. (2013)

✓ Relatively simple to use ✓ Catchment level evaluation. It estimates the water quantity required at a micro-level ✓ Site-specific assessment ✓ Time series data of historic data required ✓ It doesn’t need expensive hands-on work to be done, yet here and there it requires fieldwork to set the different principles and boundaries

✓ Abnormal results as compared to other methods sometimes ✓ Since it depends on the historical data, the accuracy of the data can be questioned with respect to results

Hydraulic method Data required: flow velocity, river cross-section

(i) Wetted perimeter method. Prakasam, et al. (2021) (ii) Lotic invertebrate index for flow evaluation (LIFE) method. Extence et al. (1999) (iii) Adapted ecological hydraulic radius approach (AEHRA). Liu et al. (2011)

✓ Relationship between the geometry and the flow data ✓ Can be analyzed for the live data

✓ Consumes more time and cost ✓ Tedious field work required

Habitat method Data required: river cross section, data set of a fish species

(i) In stream flow incremental methodology (IFIM). Bovee (1986) (ii) RHYHABSIM (River hydraulic habitat simulation) (iii) Physical habitat simulation

✓ The technique considers the environmental flow requirements of the keystone species for its breeding cycle ✓ An evaluation of the normal stream necessity can be made autonomously of the naturalized stream data

✓ Consumes more time and cost ✓ It requires expertise from various experts

(continued)

308

C. Prakasam and R. Saravanan

Table 18.1 (continued) Method

Types of method

Advantages

Disadvantages

Holistic method Data required: combination of hydrology, hydraulics, ecology, and social data (expert knowledge)

(i) Building block methodology (BBM). Yarnell et al. (2022) (ii) DRIFT (Downstream response to imposed flow transformation). Wineland et al. (2022)

✓ It considers the month-to-month stream inconstancy for both high and low streams. The low stream building square can be utilized to evaluate fundamental environmental flow requirements ✓ The strategy is site explicit and it requires an assessment of the base stream, the regular mean yearly spillover, and naturalized streams

✓ Requires very large scientific expertise ✓ Very high cost and not functional

design. A talented and experienced ethnographer can assist a beginner with deciding the fitting reach of the inquiry’s questions. For instance, inquiries regarding an animal group might incorporate such points as the actual species, its territory, associations with different species, customs and functions encompassing the species or its parts, distinguishing proof of who for sure positions hold information and freedoms to the species, restrictions, repetitive occasions, and jargon. Focus groups have likewise been utilized to give guidance for the extra topics and distinguishing proof of specialists. It can be useful to figure out who inside a native tribe holds the information for the species being examined. Participant Observation is another examination technique utilized, which includes broad time in a culture watching and recording what individuals do. Member Observation can be a wellspring of data to check what has been spoken and a wellspring of data for that which the Tribe neglects to tell since it is viewed as either all-around known or expected. Linguistics can give knowledge about a culture and its perspective on the regular world. A few Tribes presently have composed word references for their dialects. A local speaker can give data about words, their implications, affiliations, and likenesses. Ethnography is the cycle by which non-native individuals decipher native individuals’ lifeways. The ethnographic cycle for gathering TEK brings about an abundance of data that should be painstakingly considered for its utilization in a particular task.

18 Estimation of Environmental Flow Using Traditional Ecological …

309

18.3.2 Environmental Flow Assessment Based on the impact study as a mitigation measure, the environmental flow has been suggested. The process of hydraulic modeling involves the preparation of geometric data, boundary conditions, flow data, simulation, and analysis. The geometry of the river has been prepared in the terrain window of the RAS Mapper. The simulated hydraulic results were used to establish the relationship between the natural environmental flows and hydraulic flow characteristics in the HEC-EFM module. In addition to the field study, kinds of literature were reviewed to select the key species for the module. It has to be noted that the field study was difficult due to the fast and turbulent flow of the river. The identified fish species in the river are Rainbow trout (Oncorhynchus mykis), Snow trout (Schizothorax richardsonii), and Brown trout (Salmo trutta). As per Sehgal (1999) during the July–August in the upper Beas, the same species spawn. Spawning happens when the water temperature is warm enough. In some cases, fish of the same species migrate from October to December at a temperature of 19.0–22.5 °C. Decrease of good quality trout territory due to riverbank and upland soil disintegration, loss of riparian vegetation, water preoccupation, logging and mining exercises, and point and non-point source contamination from the metropolitan turn of events and horticulture have altogether diminished the conveyance and plenitude of rainbow trout. The Beas River has diverse biodiversity with numerous fish species and on the downstream side of the study area, four fish species were observed during the field visit. Four fish species were selected from the various fish species found on the site; they are Rainbow trout, Mahseer, Brown trout, and snow trout. The daily discharge data is imported from the excel in HECDSSVue 2.0.1 module. After the import, the specific data is entered in the parts from (A-F) based on which the data will automatically be from the respective field. Part C represents the parameter that is being stored such as PREC and TEMP (Fig. 18.2). HEC-EFM 3.0. was utilized to analyze and interpret the relationship between the fish ecosystem and the flow regime of the river. The daily time series (.dss file) is imported into the HEC EFM and an open. DSS catalog was used to appropriately fit the data in the respective fields. The relationship queries are established on the fish species’ habitat for its offspring and spawning in a healthy ecosystem, and it is entered statically as data to define the statistical relationship. This helps in analyzing the flow data in relation to the fish ecosystem with various scenarios and ecosystem conditions. The hydrological query is based on the time-series data of discharge into the downstream (gaged data), and the stage and river profile data is fed as the hydraulic data. The habitat data corresponding to the following queries is duration, the season, rate of change, and percentage of exceedance. The relationships (Fig. 18.3) were also defined using indices, hypotheses, and confidences. Habitat preferences were used to specify criteria in geographical queries for defining relationships that investigate biota from a spatial perspective. The hypothesis was entered to show whether a higher waterway river helps, hurts, or has a non-direct reaction to the relationship. Confidences were utilized for organizing the biological system connections. Indices were utilized to gather connections that have basic necessities and to take a gander

310

C. Prakasam and R. Saravanan

Hydraulic Parameter

Hydrology Parameter

Habitant Parameter

ASTER DEM

Rainfall Runoff model

TEK

Cross Section Data

Flow Data

Fish habitat data

HEC-RAS

Flow and Stage Data

HEC-EFM model

Environmental flow assessment Fig. 18.2 Research methodology

at the net impact of river system changes. In the wake of bringing in the river system and creating connections, factual calculations were accomplished by HEC-EFM. It investigated the river and stage time arrangement for the predefined criteria and delivered river and stage esteems for every relationship. The hypothesis tracking assumed here is that the spawning will improve if the flow is increased and also the percentage of exceedance is 25 for four-year flow the other details are provided (Table 18.2). The HEC-RAS module was used to demarcate the river profile on the downstream side of the dam and the cross-section is modeled for the river flow (Fig. 18.5). The data required for hydraulic modeling are the river flow data and geometry. The ASTERDEM of 30 m resolution has been downloaded from USGS Earth Explorer and has been used for this purpose through which various elevations, stages, and profiles of the river can be demarcated. The DEM is converted into TIN for processing and the bank lines, river centerline, and flow paths were drawn on the river profile and the cross sections were drawn across the river profile Fig. 18.4.

18 Estimation of Environmental Flow Using Traditional Ecological …

311

Fig. 18.3 Relationships window

Table 18.2 Fish description

Fish species

Season

Duration

Brown trout

October–December

30 Days, minimums (sustained highs)

Mahseer

July September

24 Days, minimums (sustained highs)

Rainbow trout

March–May

24 Days, minimums (sustained highs)

Snow trout

August–October

10 Days, minimums (sustained highs)

The research work started with identifying the impact and evaluating the environmental flow required. The next order of business is to maintain a healthy ecosystem. To do such, the NGT’s order on the 15% of the average lean season flow has been compared with the Q95 of the FDC curves. The Flow Duration Curve for the years

312

C. Prakasam and R. Saravanan

Fig. 18.4 Cross section demarcated in DEM

Fig. 18.5 HEC-EFM plotter result window

(1980–2017) has been calculated and plotted down. The lean season in the study area is from November to February. The average inflow for every year has been evaluated. The 15% of the average lean season flow values have been noted down. These values have been compared with the Q95 of the FDC for every year. Based on the results, a suitable interpretation will be provided.

18 Estimation of Environmental Flow Using Traditional Ecological …

313

18.4 Results 18.4.1 Impacts of the Dam—TEK The hydroelectric project can likewise change the biological system of an aquatic system. Once the river flow is blocked suddenly, and supply is framed the fish habitant life changes radically the following development. For example, salmon species are frequently influenced as a result of their need to bring forth upriver and since they are cut off from their producing region there is the dread of species risk just as potential holes in the general evolved way of life. A regular fish ladder is utilized to attempt to avert this.

18.4.2 Environmental Flow Assessment For each habitat of the fish species group, the model runs the daily discharge data according to the statistical and seasonal data, and the analysis is carried out. The results are viewed using HEC- EFM Plotter in the HEC-EFM module and in Fig. 18.6, the left section of the windows displays the type of flow regime to be shown, the relationship for the ecosystem, and for which parameter result to be displayed. Figure 18.5 shows the required environmental flow for Rainbow Trout. Required Vs Assessed environmental flow -Rainbow trout-Pandoh 60

50

15 % of average lean season flow

Rainbow trout

Flow (m3/s)

40

30

20

10

1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017

0

Year

Fig. 18.6 Graphical representation of required versus assessed flow—Pandoh Basin

314 Table 18.3 Environmental flow and stage

C. Prakasam and R. Saravanan Fish species

Stage (m)

Flow (Cumecs)

Brown trout

1.52

20.71

Mahseer

0.92

19.31

Rainbow trout

1.84

42.58

Snow trout

1.13

22.26

The parameters are Stage, Eco value, Eco value shift, Date, date shift, Summation, and summation shift. Eco values show the level of flow regime requirements meeting the needs of relationships. Based on hypothesis tracking, the simulation is carried out for a certain period of flow (Hickey et al. 2015). The date represents the spawning date suitable for the fish species and the corresponding stage required. Table 18.3 represents the environmental flow requirements. The results (Fig. 18.6) show that 15% of average season flow as the environmental flow isn’t sufficient for maintaining a healthy fish ecosystem. The percentage of the average lean season flow can be increased (25–30) % to maintain a healthy ecosystem. Flow regimes are composed of average daily flow time series and average daily stage data. These regimes represent the existing conditions at various locations in the river. The statistical representation between the flow regimes and geographical data is given in Relationships tab. The particular year or water year in a time series can be manipulated by the users in the module helping to derive a possible best result. EFM uses a blend of professional’s understanding, field data, and works of literature to define these relationships. The EFM results show the minimum flow required for the fish species to spawn and for the calculated environmental flow.

18.5 Discussion and Conclusion Traditional ecological knowledge is a subset of indigenous knowledge, generally defined as local knowledge held by indigenous peoples or local knowledge unique to a given culture or society. In the research work, TEK has been utilized to identify the impact of the hydropower dam on the downstream side, its impact on the fish species, the existing fish ecosystem, and various important stakeholders involved. The river plays a significant job in keeping up the estuary that gives basic capacities and administrations to the communities living in the zone. To secure the biodiversity of the freshwater and to keep up the basic merchandise and ventures given by the waterway, the parts of the regular-river system should be examined. The rainbow trout is the keystone species, hence environmental flow required for rainbow trout to spawn and breed is taken as the required environmental flow. The required environmental flow is more than the currently maintained environmental flow to maintain a healthy fish habitat the percentage of the environmental flow shall be increased.

18 Estimation of Environmental Flow Using Traditional Ecological …

315

The flow profile is of average daily flow data and average daily stage data. These regimes represent the existing conditions at various locations in the river. The statistical representation between the flow regimes and geographical data is given in the Relationships tab. The particular year or water year in a time series can be manipulated by the users in the module helping to derive a possible best result. EFM uses a blend of field data, professional’s understanding, and works of literature for defining these relationships. The EFM results show the minimum flow required for the fish species to spawn and for the calculated environmental flow. This helps in a better understanding of the e-flow to be maintained in the hydropower project downstream. If the proposed minimal flow is sustained in the river, the fish ecosystem will prosper well, and the issues regarding the fish ladder and its associated issues in the river can be mitigated.

References Arthington AH, Stuart EB, Leroy NP, and Robert JN (2006) The challenge of providing Berkes F, Colding J, Folke C (2000) Rediscovery of traditional ecological knowledge as adaptive management. Ecol Appl 10(5):1251–1262 Bovee KD (1986) Development and evaluation of habitat suitability criteria for use in the instream flow incremental methodology (21). National Ecology Center, Division of Wildlife and Contaminant Research, Fish and Wildlife Service, US Department of the Interior Building Block Methodology. Water Research Commission. WRC Report No TT 354/08. 364 p Bunn SE, Angela HA (2002) Basic principles and ecological consequences of altered Flow regimes for aquatic biodiversity. Environ Manag 30:492–507. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00267-002-2737-0 Chandy T, Keenan RJ, Petheram RJ, Shepherd P (2012) Impacts of hydropower development on rural livelihood sustainability in Sikkim, India: community perceptions. Mt Res Dev 32(2):117–126 Chen J (2016) Research of impacts on the eco-environment of hydraulic and hydropower construction. In: 2016 7th international conference on mechatronics, control and materials (ICMCM). Atlantis Press Cranney K, Tan PL (2011) Old knowledge in freshwater: why traditional ecological knowledge is essential for determining environmental flows in water plans. Australas J Nat Resour Law Policy 14(1–2):71–113 Desai AY (2012) Development of a hydraulic sub-model as part of a desktop environmental flow assessment method (Doctoral dissertation Rhodes University) environmental flow rules to sustain river ecosystems. Ecol Appl 16(4):1311–1318. https://doi.org/10.1890/1051-0761 Extence CA, Balbi DM, Chadd RP (1999) River flow indexing using British benthic macroinvertebrates: a framework for setting hydroecological objectives. Regul Rivers: Res Manag 15(6):545–574 Faisal AA, Polthanee A, Promkhambut A (2014) Farmers’ perception of drought and its impact on a community livelihood in rural Northeastern Thailand. Khon Kaen Agric J 42(3):427–442 Goguen G, Caissie D, El-Jabi N (2020) Uncertainties associated with environmental flow metrics. River Res Appl 36(9):1879–1890 Hayes DS, Brändle JM, Seliger C, Zeiringer B, Ferreira T, Schmutz S (2018) Advancing towards functional environmental flows for temperate floodplain rivers. Sci Total Environ 633:1089–1104 Herrera IA, Burneo PC (2017) Environmental flow assessment in andean rivers of Ecuador, case study: Chanlud and El Labrado dams in the Machángara River. Ecohydrol Hydrobiol 17(2):103– 112

316

C. Prakasam and R. Saravanan

Hickey JT, Huff R, Dunn CN (2015) Using habitat to quantify ecological effects of restoration and water management alternatives. Environ Model Softw 70:16–31 King JM, RE Tharme, MS De Villiers (2008) Environmental flow assessments for rivers: manual for the knowledge. U. T. E. Traditional Ecological Knowledge Liu C, Zhao C, Xia J, Sun C, Wang R, Liu T (2011) An instream ecological flow method for data-scarce regulated rivers. J Hydrol 398(1–2):17–25 Maddu R, Ganta KM, Shaik R, Dhanya CT (2022) Impact assessment of environmental flows using CORDEX regional climate models: case study of Nagarjuna Sagar Dam, Krishna River, India. Advanced modelling and innovations in water resources engineering. Springer, Singapore, pp 187–204 Marin K, Coon A, Fraser DJ (2017) Traditional ecological knowledge reveals the extent of sympatric lake trout diversity and habitat preferences. Ecol Soc 22(2) Monico V, Solera A, Bergillos RJ, Paredes-Arquiola J, Andreu J (2022) Effects of environmental flows on hydrological alteration and reliability of water demands. Sci Total Environ 810:151630 Nguyen H, Pham T, Lobry de Bruyn L (2017) Impact of hydroelectric dam development and resettlement on the natural and social capital of rural livelihoods in Bo Hon Village in Central Vietnam. Sustainability 9(8):1422 Pastor AV, Ludwig F, Biemans H, Hoff H, Kabat P (2013) Accounting for environmental flow requirements in global water assessments. Hydrol Earth Syst Sci Discuss 10(12) Prakasam C, Saravanan R (2020) Environmental flow—A mitigation measure for impact of hydropower projects. Sustainable civil engineering practices. Springer, Singapore, pp 207–213 Prakasam C, Saravanan R, Kanwar VS (2021) Evaluation of environmental flow requirement using wetted perimeter method and GIS application for impact assessment. Ecol Ind 121:107019 Richter BD, Davis MM, Apse C, Konrad C (2012) A presumptive standard for environmental flow protection. River Res Appl 28(8):1312–1321 Richter BD, Jeffrey VB, Jennifer P, David PB (1996) A method for assessing hydrologic alteration within ecosystems. Conserv Biol 10(4):1163–1174 Sehgal KL (1999) Coldwater fish and fisheries in the Indian Himalayas: rivers and rivers. Fish and fisheries at higher altitudes: Asia. Food Agric Organ U N Tech Pap 385:41–63 Tagliari MM, Levis C, Flores BM, Blanco GD, Freitas CT, Bogoni JA et al (2021) Collaborative management as a way to enhance Araucaria Forest resilience. Perspect Ecol Conserv 19(2):131– 142 Usher PJ (2000) Traditional ecological knowledge in environmental assessment and management. Arctic 53(2):183–193 Wineland SM, Bas, a˘gao˘glu H, Fleming J, Friedman J, Garza-Diaz L, Kellogg W et al (2022) The environmental flows implementation challenge: insights and recommendations across water-limited systems. Wiley Interdiscip Rev Water 9(1):e1565 Yarnell SM, Willis A, Obeste A, Peek RA, Lusardi RA, Zimmerman J et al (2022) Functional flows in groundwater-influenced streams: application of the California environmental flows framework to determine ecological flow needs. Front Environ Sci 9:788295. https://doi.org/10.3389/fenvs. 2021.788295 Zhang H, Sun T, Xue S, Yang W, Yin X (2017) Environmental flow assessment in estuaries taking into consideration species dispersal in fragmented potential habitats. Ecol Ind 78:541–548

Chapter 19

Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) and Its Importance in the Himalayan Kingdom of Bhutan Tej Kumar Nepal

19.1 Introduction 19.1.1 Location Bhutan is a small kingdom in Asia sandwiched between India and China (Frame 2005). It is, nonetheless, more environmentally conscious than the majority. The country has a population of 735,553 people and has a landmass of 38,394 km2 (NSB 2018; Nepal 2021). Environmental protection is one of the pillars of Bhutan’s development ideology, Gross National Happiness (GNH) (Wangchuk and Tobgay 2015). Bhutan’s constitution mandates that 60% of the country’s territory be covered with forest (Yeshi et al. 2021). Bhutan has made progress in this area. Forest covers 71% of the area, with 51.4% protected, the most significant ratio of any Asian country. Conservation activities in Bhutan may be seen all over the country. Citizens of this Buddhist country have the opportunity to enjoy a fundamental birthright: the right to live in a healthy environment. People residing outside Bhutan obtain 53% of the advantages of Bhutan’s ecological services (Kubiszewski et al. 2013). Bhutan is part of the Eastern Himalayas, one of the world’s ten most biodiverse regions (Fig. 19.1). Bhutan’s forests also aid in climate change mitigation by capturing more CO2 from the atmosphere than it emits (BMCI 2016).

19.1.2 Landscape and Ecology Bhutan has a diverse natural landscape that ranges from 150 m above sea level (masl) in the south to 7,570 masl in the north (Yeshi et al. 2021). It has eight ecoregions, 53 T. K. Nepal (B) School of Ecology and Environment Studies, N¯aland¯a University, Nalanda 803 116, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_19

317

318

T. K. Nepal

Fig. 19.1 Land use and land cover map of Bhutan

key plant areas, 23 important bird areas, and three Ramsar sites (internationally significant wetlands acknowledged by the Ramsar Convention) (Banerjee and Bandopadhyay 2016; Manita and Nepal 2020). Snow-capped peaks and alpine meadows are found in the northern part of the country near the Tibet Autonomous Region; tranquil river valleys can be found in the central part of the country; fertile alluvial plains can be found in the southern part of the country bordering India. It is separated into three eco-floristic zones: alpine (above 4,000 m), temperate (2,000–4,000 m), and subtropical (150–2,000 m) (MoAF 2009). One can find glacier lakes, snow-capped mountains, alpine meadows, and scrubs in the alpine zone. With 40 mm of precipitation per year, the alpine zone has dry summer and cold winter. Delphinium, Rhodiola, Meconopsis, Onosma, Nardostachys, Rhododendron, Juniper, Aconitum, Gentiana, and Dactylorhiza flourish. The temperate zone is characterized by cold winters (4–15 °C) and hot summers (15–26 °C), with 1,000 mm of annual rainfall (NEC 2016). Broadleaf mixed with conifer forest, blue pine forest, mixed conifer forest, and fir forest are the kinds of forests found in this zone. Populus ciliata, Castanopsis, Taxus, Quercus, and Abies, are examples of temperate tree species. The subtropical zone has high humidity and 1,500 mm of rainfall throughout the year, with temperatures ranging from 15 to 30 °C. This zone contains broadleaf forest, Chir pine forest, riverine scrub, and subtropical broadleaf forest (NEC 2016). Shorea, Alnus, Bombax, Aquilaria, and Tectona are the most commonly found plants in this zone.

19 Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) …

319

19.1.3 Plant Diversity Bhutan’s forest encompasses 71% of the country’s total land area (Manita and Nepal 2020). About 51.44% of the country’s total land area is protected through wildlife sanctuaries, national parks, strict nature reserves, and biological corridors (Bhutan Land Cover Assessment 2010). Bhutan is home to 5,603 vascular plant species, organized into 220 families and 1,415 genera, with over 105 species indigenous to the country (MoAF 2009). Bhutan now has 27 pteridophyte families, totaling 411 species (NBC 2009).

19.1.4 Animal Diversity Bhutan is home to 5114 species in the Animalia Kingdom, which is roughly around 45.47% of the total biodiversity found in the country (NBC 2019). Native species such as the endangered Panthera tigris tigris, elusive Panthera uncia, beautiful Grus nigricollis, Elephas maximus, and Budorcas taxicolor whitei graze freely in the country’s green and thick forest (Manita and Nepal 2020).

19.2 Biodiversity Conservation and Bhutan Bhutan’s wildlife management is founded partly on the Buddhist ideal of reverence for nature and the ban on killing. Perhaps most crucially, Bhutan’s environmental standards balance the sustainability of biodiversity with fast-track developmental activities. Bhutanese conservation encompasses not only environmental concerns but also culture, traditions, and values; as a result, the environmental policy must be holistic across both conception and administration. Environmental resource management is linked to the preservation of culture, traditions, values, and lifestyles, according to the nation’s National Environment Strategy, which was established in 1997. The strategy aims to construct a development path that will meet Bhutan’s population’s aspirations for education, employment, health care, and food without compromising the resource base of the country and the standard of the environment. Bhutan’s sustainable development and environmental policy implementation correspond to the country’s GNH concept. The preservation and promotion of cultural values, a pillar of GNH, aids in biodiversity conservation as the knowledge of keeping good relations with the environment is passed down to new generations over millions of years. Because of its knowledge wealth, Bhutan can keep most of its land under forest cover. Unlike other Himalayan regions, where forests are often fragmented and bordered by farms, Bhutan’s forests are rich, complete, and sometimes damaged by anthropogenic activities. The statement becomes inaccurate in the south and eastern parts

320

T. K. Nepal

of the country, where high population and shifting cultivation is common. Still, a high degree of the intact forest is visible throughout the country. With 71% of its country covered in forest, Bhutan has escaped catastrophic forest damage. The amount of forest cover surpasses the government’s constitutionally mandated minimum coverage of 60%.

19.3 Non-Timber Forest Products and Their Management 19.3.1 Fodder Activities like raising livestock, firewood cutting, and economic exploitation of resources threaten forest areas. While pastoral damage to coniferous forests is minimal, when broadleaf woodlands are intensively grazed, they may have regenerative concerns, according to forest professionals’ estimates of grazing pressure. This is particularly evident in forests damaged by logging or bad management. During the dry winter months, tree fodder is an essential source of nutrients for livestock. However, unlike in other Himalayan regions where farmers chop public forests for animal feed, farmers in Bhutan cultivate fodder trees on private farmlands. Fodder trees are primarily Quercus semecarpifolia and Salix bubylonica at lower elevations, whereas at higher altitudes, fodder trees are mainly planted Ficus species. Instead of tree fodder, livestock owners above 2,500 m utilize grasslands for summer grazing and grain straws and hay for wintertime feeding. Other species used as fodder are Yushania maling, Ficus semicordata, Ficus carica, Colocasia esculenta, Persicaria runcinata, Albizia lebbeck, Dendrocalamus hamiltonii, Brassaiopsis hainla, Rhus chinensis, and Girardinia diversifolia (Table 19.1).

19.3.2 Medicinal Plants In the past, Bhutan was referred to as the bruk-rtsen-lden-ske-pai-ljhong (land of sandalwood forest) and smen-ljong-rgyal-khab (land of medicinal plants) (Yeshi et al. 2021). Bhutanese ethnobotanical knowledge and usage of plant diversity have evolved over generations of sustainable use and conservation of the biodiversity in their environment. The numerous uses of forest products required for indigenous peoples’ existence are powerful motivators to enhance forest management and assure sustainability by safeguarding the resource base against overexploitation and depletion. This is, in contrast, to present forest management practices, which prioritize timber as the only primary resource, ignoring the whole worth of forests. Bhutanese traditional medicine uses more than 300 species of plants for various medicine. The citizens are given a choice to opt for an allopathic or traditional medicine

19 Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) …

321

Table 19.1 Commonly consumed non-timber forest products in Bhutan Sl. Botanical name No

Family

1

Choerospondias axillaris (Roxb.) B.L. Burtt and A. W. Hill

Anacardiaceae

2

Diplazium esculentum (Retz.) Sw

3

Parts used

Uses Medicinal

Others

Fruits

Secondary burn, anti-oxidant

Pickle, raw fruit

Athyriaceae

Fronds

Smallpox, Vegetable diarrhea, asthma, pain, headache, fever, wounds, high blood pressure

Nephrolepis tuberosa Bory ex Willd

Polypodiaceae

Roots

Kidney troubles

4

Sechium edule (Jacq.) Sw

Cucurbitaceae

Fruits, young shoot, roots

Vegetable

5

Dioscorea alata L

Dioscoreaceae

Tuber

Curry, boil

6

Dioscorea bulbifera L

Dioscoreaceae

Tuber

Curry, boil

7

Dioscorea esculenta Lour

Dioscoreaceae

Tuber

Curry, boil

8

Dioscorea hamiltonii Hook.f

Dioscoreaceae

Tuber

Curry, boil

9

Manihot esculenta Crantz

Euphorbiaceae

Roots

Beverage, Vegetable

10 Phyllanthus emblica L

Euphorbiaceae

Fruits, leaves

Raw, pickle, incense

11 Juglans regia L

Juglandaceae

Nuts

Pneumonia, wounds, throat pain, chest pain

12 Cinnamomum tamala (Buch.-Ham.) T. Nees and C. H. Eberm

Lauraceae

Leaves, bark

Cough and Spice cold, allergy, diarrhea, stomachache, stomach gas

13 Moringa oleifera Lam

Moringaceae

Fruits, flowers, leaves

Control blood Vegetable, pressure, stem paste tuberculosis used by women for long hairs

Raw, dry

(continued)

322

T. K. Nepal

Table 19.1 (continued) Sl. Botanical name No

Family

Parts used

Uses

14 Passiflora edulis Sims f. flavicarpa O. Deg

Passifloraceae

Fruits

Raw

15 Piper betleoides C. DC

Piperaceae

Leaves, bark

Eaten with areca nuts

16 Piper longum L

Piperaceae

Fruits

Spice

17 Dendrocalamus hamiltonii Gamble

Poaceae

Young shoots

Fermented food, rope

Fruits

Raw

Medicinal

18 Persea americana Miller Rosaceae

Others

19 Rubus ellipticus Smith

Rosaceae

Fruits

Raw, dye

20 Citrus aurantium L

Rutaceae

Fruits

Raw

21 Zanthoxylum armatum de Candolle

Rutaceae

Seeds

22 Ulva spp.

Ulvaceae

Whole plant

Vegetable

23 Girardinia diversifolia (Link) Friis

Urticaceae

Young shoots

Headache, Vegetable joint pain, chest pain, gastric disorders, swollen body, internal injury

24 Elatostema lineolatum Wight

Urticaceae

Stem, leaves

Fracture

Vegetable

25 Amomum subulatum Roxb

Zingiberaceae

Seeds

Indigestion, teeth, and gum infection, scorpion sting, insect bites

Spice

26 Curcuma longa L

Zingiberaceae

Rhizome

Cough, irritable bowel disease, respiratory problems

Spice

Stomachache, Spice gastric problem

(continued)

19 Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) …

323

Table 19.1 (continued) Sl. Botanical name No

Family

Parts used

Uses

27 Zingiber officinate Rosc

Zingiberaceae

Rhizome

Heart disease, Spice throat pain, asthma, headache, cough and cold, joint pain

28 Nardostachys grandiflora Wall. ex DC

Valerianaceae

Roots

Fever, headache, cough, and cold

29 Artemisia indica Willd

Asteraceae

Leaves

Injury, bleeding

30 Bidens pilosa L

Asteraceae

Whole plant

Wounds, eye, and ear problems, ulcer

31 Ocimum tenuiflorum Linneaus

Lamiaceae

Whole plant

Malaria, diarrhea, skin disease, painful eye disease, insect bite, chronic fever, snakebite, asthma, mouth ulcer

32 Aloe vera (L.) Burm.f

Asphodelaceae

Whole plant

Skin treatment, burns, uterine disorder, jaundice, fever

33 Oroxylum indicum (L.) Benth. ex Kurz

Bignoniaceae

Flowers, leaves

Jaundice, gastric, tumors

34 Punica granatum L

Lythraceae

Fruits

Fever, heart disease, sore throat, dysentery, diarrhea

Medicinal

Others

(continued)

324

T. K. Nepal

Table 19.1 (continued) Sl. Botanical name No

Family

Parts used

Uses

35 Aquilaria malaccensis Lam

Thymelaeaceae

Heartwood Refrigerant for a heart disorder, sedative, useful for nervous system disorder and nervine

36 Rumex nepalensis Spreng

Polygonaceae

Roots

Medicinal

Purifies blood, poisoning, kills worms, relieves swelling, fever

37 Yushania maling Poaceae (Gamble) R.B.Majumdar and Karthik

Others

Food

Fodder for livestock

38 Ficus semicordata Buch.-Ham. ex Smith

Moraceae

39 Ficus carica Linneaus

Moraceae

Fodder for livestock

40 Mallotus philippensis (Lam.) Muell

Euphorbiaceae

Fodder for livestock

41 Dendrocalamus hamiltonii Gamble

Poaceae

Young shoots

Fodder for livestock, fermented food, rope

42 Gentiana urnula Harry Sm

Gentianaceae

Flowers

Vegetable

43 Hemerocallis sp.

Asphodelaceae

Leaves

44 Thlaspi arvense L

Brassicaceae

Leaf

45 Taxus baccata L

Taxaceae

Leaves, bark, axil

Bark, Rhizome

Boils, cuts, scabies

Fodder for livestock

Improve the general condition of the blood Vegetable Swelling, cough, cancer, indigestion, asthma (continued)

19 Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) …

325

Table 19.1 (continued) Sl. Botanical name No

Family

46 Schizostachyum munroi Sarv. Kumar and P. Singh

Poaceae

Parts used

Uses Medicinal

47 Polygonum molle D. Don Polygonaceae

Others

New shoot

Vegetable, pickle

Tender shoot

Eaten raw

48 Ophiocordyceps sinensis Ophiocordycipitac-eae Root

Health supplement

49 Nasturium officinale W.T. Aiton

Brassicaceae

Leaves

Improve the condition of blood

50 Chimonobambusa callosa (Munro) Nakai

Poaceae

New shoot

Vegetable, pickle

system. Some of the traditional medicinal plants used by Bhutanese are Ophiocordyceps sinensis, Artemisia indica, Cyathocline purpurea, Ocimum tenuiflorum, Abrus precatorius, Diplazium esculentum, Curcuma longa, Girardinia diversifolia, Elatostema lineolatum, Oroxylum indicum, Phyllanthus emblica, and Picrorhiza kurroa (Fig. 19.2). Bhutanese people live in peace with the natural world. They get all of their daily needs from the forest, which they carefully and responsibly harvest using their centuries-old understanding of forest resources and functioning. Few studies by authors also discussed some conflicts on resource use. Disputes arose over resources, including cane and bamboo and non-timber forest products. The resource conflict suggests that the Bhutanese have disagreements with people from adjacent villages and different dzongkhags, but none with each other. Within themselves, there is no disagreement over the use of natural resources since they have created a mechanism for sharing, which naturally prevents such problems. This is also evidenced by the Bhutanese’s use of diverse traditional institutions and procedures for natural resource management to promote equitable benefit sharing and maintain a long-term availability of resources. Bhutanese have disagreements with many communities, yet these conflicts and traditional rules for resolving disputes contribute to resource sustainability and conservation. If a community didn’t exist, the region’s resources, particularly the most sought-after forest resources, cane, and bamboo, would have been depleted due to overexploitation by people from other villages and Dzongkhags.

19.3.3 Wild Plants Used for Consumption Bhutanese people have always depended on forest products for survival during the dry season. Various non-wood forest products are collected for self-consumption

326

T. K. Nepal

Fig. 19.2 Ecosystem services. a Manihot esculenta. b Bamboo used for fencing. c Nephrolepis tuberosa. d Basket made from bamboo. e Diplazium esculentum. Photo Tej K Nepal

and seldom for commercial purposes. The forest products help them survive the dry seasons, and it also is a major source of nutrients. The Bhutanese kids tend to develop the skills to differentiate edible from non-edible forest products from a very young age. The age-old tradition of knowledge sharing is what will help appropriately manage biodiversity. However, these people also know how to sustainably use the resources so that the availability of resources in the future is not compromised. Some wild plants consumed by rural Bhutanese are Choerospondias axillaris, Rhus chinensis, Asparagus officinalis, Diplazium esculentum, Diplazium maximum, Nasturtium officinale, Sechium edule, Dioscorea alata, Dioscorea hamiltonii, Elaeocarpus lanceifolius, Moringa oleifera, Pyrularia edulis, and Amomum subulatum. Mushroom species like Ramaria sp., Catathelasma imperrialis, Cantharellus cf cibarus, Amanita caesarea, and Tricholoma matsutake are made into delicious shamu-datshi (vegetable and cheese mixed curry) and served with rice.

19 Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) …

327

19.4 Traditional Forest Management System Traditional social restriction systems, such as Tsadum, Sokdum, and Reedum were common and widely applied in Bhutanese communities. Tsadum (Tsa means grasses, dum means restriction) is a term that alludes to grazing restrictions in pastureland. In general, people recognize only one variety of Tsadum. However, there were two sorts of Tsadum, classified depending on pastureland usage. Tsadum in Tsamdro (grazing pastureland) areas were just for cattle, and other pasturelands identified by residents were for plowing bulls to graze during agricultural crop cultivation. Both Tsadums were used to establish new grazing pastureland (Wangdi et al. 2014). According to Buddhist teachings, the first month of the year in the Bhutanese calendar (which usually occurs in February or March) is auspicious, and Sokdum is enforced throughout the entire month. Sokdum (Sok means life, dum means restriction) refers to the prohibition of killing animals. The purpose of the Sokdum period was to avoid killing living things during the auspicious months, such as by intentionally starting forest fires or poaching wild animals. Peasants did not want to start the year with a negative virtue because it was the beginning of the year. Most local communities across the country used a conventional social limitation system called Reedum until the Forest Act of 1969. It alludes to mountain closure (Ree means mountains, dum means restriction). Reedum was enacted to protect agricultural harvests against natural calamities such as floods and storms, which were thought to be produced by mountain deities (Wangchuk 2001). The entire community is barred from doing forestry-related operations within the Reedum area during the Reedum period (usually from March to October). Before 1969, in Bhutan, these traditions provided to supply the basic needs of communities for forest resources and helped preserve a balance between environmental resources and the rising population’s needs (Dorji et al. 2006). Although the social restriction systems in question were never directly enforced to conserve natural resources and biodiversity, they have indirectly affected forest resource management for biodiversity. The demise of these social constraint systems may have unanticipated conservation effects, which existing scientific management approaches may or may not address.

19.5 Farming System Bhutanese farmers cultivate grain crops, livestock, citrus groves, and kitchen gardens in an integrated farming system. They think nature is a gift from a higher power. As a result, various ceremonies accompany farming activities, helping to preserve local culture and expertise, ultimately leading to biodiversity conservation. Their traditional land-use patterns sustainably incorporate agriculture, cattle, and forest. Another distinguishing element of the Bhutanese community’s unique farming

328

T. K. Nepal

system is the efficient utilization of local resources. Various soil and water conservation strategies emphasize fallowing (shifting cultivation) and organic manuring and composting to recycle plant and animal waste. The farm and the surrounding forest have a close connection and interaction, especially regarding livestock management procedures. Throughout the year, cattle graze in the forestland. Farmers are also known to use various forest plants to satisfy their home needs. The forest and agriculture in Bhutanese communities are diverse, with a high degree of self-sufficiency. There’s also a link between the food-insecure season and the gathering of forest foods. During the lean agricultural season, Bhutanese people rely heavily on forest food, an essential for their daily diet. However, modifications in Bhutanese traditional farming methods and forest food collection patterns have been seen in recent years. These shifts are fueled by socioeconomic and cultural changes, the Royal Government of Bhutan’s (RGoB) conservation programs, and the scarcity of natural resources. In Bhutanese communities, a transition from subsistence agriculture of traditional food crop agriculture to cash crop-based agriculture is starting to be noted.

19.5.1 Agriculture Practices Bhutanese agriculture is the most common on-farm occupation, with more than 57 percent of the population engaged (Chhogyel and Kumar 2018). Bhutanese households all possess their registered land and engage in agricultural activities. The land was passed down from parents. The RGoB has given land to some Bhutanese households as a donation. Per household, the average landholding is 2.2 ha. The land is divided into distinct groups based on its intended usage. Kamzhing (dryland) is mostly used for maize and wheat cultivation. The average size of a kamzhing plot in Bhutan is 0.8 ha. Another major type of land is chuzhing (irrigated land). Bhutanese chuzhing covers an average of 0.7 ha. It was discovered that just 17% of households have chuzhing. Climate variables determine the cropping cycle and kind. Rice is the principal crop in the irrigated land production method, with wheat and barley cultivated in the winter. Tall red or white rice varieties are farmed using traditional methods per local customs. Cattle manure is the most important plant nutrient for Bhutanese farmers, who value their cattle for manure production and milk and other dairy products like cheese and butter. With the liberal use of cattle bedding from the forest or field, more nutrients are provided to the plants from the animal excrement. The majority of the nutrients from the cattle’s urine are kept in the manure due to this. Winter crops are frequently grazed by livestock migrating from the slopes to the valley. Wild animals have also been known to cause crop damage.

19 Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) …

329

19.5.2 Determining Cropping Season It’s worth noting that natural occurrences influence agricultural sowing times, and the farming system is intimately linked to local biodiversity. The Monpa community of the Trongsa district thinks that the Kupthom (Cuckoo) call signals the start of maize planting season. If Kupthom calls at other times, it is thought that there will be a food scarcity (crop failure). Pengpairung’s (Large Hawk-Cuckoo) call signals the start of rice seed sowing season. These birds are strongly linked to the Monpas’ agricultural cropping plan. Additionally, when Chir pine needles fall with the wind and cones are conical in shape, it is millet seed sowing time. The fall of Betula alnoides leaves signals the start of wheat and barley sowing. In April, the ground is prepared for summer crops, and in October, the field is readied for winter crops. The Monpas think that black dirt is fertile and that crops thrive there. The Buddhist principle of universal compassion, the RGoB’s foresight programs, and Bhutan’s low population density (19/km2 ) have contributed to the country’s environmental preservation. Bhutan is home to a diverse range of floral and faunal species, including approximately 7,000 species of vascular plants, 770 species of birds, 165 species of mammals, 46 kinds of rhododendrons (Namgay and Sridith 2020), and over 300 species of medicinal plants used in traditional herbal medicine. With more than half of the country designated as a protected area, including five national parks, four animal sanctuaries, a strict nature reserve, and a network of ecological corridors, the country’s protected area system is one of the most comprehensive in the world. Rural areas are home to the majority of the people (79%). The villages’ relative isolation has resulted in a wealth of agricultural diversification and distinct local traditional knowledge. Local communities handled the majority of forest resource base independently before forest regulation took effect in 1969, based on their personal needs and community interests. With a variety of pressures being placed on natural resources as a result of their diverse uses and the reliance on a large portion of the country’s population, the RGoB has been enacting centrally regulated natural resource management regulations. The RGoB recognizes the importance of people’s engagement in the management, use, and extension of forest resources in the Forestry Policy of 1991 and the amended Social Forestry Rules of 2000, encouraging varied uses to meet people’s basic needs. In terms of biodiversity protection, the Bhutan Forest and Nature Conservation Act of 1995 lays the groundwork for developing protected area strategies that consider local requirements and encourage community engagement through the formation of community natural resource management committees. The natural forest and traditional integrated farming methods have generally remained undamaged. Bhutan contains many endemics of both cultivated and wild species and a diverse range of plant genetic resources. Despite being the least developed in economic development, Bhutan plays a critical role in preserving world biodiversity, particularly in the Eastern Himalayas.

330

T. K. Nepal

19.6 Threats to TEK Due to the influence of occupational shift, schooling, and the communication gap between seniors and younger generations, the TEK is in danger of decline (Nepal 2021). These directly impact the components of human well-being. TEK is an essential component of sustainable development, and it also provides answers to problems that arise as a result of globalization and changes in human well-being components (Kumari 2003; Shrestha and Dhillion 2006; Andanda 2012). TEK is increasingly viewed as an effective and practical strategy for addressing forest sustainability by incorporating local communities. Despite its critical value, attempts to conserve and promote TEK at the grassroots level remain a pipe dream (Apte and Kothari 2000; Pathak 2009). The perception of TEK change in the industrialization and globalization age is unfavorable. In an era of global climate change, TEK plays a vital role in biodiversity conservation and sustainability. Nonetheless, it is undervalued and ignored in all conservation and sustainability discussions. It is undervalued in state and national economic assessments. Local knowledge gained from long-term naturesociety interactions has been shown in several studies to be particularly beneficial in verifying scientific hypotheses and generating new study topics. The combined potential of TEK and scientific knowledge should be utilized to improve the environment and human well-being.

19.7 Conclusion Traditional ecological knowledge is widely acknowledged and characterized as an intellectual endeavor in various social, cultural, and environmental contexts. Many scholars characterize TEK as a people-centered design approach; practice and inventions uniquely connected with many indigenous groups by customary laws and a societal cultural legacy preserved and passed down through generations. TEK is an essential component of social capital in the underdeveloped world to produce food and health and create local perceptions and visions of society and the environment. Furthermore, local TEK and management practices can assist in comprehending socio-ecological and adaptive management systems and delivering ecosystem benefits. TEK is also important for dealing with health issues, food security, socio-cultural practices, environmental issues, and biodiversity protection. Unfortunately, TEK and its values are not considered in the economic analysis of natural resources in many developing nations. Although expanding worldwide awareness plays a vital role in the relationship between TEK and sustainable development, few national links have been found.

19 Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) …

331

References Andanda P (2012) Striking a balance between intellectual property protection of traditional knowledge, cultural preservation and access to knowledge. J Int Rights 17:547–558 Apte T, Kothari A (2000) Joint protected area management: a simple guide, how it will benefit wildlife and humans. Kalpavriksh Environment Action Group, Pune, India Banerjee A, Bandopadhyay R (2016) Biodiversity hotspot of Bhutan and its sustainability. Curr Sci 110(4):521–527 Bhutan Land Cover Assessment (LCMP) (2010) Technical report: Bhutan land cover assessment (LCMP-2010). Minister of Agriculture and Forests, Royal Government of Bhutan, Thimphu Bhutan Media and Communications Institute (BMCI) (2016) Bhutan: Climate + Change. Bhutan Media and Communications Institute (BMCI) and International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) Chhogyel N, Kumar L (2018) Climate change and potential impacts on agriculture in Bhutan: a discussion of pertinent issues. Agric Food Secur 7(1):1–13 Dorji L, Webb EL, Shivakoti GP (2006) Forest property rights under nationalized forest management in Bhutan. Environ Conserv 33(2):141–147 Frame B (2005) Bhutan: a review of its approach to sustainable development. Dev Pract 15(2):216– 221 Kubiszewski I, Costanza R, Dorji L, Thoennes P, Tshering K (2013) An initial estimate of the value of ecosystem services in Bhutan. Ecosyst Serv 3:e11–e21 Kumari J (2003) Indigenous knowledge erosion. Indian Folk Life 2(4) Manita, Nepal TK (2020) An updated checklist of globally threatened species in Bhutan as listed in IUCN red list of threatened species. Int J Sci Res (IJSR) 10(2):1640–1646 Ministry of Agriculture and Forests (MoAF) (2009) Biodiversity Action Plan. National Biodiversity Centre, Ministry of Agriculture, Royal Government of Bhutan, Thimphu Namgay S, Sridith K (2020) Distribution pattern of the genus Rhododendron in Bhutan Himalayan range. Sci Asia 46(4):429–435 National Biodiversity Centre (NBC) (2009) Pteridophytes of Bhutan—A list of families, genera and species. National Biodiversity Centre, Ministry of Agriculture and Forests, Royal Government of Bhutan, Thimphu National Biodiversity Centre (NBC) (2019) Biodiversity statistics of Bhutan 2017: a preliminary baseline. National Biodiversity Centre, Ministry of Agriculture and Forests, Serbithang, Thimphu, Bhutan National Environment Commission (NEC) (2016) Bhutan’s second National Communication to UNFCCC, 2011. Royal Government of Bhutan, Thimphu, Bhutan National Statistics Bureau (NSB) (2018) Population and Housing Census of Bhutan 2017. National Statistics Bureau of Bhutan Nepal TK (2021) An overview of threats to traditional ecological knowledge. J Res Hum Soc Sci 9(11):01–04 Pathak N (2009) Community conserved areas in India: a directory. Kalpavriksh Environment Action Group, Pune, India Shrestha PM, Dhillion SS (2006) Diversity and traditional knowledge concerning wild food species in a locally managed forest in Nepal. Agrofor Syst 66:55–63 Wangchuk P, Tobgay T (2015) Contributions of medicinal plants to the Gross National Happiness and Biodiscovery in Bhutan. J Ethnobiol Ethnomed 11(48):1–23 Wangchuk S (2001) Local resource management institutions: a case study on sokshing management. J Bhutan Stud 3(1):1–44

332

T. K. Nepal

Wangdi S, Norbu N, Wangchuk S, Thinley K (2014) Social restriction in traditional forest management systems, and its implications for biodiversity conservation in Bhutan. J Bhutan Ecol Soc 1:112–122 Yeshi K, Aagaard-Hansen J, Wangchuk P (2021) Medicinal, nutritional, and spiritual significance of plants in Bhutan: their biodiscovery potential and conservation status. In: Abbasi AS, Bussmann RW (eds) Ethnobiology of Mountain Communities of Asia. Ethnobiology. Springer, Cham, pp 1–25

Chapter 20

Agro-Climatic Constraints and the Adaptive Empirical Knowledge System of Indigenous Farmers in Assam, India Ujjal Deka Baruah, Nitashree Mili, Rudrakshi Gogoi, and Mayuri Chetia

20.1 Introduction Farmers, crops, and climate change are inextricably linked. Climate change might be beneficial to some crops in some regions, but it is expected to be harmful to most crops in most regions of the world (Nelson et al. 2009). In India, climatic conditions have negatively affected the livelihoods of people (Chunera et al. 2019). Rural communities face harmful consequences on agriculture through crop failure, loss of livestock, reduced availability of marine, aquaculture, and forest products, and new patterns of pests and diseases outbreak (Chunera et al. 2019). In Assam, smallscale subsistence farming is most commonly practiced, and farmers make changes in cropping patterns according to crop demand and family requirements. However, climate change-related issues along with other factors like lack of capital or land fragmentation also contribute to changes in agricultural patterns. These changes have a damaging effect on the agricultural productivity and economic circumstances of the farmers. It is therefore of utmost importance that sustainable adaptation strategies be employed to deal with these hindrances. Farmers of Assam have resorted to traditional agricultural techniques to deal with these constraints to maintain some semblance of agricultural productivity and profit. For instance, forecasting weather conditions to decide upon planting dates or types of crops to be planted helps farmers to save their crops from damage due to heavy rains or floods. Such traditional methods not only help farmers to increase farm profit but also to practice environment-friendly techniques for coping with climate change. Considering the minimal availability of modern farm practices in the region, empirical adaptive strategies act as key to dealing with agro-climatic constraints. U. D. Baruah · N. Mili (B) · R. Gogoi · M. Chetia Department of Geography, Cotton University, Guwhaty 78100, Assam, India e-mail: [email protected] U. D. Baruah e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. C. Rai and P. K. Mishra (eds.), Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Resource Management in Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16840-6_20

333

334

U. D. Baruah et al.

The present chapter, therefore, deals with these constraints in agriculture and the traditional adaptation strategies employed by the farmers to cope with them.

20.2 Agro-Climatic Constraints In order to facilitate agricultural development and create adaptation and mitigation strategies, it is important to take into consideration the various agro-climatic constraints (Zhang et al. 2017). Many climatic and non-climatic factors constrain the agricultural sector. They have been discussed in the following sub-sections. The adaptation barriers identified in the study are based on the perception of farmers using a standard questionnaire and focal group discussions, which were then compared with government records. For research, the adaptation barriers are categorized into climate-associated adaptation barriers and climatic constraints.

20.2.1 Climate Associated Adaptation Barriers Farmers’ perception and their responses to various climate change-related issues often differ in various regions according to socio-economic characteristics, knowledge, and environmental factors (Deressa et al. 2011; Touch et al. 2016). The barriers identified in the present study are—lack of information about climate change, lack of technological and scientific knowledge, lack of capital/credit facilities, land fragmentation, inadequate storage facilities, lack of irrigation facilities, lack of surface water source, land-use/ land-cover change, no adaptation required, and no barriers to adaptation as observed in the agro-climatic zone of Assam (Table 20.1).

20.2.2 Lack of Technological and Scientific Practices Farmers in Assam rely on knowledge gathered through several years of farming experience (9–18%). Hill zone farmers usually depend on their traditional techniques of farming (46%), where the use of traditional crops, manual implements, and manures is found extensively. Lack of proper market and transportation facilities also brings about the loss in agriculture (Deka 2001). The principal reasons for slow technological growth are the lack of extension and awareness programs in Assam compared to other parts of India (Table 20.2).

20 Agro-Climatic Constraints and the Adaptive Empirical Knowledge …

335

Table 20.1 Barriers to adaptation in agro-climatic regions of Assam Farmers (%)

Barriers

UBVZ BVZ CBVZ HZ

LBVZ NBPZ Total

12 (47)

16 (35)

6 (17)

18 (48)

9 (28)

7 (19)

11 (193)

Lack of technological and scientific 23 approach (90)

27 (58)

19 (54)

46 31 (123) (96)

17 (46)

27 (467)

Lack of capital/credit facilities

45 (176)

57 51 (123) (146)

63 55 (168) (171)

58 (157)

54 (940)

Land fragmentation

17 (66)

25 (54)

27 (77)

32 (85)

29 (90)

12 (32)

23 (406)

Inadequate storage facilities

25 (98)

37 (80)

17 (49)

21 (56)

27 (84)

35 (95)

26 (461)

Lack of irrigation facilities/Water shortage

31 (121)

37 (80)

45 (129)

57 42 (152) (131)

34 (92)

40 (704)

Lack of surface water source

26 (101)

30 (65)

39 (112)

62 45 (166) (140)

23 (62)

37 (645)

Land-use/Land-cover change

47 (183)

34 (73)

29 (83)

17 (45)

23 (72)

40 (108)

32 (565)

No adaptation required

25 (98)

12 (26)

9 (26)

12 (32)

15 (47)

15 (41)

15 (268)

No barriers to adaptation

21 (82)

15 (32)

11 (31)

9 (24)

11 (34)

9 (24)

13 (228)

Lack of information about climate change

* Numbers

within parenthesis are Famers in number Lower Brahmaputra Valley Zone (LBVZ), Upper Brahmaputra Valley Zone (UBVZ), Central Brahmaputra Valley Zone (CBVZ), North Bank Plain Zone (NBPZ), Barak Valley Zone (BaVZ), and Hill Zone (HZ) Source Baruah (2018)

Table 20.2 Fund allocation for technology enhancement program in Assam, 2007–2011 Funds allocation under promotion and strengthening of agriculture mechanization (PSAM) through training, testing, and demonstrations in Assam (2007–2008 to 2010–2011) (Rs. in Crore) State

2007–08

2008–09

2009–10

2010–11

2011–12

2012–13

Assam

0.22

0.35

0

0

0

0

Uttar Pradesh

0.18

0.44

0.42

0.19

0.17

0.22

India

6.14

7.15

2.61

2.71

11.6

8.33

Source Lok Sabha unstarred question no. 3407, dated on 30.11.2010 & Lok Sabha unstarred question no. 2786, dated on 11.12.2012

20.2.3 Lack of Capital/Credit Facilities Farmers face acute problems in terms of capital investment and loan repayment toward credit facilities. The high cost of production and low prices for agricultural

336

U. D. Baruah et al.

Table 20.3 Estimates of the cost of cultivation/production of rapeseed and mustard and paddy in Assam, 2003–2010 Year

2003

Rapeseed and mustard

Paddy cultivation

Estimated total cost of production (Rs./Qtl.)

Price (Rs./Qtl.)

Value (Rs. In Lakhs)

Estimated cost of production (Rs./Qtl.)

Price (in Rs./Qtl.)

Value (Rs. In Lakhs)

2162

1740

24,069

474

1451

309,116

2004

1996

1864

24,116

480

1594

296,409

2005

1910

1739

16,869

493

1600

306,785

2006

2075

1954

22,643

505

1844

293,294

2007

2199

1862

22,887

656

2100

390,505

2008

2479

2207

27,526

731

2350

515,603

2009

2633

2451

31,192

910

2451

577,479

2010

3054

2555

35,325

912

2555

691,598

Rate of increase per year

134**

118**

1742*

72**

172**

57,219**

Source Ministry of Agriculture, Government of India and Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Government of Assam. Rate of increase in cost item, price, and the value calculated using linear regression; significant at **0.01, and *0.05 level of significance

produce have led the farmers into poverty, thus, posing major agricultural constraints. The cost of production of rapeseed and mustard through the years 2003–2010 and their prices per quintal, prove the fact that farmers gain no profits out of such production. Maximum profits are gained in the production of paddy (Table 20.3) making it a highly cultivated crop in the state.

20.2.4 Land Fragmentation Fragmented land holdings are detrimental to the growth of the agricultural sector as they increase inefficiencies and decrease farm profit (Manjunatha et al. 2013). The increase in the number of land holdings and steady decrease in the average size of holding (Table 20.4) proves the deteriorating condition of farms in the state.

20.2.5 Inadequate Storage Facilities As stated by Deka (2001), post-harvest facilities like cold storage, marketing, and transportation are extremely poor in the state. In the absence of a proper market information system, cold storage system, and agro-processing industry, the sector

20 Agro-Climatic Constraints and the Adaptive Empirical Knowledge … Table 20.4 Number of agricultural holdings, total operated area, and the average size of holdings in Assam, 1970–2001

337

Year

Number of holdings

Total operated area (In’000 Ha)

Average size of holding (Ha)

1970–71

1,964,376

2882

1.47

1976–77

2,253,654

3079

1.37

1980–81

2,297,588

3121

1.36

1985–86

2,419,156

3161

1.31

1990–91

2,523,379

3205

1.27

1995–96

2,682,997

3138

1.17

2000–01

2,712,137

3114

1.15

Source Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Government of Assam and Ministry of Agriculture, Government of India. Note Totals have been rounded off

suffers from heavy losses. As of May 2012, the existing storage capacity was 88,000 MT against a requirement of 919,000 MT in Assam (Table 20.5). The cover and plinth (CAP) storage is mostly used in India; however, the CAP system is not commonly practiced in Assam, probably due to severe monsoonal rainfall and flood. Storage practice in Assam includes covered warehouses (2.53 lakh MT as on March 2012), which is much less compared to the requirement in the state (Table 20.6). Table 20.5 Status of cold storage capacity (in ‘000 MT) in Assam (As on 04.05.2012) Cold storage requirement

State Assam India

Present capacity

Gap

919

88

831

61,130

24,298

36,832

Source Rajya Sabha Unstarred Question No. 3172, dated on 04.05.2012

Table 20.6 Storage capacity of state warehousing corporation (Owned and Hired) in Assam (as on 01.03.2012) State

No. of warehousing

Covered capacity (in Lakh MT) Owned

Assam

44

India

1618

Hired

CAP capacity (in Lakh MT) Total

2.14

0.39

2.53

130.81

85.57

216.38

Owned 0 13.65

% age utilization

Total 2.53

71

230.03

80

Source Ministry of Consumer Affairs, Food and Public Distribution, Government of India

338

U. D. Baruah et al. 4500

Area ('000 Hectare)

4000 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500

Net Sown Area

Net Irrigated Area

Gross Sown Area

2012-13

2011-12

2010-11

20009-10

2008-09

2007-08

2006-07

2005-06

2004-05

2003-04

2002-03

2001-02

2000-01

0

Gross Irrigated Area

Fig. 20.1 Irrigated cropland against area under cultivation in Assam, 2000–13. Source Reserve Bank of India via www.indistat.com

20.2.6 Lack of Irrigation Facilities/Water Shortage Assam has a very poor irrigation system for agriculture, with an average net irrigated area of 149,000 ha against average net cropped area of 2,780,000 ha. Also, the average gross irrigated area was 177,000 ha against average gross cropped area of 4,005,000 ha during 2000–13 (Fig. 20.1). The lack of farm power needed for irrigation also adds to this problem. Table 20.7 shows the level of irrigation in the agro-climatic zones of Assam (irrigated area against net cropped area). It is observed that highly irrigated farms are found in the HZ (14.85%) followed by LBVZ (7.98%) and CBVZ (7.80%). The UBVZ (0.68%) is the lowest irrigated agro-climatic zone in the region. Groundwater is an important source of irrigation. However, groundwater levels are found to decrease in recent years and are expected to further decrease in the future (19.8 BCM in 2015 and 43 BCM in 2050). Monsoonal (63–86%) and non-monsoonal rains (4–28.4%) are the major factors for groundwater recharge but changing patterns of rains may lead to deficiency of groundwater in the future (Table 20.8).

20.2.7 Land-Use/Land-Cover Change Assam has experienced a marked increase in land-use and land-cover change, due to population pressure and natural disasters. Natural disasters affected 5.82% of arable land in Assam in 2010–2011, compared to 4.83% in India (Source: Lok Sabha Starred Question No. 270, dated on 15.03.2011). There has been a substantial

20 Agro-Climatic Constraints and the Adaptive Empirical Knowledge …

339

Table 20.7 Agro-climatic-wise irrigation in Assam 2011–12 ACZ

Seasonal irrigation contribution to net cropped area

Total irrigation contribution (%)

Kharif

Net area sown

Rabi & Pre Kharif

Total cropped area

Area sown more than once

LBVZ

6.93

1.06

7.99

5.24

15.23

CBVZ

6.21

1.59

7.80

5.98

25.67

NBPZ

3.67

0.31

3.98

2.29

5.36

BVZ

0.92

1.27

2.19

1.54

5.16

UBVZ

0.52

0.17

0.68

0.52

2.17

12.61

2.24

14.85

8.97

22.65

HZ

* Calculation

based on data Statistical Handbook of Assam, 2011–12

Table 20.8 Groundwater resources availability, utilization, and stage of development in Assam 2010–2011 2011–2012

Groundwater (In BCM/Yr) Annual replenishable Monsoon season groundwater resources

Recharge from rainfall

23.65

Recharge from other 1.99 sources

Non-monsoon season Recharge from rainfall

18.95 2.2

1.05

8.62

Recharge from other 0.54 sources*

0.59

Total

27.23

30.35

Natural discharge during non-monsoon season

2.34

2.54

Net annual groundwater availability

24.89

27.81

Annual groundwater draft

Irrigation

4.85

5.33

Domestic and industrial uses

0.59

0.69

Total

5.44

6.03

Projected demand for domestic and industrial uses up to 2025

0.98

0.98

Groundwater availability for future irrigation

19.06

21.5

Water requirement for future irrigation viz. 2025 and 2050

19.8

43

22

22

Stage of groundwater development (%

age)#

Source Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, Government of India * Groundwater recharge due to return flow from irrigation, seepage from canals, recharge from tanks and ponds and recharge from water conservation structures # The stage of groundwater development is to be computed as given below

340

U. D. Baruah et al.

loss of arable farmland due to significant sedimentation from the river Brahmaputra and its tributaries, as well as embankment breaches and erosion. Between 2003 and 2010, the percentage of land used for non-agricultural activities increased to 13.60%, showing growing population pressure on land. Nearly 17–47% of farmers in each agro-climatic zone believe that changes in land-use/land-cover are a factor in agricultural restrictions. These non-agricultural lands are developed areas used for settlement and infrastructure, and they are a contributing factor in the loss of barren and uncultivable land, including forest (5.26%), fallow (31.24%), and uncultivated land (2.88%) (Anon 2003, 2010). Farmers in UBVZ (47%) and BVZ (40%) perceived and felt the restrictions of agricultural development because of the higher landuse/land-cover change. Despite this, 17% of HZ farmers do not see land-use/landcover as a barrier to agricultural development. Although total cropped area increased by 3.75% and net planted area increased by 2.11%, this could be related to medium to big farmers expanding their farm size by leasing land. Furthermore, the number of farmers increased by 8.87% in 2011 when compared to the number of farmers in 2001 (Data source: Statistical Handbook of Assam, 2009, 2014). As a result, net sown and total cropped area increased.

20.3 Climate Constraints 20.3.1 Rainfall and Temperature As shown in the figure, rainfall variability in Assam is extremely high (Fig. 20.2). Assam has been wrecked by floods due to heavy rainfall. Farmers are unable to predict the type of weather, such as drought, flood, or both, due to the great fluctuation of Southwest Monsoon rains. These unpredictably unreliable circumstances result in significant loss of life and property. Severe drought and flooding have resulted in significant agricultural and livestock losses. According to a report from the State Agriculture Department, the drought-like situation in Baksa affected 14,673.76 hectares of land in 302 villages and 4,820 families in 2017. Around 6250 hectares of agricultural land in the state have been impacted by siltation. A substantial number of crops have been harmed (Anom 2017). Drought-like conditions followed a flood wave that exacerbated the agricultural situation. As of 15 August 2017, 25 districts, 3186–92 villages, total cropped area of 1, 82, 343.06 hectares, and 33, 27, 968 people were affected (Flood report, Assam State Disaster Management Authority).

341

Precentage departure from Normal (%)

20 Agro-Climatic Constraints and the Adaptive Empirical Knowledge …

Fig. 20.2 Departure of rainfall (%) from normal during 1977–2014, indicative of rainfall deficit and excess rainfall in Assam. Source IMD, RMC, LGBI Airport (Borjhar), Statistical Handbook Assam 2014 and 2015

20.3.2 Duration of Sunshine (Radiation/Heat) The duration of sunshine in Assam is comparatively less than the other states (Table 20.9). Crops in Assam get less radiation (heat) and take longer duration to mature in comparison to other states. Although, the days to maturity are decreasing at rate of 10–18 days per 37 years due to global warming (Baruah 2018). Table 20.9 Month-wise duration of sunshine in different cities of India, 1995 Month

Month-wise duration of sunshine (Hours in Tenths) Bhopal

Amini

Guwahati

Chennai

Varanasi (Bhuj)

Dibrugarh

Bhopal

Jan

86

85

60

84

64

57

86

Feb

100

96

80

96

83

42

100

Mar

79

85

69

87

75

28

79

Apr

93

83

65

94

N/A

32

93

May

94

78

60

86

N/A

43

94

Jun

85

47

47

66

66

48

85

Jul

15

33

44

58

37

N/A

15

Aug

32

57

51

46

N/A

N/A

32

Sep

63

49

55

58

61

N/A

63

Oct

90

70

76

39

73

63

90

Nov

93

N/A

81

56

71

79

93

Dec

80

N/A

77

57

53

70

80

Source Indian Meteorological Department, Government of India

342

U. D. Baruah et al.

Farmers (%)

100

Enhanced Production Early maturity Water deficiency change in cropping calender uncertaininity in crop production

50

0 UBVZ

BVZ

CBVZ

HZ

LBVZ

NBPZ

Assam

Fig. 20.3 Effects of climate-related events as perceived by farmers

20.3.3 Climatic Constraints as Perceived by Farmers Out of the total surveyed farmers, nearly half of them believed in climate-related uncertainty of production. These perceptions (Fig. 20.3) match the data derived from the Agriculture Department, Government of Assam. Early maturity of crops along with changes in cropping calendar as perceived by the farmers (30%) in the study match the statistical data available. Factors like water stress, change in maturity and harvest dates affect soil fertility (Abid et al. 2016; Ahmad et al. 2013).

20.4 Adaptation Strategies Adopted by Farmers to Deal with Climate Change Adaptation is defined as a change in natural or human systems as a result of present or anticipated climatic stimuli or their effects, which mitigates harm or maximizes benefits. In Assam (Table 20.10), the majority of farmers (75–91%) believed that climate change necessitated adaptation. The sample study of the agro-climatic zones reveals the adaption tactics used by farmers at the farm level. Farmers choose different varieties of crops diversification, shifting to traditional crops, changing planting dates, mixed farming (ahu and sali paddy), good tillage, and diversifying from farm to non-farm activity. Because of the unpredictability of yield due to the vagaries of climate, some full-time farmers have chosen to 0become part-time farmers (Table 20.10).

20.4.1 Crop Diversification Farmers in Assam are diversifying their crops at a rate of 19–52%. The Hill zones (52%), NBPZ (45%), and LBVZ (35%) of Assam have the highest proportion of

20 Agro-Climatic Constraints and the Adaptive Empirical Knowledge …

343

Table 20.10 Farm-level adaptation strategies in agro-climatic zones of Assam Adaptation strategies

UBVZ

Crop diversification

26 (101) 19 (41) 37 (106)

BVZ

CBVZ

HZ

LBVZ

NBPZ

52 (139)

35 (109)

45 (122) 36 (622)

Assam

Changes in crop varieties 17 and mixed cropping (66)

21 (45) 41 (117) 22 (59) 15 (47)

45 (122) 26 (456)

Different planting dates

55 (215)

45 (97) 35 (100) 31 (83) 27 (84)

57 (154) 42 (732)

Diversifying from farm to non-farm activity

23 (90)

15 (32) 10 (29)

12 (32) 7 (22)

9 (24)

13 (229)

Adopt to artificial irrigation

5 (20)

13 (28) 17 (49)

21 (56) 25 (78)

9 (24)

15 (254)

Chemical fertilizer use

27 (105) 24 (52) 77 (220) 5 (13)

Soil conservation techniques

45 (176) 32 (69) 63 (180) 21 (56) 65 (202)

47 (127) 47 (810)

Total number of observations

390

270

216

286

267

34 (106) 30 (81)

311

33 (577)

1740

* Numbers

within bracket is actual number of farmers in the agro-climatic zones; figures indicate the % of respondents Source Crops and Farmers Response to Climate Change: A Case Study of Assam (Doctoral Thesis), by U. D. (Baruah, 2018), Gauhati University.

farmers who are diversifying their crops. BVZ (19%) and UBVZ (19%) have the least diversification (26%). The diversification is aimed at mitigating the effects of climate change on crop output.

20.4.2 Changing Crop Varieties and Mixed Cropping The most severe flood and drought-affected areas of Assam show the biggest changes in crop variety. Rather than using HYV varieties, farmers tend to return to their traditional crop kinds. Traditional crops have a 75% chance of surviving after a flood, whereas HVY types have a far lesser chance. During the rabi season, farmers planted mustard with chickpeas, and during the kharif season, they planted ahu rice with bao rice. Because ahu is an early variety, it may be harmed if there are early pre-monsoon floods, while the bao dhan crop will be unaffected. If the floods come later in the monsoon season, the ahu paddy would survive, and the bao would have a better chance of surviving too (Rahman 2015). In the sandy farmlands destroyed by severe siltation in floods, it would take at least 5 years to regain fertility. As a result, farmers in such places have evolved to grow watermelons, sugarcane, and peanuts (Parida and Oinam 2015). In flood-affected areas of the CBVZ and NBPZ, the greatest shift in crop variety and mixed cropping is found.

344

U. D. Baruah et al.

20.4.3 Different Planting Dates Following a series of bad climate change effects, the planting date has been shifted. Fields have been inundated due to extraordinary pre-monsoonal rainfall. Temperature rises have shortened the time it takes for certain crops to mature. The statistical analysis based on the rising degree day approach agrees with the observation of a reduction in the number of days to maturity. For example, two rice cultivars (Monoharsali and Mahsuri) took 160 days to mature in 2007, compared to 170 days in 1971, to achieve a growth degree day of 2630. The time it takes for these rice types to mature is decreasing at a rate of 1.4 days per 10 years. Therefore, farmers’ perceptions of climate change and their adaptation to advance crop planting are statistically significant.

20.4.4 Diversifying from Farm to Non-Farm Activity Farmers of all types, including full-time, part-time, hobby, and retiree farmers, are diversifying their operations. Even though full-time farmers are the majority, the majority of farmers prefer to be part-time, hobby, or retiree farmers. Farmers not only rely on agricultural goods for income, but also on other economies such as small stores, services, private jobs, and other such activities.

20.4.5 Chemical Fertilizer Use Assam’s fertilizer consumption (68.5 kg/ha) was less than a third of Punjab’s (218 kg/ha) in 2014–15. Since the 1980s, farmers have been applying fertilizers in addition to bio-fertilizers such as green manure and cow dung in the field (Deka 2012). In 2014–15, the largest consumption of fertilizers (N + P + K) was recorded in Darrang (218.97 kg/ha), Nalbari (142.71 kg/ha), Dhubri (9140.66 kg/ha), Kamrup (R + M) (115.07 kg/ha), Nagaon (113.46 kg/ha). CBVZ (104.50 kg/ha) had the largest fertilizer consumption, whereas HZ (4.55 kg/ha) had the lowest.

20.4.6 Irrigation System In Assam, the rate of expansion of irrigation facilities is very slow in comparison to other states of India. In 2014–15, irrigation through canals was 2, 08,649 ha (canals) and 10,367 ha (tube wells), totaling 219,016 ha, compared to (110,514.77) ha of canal and 2,964.86 ha of tube well irrigation, totaling 113,479.63 ha in 2001–02. Farmers built their irrigation systems by collecting rainwater in lakes and ponds.

20 Agro-Climatic Constraints and the Adaptive Empirical Knowledge …

345

5–25% of farmers use these techniques for self-irrigation, and they irrigate crops primarily during dry seasons (Table 20.1). The use of such systems is common in Assam due to the irregular nature of monsoonal rainfall.

20.4.7 Soil Conservation Techniques About 21–65% of farmers in various agro-climatic zones use a variety of techniques to combat erosion and siltation while also conserving fertile soils. Farmers responded to such circumstances by using techniques such as mixed cropping, crop rotation, strip cropping, early maturing varieties, contour plowing, and terracing in hills. These methods are employed to preserve soil fertility and maximize the amount of arable land available to bring under the plow. Mixed farming in both kharif and rabi seasons helps farmers to partially maintain the soil quality.

20.5 Modeing Adaptation Strategies Crop diversification (×1), crop varieties (×2), different planting dates (×3), diversifying from farm to non-farm activity (×4), use of artificial irrigation/groundwater (× 5), chemical fertilizer use (×6), soil conservation techniques (×7), and no farm adaptation (×8) are the adaptation strategies perceived and chosen by farmers in Assam (Table 20.11). To model the farmers’ adaption techniques in Assam, a total of 1740 farmer interviews were used. Access to climate information, access to technological and scientific approaches (extension services), and access to capital/credit facilities, land fragmentation, storage facilities, access to irrigation facilities, availability of surface water source, land-use/land-cover change, and no barriers to adaptation are the independent variables. The chi-squared (χ2) values were found to be 271, which is statistically significant at 90% confidence level. Therefore, it suggests the goodness of fit of the model indicating strong explanatory factors to adaptation. Farmers that have access to climate data via electronic media, the internet, extension services, newspapers, and regional weather forecasting are more likely to adapt. Because they are concerned about the environment, well-educated farmers are more inclined to adapt. Extension services such as basic agricultural training, lectures, seminars, and workshops will boost the chances of adaptation. Farmers are more inclined to use contemporary technologies and adhere to mechanization if they have access to finance and credit. Farmers who live in remote parts of Assam and are largely rural are not well educated. Furthermore, climate information is only available on a very limited basis through local broadcasts on television and radio. Farmers in the sample villages relied on traditional weather-predicting methods, which include seasonal winds, animal behavior, and insect observation. As a result, climate information transmission is

346

U. D. Baruah et al.

Table 20.11 Farm level modeling of adaptation strategies of farmers using Multinomial Logit Model (MNL) Determinants of Adaptation

Adaptation strategies response x1

x2

x3

x4

Information about climate change

0.016

0.82

0.37

Technological and 0.49* scientific approach

0.57 0.002

x5

x6

x7

x8

−0.001 0.07

0.25

0.002

−0.003

0.016

−0.3

0.03

0.004** 0.07#

−0.33

−0.38

−0.25

0.59#

0.57

0.94

−0.006*

−0.03

−0.02

0.000

−0.64

−0.005 −0.001 −0.001 0.001

0.006

−0.065

0.045

−0.17

Capital/credit facilities

0.05#

Land fragmentation

−0.018 −0.021 −0.004 −0.06

Storage facilities

0.43**

Irrigation facilities

0.017*

0.005

0.009

−0.01

Surface water source

0.3*

−0.35

0.19

−0.003 0.01#

Land-cover change

0.063*

0.002

−0.015 0.06*

0.49

Land-use change

−0.004 −0.000 −0.04

No adaptation required

−0.6

−0.62

−0.009 −0.04

No barriers to adaptation

0.001

0.029*

0.41

0.23

0.002*

0.013

−0.006 −0.003 −0.012

−0.007 0.023

−0.91

−0.32

−0.1

−0.045 −0.01

0.005

0.09#

-0.49

0.001

0.39

0.002#

0.007

−0.81#

−0.001 0.42*

# , * , ** denotes

level of significance at 0.1, 0.05, and 0.01 Source Crops and Farmers Response to Climate Change: A Case Study of Assam (Doctoral Thesis), by U. D. Baruah (2018), Gauhati University

less likely to be a factor in farmers’ adaptation in Assam. Many agricultural adaptation alternatives have been proposed, reflecting techniques or practices that could be used to mitigate projected negative effects. They cover a wide range of formats (technical, financial, and managerial), scales (global, regional, and local), and participants (governments, businesses, and farmers) (Smit and Skinne 2002). Depending on availability of resources, adaptation to farming takes place. Farmers in Assam still use traditional methods of cultivation, which is better for a region that is sensitive to climate change and natural calamities. Traditional crops must be reintroduced in affected and vulnerable areas for the crops to survive. Farmers’ poverty has harmed not only their farming systems, but also the agricultural development process as a whole.

20 Agro-Climatic Constraints and the Adaptive Empirical Knowledge …

347

20.6 Conclusion Adaptation strategies are crucial in dealing with climate change. These strategies need to be economically viable for farmers, environment friendly, and sustainable. Effective adaptation techniques are required given the agro-climatic restrictions, climate changes observed in Assam, and the significant influence it can have on the region’s agriculture. As a result, traditional environmental knowledge and farming practices derived from it appear to be beneficial in a place like Assam, where the rural population is higher and climate forecasting information is scarce. Adaptation strategies like crop diversification, different planting dates, bio-fertilizers, or local methods of irrigation have proven to be quite successful in preserving agricultural profit and environmental balance. Apart from these, people make climate predictions based on traditional beliefs and perceptions, such as animal behavior. Rain is expected in the next two days when the frogs croak at midday or night. In the same way, if ants are seen climbing out of their home, crossing the road, or moving to a higher location, heavy rain is expected in the subsequent 48–72 h. Farmers have therefore dealt with the changes in climate with their traditional knowledge that has been passed down through generations. Keeping in mind the benefits of the practice of traditional methods, it can be concluded that these techniques need to be preserved for posterity. With the amalgamation of traditional knowledge and modern scientific studies efficient, economic, and sustainable methods to cope with climate change can be achieved.

References Abid M, Schilling J, Scheffran J, Zulfiqar F (2016) Climate change vulnerability, adaptation and risk perceptions at farm level in Punjab, Pakistan. Sci Total Environ 547:447–460. https://doi. org/10.1016/j.scitotenv.2015.11.125 Ahmad M, Iqbal M, Khan MA (2013) Climate change, agriculture and food security in Pakistan: adaptation options and strategies climate change brief. Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, Islamabad, Pakistan Anom (2017) Drought-like situation hits Assam districts. http://sentinelassam.com/story/guw ahati-today/0/drought-like-situation-hits-assam-districts/2017-08-09/1/316740#.WZNa6V UjHIU. Accessed 16 Aug 2017 Anon (2003, 2010) Statistical handbook of Assam. Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Government of Assam, Guwahati Baruah UD (2018) Crops and farmers response to climate change: a case study of Assam. Doctoral Thesis, Gauhati University, Guwahati, Assam, India Chunera A, Dash D, Deep A (2019) Farm level adaptation strategies to climate change. J Pharmacogn Phytochem 8(4):1685–1690 Deka AK (2001) Status, constraints and strategies for agricultural development in Assam Deka N (2012) Agroecosystems in the Brahmaputra valley Assam dynamics and sustainability. Gauhati University, Guwahati Deressa TT, Hassan RM, Ringler C (2011) Perception of and adaptation to climate change by farmers in the Nile basin of Ethiopia. J Agric Sci 149:23–31

348

U. D. Baruah et al.

Manjunatha AV, Anik AR, Speelman S, Nuppenau EA (2013) Impact of land fragmentation, farm size, land ownership and crop diversity on profit and efficiency of irrigated farms in India. Land Use Policy 31:397–405. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2012.08.005 Nelson GC, Rosegrant MW, Koo J, Robertson R, Sulser T, Zhu T, Ringler C, Msangi S, Palazzo A, Batka M, Magalhaes M, Valmonte-Santos R, Ewing, M, Lee D (2009) Climate change: impact on agriculture and costs of adaptation. International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington, D.C.https://doi.org/10.2499/0896295354 Parida BR, Oinam B (2015) Unprecedented drought in North East India compared to western India. Curr Sci 109(11):2121 Rahman AP (2015) Something old, something new: Assam farmers adapt to climate change. http:// indiaclimatedialogue.net/2015/10/16/something-old-something-new-Assam-farmers-adapt-toclimate-change/. Accessed 7 Aug 2017 Smit B, Skinne MW (2002) Adaptation options in agriculture to climate change: a typology. Mitig Adapt Strat Glob Change 7(1):85–114 Touch V, Martin RJ, Scott JF, Cowie A, Liu L (2016) Climate change adaptation options in rainfed upland cropping systems in the wet tropics: a case study of smallholder farms in North-West Cambodia. J Environ Manag 182:238–246. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvman.2016.07.039 Zhang Z, Lu J, Cong R, Tao R, Li X (2017) Evaluating agroclimatic constraints and yield gaps for winter oilseed rape (Brassica napus L.)—A case study. Sci Rep 7(1). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41 598-017-08164-x