Toward Civil Society in the Middle East?: A Primer 9781685852740

Table of contents :
Contents
Foreword
Preface
Introduction: Civil Society and the Study of Middle East Politics
1 The Future of Civil Society in the Middle East
2 Modern Islamic Fundamentalist Discourses on Civil Society, Pluralism, and Democracy
3 Democratization in the Arab World
4 Economic Pressures for Accountable Governance in the Middle East and North Africa
5 Civil Society and the Authoritarian Temptation in Algerian Politics
6 Algeria's Short-Lived Experiment with Electoral Politics
7 A Civil Society in Egypt?
8 Civil Society and Iranian Politics
9 Civil Society Under the Ba'th in Iraq
10 Two Civil Societies and One State: Jews and Arabs in the State of Israel
11 "In the Beginning Was the State..." Civil Society in Jordan
12 Civil Society in Jordan: A Preliminary Study
13 Civil Society in Kuwait
14 Civil Society in the Arab Gulf States
15 Civil Society Against the War System: The Lebanese Case
16 Palestinian Civil Society
17 Civil Society in the Gaza Strip
18 Early Elections in the West Bank and Gaza
19 The Destruction of Civil Society in the Sudan
20 State, Civil Society, and Political Change in Syria
21 Civil Society in Formation: Tunisia
22 Notes on Civil Society in Tunisia
23 Civil Society in Turkey
24 Authoritarian Secularism and Islamic Participation: The Case of Turkey
25 Yemen Between Civility and Civil War
Conclusion: Civil Society and Political Reform in the Middle East
Bibliography
About the Contributors
About the Book

Citation preview

TOWARD CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE MIDDLE EAST?

Robert Mansfield

TOWARD CIVIL S O C I E T Y IN T H E MIDDLE EAST? A PRIMER

EDITED BY

JILLIAN SCHWEDLER

LYN N E RIENNER PUBLISHERS

B O U L D E R L O N D O N

Cover photo: from Quest for Change: Civil Society in the Middle East, documentary film produced by Steven Talley and Augustus Richard Norton, © 1994. Distributed by First Run/Icarus Films, New York, and Lynne Rienner Publishers.

Published in the United States of America in 1995 by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. 1800 30th Street, Boulder, Colorado 80301 and in the United Kingdom by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. 3 Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, London WC2E 8LU © 1995 by Lynne Rienner Publishers. All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Toward civil society in the Middle East? : a primer / edited by Jillian Schwedler. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 1-55587-588-2 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Middle East—Politics and government—1976- 2. Civil society— Middle East. 3. Democracy—Middle East. 4. Political culture— Middle East. 5. Islam and politics—Middle East. I. Schwedler, Jillian. JQ1758.A5T68 1995 306.2'0956—dc20 95-4613 CIP British Cataloguing in Publication Data A Cataloguing in Publication record for this book is available from the British Library.

Printed and bound in the United States of America

@

The paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the American National Standard for Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials Z39.48-1984. 5 4 3 2 1

Contents Foreword Augustus Richard Norton

viii

Preface

xi

Introduction: Civil Society and the Study of Middle East Politics Jillian Schwedler

1

1

The Future of Civil Society in the Middle East Augustus Richard Norton

2

Modern Islamic Fundamentalist Discourses on Civil Society, Pluralism, and Democracy Ahmad Moussalli

33

35

3

Democratization in the Arab World Saad Eddin Ibrahim

4

Economic Pressures for Accountable Governance in the Middle East and North Africa Alan Richards

39

Civil Society and the Authoritarian Temptation in Algerian Politics John P. Entelis

42

5

37

6

Algeria's Short-Lived Experiment with Electoral Politics Abdeslam Maghraoui

44

7

A Civil Society in Egypt? Mustapha Kamil al-Sayyid

46

Contents

8

Civil Society and Iranian Politics Farhad Kazemi

48

9

Civil Society Under the B a ' t h in Iraq Zuhair Humadi

50

10

Two Civil Societies and One State: Jews and Arabs in the State of Israel Gideon Doron

53

"In the Beginning Was the State . . ." Civil Society in Jordan Laurie Brand

55

11

12

Civil Society in Jordan: A Preliminary Study Atef Odhibat

57

13

Civil Society in Kuwait Neil Hicks and Ghanim al-Najjar

59

14

Civil Society in the Arab Gulf States Jill Crystal

61

15

Civil Society Against the War System: The Lebanese Case Antoine Messarra

63

16

Palestinian Civil Society M u h a m m a d Muslih

65

17

Civil Society in the Gaza Strip Sara Roy

67

18

Early Elections in the West Bank and Gaza Jillian Schwedler

69

19

The Destruction of Civil Society in the Sudan Ann Mosely Lesch

71

20

State, Civil Society, and Political Change in Syria Raymond A. Hinnebusch

73

Contents

21

Civil Society in Formation: Tunisia Eva Bellin

75

22

Notes on Civil Society in Tunisia Abdelbaki Hermassi

77

23

Civil Society in Turkey Binnaz Toprak

79

24

Authoritarian Secularism and Islamic Participation: The Case of Turkey Nilufer Gole

25

Yemen Between Civility and Civil War Sheila Carapico

Conclusion: Civil Society and Political Reform in the Middle East Farhad Kazemi and Augustus Richard Norton Bibliography Arabic-Language Sources, 89 English-Language Sources, 92 French-Language Sources, 117 Turkish-Language Sources, 120 About the

Contributors

About the Book

81

83

85

89

122 124

Foreword Augustus Richard Norton

Politics in the Middle East has long been refracted through geopolitical lenses that leave the observer with an image that is neither complete nor particularly accurate. Until recently, the overwhelming majority of books and articles on the region were not about the Middle East at all. Instead of being the subject, the region was typically the object of study, as authors—ever vigilant of stability—explored variants of an all-too-familiar theme: the struggle for the Middle East. Washington and Moscow, capitals of the Cold War camps jousting for influence and position, were obsessed with their zerosum game, and serious examinations of the domestic determinants of politics in the region were superfluous. Moreover, when scholars focused on the Middle East, it was often to treat the Arab-Israeli conflict, the existential measure of a country's relevance for study; or the oil production of the Gulf, where the scholarly desideratum was weighed in 42-gallon barrels. With the Cold War now history and the Arab-Israeli conflict following suit, many analysts and scholars now turn their creative energies to the Islamist threat, a captivating example of reductionism if ever there was one. This little book offers a clearer lens, one far less prone to distortion than the approaches cited. By introducing the study of civil society, this primer offers a different perspective on the Middle East, one that examines society in juxtaposition explicitly to the state, and implicitly to the fate of authoritarianism. In a region where freedom is often circumscribed and hollow, where governments are endemically suspicious of independent forms of association, civil society cannot be described as robust. This does not mean that civil society is absent. Associational life is richer in the Middle East than is commonly assumed, although there are significant variations among states, as well as among classes. In the 1990s, civil society and, especially, the implied norms of civility and citizenship have become an important locus for debate inside and outside of the Middle East. This is a healthy debate that necessarily invokes crucial questions about the status of minorities, women, and the observance

Vili

Foreword

ix

of human rights. Moreover, as Middle East governments face the arguably inescapable challenge of reform, it is becoming more widely recognized by policymakers as well as by scholars that if open forms of governments are to be made durable, they must be underpinned by a viable civil society. Absent a civil society, experiments in participatory forms of governments are unlikely to thrive. Of course, through their stultifying regulation and even suppression of associations, political parties, and clubs, the region's governments have often so distorted civil society that only ephemeral secular associations survive, thereby allowing the Islamist movements free reign. A m o n g the major observations emerging from many of the studies of the Civil Society Project in the Middle East Project is that the Islamist opposition has been strikingly successful in creating an array of organizations and associations that serve the needs of their constituents, especially among the urban poor. The challenge is to integrate Islamist associations into civil society. This challenge is crucial, since fostering a more viable, more inclusive, and more autonomous civil society will be a fool's errand for Middle East governments (and their external allies) unless the Islamist opposition is included. By the same token, unless the Islamists are willing to play by the rules of a civil society, it is hard to imagine their participation in the project of reform. Civil society encompasses a wide swath of society and the Islamists are only part of the picture. In some settings, the Islamist opposition is a smaller part of the picture than many people may imagine; by exploring civil society one gains a sense of the rich array of associational forms found in a number of M i d d l e Eastern settings. Cooperatives, unions, professional syndicates, w o m e n ' s movements, and a panoply of sporting clubs and informal circles are all relevant topics for examination. Not all of these components of civil society are in opposition to their governments, of course. Some of them benefit very handsomely from government support and see no need for change, others are apolitical, and yet others seek incremental political change. The studies summarized here provide important insights into the workings of politics in the Middle East and give the reader a good sense of the breadth of the full-length studies found in the longer books produced by the Civil Society Project, which is also the sponsor of Toward Civil Society in the Middle East? In contrast to the status quo bias of earlier elite studies, the authors represented here are striving to look beyond the present, to develop a sense of what state-society relations may become as the Middle East enters the next millennium. Contrary to the ambiguities of political culture, the research into civil society has produced a wealth of solid empirical data. This primer is a companion to Quest for Change: Civil Society in the Middle East, a documentary film that I produced in 1994 with Steve Talley.

X

Toward Civil Society in the Middle

East?

I am confident that viewers of the film will be enriched by Toward Civil Society in the Middle East? By the same token, I am hopeful that viewers of the film will turn to this book for a guide to readings, as well as for a more thorough analysis of the themes that are introduced in the thirty-minute film. The editor, Jillian Schwedler, has been a part of the Civil Society in the Middle East Project from its inception and for the past two years has been the program officer. She has assembled a remarkable collection of materials on civil society, ranging from seminal theoretical studies to unpublished reports. Her prowess in summarizing, analyzing, and describing contending perspectives on civil society is exemplified by the fine introduction that she has written for this volume. Countless students and many scholars will be in her debt for her distillation of a mountain of material, as well as for the yeowoman work she has performed in assembling the materials for this book. Middle East governments are besieged by a plethora of problems, each one formidable in its own right. Cities are bursting at the seams, economies do not work very well, bureaucracies are neither responsive nor efficient, unemployment is rampant, and corruption is rife. Most important, people do not like their governments very much. Of course, rotten governments can totter on for a long time, and rulers may substitute repression for reform. Short-term political expediencies may be preferred to the fundamental changes that many scholars argue are necessary. As scholars, we may do no more than identify the strategic choices available to political leaders. The case for political reform is a strong one, and some Middle Eastern leaders will deduce (not necessarily accurately) that only through reform will they be able to preserve their power and privilege. When authoritarian governments navigate the shoals of change and open up space for civil society, this primer will be a good one to have in hand.

Preface T h r e e years ago, the Civil S o c i e t y in the M i d d l e E a s t P r o j e c t set out to answer m a n y questions. B y far the most important was, Is there such a thing as civil society in the M i d d l e E a s t ? Not unexpectedly, public p e r c e p t i o n — shaped by H o l l y w o o d as much as by C N N and the rest o f the m e d i a — w a s that a land as mysterious, barbaric, and hostile as the M i d d l e East could not possibly be h o m e to modern civil society. Perhaps most frustrating, h o w e v er, was that a surprisingly large number o f a c a d e m i c s and regional specialists had the same response. I f this widespread misperception o f the M i d d l e East is e v e r to be overc o m e , it will begin with the realization that there is m o r e to the region than religious zealotry and fanatical terrorism. A s demonstrated by the individual case s u m m a r i e s in this book, there should be little doubt that there exists a wide range o f associational activity in the M i d d l e East that can be fairly called civil society. And as the many b o o k s and articles cited in the multilingual bibliography illustrate, the discussion o f civil society is not limited to Western a c a d e m i c circles. All interesting research questions in turn raise new questions, and the study o f civil society has been no e x c e p t i o n . H o w do the a s s o c i a t i o n s and social m o v e m e n t s vary in character and strategy? To what extent do strong civil s o c i e t i e s influence political r e f o r m ? W h a t is the nature o f the relation, if any, between civil society and the transition to m o r e representative g o v e r n m e n t s ? It is my hope that scholars, students, and p o l i c y m a k e r s will c o n tinue to e x p l o r e these issues until we o v e r c o m e the lingering i m a g e o f the Middle E a s t as backward, s o m e h o w less modern, than m o r e developed regions. Literally hundreds o f people participated in the Civil S o c i e t y in the M i d d l e E a s t P r o j e c t . Nearly one hundred c o n f e r e n c e attendees, fifty anonymous manuscript referees, two dozen project authors, and ten graduate student interns j o i n e d project director Augustus R i c h a r d Norton, c o d i r e c t o r Farhad K a z e m i , and m e to explore the e x i s t e n c e , nature, and viability o f civil society in the M i d d l e East. P r o j e c t participants hail from around the world and throughout the Middle E a s t , and from a variety o f disciplines and

xi

xii

Toward Civil Society in the Middle

East?

professions. In addition to those directly involved in the project, more than eight hundred scholars, students, diplomats, journalists, and policymakers subscribed to the project's monthly newsletter, the Bulletin. Hundreds of others attended project-sponsored panels, film premiers, and discussions at professional conferences and research institutes. Still others shared their thoughts by writing letters. This extensive participation provided ongoing feedback that helped shape the studies that appear in this and other project publications. Therefore, simply too many people played a role in what appears in this volume to thank individually. New York University provided an institutional base for the project, and many people from the Kevorkian Center for Near Eastern Studies and the Department of Politics made that office a home. Without their support and the generous funding of the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations, the project would not have been possible. Many bright and talented p e o p l e — f r o m senior scholars and diplomats to young scholars and students—have become close colleagues and dear friends. I wish to thank each of them from the bottom of my heart for their difficult questions as much as their unfailing support. Farhad Kazemi and Augustus Richard Norton have treated me, from the project's beginning, as a colleague and a friend. Together we have accomplished the work of a small army, cooperating in a way that will not be easily duplicated. They have perhaps done me a disservice by providing such a wonderful environment in which to work collaboratively and grow intellectually. I know I will look back at the good old days of the Civil Society Project, from the seventy-hour work weeks and blisters from rowing across Lake C o m o to the true spirit of cooperation and mutual respect that characterized our working atmosphere. I am deeply grateful to them both. To Dick I owe special thanks: first, for recognizing my potential beyond that of a research assistant; and second, for holding me to the same high standards as he does himself. He has become a very dear friend, and I look forward to the time when I can even begin to thank him for all he has done for me. Finally, I must thank my husband, Joel Sherman, my best and dearest friend in the whole world. Whether I am in Brooklyn or in Sana'a, you are my true inspiration. J. M. S.

Introduction: Civil Society and the Study of Middle East Politics Jillian Schwedler

Around the world, in Latin A m e r i c a , Eastern and Central Europe, A f r i c a , and Asia, a surprising n u m b e r o f countries have m a d e s u c c e s s f u l transitions to democratic forms o f g o v e r n m e n t . M a n y o f these young

democracies

emerged with the collapse o f the S o v i e t Union and the retreat o f c o m m u n i s m from Europe; others were created when regimes gave in to domestic pressure to hold national e l e c t i o n s and, even more, to honor the results. T h e r e are many paths to d e m o c r a c y , few o f which are smooth. However, it is a simple fact that the number o f d e m o c r a t i c , participant nations is steadily growing. T h i s trend toward d e m o c r a c y s e e m s to have touched nearly every c o r ner

o f the

world.

Argentina,

Brazil,

South

Africa,

Poland,

and

the

Philippines are all e x a m p l e s o f countries that have s u c c e s s f u l l y made the transition to democracy. In other cases, such as C h i l e , Peru, C a m b o d i a , Chad, M o z a m b i q u e ,

and South

Korea, political

systems

are

gradually

b e c o m i n g more participant and pluralist, but strong opponents threaten to stall the process. M o r e significant, however, is that this trend toward d e m o c racy has not been limited to one region or continent. Instead, pluralist, participant governments seem to be triumphing in nearly every part o f the g l o b e — w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f the M i d d l e E a s t . T h e r e , military despots struggle against Islamist reformers, but nowhere does the promise o f pluralism appear to be part o f the equation. Is the M i d d l e E a s t i m m u n e to the g l o b a l trend toward d e m o c r a c y ? A r e M i d d l e Easterners content to live

under

authoritarianism, whether secular or religious? D o e s the traditional, I s l a m i c culture o f the region simply prohibit the e m e r g e n c e o f d e m o c r a c y ? To answer these questions, one must look beyond familiar i m a g e s o f the Middle E a s t and approach the question o f political reform from a new perspective. W h i l e one should not deny the intolerance o f s o m e groups, or the

1

2

Toward Civil Society in the Middle

East?

a u t h o r i t a r i a n n a t u r e of m a n y of t h e r u l i n g r e g i m e s , t h e s e f a c t o r s p r o v i d e o n l y p a r t of t h e p i c t u r e . A l t h o u g h t h e y s e l d o m r e c e i v e a t t e n t i o n in t h e W e s t , h u n d r e d s of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , n e w s p a p e r s , r a d i o s t a t i o n s , t r a d e u n i o n s , a n d o t h e r o r g a n i z a t i o n s f u n c t i o n o u t s i d e of t h e g o v e r n m e n t in v i r t u a l l y e v e r y M i d d l e E a s t e r n c o u n t r y . T h e e x i s t e n c e of t h e s e n o n s t a t e a c t o r s r a i s e s i m p o r t a n t q u e s t i o n s a b o u t w h e t h e r t h e y p l a y a r o l e in p o l i t i c a l r e f o r m . A g r o w i n g n u m b e r of s c h o l a r s h a v e a d d r e s s e d this i s s u e by e x p l o r i n g t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n civil s o c i e t y — t h i s n e t w o r k of i n d e p e n d e n t , v o l u n tary o r g a n i z a t i o n s — a n d t h e p r o s p e c t s f o r n o n v i o l e n t p o l i t i c a l r e f o r m , in general,

and

the e m e r g e n c e

of d e m o c r a t i c

governments,

in

particular.

A l t h o u g h t h e e x i s t e n c e of civil s o c i e t y in t h e M i d d l e E a s t (or a n y w h e r e ) d o e s n o t m e a n that c o u n t r i e s a r e o n t h e v e r g e of d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n , it d o e s i l l u s t r a t e that c i t i z e n s a r e b o t h w i l l i n g a n d a b l e to p l a y a r o l e in s h a p i n g t h e state p o l i c i e s that g o v e r n t h e i r l i v e s . A n d , as t h e e x p e r i e n c e s in C e n t r a l a n d E a s t e r n E u r o p e i l l u s t r a t e , r e f o r m d e p e n d s as m u c h on the will of t h e c i t i z e n s as on t h e w i l l i n g n e s s of t h e g o v e r n m e n t . T h e i n s t a n c e s of civil s o c i e t y in the M i d d l e E a s t are n o t f e w . E v e r y d a y , f r o m Iran to M o r o c c o a n d f r o m Y e m e n to T u r k e y , c i t i z e n s m e e t f o r m a l l y a n d i n f o r m a l l y to d i s c u s s i s s u e s r a n g i n g f r o m h e a l t h and social s e r v i c e s to e c o nomic policy and political reform. S o m e Middle Eastern g o v e r n m e n t s tolerate t h e s e g a t h e r i n g s ; in o t h e r c o u n t r i e s , n o n g o v e r n m e n t a l a s s o c i a t i o n s a r e strictly f o r b i d d e n a n d h a r s h l y r e p r e s s e d . A l t h o u g h t h e v i a b i l i t y of s u c h g r o u p s r e m a i n s a c o n t e s t e d i s s u e , civil s o c i e t y in t h e M i d d l e E a s t

has

e m e r g e d as an i m p o r t a n t t o p i c of d e b a t e a m o n g s c h o l a r s , a c t i v i s t s , p o l i c y makers, and citizens alike. T h e i d e a that civil s o c i e t y e x i s t s t h r o u g h o u t t h e M i d d l e E a s t is p a r t i c u larly v a l u a b l e b e c a u s e it c h a l l e n g e s l i n g e r i n g s t e r e o t y p e s of t h e r e g i o n as t r a d i t i o n a l , p r i m o r d i a l , a n d b a c k w a r d — t h a t is, s o m e h o w less " m o d e r n " t h a n W e s t e r n c o u n t r i e s a n d , h e n c e , d o o m e d to r e m a i n as s u c h . T h e s e a r g u m e n t s c o n t i n u e to f i n d an a u d i e n c e , b u t e x p l o r i n g civil s o c i e t y h e l p s to d i s p e l s u c h m y t h s : T h e l a r g e n u m b e r of v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s , o v e r l o o k e d o r i g n o r e d in m a n y a n a l y s e s of t h e r e g i o n , r e v e a l s a h i g h level of p o l i t i c a l a w a r e n e s s , as well as d e l i b e r a t e , o f t e n s o p h i s t i c a t e d a t t e m p t s to i n c r e a s e g o v e r n m e n t accountability.1 B u t if civil s o c i e t y d o e s e x i s t w i t h i n t h e M i d d l e E a s t , w h y a r e t h e r e s o f e w , if any, truly r e p r e s e n t a t i v e a n d p a r t i c i p a n t g o v e r n m e n t s ? Is t h e i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s of civil s o c i e t y d u e to a l a c k of e f f o r t on t h e p a r t of c i t i z e n s , or to g o v e r n m e n t s ' r e s o l v e to q u a s h t h e v o i c e s of d i s s e n t ? S t u d y i n g civil s o c i e t y a d d r e s s e s b r o a d e r p o w e r r e l a t i o n s a n d p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g i e s in o r d e r to u n p a c k a w i d e r a n g e of q u e s t i o n s . F o r e x a m p l e , d o e s t h e d e g r e e of p o l i t i c a l a w a r e ness and activism vary b e t w e e n m e n and w o m e n ? B e t w e e n urban and rural p o p u l a t i o n s ? T h e r i c h a n d t h e p o o r ? T h e e d u c a t e d a n d the i l l i t e r a t e ? H o w d o state policies regulate and shape social organizations? A n d , p e r h a p s m o s t

Introduction

3

important, to what extent do state and social actors interact with tolerance and civility? By exploring these and other questions, the collection of essays and case studies in this volume seeks to demonstrate that a broader understanding of state-society relations may provide important insights into the future of the region. In particular, civil society may reveal the prospects for society-generated political reform, that is, reform from below rather than above. This chapter will introduce the basic issues and arguments about the existence and emergence of civil society in the Middle East.

Conceptions of Civil Society Political philosophers have been talking about civil society as long as they have been arguing over the state. 2 Even Plato had something to say about civil society. Since then, the term has been used in many different ways, too many to thoroughly review here. 3 For the purpose of this chapter, it is useful to explore two basic uses of the term "civil society": in classical political theory, and in contemporary debates. Civil Society

in Classical

Political

Theory

The term "civil society" began to appear regularly in political theory during the Enlightenment. In the work of the seventeenth-century English philosopher John Locke, for example, civil society played an important role as the sphere of social activity men 4 entered in order to protect their individual property rights. 5 This conception of civil society was developed by German philosophers who brought the term into common usage in their discussions of emerging capitalist countries. In their bürgerlichen gesellschaft (civil society), bürgerlichen captured the idea of both "civil" and "bourgeois." The organizations first identified as civil society—trade unions, professional associations, and employer associations—emerged primarily during the period of spreading industrialization and market capitalism in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. G. W. F. Hegel, a German philosopher of the early nineteenth century, argues that civil society developed as a means of protecting the individual rights and needs of the privileged to guarantee freedom in economic, social, and cultural spheres. 6 The organization and cooperation of various groups within civil society enable it to operate outside the state's coercive apparatus. As will become evident, civil society was not without its own internal coercion and intolerance. 7 Civil society is also a sphere of mutual recognition and reciprocity; its purpose is to keep the state from interfering with the interests of its members, namely, the privileged bourgeoisie. It is not, however, a sphere identi-

4

Toward Civil Society in the Middle

East?

f i e d e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h e c o n o m i c interests. C i v i l s o c i e t y is a l s o , f o r H e g e l , d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y , t h e s p h e r e of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y

that

includes political parties, public holdings, and g o v e r n m e n t institutions. Karl Marx, the nineteenth-century Prussian-born G e r m a n philosopher, d e v e l o p e d H e g e l ' s i d e a of civil s o c i e t y to r e l a t e to c h a n g i n g f o r m s of p r o duction within society: Civil society as such only develops with the bourgeoisie; the social organization evolving directly out of production and commerce. 8 H e n c e , civil s o c i e t y n o t o n l y f a c i l i t a t e s , b u t d e v e l o p s a l o n g s i d e , c a p i t a l i s t expansion. A n t o n i o G r a m s c i , a n I t a l i a n political t h e o r i s t of t h e 1920s, f u r t h e r d e v e l o p e d t h e i d e a of civil s o c i e t y as a s y s t e m of c o n t r o l a n d e x c l u s i o n . W h i l e t h e s t a t e ( p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y ) is d i r e c t l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r v i o l e n t and c o e r c i v e m e t h o d s of c o n t r o l , civil s o c i e t y e n a b l e s c a p i t a l i s t s to e x e r t c o n t r o l o v e r s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c p r a c t i c e s t h r o u g h n o n v i o l e n t m e a n s . T h a t is, the state a n d civil s o c i e t y b o t h e x e r c i s e p o w e r o v e r t h e w h o l e of s o c i e t y , t h e form e r t h r o u g h p h y s i c a l f o r c e (or t h e t h r e a t of p h y s i c a l f o r c e ) , a n d t h e latter t h r o u g h c o n t r o l of t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n s of civil s o c i e t y . P o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y e m b o d i e s t h e c o e r c i v e n a t u r e of t h e s t a t e — t h r o u g h surv e i l l a n c e , a s t a t e p o l i c e f o r c e , t a x a t i o n , p r i s o n s , a legal s y s t e m , a n d a state a r m y — a n d civil s o c i e t y is t h e site of t h e o n g o i n g s t r u g g l e b e t w e e n t h e c a p italists a n d l a b o r e r s . It is t h e p o i n t of social p r a x i s , t h e sphere of all the popular-democralic struggles which arise out of the different ways in which people are grouped together—by sex, race, generations, local community, region, nation and so on. 9 In h i s e a r l y w o r k on t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e , Jiirgen H a b e r m a s a r g u e s that a l t h o u g h civil s o c i e t y f i r s t e m e r g e s w i t h the rise of c a p i t a l i s m , it s o o n d e v e l o p s a n o n e c o n o m i c , p o p u l i s t i c c o m p o n e n t . A s t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n of social l a b o r s h i f t s r e l a t i o n s of e c o n o m i c d o m i n a t i o n a w a y f r o m t h e h o u s e h o l d , an i n d e p e n d e n t s p h e r e e s t a b l i s h e s itself " a s t h e r e a l m of c o m m o d i t y e x c h a n g e a n d s o c i a l l a b o r g o v e r n e d by its o w n l a w s . " 1 0 W h e n civil s o c i e t y e v o l v e s , market activity c o m e s to o c c u p y a distinct u p p e r t i e r — t h e bourgeois public s p h e r e — a n d t h e l o w e r tier of civil society is p o p u l a t e d w i t h o r g a n i z a t i o n s t h a t c h a l l e n g e t h e s t a t e o v e r n o n e c o n o m i c i s s u e s . A s civil s o c i e t y g r a d u a l l y b e c o m e s m o r e i n c l u s i v e , h o w e v e r , t h e q u a l i t y of p u b l i c d e b a t e d e t e r i o r a t e s to t h e p o i n t t h a t i n t e r e s t - g r o u p p o l i t i c s — i n w h i c h f a v o r - s w a p p i n g is c o m m o n p l a c e — r e p l a c e t h e o r i g i n a l o p e r a t i o n a l n o t i o n of t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e — i n w h i c h t h e m o s t p e r s u a s i v e a r g u m e n t p r e v a i l s , r e g a r d l e s s of its

source.

H a b e r m a s o f f e r s a n e x p l a n a t i o n of w h y it is t h a t in m a n y c o n t e m p o r a r y socie t i e s , i n t e r e s t - g r o u p p o l i t i c s o v e r w h e l m i n g l y c h a r a c t e r i z e a c t i v i t y w i t h i n the

5

Introduction

public sphere. Nevertheless, civil society must be understood fundamentally as a phenomenon of capitalist society that e m e r g e s as "activities and dependencies hitherto relegated to the f r a m e w o r k of the household econom y " shift outward to create a new sphere of activity between the private household and the s t a t e . "

Civil Society in Contemporary

Debates

M u c h of the recent theoretical work on civil society has replaced the idea of civil society as a result of capitalist e x p a n s i o n with the idea that it is a sphere of democratic social interaction. T h e purpose of c i v i l society is not to a l l o w the bourgeoisie to protect their interests against encroachment f r o m the state, but to enable all citizens to insure a degree of government accountability. T h e question of civil society b e c o m e s fundamental to the transition of authoritarianism to d e m o c r a c y . F o r G u i l l e r m o O ' D o n n e l l and Philippe Schmitter, civil society e m e r g e s with the resurrection of the public sphere. In an e f f e c t i v e authoritarian state, the regime in p o w e r seeks to "to orient most of their subjects toward the pursuit of e x c l u s i v e l y private g o a l s . " 1 2 When individuals and groups begin to challenge the boundaries of permissible b e h a v i o r — f o r e x a m p l e , by speaking out against the regime or demanding a government response to social n e e d s — c i v i l society begins to take shape. T h e norms of equality, participation, tolerance, and political inclusion characterize activity within civil society. A s a result, an active, vibrant civil society is an important q u a l i t y - o f - l i f e g a u g e f o r every society. A s A d a m F e r g u s o n argues, " T h e happiness of individuals is the great end of civil society: For, in what sense can a public enjoy any good, if its m e m b e r s , considered apart, be u n h a p p y ? " 1 3 T h e boundaries of civil society h a v e been broadened, as H a b e r m a s notes, to include virtually all nonviolent associational activity between individual citizens and the state. With this conceptualization of civil society as a median, the autonomous public sphere has proved enduring, and much attention has been f o c u s e d on locating the boundaries of civil

society.

E d w a r d S h i l s ' s v i e w is typical: The idea of civil society is the idea of a part of society which has a life of its own, which is distinctly different from the state, and which is largely in autonomy from it. Civil society lies beyond the boundaries of the family and clan and beyond the locality; it lies short of the state. 14 Here civil society refers to a sphere of pluralist activity, m u c h of w h i c h seeks to directly challenge or limit the arbitrary use of state power. It is the protector of the individual against unjust government actions and policies as well as against encroachments f r o m within civil society.

6

Toward Civil Society in the Middle

East?

C i v i l s o c i e t y is n o t s i m p l y a s p h e r e of a c t i v i t y o u t s i d e of t h e s t a t e ; it e n t a i l s a set of r u l e s g o v e r n i n g b e h a v i o r . A s S a m i Z u b a i d a n o t e s , it is t h e s p h e r e of s o c i a l m o b i l i z a t i o n in w h i c h " c l e a r l e g i s l a t i o n a n d i n s t i t u t i o n a l m e c h a n i s m s . . . p r o v i d e t h e f r a m e w o r k of r i g h t s a n d o b l i g a t i o n s . " 1 5 F o r L a r r y D i a m o n d , it is the realm of organized social life that is voluntary, self-generating, (largely) self-supporting, autonomous from the state, and bound by a legal order or set of shared rules.16 C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e n o r m a t i v e c o m p o n e n t of civil s o c i e t y is of c e n t r a l i m p o r t a n c e w i t h r e g a r d to t h e b e h a v i o r of i n d i v i d u a l s and

organizations

t o w a r d o n e a n o t h e r as w e l l as b e t w e e n civil s o c i e t y g r o u p s a n d t h e g o v e r n m e n t . A s J e a n C o h e n a n d A n d r e w A r a t o a r g u e in their c o m p r e h e n s i v e v o l u m e on civil s o c i e t y in p o l i t i c a l theory, civil s o c i e t y is m o r e t h a n t h e n e c e s s a r y a n d l e g i t i m a t e m e a n s of m o n i t o r i n g a n d c o n t r o l l i n g state a u t h o r i t y a n d p o w e r : t h e " c i v i l " b e h a v i o r of m e m b e r s t o w a r d e a c h o t h e r is c e n t r a l to d i s t i n g u i s h i n g civil s o c i e t y f r o m s o c i e t y in g e n e r a l . It is a sphere of social interaction between economy and state, composed above all of the intimate sphere (especially the family), the sphere of association (especially voluntary associations), social movements, and forms of public communication. 1 7 F u r t h e r m o r e , civil s o c i e t y is n o t o n l y p l u r a l i s t i c in its c o m p o s i t i o n

but

d e m o c r a t i c in its b e h a v i o r . It d o e s not r e f e r s o l e l y to " r i g h t s to p r i v a c y , p r o p erty, p u b l i c i t y ( f r e e s p e e c h a n d a s s o c i a t i o n ) , a n d e q u a l i t y b e f o r e t h e l a w . " 1 8 A n a d d i t i o n a l e t h i c a l d i m e n s i o n is p r e s e n t , a n d this emphasis on the equal participation of everyone concerned in public discussions of contested political norms, obviously refers to the principles of democracy. 1 9 In this w a y , t h e m o d e r n , liberal c o n c e p t i o n of civil s o c i e t y is f u n d a m e n t a l l y d i f f e r e n t f r o m that of t h e c l a s s i c a l t h e o r i s t s . I n s t e a d of t h e r i g h t s o f i n d i v i d u a l s to a m a s s p r o p e r t y a n d p u r s u e i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s , civil s o c i e t y r e p r e s e n t s t w o i d e a l s : first, t h e r i g h t s of e a c h m e m b e r of a c o m m u n i t y o r n a t i o n to i n t e r a c t w i t h a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e g o v e r n m e n t ; a n d , s e c o n d , t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a set of r u l e s of a c c e p t a b l e , t o l e r a n t b e h a v i o r b e t w e e n civil s o c i ety a n d t h e s t a t e as w e l l as w i t h i n civil s o c i e t y . In p a r t i c u l a r ,

tolerance

t o w a r d t h o s e w i t h d i f f e r e n t v i e w s is p a r a m o u n t . C i v i l s o c i e t y e m b o d i e s t h e q u e s t i o n of " t h e p r o p e r m o d e of c o n s t i t u t i n g s o c i e t y itself, w h e t h e r in t e r m s of p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s o r o f a s h a r e d p u b l i c s p h e r e " : 2 0 It is n o l e s s than t h e

1

Introduction

"virtuous" struggle for the "good life." 2 1 A d h e r e n c e to these "rules of the g a m e " will prove important to scholars seeking to identify the existence of civil society in specific regions or countries.

Debates on Civil Society in the M i d d l e East Scholarship on civil society in the M i d d l e early 1980s. A n a l y s e s revolve around three society even exist in the r e g i o n ? 2 2 Second, existing g o v e r n m e n t authority? A n d third, considered part of civil society?

East has proliferated since the key questions: First, does civil does it provide a challenge to what sort of groups should be

A l t h o u g h the liberal d e m o c r a t i c view of civil society has been adopted as a tool of inquiry for the M i d d l e East, the term has been used to support two very distinct arguments: those w h o view civil society as weak or nonexistent, and those see civil society as the potential impetus for p e a c e f u l political r e f o r m . Civil Society

as Absent,

Weak, or

Disorganized

The first a r g u m e n t is that social groups challenging state p o w e r are either absent f r o m the M i d d l e East or largely ineffective. Until this deficiency is o v e r c o m e , the argument goes, the region is virtually d o o m e d to b a c k w a r d ness and persistent authoritarianism. 2 - 1 M a n y of these scholars are of the traditional school of M i d d l e East studies, focusing on civilizational and cultural factors such as primordialism, traditionalism, and Islam as i m p e d i m e n t s to the e m e r g e n c e of more m o d e r n , participant, pluralist g o v e r n m e n t s . 2 4 E x e m p l i f y i n g this tradition, Elie Kedourie argues that challenges to state p o w e r are absent f r o m the M i d d l e East as a c o n s e q u e n c e of the r e g i o n ' s Islamic tradition. In the West, he notes, "citizens organize themselves according to their various social, e c o n o m i c and political activities, in a multiplicity of groups and associations." 2 5 However, there is nothing in the political traditions of the Arab world—which are the political traditions oflslam—which might make familiar, or indeed intelligible, the organizing ideas of constitutional and representative government. The notion of the state . . . , the notion of popular sovereignty the idea of representation, of elections, of popular suffrage, of political institutions being regulated by laws laid down by a parliamentary assembly, . . . of society being composed of a multitude of self-activating, autonomous groups and associations—all of these are profoundly alien to the Muslim political tradition. 26 Bernard L e w i s d r a w s a similar conclusion:

8

Toward Civil Society in the Middle

East?

Islamic history shows no councils or communes, no synods or parliaments, nor any other kind of elected or representative assembly. . . . There was no point, since the need for a procedure of corporate, collective decision never arose. 2 7 Instead, the M i d d l e East e x i s t e d u n d e r an " a n c i e n t tradition of a u t o c r a c y a n d a c q u i e s c e n c e " until s u c h ideas w e r e i n t r o d u c e d to the region in the a f t e r m a t h of the F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n . 2 8 B o t h K e d o u r i e a n d L e w i s argue that a limited n u m b e r of i n d e p e n d e n t social a n d political o r g a n i z a t i o n s exist in the M i d d l e E a s t , s o m e of w h i c h indeed c h a l l e n g e state authority. T h e s e g r o u p s d o not, h o w e v e r , m a k e u p a n e t w o r k that m a y be d e s c r i b e d as civil society, as they are not b a s e d on the shared idea of t o l e r a n c e and p l u r a l i s m . E r n e s t G e l l n e r o f f e r s a s o m e w h a t d i f f e r e n t view, c o m b i n i n g culturalist and m a t e r i a l i s t a n a l y s e s . 2 9 Still, he c o n c l u d e s that "the w o r l d of I s l a m " has not yet d e v e l o p e d the n e c e s s a r y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f o r the e m e r g e n c e of civil society—namely, secularization. The expectation of some additional Civil Society, which could hold the state to account, on top of the Umma defined as a shared commitment to the implementation of the Law, would seem almost impious, but in any case unrealistic. The state can be called to account for violation of the divinely ordained Law, or for the failure to implement it, but not for some additional requirements imposed by the popular as opposed to the divine will. 30 Islam . . . exemplifies a social order which seems to lack much capacity to provide political countervailing institutions or associations, which is atomized without much individualism, and operates effectively without intellectual pluralism. 31 N e w e r g e n e r a t i o n s of s c h o l a r s d r a w s i m i l a r c o n c l u s i o n s w i t h o u t s p e c i f ically i d e n t i f y i n g A r a b or I s l a m i c " c u l t u r e " as the p r o b l e m . Elia Z u r e i k , f o r e x a m p l e , explicitly r e j e c t s the Orientalist f o c u s on culture and religion as i m p e d i m e n t s to d e v e l o p m e n t , but he n o n e t h e l e s s c o n c l u d e s that A r a b states had not, at least by the early 1980s, d e v e l o p e d the institutions of civil society. State d o m i n a n c e , he argues, has been characteristic of the A r a b state t h r o u g h o u t its history, a n d " t h e a b s e n c e of civil society (i.e., a u t o n o m o u s c o r p o r a t e institutions w h i c h o p e r a t e with m i n i m a l state c o n t r o l ) is an e q u a l ly visible f e a t u r e of A r a b society." 3 2 D r a w i n g on G r a m s c i , Z u r e i k a i m s to u n d e r s t a n d the failure of the Arab State in terms of its inability to institutionalize corporate groups in society and ensure coordination in the relationship between civil and political society. 33

Introduction

9

A l t h o u g h the lack of civil society in the M i d d l e E a s t results f r o m the f a i l u r e of the A r a b state to c r e a t e such institutions, A r a b s o c i e t i e s also f a i l e d to o r g a n i z e in a w a y that w o u l d allow t h e m to c h a l l e n g e state authority. Similarly, Peter M a n s f i e l d a r g u e s that the M i d d l e E a s t lacks a v i a b l e civil society b e c a u s e the o r g a n i z a t i o n s that d o exist h a v e been c o - o p t e d by the state to s u c h an e x t e n t that they are virtually useless. T h e r e is, c o n s e q u e n t ly, little p r o s p e c t f o r c h a n g e . 3 4 T h i s latter g r o u p of s c h o l a r s d i s t a n c e t h e m s e l v e s f r o m the O r i e n t a l i s t s w h o e m p h a s i z e c u l t u r e and civilization o v e r political p r o c e s s e s and s t r u g gles for p o w e r . T h e y a g r e e , h o w e v e r , that w i t h o u t s t r o n g c h a l l e n g e s to d e s p o t i c r e g i m e s , t h e r e is little h o p e f o r the e m e r g e n c e of m o r e d e m o c r a t i c politics in the r e g i o n , at least in the f o r e s e e a b l e f u t u r e . 3 5 It is true that in m u c h of the region, civil society has been the c a s u a l t y of s y s t e m a t i c e f f o r t s by the r u l i n g authorities to d e c i m a t e all potential o p p o sition, a strategy p a r t i c u l a r l y e v i d e n t in the cases of S u d a n and Iraq. 3 6 B u t the p e r s i s t e n c e of a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m in the M i d d l e E a s t m a y h a v e less to d o with c u l t u r e and tradition than with the political e l i t e ' s d e s i r e to p r e s e r v e its rule and t h e n a t u r e of o t h e r p o w e r relations in the society. T h i s d o e s not m e a n that social g r o u p s h a v e f a i l e d to m o u n t s i g n i f i c a n t , n o n v i o l e n t challenges to the ruling g o v e r n m e n t s ; it m a y only explain w h y so f e w h a v e been successful. Yet a n o t h e r g r o u p of s c h o l a r s are skeptical of the u s e f u l n e s s of s t u d y ing civil society in the M i d d l e East. U n l i k e those a l r e a d y h i g h l i g h t e d , t h e s e scholars d o not q u e s t i o n the e x i s t e n c e of i n d e p e n d e n t , v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a tions in the r e g i o n . I n s t e a d , they a r g u e that the idea of civil society d o e s not capture the d i v e r s i t y of these g r o u p s and their interactions with the state and with each other. B e f o r e a d d r e s s i n g these questions, it will be u s e f u l to s u m m a r i z e the w o r k of a n o t h e r g r o u p of scholars. Civil Society

as Emerging

or

Active

A small but g r o w i n g n u m b e r of s c h o l a r s find the study of civil society in the M i d d l e E a s t u s e f u l p r e c i s e l y b e c a u s e it brings into q u e s t i o n the idea that the region lacks the n e c e s s a r y social and political a w a r e n e s s to d e m a n d m o r e inclusive political p r o c e s s e s . 3 7 L o o k i n g b e y o n d " c u l t u r a l " e x p l a n a t i o n s , this a p p r o a c h p o i n t s to a w i d e variety of interest-based g r o u p s to illustrate that civil s o c i e t y not only e x i s t s in the M i d d l e East, but is o f t e n quite v i b r a n t . As M i c h a e l H u d s o n notes, the hints of an expanding civil society constitute only circumstantial evidence; but . . . there are now enough such straws in the wind to indicate that important, politically relevant social changes are occurring. 3 8

10

Toward Civil Society in the Middle

East?

T h e s e social m o v e m e n t s are not a n e w p h e n o m e n o n . T h e activities, organization, and social b a s e s of m a n y s u c h m o v e m e n t s h a v e been t h o r o u g h l y e x p l o r e d . 3 9 S o m e s c h o l a r s are e v e n willing to a r g u e that i n t e r e s t - b a s e d g r o u p s h a v e been so e f f e c t i v e that the " r u l e s " of state-society i n t e r a c t i o n — a l t h o u g h f r e q u e n t l y m a n i p u l a t e d by the political e l i t e — h a v e long been form a l i z e d . A s Patricia S p r i n g b o r g notes, N o t only d o e s ancient Near Eastern s o c i e t y have the l o n g e s t recorded history of civil and private law regarding the rights and property of the trader, but it likely pioneered the contractual forms in w h i c h they are expressed.40

Ellis G o l d b e r g s u p p o r t s this view, p o i n t i n g to the e x i s t e n c e of civil societylike o r g a n i z a t i o n s in the M e d i e v a l A r a b world. 4 1 But d o e s f o c u s i n g on the idea of civil society m a k e these state-society relations m o r e t r a n s p a r e n t ? It is w o r t h w h i l e to note that the idea of civil society has g a i n e d w i d e c u r r e n c y in m u c h of the M i d d l e East, as m u c h a m o n g p o l i c y m a k e r s and activists as s c h o l a r s . A s E v a Bellin notes, State o f f i c i a l s in the M i d d l e East use the term "civil s o c i e t y " to promote their projects of mobilization and "modernization"; Islamists use it to angle for a legal share of public space; and independent activists and intellectuals u s e it to expand the boundaries of individual liberty. 4 2

O n e s c h o l a r w h o has e m b r a c e d the civil society p a r a d i g m as a u s e f u l tool f o r the study of the c o n t e m p o r a r y M i d d l e East is A u g u s t u s Richard N o r t o n . 4 3 N o t i n g that the region is replete with voluntary o r g a n i z a t i o n s , trade unions, h u m a n rights g r o u p s , w o m e n ' s a s s o c i a t i o n s , m i n o r i t y rights g r o u p s , and v a r i o u s o t h e r social o r g a n i z a t i o n s , he c h a r a c t e r i z e s civil society as, the place where a m é l a n g e of groups, associations, clubs, guilds, syndicates, federations, unions, parties, and groups c o m e together to provide a buffer b e t w e e n state and c i t i z e n . 4 4

E x p l o r i n g the s t r e n g t h and n a t u r e of c o m m u n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s s h o u l d provide a m o r e a c c u r a t e p i c t u r e of the M i d d l e E a s t than s t u d i e s of authoritaria n i s m or r e l i g i o u s f u n d a m e n t a l i s m . N o r t o n e v o k e s the w o r k s of scholars w h o s e use of the term "civil s o c i e t y " e m b o d i e s the spirit of p l u r a l i s m , d e m o c r a c y , and i n d i v i d u a l f r e e d o m s . 4 5 Similarly, Bellin notes that in all its d i v e r s e uses, the idea of civil society r e p r e s e n t s a c h a l l e n g e to d e s p o t i s m ( w h i c h may, of c o u r s e , be d e f i n e d in very d i f f e r e n t w a y s ) . 4 6 N o r m a t i v e c o m p o n e n t s are central: Civility, associability, and c i t i z e n s h i p are i d e n t i f i e d by N o r t o n as the t h r e e p r i m a r y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of civil society. 4 7 Civility is tol-

Introduction

11

e r a n c e o f t h e o t h e r , t h e i d e a that g r o u p s a n d i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h v e r y d i f f e r e n t i d e a s c a n l i v e t o g e t h e r in p e a c e w o r k i n g w i t h i n a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e a n d p a r t i c i p a n t s y s t e m f o r t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l g o a l s . G r o u p s that d o n o t p l a y by t h e " r u l e s of t h e g a m e " — t h a t is to say, t h o s e w h o s e u l t i m a t e g o a l is to o v e r t h r o w o r r e p l a c e t h e e x t a n t r e g i m e — a r e e x p l i c i t l y e x c l u d e d f r o m m e m b e r s h i p in c i v i l s o c i e t y . A s s o c i a b i l i t y e n t a i l s a spirit of c o o p e r a t i o n , t h e i d e a that c i t i z e n s can p e a c e f u l l y and openly organize around political issues, professions, or a n y c o m m o n i n t e r e s t . F i n a l l y , c i t i z e n s h i p is a c r u c i a l c o m p o n e n t that underpins civil society. To be a part of the whole is a precondition for the whole to be a sum of its parts. Otherwise, society has no coherence, it is just a vessel filled with shards and fragments. Thus, the individual in civil society is granted rights by the state, but, in return, acquires duties to the states. 4 8 T h i s a p p r o a c h is s h a r e d by s c h o l a r s w h o h a v e e x p l o r e d t h e e x i s t e n c e a n d r o l e of c i v i l s o c i e t y in o t h e r r e g i o n s . In h e r w o r k on A f r i c a , N a o m i C h a z a n n o t e s that g r o u p s that equate their own aims with those of the state and consequently seek to take it over (some fundamentalist groups, ethno-national movements, and ideological associations) are outside the bounds of civil society. 4 9 B u t h o w m i g h t s c h o l a r s c l a s s i f y w h i c h b e h a v i o r is civil e n o u g h to fall into t h e r e a l m of civil s o c i e t y ? T h e s e n o r m a t i v e c r i t e r i a r a i s e t h e q u e s t i o n of w h a t to d o — a t least t h e o r e t i c a l l y — w i t h g r o u p s that d o n o t e x h i b i t at l e a s t a m o d i c u m o f civility, or a d h e r e to t h e b o u n d a r i e s of " p e r m i s s i b l e " b e h a v i o r . O n e m i g h t a r g u e that e x t e n d i n g t h e b o u n d a r i e s of civil s o c i e t y to i n c l u d e all p e a c e f u l m e a n s of c o n t e s t i n g t h e e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l o r d e r d i m i n i s h e s t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f c i v i l i t y a n d t o l e r a n c e . S i m p l y b e c a u s e an o r g a n i z a t i o n d o e s not e m p l o y v i o l e n t t a c t i c s d o e s not n e c e s s a r i l y m e a n that it r e s p e c t s t h e r i g h t s of o t h e r c o m p e t i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s to p r o m o t e d i f f e r e n t o b j e c t i v e s . T h e issue, as N o r t o n n o t e s , is b e h a v i o r a l a n d not p s y c h o l o g i c a l . W h a t m a t t e r s is n o t h o w p e o p l e feel a b o u t o t h e r s , b u t h o w they act t o w a r d t h e m . It m a y b e u s e f u l h e r e to l o o k to p o l i t i c a l t h i n k e r s w h o d e f i n e p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y as d i s t i n c t f r o m civil society, as d o H e g e l a n d G r a m s c i . F o r t h e m , civil s o c i e t y , as t h e s p h e r e w h e r e c i t i z e n s s e e k to p r o t e c t s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t s , is d i s t i n c t f r o m p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y , w h e r e b o t h g o v e r n m e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d g r o u p s s u c h a s p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s s e e k to p l a y a d i r e c t r o l e in g o v e r n m e n t . T h i s is o n l y a t h e o r e t i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n , of c o u r s e , as s o m e g r o u p s m a y p l a y b o t h r o l e s . D u r i n g t h e G u l f War, f o r e x a m p l e , K u w a i t i p r o f e s s i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , r e l i g i o u s g r o u p s , a n d c o o p e r a t i v e s o c i e t i e s m o b i l i z e d as r e s i s t a n c e to t h e Iraqi o c c u p a t i o n . 5 0 H o w e v e r , e x p l o r i n g the d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n

political

s o c i e t y a n d c i v i l s o c i e t y m a y h e l p c l a r i f y q u e s t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g h o w to

Toward Civil Society in the Middle

12

East?

d e f i n e a c c e p t a b l e b e h a v i o r as well as t h e e x t e n t to w h i c h t h e g o v e r n m e n t h o n o r s its o w n r u l e s a n d c o m m i t m e n t s to its c i t i z e n s . T h e b a s i c q u e s t i o n is w h e t h e r t h o s e o r g a n i z a t i o n s t h a t m a y s e e k t o o n e d a y r e p l a c e t h e state s h o u l d b e c o u n t e d as a c t o r s w i t h i n civil s o c i e t y o n t h e b a s i s that t h e i r c u r r e n t b e h a v i o r is p e a c e f u l , t o l e r a n t , a n d w i t h i n t h e " r u l e s of t h e g a m e . " T h e q u e s t i o n s h o u l d not b e w h e t h e r t h e y s e e k to r e f o r m or c h a n g e t h e g o v e r n m e n t , b u t w h e t h e r t h e y s e e k to d o s o by w o r k i n g w i t h i n t h e s y s t e m . T h i s is a v e r y s e n s i t i v e issue, p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h r e g a r d to I s l a m i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n s . T h e s e g r o u p s m a y be p l a y i n g f a i r l y n o w , c r i t i c s a r g u e , b u t will t h e y d i s m a n t l e d e m o c r a t i c i n s t i t u t i o n s o n c e t h e y h a v e g a i n e d s u f f i c i e n t power? T h i s p r o b l e m , t h e a g e - o l d p a r a d o x of d e m o c r a c y , is n o t u n i q u e to t h e M i d d l e East.51 D e m o c r a t i c political processes m a y legitimately yield a gove r n m e n t t h a t s e e k s to r e p l a c e d e m o c r a t i c i n s t i t u t i o n s w i t h a l e s s p l u r a l i s t , i n c l u s i v e , o r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s y s t e m . In t h e M i d d l e E a s t , t h e 1 9 9 2 e l e c t i o n s in A l g e r i a , w h i c h w e r e a b o r t e d p r e c i s e l y b e c a u s e of t h i s fear, h a v e s t i r r e d m u c h d e b a t e in this r e g a r d . 5 2 F a r h a d K a z e m i a n d N o r t o n a r g u e , h o w e v e r , that g o v e r n m e n t s t r a t e g i e s of i n c l u s i o n a r e likely to h a v e a m o d e r a t i n g e f f e c t on p o l i t i c a l m o v e m e n t s , a n d s t r a t e g i e s of e x c l u s i o n l e a v e o p p o s i t i o n g r o u p s w i t h little c h o i c e b u t to a d o p t r a d i c a l or r e v o l u t i o n a r y s t a n c e s . 5 3 T h e r e f o r e , all g r o u p s t h a t b e h a v e w i t h i n t h e " r u l e s of t h e g a m e " m u s t b e c o n s i d e r e d l e g i t i m a t e a c t o r s w i t h i n civil society. T h e c o n c e p t of civil s o c i e t y is e m p l o y e d in a s o m e w h a t n a r r o w e r s e n s e by S a a d E d d i n I b r a h i m , f o r w h o m civil s o c i e t y in t h e M i d d l e E a s t c o m p r i s es t h e s e c u l a r , n o n g o v e r n m e n t a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s t h a t a r e e m e r g i n g as i m p o r tant p o l i t i c a l a c t o r s t h r o u g h o u t the r e g i o n . 5 4 A s s u c h , I s l a m i s t g r o u p s a r e c a t e g o r i c a l l y e x c l u d e d , a l t h o u g h they o f t e n u s e t h e c h a n n e l s of civil s o c i e t y to f u r t h e r t h e i r o w n a g e n d a s . I b r a h i m e m p h a s i z e s t h e i m p o r t a n c e of p l a c i n g t h e e m e r g e n c e of civil s o c i e t y in t h e M i d d l e E a s t in h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t . T h e n a t i o n - s t a t e a n d civil society

have

historically

evolved

simultaneously,

and

neither

is

fully

a u t o n o m o u s f r o m t h e other. F u r t h e r m o r e , E u r o p e a n c o l o n i a l i s m p l a y e d a c r i t i c a l r o l e in t h e c u r r e n t p o l i t i c a l o r d e r i n g of t h e M i d d l e E a s t , s p e c i f i c a l l y t h e e m e r g e n c e of a " n e w s o c i a l c o n t r a c t " a n d t h e c r i s i s of l e g i t i m a c y that m a n y r e g i m e s n o w f a c e . 5 5 T h e i m p o r t a n c e of h i s t o r i c i s m f o r t h e s t u d y of civil s o c i e t y in t h e M i d d l e E a s t will b e f u r t h e r d i s c u s s e d later in t h i s c h a p ter. D e s p i t e t h e s e c o n c e r n s , I b r a h i m is in a c c o r d w i t h B e l l i n , K a z e m i , a n d N o r t o n , a r g u i n g that e m p l o y i n g the i d e a of civil s o c i e t y in t h e s t u d y of t h e M i d d l e E a s t m a y s h e d light o n a w i d e v a r i e t y of v o l u n t a r y , i n t e r e s t - b a s e d o r g a n i z a t i o n s that a r e o f t e n o v e r l o o k e d in a n a l y s e s of p o l i t i c a l r e f o r m in t h e r e g i o n . 5 6 B u t t h e q u e s t i o n of w h e t h e r I s l a m i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n s s h o u l d b e c o n -

Introduction

13

sidered an integral part of civil society r e m a i n s a sensitive and central question for d e b a t e s on civil society t h r o u g h o u t the region. Civil Society

and Islamist

Organizations

In recent years, Islamist 5 7 g r o u p s have been a m o n g the most e f f e c t i v e political actors to c h a l l e n g e state authority in the M i d d l e East, m o r e often through the provision of basic social services than through a r m e d struggle against the state or political terrorism. 5 8 At the same time, the o b j e c t i v e s and activities of Islamist organizations vary markedly, and s o m e a d v o c a t e the o v e r t h r o w of g o v e r n m e n t s to establish Islamic regimes that w o u l d govern according to the shari'ah, or Islamic law. A s a result, m a n y scholars h a v e c o n c l u d e d that Islam and d e m o c r a c y are f u n d a m e n t a l l y irreconcilable. K e d o u r i e argues, for e x a m p l e , that there is a deep confusion in the Arab public mind, at least about the meaning of democracy. The confusion is, however, understandable since the idea of democracy is quite alien to the mind-set of Islam. 5 9

But the question should not be about w h e t h e r an Islamic state is d e m o cratic, but about the d i f f e r e n c e s in behavior and tactics a m o n g self-proclaimed Islamist o r g a n i z a t i o n s . 6 0 A s John Esposito argues, the i m a g e of the l o o m i n g threat of Islamic f u n d a m e n t a l i s m d r a w s on stereotypes, half-truths, and attempts to identify a new global threat to d e m o c r a c y in the w a k e of the C o l d War. 6 1 "Islamist m o v e m e n t s " — a term used to describe g r o u p s as disparate as political parties, healthcare providers, terrorist groups, and social c l u b s — v a r y significantly in their objectives and strategies, and as such d o not constitute a m o n o l i t h . If this is true, can such d i f f e r e n c e s be a d d r e s s e d through the civil society p a r a d i g m ? N o r t o n directly a d d r e s s e s this question by m a k i n g a categorical distinction b e t w e e n m o d e r a t e and radical Islamists. 6 2 On the one hand, " m o d e r a t e " Islamists are those w h o reject violent, revolutionary tactics and c h o o s e to w o r k for r e f o r m through existing political c h a n n e l s and processes, such as parliamentary elections and judicial review. " R a d i c a l " Islamists, on the other hand, seek to take control of the state by force. K a z e m i and N o r t o n take this a r g u m e n t further, arguing that participation in d e m o c r a t i c political p r o c e s s e s and p e a c e f u l c o e x i s t e n c e with those holding d i f f e r e n t v i e w s are s u f f i c i e n t conditions to c o n s i d e r any organization, Islamist or otherwise, a valuable part of civil society. 6 3 This a p p r o a c h does not s u g g e s t that all Islamist g r o u p s fit nicely into the civil society para d i g m ; rather, it seeks to capture the spirit of participation in legitimate political processes, of w h i c h Islamist organizations are o n e integral part. A s Talal A s a d argues, even in

Toward Civil Society in the Middle

14

East?

a secular, liberal state that subscribes to the principles of religious toleration, historical religions (including secularized versions of religious traditions) are part of civil society. 6 4 O f c o u r s e , p o l i t i c a l i n c l u s i o n is n o t w i t h o u t its t e n s i o n s ; but, s e c u l a r a n d r e l i g i o u s c o e x i s t e n c e is a f e a t u r e of e v e n liberal s e c u l a r s t a t e s . Carrie Rosefsky-Wickham challenges Kazemi and Norton's categorical d i s t i n c t i o n

between

moderate

and

radical

Islamists.

In E g y p t ,

she

argues, mainstream Islamist groups play by the rules of the present social and political order, yet their ultimate goal is to transform it from the bottom up. That is, they aim not to establish a civil sphere separate from and coexistent with the secular state, but gradually to extend the Islamic domain until it encompasses the state itself.6-"5 L i k e I b r a h i m , R o s e f s k y - W i c k h a m n o t e s that t h e s e t h o r o u g h l y m o d e r n I s l a m i s t m o v e m e n t s h a v e b e e n s a v v y in u s i n g l e g i t i m a t e p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s to c h a l l e n g e t h e d o m i n a n t p o l i t i c a l o r d e r . L o c a l a n d n a t i o n a l e l e c t i o n s , f o r e x a m p l e , have o f f e r e d Islamists entry into official state political processes.66 B u t s h e s e e m s to d i s a g r e e w i t h K a z e m i a n d N o r t o n a b o u t w h e t h e r the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of t h e s e I s l a m i s t g r o u p s t h r e a t e n d e m o c r a c y . A t the v e r y least, their p a r t i c i p a t i o n c h a l l e n g e s t h o s e i n d i v i d u a l s w h o h a v e a v e s t e d i n t e r e s t in m a i n t a i n i n g t h e s t a t u s q u o — a n d t h o s e i n t e r e s t e d in m a i n t a i n i n g t h e s t a t u s q u o o f t e n p r e f e r t h a t p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s r e m a i n u n d e m o c r a t i c . Still, K a z e m i a n d N o r t o n c o n c l u d e , t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of t h e m o s t v i a b l e o p p o s i t i o n g r o u p s m a y o f f e r the g r e a t e s t

i n c e n t i v e s f o r s t a t e s to l i b e r a l i z e t h e i r

political

p r o c e s s e s : I n c l u s i o n e n a b l e s t h e s t a t e to r e g u l a t e a n d m o n i t o r all g r o u p s that are full p l a y e r s in civil s o c i e t y a n d t e n d s to m o d e r a t e t h e r h e t o r i c a n d o b j e c tives of t h e g r o u p s t h a t o p t f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n . It is p r e c i s e l y a v i c t o r y f o r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s that m a n y I s l a m i s t g r o u p s a r e p r o m o t i n g s o c i a l a n d political t r a n s f o r m a t i o n through d e m o c r a t i c channels, rather than revolution. C o n s e q u e n t l y ,

Kazemi and Norton

argue, participation

should

be

encouraged rather than shunned with suspicion. W h a t d o e s all this say a b o u t w h e t h e r I s l a m i s t g r o u p s s h o u l d b e c o u n t e d as a c t o r s w i t h i n civil s o c i e t y ? To e x c l u d e I s l a m i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n s w o u l d b e to i g n o r e t h e f a c t that t h e y h a v e b e e n a m o n g t h e m o s t e f f e c t i v e m e a n s of c h a l l e n g i n g g o v e r n m e n t a u t h o r i t y a n d r e s p o n d i n g to c i t i z e n s ' n e e d s a n d c o n c e r n s . Yet, to i n c l u d e I s l a m i s t g r o u p s as p a r t of civil s o c i e t y m a y o v e r l o o k f u n d a m e n t a l d i f f e r e n c e s in p o l i t i c a l a s p i r a t i o n s that e v e n a c a t e g o r i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n m o d e r a t e s a n d r a d i c a l s d o e s not f u l l y c a p t u r e . T o b e s u r e , s o m e Islamist organizations operate with the utmost civility and tolerance, w h i l e o t h e r s d o n o t a l l o w d i f f e r e n c e s of o p i n i o n e v e n a m o n g t h e i r o w n m e m b e r s . A n y a n a l y s i s of s o c i a l m o v e m e n t s in t h e M i d d l e E a s t — w h e t h e r o r

15

Introduction

not conducted under the civil society paradigm—must pay careful attention to the nature o f each individual organization and avoid characterizing all groups on the basis o f the activities o f a few.

C r i t i q u e s of the S t u d y of Civil S o c i e t y in the M i d d l e East Many scholars have been critical o f attempts to study civil society in the Middle East. Having just surveyed the arguments o f those who have applied the concept o f civil society to the Middle East, we can now address several associated theoretical and methodological issues. Is the Idea of Civil Society Too Historically

Specific?

Is it appropriate to employ theoretical concepts that originated in Western political

thought

to non-Western

societies?

Some

scholars

argue

that

because historical experiences vary markedly, exporting concepts from the historical context in which they emerged may obscure more than is revealed. This is a valid concern, particularly when the resulting analysis looks something like this: 1. Civil

society

comprises

voluntary

organizations

such

as

trade

unions, professional associations, and minority rights groups. 2. S i n c e such groups in the Middle East are few in number and generally ineffective, civil society is, for all practical purposes, nonexistent in the region. T h i s sort o f reasoning—judging societies in terms o f the degree to which certain " m o d e r n " institutions have developed—is not uncommon in Middle Eastern studies. B y assuming that all societies can and should emulate the model o f the industrialized West, one can easily label regions that do not resemble their Western counterparts as "traditional," "underdeveloped," and " b a c k w a r d . " But since it is unreasonable to expect all societies to share a c o m m o n social trajectory—that is, to evolve in a similar manner—the limits and biases o f this sort o f approach should be obvious. T h e failings o f poor analyses, however, should not be construed as a fundamental weakness o f comparative political theory. Instead o f abandoning the idea o f civil society, some scholars have asked, " W h a t is it that civil society achieves vis-à-vis the state?" As Hudson notes, Civil society interpreted in specifically Western (Lockean, Hegelian, Weberian or Marxist) terms is unlikely to emerge in the Middle East, but this should not exclude the development of other kinds of inclusive solidarity communities. 67

16

Toward Civil Society in the Middle East?

F o c u s i n g on the function of civil society, rather than specific structures, one can ask, " W h a t sort of g r o u p s in the M i d d l e E a s t — b e they familial, professional, tribal, religious, clan-based, or w h a t e v e r — f u l f i l l the f u n c t i o n of civil s o c i e t y ? " H o w d o citizens and c o m m u n i t i e s address their interests or grievances vis-à-vis g o v e r n m e n t policies? W h e n the question is f r a m e d this way, the idea of civil society m a y highlight a wide range of social interactions that m i g h t otherwise be dismissed as irrelevant. In this sense, civil society indeed exists throughout the M i d d l e East. W h e r e civil society is weak, it is o f t e n the result of g o v e r n m e n t oppression rather than d e f i c i e n c i e s within the societies themselves. T h u s , although the import of Western concepts into non-Western contexts raises important m e t h o d o l o g i c a l concerns, cautious and c a r e f u l application m a y nonetheless a d v a n c e research on the c o n t e m p o r a r y M i d d l e East. T h e importance of these historical d i f f e r e n c e s should not be underestimated. Still, e m p l o y i n g the concept of civil society can be particularly problematic when the history of social and political f o r c e s of the region in question is strikingly different than those under which the c o n c e p t e m e r g e d . A s D w a y n e W o o d s e m p h a s i z e s in his study of Africa, civil society reflects a specific vision of state-society relations: T h e d e v e l o p m e n t of civil s o c i e t y in Europe w a s the result o f an empirical differentiation b e t w e e n public and private interests as well as the idealization of this separation. 6 8

T h e idea of civil society is the idea of a particular m e a n s of using public space, institutionalized by the constitutional state. 6 9 T h e rise of the nationstate as the d o m i n a n t political unit a c c o m p a n i e d the growth of global market capitalism, supported by m o d e r n , rational law. T h e result was a gradual reordering of society, which allowed for the e m e r g e n c e of new spheres of action, rather than simply e x t e n d i n g state control over existing c o m m u n a l associations. 7 0 Consequently, use of the concept of civil society m a y o f f e r f e w e r insights in regions where a similar differentiation b e t w e e n public and private is not idealized. Likewise, A d a m Seligman argues that the idea of civil society cannot be understood outside of its original context, namely, the E n l i g h t e n m e n t . T h e coherence of the idea of civil society was specific to that time, and use of the term as a m o d e l for c o n t e m p o r a r y social o r g a n i z a t i o n — i n both Western and non-Western c o n t e x t s — i s highly problematic b e c a u s e it neglects these roots: It w a s p r e c i s e l y . . . reason and r e v e l a t i o n — a n d a unique, fragile and historically contingent balance b e t w e e n them that i n f u s e d the original notion of civil s o c i e t y with its o v e r w h e l m i n g saliency, but w h i c h today can no longer provide the ground for contemporary arguments for civil s o c i e t y . 7 1

Introduction

17

T h e idea o f a public sphere hinges on the existence o f a parallel private space: " B o t h must exist in dialectic unity for sense to be made o f either o n e . " 7 2 But because the nature o f e x c h a n g e within civil society is "rooted in a sphere o f values predicated on the mutuality o f individual recognition," civil society can only be understood as a particularistic moral vision. 7 1 A s a result, any export o f the term as a conceptual tool will necessarily be problematic. This concern is addressed within the context o f Middle East studies by § e r i f Mardin, who calls civil society a "Western d r e a m " and a "historical aspiration." Civil society is the idea that social relations are both sustained and energized by autonomous, secular collectives with legal personality operative within a frame of rationalized law. 74 This particular structural manifestation o f human agency was conceived in Western social history, driven by the dream o f transforming a Utopian ideal into reality. Civil society did not, Mardin argues, have a structural equivalent in the Islamic cultures o f the Middle East until colonialist projects disrupted the region's social-political trajectory. Mardin suggests that instead o f looking for civil society in the Middle East, one should seek to identify the " d r e a m " o f both Western and Islamic societies and ask whether they are comparable. 7 5 T h e Muslim social dream is based on a vision o f society mandated by God through a charismatic intermediary; its humanistic content is based on an Islamic vision, one that precludes the idea o f man as perfectible or in control o f his own destiny. 7 6 Although this Islamic dream is no less civil than the Western image o f civil society, it was not driven by rational-legalism, but by a force that was charismatic during the prophet M u h a m m a d ' s lifetime and divine following his death. 7 7 Consequently, one must explore both Islamic ideology and the historical forces that guided political behavior and determined the appropriate use o f public space to understand the social organizations that occupy the public sphere in the Middle East today. 7 8 The emergence o f the " i d e a " o f civil society, as Mardin argues, must be seen in the context o f a gradual incorporation o f the Middle East into the capitalist world economy dominated by Western nations. T h e organizations that existed earlier filled the function o f civil society but were not viewed as a sphere o f social activity in the way civil society is under the modern nation-state system. The challenge to existing means o f utilizing public space was—indeed, i s — f o r interest groups to learn to use state-approved avenues for the contestation o f power and state policies without becoming appropriated or manipulated by the state. Throughout the region, new government regula-

18

Toward

Civil Society

in the Middle

East?

tions limiting the f o r m and nature of political parties, interest-based o r g a n i zations, or c h a r i t a b l e a s s o c i a t i o n s , h a v e c o n s t r i c t e d the ability of p r e c o l o nialist a s s o c i a t i o n s (religious, c o m m u n a l , tribal, f a m i l i a l , etc.) to f u n c t i o n e f f e c t i v e l y . (Interestingly, m a n y of these p r e c o l o n i a l i s t g r o u p s are n o w a m o n g the m o s t e f f e c t i v e . ) As a result, s o m e of t h e a s s o c i a t i o n a l life in the M i d d l e East has s l o w l y begun to r e s e m b l e its c o u n t e r p a r t s in other r e g i o n s , i n c l u d i n g the West. S i m o n B r o m l e y c h a l l e n g e s this view of i n t e r s e c t i n g social and political trajectories. T h e M i d d l e East w a s not, he argues, a region " e x i s t i n g o u t s i d e of, and d e v e l o p i n g i n d e p e n d e n t l y f r o m , E u r o p e , only e n t e r i n g the W e s t e r n orbit with the f i n d i n g of oil and the f o r m a t i o n of the state of I s r a e l . " 7 9 However, all too often, the active, determining role of the European powers in the political, economic and cultural formation of the region is neglected in favor of a simplistic emphasis on resources and religion. 8 0 O t h e r s also a r g u e that Western c o l o n i a l i s m did not i n t r o d u c e the sort of social m o b i l i z a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i z e d as civil society; instead, it led to the dissolution of the e x i s t i n g A r a b civil societies. A s H a n n a Batatu argues, E u r o p e a n c o l o n i z e r s in Iraq d e s t r o y e d the p a r t i c i p a t o r y social institutions of civil society, leaving the earlier social o r d e r in s h a m b l e s and creating new, colonialist institutions in their place. 8 1 O t h e r s h a v e a g r e e d that the M i d d l e East has a long history of civil society, in its f u n c t i o n a l sense, pointing to e v i d e n c e of the e x i s t e n c e and e f f e c tiveness of interest-based o r g a n i z a t i o n s ( o f t e n trade a s s o c i a t i o n s ) , their role vis-à-vis the ruling authority, and the institutionalization of rules and r e g u lations g o v e r n i n g t h e s e interactions. S p r i n g b o r g , f o r e x a m p l e , illustrates that the M i d d l e East has "a long history of civil and private l a w . " 8 2 G o l d b e r g stresses that even d u r i n g M e d i e v a l times, the A r a b w o r l d w a s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a rich associational life closely r e s e m b l i n g civil society. C o n t e m p o r a r y a n a l y s e s , he argues, can posit the a b s e n c e of civil society only by o v e r l o o k ing c o m p e l l i n g e v i d e n c e of its existence: Only if we assume medieval Muslims were incredibly stupid or if we are willing ourselves to be exceptionally obtuse can we assert that there was no civil society in a world in which men . . . managed to assert claims to and defend their property from kings on a systematic basis. 8 3 The State-Civil

Society

Boundary:

Define or

Deconstruct?

In v a r i o u s studies of civil society t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d , m a n y s c h o l a r s h a v e s o u g h t to identify precisely w h e r e civil society e n d s a n d w h e r e the state b e g i n s . T h e r e are t w o basic a p p r o a c h e s to this q u e s t i o n . T h e p r e d o m i n a n t

Introduction

19

a p p r o a c h a d d r e s s e s the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n the state and civil society, d e f i n i n g the criteria by w h i c h any particular o r g a n i z a t i o n or institution s h o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d part of the state or part of civil society. A n altern a t i v e a p p r o a c h s e e k s to q u e s t i o n the very notion that such a d i s t i n c t i o n e x i s t s and explore the p o w e r s t r u c t u r e s that are h i d d e n behind the i d e a of a u t o n o m y b e t w e e n civil society and the state as well as alternate social s t r u c t u r e s o p e r a t i n g within the region. M o s t scholars p r o v i d e s o m e theoretical criteria to d i s t i n g u i s h b e t w e e n the state and civil society. Shils, for e x a m p l e , notes that " a u t o n o m y v i s - à - v i s the state is one of the f e a t u r e s of civil society." 8 4 A l t h o u g h the t w o m u s t be u n d e r s t o o d as distinct entities, civil society and the state are bound together by the constitution and by traditions which stress the obligations of each to the other as well as their rights vis-à-vis each other. 85 K e a n e argues that this state-civil society b o u n d a r y h a s b e c o m e e v e n m o r e p r o n o u n c e d in recent y e a r s . 8 6 T h i s a p p r o a c h raises several q u e s t i o n s that need to be e x p l o r e d both theoretically and e m p i r i c a l l y : W h a t is the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n state and civil society a c t o r s ? W h a t are the n o r m s that guide b e h a v i o r b e t w e e n the t w o ? D o these n o r m s vary b e t w e e n c o u n t r i e s and l o c a l i t i e s ? W h a t h a p p e n s w h e n actors f r o m one or both of these s p h e r e s d e p a r t f r o m these n o r m s ? To what extent d o state actors h o n o r these n o r m s u n d e r u n c e r tain or c h a l l e n g i n g c o n d i t i o n s (e.g., w h e n an u n s a v o r y o p p o n e n t s e e m s to be w i n n i n g elections)? C e n t r a l to the c o n c e p t of civil society, Shils argues, is the idea of m u t u al a d h e r e n c e to the n o r m of civility that " r e g u l a t e s the c o n d u c t b e t w e e n individuals and b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l s and the state." 8 7 T h e e x i s t e n c e of civil society thus d e p e n d s u p o n b r o a d e r state-society relations and n o r m s . In this a p p r o a c h , the link b e t w e e n the e m e r g e n c e of civil society and the potential f o r d e m o c r a t i c t r a n s f o r m a t i o n is o f t e n m a d e explicit. G e l l n e r notes that civil society and d e m o c r a c y are o f t e n used s o m e w h a t s y n o n y m o u s l y , but that "civil s o c i e t y " is a p r e f e r a b l e term to d e s c r i b e e v e n t s s u c h as the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of Eastern E u r o p e since 1985 and the a b o r t i v e c o u p in M o s c o w in A u g u s t 1991. 8 8 Because it highlights those institutional pre-conditions and the necessary historical context, "Civil Society" is probably a better, more illuminating slogan than "democracy." 8 9 L i k e w i s e , O ' D o n n e l l and S c h m i t t e r argue that transition f r o m a u t h o r i tarian rule entails not only the t r i u m p h of " s o f t - l i n e r s " o v e r " h a r d - l i n e r s , " but also the "resurrection of civil society." A u t h o r i t a r i a n r e g i m e s are o f t e n

20

Toward

Civil Society

in the Middle

East?

s u c c e s s f u l w h e n they m a n a g e to turn the attention of individual c i t i z e n s a w a y f r o m m a t t e r s of public c o n c e r n and " w i t h d r a w into p r i v a t e p u r s u i t s and set aside, p r u d e n t l y ignore, or e v e n forget their p u b l i c and political identities." 9 0 Civil society b e g i n s to r e e m e r g e w h e n the g o v e r n m e n t signals a w i l l i n g n e s s to a l l o w r o o m f o r s o m e l i m i t e d political c o n t e s t a t i o n . H o w e v e r — a n d this is critical f o r O ' D o n n e l l and S c h m i t t e r ' s a n a l y s i s — the catalyst in this transformation often comes first from exemplary individuals, who begin testing the boundaries of behavior initially imposed by the incumbent r e g i m e . . . . In the precarious public spaces of the first stages of the transition, these individual gestures are astonishingly successful in provoking or reviving collective identification and actions; they, in turn, help forge broad identifications which embody the explosion of a highly repoliticized and angry society. 91 T h u s , the i m p e t u s for political r e f o r m c o m e s f r o m o u t s i d e of the g o v e r n m e n t , by i n d i v i d u a l s or g r o u p s that p r o v i d e the seed for the e m e r g e n c e or resurrection of civil society. It is s o f t - l i n e r s or m o d e r a t e s within the r e g i m e s that see the b e n e f i t s of gradually l o o s e n i n g c o n s t r a i n t s on associability and political c o n t e s t a t i o n , but such a strategy is attractive only in the f a c e of i n c r e a s e d p r e s s u r e f r o m within society. T h e logic of this a r g u m e n t — t h a t political liberalism, if not d e m o c r a c y itself, can be f u r t h e r e d through the d e v e l o p m e n t of civil s o c i e t y — h a s b e g u n to take root in the field of M i d d l e East studies. For N o r t o n , the causal relat i o n s h i p is t r a n s p a r e n t : " T h e f u n c t i o n i n g of civil society is literally a n d plainly at the heart of participant political s y s t e m s " ; it is "a necessary, t h o u g h not s u f f i c i e n t condition for the d e v e l o p m e n t of d e m o c r a c y . " 9 2 Civil society a l o n e is i n s u f f i c i e n t b e c a u s e a r e s p o n s i b l e state a p p a r a t u s is required to e n s u r e that the g r o u p s that c o m p o s e civil society b e h a v e w i t h civility, t o w a r d e a c h other as well as t o w a r d the state. " U n l e s s g o v e r n m e n t plays a c o n t r o l l i n g or i n t e r m e d i a r y role, the result is likely to be c h a o s . " 9 3 In fact, a c c o r d i n g to N o r t o n , it is " m e a n i n g l e s s to s p e a k of civil society in t h e a b s e n c e of the s t a t e . " 9 4 T h u s , in this v i e w the realization of a m o r e liberal, participant M i d d l e E a s t r e q u i r e s at least limited c o o p e r a t i o n b e t w e e n the state and civil society. D i s p a r a t e v o i c e s f r o m civil society should h e l p s h a p e state policy while the state serves as a d m i n i s t r a t o r and r e g u l a t o r to e n s u r e fair play. T h e e x i s t e n c e of legal-institutional g u a r a n t e e s f o r f r e e d o m of s p e e c h , m o v e m e n t , and a s s e m b l y m a y e v e n b e n e c e s s a r y f o r the e m e r g e n c e of civil society. 9 5 In this regard, m a n y g o v e r n m e n t s in the region h a v e indeed begun to s l o w l y liberalize, and the o r g a n s of civil s o c i e t y in the region s e e m to h a v e b e c o m e increasingly active. H o w e v e r , c o r r e l a t i o n d o e s not equal c a u s a t i o n , and the e x i s t e n c e of a strong, active civil society m a y not e n s u r e equality of a c c e s s to political c h a n n e l s a n d the p r o t e c t i o n of civil rights for all s e g m e n t s of a

Introduction

21

population, particularly across class, gender, and racial divides. As Hudson notes, An opening by the state and regime that is confined only to a small upper middle class constituency may actually prove to be retrogressive by criteria of equity and redistribution. 96 In fact, it is often the case that the ruling elite seek to protect their interests by directly defining what constitutes civil society and by establishing and maintaining the rules governing behavior within the public sphere. A s Alberto M e l u c c i notes, the needs and forms of action arising from the society are not easily adaptable to the existing channels of political participation and to the organizational forms of political agencies. 97 T h e political elite clearly have a vested interest in maintaining channels they can regulate. B y promoting the idea that civil society—indeed, all o f s o c i e t y — p o s s e s s e s a considerable degree o f autonomy from official state institutions, they may present the image o f a truly participant and representative society without sacrificing any real power. 9 8 In Jordan, for example, King Hussein champions the participation o f political parties in the country's multiparty elections. Behind the scenes, however, he manipulated the electoral process to undercut the strength o f the Islamic Action Front, a group that made considerable gains through official political channels. 9 9 S o , the state may allow a certain amount o f space to some organizations, or quash existing groups and construct parallel, state-controlled organizations in their place, as in Syria and E g y p t . 1 0 0 In some cases, as in Iraq and the Sudan, governments have actively dismantled the organs o f civil society and restricted the emergence o f new organizations. As R o s e f s k y - W i c k h a m notes, the impact o f the shift from one-party rule to pluralism is limited so long as the political party's contestation is tightly controlled from above and emergency laws remain in effect. 101 As the maker o f rules and the keeper o f order in the society, the ruling elite may have moved beyond Weber's vision o f the state as possessing a monopoly on the legitimate use of violence, to a more subtle and c o e r c i v e role under the guise o f guarantor o f constitutional law in a society ruled by social contract. I f this is the case, the view o f a clear distinction between the civil society and the s t a t e — t o the extent that the former is seen to provide a " b u f f e r " between the citizen and the state—is somewhat problematic. A s Seligman notes, "the public/private divide is a . . . serious problem, which brings us to

22

Toward

Civil Society

in the Middle

East ?

the heart of t h e i m a g e of civil society as a moral v i s i o n . " 1 0 2 T h a t is, t h e i d e a of a b o u n d a r y b e t w e e n the state and civil society is purely t h e o r e t i c a l , a n d s h o u l d not be p r e s u m e d to actually exist in any society. A s T i m o t h y M i t c h e l l argues, the elusiveness of the state-society boundary needs to be taken seriously, not as a problem of conceptual precision but as a clue to the nature of the phenomenon. 10 - 1 T h e idea of the state as distinct f r o m society must be taken not as the boundary between two discrete entities, but as a line drawn internally within the network of institutional mechanisms through which a social and political order is maintained. 1 0 4 L o c a t i n g this i m a g i n a r y b o u n d a r y is p r o b l e m a t i c in the M i d d l e E a s t precisely b e c a u s e t h e r e is no such clear distinction in the West or a n y where. T h i s raises a p r o b l e m for O ' D o n n e l l and S c h m i t t e r ' s a n a l y s i s c o n c e r n ing their a r g u m e n t that the resurrection of civil society is s p a r k e d by individuals o u t s i d e of the p u b l i c sphere w h o d e c i d e to test the b o u n d a r i e s of p e r m i s s i b l e b e h a v i o r . D o these " e x e m p l a r y i n d i v i d u a l s " simply a w a k e n o n e day with an inclination to stir things up? Or, d o they e m e r g e t h r o u g h e x i s t ing and s h i f t i n g s y s t e m s of p o w e r ? T h e y e m e r g e , a c c o r d i n g to O ' D o n n e l l and S c h m i t t e r , f r o m the intelligentsia, p r o f e s s i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , r e l i g i o u s g r o u p s , and o t h e r e x i s t i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s ( w h i c h d o not c o l l e c t i v e l y c o m p o s e "civil s o c i e t y " until they collectively c h a l l e n g e state a u t h o r i t y ) . 1 0 5 T h e idea of a g i v e - a n d - t a k e b e t w e e n the state and certain i n d i v i d u a l s or g r o u p s m a r k s the d e c l i n e of a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m and the resurrection of civil society. But their idea of " l a y e r s of an explosive s o c i e t y " s u g g e s t s the e x i s t e n c e of alternative s y s t e m s of power, which O ' D o n n e l l and S c h m i t t e r e x p l o r e only to the e x t e n t that they yield r e m a r k a b l e i n d i v i d u a l s w h o d a r e r e e n t e r the p u b l i c s p h e r e . T h e e x i s t e n c e of these alternate s y s t e m s , h o w e v e r , s e e m s to contradict the c l a i m that u n d e r authoritarianism, citizens w i t h d r a w f r o m , or are f o r c e d out o f , the p u b l i c sphere. Instead, w h a t s e e m s to h a p p e n is that citizens w i t h d r a w f r o m o n e particular system of p o w e r , n a m e l y , t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e r e g u l a t e d by the state. R a t h e r than v i e w the public sphere as the only a v e n u e to social m o b i lization, it is m o r e u s e f u l to view it as only one of m a n y such c h a n n e l s or s y s t e m s of p o w e r . L i k e w i s e , the individuals or g r o u p s that e n t e r civil society d o not s i m p l y m a t e r i a l i z e f r o m thin air; instead, they e m e r g e f r o m t h e s e alternative s y s t e m s of p o w e r . A s M e l u c c i argues, social m o v e m e n t s (or " r e m a r k a b l e " i n d i v i d u a l s ) should not be treated as s i m p l y e m p i r i c a l p h e n o m e n a to r e c o r d . S o c i a l m o v e m e n t s are action s y s t e m s :

Introduction

23

action systems in that they have structures . . . action systems in that their structures are built by aims, beliefs, decisions, and exchanges operating in a systemic field. 1 0 6 F o r the study of the M i d d l e East, this sort of approach may p r o v e more u s e f u l f o r understanding and analyzing d i v e r s e Islamist m o v e m e n t s , f o r e x a m p l e , by locating them within alternative p o w e r s y s t e m s , rather than simply j u d g i n g each to be either inside or outside of civil s o c i e t y . 1 0 7 T h u s , the interaction between the state and civil s o c i e t y — o f g o v e r n m e n t s maneuvering to d e f l a t e potential threats to their stability, on the one hand, and on the other hand, organizations responding, positively or negatively, to these new and changing "rules of the g a m e " — i s only one of m a n y such d y n a m i c processes of p o w e r relations, namely, that of the modern nation-state. A s A s a d notes, the attempt to establish fixed boundaries between populations, to reform and standardize their beliefs and practices, to secure their loyalties, and to define their community membership—all this has been central to the project of the modern nation-state. . . . It is the distinctive character of the modern state's strategic and administrative disciplines. 1 0 8 A further problem of taking the state/society dichotomy as natural, rather than constructed, is that one may conclude erroneously that state-society interaction is less a d y n a m i c process than a zero-sum g a m e . 1 0 9 S o , if a boundary between the state and civil society does not exist, h o w u s e f u l is the idea of civil society as an analytical tool? It is first important to r e m e m b e r that " c i v i l s o c i e t y " docs not really

exist a n y w h e r e ; it is only an

abstract idea, a theoretical construct. A s such, it should be v i e w e d and used as a tool to facilitate analysis, not as an actual phenomenon to record and analyze. Norton cautions that it is this c o n f u s i o n of the real world with the ideal type that has led s o m e scholars to draw disappointing c o n c l u s i o n s about the prospects f o r civil s o c i e t y . 1 1 0 In M i d d l e East studies, the idea of civil society is useful only to the extent that it facilitates the understanding of actual social and political phenomena, p o w e r structures, and state-society r e l a t i o n s . 1 1 1 N o single approach can explain every phenomenon, and the study of civil society is no exception. Whether the results are p r o g r e s s i v e in the sense that they explain more than existing scholarship is a j u d g m e n t that each person must m a k e individually.

Conclusion To return to the questions posed at the beginning of this chapter, is the M i d d l e E a s t immune to the global trend toward d e m o c r a c y ? A r e M i d d l e

24

Toward Civil Society in the Middle

East?

Easterners content to live under authoritarianism, whether secular or religious? Does the traditional, Islamic culture of the region simply prohibit the emergence of democracy? Studies of civil society in the region argue that, for each question, the answer is clearly no. First, the Middle East is not immune to the global trend toward democracy. There have been numerous instances of controlled political reform in which citizens have been gradually brought into the political processes not only through civil society, but through direct, legitimate elections. Second, Middle Easterners are not content to live under authoritarianism. The wide range of civil society organizations and the emergence of alternative political parties illustrate that Middle Eastern citizens are not only politically aware but motivated in their desire to play a direct role in their government. Although different groups call for different types of reform, in each case the demand is for change. Third, the so-called obstacles to political reform that exist in a traditional culture, such as that of the Middle East, are neither ancient nor obstacles. The region itself is quite diverse, and no one country or area should be expected to progress or modernize in the same way as any other. In particular, Islam should not be seen as an obstacle to democracy. Certain groups may oppose certain paths of political reform, but it is individual movements, and not Islam itself, that are the obstacles. Indeed, there are a number of Islamist groups in the region that have accepted democratic processes as a legitimate means of political reform. Many governments in the Middle East—particularly those unable to provide basic social services to their people—are allowing for gradual political inclusion as a direct response to demands from civil society. Sometimes, these strategies of inclusion should be viewed critically as efforts by the ruling elite to weaken oppositional movements by incorporating them into state-regulated processes—all the while presenting a moderate, democratic face to concerned foreign-aid grantors. Although scholars continue to disagree about the effectiveness of civil society in bringing about political reform, both the hopeful and the skeptical agree that the emergence of civil society facilitates peaceful public expression of political preferences and grievances, while also providing weak or threatened governments with "breathing r o o m " in which to regroup. Only time will show whether the growth of civil society ultimately leads to more participant, representative politics, or further entrenches the political and economic elite. However, as the study of civil society in the Middle East illustrates, citizens throughout the region are actively pursuing more inclusive and participant political processes. Like people throughout the world, they wish to have a say in how they are governed.

Introduction

25

Notes L i m i t e d p o r t i o n s o f this c h a p t e r w e r e adapted f r o m " C o n c e p t i o n s o f C i v i l Society:

I s l a m and P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n in the M i d d l e E a s t , " p r e s e n t e d at t h e

M i d d l e E a s t S t u d i e s A s s o c i a t i o n 1 9 9 3 annual m e e t i n g at R e s e a r c h T r i a n g l e P a r k , N o r t h C a r o l i n a . In addition to the participants in that panel s e s s i o n , I w i s h to e x p r e s s m y t h a n k s to L a u r i e B r a n d , F a r h a d K a z e m i , T i m o t h y M i t c h e l l , A u g u s t u s R i c h a r d N o r t o n , and J o h n V a n t i n e for their thoughtful c o m m e n t s on e a r l i e r drafts. All e r r o r s and f a i l i n g s are m y o w n . 1. M o s t o f the individual c o u n t r y s u m m a r i e s in this v o l u m e a p p e a r f u l l - l e n g t h

in Norton, Civil Society in the Middle East, vols. 1 & 2. 2 . T h e idea o f c i v i l s o c i e t y is m e a n i n g l e s s o u t s i d e o f b r o a d e r t h e o r i e s o f t h e

state. S e e Cohen and Arato, Civil Society

and Political

Theory,

who deal compre-

h e n s i v e l y with t h e q u e s t i o n o f s t a t e - s o c i e t y r e l a t i o n s in t h e i r 7 7 1 - p a g e b o o k ; and Keane,

Civil

Society

and

the

State,

especially

his c h a p t e r on " D e s p o t i s m

and

D e m o c r a c y : T h e O r i g i n s and D e v e l o p m e n t o f the D i s t i n c t i o n B e t w e e n C i v i l S o c i e t y and t h e S t a t e . " F o r t h e o r i e s o f the state, s e e C a r n o y , The State

and

Political

Theory;

Migdal, Kohli, and Shue, State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World; Evans, Rueschemeyer, and Skofpol, Bringing the

State

Back

Conceptual

In;

A l m o n d , " T h e Return to the S t a t e " ;

Variable";

and M i t c h e l l ,

"The

Limits

Nettl, " T h e S t a t e as a

o f the S t a t e :

Beyond

Statist

A p p r o a c h e s and T h e i r C r i t i c s . "

3. In addition to Cohen and Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory, and Keane, Civil Society and the Slate, see Seligman, The Idea of Civil Society; Gellner, Conditions of Liberty: Civil Society and Its Rivals; Keane, Democracy and Civil Society;

S h i l s , " T h e V i r t u e o f Civil S o c i e t y " ; W a l z e r , " T h e I d e a o f C i v i l S o c i e t y " ;

and D i a m o n d , " R e t h i n k i n g Civil S o c i e t y : T o w a r d D e m o c r a t i c C o n s o l i d a t i o n . " 4 . F o r an e x c e l l e n t d i s c u s s i o n o f the g e n d e r d i s c r i m i n a t i o n o f v a r i o u s c o n ceptualizations

o f civil

society, s e e P a t e m a n ,

"The

Fraternal

Social

Contract."

P a t e m a n e x p l o r e s the " s i l e n c e about the part o f the s t o r y w h i c h r e v e a l s that the s o c i a l c o n t r a c t is a fraternal pact that c o n s t i t u t e s c i v i l s o c i e t y as a patriarchal or m a s c u l i n e o r d e r " (p. 1 0 1 ) . A l s o s e e " G e n d e r and C i v i l S o c i e t y , " an i n t e r v i e w with S u a d J o s e p h .

5. See Locke, Two Treatises on Government; and Seligman, The Idea of Civil Society,

w h o d i s c u s s e s L o c k e ' s c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n o f c i v i l s o c i e t y in detail.

6. See Hegel, Philosophy of Right. 7 . A s a d , " R e l i g i o n and P o l i t i c s : An I n t r o d u c t i o n , " p. 7, f o o t n o t e 7 .

8. Marx, The Marx-Engels Reader, p. 163. 9. See Simon, Gramsci's Political Thought: An Introduction. 10. See Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society; and the series of response essays in Calhoun, Habermas and the Public Sphere. 11. Habermas, The Structural Transformation, p. 19. 12. O'Donnell and Schmitter, Tentative Conclusions About Uncertain Democracies, p. 48. 13. See Ferguson, An Essay on the History of Civil Society. 14. S h i l s , " T h e V i r t u e o f C i v i l S o c i e t y , " p. 3 . 15. Z u b a i d a , " I s l a m , the S t a t e , and D e m o c r a c y : C o n t r a s t i n g C o n c e p t i o n s

of

S o c i e t y in E g y p t . " 16. D i a m o n d , " R e t h i n k i n g C i v i l S o c i e t y : T o w a r d D e m o c r a t i c C o n s o l i d a t i o n , " p. 5 ( e m p h a s i s added).

26

Toward Civil Society

in the Middle

East?

17. C o h e n and Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory, p. ix. C o h e n and Arato's own definition of civil society includes family and familial networks, but excludes the organs of the market, which should be distinguished from civil society as economic society (p. x). This separation of society into political, civil, and economic spheres (Hegel combined the latter two) is original to Cohen and Arato. For a contrasting view, in which political and economic society are portions of a broader civil society, see Walzer, " T h e Idea of Civil Society." 18. Ibid., p. 345. 19. Ibid., p. 345. 20. Seligman, The Idea of Civil Society, p. 2. 21. Shils, " T h e Virtue of Civil Society," p. 1; and Walzer, "The Idea of Civil Society," pp. 2 9 3 - 3 0 4 , respectively. 22. T h e term "civil society" is most frequently translated into Arabic as al-mujtama' al-madani, c o m m o n l y so in Egypt. At the conference on "Civil Society and the Prospects for Political R e f o r m in the Middle East" (sponsored by the Civil Society in the Middle East project and convened at the Aspen Institute Wye C o n f e r e n c e Center in Q u e e n s t o w n , MD, 30 S e p t e m b e r - 2 October 1994), Nazih Ayubi noted that al-mujtama' al-madani was perhaps less preferable a translation than al-mujtama' al-ahali. Since al-madani is closer in meaning to "civic," it may be understood to refer only to secular organizations. Al-ahali may be preferable as it more closely captures the term "civil," and as such would include Islamist and other religious groups that adhere to accepted standards of civility and tolerance. 23. For an overview and critical analysis of the philosophical roots of Orientalist views of civil society in the Middle East, see Springborg, Western Republicanism and the Oriental Prince. For an excellent discussion of authoritarianism in the region, see Crystal, "Authoritarianism and Its Adversaries in the A r a b World." 24. This traditional school of Middle East studies is frequently referred to as " O r i e n t a l i s m " — i n the pejorative sense of Said's seminal Orientalism. 25. Kedourie, Democracy and Arab Political Culture, p. 4. 26. Ibid., pp. 5 - 6 . Also see Wittfogel, Oriental Despotism. 27. Lewis, The Shaping of the Modern Middle East, pp. 4 5 - 4 6 . 28. Ibid., p. 46. 29. This characterization of Gellner's approach belongs to Bromley, Rethinking Middle East Politics, pp. 2 4 - 3 0 . 30. Gellner, Conditions of Liberty: Civil Society and Its Rivals, p. 28. 31. Ibid., p. 29. 32. Zureik, "Theoretical Considerations for a Sociological Study of the A r a b State," p. 256. 33. Ibid., p. 255. 34. See Mansfield, A History of the Middle East. 35. See Sadowski, " T h e New Orientalism and the Democracy Debate." 36. Lesch, " T h e Destruction of Civil Society in the S u d a n " ( s u m m a r y included in this volume); and al-Khalil, The Republic of Fear. 37. Several scholars have pointed to the emergence of more participant political systems in the Middle East as potential signs that governments in the region are edging toward m o r e democratic politics. See, for example, Hudson, "Democratization and the Problem of Legitimacy in Middle East Politics." 38. Ibid., p. 164. 39. See, for e x a m p l e , Beinin and Lockman, Workers on the Nile: Nationalism, Communism, Islam, and the Egyptian Working Class; Bianchi, Unruly Corporatism: Associational Life in Twentieth-Century Egypt; Cole, Colonialism and Revolution in

Introduction

27

the Middle East; D e n o e u x , Urban Unrest in the Middle East: A Comparative Study of Informal Networks in Egypt, Iran and Lebanon; Gause's chapter on " R e p r e s e n t a t i o n a n d P a r t i c i p a t i o n " in his Oil Monarchies: Domestic and Security in the Arab Gulf States, pp. 7 8 - 1 1 8 ; G h a b r a , " V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s in Challenges K u w a i t : T h e F o u n d a t i o n of a N e w S y s t e m " ; H i l t e r m a n n , Behind the Intifada: Labor and Women's Movements in the Occupied Territories; Lawson, Oppositional Movements and U.S. Policy Toward the Arab Gulf States; S i n g e r m a n , Avenues of Participation: Family, Politics, and Networks in Urban Quarters of Cairo; S u l l i v a n , Private Voluntary Organizations in Egypt: Islamic Development, Private Initiative, and State Control; a n d W h i t e , Money Makes Us Relatives: Women's Labor in Urban Turkey. D o z e n s of a d d i t i o n a l s t u d i e s are cited in t h e b i b l i o g r a p h y . 4 0 . S p r i n g b o r g , Western Republicanism, p. 2 0 , c i t i n g R o s t o v t z e f f , Caravan Cities. 4 1 . S e e G o l d b e r g , " P r i v a t e G o o d s , P u b l i c W r o n g s , a n d C i v i l S o c i e t y in S o m e M e d i e v a l A r a b T h e o r y and P r a c t i c e . " 4 2 . B e l l i n , " C i v i l S o c i e t y ; E f f e c t i v e Tool of A n a l y s i s f o r M i d d l e E a s t P o l i t i c s ? " p. 5 0 9 . In a d d i t i o n to t h e c i t a t i o n s in this c h a p t e r , d o z e n s of b o o k s a n d a r t i c l e s o n civil s o c i e t y by s c h o l a r s , b o t h i n s i d e and o u t s i d e of the M i d d l e E a s t , a r e c i t e d in t h i s v o l u m e ' s multi-language bibliography. 4 3 . S e e N o r t o n , I n t r o d u c t i o n to Civil Society in the Middle East, vol. 1. 4 4 . N o r t o n , " T h e F u t u r e of Civil S o c i e t y in t h e M i d d l e E a s t , " p. 211. 4 5 . N o r t o n d r a w s o n O ' D o n n e l l and S c h m i t t e r , Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions About Uncertain Democracies; Putnam, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy; and E d w a r d S h i l s , " T h e V i r t u e of C i v i l S o c i e t y , " a m o n g o t h e r s . 4 6 . B e l l i n , " C i v i l S o c i e t y : E f f e c t i v e Tool of A n a l y s i s f o r M i d d l e E a s t P o l i t i c s ? " p. 5 0 9 . 4 7 . N o r t o n , " T h e F u t u r e of Civil S o c i e t y , " pp. 2 1 3 - 2 1 4 . 4 8 . N o r t o n , I n t r o d u c t i o n to Civil Society in the Middle East, vol. 1, p. 11. 4 9 . C h a z a n , " A f r i c a ' s D e m o c r a t i c C h a l l e n g e , " p. 2 8 3 ( e m p h a s i s a d d e d ) . 50. S e e H i c k s a n d a l - N a j j a r , "Civil S o c i e t y in K u w a i t " ( s u m m a r y i n c l u d e d in t h i s v o l u m e ) ; and G h a b r a , " V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n in K u w a i t : T h e F o u n d a t i o n s of a New System?" 51. F o r e x a m p l e , see D i a m o n d , " T h r e e P a r a d o x e s of D e m o c r a c y . " 52. S e e E n t e l i s , " C i v i l S o c i e t y and the A u t h o r i t a r i a n T e m p t a t i o n in A l g e r i a n P o l i t i c s : I s l a m i c D e m o c r a c y vs. the C e n t r a l i z e d S t a t e " ; a n d M a g h r a o u i , " A l g e r i a ' s S h o r t - L i v e d E x p e r i m e n t w i t h E l e c t o r a l P o l i t i c s " ( s u m m a r i e s i n c l u d e d in t h i s volume.) 53. S e e K a z e m i and N o r t o n , Civil Society and the Prospects for Political Reform in the Middle East ( s u m m a r y i n c l u d e d in this v o l u m e ) . 54. I b r a h i m , " C r i s e s , Elites, a n d D e m o c r a t i z a t i o n in the A r a b W o r l d , " p. 3 0 4 ( s u m m a r y i n c l u d e d in t h i s v o l u m e ) . 55. I b i d . , pp. 2 9 2 - 2 9 4 . 56. S e e t h e c o l l e c t i o n of e s s a y s in B o u l d i n g , Building Peace in the Middle East: Challenges for States and Civil Society. 57. T h e t e r m " I s l a m i s t " is u s e d in this c h a p t e r to r e f e r to o r g a n i z a t i o n s o r i n d i v i d u a l s that f i n d m a n d a t e f o r political and social r e o r g a n i z a t i o n in t h e t e a c h i n g s of I s l a m i c t e x t s a n d s o u r c e s , i n c l u d i n g t h e Q u r ' a n , t h e Hadith (pi. Huwadith) or teachi n g s of t h e P r o p h e t M u h a m m a d , and i n d i v i d u a l M u s l i m t h i n k e r s t h r o u g h o u t h i s t o r y . " I s l a m i s m " is o f t e n r e f e r r e d to e l s e w h e r e as " I s l a m i c f u n d a m e n t a l i s m " o r " p o l i t i c a l Islam." 58. F o r e x a m p l e , o n e r e a s o n H i z b o l l a h f a i r e d well in t h e 1 9 9 2 p a r l i a m e n t a r y

28

Toward Civil Society

in the Middle

East?

elections in L e b a n o n w a s their history of providing basic social services to war-torn South Lebanon. See Norton and Schwedler, " S w i s s Soldiers, Ta'if Clocks, and Early Elections: Toward a H a p p y Ending in L e b a n o n ? " For a look at services provided by Islamist groups in Egypt, see Sullivan, Private Voluntary Organizations in Egypt. 59. Kedourie, Democracy and Arab Political Culture, p. 1. 60. See A h m e d , Postmodernism and Islam: Predicament and Promise; Esposito and Piscatori, "Democratization and Islam"; and Krämer, "Liberalization and D e m o c r a c y in the A r a b World." 61. See Esposito, The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality? and Hadar, "What Green Peril?" 62. See Norton, Introduction to Civil Society in the Middle East, vol. 1; and Moussalli, " M o d e r n Islamic Fundamentalist Discourses on Civil Society, Pluralism, and D e m o c r a c y " ( s u m m a r y included in this volume). Also see Esposito, The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality? and Esposito and Piscatori, "Democratization and Islam." 63. See Kazemi and Norton, Civil Society and the Prospects for Political Reform in the Middle East. 64. Asad, "Religion and Politics: An Introduction," p. 9. 65. R o s e f s k y - W i c k h a m , "Beyond Democratization: Political C h a n g e in the Arab World," p. 508. 66. See Brand, ' " I n the Beginning Was the State . . .' Civil Society in Jordan," and Carapico, "Yemen Between Civility and Civil War" (summaries included in this volume); and Norton and Schwedler, "Swiss Soldiers, Ta'if Clocks, and Early Elections: Toward a H a p p y Ending in L e b a n o n ? " 67. Hudson, "Democratization and the Problem of Legitimacy in Middle East Politics," p. 168. 68. See Woods, "Civil Society in Europe and Africa: Limiting State P o w e r Through a Public Sphere." 69. Habermas, The Structural Transformation, p. 85. 70. Weiner, "Retrieving Civil Society in a Postmodern Epoch"; and Habermas, Theory of Communicative Action, vol. 2, pp. 5 3 6 - 5 3 9 . 71. Seligman, The Idea of Civil Society, p. 6. 72. Ibid., p. 5. 73. Ibid., p. 27. For an account of how the ideas of "reason" and "civil society" c a m e to be "sacralized" in Europe during the Enlightenment, see Jacob, "Private Beliefs in Public Temples: T h e New Religiosity of the Eighteenth Century." 74. See Mardin, "Civil Society: A C o m p a r a t i v e Approach" (under revision for publication). Cited with the kind permission of the author. 75. Ibid., p. 4. 76. Ibid., p. 12. 77. T h e forces perceived as guiding Islamic societies vary a m o n g sects: following the prophet M u h a m m a d ' s death in 632 A.D., the Sunnis institutionalized M u h a m m a d ' s charismatic authority in the caliphate, and the Shi'as perpetuated his charisma through the identification of an Imam. See Dabashi, Authority in Islam. 78. A similar argument is m a d e by Gellner in his Conditions of Liberty: Civil Society and Its Rivals. 79. Bromley, Rethinking Middle East Politics, especially pp. 16-18. 80. Ibid. 81. See Batatu, The Old Social Classes and the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq. 82. Springborg, Western Republicanism, p. 20, citing Rostovzeff, Caravan Cities.

Introduction

29

83. See Goldberg, "Private Goods, Public Wrongs, and Civil Society in Some Medieval Arab Theory and Practice." 84. Shils, "The Virtue of Civil Society," p. 15. 85. Ibid. 86. Keane, Introduction to Civil Society and the State, pp. 1-31. 87. Shils, "The Virtue of Civil Society," p. 4. 88. Gellner, Conditions of Liberty: Civil Society and Its Rivals, p. 184. 89. Ibid., p. 189. 90. O ' D o n n e l l and Schmitter, Tentative Conclusions About Uncertain Democracies, p. 48. 91. Ibid., p. 49. 92. Norton, "The Future of Civil Society," pp. 211 and 212, respectively. 93. Ibid., p. 215. Also see Keane, Democracy and Civil Society, p. 23; and Diamond, "Rethinking Civil Society," pp. 4 - 1 7 . 94. Norton, Introduction to Civil Society in the Middle East, vol. 1, p. 11. 95. This idea—that the institutionalization of legal protection for certain fundamental human rights may facilitate the emergence of civil society—is different from the modernization theory, which posits that liberal democracy will emerge as a "traditional" society passes certain thresholds of economic, social, and political development. The idea that all countries should or must follow a prescribed course of development in order to modernize and advance has been largely, but not entirely, abandoned. For one of the classic works of liberal modernization theory, see Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies. Also see Huber, Rueschemeyer, and Stephens, "The Impact of Economic Development on Democracy," who argue that there is a causal relation between the level of economic development and the development of political democracy (p. 83)—especially with regard to the shift in the balance of class power—but not one that is "unilinear or automatic" (p. 75). 96. Hudson, "Democratization and the Problem of Legitimacy in Middle East Politics," p. 169. 97. Melucci, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," p. 790. 98. See Gause's observation in his "Sovereignty, Statecraft, and Stability in the Middle East," that foreign policy in the Middle East has revolved largely around questions of sovereignty and attempts to redraw state boundaries within the region. In this light, a state's posture of tolerance and civility toward challenges from its own citizens must be viewed with caution, and perhaps even a degree of skepticism. 99. See Brand, '"In the Beginning Was the State . . .' Civil Society in Jordan" (summary included in this volume); and Wedeman, "Democracy in Jordan." 100. See Hinnebusch, "State, Civil Society and Political Change in Syria," and al-Sayyid, "A Civil Society in Egypt?" (summaries included in this volume); and Zubaida, "Islam, the State, and Democracy: Contrasting Conceptions of Society in Egypt." 101. Rosefsky-Wickham, "Beyond Democratization: Political Change in the Arab World," p. 508. 102. Seligman, The Idea of Civil Society, p. 31. 103. Mitchell, "The Limits of the State," p. 78. 104. Ibid. 105. O ' D o n n e l l and Schmitter, Tentative Conclusions About Uncertain Democracies, p. 49.

30

Toward Civil Society

in the Middle

East?

106. Melucci, " T h e Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary M o v e m e n t s , " p. 793. 107. R o s e f s k y - W i c k h a m argues in her "Beyond Democratization: Political C h a n g e in the Arab World," that the political change under way in the Arab world in general, and Egypt in particular, cannot be accurately described as the development of an independent civil society. In fact, "efforts to locate civil society or other 'prerequisites' of democratic reform reveal more about the preoccupations of Western scholars than they do about new social configurations in the Middle East today" (p. 509). 108. Asad, "Religion and Politics: An Introduction," p. 11. 109. Also see Migdal, Strong Societies and Weak States. 110. Norton, Introduction to Civil Society in the Middle East, vol. 1, p. 11. 111. Several scholars have argued that the conventional dichotomy between the state and civil society is problematic even as an ideal type. See Offe, " N e w Social Movements: Challenging the Boundaries of Institutional Politics"; and Misztal and Misztal, "Democratization Processes as an Objective of New Social M o v e m e n t s . "

Summaries of Individual Studies T h e f o l l o w i n g c o l l e c t i o n of country studies and t h e m a t i c p a p e r s e x a m i n e s civil society in t h e M i d d l e East. T h e a u t h o r s a p p r o a c h their topics f r o m different p e r s p e c t i v e s and disciplines, p r o v i d i n g a rich array of a n a l y s e s that p r o b e the e x i s t e n c e and viability of civil society u n d e r v a r y i n g c o n d i t i o n s . If the a u t h o r s a g r e e on one issue, it is that civil society c a n n o t f l o u r i s h w h e n a g o v e r n m e n t ' s a i m is to control or restrict a s s o c i a t i o n a l activity. T h i s m a y s e e m o b v i o u s . Yet, the lesson m a g n i f i e d is that a l t h o u g h a civil society m a y foster t o l e r a n c e , it is the state that p r o v i d e s s p a c e in w h i c h a s s o c i a t i o n s can f u n c t i o n openly. W h e n the state resorts to r e p r e s s i o n , social f o r c e s will h a v e no alternative but to act outside the b o u n d a r i e s of the civil society and g o v e r n m e n t control. M a n y of the studies in this book a p p e a r as f u l l - l e n g t h c h a p t e r s in the t w o - v o l u m e set on Civil Society in the Middle East, edited by A u g u s t u s R i c h a r d N o r t o n . Several additional studies, p r e s e n t e d at p r o j e c t - s p o n s o r e d c o n f e r e n c e s or p u b l i s h e d by project p e r s o n n e l , h a v e been i n c l u d e d h e r e to illustrate the w i d e r a n g e of issues that m a y be e x p l o r e d t h r o u g h the study of civil society. (Full citations for all c o n t r i b u t i o n s a p p e a r in the B i b l i o g r a p h y . )

1

The Future of Civil Society in the Middle East Augustus Richard Norton

The new language of Middle East politics stresses participation, cultural authenticity, freedom, and even democracy. Middle Eastern governments continue to suffer eroding legitimacy, even as they feel increasing pressure from their citizens. Although there is no doubt the political elite intend to stay in power, the imperative of political reform is widely felt in ruling circles. Nonetheless, while some rulers has been willing to liberalize, none has been willing to comprehensively democratize, although they often ply a democratic vocabulary to win international favor. Liberalization refers to reformist measures to open up outlets for the free expression of opinion, to place limits on the arbitrary exercise of power, and to permit political association. In contrast, democratization—freely contested elections—has only been timidly attempted. The prevailing ideology of opposition is Islamism. Many of the region's Islamist movements espouse free elections and political reform, but some Islamists are contemptuous, even hostile toward democracy and many thoughtful Middle Easterners justifiably fear Islamist totalitarianism. However, the Islamists are only one component in civil society. The argument here is that the emergence of civil society is a crucial step toward realizing a freer Middle East. The symbol of democracy is the contested election via the secret ballot, but the h o m e of democracy is in civil society, where a mélange of groups, associations, and clubs provide a buffer between state and citizen. The existence of a civil society implies a shared sense of identity and a sense of citizenship, with associated rights and responsibilities, which autocracies promote but tend to trivialize. The underpinning value of civil society is civility, the willingness of individuals to accept disparate political views and social attitudes; to accept the profoundly important idea that there is no right answer. In the Middle East, civil society is often undermined by a deficit in political toleration and constricted by arbitrary government regulation.

33

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in the Middle

East?

A l t h o u g h e l e m e n t s of civil society are likely to o p p o s e the g o v e r n m e n t , it is naive to e x p e c t civil society to t o p p l e the state. T h e goal of civil society is r e f o r m , not r e v o l u t i o n . R e f o r m will f o l l o w m a n y paths. In s o m e cases, rulers will a d o p t w h a t t h e A r a b s call " f a c a d e d e m o c r a c y , " e m p l o y i n g the v o c a b u l a r y of d e m o c r a c y w h i l e p r o c e e d i n g with business as usual. But the p r e s s u r e s to o p e n u p the political s y s t e m s may not abate. A s civil society c o n t i n u e s to gain its f o o t i n g , issues of accountability and p e r f o r m a n c e will g r o w in i m p o r t a n c e . A l t h o u g h r e g u l a r e n c r o a c h m e n t s upon the dignity of i n d i v i d u a l s linger, the t r a j e c t o r y of M i d d l e East politics is clearly t o w a r d an increased e m p h a s i s on individual rights to be free f r o m the arbitrary a b u s e of the state.

From "The Future of Civil Society in the Middle East," Middle East Journal, Spring 1993

2

Modern Islamic Fundamentalist Discourses on Civil Society, Pluralism, and Democracy Ahmad Moussalli

The record on Islamic fundamentalist attitudes toward civil society needs to be set straight. Islamic fundamentalism is not a monolithic bloc, but includes a variety of discourses on the relationship between the individual, society, and the state. In the theoretical foundations of civil society developed under different Islamic regimes, two main schools of thought emerge concerning the viability and necessity of civil society in Islam. On the one hand, a limited number of radical fundamentalists look negatively at strengthening civil society. On the other hand, moderate fundamentalists, who compose the significant majority of fundamentalist thinkers, call for establishing pluralistic Civil society as the cornerstone of the new Islamic state. In fact, claim the moderates, civil society is precisely Islam's original and ideal form of society. In addition, a theoretical assessment of fundamentalist positions on civil society and democracy reveals Islamists are actively engaged in discussing both the possibility of grounding Islamic and Western political thought in a universal framework, and the potential for peaceful coexistence between Islamic and Western societies. Given these current debates, the question is whether a cultural clash between the East and West is inevitable. The early existence of civil society in Muslim societies reveals that many civil groups flourished, including the craft's brotherhoods, Sufi orders, the notables, 'ulama circles and minorities' institutions. The Sufi orders were connected with the crafts, and the notables reflected the rights of civil institutions to conduct affairs autonomous from the state. These civil groups created a multilayered framework through which individuals organized in each community and they connected this framework to the more general ideal of the Islamic community. Islamic fundamentalism is not a theoretically and politically unified movement. However, certain terms and concerns are common to all debates, 35

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including the supremacy of tawhid as the pivotal doctrinal and political foundation, the superiority of the shari'ah, and the establishment of an Islamic state. Two m a j o r discourses are discernible, especially with regard to civil society. First, there is the discourse of a radical trend grounded in a few exclusivist concepts: authenticity, one-sidedness of the truth, purity, superiority, and, above all, salvational knowledge. The main theoreticians and adherents of these concepts, such as Sayyid Qutb, Salih Sirriyyah, Mustapha Shukri, and 'Umar 'Abd al-Rahman, tend to be self-righteous and undemocratic. They believe a properly conducted shura creates a social or public will that is more important than the individual or the group that must submit to it. In an Islamic system, this public will represents the divine will. Therefore, individuals or groups cannot legitimately stand in opposition. For these radicals, individual freedom is secondary to the interest of the community. No parties or associations are allowed to tamper with political or even social unity. Insofar as the government is not disobeying the divine law, it cannot be legitimately toppled. Such an environment is, of course, not conducive to the establishment of pluralist civil societies or the flourishing of freedom. The second trend, moderate fundamentalism, allows pluralistic interpretations based on the simple idea that no man can produce a final interpretative judgment. Legislative processes must reflect a society's beliefs and interests. M o d e r a t e thinkers, including Hasan al-Banna, Rashid alGhannushi, and Hasan al-Turabi, attribute violence to the absence of democratic institutions and pluralistic civil societies. They see no contradiction between Islam and Western philosophies and institutions. The moderates can bridge the East-West cultural gap, deny exclusivity of Islamic thought, and attribute East-West conflicts to historical political factors by insisting these systems and institutions, when properly grounded, are truly Islamic. Since the East and West have common religious and philosophical roots, ample room exists for multicultural religious cooperation and coexistence.

From Civil Society

in the Middle East, vol. 1

3

Democratization in the Arab World Saad Eddin Ibrahim

M u c h of the literature c i r c u l a t i n g on the transition f r o m n o n d e m o c r a t i c to d e m o c r a t i c rule f i n d s a fertile testing g r o u n d in the A r a b w o r l d . W h i l e b e l o n g i n g to o n e general political-cultural area, the t w e n t y - o n e A r a b c o u n tries o f f e r global f a c t o r s a s s o c i a t e d with such t r a n s i t i o n s — f o r e x a m p l e , nature and e v o l u t i o n of the state, political r e g i m e s , class structure, political culture, levels of s o c i o e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t , and civil society. Yet, d e s p i t e its particularities, the A r a b w o r l d is e v o l v i n g a l o n g the s a m e b r o a d t r e n d s and p r o c e s s e s that have been at work e l s e w h e r e in newly d e m o c r a t i z i n g societies. F o u r v a r i a b l e s — s o c i o e c o n o m i c f o r m a t i o n s , the articulation of civil society, the state, and external f a c t o r s — h a v e been acting u p o n e a c h o t h e r to p r o d u c e a m i n i - w a v e of d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n in the A r a b w o r l d . T h e interplay varies f r o m one A r a b c o u n t r y to another, w h i c h a c c o u n t s for the d e g r e e of d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n e m p i r i c a l l y o b s e r v e d in each at p r e s e n t . Civil society in the A r a b w o r l d has revitalized itself in the last t w o d e c a d e s d u e to internal, regional, and international factors. Internally, n e w s o c i o e c o n o m i c f o r m a t i o n s that the autocratic a n d / o r populist r e g i m e s h a v e no longer been able to a c c o m m o d a t e or c o m p l e t e l y s u p p r e s s h a v e b e e n g r o w i n g steadily. R e g i o n a l l y , p r o t r a c t e d a r m e d c o n f l i c t s h a v e w e a k e n e d the state, e x p o s e d its i m p o t e n c e in m a n a g i n g such c o n f l i c t s , and d r a i n e d its resources. Meanwhile, other regional developments have unwittingly e m p o w e r e d n e w and old c o n s t i t u e n c i e s within e a c h A r a b state. I n t e r n a t i o n ally, the p a t r o n - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n A r a b r e g i m e s and the t w o s u p e r p o w e r s has either e n d e d or b e e n greatly altered. T h e global w a v e of d e m o c ratization has also had its m a r k e d d e m o n s t r a t i o n e f f e c t on the e x p a n d i n g A r a b m i d d l e class. S p r o u t i n g civil society o r g a n i z a t i o n s in the A r a b w o r l d h a v e p r e s s u r e d for greater liberalization to a t o n e f o r the s t a t e ' s f a i l u r e in m e e t i n g s o c i o e c o -

37

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n o m i c n e e d s by t e n d i n g to itself and, later, for its r e l u c t a n c e to r e s p o n d to their political q u e s t f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n . T h e s l u g g i s h p e r f o r m a n c e of the state vis-à-vis these d e m a n d s has led m a n y d i s e n f r a n c h i s e d y o u n g s t e r s of the l o w e r m i d d l e class to e s p o u s e I s l a m i c militancy as a m o d e of protest. D u r i n g the 1980s and early 1990s, the A r a b world has w i t n e s s e d a t h r e e - w a y race to m a i n t a i n or seize p o w e r a m o n g autocratic r e g i m e s , Islamic activists, and civil society o r g a n i z a t i o n s . In s o m e A r a b c o u n t r i e s , one variant of the race has been the s q u e e z i n g of civil society out of the p u b lic a r e n a by a u t o c r a t i c r e g i m e s and Islamic activists. In a n o t h e r variant, both the autocratic r e g i m e s and I s l a m i c activists have a t t e m p t e d to win o v e r or a p p r o p r i a t e civil society o r g a n i z a t i o n s . T h i s s e c o n d variant c o n t a i n s the greatest p r o m i s e for civil society a n d , hence, for the d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n p r o c e s s . Importantly, it has p r o v i d e d a m p l e b a r g a i n i n g p o w e r to civil society o r g a n i z a t i o n s w h e n they deal with the state in a t t e m p t s to gain c o n c e s s i o n s of the sociopolitical r e f o r m a t i v e nature. It also has had a m o d e r a t i n g e f f e c t on several Islamic activist g r o u p s . In J o r d a n , K u w a i t , Y e m e n , and L e b a n o n this p r o m i s e has actually b e e n u n f o l d ing. In all four, I s l a m i s t s h a v e a c c e p t e d the p r i n c i p l e of political p l u r a l i s m , participating a l o n g s i d e o t h e r s e c u l a r f o r c e s in national elections. Islamists are currently r e p r e s e n t e d in t h o s e c o u n t r i e s ' p a r l i a m e n t s . In L e b a n o n , Y e m e n , and J o r d a n w o m e n h a v e been elected for the first time, and the Islamists did not m a r c h out in protest. S o long as r e l i g i o u s - b a s e d parties and a s s o c i a t i o n s accept the principle of p l u r a l i s m and o b s e r v e a m o d i c u m of civility in b e h a v i o r t o w a r d the diff e r e n t " o t h e r , " then they can e x p e c t to be integral parts of civil society. In this respect, e v e n the I s l a m i s t s m a y e v o l v e into s o m e t h i n g akin to the Christian D e m o c r a t s in the West or the religious parties in Israel. T h e r e is n o t h i n g intrinsically I s l a m i c that c o n t r a d i c t s with the c o d e s of civil society or d e m o c r a t i c p r i n c i p l e s . T h e r e s p o n s e s by A r a b r e g i m e s to their civil societies i n d i c a t e as m a n y p r o s p e c t s for f u r t h e r d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n as against it. T h e m o d e r n i z i n g m o n a r chies, n a m e l y of J o r d a n and M o r o c c o , h a v e i m p r e s s i v e l y e n g i n e e r e d a s m o o t h transition t o w a r d m o r e d e m o c r a t i c g o v e r n a n c e . T h e i r e x a m p l e may tilt the balance t o w a r d g r e a t e r d e m o c r a t i c prospects in the entire region; p r o s p e c t s that p r o m i s e to e n h a n c e the p e a c e f u l s e t t l e m e n t of s o m e of the r e g i o n ' s p r o t r a c t e d c o n f l i c t s w h i l e also g r o w i n g in strength f r o m s u c h settlements.

F r o m Civil Society

in the Middle

East,

vol. 1

4 Economic Pressures for Accountable Governance in the Middle East and North Africa Alan Richards

Can d e m o c r a c y find a home in the M i d d l e E a s t ? N e o - O r i e n t a l i s t s assert that the a b s e n c e o f traditional civil society, the w e a k n e s s o f the middle c l a s s e s , and I s l a m i c c o n c e p t i o n s o f the state all doom any hope o f the r e g i o n ' s participating in the current worldwide upsurge o f d e m o c r a t i c politics. Still, while few would predict a m a j o r thrust toward d e m o c r a c y in the late twentieth-century M i d d l e East, the g l i m m e r i n g s o f civil society undeniably g l o w rather m o r e brightly in the region these days. In fact, e c o n o m i c imperatives dictate heightened political participation in the region. F o r most o f the period since the nations o f the M i d d l e E a s t gained independence, industrial t e c h n o l o g i e s and development

strategies

favored centralization and autocracy. Today, the opposite is true. T h e l e g a c y o f past d e c a d e s will not be easily o v e r c o m e . However, in the modern international e c o n o m y o f information technologies, discriminating c o n s u m e r s , and intense competition, only e c o n o m i e s less centralized than those o f the Arab world will survive. Increasingly, national leaders r e c o g n i z e the n e c e s sity o f c h a n g e — s t r u c t u r a l adjustment and e c o n o m i c liberalization are on the agenda o f nearly all regional s t a t e s — a n d will require increased political participation in s o m e form. Coping with the c h a l l e n g e s surrounding food, j o b s , and investment will require greater integration into the international e c o n o m y ; such e c o n o m i c changes imply enlarging the role o f the private sector, widening the s c o p e o f the rule o f law, and m o r e generally restructuring the state's relations with its citizens. Still, e c o n o m i c forces do not m a k e democratization inevitable. T h e r e are a l w a y s c h o i c e s in politics, but these c h o i c e s are constrained for the simple reason that if e c o n o m i c challenges are not met, s o c i o p o l i t i c a l p r o b l e m s accumulate and the range o f c h o i c e s narrows accordingly. In particular, oldstyle " A r a b s o c i a l i s t " options are no longer viable. I f rulers want to survive,

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they will be forced to make some concessions to economic logic. Such concessions can only be avoided if a regime has a dependable source of income, which generates few political demands upon acquisition. Although oil-rents provided such politically easy money in the past, they shrank markedly during the middle and late 1980s, and the prospects for future oil prices are uncertain. The choice has narrowed to the stark one between accommodation to economic reality (which has political implications) or a descent into chaos. Let us be clear: Just because solving (or even ameliorating) mounting economic problems requires wider political participation does not mean that it will happen. Failure is possible, even likely for many countries. Autoeconomic suicide is a real alternative; challenges may not be met, and explosions are real dangers. Lebanon, Bosnia, and Somalia represent all-too-vivid alternatives to economic progress, as do the continuing famines in the Sudan. Economic determinism will serve us poorly. But equally, ignoring economic forces will deceive us as to the consequences of policy choices. The task will not be easy. The natural resource base, with its mix of abundant oil and scarce water, makes adjustment imperative, but also makes it difficult. Habits will die hard—entrenched interest groups, engendered over nearly a half-century of state centralization, will not be easily persuaded to abandon their privileges. For the governments, there are really only two alternatives: repression or participation. Repression is likely to be ineffective in the long run, and it impedes constructing the institutions that afford an opportunity for coping with the economic challenges of the immediate future. Expanded participation need not mean "democracy" in the current Western sense. Middle Eastern nations will doubtless have to find their own culturally authentic paths to expanded participation. Whatever the precise forms, expanded participation will be essential for three reasons. First, the age of structural adjustment is the age of subsidy cuts. Economically, a subsidy cut is equivalent to a tax increase. Political participation is necessary to "share the pain." Second, a stable legal environment is a necessary condition for a functioning market economy. Since there are no alternatives to markets for many allocative purposes, the only alternative to the rule of law is economic stagnation, poverty, and, ultimately, chaos. Third, properly functioning markets require widely available modern information technology as well as secure property rights. But the faxes that carry this morning's price data also may convey the latest statement of the exiled political opposition. If a regime simply outlaws the use of fax machines outside of its control (as does Syria), it will not be able to effectively compete in international markets. Accordingly, it cannot solve the problems associated with food, jobs, and money. Consequently, Middle Eastern governments have much adjusting to do

Economic Pressures for Accountable Governance

41

if they hope to cope with the economic imperatives of the last decade of the twentieth century. They will need to privatize and acquiesce to their own laws, assist their private exporters in foreign markets, and educate their young, among other things. Some countries may rise to the challenge; some will likely fail. The costs of failure will be very high and will affect not only their own people and their neighbors but also the international community. The alternative road of repression, civil war, economic stagnation, food insecurity, poverty, and chaos is all too familiar to people of the region. However, the fact there is an "economic imperative" does not mean politics will rise to the occasion. But the stark choice—participation or repression— will be faced by policymakers both within and without the region.

From Civil Society in the Middle East, vol. 1

5 Civil Society and the Authoritarian Temptation in Algerian Politics John P. Entelis

In the M i d d l e East, o n e o f the most " s u c c e s s f u l " e x a m p l e s o f the bureaucratic-authoritarian state has been postindependence A l g e r i a . Fueled by impressive h y d r o c a r b o n resources, a revolutionary elite attempted to transform a b a c k w a r d , agricultural society into a modern, industrialized state through a highly centralized system o f c o m m a n d and control. In a sort o f "ruling b a r g a i n , " the A l g e r i a n people traded their right to organize politically for public social w e l f a r e . The

Algerian

autonomous

technocratic

development

could

state take

of place

the

1970s

without

illustrated

how

intervention

from

d o m e s t i c social f o r c e s or their global collaborators. B y the m i d - 1 9 8 0 s , however, when world oil and natural gas prices declined and massive industrial projects faltered or c o l l a p s e d altogether, the ruling bargain had b e c o m e unstuck as the e c o n o m i c conditions that financed this arrangement began to disintegrate. T h e depth o f the failure was evidenced by the nationwide riots o f October

1 9 8 8 , when a u t o n o m o u s social forces emerged with

incredible

vigor to c h a l l e n g e the h e g e m o n y o f state power. Workers, farmers, students, street people, I s l a m i c militants, feminists, and B e r b e r i s t s rose to violently protest their continued marginality and subordination. A l g e r i a could no m o r e e s c a p e the " i n f e c t i o n " o f society-based " r e v o l u t i o n " than its ideological counterparts in E a s t e r n Europe. Indeed, the " e x p a n d i n g society, retreating state" rubric s e e m e d the m o r e appropriate designation for the A l g e r i a o f the 1 9 9 0 s . Yet, the return o f army rule to Algeria in early 1 9 9 2 demonstrated the fragility o f civil society and the durability o f political authoritarianism. Has the A l g e r i a n state exhausted its current democratic phase, m o v e d into a period o f temporary stock taking in preparation for a further d e m o c ratic advance, or retreated to its authoritarian past? Although the traditional

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Algeria

43

i n s t i t u t i o n s of p o w e r — t h e m i l i t a r y - i n d u s t r i a l c o m p l e x , e x - N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t ( F L N ) hard-liners, the g o v e r n m e n t b u r e a u c r a c y — h a v e r e a s s e r t e d their p o w e r , an array of social f o r c e s c o n t i n u e s to vocalize disc o n t e n t , f r o m the f i v e h u n d r e d t h o u s a n d - s t r o n g d e m o n s t r a t i o n of Socialist F o r c e s Front ( F F S ) s u p p o r t e r s in D e c e m b e r 1990 to f u n d a m e n t a l i s t g r i e v a n c e s against s e c u l a r policies. T r y i n g to break the p a r a l y s i s of fear, t h o s e n o w in p o w e r f i n d t h e m s e l v e s a f r a i d of the c o n s e q u e n c e s . G o v e r n m e n t o f f i cials w a r n against c o l l a p s e to j u s t i f y m a i n t a i n i n g the state of siege. I s l a m i c a p p e a l s in A l g e r i a h a v e r e s p o n d e d to s o c i o e c o n o m i c g r i e v a n c e s and cultural d e m a n d s f o r integrity, authenticity, and identity. In their d u a l i s tic m e s s a g e s , the I s l a m i c Salvation F r o n t ( F I S ) f o r m u l a t e d a l e g i t i m a t e political d i s c o u r s e c o n s i s t e n t with A l g e r i a n culture, history, and e x p e r i e n c e . Yet, no m e a n i n g f u l d e m o c r a c y can e m e r g e that d o e s not first h a v e p o p u l a r s o v e r e i g n t y f o u n d e d on a c o l l e c t i v e national identity, shared historic vision, and c o m m o n cultural values. A l t h o u g h this p a r a d o x of d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n has p r o v e n d i f f i c u l t to r e s o l v e , the a l t e r n a t i v e is to o v e r t u r n the basic d e m o c r a tic principle of full p a r t i c i p a t i o n . N o w h e r e in the A r a b w o r l d has a m u l t i party election in a f o r m e r l y o n e - p a r t y state directly r e p l a c e d a party in power. T h e u l t i m a t e test of d e m o c r a c y ' s " t r u e " e f f e c t , t h e r e f o r e , will be w h e n such a t u r n o v e r takes place. T h i s also will reveal the " t r u e " m e a s u r e of the a u t o n o m y of civil society.

F r o m Civil Society

in the Middle

East, v o l . 2

6

Algeria's Short-Lived Experiment with Electoral Politics Abdeslam Maghraoui

Algeria was the first Arab country to be genuinely involved in a serious and promising experiment with multiparty democracy. The evolving political events in Algeria concern Middle East specialists because they reflect the dilemma of democratization in many Muslim societies where Islamic groups constitute a powerful political force. A strong belief exists that a similar scenario could unfold in other Arab states, including Egypt, Jordan, Tunisia, and Lebanon as well as in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Political analysts disagree considerably on what to make of the short-lived Algerian democratic test. Three main propositions have emerged to explain the debacle: the poor management skills of the reformer teams; the lack of a credible and well-organized secular alternative; and a deep crisis within Islamic societies vainly in quest for a "utopian polis." These perspectives all violate some basic liberal democratic principles. This necessarily applies to both those who rationalize the interruption of the democratic process where Muslim fundamentalists are the obvious winners, and to those who make the case for maintaining the democratic process regardless of the political outcome. The former pays no attention to the question of popular sovereignty, without which democracy is meaningless if not impossible. The latter reduces democracy to the formal act of organizing free elections with no consideration for individual rights. A third approach holds that the Islamists' political project is essentially in harmony with some basic democratic principles, but is inconsistent with fundamental liberal values and ideals. This dichotomy is best understood as a conflict within liberal democratic theory, which Islamic fundamentalism inadvertently brings to the open. This new outlook will force us to radically restructure our understanding of the region's democratic paradox. M o r e specifically, if the problem with an "Islamic democracy" is the inherent dichotomy between the obligations of the citizen toward a c o m m u n i t y —

44

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Politics in Algeria

45

d e f i n e d o n r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e s — a n d t h e r i g h t s of t h e c i t i z e n as an i n d i v i d ual, it is w i t h i n I s l a m i c d i s c u r s i v e c o n v e n t i o n s t h a t t h e s o l u t i o n will a r i s e . T h e p o p u l a r i t y of t h e I s l a m i c p a r t i e s in A l g e r i a is n o t s i m p l y a r e s p o n s e to i m m e d i a t e e c o n o m i c p r o b l e m s , p o l i t i c a l f r u s t r a t i o n s , o r s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e . It is equally

an e f f o r t to d e f i n e w h a t is a g o o d p o l i t y a n d a c h i e v e p o p u l a r

s o v e r e i g n t y on t h e b a s i s o f I s l a m i c t r a d i t i o n s . If w e e x a m i n e t h e r e s u r g e n c e a n d p o l i t i c i z a t i o n of I s l a m i c s e n t i m e n t s in A l g e r i a f r o m this p e r s p e c t i v e , w e will r e a l i z e that w h a t is h a p p e n i n g t h e r e is n o t m u c h d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h e r e s u r g e n c e of n a t i o n a l i s m in E a s t e r n E u r o p e a n d t h e f o r m e r S o v i e t U n i o n . P e o p l e e v e r y w h e r e a r e s t r u g g l i n g to a c h i e v e s o v e r e i g n t y by m a k i n g a f u n d a m e n t a l demand:

recognition

of t h e i r e t h n i c ,

linguistic,

or r e l i g i o u s

identities.

H o w e v e r , these p o p u l a r and legitimate d e m a n d s are potentially s u b v e r s i v e to liberal d e m o c r a c y . T h e I s l a m i c l e a d e r s a r e n o t c o n c e r n e d t h a t t h e i r p o l i t i c a l p r o j e c t is incompatible with secular liberal democracy. W h a t should concern them, h o w e v e r , is t h e a r g u m e n t m a d e by an i n c r e a s i n g n u m b e r of M u s l i m s that t h e f u n d a m e n t a l i s t s ' p o l i t i c a l a g e n d a v i o l a t e s s o m e b a s i c I s l a m i c p r i n c i p l e s . If t h e F I S ' s t h e o c r a t i c s t a t e s u b v e r t s b a s i c d e m o c r a t i c p r i n c i p l e s , s u b s u m e d in I s l a m i c s o u r c e s , p r e c e d e n t s , a n d political p h i l o s o p h y , t h e n it is i n c u m b e n t on M u s l i m s to c h a l l e n g e t h e I s l a m i c l e a d e r s on t h e b a s i s of I s l a m i c d i s c u r sive conventions. R e l i g i o n will c o n t i n u e to s h a p e t h e p o l i t i c a l l a n d s c a p e of t h e M i d d l e E a s t , and i n t e r n a l p r e s s u r e s to d e m o c r a t i z e will o n l y i n c r e a s e . T h e r e a r e n o m a g i c s o l u t i o n s or u n i v e r s a l f o r m u l a s f o r p e a c e f u l l y r e c o n c i l i n g r e l i g i o u s d e m a n d s w i t h d e m o c r a t i c p r i n c i p l e s . C u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s v a r y a n d s o will t h e s o l u t i o n s . It w o u l d b e n a i v e t o e x p e c t d e m o c r a t i c d e v e l o p m e n t in t h e M i d d l e E a s t w i t h o u t an I s l a m i c i m p r i n t .

From "Algeria's Short-lived Experiment with Electoral Politics," Middle Insight, July-October 1993

East

7

A Civil Society in Egypt? Mustapha Kamil al-Sayyid

Intellectual debates over the uses and abuses of civil society have been echoing in the Arab world. The controversy was triggered by the democratic wave that hit the shores of authoritarianism in Eastern and Southern Europe, and Southern Asia. Some Arab intellectuals believed they also saw signs of the resurgence of civil society in the Arab world. While intellectuals debated theoretical propositions, a substantive transformation in social processes was under way in Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Mauritania, Morocco, Tunisia, and Yemen (as well as Algeria prior to the military coup in late December 1991). Many contradictory features were noticeable, particularly in Egypt. On the one hand, divisive social groups were gaining more freedom to express dissenting views in professional associations and in political parties. On the other hand, individuals claiming to act in the name of Islamist organizations were effectively challenging the government, and not only in the remote villages of Upper Egypt. In Cairo, for example, Islamists' attacks against Copts, foreign tourists, and individuals voicing opposition to their mission have reached alarming proportions since the summer of 1992. Victims include Farag Fouda, Egypt's most famous secularist writer, in June 1992, and an American and a French law professor during President Hosni Mubarak's visit to the United States and France in October 1993. In addition to those assassinations, attacks were made on the ministers of information (April 1993) and the interior (August 1993), both of whom were wounded, and the prime minister (25 November 1993), who was not harmed in the attempt on his life. Moreover, many usually moderate voices of the Islamist movement branded intellectuals critical of their views apostates. The sentence for apostasy, which Islamists believe to be sanctioned by shari'ah, is death. In the event the government fails to carry out that sentence, the punishment may be imposed by any Muslim. While the state has permitted a degree of autonomy for societal actors, some of them, ironically, have demonstrated intolerance for the exercise of freedom of speech, worship, and action by others. Herein lies the contradic-

46

Civil Society

in

Egypt

47

tion: If a s s o c i a t i o n a l a u t o n o m y is definitely a m e a s u r e of t h e r e s u r g e n c e of a civil society, acts of i n t o l e r a n c e cast d o u b t s on its " c i v i l " character. T h e s e c o n t r a d i c t o r y t e n d e n c i e s w a r r a n t an e x a m i n a t i o n of the e x t e n t to w h i c h civil society exists in E g y p t and the factors likely to a f f e c t its e v o l u t i o n . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the p r o s p e c t s for civil society in E g y p t s e e m to h a v e d e t e r i o r a t e d in recent years. E g y p t , together with their s u p p o r t e r s in the U n i t e d States and international financial institutions, m u s t realize e c o n o m i c liberalism d o e s not o f f e r a p a n a c e a for d e a l i n g with d i v e r s e e c o n o m i c and social p r o b l e m s in d e v e l o p i n g countries. W i t h o u t that realization, g o v e r n m e n t - i m p o s e d limitations on civil society will increase, and the b l o o d y c o n f r o n t a t i o n b e t w e e n security f o r c e s and y o u n g i m p o v e r i s h e d E g y p t i a n s w h o b e l i e v e they are f i g h t i n g f o r an Islamic c a u s e will w i d e n , b r i n g i n g protracted c h a o s to E g y p t ' s e m b r y o n i c civil society.

F r o m Civil Society

in the Middle

East, vol. 1

8

Civil Society and Iranian Politics Farhad Kazemi

In the Islamic Republic of Iran, civil society may be understood as the space where a plethora of groups, associations, and organizations have operated outside the immediate domain of the state. Major problems confronting civil society in Iran have been the increasing power of the state, its autonomy, and the attempt by the state to control civil society. This process began in the nineteenth century with the Qajar dynasty's attempts at military modernization in response to defeats on the war front. Modernization soon spread to other areas and resulted in perceptively increasing power of the Iranian state over its citizens. With the emergence of the Pahlavi dynasty in 1925, centralization of state power continued, helped considerably by the establishment, for the first time, of a standing national army based on universal male conscription. During the last phase of the Pahlavi dynasty, and with its increased dependence on oil rent, state power and its autonomy from the pressures of civil society reached a new height. With final victory of the Islamic revolution in 1979, and in spite of some initial signals to the contrary, the process of domination of the state over social, economic, and political affairs became apparent. The theocratic vision of the Islamic Republic of Iran has added an important new dimension to the state's role by defining citizenship rights (and civility) in essentially rigid religious terms. This has resulted in a strong communitarian view with clear notions of inclusion and exclusion of subjects in the polity. It also has led to justifications and rationalizations for intermittent abuses of individual rights. Two groups in particular have suffered the most from this development—religious minorities and women. Of special relevance here is the situation of the nonrecognized Baha'is and the change in the criminal code with its deleterious effect on women's legal status. Even with these restrictions, many semiautonomous groups, associations, and organizations have been able to function outside immediate state control. Most important among these include the multifaceted foundations (bonyads) which are divided into three categories of public, private, and

48

Civil Society

in Iran

49

Islamic charitable foundations (awqaf). Private foundations are less significant than the other two. Among public foundations, the Foundation for the Oppressed and the Martyr's Foundation stand out for their importance in the social order and as the indirect arms of the government. Due to their wealth and resources and their extensive patron-client ties with the population at large, these and other foundations have some potential for challenging state dominance in the future. Pressure on the government may come more clearly from a host of guilds, Islamic committees, and professional associations that have provided some degree of separateness from the state. Although their collective importance remains to be seen, they are a significant expression of civil society in Iran. Therefore, in spite of the state's attempt to dominate and control, civil society in Iran remains viable and continues to function and even expand its base.

From Civil Society

in the Middle

East, vol. 2

9

Civil Society Under the Ba'th in Iraq Zuhair Humadi

M o d e r n Iraqi history can be divided into three periods: the m o n a r c h y ( 1 9 2 1 1958), the rule of the military ( 1 9 5 8 - 1 9 6 8 ) , and the B a ' t h r u l e ( 1 9 6 8 present). T h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l m o n a r c h y , which f o l l o w e d the British m a n d a t e , h a d u n d e n i a b l y d e m o c r a t i c characteristics. T h e c o m p o s i t i o n of the b i c a m e r a l p a r l i a m e n t r e f l e c t e d the diversity of the Iraqi population, and its u p p e r c h a m b e r , w h i c h c o n s i s t e d of a p p o i n t e d m e m b e r s , included p r o m i n e n t repres e n t a t i v e s of the political o p p o s i t i o n . G o v e r n m e n t s were a n s w e r a b l e to t h e p a r l i a m e n t and w e r e a f f o r d e d significant f r e e d o m s . A l t h o u g h m a n y o r g a n i z a t i o n s (such as the Iraqi C o m m u n i s t P a r t y ) w e r e o u t l a w e d , and s o m e e t h n i c groups, especially the Assyrians, w e r e harshly p e r s e c u t e d , a d e g r e e of criticism was tolerated. Issues of public interest w e r e o p e n l y d e b a t e d in p a r l i a m e n t and in the press and were often critical of t h e g o v e r n m e n t ; as a result, instances of political protest were c o m m o n . T h i s c l i m a t e of r e l a t i v e o p e n n e s s , c o m b i n e d with the free trade e c o n o m y , e n a b l e d civil society to f l o u r i s h . F o r e x a m p l e , the B a g h d a d C h a m b e r of C o m m e r c e w a s an a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t in the c o u n t r y ' s e c o n o m y . T h e Iraqi B a r A s s o c i a t i o n also e x e r c i s e d c o n s i d e r a b l e societal i n f l u e n c e — f o r e x a m p l e , a section of the a s s o c i a t i o n ' s organization w a s m a n d a t e d to d e f e n d civil liberties, f u l f i l l i n g a role s i m i l a r to that of the A C L U in the U n i t e d States. A s s o c i a t i o n s of i n t e l l e c t u a l s openly voiced their opinions. In v i e w of w h a t w a s to follow, this p e r i o d should be considered civil s o c i e t y ' s g o l d e n era in Iraq. If the m o n a r c h y w a s civil s o c i e t y ' s golden era in Iraq, the s u b s e q u e n t d e c a d e of military rule w a s a period of transition f r o m relative o p e n n e s s to dictatorship. T h i s era w a s ushered in by a bloody c o u p and w a s c h a r a c t e r ized by an u n p r e c e d e n t e d level of violent action by political p a r t i e s , in p a r ticular by the C o m m u n i s t s d u r i n g Q a s s i m ' s p r e m i e r s h i p and t h e B a ' t h i s t s d u r i n g the ten m o n t h s that f o l l o w e d . In several respects the m i l i t a r y rule served as a p r e c u r s o r to t h e rule of the B a ' t h . F o r e x a m p l e , the w a r with the 50

Civil Society in Iraq

51

K u r d s b e g a n in this p e r i o d a n d the n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e w a s i n i t i a t e d . In g e n e r a l , t h e a p p l i c a t i o n b e c a m e m o r e a r b i t r a r y . H o w e v e r , a p o litical i n s t i t u t i o n s r e m a i n e d g e n e r a l l y u n a f f e c t e d a n d c o n t i n u e d to p a r t i c i p a t e in p u b l i c l i f e . In 1 9 6 8 , t h e B a ' t h P a r t y t o o k p o w e r in a b l o o d l e s s c o u p , b u t t h e i r t r u e n a t u r e w a s r e v e a l e d in t h e p u b l i c h a n g i n g s that f o l l o w e d t h e i r a s c e n t to l e a d e r s h i p . T h e B a ' t h i s t s e m b a r k e d on a s y s t e m a t i c c a m p a i g n to i m p o s e t h e i r t o t a l i t a r i a n i d e o l o g y , g r a d u a l l y t a k i n g c o n t r o l of the g o v e r n m e n t , t h e a r m e d f o r c e s , a n d all a s p e c t s of p u b l i c and a s s o c i a t i o n a l l i f e ; e c h o i n g t h e c o m m u nist t a k e o v e r s t h r o u g h o u t E a s t e r n E u r o p e . E v e n t r a d i t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , s u c h as r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s , w e r e p l a c e d u n d e r t h e p a r t y ' s s p h e r e of i n f l u e n c e . D u r i n g t h e e a r l i e r p e r i o d of m i l i t a r y r u l e t h e s t a t e h a d c o n s t r i c t e d priv a t e e n t e r p r i s e ; t h e B a ' t h i s t s s o u g h t to w e a k e n t h e p r i v a t e s e c t o r f u r t h e r by making foreign trade a government monopoly. Private and parochial schools were nationalized and school curricula were redefined, and free speech was d a m p e n e d . T h e g o v e r n m e n t e v e n c r e a t e d a l a w r e q u i r i n g that all t y p e w r i t e r s be " f i n g e r p r i n t e d . " T h i s g o v e r n m e n t ' s a b s o r p t i o n of p u b l i c life w a s a c h i e v e d t h r o u g h t h e s y s t e m a t i c u s e of t e r r o r a n d e n t i c e m e n t ( t a r h i b wa targhib).

Oil r e v e n u e s

p r o v i d e d e n t i c e m e n t . T a r g e t s of state t e r r o r i s m r a n g e d f r o m i n d i v i d u a l s to large s e g m e n t s of t h e p o p u l a t i o n ; c h e m i c a l w e a p o n s w e r e u s e d a g a i n s t t h e K u r d s ; the a r e a s i n h a b i t e d by the M a r s h A r a b s of t h e S o u t h w e r e d r i e d u p ; m e m b e r s h i p , e v e n s u s p e c t e d m e m b e r s h i p , in an o u t l a w e d p o l i t i c a l p a r t y w a s p u n i s h e d by d e a t h . T o r t u r e b e c a m e a p e r v a s i v e m e t h o d of c o n t r o l . N o t o n l y those convicted

for political offenses were persecuted, but

punishment

e x t e n d e d to the f a m i l i e s of o f f e n d e r s (e.g., u p to t h e f o u r t h d e g r e e of k i n s h i p a n d all f a m i l y m e m b e r s w e r e e x c l u d e d f r o m t h e civil s e r v i c e ) . S i n c e t h e g o v e r n m e n t h a d b e c o m e I r a q ' s largest e m p l o y e r , this p a r t i c u l a r p u n i s h m e n t w a s a v i r t u a l s e n t e n c e of p o v e r t y to the w h o l e f a m i l y . S i n c e 1979, w h e n S a d d a m H u s s e i n b e c a m e p r e s i d e n t , the s t a t e a n d r u l ing p a r t y h a v e b e c o m e t h e e n t i t i e s in w h i c h t h e r e is n o d i s c u s s i o n , n o c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g , a n d n o s e a r c h f o r c o n s e n s u s on i m p o r t a n t i s s u e s . All i s s u e s a r e d e c i d e d by t h e p r e s i d e n t , b a r r i n g t h e p o s s i b l e i n v o l v e m e n t of a s m a l l c i r c l e of o l d - t i m e a s s o c i a t e s and c l o s e f a m i l y m e m b e r s , as t h e w o r l d w i t n e s s e d in t h e o n s e t of t h e I r a n - I r a q w a r in 1 9 8 0 a n d t h e i n v a s i o n of K u w a i t in 1990. In s h o r t , civil s o c i e t y in Iraq w a s d e s t r o y e d by t h e B a ' t h ' s a b s o l u t e c o n trol o v e r all a s p e c t s of p u b l i c and a s s o c i a t i o n a l l i f e in I r a q . F o r e x a m p l e , Iraqi d o c t o r s a r e n o w f o r c e d to b r a n d f o r e h e a d s and c u t off t h e e a r s of a r m y d e s e r t e r s , a n d a m p u t a t e t h e h a n d s or feet of p e t t y t h i e v e s . M e d i c a l a s s o c i a tions c a n o n l y v o i c e s u p p o r t f o r s u c h m e a s u r e s . T h i s a b s o l u t e c o n t r o l is n o t the o n l y t h r e a t to Iraqi s o c i e t y . T h e d e s t r u c tion of t h e i n f r a s t r u c t u r e d u r i n g t h e G u l f W a r a n d , m o r e i m p o r t a n t , t h e t r a d e

52

Toward Civil Society in the Middle

East?

sanctions imposed by the U N following the invasion of Kuwait have exacerbated the disintegration of Iraqi society. The middle classes are pauperized, crime and petty theft are common, and public health hazards have reached alarming levels. Iraqis are finding it increasingly difficult to feed their families, as the currency has been rendered worthless by hyperinflation. Left without an alternative, many retreat to their tribal or ethnic roots, or seek refuge in individual religious practices. Iraqi civil society cannot be revived so long as the Ba'th party remains in power, because of the B a ' t h ' s inherently totalitarian ideology. In other words, a change of leadership, although necessary, will not be sufficient. The nature of the Iraqi state itself will have to be redefined, allowing the freedoms necessary for an embryonic civil society. This is the situation in the imposed safe haven north of the 36th Parallel, where, even though economic conditions are hardly better than elsewhere in Iraq and in spite of factional inter-Kurdish fighting, Iraqi citizens have begun to organize in a variety of independent associations. Sadly, Iraqi civil society is most vibrant outside Iraq. There are many examples of a growing civil society in the Iraqi diaspora, of which London, with its sizable Iraqi community, is the most important example. There, one can find many Iraqi cultural, religious, and professional organizations, and human rights advocacy groups, whose reach extends to Iraqis in many other parts of the world.

1 0

Two Civil Societies and One State: Jews and Arabs in the State of Israel Gideon Doron

T h e Israeli r e g i m e e x e m p l i f i e s a c a s e o f nonliberal representative d e m o c r a cy. In it, two civil societies have e v o l v e d , and they are defined along religionational lines. T h e larger c o n t a i n s mostly J e w i s h m e m b e r s ; the s m a l l e r affects only the lives o f the A r a b citizens o f Israel, who by 1 9 9 2 constituted about 16 percent o f the population. T h e s e two s o c i e t i e s emerged roughly at the same time, about the m i d - 1 9 7 0 s , e a c h with a distinct impetus to their respective d e v e l o p m e n t , s c o p e , and internal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . T h u s , there is little spillover e f f e c t or interdependency between the two societies. T h e principle cause for the e m e r g e n c e o f these two civil societies is the state's retreat from both its role as a caretaker o f its J e w i s h majority, and its unwillingness to permit the A r a b s to d e v e l o p their own societal network. T h e study o f civil societies in the Middle E a s t is based, a m o n g other things, on the analytical expectation that the growth in the s c o p e o f a civil society in a given country may generate c o n d u c i v e conditions for the development o f d e m o c r a c y in that place. T h e principles underlying the idea o f civil s o c i e t y — i n d i v i d u a l and group tolerance to opposing c l a i m s and interests, a c c e p t a n c e o f o n e ' s own and others' modes o f b e h a v i o r and boundaries o f identity, and v o l u n t a r i s m — a l s o are seen as preconditions for the e x i s tence o f vibrant d e m o c r a c y . In this light, it may s e e m that b e c a u s e Israel is already a stable d e m o c racy, it cannot serve as a representative c a s e for the study o f the interrelation between the civil society and its r e g i m e , nor can o n e draw meaningful generalizations or p o l i c y inferences from its particular e x p e r i e n c e and c o m p a r e it to the developmental p r o c e s s presently occurring in neighboring c o u n tries. T h e position advanced here, however, is that the study o f the relationship between the state and the two emerging civil societies o f Israel may be generalized to delineate those s o c i e t i e s that, through a process o f development, may e v o l v e into nonliberal d e m o c r a c i e s . T h u s , the r e l e v a n c y o f the

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study should be examined in places where the defining characteristic is the differential state attitude toward the constituent groups within its society. Other countries, both within and outside of the region, fall into this categoryThe present emergence of the two civil societies in Israel is not a product of a normative design, nor is it a result of a consensual choice. Rather, the two societies are largely an outcome of default governance, and of domestic and international pressures to lift the control system that prevented the development of these societies, especially the Arab one. In this sense, the problems concerning the emergence of two civil societies in Israel may enhance our understanding of state-society relations and the emergence of liberal, participant governments in religiously or ethnically divided societies.

F r o m Civil Society

in the Middle

East,

vol. 2

1 1

"In the Beginning Was the State Civil Society in Jordan Laurie Brand

T h e E m i r a t e o f Transjordan was founded by the British as part o f their imperial land-defense system in the M i d d l e East. P o o r in natural resources, the state was from its beginning heavily reliant upon external sources o f budgetary support to enable it to play its assigned security role. T h e importance o f the armed forces was further reinforced by the outbreak o f the A r a b Israeli c o n f l i c t in 1 9 4 8 , after which Jordan lived with the possibility war would break out anew with Israel. T h e security role Jordan played for outside patrons over the years (depending upon period, Britain, the United States, or the A r a b states) has significantly impacted civil society development in the country. In the first place, the long history o f subsidies from abroad created an unusually large state sector. S e c o n d , the subsidies only served to r e i n f o r c e the key role o f security f o r c e s . Finally, the c i r c u m s t a n c e s surrounding the annexation o f part o f Palestine (the East B a n k ) to the kingdom in 1 9 5 0 meant the kingdom would

rely

primarily

on

one

sector

of

its

population,

the

native

Transjordanians, for security and bureaucracy services. H e n c e , the state in effect appropriated about o n e - h a l f o f the population, the s e c t o r upon whose loyalty it felt it could count; the other community, the Palestinians, w h o s e loyalty was viewed as questionable, was left to feel and be treated like s e c ond-class citizens. S u c h a situation contradicts one o f the bases o f a civil s o c i e t y — f u l l citizenship for all citizens. This is not to say civil society has been nonexistent in J o r d a n . M u c h activity was c i r c u m s c r i b e d by the long years o f martial law, during which, for e x a m p l e , all political party activity was outlawed. However, a variety o f professional associations and charitable societies were active during this period. In the a b s e n c e o f legal political party elections, the professional associations served as one o f the few forums for gauging the political pulse o f the country. Nonetheless, any activity that was seen as c h a l l e n g i n g the state was swiftly terminated.

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This situation has begun to change since spring 1989. Economic crisis forced the king to begin a process of gradual and managed political liberalization. As a result, Jordan has witnessed two rounds of parliamentary elections, a legalization of political parties, greater freedom of the press (accompanied by a wave of new publications), the release of political prisoners, and vastly decreased harassment by the security forces. Jordan is also one of the only states in the Arab Middle East that has succeeded in incorporating the Islamists—who have a wide network of civil society institutions—into the political process. These are all very encouraging signs. Nonetheless, the easing of authoritarianism's hold on civil society in Jordan is still quite new. The state's concern over the opposition to Jordan's peace agreement with Israel by the Islamists and other groups has led the state, on occasion, to constrict the realm of free expression and political activity. The prognosis for the further development of civil society is promising in Jordan. At this stage, however, the field of "battle" between the state and civil society in the kingdom remains overwhelmingly under the state's control.

From Civil Society in the Middle East, vol. 1

12 Civil Society in Jordan: A Preliminary Study Atef Odhibat

T h e Jordanian constitution grants K i n g Hussein wide e x e c u t i v e and legislative powers. However, it is his abilities, vision, and b e l i e f system that have contributed substantively to the e m e r g e n c e and activation o f civil society and, as a result, the d e m o c r a t i c transformation o f Jordan. King Hussein has been gradually creating r o o m for political participation since the early 1 9 7 0 s , when he established the Jordanian National U n i o n , open to all Jordanians e x c e p t the C o m m u n i s t s and M a r x i s t s . T h e union was not a political party in the traditional sense, but more o f a " m e l t i n g pot for the Jordanian p e o p l e . " In 1 9 7 8 , a consultative council was created to study and debate legislative proposals. T h e group could submit r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s and opinions to the K i n g ' s c a b i n e t , but their decisions were not binding. S i m i l a r institutions w e r e created over the years, offering gradually but steadily increasing space for political participation. Even during the years when partisan activities w e r e banned, civil society o r g a n i z a t i o n s — t h a t is, professional associations, trade unions, religious organizations, philanthropic groups, clubs, and c o m m u n i t y development g r o u p s — w e r e permitted to function, e x p r e s s dissenting views, and lobby for reform. T h i s e m e r g e n c e and institutionalization o f civil society in Jordan has served to both integrate and stabilize f o r c e s throughout the country, with no regional, c o m m u n a l , or partisan distinction. In fact, Jordanians, irrespective o f their ethnic, religious, and ideological backgrounds, have been integrating around their m a j o r civil society organizations. T h e activities o f civil society organizations in Jordan and the spirit o f tolerance and c o e x i s t e n c e prevailing a m o n g J o r d a n i a n s have greatly contributed to the building o f durable p e a c e and stability within the country. T h i s might explain why for the past two decades Jordan has been one o f the m o s t stable countries in the A r a b world. Still, Jordan f a c e s two m a j o r c h a l l e n g e s . First, w o m e n are underrepre-

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sented in civil society organizations; less than 10 percent of the total m e m bership of professional associations in Jordan are women. Second, much of Jordanian civil society remains fragmented and does not form a united front vis-à-vis the state. Meeting these two challenges will determine the future of civil society in Jordan.

From an unpublished paper presented in Giza, Egypt, May 1992

13 Civil Society in Kuwait Neil Hicks Ghanim al-Najjar

Politics in Kuwait have been dominated by the ruling al-Sabah family since the country gained its independence from Britain in 1961, although family members ruled as emirs since 1952. Despite this tradition, the family has rarely been able to wield absolute authority. In order to put down a challenge from one part of society, the government has had to accommodate another. Thus, the institutions of civil society in Kuwait have developed in a political environment of controlled pluralism. In the past, as oil revenues increased, so did the influence of the family. The Kuwaiti state took on primarily distributive functions and had no need to raise revenues from the population through taxation. Meanwhile, the government allowed opposition movements to organize and express their opinions within professional associations, religious groups, and cultural societies. However, the state maintained the power to suppress any group that went "too far" in its criticisms or demands. Kuwait is unique among the monarchies of the Arabian Peninsula in having an established parliamentary tradition. Although the parliament is elected by only approximately 82,000 men, out of a Kuwaiti population in excess of 800,000, it has, through its thirty-year history, exhibited considerable independence. From time to time, the government lost patience with this constraint on its authority and dissolved the parliament. The emir ruled by decree between 1976 and 1981, and between 1986 and 1992. However, the absence of the Assembly left the government with no outlet to obtain popular feedback on its policies. With the National Assembly dissolved and formal associations under pressure, Kuwaitis turned to traditional home-based meetings, known as diwaniyyat, to voice their concerns. In the late 1980s, the diwaniyyat, beyond the legislative reach of the government, proved to be effective forums for campaigning for the restitution of the National Assembly, showing the modern relevance of a traditional institution.

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The absence of the National Assembly and the polarization between the government and those calling for the reconvening of the Assembly, contributed to the policy mistakes that brought about the disaster of Iraqi occupation in August 1990. However, during the occupation and with the collapse of the government, the vibrancy of civil society sustained the Kuwaiti state. Leaders and activists from professional associations, religious associations, and the Cooperative Societies formed the backbone of popular resistance to the Iraqi occupation. With the restoration of the emir in March 1991, the old government structures were reinstituted, but the balance of power changed with the ruling family much weakened by the invasion. Elections were held in October 1992 in which government supporters were defeated in thirty-six out of fifty seats. Nevertheless, the government maintains the whip because of its control of patronage and strong divisions within the opposition along ideological, tribal, class, and religious lines. The government continues to be torn between the temptation to exercise absolute power and the recognition that the popular consent necessary for stable rule comes from its accommodation of competing political interests with the society.

From Civil Society in the Middle East, vol. 1

14

Civil Society in the Arab Gulf States Jill Crystal

T h e received wisdom in much o f the literature on the M i d d l e E a s t is that civil society in the Arab world has at best a fetal c o n s c i o u s n e s s . N o w h e r e has this r e c e i v e d wisdom been received more enthusiastically than in the study o f the G u l f . B o t h the older literature, written from a dependency as well as modernization perspective, and much o f the m o r e recent literature on the rentier state c o n c l u d e that independent groups are unimportant in the G u l f , that associational life is weak, and that the public space between the nuclear family and the state is sparsely populated. T o most

writers,

the historically

important groups, the

traditional

groups, were bound to fade under the impact o f modernization, along with the G u l f m o n a r c h s . Until then, the m o n a r c h s ' c o n s e r v a t i v e traditionalism would naturally attract the support o f these groups. Only the N e w M i d d l e C l a s s , an e m e r g i n g group o f liberal technocrats with a penchant for representative g o v e r n m e n t , could, most writers agreed, pose a threat to these m o n a r c h s , and that small threat could be forestalled with a j u d i c i o u s application o f m o n e y and force. E v e n writers working from a dependency perspective arrive at more or less the s a m e c o n c l u s i o n . T h e rentier state literature, like its predecessors, also presents, albeit in a very different way, a view o f civil society as fundamentally weak. S e v e r a l writers ( m y s e l f included) have argued that oil revenues e m p o w e r the state at the e x p e n s e o f society. Oil revenues allow the state to undercut existing social groups and to preempt the formation o f new ones. T h e s e revenues allow the state to lavishly provide r e s o u r c e s — f r o m j o b s to housing to welf a r e — t h a t other social groups o n c e provided or would have c o m e to provide in the a b s e n c e o f such wealthy states. R e v e n u e s also give the state the p o w e r to weaken social groups by c o - o p t i n g them c o l l e c t i v e l y or by fragmenting them through s e l e c t i v e co-optation o f key m e m b e r s . Oil revenues allow the state to weaken civil society.

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Although this image of the Gulf is in some ways accurate, it is incomplete. The rentier literature helps us understand why societal pressures for change might be muted and why governments might be more able to contain even these muted pressures. It is certainly true that the Gulf monarchs have shown a considerable antipathy to organized groups, even groups with the most apparently apolitical intentions. They have gone to some lengths to prevent, preempt, or destroy a variety of social organizations. Nonetheless, despite their best efforts, incipient pressures from Islamist, human rights, tribal, technocratic, and other groups have in fact appeared in the Gulf. Important, organized, and independent groups with interests that demand to be accommodated are alive in the Gulf, actively petitioning the rulers. A variety of important groups has, in fact, emerged, survived, or transformed since independence, and since oil. In order to comprehend the impulses behind civil society, and the utility of the concept itself, it is necessary to understand both the nature of social stratification—the array of groups, the kinds of interests that persistently cluster—and the mechanisms that connect these strata to each other and to those in power.

F r o m Civil Society

in the Middle

East,

vol. 2

15

Civil Society Against the War System: The Lebanese Case Antoine Messarra

Civil war infected Lebanon for fifteen years, from 1975-1990. During this period a system of militia organizations and parties dominated the country, including the media and the economy. Indeed, the militias extracted massive sums from the Lebanese economy. For instance, billions of dollars were siphoned from the Beirut port, where militias displaced the state and collected customs duties. In all, the militias seized about fifteen billion dollars, or one billion dollars per year from the port. This does not include import and export taxes collected throughout the country by the militias, or profits earned in the drug trade, which also totaled about one billion dollars per year, or the value of weapons seized from the Lebanese army, totaling another one billion dollars. Thus, the war system that emerged in Lebanon controlled massive financial resources. The militia parties consolidated their control in sectarian zones or cantons. Those opposing the war system were sometimes assassinated, and intimidation of political personalities as well as the press was common. Nonetheless, civil society in Lebanon, which opposed the war system, not only survived but proved to be remarkably assertive in expressing opposition to the war system. Among those segments of civil society that actively opposed the war system were the National Union of Lebanese Workers, the Lawyers Union, and the National Union of Teachers. For instance, in October 1987, to protest the deteriorating political and economic conditions in the country, Lebanese teachers representing all major confessional groups launched a national strike. For its part, the lawyers union refused to hold elections so long as parts of the membership were prevented from participating. Over the course of the late 1980s, several important demonstrations, bringing together diverse Lebanese, were held to protest the continuing civil war. The largest was organized by the National Union of Workers and involved about three hundred thousand participants or 10 percent of Lebanon's population.

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T h e L e b a n e s e c a s e i l l u s t r a t e s t h e d u r a b i l i t y of L e b a n o n ' s civil s o c i e t y , a l t h o u g h m u c h r e m a i n s to b e d o n e to c o n s o l i d a t e a n d p r o t e c t b a s i c h u m a n r i g h t s a n d f r e e d o m s i n c e t h e civil w a r e n d e d in 1990. H a v i n g c o n s i d e r e d t h i s c a s e , it is a p p r o p r i a t e to i n q u i r e a b o u t t h e r e q u i s i t e s f o r f o s t e r i n g civil s o c i e t y in t h e A r a b w o r l d in g e n e r a l . T h e s e r e q u i s i t e s i n c l u d e : • L a w s to p r o t e c t t h e r i g h t s of c i t i z e n s , i n c l u d i n g t h e r i g h t to e s t a b l i s h a s s o c i a t i o n s , t h e r i g h t s of w o m e n , a n d l a w s that p r e s e r v e t h e a u t o n o m y of A r a b u n i v e r s i t i e s a n d p r o t e c t t h e m f r o m state c o n t r o l . • The

instilling

of

the

values

of c i t i z e n s h i p ,

including

tolerance,

d e m o c r a c y a n d t h e r e s p e c t f o r i n d i v i d u a l liberties.

From "al-mujtama' al-madani fi mujabahah nidham al-harb: al-halah al-lubnaniyyah," an unpublished paper presented in Giza, Egypt, May 1992

16

Palestinian Civil Society Muhammad Muslih

W h e n t h e O s l o A g r e e m e n t w a s s i g n e d in W a s h i n g t o n , D . C . , on 13 S e p t e m b e r 1993, m a n y P a l e s t i n i a n s w e r e a n g e r e d by the n u m e r o u s c o n c e s sions unilaterally a c c e p t e d by P L O (Palestine L i b e r a t i o n O r g a n i z a t i o n ) C h a i r m a n Yasir A r a f a t , and t h e fact that the a g r e e m e n t e m e r g e d f r o m secret n e g o t i a t i o n s b e t w e e n Israel and the P L O , rather than t h r o u g h the o n g o i n g bilateral talks initiated in M a d r i d in 1991. T h e d e b a t e raises i m p o r t a n t q u e s tions c o n c e r n i n g the e x t e n t to which Palestinian civil society s h o u l d play a direct role in c r e a t i n g and legitimizing an entity or state. J u d g i n g f r o m the ability of P a l e s t i n i a n associational life to e n d u r e internal as well as e x t e r n a l p r e s s u r e s , it is not d i f f i c u l t to i m a g i n e that the i n f r a s t r u c t u r e of political and civic institutions that w o u l d s u p p o r t a Palestinian s t a t e — w h e n e v e r that state a r r i v e s — m a y well e m e r g e f r o m the d i v e r s e f o r m a t i o n s of Palestinian civil society. A l t h o u g h a s s o c i a t i o n a l life a m o n g P a l e s t i n i a n s living in the West B a n k and G a z a h a s long been rich, critics have q u e s t i o n e d w h e t h e r the c o n c e p t of civil society can b e a p p l i e d to their v a r i o u s a s s o c i a t i o n a l f o r m s . In this r e g a r d , t w o u n i q u e a s p e c t s of the Palestinian situation p o s e d i f f i c u l t i e s f o r s t u d y i n g civil s o c i e t y in relation to the state. First, the P a l e s t i n i a n s h a v e not had a national g o v e r n m e n t in the twentieth century. S i n c e 1967, the Israeli o c c u p a t i o n a p p a r a t u s has f u n c t i o n e d as the d e f a c t o authority in the West B a n k and G a z a . T h e P a l e s t i n i a n s c o n s i d e r the Israeli military r e g i m e illegitimate, and their goal is not simply to u n d e r m i n e its control or to t e m p e r its arbitrary e f f e c t s but to d i s m a n t l e it altogether. S e c o n d , p r i o r to the s i g n i n g of the I s r a e l i - P L O D e c l a r a t i o n of P r i n c i p l e s (also k n o w n as the O s l o A g r e e m e n t ) , Palestinians in the o c c u p i e d territories a c c e p t e d an e x t e r n a l actor, the P L O , as their " s t a t e , " c l a n d e s t i n e l y c o o p e r ating with local P L O r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s to sustain a n e t w o r k of institutions t h r o u g h w h i c h t h e P L O s o u g h t to exercise political p o w e r in c o m p e t i t i o n with the Israeli military r e g i m e . With the s i g n i n g of t h e d e c l a r a t i o n and the e x c h a n g e of P L O a n d Israeli letters of m u t u a l r e c o g n i t i o n on 9 S e p t e m b e r

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1993, the P L O has b e c o m e an internal actor that aspires to replace the authority of the Israeli o c c u p i e r in the West Bank and Gaza. T h e behavior of the P L O toward its constituency in the occupied territories will have an impact on the organs of civil society in these territories. T h e characteristics of society in the occupied territories also influence Palestinian associational life. T h e essence of social organization is a network of hamulat (extended families) and smaller families as well as village, n e i g h b o r h o o d , and religious solidarities. Palestinian society is mainly rural in character, and even urban centers are closer to the model of a small town than to that of a metropolitan area. Even in Gaza, where close to 85 percent of the inhabitants reside in the town itself, the culture is predominantly rural. This raises interesting questions g e r m a n e to the study of civil society in a Palestinian context. Can a society with d o m i n a n t rural characteristics, essentially organized on the basis of lineage, produce enduring civil society organs that transcend local solidarities? Should Palestinian civil society be studied in the context of statelessness? T h e s e questions may be addressed within the f r a m e w o r k of the "state s u r r o g a t e " paradigm. T h e concept of "state surrogate," as used here, is political rather than sociological and refers to the P L O . A s a para-state formation, the P L O has many of the underpinnings of a g o v e r n m e n t , including a bureaucracy, an army, financial resources, and, in the West Bank and Gaza, a network of institutions through which it tries to exercise political power. Placing civil society organs in this perspective will help to throw light on the prospects for democratization during the five-year transitional period of Palestinian interim self-government authority and b e y o n d .

From Civil Society in the Middle East, vol. 1

17 Civil Society in the Gaza Strip Sara Roy

The problem of civil society in the Arab world has emerged as a central issue in contemporary Arab intellectual discourse, catalyzed as much by the crisis and collapse of the Soviet and Eastern European states as by the strength of their popular, oppositional civil social movements. The absence or weakness of Arab civil society is now seen as one cause of the contemporary crisis in Arab politics and its contributing factors: the absence of democracy, the lack of political change and participation, continued economic underdevelopment and social malaise, and the persistence of human rights violations. Although the concept of civil society does carry arguable explanatory weight, its significance for Arab society lies fundamentally in why it is so intensely debated: It represents an attempt on the part of the Arab citizen to deal with the issues of political repression and personal oppression. Perhaps nowhere, at present, is this attempt more pronounced than in the Gaza Strip. This is so because of the very unprecedented political, economic, and social possibilities created by the Israeli-PLO agreement on interim self-government arrangements. One of the greatest problems facing civil society in Gaza is recreating and maintaining solidarity among disparate social actors. The beginning of limited self-rule and the establishment of a Palestinian national authority in the Gaza Strip and Jericho are seen by many as the first and necessary step toward G a z a ' s social reconstruction. Perhaps it is. However, the legal context of self-rule and the behavior of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) suggest otherwise. The former, as defined by the terms of the agreement signed in Cairo on 4 May 1994, is designed to retain the status quo of occupation. For example, according to these terms, Israeli military law will remain in effect during the interim period and the autonomous areas will remain under the control of the occupation regime. Furthermore, the Palestinian authority has no real power to change the law since Israel retains a veto over all Palestinian legislation. Hence, the occupation continues; only its form has changed, and the P N A is there, in effect, to manage it. Under such conditions, \^hat form should resistance assume?

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Toward Civil Society in the Middle

68

East?

A r a f a t is p l a y i n g o n t h e v e r y p r o n o u n c e d d i v i s i o n s a n d t e n s i o n s that now exist between

G a z a ' s r e f u g e e and

indigenous communities.

After

d e c a d e s of d i s p a r i t y a n d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , t h e r e f u g e e s feel t h a t t h e y a r e e n t i tled to g r e a t e r r e w a r d t h a n t h e i r i n d i g e n o u s c o u n t e r p a r t s w h o a r e s e e n n o t to h a v e s u f f e r e d as d e e p l y or as c o n s i s t e n t l y . T h i s is o n e of t h e m o s t o m i n o u s s o c i a l d i v i s i o n s e m e r g i n g in G a z a . U n l i k e the W e s t B a n k , w h e r e t h e r e is a s t r o n g m i d d l e c l a s s a n d m a n y e s t a b l i s h e d w e a l t h y f a m i l i e s f r o m w h i c h to d r a w p o l i t i c a l s u p p o r t , in G a z a , t h e r e is the p r e d o m i n a n t r e f u g e e p o p u l a t i o n , G a z a ' s l a r g e s t s o c i a l c l a s s . A s s u c h , t h e y c o n s t i t u t e an i m p o r t a n t s o u r c e of support and a perceived political lever against future competitors, particularly t h e I s l a m i s t s . A r a f a t h a s m a d e his b i a s c l e a r by a p p o i n t i n g r e f u g e e s to a n u m b e r of i m p o r t a n t p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n s . Is t h e r e a n y r e a s o n to b e l i e v e t h a t a P a l e s t i n i a n g o v e r n m e n t will m a k e itself m o r e a c c e s s i b l e to t h e s o m e t i m e i n v o l v e m e n t of t h e p e o p l e , as a l e g i t i m a t e state a u t h o r i t y is e x p e c t e d to d o in its r e l a t i o n s w i t h civil s o c i e t y ? P e r h a p s m o r e i m p o r t a n t , w i t h i n t h e s t r u c t u r e and t e r m s of t h e a u t o n o m y a g r e e m e n t , h o w m u c h f r e e d o m d o e s t h e P N A a c t u a l l y h a v e to d o w h a t is n e e d e d to b u i l d a g e n u i n e P a l e s t i n i a n civil society, a s s u m i n g of c o u r s e that it is t r y i n g to d o s o ? F o r their p a r t , G a z a n s m u s t c o n f r o n t and a d d r e s s o t h e r c h a l l e n g e s if they a r e to m a k e t h e i r s o c i e t y m o r e civil. T h e y m u s t a c k n o w l e d g e t h e i r o w n d e p e n d e n c y on t h e o u t s i d e w o r l d a n d their s e l f - i n d u l g e n t i m a g e o f t h e m s e l v e s as v i c t i m . T h e y m u s t c o n f r o n t t h e i r o w n c y c l e of v i o l e n c e a n d o p p r e s sion, t h e i r l a c k of l a w - a b i d i n g n e s s , t h e i r c o n f l i c t b e t w e e n s e c u l a r a n d relig i o u s identity, a n d t h e e r o s i o n of t h e i r n a t i o n a l identity. T h e y m u s t d e a l w i t h t h e f a c t that a u t h o r i t a r i a n a n d o p p r e s s i v e d i s c i p l i n e s c o n t i n u e to b e p r a c t i c e d w i t h i n t h e f a m i l y , t h e c o m m u n i t y , a n d i n s t i t u t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g p o l i t i c a l instit u t i o n s . T h e y m u s t a d d r e s s an i n t e l l e c t u a l life that is w e a k a n d a c u l t u r a l l i f e that is p o o r . T h e y m u s t c o n f r o n t t h e c o n t i n u e d o p p r e s s i o n of t h e i r w o m e n . I n d e e d , if t h e h i g h l y p r i z e d p l u r a l i s m of civil s o c i e t y e x i s t s in G a z a , it is t h e p l u r a l i t y of o p p r e s s i o n s . G a z a n s g r e a t l y f e a r t h e i m p o s i t i o n of a n o t h e r r e p r e s s i v e r e g i m e — t h i s time Palestinian. M a n y increasingly see a connection b e t w e e n

emerging

Palestinian authoritarianism and Israel's security-led interpretation of autono m y . G a z a n s s a y t h e y will resist. B u t h o w ? W h a t m e c h a n i s m s of s o c i a l a n d p o l i t i c a l m e d i a t i o n , o t h e r t h a n v i o l e n c e , d o G a z a n s r e a l l y h a v e at t h e i r d i s p o s a l ? P u t d i f f e r e n t l y , w h a t d o e s it m e a n to be an a u t o n o m o u s ,

socially

e n g a g e d p e r s o n in G a z a t o d a y , in an e n v i r o n m e n t c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y c o n t i n u ing o c c u p a t i o n , w a n i n g s e c u r i t y , w a r r i n g f a c t i o n s , a m o r i b u n d

economy,

d i m i n i s h i n g w a t e r a n d l a n d , a t r a u m a t i z e d p o p u l a t i o n , a n d an u n e d u c a t e d g e n e r a t i o n of c h i l d r e n ? T r a g i c a l l y f o r G a z a , t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of c i v i l u n r e s t a p p e a r s g r e a t e r t h a n t h e c a p a c i t y of civil s o c i e t y to a d d r e s s it.

From Civil Society in the Middle East, vol. 2

18 Early Elections in the West Bank and Gaza Jillian Schwedler

T h e r e is a surprising lack o f debate on the potential for early e l e c t i o n s a m o n g the Palestinians in the West B a n k and G a z a to propel the IsraeliPalestinian dialogue over outstanding issues. V i e w i n g e l e c t i o n s only as an o u t c o m e o f a peaceful, negotiated settlement ignores the potential for early e l e c t i o n s to serve as an impetus rather than a result. W h a t are the obstacles to holding such e l e c t i o n s ? M a n y Palestinians insist that Palestinians who were living in the West B a n k and G a z a in 1 9 6 7 must have the right to vote in the event national e l e c t i o n s are held, even i f they have lived outside the territories since the 1 9 6 7 war. T h e Israeli government continues to reject these terms, as allowing the participation

of

Palestinians outside the occupied territories would signal a c c e p t a n c e

of

Palestinian right-of-return arguments, something even L a b o r leadership is not prepared to do. Clearly, one cannot realistically envision l a r g e - s c a l e e l e c t i o n s until a tangible solution to the region's myriad c o n f l i c t s are resolved. A s an alternative, early elections

may

provide m o m e n t u m

to the p e a c e

process.

Palestinian participation in peaceful, fair e l e c t i o n s would demonstrate to Israel and the international community a c o m m i t m e n t to the peaceful resolution o f regional conflicts. Gradually, legitimate Palestinian political institutions would e m e r g e throughout the occupied territories, allowing Israeli o f f i c i a l s to b e c o m e more comfortable with expanded Palestinian autonomy. T h e very timing o f elections may be the catalyst in the diplomatic process. A s an independent variable, early elections may provide the framework for a spirit o f trust and cooperation to develop. At this j u n c t u r e , e l e c tions a m o n g the Palestinians in the West B a n k and G a z a to select a new, legitimate Palestinian authority could lend decisive impetus to the rapid settlement o f outstanding issues. In addition to rethinking the timing o f e l e c t i o n s , other variables should

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be reexamined. Elections o f limited scope, at local rather than national levels, could also be held outside the context of outstanding issues. Municipal and associational elections, for example, provide civilian sectors with a mechanism

for addressing

their grievances.

Indeed,

elections

Palestinian civil society have been held for years, and occasional

within local

municipal elections have achieved moderate success. Palestinian civil society is vibrant and strong; allowing a Palestinian political superstructure to take shape gradually would assure Israel that any autonomy granted to the Palestinians o f the West B a n k and G a z a is established in the spirit o f democracy and civility. T h e assumption that elections will only follow a comprehensive political settlement obscures the potential for early elections to build confidence. Through the fostering o f a climate o f cooperation and peaceful coexistence, even the most reluctant would benefit.

From "Early Elections in the West Bank and Gaza," Middle East July-October 1993

Insight,

19 The Destruction of Civil Society in the Sudan Ann Mosely Lesch

C i v i l society is a m u l t i f a c e t e d c o n c e p t , c o m p r i s i n g the idea of a u t o n o m o u s a s s o c i a t i o n s , the c o n c e p t of civility, and the role of g o v e r n m e n t as rule setter a n d facilitator. A u t o n o m o u s a s s o c i a t i o n s p r o v i d e a b u f f e r b e t w e e n the i n d i v i d u a l and t h e p o w e r of the state. Civility i m p l i e s t o l e r a n c e : respect f o r d i f f e r e n t v i e w p o i n t s and social attitudes, a c c e p t i n g the idea that there is n o s i n g l e right a n s w e r , and s h a r i n g a s e n s e of c i t i z e n s h i p . T h e g o v e r n m e n t role is also essential as rule setter, r e f e r e e , and p r o t e c t o r of civil society, since it e s t a b l i s h e s criteria f o r c i t i z e n s h i p and sets the legal rules u n d e r w h i c h associations operate. In S u d a n , a s s o c i a t i o n a l life is severely restricted and is p r e v e n t e d by the g o v e r n m e n t f r o m s e r v i n g as a b u f f e r b e t w e e n the individual and the state. A u t o n o m o u s t r a d e a n d p r o f e s s i o n a l unions, s t u d e n t c o u n c i l s , and e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e s are s y s t e m a t i c a l l y s u p p r e s s e d . I n d e p e n d e n t political parties and n e w s p a p e r s are b a n n e d . Christian and M u s l i m r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s are c l o s e l y m o n i t o r e d , c u r t a i l e d , and s o m e t i m e s c l o s e d . N o p u b l i c dissent is tole r a t e d by the r e g i m e . Instead, I s l a m i s t a s s o c i a t i o n s m o n o p o l i z e the political, e c o n o m i c , a n d social a r e n a s . N a t i o n a l I s l a m i c F r o n t ( N I F ) a d h e r e n t s d o m i n a t e the civil service, s c h o o l s , and d i p l o m a t i c service. T h e y control the security and military a p p a r a t u s e s , o p e r a t e parallel intelligence, police, and p a r a m i l i t a r y f o r c e s , and virtually m o n o p o l i z e m a j o r e c o n o m i c sectors, i n c l u d i n g international trade, oil, a g r i c u l t u r e , and industry. T h e Islamist totalizing a g e n d a s e e k s to t r a n s f o r m the p e r s o n a l i t y as well as the b e h a v i o r of the S u d a n e s e citizens. T h e y e n f o r c e a r i g o r o u s version of the Islamic penal c o d e , restrict the b e h a v ior of w o m e n , c o m p e l n o n - M u s l i m s and n o n - A r a b s to study I s l a m i c b e l i e f s and use A r a b i c , and f o r c e adult m a l e s to u n d e r g o " r e e d u c a t i o n " p r o g r a m s . T h e I s l a m i s t s a i m to c r e a t e a h o m o g e n e o u s national identity, t h r o u g h f o s tering Islamist n o r m s and suppressing alternative values and views. D i f f e r e n c e s are v i e w e d as illegitimate and d i v i s i v e .

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Those policies have destroyed the civil society that was emerging in the Sudan from 1985 to 1989. During those four years, a wide range of a u t o n o m o u s political, economic, social, and religious organizations expressed diverse views and perspectives. Despite a tendency toward anarchy, given the proliferation of groups and the ongoing unresolved debate on the national identity of the Sudan, the country moved toward creating a sense of citizenship and establishing increasingly clear rules of fair play. Even the legitimacy of the territorial boundaries of the country was enhanced, as the diverse groups contested for power in the center rather than calling for secession. Nonetheless, acceptance of a definition of citizenship that incorporated differences remained incomplete, and thus, the country was still vulnerable to the actions of a minority that rejected that definition. The totalizing policies of the NIF regime have not only undermined those efforts to create a civil society but have also reopened core questions of national identity. The drive to silence opponents and suppress alternative beliefs has resulted in renewed calls for secession by the south. Since nonIslamist identities are denied, a separate geographic state has become increasingly desirable to many citizens. Dissidents have had to grapple with the difficulty of articulating a Sudanese identity that will respect the differences among its peoples. Even though some Sudanese politicians and intellectuals have attempted to create in exile alternative institutions that are based on democratic norms, they remain divided on basic issues involving ethnicity and the role of religion in society. Renewing the effort to establish a civil society remains problematic. Even if the regime is overthrown, it will be difficult to undo the structural changes, recreate the autonomous institutions, and reestablish trust among the diverse social forces.

From Civil Society in the Middle East, vol. 2

20

State, Civil Society, and Political Change in Syria Raymond A. Hinnebusch

In Syria, a u t h o r i t a r i a n rule a p p e a r s r e m a r k a b l y d u r a b l e in spite of the i n c r e a s i n g s o c i o e c o n o m i c m o d e r n i z a t i o n that a r g u a b l y b r o a d e n s the b a s e of p l u r a l i s m . Is Syria a true c a s e of " M i d d l e Eastern e x c e p t i o n a l i s m " ? T h e c o n nection b e t w e e n social d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and political pluralization in Syria has been diluted by m a n y intervening variables that raise the pluralist t h r e s h o l d . O n e such v a r i a b l e is the fragility of civil society. S y r i a ' s historic e x p e r i e n c e s h o w s that p l u r a l i s m is r e t a r d e d in the a b s e n c e of a b a l a n c e w h e r e b y an institutionalized state i n c o r p o r a t e s an a u t o n o m o u s civil society. T h e p r e m o d e r n imperial state tolerated civil society, but it w a s f r a g m e n t e d and m a l i n t e g r a t e d into the political structure. T h e burst of n e w association g e n e r a t e d by p o s t i n d e p e n d e n c e m o d e r n i z a t i o n b r o a d e n e d civil society, but political m o b i l i z a t i o n a m i d s t s h a r p class c l e a v a g e s c o u l d not be c o n t a i n e d by a f r a g i l e liberal polity u n r o o t e d in an indigenous state tradition. T h e a u t h o r i t y v a c u u m w a s filled by the rise of an a u t h o r i t a r i a n state. T h e B a ' t h r e v o l u t i o n created a m o r e o p e n social structure and a m o r e classinclusive f o r m of a u t h o r i t a r i a n - c o r p o r a t i s t polity. But this s t r o n g e r state also d e a d e n e d the f r a g i l e political life of the pluralist era. A large p u b l i c sector clientelized society, and international c o n f l i c t f u e l e d a h u g e national security a p p a r a t u s . T h e o v e r d e v e l o p e d state d e p r i v e d m u c h of civil society of its a u t o n o m y but never w h o l l y s u f f o c a t e d it; indeed, its r u d i m e n t s or b a s e s p e r s i s t e d or e v e n w i d e n e d u n d e r the B a ' t h . First, the traditional city r e m a i n e d resistant to state p e n e t r a t i o n , an alternative society with m a n y a s p e c t s of civility, a partially a u t o n o m o u s e c o n o m i c base, and a c o u n t e r i d e o l o g y . T h e artisanal and m e r c h a n t petite bourgeoisie, f a r f r o m d e c l i n i n g u n d e r the B a ' t h , flourished in t h e v a c u u m left by the d e m i s e of the haute b o u r g e o i s i e a n d in s p a c e s l e f t by g a p s in state control. S e c o n d , the B a ' t h s t a t e ' s d e v e l o p m e n t drive, in

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Civil Society

in the Middle

East?

fostering a proliferation of social forces enjoying more diversified resources, broadened the formerly circumscribed bases of civil society. Increases in educational opportunity, urbanization, and modern occupations socially mobilized Syria on a major scale and generated a large salaried middle class. As professionals and skilled workers proliferated, so did membership in syndicates, ostensible networks of civil society that could take on autonomous life, were government controls to be relaxed. Third, an independent bourgeoisie, the force most able to carve out some room for civil society by checking state power, is reviving. By the late 1970s, as the political elite underwent embourgeoisement, the state began to foster the reconstruction of a bourgeoisie, with state-linked and private wings. When rentdriven economic growth declined in the 1980s the state began to shed some of its economic responsibilities. Private business had to be given concessions to fill the economic gap and by the 1990s the regime regarded it not just as an auxiliary to the public sector but as a second engine of growth. The private sector's share of foreign trade and investment widened rapidly and new private industries proliferated. The bourgeoisie is still too state-dependent, fragmented, and weak to confront the state, but it may be widening the space for civil society. This will not produce democratization any time soon. The regime deploys such still-viable substitutes for pluralism as clientalism and corporatism while holding repression in reserve. But Syria is undergoing a limited liberalization as the regime adapts its rule to the exhaustion of "statist" development. The president is broadening his base beyond the party, and groups have won more freedom to advocate their interests. Government controls over society are being incrementally relaxed, possibly allowing a more autonomous civil society to emerge as a base for future political pluralization.

F r o m Civil Society

in the Middle

East,

vol. 2

21 Civil Society in Formation: Tunisia Eva Bellin

Among the countries of the Arab world, Tunisia is uniquely well-positioned to expand the boundaries of civil society and beat back the domain of despotism. First, Tunisian citizens share that overarching sense of political community so essential to the development of a "civic culture" but so rare in the Arab world. Tunisian society is relatively unfragmented by ethnic or religious cleavage (more than 98 percent of Tunisians are Sunni Muslims and the Arab/Berber cleavage has diminished to near political insignificance over the past hundred years). Moreover, the country has enjoyed a protracted experience of political identity long predating the era of colonial mapmaking. Second, the country has had a long history of civilian rule during which past president Bourguiba purposely contracted the size of the military and subordinated it firmly to civilian control. There is no powerful military competing with (or doubling as) the ruling party in Tunisia as is the case in many other countries in the region. Third, the state's long-held policy to promote education and widely spread the benefits of economic development has endowed the country with a large and relatively well-educated middle class. This generates precisely the sort of citizens who might possess the skills and leisure necessary to develop civisme and use democratic institutions effectively. Fourth, Tunisia was among the first Arab countries to break with "Arab socialism" and embark on a "quasi-liberal" strategy of development (at least in the sense of consciously promoting the development of private sector commerce and industry). Hence the state created space for the development of autonomous sources of economic power that might imaginably countervail it one day. Fifth, and perhaps most important, the state has publicly committed itself to the development of civil society in Tunisia. Thus, even if public policy has not always kept pace with official discourse, the state's public prizing of a Montesquieuian model of polity provides a legitimating ideological wedge for citizens lobbying on its behalf. Still, there is no reason to be complacent about the development of civil society in Tunisia. Although the country has made notable progress in com-

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bating some common sources of despotism (nurturing a culture of civisme and civility, dispersing the loci of economic power in society, expanding the reach of some democratic institutions), it has still failed to achieve one important goal—the institutionalization of contestation sufficient to impose accountability upon a despotically tempted state. The responsibility for this failure lies squarely with the state, driven as it is by contradictory impulses to foster civil society but contain its development so as not to cede political control. These contradictory impulses are evident in the state's management of associational life, economic liberalization, and the extension of civil liberties, three important trajectories in the development of civil society in Tunisia. Tunisia's experience in each of these areas illustrates the state's contradictory agenda and its role in shaping the strengths and weaknesses of civil society in Tunisia today.

From Civil Society

in the Middle East, vol. 1

22

Notes on Civil Society in Tunisia Abdelbaki Hermassi

The historical formation of civil society in Tunisia is best viewed in terms of an accumulation of consecutive layers, from the traditional associations through the colonialist and nationalist periods, to the corporatist associations and current diversification. Traditional associations are the very old associations, such as groups that managed water distribution, awqaf (charitable foundations), and philanthropic associations designed to assist students and provide health care and other services to the poor. Others serve to finance marriages, cover funeral services, and lessen the risk of certain commercial activities. Islamic brotherhoods and Sufi orders also served these functions, although the services were provided only to members. The next layer of associational life emerged during the colonial encounter. In the late nineteenth century, the need to create a modern elite led the French to create al-Khalduniyyah, a "society" of civil character with a cultural orientation. As a club and forum, its teaching and activities sought to link modernity and asalah (rootedness). In 1923, the first labor union called for the formation of cooperatives to help organize traders and artisans hit by the competition and economic crisis. With the National Front in power in 1936, legislation in the social realm favored associational life in almost every respect. Unions, political parties, professional associations, and art academies were all encouraged. Even sports clubs and w o m e n ' s associations emerged. Together, these groups allowed Tunisian civil society to express itself through new avenues outside of the direct political or syndical channels. The Destour Party gradually established control over these organizations and created new ones in sectors where the party thought a supporting constituency would be crucial. It created and supported congenial organizations in almost every significant sector of society: workers, peasants, businessmen, students, women, and youth. Because many of these groups were not very involved during national mobilizations for independence, they managed to retain a margin of autonomy.

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With independence, however, these groups fell upder direct state control. One sector after another came to be covered by one single association that cared more about being in line with the state party than about the constituency it was supposed to represent. The typical corporatist association is created by statute and endowed with a formal monopoly of representation for all who work in the field of jurisdiction. Membership is generally compulsory, providing the organization with a guaranteed income that is supplemented by government subsidies. By the 1960s and 1970s, this corporatist system of interest representation was operating smoothly. For most of the past thirty years, primacy was given to the state over civil society. Initiatives came from the state, while civil society was taught, educated, "improved," and, of course, watched and controlled. However, although the corporatist structure may have been efficient during the "socialist" decade of the 1960s and the economic infitah (liberalization) of the 1970s, the strategy has proven costly. The absence of a free space for social and political expression forced dissenting voices (including Islamists and university students) into substitute political arenas. This emergence of opposition movements and rise of mass movements in cities led the government to reevaluate its traditional hostility toward civil society. Tunisian society had grown more differentiated, and thirty years of independence had broadened the people's vision of what they could and should be able to do. But in order to accommodate pluralism while preventing the emergence of autonomous centers of power, the government has begun to allow more struggle for representation while rejecting the repression of diversity. As a result, the prospects for civil society in Tunisia will depend on whether the government maintains this strategy.

From an unpublished paper presented in Giza, Egypt, May 1992

23 Civil Society in Turkey Binnaz Toprak

T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f civil society is contingent upon the e x i s t e n c e o f a state tradition. W h e r e a s a strong state may hamper the individual's autonomy from it, thus constraining associational activity that is free from state c o n trol, a civil society without the state's e n f o r c e m e n t o f universal legal norms and guarantee o f civil rights is equally a danger to individual freedom. In M u s l i m c o n t e x t s , this requires the separation o f religion from the state, given the unequal treatment in Islamic law o f w o m e n , n o n - M u s l i m s , and n o n b e l i e v e r s . H e n c e , a c o n c e p t i o n o f the public sphere that does not define public roles in terms o f religious affiliation, ethnicity, kinship, or gender is an important prerequisite o f civil society. T h i s is the dividing line between civil s o c i e t y as free space, reflecting individual c h o i c e and peaceful c o l l e c tive action that r e c o g n i z e the right o f other social actors to pursue equally valid c l a i m s for individual expression and c h o i c e o f public policy, versus civil s o c i e t y that functions under public law that r e c o g n i z e s the c o g e n c y o f particularistic criteria. O n c e the state gives up its claim to e n f o r c e universal legal n o r m s , the individual is left defenseless against c o m m u n a l definitions o f morality, gender roles, racial prejudice, and so forth. In such settings, a vibrant c i v i l society may exist with its plethora o f organizations, while, at the same time, certain groups are excluded from exerting influence, or even unhampered appearance, in the public sphere. T h e status o f w o m e n living under states that f o l l o w I s l a m i c law and the previous status o f b l a c k s in the United S t a t e s are notable e x a m p l e s . This

understanding

o f civil

society

inspires the discussion

of

the

Turkish c a s e . Although a strong state tradition in Turkey often constricted the formation o f a free space for organized social action, it allowed, at the same time, for political opposition to formulate alternative public policy in terms o f the very principle that the Turkish state had accepted, namely, equality b e f o r e the law. T h u s , civil society in Turkey must be understood in terms o f the tensions created by the bureaucratic structure and the official ideology o f the R e p u b l i c , on the o n e hand, and increased demands for r e c o g -

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nition by minority groups, on the other. In this context, the feminist agenda, the Islamist movement, and Kurdish separatism are all critical issues for the discussion of a vibrant public sphere. The political and economic changes following the 1980 coup drew considerable attention to the concept of civil society among various groups who identified the problems of democracy in Turkey in terms of state-society relations. Thus, issues such as the consolidation of democracy, civil rights, civilian-military relations, and organizational activity can be fruitfully discussed with references to recent examples in the field of legislation and responses from civil society.

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24 Authoritarian Secularism and Islamic Participation: The Case of Turkey Nilùfer Gole

In the Middle East, inherent tensions exist between the implementation of secularism and the transition to democracy, on the one hand, and authoritarian modernism and Islamic participation, on the other. Secularism, in other words, does not appear as a neutral, power-free principle: It underlines the political and cultural power of the Western elite. Throughout the region, however, the reassertion of Islam in politics has been one of the ideological tools for the empowerment of civil society. Contemporary Islamic radicalism manifests a challenge to an authoritarian mode of modernism and the equation established between the "civilized" and the "Westernized." It promotes the return of Muslim actors on the historical scene, along with their own ethics and esthetics. Yet, such a "return of the repressed" not only takes the form of the rejection of the West and the "revenge of popular masses" but also the form of Islamic elite who reappropriate some of the acquisitions of modernity, primarily concerning education, and participate in the production of values and the symbolic cultural capital. In the national cases where there is a possibility for the circulation (alternation) of elites through the education system, upward social mobility, and democratic elections, Islamist movements tend to be more participatory in their logic of action. Turkey might provide such an example. Conversely, in countries where channels of upward social mobility and political participation are repressed, the social ascension of the Islamist elites is blocked and the Islamist movement will likely evolve toward a logic of reaction and/or violence. The closeness of the ties between the popular masses and the elites is also very illustrative of the nature of the Islamic movement. Islamic movements can move in the directions of participatory and interactive politics to the extent that they succeed in establishing and acknowledging their own elites.

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Therefore, it is social practice, rather than some sort of essence of Islam, that will determine the totalizing or democratic nature'of Islamic movements. The compatibility of democracy and Islamist movements depends upon the self-limitation of the totalizing Islamist project and the enhancement of pluralism in general. The interaction and the establishment of horizontal relations between different social actors and political ideologies are basic prerequisites of political pluralism and the autonomy of civil society. Only the building up of a consensual politics at the level of civil society can countercheck the totalitarian tendencies embedded in Utopian oppositional movements and raise the chances for democratic participation.

From Civil Society

in the Middle East, vol. 2

25

Yemen Between Civility and Civil War Sheila Carapico

Many scholars and interested observers, Westerners and Arabs alike, argue that Arab culture has not produced a "civil society" that could provide a basis for democratic practice. If these arguments apply to the Arab world generally, they would seem to doubly characterize Yemen, the quintessential traditional Arab society, deeply imbued with Islamic values, tenaciously attached to tribal and regional loyalties, armed to the teeth, and absent any history of liberal or pluralist government. These arguments may be evaluated in light of the Yemeni experience between unification in May 1990, and the outbreak of war almost exactly four years later. Several themes are noteworthy. First, Yemeni organizations tended to be backward even by Egyptian, Jordanian, or North African standards, straddling the line between tribal or primordial and civic affiliation and practice. Secondly, there was the peculiar brand of Yemeni "corporatism," a kind of "bait and switch" strategy whereby for every independent civil society action—a conference, or the formation of a new N G O (nongovernment organization)—a comparable but competing effort was launched by the government. So, for virtually every NGO, there was a G O - N G O (governmentorganized N G O ) . Thirdly, despite these circumstances, and, indeed, despite Yemen's neighbors' opposition to its democratic experiment, its president's preference for rule-by-decree, the crude presence of military checkpoints along urban and intercity thoroughfares, and the nearly constant threat of redivision of the country, Yemen did get a taste of political pluralism. Conferences, political campaigns, newspaper debates, and welfare associations helped d i f f u s e and/or channel the mass frustrations over inflation, corruption, and unfairness. It is true that Yemen took no more than a tentative step along the road to constitutional, representative, responsive government, and the experiment ended when both former ruling parties tired of debate and one of them

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chased the other into exile. Moreover, if civil society consists of letterheads, bylaws, and Robert's Rules of Order, then it was nowhere to be found. Surely Yemen bore little semblance to the ideal-typical democracy some Yemenis presume exists in the West—or even, for that matter, to the dense N G O environment in Egypt. Still, the evidence illuminates a civil-society-in-the-making, a clearing of the political space between primordial affiliations and the central state to make room for pluralist debate, a tug-of-war between regimes inaugurated by force of arms and popular demands for the rule of law, a situation where the security apparatus was temporarily restrained in its use of intimidation, where instead of being jailed journalists were brought to court, and where former ruling parties went to extraordinary lengths to secure electoral victory for their candidates and a parliamentary majority for their proposals. Tribal and national conferences applied pressure on the regime to hold elections, and the national and Ta'iz conferences put forth a Code of Political Conduct, a modified version of which both ruling parties were obliged to endorse. Along with the December 1992 street demonstrations, the press, seminars, and N G O activities helped impel the system toward fulfillment of the promise for elections. In the postelection period, discussions and exposés applied further pressure to postpone discussion of the constitutional amendments and then to mediate the government crisis of late 1993 and early 1994. Massive participation by thousands of the country's leading figures in meetings, conferences, and discussions in December, January, and February attempted to prevent war from breaking out. The fact that this movement failed cannot be taken as evidence that it never existed at all.

From Civil Society in the Middle

East, vol. 2

Conclusion: Civil Society and Political Reform in the Middle East Farhad Kazemi Augustus Richard Norton

Looking at contested politics in the Middle East and the strategies available for political reform to the regimes in power, regimes have three ideal-typical strategies in dealing with political pressures from within—inclusion, exclusion, or repression. A policy of inclusion assumes a basic understanding, acceptance, and appreciation of the rules of the game by both the regime and its adversaries. It accepts the notion that power and governance may be shared in principle as well as the possibility that one's adversary may in fact gain ultimate political power. It further assumes that the rules of the game will not be changed unilaterally by a single contestant that happens to be at the helm of power. In contrast, a policy of exclusion rejects the notion that power may be shared by the adversaries even if the rules of the game are observed. Adversaries' roles and actions are considered serious threats to the survival of the regime and the state. Opponents can "play ball" only if they accept the regime as the ultimate arbiter and the paramount decisionmaker in the political arena. In other words, it is either acceptance or exclusion. A variant of a policy of exclusion is the attempt to keep opponents from power-sharing through calculated, purposeful, and organized collective force by the state. In such a situation the regime in power uses its monopoly of means of physical violence to prevent the emergence of the adversaries as claimants to power. Alternately, it will use the arm of the state to crush opponents who have managed to emerge through illicit and underground means. Given the fundamental economic, social, and political problems in the Middle East, strategies of exclusion and repression will be increasingly difficult to sustain over the long run. The fact that many Middle Eastern regimes suffer from eroded political legitimacy, and the resultant insecurity 85

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of the rulers, implies that only a gradual program of reform is likely to be palatable to the present governments (and their supporters). What exacerbates contested politics in the Middle East is the role of the Islamist militant political organizations as the main adversaries of many of the regimes. Although the Islamist groups are by no means monolithic, the underlying fear of them as groups determined to impose a rigid Islamic code, their version of the Islamic law (shari'ah), on the social order has created major additional obstacles to possibilities of power-sharing. Some regimes contend that the Islamists' concept of citizenship and rules of governance are profoundly religious and exclusionary. Thus, their acceptance of the rules of the game is instrumentalist—designed for political gain when they lack control over the institutions of the state. This will change, the argument goes, when they come to power and decide to impose their restrictive norms on the polity. Once in power, they will not allow opponents any political voice and will reject categorically all attempts at power-sharing by nonIslamists. Although this argument may be valid and relevant to some groups in the Middle East, it cannot be used across the board as the justification for refusal to share power through the ballot box. In fact, there are significant differences among the Islamist groups on many basic issues, and it would be a mistake to lump them together as one unitary group with a unidimensional and divinely inspired vision of politics. Furthermore, not all contestants for political power are Islamist in orientation. There are others in the social system whose demands for political reform and liberalization do not stem necessarily from the religious perspective. They cannot, therefore, be rejected on the grounds of adherence to a rigid system of religious orthodoxy. One can elucidate the parameters of contested politics by analyzing the state-society interactions in the Middle East, in part by reviewing and analyzing the relevant pressures and forces in the social system and civil society that have laid the foundations for contested politics and burgeoning political demands. The following schematic presents the argument that frames the book: (1) Middle Eastern governments are often marked by ineffectualness and declining legitimacy, and the already awesome burdens that they confront are growing. (2) Access to a variety of "rents" has allowed many governments to lower the stakes of politics and buy off dissent. (3) The end of the Cold War, major progress toward the resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict, and weak oil prices have reduced rents and therefore decreased the resources available to government. (4) Although economic and political reform seems imperative, the authoritarian state remains in control and is reluctant to cede power or even open up government. (5) Even when political reformers emerge, they must confront the legacy of authoritarianism: stunted civil societies. (6) Indeed, government policies have tended to priv-

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ilege populist Islamist forces, sometimes by design, but often as a side effect of the suppression of potential opponents among the secular opposition. (7) Governments must choose between strategies of reform and inclusion, on the one hand, or strategies of exclusion and repression, on the other. (8) The study argues that the imperative of reform is overdetermined, and that strategies of exclusion and campaigns of repression are losing games in the long run. (9) Barring unlikely economic windfall, most Middle Eastern governments will have little choice but to pursue incremental but purposeful reform.

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The Contributors Eva Bellin Department of Government and the Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Harvard University Laurie Brand Department of International Relations, University of Southern California Sheila Carapico Department of Political Science, University of Richmond, VA Jill Crystal Department of Political Science, Auburn University, G A Gideon Doron Department of Political Science, Tel Aviv University John P. Entelis Professor of Political Science, Fordham University, N Y Niliifer Göle Department of Sociology, Bogazit^i University, Istanbul Abdelbaki Hermassi Ambassador of Tunisia to U N E S C O , Paris Neil Hicks Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, New York City Raymond A. Hinnebusch Department of Political Science and International Relations, The College of St. Catherine, Zuhair HumadiM N Organization for H u m a n Rights in Iraq Saad Eddin Ibrahim Ibn Khaldoun Center for Developmental Studies, Cairo 122

123

The

Contributors

Farhad Kazemi D e p a r t m e n t of Politics, N e w York University Ann M o s e l y L e s c h D e p a r t m e n t of Political Science, Villanova University, PA Abdeslam Maghraoui M i d d l e East Institute, W a s h i n g t o n , D C Antoine Messarra D e p a r t m e n t of Political Science, Beirut University Ahmad Moussalli D e p a r t m e n t of Political Science, A m e r i c a n University of Beirut Muhammad Muslih D e p a r t m e n t of Political Science, L o n g Island University Ghanim al-Najjar D e p a r t m e n t of Political Science, University of K u w a i t Augustus Richard Norton D e p a r t m e n t of International Relations, Boston University Atef O d h i b a t D e p a r t m e n t of Political Science, Y a r m u k University, A m m a n Alan R i c h a r d s D e p a r t m e n t of E c o n o m i c s , University of California, Santa C r u z Sara Roy M i d d l e East Studies, H a r v a r d University C M l al-Sayyid Deeunpstatearrtpmhfor ea nK t aofm iPolitical Science, C a i r o University Jillian S c h w e d l e r D e p a r t m e n t of Politics, N e w York University B i n n a z Toprak D e p a r t m e n t of Political S c i e n c e and International Relations, Bogazi§i University, Istanbul

About the Book In virtually every part of the world, pluralist, participant governments seem to be triumphing over despotism—with the exception of the Middle East. Is the region i m m u n e to the global trend toward democracy? Are Middle Easterners content to live under authoritarianism, whether secular or religious? Does the "traditional," Islamic culture of the region simply prohibit the emergence of democracy? T h e study of civil society in the Middle East illustrates that, for each question, the answer is clearly no. Across the Middle East, citizens are meeting formally and informally every day to discuss issues ranging from health and social services to economic policy and politics. S o m e Middle Eastern governments tolerate these gatherings; others strictly forbid and harshly repress them. But while the viability of these organizations remains a contested issue, civil society in the Middle East has emerged as an important topic of debate among scholars, activists, policymakers, and citizens alike. This book provides both an introduction to the topic and a guide to further readings and resources. The opening chapter surveys the m a j o r theoretical debates and contrasts various approaches to the study of civil society in the Middle East. A collection of pithy summaries follow, each highlighting the quality of political life in a Middle Eastern state and evaluating the vitality and significance of its civil society. Three additional overviews address economic liberalization and democracy, Islamist debates concerning civil society and political reform, and government strategies of including or excluding Islamist participants. There is also an extensive bibliography of sources in Arabic, English, French, and Turkish. Jillian Schwedler served as program officer of the civil Society in the Middle East Project at New York University. Author of several articles on social movements and electoral politics in the contemporary Middle East, she is currently conducting field research for a book examining the participation of Islamist political parties in the 1993 multiparty parliamentary elections in Yemen and Jordan.

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