Tools, Weapons and Ornaments: Germanic Material Culture in Pre-Carolingian Central Europe, 400-750 9004122982, 9789004122987

Table of contents :
List of Illustrations
List of Maps
Foreword
Acknowledgments
Introduction
Part A. History and the Archeological Evidence
I. Northern Central Europe
a. Environment and settlement
b. Populations
The Lombards
Saxons and Frisians
The Burgundians
II. Central Germany
a. The Thuringians
III. Western Central Europe
a. The Burgundians along the Rhine
b. The Franks along the Rhine
IV. Southern Central Europe
a. The Alemans
b. The Bavarians
V. Eastern Central Europe
a. The Lombardic southward relocation
b. The Lombards in Pannonia and the Hungarian Plain
c. The Lombardic invasion of Italy
d. The Western Slavs
VI. The archeological evidence
a. The funerary evidence
b. The habitational evidence
Part B. Archeology and the Socio-Cultural Evidence
a. The Thuringians
b. Armaments
c. The Bavarians
d. Ornaments
e. The Alemans
f. Burial and the sense of property
g. Christianity
h. The Franks — princely burials
i. The Lombards — representations of legitimacy
Part C. Industry and the Portable Arts
a. Pottery, glass and stone
b. Personal ornaments
perforated discs
keys
gold-foil
brakteats
fibulas/brooches
buckles
Conclusion
Selected Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

THE NORTHERN WORLD North Europe and the Baltic c. 400-1700 AD Peoples, Economies and Cultures

EDITORS

BARBARA CRAWFORD (St. Andrews) DAVID KIRBY (London) jON-VIDAR SIGURDSSON (Oslo) INGVILD 0YE (Bergen) PRZEMYSLAW URBANCZYK (Warsaw)

VOLUME 1

TOOLS, WEAPONS AND ORNAMENTS Germanic Material Culture in Pre-Carolingian Central Europe, 400 - 750 BY

HERBERT SCHUTZ

BRILL LEIDEN . BOSTON' K0LN 2001

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is also available.

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnalune Schutz, Herbert: Tools, weapons and ornaments: Germanic material culture in PreCarolingian Central Europe, 400-750 / by Herbert Schutz. - Leiden ; Boston; Kaln : Brill, 200 I (The northern world ; Vol. 1)

ISBN 90-04--12298 2

ISSN ISBN

1569-1462 9004122982

© Copyright 2001 by Koninklijke BrillNv, Leiden, The Netherlands

All rights reseroed. No part if this publication mqy be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any Jorm or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items Jor internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fies are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

To Alice, Andrea and Alexandra

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Illustrations ....................................................................... List of Maps ................................................................................. Foreword ..................................................................................... Acknowledgments .............. .... ............ .... ..................... ........... ..... Introduction ............................................................................... .

IX XXI XXIll XXIX

1

Part A. History and the Archeological Evidence ........ ................. 7 I. Northern Central Europe ................................................. 7 a. Environment and settlement......................................... 7 b. Populations ................................................................... 17 The Lombards .............................................................. 17 Saxons and Frisians .............. .............................. .......... 19 The Burgundians ............ .................................... .......... 21 II. Central Germany .............................................................. 23 a. The Thuringians ........ .......................... .................... ..... 24 III. Western Central Europe ................................................... 35 a. The Burgundians along the Rhine ............................... 35 b. The Franks along the Rhine .................. .................. ..... 42 IV. Southern Central Europe ................................................. 54 a. The Alemans ................................................................. 54 b. The Bavarians ............................................................... 64 V. Eastern Central Europe .................................................... 75 a. The Lombardic southward relocation .......................... 75 b. The Lombards in Pannonia and the Hungarian Plain.. 78 c. The Lombardic invasion ofItaly .............. .................... 81 d. The Western Slavs ........................................................ 88 VI. The archeological evidence .............................................. 95 a. The funerary evidence .................................................. 95 b. The habitational evidence ............................................ 105 Part B. Archeology and the Socio-Cultural Evidence ........ ......... a. The Thuringians ...... .................... .............................. ....... b. Armaments .............. .................. ....................................... c. The Bavarians ........ ...... .............. ...... ................................. d. Ornaments ....................... .................... ........... ............. .....

115 115 118 121 124

YI11

e. f. g. h.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

The Alemans .............. ..................... .................................. Burial and the sense of property ........... ............................ Christianity................. ........................ ........................... ... The Franks - princely burials ......................................... The Lombards - representations oflegitimacy ......... ......

131 137 148 149 168

Part C. Industry and the Portable Arts ........................................ a. Pottery, glass and stone ..................................................... b. Personal ornaments.......................... ................................. perforated discs ................................................................. keys .................................................................................... gold-foil ...................................... '" .................. .... .............. brakteats ............................................................................ fibulas/brooches ............................................................... buckles ...............................................................................

171 173 180 180 182 184 190 194 234

1.

Conclusion .................................... ........................ ...................... 241 Selected Bibliography.................... .............................................. 245 Index ....................................................................................... 251

LIST OF ILLUSTRAnONS

Color Plates (Pls. 1-8 can be found between the pages xxxii and 1.) Plate lao Gold ornaments from a Hermundurian princely grave, 3rd century A.D., at Gommern (Halle, Landesmuseum fUr Vorgeschichte). Plate I b. Shield boss from the 3rd century princely grave at Gommern (Halle, Landesmuseum fiir Vorgeschichte). Plate lc. Contents of a Frankish princely grave, c.500, at Gelduba (Krefeld-Burg Linn, Landschaftsmuseum des Niederrheins) Plate ld. Golden purse fittings from a Saxon princely grave, c.600, at Beckum (Miinster, Westfalisches Museum fiir Archaologie). Plates 2a, 2b. Hunno-Germanic chip-carved silver fibulas, buckles, necklaces, arm rings and an earring (r.) (Nyiregyhaza, Museum); Gepidic chip-carved buckle with bird motif (I.), 5th century, from Bokenymindszent (Budapest, National Museum). Plate 2c. Colored clay beads from Alemanic women's graves, c.600, from Nordendorf, Neu-Ulm (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). Plate 2d. Head ornaments of the Eastern nomads living between the Volga and Danube rivers, c.400, from a woman's grave at Varna, Bulgaria (Cologne, Romisch-Germanisches Museum, Rheinisches Bildarchiv Koln). Plate 3a. Frankish sword from the princely grave at Flonheim, c.500 (Worms, Museum der Stadt Worms). Plate 3b. Part of a princely lady's grave inventory from beneath Cologne Cathedral, 537, earrings, necklaces with coins and polychrome pendants, colored beads, braided gold wire, and rosette fibulas (Cologne, Dombauarchiv). Plate 3c. Frankish (claw) proboscis beaker, c.500, from Gelduba (Krefeld-Burg Linn, Landschaftsmuseum des Niederrheins). Plate 3d. Frankish (claw) proboscis and inversion beakers, 5th/6th centuries, from the Alemanic sites at Langenau and Dittigheim (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum). Plate 4a. Frankish (claw) proboscis beaker from Andernach, 5th/6th centuries (Cologne, Romisch-Germanisches Museum, Rheinisches Bildarchiv Koln). Plate 4b. Bavarian belt hanging with perforated ornamental disc amulet, 7th century, from Miinchen-Aubing (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung).

x

LIST OF LLLUSTRATIONS

Plate 4c. Earrings with Byzantine Christian motifs, 7th century, from Steinkonig/Ebersberg. Detail shows doves with cross and at a fountain (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). Plate 4d. Goldleaf cross with an impressed face, perhaps a Christ representation, and another impression in the Animal Style II, from a weapons grave at Spotting/Landsberg, 7th century (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). Plates 5a. Lombardic goldleaf cross from Stabio, Switzerland, 7th/8th century (Zurich, Schweizerisches Landesmuseum). Plate 5b. Alemanic goldleaf cross, from Langeringen, early 7th century, with an effigy of the Byzantine Emperor Phocas, (602 - 610) (Augsburg, Romisches Museum). Plates 5c, 5d. Two Roman imperial coins, Maximilianus I Herculeus (296 - 305) and Valens (364 - 378), converted to bracteates, from the 4th century treasure at Szilagysemlyo, Romania (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum). Plate 6a. Bracteat of the 6th century from Nebenstedt/Dannenberg (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum). Plate 6b. Bracteat from Gottorf/Schleswig (Schleswig, Archaologische Landesmuseen, SchloB Gottorf) Plates 6c, 6d. Bracteates from Landegge/Meppen (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum). Plates 7a, 7b. Bracteates from Nebenstedt/Dannenberg, 6th century (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum). Plate 7c. Conched golden disc fibula with cabochon gem settings, pearls, filigree and an antique cameo, end of 7th century, from Moisheim (Darmstadt, Hessisches Landesmuseum). Plate 7d. Frankish polychrome fibula, 7th century, from an Alemanic woman's grave at Wittislingen (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). Plate 8a. Northern fibula from Engers/Neuwied made after 550 in Animal Style I (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum). Plate 8b. Frankish disc fibula from Krautheim-Klepsau made of gold, silver and bronze, fire gilt with almandines, and mask and intertwining designs (Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum). Plate 8c. Alemanic gold disc fibula from Dittenheim, 6th17th century, (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). Plate 8d. Meerschaum and polychrome buckle from the Frankish princely grave at Flonheim, c.500 (Worms, Museum der Stadt).

LIST OF LLLUSTRATIONS

Xl

Figures PART A

(Figs. 1-64 can beJound between the pages 64 and 65.) I. Excavated remains of stable-houses at the "\Vurt" Feddersen \Vierde, 1st century. l'vlain stable-house has livestock boxes, passage and manure gutters in front; living quarters are the light colored area at the rear (Wilhelmshaven, Niedersachsisches Institut fUr Historische Kustenforschung).

2. Spindles, weights with models of pit house weaving sheds from the Saxon settlement at Warendorf(Munster, Westfalisches Museum fUr Archaologie). 3. Jastorf-Ripdorfware, 400 - 200 B.C., from Eastern Mecklenburg (Lubstorf, SchloG Wiligrad, Archaologisches Landesmuseum Mecklenburg-Vorpommern). 4. Lombardic urn, 1st/2nd century, gravefinds from \ViebendorflHagenow (Lubstorf, SchloG Wiligrad, Archaologisches Landesmuseum MecklenburgVorpommern). 5. Mainly Roman gravefinds from the aristocratic necropolis at Haven/Sternberg (Lubstorf, SchloG Wiligrad, Archaologisches Landesmuseum Mecklenburg-Vorpommern). 6. Early Saxon biconical urns, ornamented Buckelumen, from the grave field at Gudendorf, 1st-6th century (Cuxhaven, Museum fUr Vor- und Fruhgeschichte). 7. Wheelthrown pottery for the Thuringian nobility, 454- 531 (Kothen/ Anhalt, Historisches Museum). 8. Situlas of the GroGromstedt Culture - I st century Elbian Suebians from Thuringia - from Baldersheim/Wurzburg (Wurzburg, Mainfrankisches Museum). 9. Elbian pottery, 3rd/4th century, from southern Mark Brandenburg (BerlinCharlottenburg, Museum fUr Vor- und Fruhgeschichte). 10. Hermundurian/Thuringian handled urns, northern Elbian imports, before 400, marking the transition to cremation (Quedlinburg, SchloGmuseum). II. Crossbow fibulas from the woman's grave at HaHieben, 3rd century (Weimar, Museum fur Ur- und Fruhgeschichte).

12. Assorted fibulas, 6th17th century, from Eischleben/Arnstadt (Weimar, Museum fUr Ur- und Fruhgeschichte). 13. Deformed skull, 4th/5th century (Weimar, Museum fur Ur- und Fruhgeschichtel.

XlI

LIST OF LLLUSTRATIONS

14. Belt buckle of bronze with bosses, engraved heads and animals, after 400, following the Christianization of the Burgundians, from their early settlement area along the Middle Rhine (Cologne, Ramisch-Germanisches Museum, Rheinisches Bildarchiv Kaln). 15. Bunish horse trappings, weapons, 5th century (Budapest, National Museum). 16. Bunish funerary vessel of cast bronze, from Tartel (Budapest, National Museum). 17. Burgundian belt buckle, chip carved bronze, 6th 17th century (Zurich, Schweizerisches Landesmuseum). 18. Burgundian belt buckle of cast bronze bearing pagan and Christian motifs - winged horses flanking a tree of life, 6th17th century (Bern, Bistorisches Museum). 19. Roman chip carved belt assembly, late 4th century (Krefeld-Burg Linn, Landschaftsmuseum des Niederrheins). 20. Fibulas of gilt silver, 5th century, from Gelduba (Krefeld-Burg Linn, Landschaftsmuseum des Niederrheins).

21. Aula Palatina, basilica, part of the former Constantinean palace complex. Right wall had collapsed and during Merovingian times the hall was part of the residence of Frankish counts (Trier). 22. Column of Marcus Aurelius commemorating the campaigns of the Marcomannic Wars. The central frieze shows a chieftain being led into the presence of the Imperator (Rome). 23. Gilt silver bow fibulas, c.500, from the Runde Berg/Urach (Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum). 24. Alemanic tools, c.500, from the Runde Berg/Urach (Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum). 25. Roman silver fibula, early 4th century, grave find from Irrsdorf/StraBwalchen (Salzburg, Augusteum). 26. Roman chip carved belt fittings, 4th century, from an inhumation grave set in the ruins of a Roman villa at Salzburg-Maxglan (Salzburg, Carolino Augusteum). 27. Pottery from Friedenhain (Straubing, Gaubodenmuseum). 28. Reconstructions of Bavarian houses, 6th/8th century, at the open air display Die BaJuwaren, Von Severin bis Tassilo, 488 - 788, 19. Mai bis 6. November 1988 at Mattsee/Salzburg. 29. Models of Bavarian pit houses as excavated at Kirchheim, 7th century (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). 30. Germanic utensils, including an axe and a fishing spear (replica), early 6th century, from Maria Ponsee (Traismauer, Niederasterreichisches Landesmuseum fUr Fruhgeschichte).

LIST OF LLLUSTRATIONS

Xlll

31. Late Roman and Germanic pottery and glass, 5th century (Prague, National Museum). 32. Pre-Lombardic-Elbian pottery, spurs and weapons, 3rd/4th century (Prague, National Museum). 33. Child's deformed skull, early 5th century, from Schiltern in Lower Austria (Traismauer, Niederosterreichisches Landesmuseum fUr Fruhgeschichte). 34. Lombardic gold fibulas, late 5th century, from Szentendre, north of Budapest (Budapest, National Museum). 35. Lombardic fibulas from Pannonia, 6th century (Budapest, National Museum). 36. Roman glass and Lombardic fibulas from Hegyko, 6th century (Budapest, National Museum). 37. Gepidic pottery worked in the Roman manner from the Tisza region, 5th century (Budapest, National Museum). 38. Gepidic buckle with bird motifs, 5th century, from Bokenymindszent (Budapest, National Museum). 39. Gepidic silver eagle buckle, c.500 (Budapest, National Museum). 40. Avar buckles, c.700, from Zila Szebeny, Romania (Budapest, National Museum). 41. Early Slavic pottery, 6th century, Prague type (Prague, National Museum). 42. Slavic stirrups, early 8th century (Prague, National Museum). 43. Shield fittings of gilt bronze of a horseman and dog, from Stabio, Canton Tessin, 6th17th century (Bern, Historisches Museum). 44. Theodelinda's Gospel covers in the treasury of Monza Cathedral. The inscription names her as Theodelenda Reg.(ina) Gloriosissema. The covers show classical and polychrome elements in systematic arrangements (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). 45. Slavic pottery, Prague type, 6th century (Prague, National Museum). 46. Slavic or Avar pottery with incised design from Lower Austria, 6th century (Horn, Hobarth- und Madermuseum). 47. Slavic pottery, probably to be associated with the Slavic Wilzi, 4th/6th century (Stralsund, Kunsthistorisches Museum). 48. Slavic pottery of the Suckow type, 6th17th century (Stralsund, Kunsthistorisches Museum). 49. Reconstruction of the Slavic settlement and fortification at GroB Raden (Lubstorf, SchloB Wiligrad, Archaologisches Landesmuseum MecklenburgVorpommern).

XlV

LIST OF LLLUSTRATIONS

50. Double headed cultic figure from the Fischerinsel, Tollensesee/ Neubrandenburg, late 6th century (Lubstorf, SchloB Wiligrad, Archaologisches Landesmuseum Mecklenburg-Vorpommern). 51. Funnelshaped urn, Istl2nd century, from Harsefeld (Stade, Schwedenspeicher Museum). 52. Cicada fibulas, appliques, fittings and buckles, early 5th century, from Untersiebenbrunn (Traismauer, Landesmuseum fUr Friihgeschichte). 53. Lance tips and spurs, mid 3rd century (Vienna, Naturhistorisches Museum). 54. Goldleaf crosses (Freiburg, Museum fUr Vor- und Friihgeschichte). 55. Animal shaped aquamanile for cultic purposes from Liebenau, late 5th to 7th century (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum). 56. Sacrificial urn from Liebenau, late 5th to 7th century (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum). 57. Roman chip carved metallic fittings, 5th/6th century (Cologne, RamischGermanisches Museum, Rheinisches Bildarchiv Kaln). 58. Weapons from a Saxon grave inventory, Beckum, 6th17th century (Munster, Westfalisches Museum fur Archaologie). 59. Burial of two horses and a dog, 6th century, from Zeuzleben (Wurzburg, Mainfrankisches Museum). 60. Roman-Saxon pottery, c.400 (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum).

61. Buckelume with faces for bosses, perhaps used for cultic purposes, 4th century, from Wehden/Wesermiinde (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum). 62. Model ofa Saxon farm at Warendorfreconstructed from the archeological evidence (Munster, Westfalisches Museum fUr Archaologie). 63. Bronze strap ends with demonic representations from Nusplingen, 5th/6th century (Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum). 64. Stamped pottery, 5th/6th century, from Sontheim/Brenz (Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum).

PARTB

(Figs. 65-99 can befound between the pages 144 and 145.) 65. Elbian pottery of the Hermunduri, 1st/2nd century, from the Mark Brandenburg (Berlin-Charlottenburg, Museum fUr Vor- und Fruhgeschichte). 66. Pottery of the Germanic Rhine-Weser-Saale populations, 3rd century, from Ilversgehoven (Halle, Landesmuseum fUr Vorgeschichte).

LIST OF LLLUSTRATIONS

xv

67. Wheel thrown situla made for the Thuringian aristocracy, before 400, from the Hermundurian gravefield at Kothen (Kothen/ Anhalt, Historisches Museum). 68. Silver objects from a pre-Thuringian grave inventory, 3rd century, at Leuna (Halle, Landesmuseum fUr Vorgeschichte). 69. Tutulus fibulas from the 3rd century woman's grave at HaBleben (Weimar, Museum fUr Ur- und Friihgeschichte). 70. Bavarian weapons - swords, lances, saxes - from various Bavarian locations. 5th-7th century (Munich, Archaologische Staatssamrnlung). 71. S-fibulas, 5th/6th century from Straubing-Bajuwarenstrasse (Straubing, Gaubodenmuseum). 72. Thuringian pincer fibulas, c.500, from Straubing-Bajuwarenstrasse (Straubing, Gaubodenmuseum). 73. Franco-Alemanic fibulas, knobs set with almandines, 5th/6th century, Straubing-Bajuwarenstrasse (Straubing, Gaubodenmuseum). 74. Thuringian pincer fibulas, 6th century, from Klettham/Erding (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). 75. Lombardic fibulas, 6th century, from Thalmassing (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). 76. Ostrogothic silver fibulas set with Almandines, 6th century, from Klettham/Erding (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). 77. Alemanic silver appliques, 6th 17th century (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum). 78. Fibula head plates from Nordendorf (II) (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). 79. Bavarian silver inlaid sword pommels, 6th century, from Miinchen-Giesing (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). 80. Silver inlaid buckle plates, 6th17th century, from Mengen (Freiburg, Museum fUr Vor- und Friihgeschichte). 81. Lance tip with inlaid runes, 6th 17th century, from Wurmlingen (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum). 82. Polychrome S-fibulas, 6th17th century, from DeiBlingen (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum). 83. Alemanic nigra ware, 4th century, from Hockenheim (Mannheim, ReissMuseum). 84. Frankish and Thuringian ware from Basel-Bemering, 6th century (Basel, Historisches Museum).

XVI

LIST OF LLLUSTRATIONS

85. Alemanic belt fittings of tinned bronze from a man's grave at Nenzingen/Stockach, animal Style of the early 7th century (Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum). 86. Silver bridle fittings, 7th century, from Niederstotzingen (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum). 87. Saxon longsword, 7th/8th century, originally with red and green glass inlay on pommel and cross bar, from Lankern (Miinster, Westfalisches Museum fUr Archaologie). 88. Bronze ornamental discs, 6th17th century, from Kleinlangheim/Kitzingen (Wiirzburg, Mainfrankisches Museum). 89. Earring, polychrome rosette fibulas and bow fibulas set with almandines, 5th/6th century, from Straubing-Bajuwarenstrasse (Straubing, Gaubodenmuseum). 90. Belt fittings from an Alemanic woman's grave, 7th century (Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum). 91. Sections of an Alemanic chain hanging, bronze, 7th century, from Kirchheim /Ries (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum). 92. Amulet of stag antler, 6th17th century, from Gelchsheim (Wiirzburg, Mainfrankisches Museum). 93. Silver earring, 6th17th century (Munich, Archiiologische Staatssammlung). 94. Alemanic tree coffin with a snake as death symbol, 6th17th century, from Zobingen (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum). 95. Goldleaf cross, 5th/6th century, from Sontheim/Brenz (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum). 96. Frankish limestone gravestone from Andernach, early 7th century. The cross is surrounded by palm leaves and surmounted by a "winged" horse (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum). 97. Frankish gravestone from Mainz, 7th century. "In this grave rest in blessed memory Bertisindis who lived for twenty years and Rodoaldus who lived happily for three years". Perhaps a mother and her son (Mainz, Landesmuseum, Inv. No. 3006).

98. Spangenhelm, ango, barrelhoops, spear point and bones from the meat provisions from the princely grave at Morken (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseurn). 99. Frontal plaque of a helmet from the Val di Nievolo (Lucca), 6th 17th century, reputedly showing the glorification of King Agilulf (Deutsches Kunsthistorisches Institut, Neg. nr.1656, Florence).

LIST OF LLLUSTRATIONS

XVll

PARTe

(Figs. 100-166 can befound between the pages 208 and 209.) 100. Saxon Buckelumen, from Liebenau, 5th17th century, (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum). 101. Carved doorway of a reconstructed Bavarian house, 488 - 788, open air display at Mattsee/Salzburg. 102. Frankish proboscis beaker from a warrior's grave, Krefeld-Gellep, 5th century (Krefeld-Burg Linn, Landschaftsmuseum des Niederrheins). 103. Frankish gravestone of Rignedrudis fashioned from a Roman sill found at Briihl-Vochem, 6th century (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum). 104. Christian stele from Moselkem near Cochem-Zell, 7th century (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum). 105. Frankish gravestone from Leutesdorf/Neuwied, 7th century (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum). 106 - 107. Frankish gravestone from Niederdollendorf-Kanigswinter, early 7th century (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum). 108 - 110. Fragments of stone relief, probably an altar-screen, from Homhausen/Oschersleben, 8th century. Horseman may represent Odin, but more probably a mounted saint. Snake intertwines are carved in Animal Style II. Fragments of another panel show a hind and the head of a stag (Halle, Landesmuseum fur Vorgeschichte). III. Frankish perforated disc amulets, 6th17th century (Cologne, RamischGermanisches Museum, Rheinisches Bildarchiv Kaln). 112. Frankish amulet of a mounted saint in the Coptic tradition, 6th17th century (Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum). 113. Perforated disc amulet from a Frankish woman's grave, 7th century, showing a horseman wielding a lance, probably another mounted saint (Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum). 114. Pair of keys from a Frankish woman's grave, 6th17th century (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum). liS. Gepidic or Gothic necklace with amulets, keys and a topaz, c.400, from Szilagysomlyo, Romania (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum). 116. Phalera from the sacrificial moor at Thorsberg, 3rd/4th century, from the Roman shops at Cologne. Detail (Schleswig, Archaologische Landesmuseen, SchloB Gottorf). 117. Alemanic goldleaf cross from Hintschingen, 7th century (Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum). 118. Alemanic goldleaf cross, 6th17th century, from Ulm (Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum).

XVlll

LIST OF LLLUSTRATIONS

119. Goldleaf cross and bird of prey appliques, 6th17th century from Giengen, head between animals motif (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseurn). 120. Unique goldleaf disc fibula from a 7th century noble lady's grave from Plietzhausen. Singular is the "narrative" component of a horseman riding down an opponent who in the last moment drives his sword into the horse's chest. An armed figure on the horse's rump helps to guide the spear. The scene bears a very striking resemblance with scenes familiar from gravestones erected by the Roman cavalry along the Lower Rhine, and derived from a Greek example in the Kerameikon in Athens - Victorious horseman riding down a barbarian (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum). 121. Byzantine silver phalerae, ornamental discs from a horse harness, c.600, from a noble's grave at Hiifingen/Donaueschingen, showing the Virgin Mary and infant Jesus (It.) and St. George killing the dragon (rt.) (Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum). 122. Imported Scandinavian rectangular based fibula, from Kirchheim/Teck (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum). 123. Roman fibula from Ostrovany (formerly Ostropatake) in Eastern Slovakia (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum). 124. Fibula from a (Vandilic?) princely grave at Wroclaw-Zakrzow (BreslauSakrau) in Silesia, 1st to 4th century (Berlin-Charlottenburg, Museum fUr Vor- und Friihgeschichte). 125. Elbian crossbow fibulas of early Lornbardic or Thuringian origin, 3rd/5th century; owl fibulas and pen annular brooch from the eastern Baltic coast (Berlin-Charlottenburg, Museum fUr Vor- und Friihgeschichte). 126. Bavarian cicada fibulas, "bees", from Klettham/Erding, 5th/6th century (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). 127. Lombardic gilt silver fibulas, 6th17th century, from Dagersheim (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum). 128. Bavarian S-shaped polychrome disc fibulas, 6th century, from Aubing (centre top and bottom) and from Klettham/Erding (bottom left) (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). 129. Bow and cicada fibulas from Taman/Kerch (Crimea), c.400 (Cologne, Ramisch-Germanisches Museum, Rheinisches Bildarchiv Kaln). 130. Gilt silver fibulas, buckles, ear ring and necklaces from a Gepidic woman's grave inventory, 5th century, at Gavavencsella on the river Tisza (Nyeregyhaza, Museum; Budapest, National Museum). 131. Fibulas, gold wire necklaces, neckring, bracelets, polychrome buckle, earrings and rings from a young (20 - 24yrs) princely Gothic woman's grave at Untersiebenbrunn in Lower Austria, early 5th century (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum).

LIST OF LLLUSTRATIONS

XIX

132. Saxon equal arm brooch and falcon fibulas bearing human mask, 5th century, from Anderlingen/Bremervorde (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum). Diagram of the animal frieze in Haseloff, p. 7. All references to Haseloffare with the courtesy of Frau Dr. H. Haseloff-Bonning. 133. Ostrogothic gilt silver fibula with almandines, 5th/6th century, from Pleidelsheim (Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum). 134. Ostrogothic silver fibulas with almandines, 6th century, from Klettham/Erding (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). 135. Ostrogothic eagle fibula, c.500, from Domagnano, Republic of San Marino (Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum). 136. Fibula fragment from Galsted/Hadersley, Southern Jutland (Copenhagen, National Museum of Denmark). 137. Northern fibula from Engers/Neuwied made after 550 in Animal Style I (Diagram, Haseloff, p.41) (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum). 138. Northern fibulas from Basel-Kleinhuningen, mid 5th-7th century (Diagram Haseloff, p.42) (Basel, Historisches Museum, BarfUBerkirche). 139. Northern fibula from DonzdorfiGoppingen (Diagram Haseloff, p.46) (Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum). 140. Northern fibula, from Langweid I (Diagram Haseloff, p.328) (Augsburg, Romisches Museum). 141. Northern fibulas, from Langweid II (Diagram Haseloff, p.350) (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). 142. Northern fibula from Gonningen/Tubingen (Diagram Haseloff, pp.364, 367). 143. Gilt silver fibula from a woman's grave at Eltville, early 6th century (Diagram Haseloff, p.418). Detail of the rectangular base plate (Wiesbaden, Sammlung Nassauischer Altertumer). 144. Northern fibulas ornamented in Animal Style I from Nordendorfl Donauworth (Diagram Haseloff, p.466) (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). 145. Frankish bow fibula with knobs and faces, 6th17th century (Worms, Museum der Stadt). 146. Lombardic fibula from an Alemanic girl's grave at Friedberg, c.660 (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). 147. Lombardic fibula of the Northern type identified as Nordendorf I with runic inscription on the reverse (Augsburg, Romisches Museum). 148. Pair of Lombardic fibulas from Straubing-Bajuwarenstrasse. Note the very striking similarity with the fibula Nordendorf I (Straubing, Gaubodenmuseum).

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LIST OF LLLUSTRATIONS

149. Gilt silver fibulas with knobs, almanclines and niello, c.600, from Krautheim-Klepsau (Diagram Haseloff, p.598f.) (Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum). 150. Gilt silver fibulas, early 6th century, from Bopfingen (Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum). 151. Gilt silver fibulas, early 7th century, from Wurzburg-Heidingsfeld (Diagram Haseloff, p.655) (Photograph courtesy Kunstschatzeverlag, Wurzburg. Diagram courtesy of Frau Dr. Haseloff-Bonning, \'Vurzburg). 152. Alemanic polychrome earring, S-fibula, bird of prey fibulas, late 6th century, from Schwabmunchen/ Augsburg (Augsburg, Romisches Museum). 153. Alemanic gold disc fibulas showing complex cell designs from Nordendorf (It.) (Augsburg, Romisches Museum). 154. Alemanic disc fibula, 7th century, from the princely woman's grave at Wittislingen (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). 155. Polychrome gold buckles, glass with glass-trails, arm ring, 5th century, from Furst, the grave of an East Germanic noble, perhaps serving in Attila's forces (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung). 156. Ostrogothic belt buckle, 5th/6th century, (Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum). 157. Gepiclic buckle, 5th century (Budapest, National Museum). 158. Saxon belt buckle from a woman's grave, 7th/8th century, from Soest (Munster, Westfalisches Museum fur Archaologie). 159. Strapends with inlaid animals, 7th/8th century (Augsburg, Romisches Museum). 160. Alemanic four part belt assembly with predator fish design inlaid in silver and brass, 6th17th century, from Niederstotzingen (Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum). 161. Burgundian silver plated and inlaid belt buckle, 6th/8th century, from Fetigny (Zurich, Schweizerisches Landesmuseum). 162. Burgundian silverplated buckles (Zurich, Schweizerisches Landesmuseurn). 163. Burgundian belt buckle showing figure with arms raised in prayer, cast bronze, 6th17th century, from Neuenegg-Forst/Schonbrunnen (Bern, Historisches Museum). 164. Burgundian buckle, cast bronze, 6th17th century showing "man between animals" with arms raised (Zurich, Schweizerisches Landesmuseum). 165. Burgundian buckles showing various settings of the "Daniel in the lion's den" motif and inscriptions (Zurich, Schweizerisches Landesmuseum). 166. Runic stone in Jelling, Denmark, erected by Harald Bluetooth, c.940.

LIST OF MAPS Map 1. The material evidence - principal sites mentioned in the text .....

8

Map 2. The Lombards during the 1st and 2nd centuries ...........................

18

Map 3. Tribal names according to TACITUS (A.D.80) and PTOLEMY (A.D. 150) ...................................................................

20

Map 4. Frisian aggression and trade in Merovingian times ................ ........

22

Map 5. The early Thuringians .......... ................ ............ .......... .......... .........

25

Map 6. Burgundians and Huns ..................................................................

39

Map 7. Frankish expansion, c.260 - 545 ....................................................

49

Map 8. Invasions of the northern Roman provinces during the 2nd and 3rd Centuries.. ............ ................... .......... ........... ......... ............

58

Map 9. Bavaria to the end ofthe 6th century .......... ............ .......................

65

Map 10. Lombardic relocation and settlement before their invasion of Italy, 568 ......................................................................

77

Map 11. The Lombards in Pre-Carolingian Italy, 6th and 7th centuries .....

83

Map 12. The Slavs ........................................................................................

90

Map 13. The Thuringians during the 5th and 6th centuries .... ........ ............ 116 Map 14. The Lands of the Alemans, c.260 - 600 ......................................... 133 Map 15 Horse burials in Central Europe (According to Kruger, II, p.113) .................................................... 142 Map 16 The Arts - key locations mentioned in the text ........ .................... 172

FOREWORD

This book continues some of the thematic presentation of Central European cultural history begun in the earlier volumes, The Prehistory if Germanic Europe, The Romans in Central Europe and The Germanic Realms in Pre-Carolingian Central Europe, 400 - 750. It should be appreciated that a recapitulation of this vast range of material cannot be entertained. The aim of this book is to present an interdisciplinary study of the social and cultural developments of Central Europe from the fifth to the middle of the eighth centuries. It is also the intention to survey, examine and illustrate the interplay between some themes in political, religious, socio-economic and cultural history reflected in the archeological and artistic evidence from pagan to Christian times. The area of our concern is that part of Central Europe which, following the Roman Period, came to constitute the East Frankish Kingdom under the Merovingians. Though a balanced presentation is desirable, the sheer amount of available historical evidence and traditional analysis weight the discussion in favor of the textual rather than the material evidence. The former reflects the activities of the leading social groups, the latter tends to reflect society more widely. It is hoped that the contours will be more sharply defined. As a continuation of the preceding volumes this book will examine the unwritten, archeological evidence pertaining to the likely origins of thinly scattered, largely unnamed, often changing, perhaps Germanic, populations. At the time they entered the written, historical records, as they wandered away from their places of probable origin, they also underwent 'ethnic' mutations, acquired names, 'tribal' cohesion, developed a community of interests and accepted a common cause. These populations refined their leadership principles, accepted or rejected influences, developed sociopolitical structures, split into factions with particular intentions and destinations, absorbed other population splinters and eventually contributed to the general development oflarge parts of Europe and some of the regions surrounding the Mediterranean from the Late Imperial Period to the emergence of the Carolingian Empire. The individualistically motivated, voluntary and probably opportunistic nature of group membership, with the inherent rules and contractual conditions, privileges, punishments and rewards, which could be earned in

XXIV

FOREWORD

the entourages gathered around a 'war chief, must not be overlooked and it may be appropriate to use the particularly Canadian term 'sovereignty association' when trying to analyze group identity within 'tribal' cohesion. This process is evident in nearly all of the tribal groups identified in the historical records. It makes the later 'myths of origin' most unreliable sources. In periods of 'Globalization' the concerns for identity arouse significant responses of an individual, social, cultural and political nature. Ethnic emphases appear as attempts to resist the threatened loss of identity. The recurrence of these periods contributes to the revival of the concerns in an ever-new guise. In the context of personal affinity questions of ethnicity attract the attention of extensive circles. During the past fifty years 'ethnogenesis' has increasingly attracted an academic focus largely in the German literature. Understandably, it is an attempt to clear away the embarrassing nationalistic accents placed on questions of ethnicity and racial identity in the academic literature during the 19th and early 20th centuries and to revisit them from a new perspective. During the last two centuries, a period of pronounced globalizing tendencies, an enthusiasm for Northern Mythology inspired a great deal of the artistic production in Western, Northern and Central Europe in which histrionic, patriotic sentiments provided the individualizing motivation. During that time, in the German context, the investigations and analyses arrived at increasingly extremist assessments, until Germanic/Teutonic was equated with German. One had looked to the writings ofJulius Caesar and Tacitus for information, conclusions and justifications. The ultra-conservative National Socialists were especially intent on exploiting the notion of being the heirs of a 'myth' of glorious uniqueness extending from the brilliant Northern Bronze Age to the 20th century, and promoting notions full of cultic secrets and mysterious destinies. In so doing much of Germanic mythology, early history and its evidence were distorted to generate overcompensating, aberrant conclusions about heroic origins, hereditary loyalty and purity, the love of freedom, the glorification of womanhood and racial exclusivity. Unfortunately the interest in racial origins, ethnic identity, segregation and discrimination did not remain just a matter of academic debate, but surfaced as a matter of consequential social and even genetic engineering in different parts of the world. Questions about race and eugenics were a mischievous fixation not restricted to German speaking Europe, though there it was to sprout a particular species of 'fleurs du mal' - flowers

FOREWORD

xxv

of evil. Not only in Germany had the 19th century adopted organic models by means of which to summarize the unfolding branches of knowledge - the 'family tree' being the best example. This image proved most productive, especially the 'family tree of languages'. Inadvertently it provided a trellis for all manner of ancillary 'biological' venomous racial ideologies, including apartheid. Against this recurring general background and in view of the many examples of current 'ethnic cleansing', addressing questions of ethnic identity is most appropriate and timely. Each culture will answer the questions from its own perspective. We moderns know that external pressure emphasizes the sense of ethnic group-identity among minorities who in turn may adopt a stance of superior exclusivity in their dealings with the surrounding majority. Non-integration can have its values. Only too often the majority looks upon the strangers in its midst as 'enemy aliens'. During Rome's Imperial centuries several 'pre-emptive strikes' were instigated against the 'barbarians' settled within the Empire to anticipate the potential threat which they were perceived to represent. When dealing with the period of the transformation of the Roman Empire it has become accepted that the Franks, Goths, Vandals and Alemans, to name just four, were coalitions of peoples, who entered the records under specific 'tribal' names. It was attractive to apply to the appearance of these peoples yet another scientific model, crystallization. It has not been resolved whether these 'tribes' actually did crystallize around a core, a family of particularly favored status. The myths of origin tend to favor such a process of catalysis around identifiable, at least semi-divine individuals and their families. Through association a concomitant perception of select status comes into play. A key consideration in this tribal genesis is the question of self-identification. At what point and under which circumstances does an individual identify with the group he has joined and identify himself with the group's name? When does a collective consciousness come into being? We do know from Roman records that the Alemanni fought the Burgundians over access to salt springs and over boundaries and that hence they must have appreciated a tribal difference. We also know that the conversion to Christianity provided a catalytic focus of group consciousness among the Goths. Did Odoakar's people ever want to see themselves as Ostrogoths? vVere they allowed to do so? What of Boethius? Cassiodorus? Where was their real allegiance? Can one draw safely on the process lived by millions of members of today's

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FOREWORD

immigrant populations in relating to the problem? When does an immigrant feel himself to be an integrated American or a Canadian? In which generation does an immigrant feel so accepted that he no longer feels his identity challenged as an 'enemy alien'? When do the others accept him as one of their own? vVhat comes first? Does such an individual first have to acquire a sense of having made his contribution to society? Or must such an individual fear that his claim to membership in the collective context is unwarranted? The trial and execution of Stilicho will have answered any questions he may have had. The murder of his Imperial wife and son and the aftermath of these events make it evident that subjective and objective perceptions are crucial. The questions surrounding the issue of ethnic membership can't be answered easily from the outside looking in, for it is the personal challenge confronting the individual and the manner in which it speaks to his condition which gives the question its particular sting. One only needs to ask foreign students about their experiences. In answering these questions, long established Europeans will respond differently from polyethnic and multicultural North Americans. In the context of material considerations, did the craftsmen making 'Lombardic' fibulas know that the style in which they were working was indeed 'Lombardic'? Did the wearer of these 'Lombardic' brooches, which were found in the Bavarian complex in Straubing, appreciate that she was wearing 'Lombardic' fibulas? In what way did this contribute to her sense of self, of station, if the fibulas were deemed imported? Evidently a sense of self would vary between wandering and sedentary populations. Wandering populations seem to see their self-worth in terms of personal portable property, even into the grave. Following settlement the sense of identity and security would become closely linked with a sense of territory and perhaps even of entitlement and of owning fixed property. No doubt a sense of empowerment would help shape any sense of identity. The funerary practices no longer needed to make the point. Is the location of pottery with the characteristic Frankish shapes and ornamentations a clear indication of the presence of Franks, or that it may have been trade-borne? Or, putting it differently, can the material evidence speak to the ethnicity of those once associated with it? The short answer is 'not per se'. The longer answer would require diagnostic analysis and involve geography and archeology - settlement patterns in identified regions, the consistent appearance and distinction of forms and designs in closed complexes and the known presence of a

FOREWORD

XXVII

named people in that region. If in such a closed complex the pottery, the armaments and ornaments all showed particularly consistent stylistic characteristics, and if these were significantly different from the neighboring inventories, and if such a closed complex could be convincingly connected with a tribal name, then the link between the material evidence and ethnicity can be firmly suggested. Thereafter a pincer fibula can be identified as a Thuringian brooch regardless where it is found, though, of course, it reveals nothing about the identity of the wearer. This book is arranged in three parts. Part A will deal with historical information about the peoples involved and with the civilizational information about villages and fortifications, 'architecture', building materials, living quarters, societal arrangements, artifacts and utensils, industries and crafts, food production and storage, vehicles and other economic factors, contacts and influences. It bears repeating that at all times one should be aware that the objects themselves do not betray an inherent 'ethnic' association, but that it is the known tribal locations which allow the material evidence and its styles to be identified with a given group. Largely the standard features of closed inventories in known territories allow the secondary association with established tribal groups. Two observations should become apparent: that the persistence of 'tribal' styles as reflected in the treatment along tribal lines does not advance an encapsulated tribal particularism but illustrates the existence of a common tribal continuum; that the pre-eminent 'global' dominance of the Franks did not obliterate the individual cultural expression of the 'tribal' groups and their identity. Brief introductions and clarifications will set the respective historical contexts. Part B will provide information of a social and cultural nature derived from archeology, about the type of burial, whether cremation or inhumation, of the grave provisions, whether rich or poor graves, of animal graves of horses and dogs. Archeology informs about personal objects, which reflect a sense of property such as ornaments, jewellery and weapons of value, ceramics, glasswares, textiles and a varied selection of toiletries, such as combs, bottles and flasks. The attempt here is to accent the material evidence of the 'tribal' groups. The final Part C, deals with the various forms of artistic expression valued by the people of this period. The attempt will be made to cut across 'tribal' groups and to assess the material evidence as a universally Germanic artistic response to the civilizational and cultural questions posed. Valuable objects of an artistic as well as of a precious

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FOREWORD

nature have been recovered from settlements, sacrificial deposits, but mainly from graves, which reflect the skills of expert craftsmen, skilful artisans and even accomplished artists. The concern rests with the motifs, decorative techniques and the ornamental style of Germanic portable art, found mainly on the vast array of metal objects belonging to the realm of personal ornamentation which in terms of materials and form proclaim their owners' status. This book is an attempt to examine the material evidence obtained by archeological means in order to arrive at conclusions about the societies, their values and the cultural context with which the Germanic peoples entered into history, but which is not really apparent in the histories recording their appearance. It examines at length the link between historical information and the material, funerary evidence derived from archeological remains in Central Europe in terms of their movements and settlements. Such categories of objects as weapons and tools permit us to clarifY the contours of their tribal identities, socio-cultural structures and their industries. Their sense of artistic style is expressed in their embellishments on tools and weapons and ornaments. Each of these allows conclusions about cultural patterns and practices, about activities and the emergence of social differentiations, about the sense of utility and a sense of the esthetic. It is the intention to comment on the relationship between questions of personal identity and the appreciation of objects. In the course of this examination it will become apparent that the populations of the Merovingian lands to the east of the Rhine did begin to emerge out of their particularistic regionalism towards a cultural cohesion, a preparation which they could enhance during the Carolingian Renaissance to come.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would again like to recognize the financial support and personal assistance which I received in the preparation of this book. I am grateful to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Can ada for its generous Research Grant. With it I could finance my initial but extensive travels in Central Europe with a view to seeing and photographing the collections of Early Medieval objects in the museums. I would again like to thank Brock University, and my department, for providing additional funds when these were needed, and especially Brock University's newly created Humanities Research Institute for its significant financial publication support. Again I am grateful for the professional services rendered me by our photographer, Mr. Divino Mucciante for the photo finishing and our cartographer, Mr. Loris Gasparotto, Department of Geography, for the preparation of the maps. MsJulia Babos provided the computer-enhanced graphics. I would also like to thank the staff of the Interlibrary Loan Department of our Library for its assistance in obtaining needed sources. I recognize herewith the services provided me over very many months by the Library of the Albert-Ludwigs-Universitat Freiburg, Germany. While the preparation of the textual content of a book is still largely a private undertaking, today the formatting of a manuscript for submission, review and finally publication, requires technical assistance, for the problems in word-processing are very many. In this respect I again owe much gratitude to my colleague Professor Barry W. K.Joe who never balked at giving of his own limited time. During the years in which this book came into being I could always count on the support of my family, especially that of my wife Alice. With great thanks I recognize her willingness to forego many of her own interests, to make financial sacrifices and to assist me in the pursuit of the book's requirements. I would also like to thank my son Christopher for the repeated and extremely reliable proofreading, stylistic advice and his technical contribution to the final appearance of the book. I appreciate the advice extended to me by Ms Marcella Mulder, Assistant Editor, at Koninklijke Brill Academic Publishers.

xxx

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author of an illustrated book depends on the cooperation and generosity of the respective museum administrators. Once again I was fortunate that the directors either extended me permission to use my own photographs or provided photographs from their respective archives. I again thank Dr. L. Bakker, Romisches Museum Augsburg (Figs. 138, 140, 147,152,153,159); Frau E. Keller, Historisches Museum Basel, Switzerland (Fig.84); Frau Dr. M. Bronner, Museum fur Vor- und Fruhgeschichte der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin (Figs.9,65, 124, 125 ); Prof. Dr. G. Germann, Bernisches Historisches Museum, Bern, Switzerland (Figs. 18,43, 163); Dr. Anita Rieche, Rheinisches Landesmuseum Bonn (Plate 8a; Figs.96,98, 103, 104, 105,106 - 07,108 - 10,114,137); Dr. T. Kemenczei, Magyar Nemzeti Muzeum, Budapest, Hungary (Plates 2a,2b; Figs. 15,16,34,35,36, 37,38,39,40,130,157); Copenhagen, Nationalmuseet (Fig.l36);Herr Wendowski-Schunemann, Archaologische Denkmalpflege, Cuxhaven (Fig.6); Dr. Bernhard Pinsker, Hessisches Landesmuseum Darmstadt (Plate 7c); Deutsches Kunsthistorisches Institutl Istituto Germanico di Storia dell'Arte, Florence (Fig.99); Dr. Hilde Hiller, Museum fur Vorund Fruhgeschichte, Freiburg (Figs.54,80); Dr. Bettina Stoll-Tucker, Dr. M. Becker, Landesamt fur Archao1ogie Sachsen-Anhalt, Landesmuseum fur Vorgeschichte, Halle (Plates 1a, 1b; Figs.66,68); Dr. Stephan Veil, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum Hannover (Plates 6a,6c,6d,7a,7b;Figs.55, 56,60,61,100,132); Dr. Erich Rabl, Hobarthund Madermuseum der Stadt Horn, Austria (Fig.46); Dr. Klaus Eckerle, Badisches Landesmuseum, Karlsruhe (Plate 8b; Figs.85,90,112, 113,117,121,149,156); Frau Birgit Lambert, Dombauarchiv Ko1n, (Plate 3b); Dr. Friederike Naumann-Steckner, Romisch-Germanisches Museum, K6ln (Plates 2d,4a; Figs. 14,57, 129); Gunther Hoppe, Historisches Museum, Kothenl Anhalt (Figs. 7,67); Dr. Christoph Reichmann, Museum Burg Linn, Krefeld (Plate 1c, Figs. 19,20, 102 ); Dr. Friedrich Luth, Archao1ogisches Landesmuseum MecklenburgVorpommern, SchloB Wiligrad, Lubstorf(Figs.3,4,5,49,50); Dr. Birgit Heide, Landesmuseum Mainz (Fig.97); Dr. Inken Jensen, Archaologische Sammlungen, Reiss-Museum, Mannheim (Fig.83); Dr. Dorothea van Endert, Archaologische Staatssamm1ung, Museum fur Vorund Fruhgeschichte, Munchen (Plates 2c,4b,4c,4d,7d,8c; Figs.29,44, 70,74,75,76,78,79,93,126,128,134,141,144,146, 154, 155); Dr. JanDerk Boosen, Westfalisches Museum fur Archaologie, Munster (Plate Id, Figs.2,58,62,87,158); Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nurnberg (Fig. 135); Dr. Eduard Droberjar, Narodni Muzeum, Prague

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

XXXI

(Figs.31,32,41,42,45); Herr Muhldorfer-Vogt, SchloBmuseum Quedlinburg (Fig. 10); Dr. Wilfried Kovacsovics, Salzburger Museum Carolino Augusteum (Figs.25,26); Dr. Jurgen Hoika, Stiftung SchleswigHolsteinische Landesmuseen, SchloB Gottorf - Archaologisches Landesmuseum - Schleswig (Plate 6b; Fig.116); Dr. Gerd Met~es, Schwedenspeicher-Museum Stade (Fig. 5 1); Dr. Andreas Gruger, Kulturhistorisches Museum der Hansestadt Stralsund (Figs.47,48); Herr Stephan Maier, Gaubodenmuseum, Straubing (Figs.27,71,72,73,89, 148); Dr. Rotraut Wolf, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum Stuttgart (Plate 3d; Figs.23,24,63,64,77,81,82,86,91,94,95,118,119,120,122, 127,133,139,150,160); Dr.Helmut Windl, Niederosterreichisches Landesmuseum fur Fruhgeschichte, Traismauer, Austria (Figs. 30,33,52); Dr. Sigrid Dusek, Thuringisches Landesamt fur Archaologische Denkmalpflege, Weimar (Figs.11,12,13,69); Dr. Alfred Bernhard-Walcher, Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien (Plates 5c,5d; Figs.115,123,131); Naturhistorisches Museum Wien (Fig.53); Museum Wiesbaden (Fig.143); Dr. H. Zimmermann, Niedersachsisches Institut fur Historische Kustenforschung, Wilhelmshaven (Fig. 1); Museum der Stadt Worms (Plates 3a,8d; Fig.145); Dr. Eva ZahnBiemuller, Mainfrankisches Museum, Wurzburg (Figs.8,59,88,92, 151); Frau Dr. Halseloff-Bonning (Figs.132,137,138,139,140,141, 142,143,144,149,151); Frau A. Condrau, Schweizerisches Landesmuseum, Zurich (Plate 5a; Figs.17,161,162,164,165).

PI. lao Gold ornaments from a H ermundurian princely grave, 3rd century A.D ., at Gommern (H alle, Landesmuseum fi.ir Vorgeschichte).

PI. I b. Shield boss from the 3rd century princely grave at Gommern (Halle, Landesmuseum fur Vorgeschichte).

PI. Ie. Contents of a Frankish princely grave , c.500, at Gelduba (Krefeld-Burg Linn, Landschaftsmuseum des Niederrheins).

PI. I d. Golden purse fittings from a Saxon princely grave, c.600, at Beckum (Munster, Westfalisches Museum fUr Archaologie).

Pis. 2a, 2b. Hunno-Germanic chip-carved silver fibulas, buckles, necklaces, arm rings and an earring (r.) (Nyiregyhaza, Museum); Gepidic chip-carved buckle with bird motif (I.), 5th century, from Bokenymindszent (Budapest, National Museum).

PI. 2c. Colored clay beads from Alemanic women's graves, c.6 00, from Nordendort; Neu-Ulm (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung).

PI. 2d . Head ornaments of the Eastern nomads living between the Volga and Danube rivers, c.400, from a woman's grave at Varna, Bulgaria (Cologne, Romisch-Germanisches Museum , Rheinisches Bildarchiv Koln).

PI. 3a. Frankish sword from the princely grave a t Flonheim, c.500 (Worms, Museum der Stadt Worms).

PI. 3b. Part of a princely lady's grave inventory from beneath Cologne Cathedral, 537, earrings, necklaces with coins and polychrome pendants, colored beads, braided gold wire, and rosette fibulas (Cologne, Dombauarchiv).

PI. 3c. Frankish (claw) proboscis beaker, c.500, from Gelduba (Krefeld-Burg Linn, Landschaftsmuseum des Niederrheins).

PI. 3d. Frankish (claw) proboscis and inversion beakers, 5th/6th centuries, from the A1emanic sites at Langenau and Dittigheim (Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum).

PI. 4a. Frankish (claw) proboscis beaker from Andernach , 5th/6th centuries (Cologne, RomischGermanisches Museum, Rheinisches Bildarchiv Koln).

PI. 4b. Bavarian belt hanging with perforated ornamental disc amulet, 7th century, from Miinchen-Aubing (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung).

PI. 4c. Earrings with Byzantine Christian motifs, 7th century, from Steinkonig/Ebersberg. Detail shows doves with cross and at a fountain (Munich , Archaologische Staatssammlung).

PI. 4d. Goldleaf cross with an impressed face, perhaps a Christ representation, and another impression in the Animal Style II, from a weapons grave at Spotting/Landsberg, 7th century (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung).

PI. 5a. Lombardic goldleaf cross from Stabio, Switzerland, 7th/8th century (Zurich , Schweizerisches Landesmuseum).

PI. 5b. Alemanic goldleaf cross, from Langeringen, early 7th century, with an effigy of the Byzantine Emperor Phocas (602 ~ 610) (Augsburg, Romisches Museum).

Pis. 5c, 5d. Two Roman imperial coins, Maximilianus I H erculeus (296 - 30.5) and Valens (3 64 - 378), converted to bracteates, from the 4th century treasure at Szilagysemlyo, Romania (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum).

PI. 6a. Bracteat of the 6th century from Nebenstedt/Dannenberg (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum).

PI. 6b. Bracteat from Gottorfl Schleswig (Schleswig, Archaologische Landesmuseen, SchloG Gottorf)

Pis. 6c, 6d. Bracteates from Landegge/Meppen (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum).

Pis. 7a, 7b. Bracteates from Nebenstedt/Dannenberg, 6th century (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum).

PI. 7c. Conched golden disc fibula with cabochon gem settings, pearls, filigree and an antique cameo, end of 7th century, from Molsheim (Darmstadt, Hessisches Landesmuseum).

'.

PI. 7d. Frankish polychrome fibula, 7th century, from an Alemanic woman's grave at Wittislingen (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung).

PI. 8a. Northern fibula from Engers/Neuwied made after 550 in Animal Style I B ( onn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum).

PI. Sb. Frankish disc fibula from Krautheim-Klcpsau made of gold, silver and bronze, fire gilt with almandines, and mask and intertwining designs K ( arlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum).

PI. 8e. Alemanic gold disc fibula from Dittenheim, 6th17th century (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung).

PI. 3d. Meerschaum and polychrome buckle from the Frankish princely grave at Flonheim, c.500 (,"'arms, Museum der Stadt).

INTRODUCTION

It has become acceptable that early Germanic 'History' began when in his Bellum Gallicum, concerning his campaigns in eastern Gaul, Caesar dealt with a Celticised people called Germani, who, he was told, had originally come from regions east of the Rhine. Further north he identified four tribal groups to the left of the Rhine River, who supposedly called themselves Germani. None of them will have spoken a Germanic dialect. Perhaps Caesar knew the work of Poseidonius of Apamea (c.135 - 51 B.C.) who around 80 B.C. wrote a history in which he named Germani living on the right side of the Rhine. Even though the peoples to the east of the Rhine included Celts or mixed populations, as a political device Caesar drew a population boundary along the Rhine and across cultural lines, invented a people and extended to all of them to the east the name Germani, linked them emotionally with the totally unrelated Cimbri and Teutones and bestowed on the eastrhenish lands the name Germania in contrast to Gallia. In the meantime it has become a truism that such lines of demarcation as rivers as well as frontiers can unite as much as they can divide peoples. The Germani had no name for themselves. To the Greeks and later Byzantines all northern peoples were Keltoi or Celto-Scythians. As an ethnic designation the Germani were an academic invention. Thereafter, largely based on Tacitus (c.A.D.55 - 120), rightly or wrongly, derivatives of the term have been applied to the region and to the people inhabiting it, though at no time was the concept of a 'people' more than an abstraction. While elsewhere, in eastern Europe for instance, cohesive archeological 'cultures', such as the Przeworsk and Wielbark cultures, using common forms consistently could be identified, such a discovery was not possible in Germania magna for the post-Celtic and pre-Roman periods. In north-central Europe Tacitus only speaks of cultic communities. The recent literature shows that the authors of Late Antiquity used such terms as Germani, gentes Germani or Germania as inaccurate classifications and only out of a vague tradition rather than as a description of actual conditions, based on the most superficial of contemporary knowledge of population groups or geographic locations. There was some satisfaction to refer to the peoples living beyond the RhineDanube frontier as barbarians and their habitats as barbaricum. Because

2

INTRODUCTION

it was the function and responsibility of the 'Empire without limits' to intervene there whenever deemed appropriate in order to protect civilization against them and their aggressive threats and to ensure eternal victory, Rome could see itself on a permanent war-footing meeting out now preventive, now retaliatory strikes. Founded largely on the generalizing perceptions of the ancient ethnographers, propagandistic military reports and the hearsay of traders, coming from an alien cultural environment, this prejudice, reinforced by an inadequate knowledge of geography, 'knew' them to live beyond 'civilization' on the perimeter of the world, in squalid conditions, located in gruesome forests and fearful moors, subject to endless rain and eternal snow. Because of their primitive, semi-nomadic existence they were taken to be inferior, aggressive and despicable of character. Easily recognized on monuments because of their dishevelled, disorderly and untidy looks, they were threatening in appearance, bestial in their fierce practices, degenerate of being and incapable of any moderation or spirituality. They were the antithesis of all order and permanence and as personifications of evil seen to be naturally suited for destruction, or at least enslavement. It mattered to stress the presumed threat which they constituted to Roman civilization from beyond its limits at all times. Such uncritical, overly simplistic, misleading and propagandistic perceptions, not actually aiming to render an objective account, were not to be revised in their own time, even though they were in a constant state of flux. 'Military intelligence' had no intention, no need, to re-examine the traditional bias. The peoples living along the Rhine, Danube and beyond, were able to appreciate more than that for which they were given credit. Did they, however, recognize more than their basic common interrelatedness based on self-identity within the group, its proximity and their family ties? They don't appear to have had a common myth of origin or socio-political structure and perhaps did not refer to themselves by a common name. But what was the origin of the Celtic tribal names, which were inscribed on the Tropaeum alpium erected in 9 B.C. and dedicated to Augustus, commemorating the conquest of the Alps? They must have identified with names before the appearance of the mega-tribes beginning with the fourth century and before they became used to being labelled by the Romans as a means of dealing with the seemingly nameless northerners. What matters most is what they may have called themselves. To speak of these tribes collectively as 'Germans' would assume that there existed among them a sense of long established ethnic

INTRODUCTION

3

homogeneity based on understandable dialects, common cultural forms, socio-political structures, cohesive continuity of descent, in short, of a commonly shared sense of identity expressed in a name. These cannot be demonstrated and were not ever really to come into being. Hence it should be considered that the term 'Germanic' is merely a preferred, though imprecise, term of convenience. It was a vainglorious attempt to trace the Germanic ethnogenesis to the brilliant Northern Bronze Age Culture in northern Europe and it is now accepted that, imaginative poetic generation myths to the contrary, Germanic ethnicity was the result of a lengthy polyethnic process of conglomeration in unassuming surroundings with humble materials. Eventually, such tribal bonding as there was, resulted from common experiences, felicitous as well as traumatic ones, rather than from a common ethnicity. It is difficult to determine an acceptable designation with which to differentiate the groups of multi-ethnic peoples. In one sense a word as 'Germanic' misconstrues the identity of the tribal groups since they were neither ethnically nor linguistically uniform. It is a debatable term in Archeology where the inventory of anonymous objects cannot readily be linked conclusively with tribal names as such, but only by deriving interdisciplinary conclusions from known settlement histories. It is, however, a specialized term reserved by the philologists to describe an aspect of Indo-European etymology as it applies to all those participants in the First Germanic Consonant Shift. Yet it is a better term than the inaccurate 'Teutonic' when it is used as a cliche to embrace all manner ofpejoratives. Nevertheless, restricted to Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, the term 'Germanic' will be applied without prejudice of biology or chronology and with the understanding that as an ethnic term, 'Germanic' implies a comprehensive, polyethnic, multilingual and multicultural designation applied to the groups of mixed populations originating in the regions beyond the Roman Empire's northern frontiers. The archeological evidence from their homelands demonstrates that during the centuries of our concern these peoples were not erratically scouring, undisciplined, socially amorphous hordes, but societies with socio-political and administrative structures. During the centuries the Roman army was Germanized and agreements of accommodation between Rome and the tribes living outside and inside the Imperial frontiers had come into effect. These determined the manner in which tribal groups were admitted, even invited, into the Empire

4

INTRODUCTION

and provisioned in return for services to the Empire. These groups did not have a common and co-ordinated strategy to render the Empire ineffective by means of a devastating conquest, nor was it a dispossessing land rush. Most of their movement within the Empire took the form of military assignments performed in the service of the Empire. In view of their relatively small numbers they initially settled in pockets and generally life followed its accustomed patterns. The many returnees from military service and some continuing association with the Empire had introduced political structures and developed cultural enrichments, with which they had gained certain civilizational, material and cultural achievements beyond the frontiers. These were on a comparable level with those of the 'Romans' of more modest means living in the northern provinces of the Empire. At the same time, and far into the hinterland of Germania magna the Germanic nobility saw role models among the Roman officer corps. Of course, their worldview had, as far as one can tell, developed neither philosophy nor theology, though they did arrive at an artistic response. That they brought with them a political and a cultural potential is indicated by their willingness to assimilate with the socially elevated Roman world. This assimilation was particularly demonstrated by their leaders, who married even into the Imperial family, and by the general indirect preparedness to adopt and adapt Rome's material civilization. While some of the Germanic personalities participated in discourse with the still pagan intellectuals, others, such as the Empress Eudoxia, daughter of the Frank Bauto, had no hesitation to persecute such members of Germanic tribes as lived in Constantinople. Evidently the progressing assimilation assumed bewildering dimensions producing crises of personal and social identity, reflected in the Romanization of personal names. However, even during the upheavals and transitions Roman artists and architects were valued by the new lords and were able to continue their work, while repairs and improvements were promoted to counteract the neglect and decay. The new rulers tried to make their contribution to the reconfiguration of the Roman Empire. What bothered the Christian intellectuals of the day was not that the 'strangers' were 'barbarians' but that they were Arian Christians. It is very likely that in the interaction the 'Romans' cared little to gain, weigh, discuss or revise any objective insights and understanding of the social, political and cultural dynamics of contemporary Germanic society, either within or without the frontiers of the Empire. The barbarians were perceived to be an ever-present threat.

INTRODUCTION

5

To present an overview of the archeological evidence for all the Gennanic tribal groups and their regions of eventual settlement, including Vandals, Visigoths, Ostrogoths, Burgundians and all of the regions occupied by the Franks, would go far beyond the scope of this book. While there are some objects which are stylistically typical for all the Gennanic peoples and their settlement areas to which reference has been made, it would be distracting to devote space to a detailed discussion of the variety of types of gilt silver fibulas/brooches in south-central Europe, for instance, or funerary practices among the Goths in southern Russia, settlement patterns in Vandal Mrica, and so forth. Instead it is the intention of this book to deal with the material evidence of those peoples who settled along the Rhine, the Alps, the North and Baltic Seas and along the eastern frontiers with the Slavs. The material civilization of the tribal groups settled along and within these generally natural boundaries - Alemans, Bavarians, early Burgundians, Franks, Frisians, early Lombards, Saxons and Thuringians - will be discussed in terms of the archeological evidence as it relates firstly to known History and to settlement patterns and to archeological inventories. This book is an attempt to discuss the material evidence obtained by archeological means in order to amplify the available information about the societies, their hierarchical distinctions, their social dynamics and values and something of the ethnological, cultural context from which the people entered into history. It is an attempt to complement our knowledge of these societies by means not readily evident in the histories recording their appearance. It examines at length the material evidence derived from archeological remains concerning the Gennanic peoples in Central Europe, first in terms of their settlements and then in terms of their funerary evidence. Each of these allows conclusions about cultural patterns and practices, and about activities and the emergence of social differentiations. It will be easily noticed throughout the book that the documentary literature of significant texts is complemented with the ancillary documentation provided by the archeological history and the pertinent literature of significant ofBects. The numerous objects shown integrated throughout the text are visual quotations. The objects 'speak' a language of which the vocabulary is not readily understood, for it may be cultic, ethnic, social, economic and even anthropological. Even the most mundane artefact expresses a human quality about those who made and used it. These are objects the features of which can be easily

6

INTRODUCTION

overlooked or relegated to the level of mere ornamentation. A 'bilingualism' of the languages of texts and objects speaks for the cultural and civilizational characteristics of these early European peoples. Here the literature of primary texts bears much less emphasis and has to be considered in tandem with the nature of primary objects as equally significant source documents, for often the objects 'speak' a language of intricate understandings and appreciations where the texts must remain silent. Readers versed in the 'language' of texts may not gladly want to consider the 'language of objects. But perhaps a new emphasis can be effected which will pay greater heed to the role played by objects when examining the reconfiguration of the Roman Empire and of the participating peoples. When considered together it will be evident that the Central European region in question developed in its component entities at an early stage many important elements of cultural cohesion well before these entities came under the control of the Carolingian administration.

PART A

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

During the early 19th century philologists and linguists tried to oudine prehistory by means of etymology, the tracing of the origin and development of words. Even very recent historical publications use this approach to gain access to Germanic prehistory. Archeology, however, has become established as the more reliable source of concrete prehistorical information. This is especially the case for previously undocumented regions during the early historical period. It was, however, apparent from the start that finds could inform about only the most general historical processes. Eventually archeology played a determining role as a source about the every day things of all people in early history. On the other hand, accounts of an historical nature vitas, chronicles and actual histories - attempted to record events involving and affecting the socio-cultural elites.! At the end of the Merovingian period, during the middle of the 8th century, the practice of provisioning the graves, of burying the deceased with their worldly possessions comes to an end and with it the role of archeology also changed, so that this circumstance provides a methodological horizon. The attempt will be made to review the Early Middle Ages in Central Europe in a regional manner. (Map 1)

I. Northem Central Europe a. Environment and settlement

Environmental factors affecting the region under discussion had been relatively constant. Since the Mesolithic period climate, vegetation and soil conditions had not undergone any major changes, so that with the exception of reasonable climatic variations the physical world I See H. Schutz, The Prehistory if Germanic Europe, followed by The Romans in Central Europe, and The Germanic Realms in Pre-Carolingian Central Europe, 400 - 750, concluding with the last chapters of this book.

8

Map I. The material evidence -

PART A

principal sites mentioned in the text.

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

9

of the first eight centuries of our era was very much like that of today. By the time of the fifth century this region had been subjected to human intervention for several thousand years, so that it was not by any means a vast area of impenetrable swamps and forests. Pollen analysis and other methods have shown that the forests of the northern plains consisted of oak-beech, oak-birch or other assemblies of mixed deciduous trees. Coniferous stands of fir, pine, spruce grew where the soil permitted such growth. Pine and spruce grew mainly in the highlands. Interspersed were extensive areas of shrubbery or no forestation at all. Though reduced in size by modern interaction, the moors are still in their original locations. During the centuries just before the beginning of our era there was a gradual drop in temperatures accompanied by a slow increase in precipitation. At the beginning of our era a warming and drying trend is assumed to have set in, followed by yet another increase in precipitation after the fourth century, made evident by the expansion of the moors. Attention was already drawn to the Regressions and Transgressions along the coastlines of the North and Baltic Seas, made evident by the rising settlement horizons of those areas. Just how much of the land was occupied and cultivated by man cannot easily be calculated. 2 Estimates of the population density range widely, from one to five million inhabitants. The vast numbers mentioned by the Classical authors are misleading when they describe the Roman campaigns in the north and the victories by relatively small Roman forces, 30 to 40 000, over hundreds of thousands of Germanic enemies. Populations existing so very close to the subsistence line, subject to famines and diseases, disrupted by hostilities and the provision of young men for the Roman auxiliary forces, should have allowed only a moderate growth in population during the time of the Roman Empire. It is probable that the people settled in the vicinity of their assembly sites, the thing, at such a distance that the assembly could be reached in a day's journey. The civilizational and cultural genesis of the inhabitants of the north German lowlands has been treated repeatedly and at some length elsewhere 3 • The examination of the settlements along the

~ R. von Urslar, Die Germanen vam 1.- 4. Jahrhundert nach ChriStU5 in H. Kellenbcrg (ed.) Handbuch der Europaischen Wirtschajis- und Sazialgeschichte, (Stuttgart 1980), p.12f. p.21, Note 12. l H. Schutz, Prehistory, pp. 309 - 338.

10

PART A

North Sea coast, the terps, sometimes covering very extensive sites, showed the long term continuity of habitation, the changes in the social structure, the nature of daily economic forms and the gradual increase in trade and commerce. 4 Some of these settlement sites, especially those located in the marshes and the high moors, were maintained for four or five centuries from the beginning of our era. Near the sea, between c.50 B.C. - c. A.D.lOO these settlements were still placed on level ground, their houses set in rows in an E-W direction. They began as modest farms with a small number of houses, barns and storage sheds worked by a society of equal peasants forming an interlinked network to maximize the benefits of communal work, planned communal arrangements and rules, such as the regular distribution of the usable land. A common feature, already developed by the Banded Ware and Rossen Ware cultures during the Neolithic Period and used until the fifth century throughout most of the areas of Germanic settlement between the rivers Rhine and Oder, was the two- or three-naved longhouse, built using the post and beam method, which combined living quarters and stables under one roof.:; Timbers, rocks, sod, reed, straw, bark provided the building materials. For about three hundred years the continuity of type and details of construction are quite apparent. 6 A wattle wall separated living quarters from stables. Wattle walls also divided the stable into stalls in which the cattle faced the outside walls. Along the North Sea coast the + vv. Haarnagel, (ed.), Feddersen Wierde. Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabung der Vorgeschichtlichen Wurt Feddersen- Wierde bei Bremerhaven in den Jahren 1955 - 1963, vol. II. I and 2, plus a volume of plates and maps (Wiesbaden 1979). VV. Haarnagel, Die Grabung Feddersen- Wierde, Methode, Hausbau, Siedlungs- und Wirtschcifidfmnen sowie Sozialstruktur. Also H. Hayen, et al. Einzeluntersuchungen zur Feddersen- fcVierde. fcVagen, Textil- und Ledeifunde, Bienenkorb, Schlackenana[yse (Wiesbaden 1981), vol. III of Feddersen- Wierde. Die Ergebnisse etc. S P. Donat, Haus, Hqf und Doif in Milleleuropa vom 7.-12. Jahrhundert. Schriflen zur Urund Friihgeschichte 33 (Berlin 1980), p.ll, draws the eastern line along the Elbe River though he admits the existence of post and beam construction further east, an echo of former Germanic settlement. See A. Leube, "Die Sachsen", in B. Kruger, (cd.) Die Germanen, II, (Berlin 1983), pp.463ff. Also W.H. Zimmermann, "Haus, Hofund Siedlungsstruktur auf der Geest vom Neolithikum bis in das Mittelaltcr im Elbe-Wescr Dreieck", in H. Beck, H. Steuer, (eds.) Haus und Hqfin ur- undfriihgeschichtlicher Zeit, (Gottingen 1997), pp.426ff. (; P. Donat, "Hausbau und Siedlung." in Kruger, II, p.8Iff. Also Donat, Haus, Hqf und Daif, p.9, points out that unless stone was used for foundations or unless posts were dug in to leave a shadow in the ground, house outlines cannot be determined and that hence many buildings, especially huts and sheds, cannot even be suspected in the settlements. This would account for the impression that the inhabitable structures predominated.

HISTORY A."ID THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

11

various settlement horizons showed variations in the size of the houses ranging from earlier 1Om-14m x 5.6m to later 29m x 29m x 6.5m. The door tended to be placed near the juncture ofliving area and stable. The roof was covered with reed. The storehouses were placed close to these side entrances. Some of these were raised on pilings or in the form of sunken huts. The structures generally consisted of nine posts arranged in three rows to support the loft, the actual storage area. Together this grouping of buildings constituted an economic unit. At the terp Feddersen-vVierde (Fig. 1), north of Bremerhaven, four settlement phases with such a layout could be determined. \Vith the encroachment of the sea during the first century of our era it became necessary to raise these buildings on mounds and that in turn introduced the layout of a radial pattern around an open 'village square'. This model of settlement remained in effect until the terps were abandoned during the fourth and fifth centuries. The various settlement horizons, eight in all,7 show that the number of farms increased and that by the third century the individual mounds had been joined to form an elevated and connected settlement area, oval in shape, with fences and ditches marking the various farming establishments. s While some fences were clearly constructed to keep in the livestock, others were intended as property markersY Some may have served a defensive purpose. In retrospect they provide convenient indicators of the varying degrees and extent of property ownership, as well as the economic cohesion of certain units. From the second century on the settlement was dominated by a large longhouse, with floor plans 20m x 6m in area, which had no stables but rather a large hall. 10 Stables and other outbuildings were separated from this building and during the third century an oaken palisade and a ditch surrounded the entire establishment. Associated instead with other smaller dwellings, barns, sheds and workshops, such a building invites speculation about the functions ~ secular or spiritual~, or about the social status of the user of such a unit. The inhabitants of these smaller dwellings could not have been equals or economically independent inhabitants but

Haarnagel, pp.174 - 209. Haarnagel, pp.50 - 133. q P. Schmid, "Zum Siedlungssystcm einer dorflichen Anlage des 2. - 3. Jahrhunderts nach Christus im Kiistengcbiet zwischen Elbe und \\'eser", in HaBier, Studien zur Sachsenjorschung 1, VeriifJimtlichungen der urgeschichtlidzen Sammlungen des Landesmuseums zu Hannover, Bd.29, (Hildcshcim 1977), p.358f. III Haarnagel, pp.190 - 196, 318ff. 7

H

12

PART A

probably sustained the inhabitants of the 'manor', who in turn will have provisioned the workers in the craft shops. Quite clearly between Phase 1 and 3 the differences in the settlement levels point to the gradual, though unclear, social differentiation in the population of an agricultural community over the early centuries of our era. Whether princely residence or assembly hall I I , the archeological evidence around this house showed more than twice the yield of objects of Roman origin. Trade and manufacture likely passed through the hands of a family with socially preferred status. Land ownership and trade probably provided the basis for their status in the community. By Phase 4, during the third century an undefined differentiation has been observed among the craftsmen. There appear to be master craftsmen and workers. The economic change was accompanied by some changes in construction. While the older houses were about Sm wide, at most 7m, now they were almost always at least 7m wide. With this change came increased production and improved working conditions, better animal care and greater numbers of cattle. Tacitus indicated that cattle were particularly valued and actually represented wealth, as indeed the word for cattle came to mean money and even treasure. After the sixth century these stable-houses were generally replaced except along the Frisian coast. The growth of the cattle herds made the construction of separate stables necessary. 12 Where soil conditions permitted it, pit-houses were constructed in which the foundations of the outside post and wattle walls were placed into a rectangular excavation, 10 - 12m2, to a depth of 1m with the remainder of the house rising above. The gable beams could be dug into the ground at a slant. Loom weights are frequently found in these structures, supporting Pliny's report that the weavers' shops were located in sunken huts. On the dry and elevated glacial deposits along the North Sea coast a similar farming unit is the basis oflater developments. At Wijster, in the Dutch province of Drente, already the next phase reflected the layout of a planned village with the houses and other buildings set in rows. There were, however, no fences to separate the properties before the fourth century. Here too a larger, perhaps fortified, fenced-in building associated with several other structures of varying 11 For Schmid, in Hamer, SachsenJorschung I, p.359, there is no doubt that this building is a "manor" and the large hall an assembly hall. Also Haarnagel, pp.196f., 322 12 Donat, in Kruger, II, p.83f. See below, p.ll 0 of the text of this book.

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

13

size can be identified, singled out by the concentration of finds identifiable as import goods. About twenty-three longhouses existed simultaneously, making this a settlement of similar size as Feddersen-Wierde. A particular characteristic is the frequent amalgamation of several units into one fenced-in entity, pointing to a different organizational structure. 13 At both sites animal remains were associated with the large halls - dog and pig under the entrance and the hearth at Feddersen-Wierde, horse teeth under the doorstep at Flogeln, N-E ofBremerhaven, suggesting that these halls were consecrated through sacrifice. The hearths seem to have been the cultic centers. Thus it is possible that children were sacrificed within the house community - a child's skeleton was found under a hearth. During Feddersen-Wierde Phase 4, the second to third centuries, a horse was buried in its own funerary house in the vicinity of the hall-house, suggesting that the owner of this house may have played a cultic role. During Phase 5, the third century, a female skeleton was located immediately outside the fence surrounding the 'manor' house. The corpse was associated with four fibulas, in itself rare, indicating that it had been a proper funeral, though perhaps ritualistic in nature. Since cremation was the usual practice at this site, inhumations are particularly noticeable. The corpses were positioned N - S, or NW - SE, with the head in the north. During the Roman Imperial Period inhumations appear in grave chambers, richly furnished with Roman import wares, jewelry and precious metals. The deceased must have represented a group of personalities whose station extended beyond their locality. The remains of a longhouse on the island of Sylt, at Archsum, allow comparisons with the oldest building period at the Flogeln site. The 54m longhouse, sectioned into stable and living quarters, may have grown to that size by the incorporation of other, smaller buildings. 14 Dated to the turn of our era, it has been suggested that it was an increase in the number of occupants which contributed to the transition from a type of cottage sized agricultural undertaking to that of an immense farm, erected around the longhouse with a capacity to stable thirty cattle and provide living quarters for two extended groups. The addition of other houses suggests a community of seven family groups engaged in an economic association. During the second and third centuries the 13 Schmid, in HaBier, SachserifOrschung I, p.360f, for details of size, location and arrangement of the buildings on this site. Also Haarnagel, pp.190 - 238, 317. If Leube, "Sachsen", in Kruger, II, p.465.

14

PART A

site at Flogeln indicates the emergence of a village structure as well as the amalgamation of several units within a fenced-in economic unit. It was possible to trace the development of three units through three building phases. In each instance the center was the three-aisled longhouse designed efficiently to shelter people and animals under one roof. The stables have been thought to be a source of warmth. Actual experiments have shown that despite the use of a hearth, such stablehouses were merely 2° warmer. Maintaining the general dimensions, the living quarters increased. Several entrances to this part again suggest the buildings to have been multi-family dwellings. As at Archsum the changes seem to be a response to family growth. In all these settlements some of the outbuildings may have functioned as workshops and may be early indications of pronounced changes during the fourth and fifth centuries when an intensification of the handicrafts can be detected. IS This emergence of even modest production centers suggests an evolving self-sufficiency to the point that during the later Imperial Period specialized and extensive industrial iron-making centers came into being. Sites have been located at which rows of smelters were used which produced at least iron ingots or semi-finished articles. At these sites a smaller type of house was constructed, even though these sites lay in areas where the stable-house construction was common. 16 The existence of fences to mark personal properties as well as the larger areas controlled by the community may be an indication of the evolution of new social and economic structures, perhaps as a response to Roman contacts and influences. At Feddersen-Wierde the earlier concentration of economic units, each consisting of sectioned longhouse, barns and other outbuildings, later yielded to larger units at the time of the earliest construction of terps. Already at the beginning of the second century there existed a small, three-aisled house with two hearths in the living quarters but no stable or storage areas. The remains of charcoal and potter's clay would indicate that the house was a workshop, its inhabitants dependent for their food and other supplies on those living in the neighboring complex. In time a 'manor' seems to have become established, pointing to the emergence of a more pronounced socio-economic group. This process is not indiSchmid, in HaBler, Sachsenforschung I, p.372f. Donat,"Hausbau", in Kruger, II, p.SS. Also Zimmermann, "Geest", in Beck, Steuer, Haus und HaJ, pp.434f. 15

16

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

15

cated at other sites, unless it was the appearance of those farms which pursued multiple enterprises, which also suggested social distinctions within the community. It appears then that these northern societies began as close and then extended peasant family units, scattered along the northern coastlines, developing into loosely connected village societies in which a social hierarchy gradually emerged. The layout of the longhouses indicated by the posthole shadows make it possible to determine the size of the stables and to estimate the cattle herds at Feddersen-Wierde. Stables and herds increased into settlement Phase 5 (c.450), only to decline thereafter. The latter would indicate that if the families retained their size the available meat supply decreased. During Phases 3 to 7 small herds of 12 to 14 animals were not sufficient to sustain a family. Only the largest farms would have a few more than 30 animals. Pasturing was the prevalent agricultural form. The yield per field would have been quite limited. Pollen analysis indicates the presence of eleven different types of grain 50% barley and oats, 25% field beans and 25% flax/linseed probably for the manufacture of fibers to be used in textiles. 17 Noteworthy is the total absence of rye. The grains were probably ground to make flat breads, gruels and porridges. The small number of fish-bones would indicate that along the coast fishing was not a major occupation. The presence of bones of dolphins, of probably stranded whales, of belugas suggests that these may have been hunted from shore. Other fish caught included sturgeon, salmon, cod, sole and flounder and probably also eels. Bones of geese and ducks, but also of cormorants, gulls, swans, herons, cranes, crows and ravens, but also of some sea-eagles have been identified. The middens also contained deep layers of mussel shells. It has been calculated that only 3.9% of the food supply was derived from hunting and fishing, indicating that these were only occasional activities. IS The material evidence (Fig.2) also points to the practice of such crafts as spinning and weaving using fibers, wool, hair to make yarns, braids and ropes - spindles and loom weights and the remains oflooms have been found. 19 Wood, bone and antler was used for utensils and leather was worked for shoes, belts and straps and even saddles, as was wood, bone and antler. The finds of workshops of

17 See R. Ullemeyer and K. Tidow, in H. Hayen, Feddersen-Wierde. Ein:;;eluntersuchungen. (Stuttgart 1980), pp.77 - 122. 18 Haarnagel, pp.272ff. 19 Hayen, Ein:;;eluntersuchungen, pp.77 - 122. See also v. Urslar, Germanen, pp.76ff.

16

PART A

bronze casters and or blacksmiths, indicated by the presence of whetstones, anvils and slag, point to an industry using iron, the ore being derived from sod, producing only a soft iron. Owing to the shortage of good iron ore, metal tools are few and do not correspond to all areas of practical activity, though owing to soil conditions full complements may not have survived. Tools and weapons were inherited. 20 Bone and horn was used for handles, combs and the making of buttons, hooks and other fasteners, of stamps for the ornamentation of pottery. Carpentry was practiced by wheelwrights who made disc wheels, 7590cm in diameter, for heavy wagons as well as spoked wheels with up to 18 spokes, 75 - 141 em in diameter, for fast, light carriages - and by carpenters who built the houses, barns and sheds. Roman fleets operating along the North Sea coast and up the rivers flowing into it will have carried influences and objects from the Rhine provinces, Gaul and Britain to the settlements located along the seashores and riverbanks. The many estuaries and inlets provided good harbors inviting long distance trade 21 • The waterways were supplemented by a limited but ancient system of roads. The existence of heavy and light four-wheeled wagons denotes road traffic, though the terrain of marshes, moors and rivers would create major obstacles. Log roads placed on shored up roadbeds, crossing over bridges and through man-made fords, flanked by guardian 'gods' and belonging to early historic times are known. 22 Finds of Roman coins - of Augustus, Tiberius, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius, i.e. of the first two Imperial centuries, of bronze vessels and Roman terra sigillata pottery, along with such luxury articles as pearls, glass and toiletries for women, located around the 'manor' house reflect the emergence of a group enjoying an elevated status during the second century. During this period trade evidently intensified to include objects of daily use, such as a military hand mill, the millstones having been quarried at Mayen, the volcanic area on the Middle Rhine, north of the river Moselle. Celtic glass, Gallic and Roman fibulas from the Lower Rhine carried by traders along the shorelines have been identified. What could the area export? A Roman administrator rejected Frisian tribute in the form of cattle skins because they were too small. Goods included meat and fat but also cattle and horses for

20 21 22

Haarnagel, pp.277f., 287ff., 296, 314 v. Urslar, pp.80ff. Schutz, Prehistory, pp.326ff.

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

17

the legions, as well as cloth and wool and such products as woven mats, probably also leather straps and thongs, generally things reflecting the material culture of the population. 23 These things were probably not taken from the available surpluses but created hardships. A similar socio-economic process developed along the rivers leading into the interior. Such developments did not necessarily benefit the communities further inland, as sometimes the river communities were cut off from their hinterland by impenetrable swamps and treacherous moors. b. Populations Which were the populations inhabiting the northern regions along the Elbe, Saale, Weser and Ems rivers to the west and the Oder and Vistula Rivers to the east? Their burial practices along with the funerary inventories reveal the predominance of cremation, centuries of uninterrupted use of the same urnfields and the persistent adherence to aspects of style in the material evidence. There is convincing evidence that these populations represent a continuum of settlement of the areas to the middle of the sixth century, when the populations probably relocated to England.

The Lombards The Roman historian Velleius Paterculus is the first to mention 'Langobardi' - Longbeards, the Lombards in his description of the campaigns of Tiberi us during the years 4 - 6 of our era, when in A.D. 5 a Roman naval force followed the shore of the North Sea and then sailed up the Lower Elbe River and subdued the Lombards. In the same context Strabo places them on both sides of the Lower Elbe. (Map 2) Earliest references name them in conjunction with Semnones and Hermunduri along their northern territories. In this region the archeological evidence of material and stylistic characteristics allows possible conclusions that the population of the Jastorf culture of the Early Iron Age (c.600 B.C.) was complemented at a later time by additional groups who migrated into the area to become ancestral for the Lombards, contributing to a synthesis during the last century before our era (Fig.3). There appears to be a smooth continuity from

23

Haamagel, pp.307ff., 312ff. See also v. Urslar, p.82f.

18

PART A

Map 2. The Lombards during the 1st and 2nd centuries.

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

19

the Jastorf culture to the Ripdorf (c.300.B.C.) and Seedorf (c.150 B.C.) cultures of burial in evidence among a large number of gravefields dating from the Early Iron Age to the second, and in part even to the third and fourth centuries of our era. There is continuity indicated of typological and cultural development in the grave gifts of pottery, fibulas, bone needles, sickles and bronze imports of Celtic and later of Roman provenance. Uninterrupted stylistic development, combined with the continuity of regional settlement and even the continued occupation of specific sites points to the Lombards as the gradually identifiable carriers of these cultures (FigA). The increasing wealth of some of the funerary inventories also echoes a gradual social differentiation. Commercial and military contact allowed the emergence of socially and politically prominent groups, as 'princely' graves make an appearance in the region during the first half of the second century. Some of these are richly equipped with many weapons, imported Roman bronze ware and other objects pointing to extensive trade relations (Fig.5). They indicate stylistic origins far to the south, the southern Baltic coast and the Danish and Swedish islands and eastern Jutland. From the third century on new cemeteries appear along the Lower Elbe that cannot be associated with the Lombards and by the fourth century Saxons from north of the Elbe may have occupied the region.

Saxons and Frisians When c. A.D.SO the Roman historian Tacitus located and named the peoples inhabiting the lands beyond the river Rhine in his Germania he did not mention any Saxones, which suggests that such a people did not exist. Only some sixty years later, however, c. A.D. 150, the Greek Ptolemy knew Saxones to be settled north of the Lombards and between the Elbe River and the Baltic Sea. (Map 3) Although it could be incorrect to conclude that the Saxons formed into a tribal unit in those few years, it could be that only the tribal name was new, the people being long known by other names. From the Bronze Age on, the archeological evidence points to the continued use of cremation cemeteries across a wider area than the assumed tribal territories, containing inventories that link the 'Saxon' lands with other tribal areas in material culture and in the community of a common cult. To the west, along the river Weser, the Roman sources placed the Chauki. Still further west the Romans recorded the Frisii, the Frisians. In between the Romans knew the names of numerous tribal groups

20

PART A

LANGOBARDES FRISOI

Map 3. Tribal names according to TACITUS (A.D.80) and

PTOLEMY

(A.D. ISO).

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

21

which would at first be absorbed or displaced by the Chauki, before they themselves were integrated into the Saxon tribal association. When the sea-going 'Saxons' first threatened the western coasts they were not a clearly identifiable and homogeneous people but rather a federative amalgamation of a variety of neighboring groups originating along the North Sea coast and the western Baltic Sea. As an 'ethnic' group they were yet another historical development. Later their settlements can be traced from Jutland to the Rhine estuary. The regions inhabited by these peoples stand apart in that most of them had never come under Roman domination. Roman cultural influence came mainly in the form of material culture introduced by traders or soldiers returning from Roman service (Fig.6). The Saxon tribal association appears not to have been consolidated until the wars with the Franks under Charlemagne during the eighth century. On Ptolemy's map Fnsioi, Frisians inhabited inhospitable lands along the S-W shores of the North Sea. High tides, moors, salt marshes, .and extensive flooding drove the populations along the shores to elevate their settlements on the terps mentioned above. Throughout the Roman Period they remained loyal to Rome. Only with the Roman withdrawal to the Rhine estuary did the Frisians begin to expand beyond their traditional lands so that the Franks may well have included Frisian tribal groups. Frisians and others will have swelled the ranks of the sea-faring Saxons and will have participated in the occupation of Britain by Angles and Saxons. (Map 4)

The Burgundians Tacitus does not name the Burgundians living along the south shore of the Baltic Sea. He may have considered them to be included among the Lugians and hence associates of the Vandals. Pliny, in the first century A.D., did not know of any Lugii though he names Burgundiones as members of the larger group of V andili. 24 Their location according to Ptolemy in the second century A.D. can be placed in eastern central Europe near the river Vistula. 25 Here links with the Wielbark and Przeworsk cultures are indicated. The earliest identifiable settlements along the northern Middle Oder point to the first century B.C. The archeological evidence suggests expansion between 24 Pliny, Natural History, Vol. IV, translated by W.H.S. Jones, XCV (Cambridge, Mass. and London), 99. See also Hachmann, pp.138, 24lf. 25 Ptolemy, Geographica, 11,11,14. Strassburg 1513 (Amsterdam 1966).

22

PART A

MERCIA

-- -- --

o

250 kilometres

Map 4. Frisian aggression and trade in Merovingian times.

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

23

the Elbe and Oder Rivers to have taken place during the late second and third centuries A.D. The evidence suggests an assimilation of the indigenous population with the tribal elements known as Burgundians during which process pockets of settlement gradually assumed a degree ofuniformity.26 Linguistically they may have been linked to the Goths, however, very little of their language has been retained. Ablabius' early legendary 'history' of the Visigoths mentions a devastating defeat of the Burgundians by the Gepids at a time when the Goths had already reached the plains north of the Black Sea, perhaps early during the first half of the third century A.D. Archeology has revealed that while the Goths and other eastern Germanic peoples did not customarily include weapons in the graves, the Burgundian fire pit graves were nevertheless equipped with weapon inventories before they were replaced by gravefields of the Gepidic type, but already in A.D. 269 the Gepids were settled in Dacia. In Lusatia between Elbe and Middle Oder conflicts with the Lombards introduced unsettled conditions, including Lombardic oppression of parts of the Burgundian tribe. Burgundian splinter groups are mentioned repeatedly during this time along the Lower Danube. Dubious references are also made to 'eastern' Burgundians fighting with the Alans against the Goths along the Don River in southern Russia. 27

II. Central Germany During the last centuries before our era the peoples moving into the Elbian areas made contacts with the Celtic populations located there and accepted political, military and social influences. Then during the first two centuries of our era the Hermunduri, Semnones and Marcomans were key peoples of the Suebian federation which can be located in the region between the Elbe and Saale Rivers in the north and the Danube in the south where they are known to have traded across the rather penetrable limes, the Roman demarcation, partly ditch, 26 A. Leube, "Die Burgunden bis zum Untergang ihres Reiehes an der oberen RhOne imJahre 534." in Kruger, II, p.364. 27 H. Wolfram, History qfthe Goths, completely revised and translated from the second German edition by T J. Dunlap (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London 1988), pp.85, 413 n.336. also OJ. Maenchen-Helfen, TIe World of the Huns, Studies in their History and Culture, edited by Max Knight (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London 1973), p.452, who suggests this to be a mistake.

24

PART A

earthworks and wooden palisade, partly stone wall, with the effectiveness of a 'No trespassing' sign. Thereafter, as enemies of Rome, they are named a last time in the context of the Marcomanic Wars ofMarcus Aurelius (166 - 180) and for over two hundred years they faded from the records until a new name appeared in the area c.400, the Toringi. For the year 451 Thuringians are included in the forces fighting with Attila and in 480 they are identified as the raiding parties on the Middle Danube. By the middle of the 6th century their territories were to be compacted by the Franks.

a. The Thuringians The area to be associated with the Thuringians was generally contained by the Middle Elbe to the north, the Harz Mountains and the Thuringian Forest to the west and S-W and Mulde-Elbe Rivers to the east. (Map 5) At times their territory extended south to the Middle Main River and to the Danube at Regensburg. 28 While the inhabitants, proto-Thuringians, preferred dry, sandy soils for the placement of the actual settlements, during the early Imperial Period soils of medium density were sought out for cultivation. During the later Imperial Period heavier soils were also worked. 29 Slopes were generally occupied to a height of no more than 300 meters and the shorelines of lakes and rivers were choice agricultural land. High plateaus were avoided. Especially favored areas of settlement were those of adjoining different types of soil, which favored the growing conditions of different types of vegetation. Regions in which Loess, an extremely fertile loam deposited by the wind, was the predominant type of soil were avoided. 30 These preferences of settlement conditions led to the appearance of smaller and larger pockets of occupation. The largest of these was the area around modern Magdeburg, an area of c.l 000km 2, in the knee of the Elbe River. Hamlets appear to have been the prevalent type of individual settlements inhabited by thirty to sixty adults 28 G. Behm-B1anke, Gesellschafl und Kunst der Germanen. Die 1hiiringer und ihre Welt. (Dresden 1973), p.7. Also Schmidt, in Kriiger, II, p.520. 29 E. Meyer, Die germanischen Boderifimde der spiitrijmischen Kaiserzeit und derfriihen Vblkerwanderungszeit in Sachsen. Arbeits- und Forschungsberichte zur siichsischen Bodendenkmalpflege, Beiheflll (Berlin 1976), p.299f. 30 H. Griinert, "Zum Verhaltnis von Produktivkraften und Produktionsverhaltnissen bei den Germanen des Mittel- und Unterelbegebiets urn die Wende unserer Zeitrechnung", in B. Gramsch (ed.) Germanen - Slawen - Deutsche. Forschungen zu ihrer Ethnogenese, Proceedings (Berlin 1968), p.47.

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

0E::C:=====:=E:;:;;23"50 kilometres

Map 5. The early Thuringians.

25

26

PART A

and children, as the burial sites would suggest. Modest buildings using post and beam construction, frequently with sunken floors, were the principal type. The many overlapping post shadow outlines indicate that though the house locations shifted over the years, the settlement sites show no abrupt discontinuity of occupation and at many sites were maintained far into the Frankish sixth century.31 Agriculture and the raising of livestock provided the economic basis. Winter stabling appears to have been practiced. Horse sacrifices would point to the importance of the horse and the possible existence of a horse cult, perhaps of eastern origin, in relation to the pre-eminence of the god Wodan/Odin. Thuringian horses were famous already then. 32 A Roman veterinarian, c.400, left an analysis of the relative quality of horses and points out that those of the Thuringians were particularly patient, even when mistreated. 33 Already Tacitus 34, writing at the end of the first century, reported that among the east-Rhenish tribes white horses were kept in sacred groves. Such horses were never desecrated by work, except to draw the sacred carriages of priests and leaders. From their neighing and snorting these deduced the importance of coming events, because the horses were the confidants of the gods. To this day in northern Germany gables terminate in crossed horse heads, a vestige of an earlier practice in which horse heads were fastened to the gables of houses to ward offWodan and his Wild Hunt, rushing through the air during the stormy winter nights. Small workshops for weavers and spinners, potters and smiths supplied objects for daily use (Fig. 7). The Thuringians produced large numbers of damascened swords. These were the products of a long established iron industry. Already during the second century there existed smelters in Poland and Bohemia which produced more iron than could be used locally. The smithies on the larger estates were able to meet the demand and produce a surplus. Since hardening of the iron was problematic, steel tools, especially steeled swords were highly 31 Grunert, "Produktionskrafte", in Gramsch, p.47. See also Schmidt, "Thuringer", in Kruger, II, p.525. 32 Cassiodorus, The Variae if Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator, translated with Notes and Introduction by SJ.B. Barbish (Liverpool 1992), IV, I, p.74. 33 See Behm-Blanke, pp.79ff. who treats the question of horses among the Thuringians extensively. A century later Cassiodorus' Variae contain a letter by Theoderic the Great in which he praises them. Also Schmidt, in Kruger, II, pp.521, 526. 34 Tacitus, Gerrnania, Translated by M. Hutton. Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass. London 1963), X, pp.276ff.

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

27

valued objects which were passed from father to son, hence their magical attributes and their scarcity in the graves. By combining strips of hardened and soft iron they were able to give their swords the desirable flexibility.:15 The presence of plowshares and sickles in the inventories point to serious field cultivation and the harvesting of tall grasses and grains. Wheat, barley, rye, oats and flax and perhaps millet and some legumes, as well as some root vegetables and types of cabbage were cultivated. 36 Two-field rotation without the addition of manure was the predominant practice, though top dressing with new topsoil or pasturing following the harvest were means of soil regeneration. The sandy soils east of the Elbe were suitable for ranching. Owing to the continuity of occupation, on occasion since the Celtic Iron Age,37 there is little evidence that land had to be cleared prior to the second century. There is an absence of iron axes in the inventories. In all areas under consideration grazing and browsing will have kept the underbrush in check. Thereafter one resorted to the slash and burn method to make more arable land available. Plows were used to loosen the soil, sometimes fitted with iron mountings to reinforce the plowshare. The turning plow in evidence elsewhere, was not used in the Elbian regions. There is frequent evidence that the rotary hand mill made from basaltic lava from the Eifel Mountains, i.e. Roman import goods, was used to grind the grains. 38 Bread was not usual. The use of oats, eaten as a type of porridge, was more prevalent than that of wheat. Meat, milk, dairy products, animal fats and vegetable oils made up the diet. Tribal wars erupted over the access to sources of salt. Sparse bone finds of aurochs, bison, elk, deer, moose, bear, boar, rabbit and beaver among the settlement refuse allow the conclusion that game was not a major component in the food supply and that extensive forest tracts still characterized the landscape. 'Volves and bears will have been a threat to the livestock. Bones of food animals included chickens, pigs, cattle and perhaps horses. Alcoholic drinks, such as beer were brewed from grain, mead was fermented from honey, while wild berries and fruit provided juices for other potent beverages. Behm-Blanke, pp.24f., 72f. R. von Urslar, Die Germanen vom 1.-4. Jahrhundert nach ChristU5, in H. Kcllenberg, (ed.) Handbuch der europaischen Wirtschafls- und Sozialgeschichte, (Stuttgart 1980), pp.62, 64f. 37 Schmidt, "Thuringer", in Kruger, II, p.524ff., refers to the site at Lobeda, in the district ofJena and several others not quite so old. la v. Urslar, p. 71, also Grunert, "Produktionskrafte", in Gramsch, p.48. 30

%

28

PART A

The early tribal profIle can only be approximated on the basis of the archeological evidence. The region of the Elbian genesis - modern Bohemia, Thuringia and Franconia - was one of transit and transition (Fig.8). The funerary inventories and other settlement evidence reflect the passage of Alemans, Burgundians, Lombards, Saxons and even Vandals and the many peoples of the early Imperial Period, all reflecting accompanying changes in socio-economic conditions, in burial rites and burial sites and cultic practices and ethnic composition. During the first two centuries of our era the settlement region extends furthest and is the richest in finds. It includes the entire drainage area of the Elbe River and its tributaries. It is the transit area from the Roman Danubian provinces in the south to Scandinavia in the north. The material evidence presented by trade-borne goods demonstrates that the river systems did indeed play this role (Fig.9). In general the region represents an extensive economic space with similar traits in its material and probably spiritual cultures. It embraces the lands of several tribal groups and hence displays many complex regional differences. The archeological evidence indicates a heterogeneous assembly of settlement and cultural groups reflecting the continuity from the prehistoric Iron Age Jastorf and the Celtic La Tene cultures,39 with cremation and the deposition of the remains in urnfields being characteristic for the region far into the Roman Imperial Period (Fig. I 0). During the Early Imperial Period earlier Germanic populations showed links with people in the Rhine-W eser area who practiced cremation and who took Roman objects into their graves; or whose use of a certain type of vessel linked them with groups living in eastern Holstein and western Mecklenburg, Frankonia and Bohemia; or whose ashes were deposited in wide bowls mostly without gifts. Inhumation gravefields, in which the deceased lay either in a stretched or a foetal N-S position, appeared during the Late Imperial and the Migration Periods. The area of the Thuringians reveals a distinct density of 'princely' graves, probably reflecting the acquired wealth of leading personalities returning from their service with the legions. At HaBleben (Fig. I I ), near Erfurt, and Leuna (Fig. 68), near Merseburg, found among modestly furnished graves, there were some characterized by 39 K. Peschel, Arifange Germanischer Besiedlung im Mittelgebirgsraum, Sueben Hermunduren - Markomannen, in Arbeits- und Forschungsberichte zur Sdchsischen Bodendenkmalpflege, Beihifi, 12, (Berlin 1978), pp. 22, 32, 37ff., 135ff.

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

29

containing very richly equipped graves belonging to the third and fourth centuries. Especially informative is the recently (1990) unearthed, well-preserved 'princely' grave at Gommern, east of Magdeburg. 40 Against these finds from the earlier period a uniform culture becomes apparent which can be dated to c.450. Again the funerary evidence marks a clear change in burial practice. Roman influence leads to the adoption of inhumation in which the graves are placed at greater depth. Usually positioned W (head) ~ E, and arranged in row-gravefields, these 'princely' graves are wooden chamber graves, richly equipped with precious objects of Roman origin. A large bronze cauldron, damaged by the weight of the earth and rocks crushing the ceiling, contained a variety of other vessels of various sizes, including glass, wood, bronze, silver and ceramics. The deceased was placed N-S on a wooden bier, 2m x 70cm, about 40cm off the ground. A large shield rested against the wall at his head. Two bronze pails had been pushed under the bier, below the torso. A board game and a Roman tripod, stylistically of the first century, were found near the foot end of the bier. The personal ornaments consisted of a golden neck ring weighing over 500g, two golden fibulas, a golden spiral finger ring, two golden fibulas and old Roman gold coins, two of them with holes for stringing - the coin found in his mouth was an old coin issued between c.112 ~ c.114 in the time of the emperor Trajan (Plate la); a well worn silver crossbow brooch, old Roman silver coins, silver belt fittings for two belt assemblies, silver shears and knife, and silver arrow heads and spurs. The coin impression of a coin issued between 233 ~ 235 by the emperor Severus Alexander helps to date the grave to a time after that date. It will be recalled that Severus Alexander was murdered in 235 when he tried to negotiate with the Alemanni. Perhaps some Roman coins, gifts or bribes, made their way towards the NE during the ensuing years. A third belt had been deposited in a separate box. This was a splendid piece of work of over 100 components, sufficiently preserved to allow an appreciation of its manufacture and appearance. Its optical effect relied on perforated designs contrasted by gold foil backing, silver fittings and gilt foil ornaments. The metal fittings on the shield were also of silver, with the

.u Behm-Blanke, p.28fT. Also Peschel, p.139f. S. Frohlich (ed.), Das germanische Fiirstengrab von Gommem, Gold fiir die Ewigkeit (Halle 2000), especially J. Bemmann, "Zum Totcnritual im 3. Jahrhundert n.Chr.", pp. 58fT. And M. Becker, "Grabbefund und Rekonstruktion der Grabkammer", pp.118 - 123.

30

PART A

boss being a reworked Roman silver vessel, its rim having been fashioned with stylized bird heads. (Plate 1b) The shield itself consisted of some 600 particles of fitted wood. The front of the shield had been painted red and blue and decorated with numerous appliques of gilt silver with glass inlays. It would follow that this shield was intended for display purposes. The extensive and exclusive use of silver for all metal fittings distinguishes this grave. The grave inventory was a truly exceptional and unique find. The mid-third century grave at Gommern was further distinguished in that a tumulus appears to have been raised over it. Usually uniformity appears in the garb and ornaments of men and women, and armaments become standardized, allowing for social and/ or economic differentiation. However, the large number of graves, rich in representational Roman objects, scattered about the region indicates that a number of 'kinglets' may be indicated, but that a single prominent 'dynasty' did not come into being. That this uniformity horizon appears in the urn- and gravefields indicates clearly the growing tribal identity, as by forceful and peaceful means the various tribal groups meld into one. By about 500 the unifying process appears completed and the tribe of the Thuringians was established and ruled by a royal family. It is not surprising that throughout the Thuringian region population density is related to soil quality. Thus mountain slopes were not occupied above c.300m. High plateaus were avoided, while rivers and streams invited the location of hamlets and villages. Quite logically, positive conditions for agriculture and the raising of livestock were favored. Horse sacrifices suggest that the horse figured prominently in the minds of the Thuringians, as indeed Thuringian horses were famous. Theoderic the Great, king of the Ostrogoths, was to praise them for their silver coloring, build, good looks, speed, and comfortable ride. 41 Once again the cemeteries reflect the existence and the growth of quite large communities. The increased presence of bones from game, such as moose, elk, deer and bear and beaver, indicates greater forestation and an increase in the importance of the hunt. The meat supply consisted of fish, pigs, cattle, sheep and goats and chickens. Horses and dogs were also kept. 42 Horsemeat may have been a component in ritual feasts. The presence of tools in the graves points 41

42

Cassiodorus, Variae, IV. I. p.74. Schmidt, "Thiiringer", in Kruger, II, pp. 518 - 528f.

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

31

to craftsmen and the practice of the domestic arts. Special workshops at or close to the quarters of the nobility provided that group with more refined objects of use. Potters who used the wheel, bronze casters, goldsmiths and especially weapon smiths may have been bound to the estate. These estates seem to have stayed in the lowlands in contrast to mountaintops in the south which were constantly occupied and not just in times of crisis. None of the sources mentions mountaintop fortifications even when describing the Frankish conquests. Mter 450 the predominance of the inhumation row-gravefields spread from Bohemia, reached eastern Thuringia during the later third century and gradually replaced the older urnfield and N-S inhumation burial practices. Among the inhumation graves there are socially distinguishing wooden chamber graves in which the deceased was laid out fully clothed, wearing ornaments, and surrounded with vessels containing food, occasional Roman objects, such as weapons, a silver spoon or Roman pottery.+3 vVeapons, apart from spurs, were not a common feature in the graves. Personal silver ornaments accompany imported bronze, and pairs of glass and silver vessels. Silver arrowheads accompanied the nobility into the graves as a sign of rank. Everyday bronze arrowheads did not usually find their way into the graves. It was actually characteristic for the period around 300 that the graves of men were weaponless. 44 Since the row-gravefields connect up with the earlier gravefields, continuity is indicated. Evidence from sacrificial moors or pits found to belong to the thirdlfourth century suggests the worship of male and female deities and the existence of fertility cults. The axe-shaped pendants for instance, found in the women's graves suggest a cult dedicated to Donar IThor. At the same time there existed a cult around a fertility goddess related to the later Norse goddess Freya. Drawing on later Norse tradition it has been suggested that while half of the fallen warriors entered the warrior-paradise of Wodan/Odin, the other half, perhaps those unarmed, entered the realm ofFreya.+ 5 43 Peschel, p.155f. suggests that the first inhumation graves belonged to a social elite and that this funerary custom was a distinguishing mark. H Schmidt, "Thuringer", in Kruger, II, p.529f. Behm-Blanke, p.24 suggests that the silver spurs and arrowheads were only symbolic representations of the class that could afford them and some members of the warrior caste. He also suggests, p.31, that the arrows of silver and gilt bronze served a ceremonial function rather than in combat. 45 Behm-Blanke, p.25ff, wonders whether these suppositions could already apply at the end of the fourth century. See A.A. Lund, Die ersten Germanen. Ethnizitdt und Ethnogenese (Heidelberg 1998).

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Mter 450 some old practices were renewed in the burials, such as the wearing of weapons for men and jewelry for women, which conveniently serve to indicate social status, since the property of the deceased during his lifetime accompanied him or her into the grave to be displayed in the beyond. The differing amount of personal wealth allows the conclusion that a primary and secondary group represented this class. In one cemetery the chambered graves of the nobility are clearly separated from the narrow, closely spaced and poor burial pits of the unfree. Each chamber grave contains the burial of three horses and two dogs, indications that the deceased belonged to the high(est) nobility.46 A Hermundurian lady's grave of the late third century in the cemetery at HaBleben (Fig. I I ) contained Roman coins, including an obulus - an aureus of the Emperor Gallienus (c.2IS - 268), belt fittings and buckles, two disc fibulas with coil-spring fasteners, long disc-headed gilt silver hairpins, rings, numerous pendants, axe-shaped earrings, an engraved neck ring with catch, most of the trinkets ornamented with gold bead granulation arranged in concentric circles and the like. The dependence on Roman examples is clearly indicated. In addition to local pottery and imported Roman ceramics the grave contained serving dishes and platters of bronze and silver as well as Roman vessels, strainers and glasses for the serving of imported wine. The grave had also been provisioned with food, indicated by the bones of sheep, goat, goose, chicken, game and fish found on platters. Evidently she was a Princely lady with important links to Rome, characteristic of her class. Another less spectacularly furnished grave from this period contained beads of amber, coral and glass, two silver fibulas, axe-shaped pendants, a comb, spinning whirls and an iron knife, but without any clearly Roman objects.47 During the fifth century the garments for men and women underwent a change. Closer contact with the Ostrogoths is reflected by large bow fibulas worn at the shoulders. Throughout our area of interest, and without tribal distinction, these and other ornaments later also came to be worn at the waist or on the thigh. Smaller brooches were intended to hold the garments together. Women wore bead bracelets and necklaces of glass beads, seldom earrings or hairpins. A bag would hang from a woman's belt containing a small iron knife and other essential objects. Behm-Blanke, p.115. Also Schmidt, in Kruger, II, p.530. Schmidt, "Thiiringer", in Kruger, II, pp.511 - 518, provides reproductions of these and other inventories. 46 47

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33

Metal keys attached to the bag were a clear symbol of her domestic authority. Men no longer wore fibulas. Instead the belt buckle and belt fittings were more elaborately ornamented. On his belt a man would carry a leather bag containing scissors and the means to strike fire. Jewelry was popular at all times. The bow fibula became the dominant type (Fig. 12). Almandine inlays in disc fibulas were particularly popular. Previously unarmed, beginning during the fifth century weapons followed the deceased into his grave - sword, lance, spear, shield, bow and arrows and an axe constituted full armament. Variants were possible - sword and lance or bow and arrows or axe. A high percentage of the swords were damascened and hence of great value. As was the case in virtually all funerary evidence throughout the millennia, the grave inventories allow primarily conclusions about the social status of the deceased. His ethnicity is much more difficult to determine. In view of Frankish policy to prevent the rise to pre-eminence of any of the neighboring peoples and the ensuing policy of aggressive expansion, anti-Frankish sentiments grew among the neighboring tribes. Theoderic, king of the Ostrogoths, had developed a system of alliances, mainly by marriage. Theoderic now drew the Thuringians, far to the north of his kingdom in Italy, closer into his system of alliances. For Theoderic this measure was becoming an essential concern, because in 508 the Lombards, moving southward, had crushed the eastern Herulians settled along the Middle Danube, while a Frankish campaign that year against the Chatti on the Lower Main had absorbed them into the Frankish realm and a meeting of Franks advancing from the west and Lombards from the east along the Danube was an emerging threat. It will be recalled that the Thuringians at this time occupied lands in central Germany between the Danube and the Elbe Rivers. With the support of this kingdom Theoderic could also give substance to his protective policy over the Alemans against the Franks. Theoderic once again cemented his relation with the Thuringians through marriage, when in 510 he married his niece Amalaberga to Herminafrid, king of the Thuringians. They must have been a curious pair: she, coming from post-Imperial Ravenna in her Imperial splendor, highly educated in Greek and Latin and in matters of the court, arriving at the Royal Thuringian seat, located at some still unknown place in the Thuringian Forest, he a pagan, at best with rudiments of learning. The letter of introduction, phrased in courtly niceties, which

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Theoderic gave to Amalaberga makes it clear that she was to act in an ambassadorial role and as a loyal counsellor to introduce Roman cultural traditions to the Thuringians, so that her new kingdom might enjoy superior order. 48 With the help of the Thuringians Theoderic was able to maintain friendly relations with the pro-Frankish and pro-Imperial Lombards throughout his reign. The alliance with the Thuringians fulfilled its purpose by stabilizing the north until Theoderic's death in 526. Following his death the lack of focus of his heirs gave the Franks a clear signal that an attack on the Thuringians would not be threatened by Ostrogothic intervention. From 529 to Herminafrid's death in 534 the Franks waged fierce war on the Thuringians. In conjunction with the pagan Saxons the Thuringian realm was dismembered with great loss oflife. Having concluded a treaty with Herminafrid and having guaranteed his safety, Theuderic, one of the Frankish kings, is said to have pushed the unsuspecting Herminafrid off a wall to his death. 49 The continuity reflected in the gravefields supports the idea of a Thuringian genesis through assimilation. Admittedly new gravefields were started over time, yet these appear to have belonged to kindred populations. This transition is best reflected in the displacement of the Rhine-Weser influence and its replacement by Elbian-Hermundurian forms during the Late Imperial Period. The appearance of northElbian forms and practices, such as the reappearance of cremation, may have been accompanied by a population movement, perhaps that of Saxons, or Angles. The positioning of the corpses in the inhumation graves may reflect Bohemian, south-Elbian practices. Certain styles of weapons usually associated with horsemen and skull deformations would suggest close, perhaps military, interaction with such eastern nomads as the Huns. Despite the integration into the realm of the Huns this appears not to have affected the Germanic social structure. It is interesting that no Hunnish warrior graves have been discovered. The relatively large number of skull deformations (Fig. 13), though reserved for women, strongly suggests that the Hunnish impact on the peoples with whom they were in contact was much more pervasive than any literary sources of the fourth/fifth centuries indicate. Some of these skulls Cassiodorus, Variae, IV.I, p.74. Gregory of Tours, The History of the Franks, or rather Decem Libri Historiarum (Ten Books of History) translated with an Introduction by Lewis Thorpe, (Harmondsworth 1974/83), 111.6, 7, 8, pp.164 - 169. Gregory presents a pro-Frankish account of the events to justify the part played by the Franks in the conquest of Thuringia. 48

49

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35

are Germanic, others show Mongol traits, which implies Hunnish wives or hostages among the Thuringians or slaves taken following the defeat of the Huns. 50 Since the ornaments, especially the brooches, conform to tribal characteristics and were personal property, it is possible to speculate about tribal intermarriages from the grave inventories during the migration period. Even if one did not know of the Ostrogothic Arnalaberga's marriage to the Thuringian king Herminafrid, the presence of Ostrogothic women among the Thuringians would be indicated in the graves by virtue of their personal jewelry. The graves of Ostrogothic and Lombard women have been found in Thuringia.

III. Western central Europe a. The Burgundians along the Rhine

As early as A.D. 278 Burgundians are mentioned with Vandals invading Raetia where Probus defeated them and pushed them north out of Raetia. The prisoners taken were sent to Britain as reinforcements for the Roman army there. A decade later some of the Burgundians have settled in the Main-Neckar region. In A.D. 286 the Emperor Maximian repelled them as well as Alemans and others from Gaul. Rather than heading for the Danube, they turned to the area formerly delimited by the limes. The experience gained by the earlier Germanic raiding parties against this part of the Roman frontier will have helped them find the way. No doubt Burgundian nobles and their retinues will have served there as auxiliaries during the middle of the third century. For the next hundred years the main tribe of the Burgundians still remaining in their tribal realms between Elbe and Oder, appear gradually to have left their land and joined their advance groups, gathering reinforcements from other tribes through whose lands they passed. In 359 Julian, not yet Emperor, campaigned against the Alemans and in this context it is mentioned that the riversJagst and Kocher, part of the Upper German limes formed the western boundary of the Burgundians. 51 It is possible that the Burgundians actually occupied the military

Behm-Blankc, p.46f. Also Schmidt, in Kruger, II, p.542 . Ammianus Marccllinus, The SU17Jiving Books if the History, in three vols. \Vith an English translation by J.C. Rolfe, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass. And London 1964), 18,2,15. '>0

.11

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territory of the former limes forts, where for a hundred years they probably had very close contact with the remaining Romans and the romanized population and probably alsoJoedus obligations to guard the area against the Alemans especially during the reign of Valentinian I who attempted to restore the old border. The region is rich in salt springs and in c.369 disputes between the Alemans and the Burgundians did take place over the control of some of these springs. It may have been the occasion of these disputes which prompted the Emperor Valentinian I in 369170 to encourage the Burgundians to attack the Alemans from the rear while he attacked from Raetia. 52 In keeping with Rome's divisive policies he would have been pleased to see two Germanic tribes weaken one another rather than to help one gain dominance in the region, upset the balance of power and become a problem to Rome. The hostilities brought the Burgundians, reputedly eighty thousand strong, along the river Main to the Rhine and Valentini an I may have feared that Burgundian ambitions could take them into Gaul. Under the threat of the impending Burgundian attack Alemanic groups pushed evasively into Raetia where they were overcome by Theodosius, magister equitum, and father of the future Emperor by the same name. When the Roman support of the Burgundian attack did not materialize and Valentini an refused to cover their retreat, the Burgundian kings were angered to the point of killing all of their prisoners, probably including Romans. According to Ammianus the Burgundians had been willing to join the Roman designs, since for a long time they, the Burgundians, had known themselves to be descendants of the Romans, perhaps left there by Drusus and Tiberius. 53 If the Burgundians had such feelings they were more likely to have been caused by more recent close association with the Romans in their new territories. When the Vandals and their confederates crossed the Rhine in 406/07 the Burgundians followed in their wake and crossed the Rhine near MogontiacumlMainz. (Fig. 14) As was the case with almost all of these tribal groups, not all the Burgundians gave up their lands on the right side of the Rhine, a large enough group stayed behind to form a contingent in Attila's army in 451.54 Seventy years later, in 542 they finally joined the main tribe in its kingdom on the Rhone.

Hans:Jorg Kellner, Die Riimer in Bayem (Munich 1978), p.173 . Ammianus, XXVIII, 5, 10 - 11, p.167. 54 Leube, "Die Burgunder", in Kruger, II, p.373 n.21. The source is Sidonius Apollinaris, Carmina, 7,322. Also Maenchen-Helfen, p.84. 52

.\3

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Once they had crossed the Rhine in 406/07, the Burgundians occupied lands in Germania II along the left bank of the river between ArgentorateiStrasbourg in the south and Mogontiacum in the north. Their engagement in the politics of the Empire is indicated in that in 411 Burgundians sided with the usurper Iovinus, actually a member of the old Celtic aristocracy, in his quest for the purple, and in conjunction with Franks, Alemans and a large Roman army attacked Constantine III,55 the usurper from Britain, and threatened to invade Gaul. It was this threat, which helped the Visigoths obtain land in southern Gaul. It is possible that the Burgundian king Gundahar, with other support, played a more active role in this usurpation and actually proclaimed Iovinus Emperor, partly to gain legitimacy in the political process as forces to be taken seriously and partly as a means to gain the recognition of ownership of the lands in their possession. However that may be, in 413 the Emperor Honorius recognized the Burgundians asfoederati and gave them the land even though the usurpation had failed and the other tribes had withdrawn. But then the Visigoths were fighting in Gaul against the troops of Ravenna and the military power of two tribes may have been more than Ravenna was willing to fight at the same time. The Burgundian lands were developing into a kingdom, which according to tradition, had its capital at Worms. The kingdom may actually have been located further north along the Middle Rhine, the Moselle being its northern frontier. 56 Twenty years later, in 435, the Burgundians attempted to expand their territories westward into Belgica Ibut were defeated by Aetius, since 430 the supreme commander of all Roman forces in the west. This defeat may not have been decisive, for in 436 Aetius set his Hunnish mercenaries (Fig. 15) under the command ofLitorius, one of his generals, on the Burgundians and this time the entire royal family was wiped out along with purportedly twenty thousand members of the tribe. More is not known about the destruction of the Burgundian kingdom. Earlier, in 428 and 432, Aetius had been victorious over the Franks, in 435 he used Huns when he had to deal with the uprising of the bacaudae and there was war with the Visigoths in southern Gaul. These struggles may account 53 \Volfram, Goths, p.161. Gregory of Tours, II, 9. Here Gregory quotes from Frigeridus. 56 L. Musset, The Germanic Invasions, The lvlaking of Europe A.D. 400- 600, trans!' by Edward and Columba James from the French Les Invasions: Les Vagues Germaniques (London 1975), p.62.

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for the drastic measures taken against the Burgundians at this time. The Senate erected a statue to Aetius on which were commemorated Aetius' victories over Burgundians and GothsY Aetius, as supreme commander was also the chief policy-maker in the west. To secure Gaul, he must have realized that the location of the Burgundians on the Middle Rhine after 406 and their potentially destabilizing presence in northern Gaul after 430 had to be dealt with decisively. An anti-Roman alliance with the Franks, as had taken place in 411, had to be prevented, if Rome wanted to maintain control. The Franks could no longer be driven out, but the Burgundians could be moved further away and consequently in 443 their resettlement as flederati and laeti in Maxima Sequanorum, i.e. western Switzerland and eastern France, (an area also referred to as Sapaudia, linguistically related to 'Savoy', but not territorially) was completed. (Map 6) Their role was the protection of eastern Gaul and of the Alpine passes against Alemans and Franks from the north and N-E and against the Visigoths from southern Gaul. Devastated by years of repeated Alemanic invasion, the area was attractive to them largely on the north shore of Lake Geneva and around Lake Neuchiitel. In time king Gundo bad (474? - 516) placed his capital at GenavalGeneva. 58 Already in 451 the Burgundians were called to reinforce Aetius' coalition against the Huns under Attila and his army of tributary peoples. (Fig. 16) During the battle against Attila Burgundians and Romans had formed the center of the battle line. The position in the line was evidently one of trust and honor, which the Burgundians had earned during the brief period in their new settlements. In their lands the integration of the Gallo-Roman population and the Burgundians proceeded particularly well. 59 Catholicism was adopted in time, both groups shared the same cemeteries. Burgundian graves no longer contained weapons. Owing perhaps to the continuing sense of importance for education and the vitality of the many men of letters in the realm of the Burgundians they more readily adopted the interests and cultural directions of the Gallo-Roman population. In time they turned towards the southwest so that during the sixties of the fifth century the kingdom expanded in that direction by incorporating most of

Maenchen-Helfen, p.99 n.444. Gunther, Gennanen, p.6, details the regional subdivisions of the kingdom. 59 See Goffart, Barbarians and Romans, A.D. 418 _. 584, TIle Techniques accommodation, (Princeton 1980), pp.145ff. for the implementation of hospitalitas. 57

58

if

39

Map 6. Burgundians and Huns.

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PART A

the provinces Lugdunensis I and Viennensis at the expense of the Visigoths. By the end of the century, aided by the expanding Ostrogothic kingdom in Italy, the Burgundian kingdom reached from the Champagne region in the north to the Maritime Alps and Avignon in the south and from central Switzerland in the east to beyond the Rhone River in the west. Administered from two centers, Genava and Lugdunum/Lyon, the kingdom was a dual monarchy in which GalloRomans and Burgundians enjoyed nearly equal status. It may be that this nearly equal coexistence was promoted by the circumstance that under the practices of hospitalitas the Roman landowners were made to support their 'guests' with revenue,60 rather than with expropriated land, indicating that the establishment of the new 'lords' did not take place overnight and that at the end Gallo-Romans and Burgundians were represented among the landowners. The process of integration was reflected in the law codes, written in Latin and developed under their kings, the Lex Gundobada, actually misnamed, intended to accommodate both peoples and the Lex Romana Burgundionum of 506. 61 King Gundobad was another of these romanized Germanic personalities who as vir illuster held the uppermost rank of the Late Roman Senatorial nobility, whom the Emperor dignified with the highest title - patricius and who as second in command and then successor of the real power in the west, Ricimer, rose to a position where he too could make Emperors and determine the politics of the Western Empire. This Imperial recognition equipped them with the prestige acceptable to their Gallo-Roman populations. 52 The Burgundians never dissolved the foedus concluded with Rome and although the royal house generally remained Arian it retained good and tolerant terms with the Catholic Church, so that with its assistance and that of the GalloRoman aristocracy the unified kingdom with a community of interests was able to establish itself. The collaboration of the nobility in this and other instances indicates that, as during the Romanization centuries earlier, this social group realized where its interests lay and knew how

60 Goffart, Barbarians, p.160. P. Riche, L'Europe barbare de 476 Ii 774 (Paris 1989), pp.33, 55f. suggests complete agreement with Goffart, based on the idea that the status ofjOederati implies hospitalitas, but finds that in the case of the Burgundians, p.68, it is quite difficult to accept the thesis that they were content to receive only the revenues and not lay claim to the land. 61 See Goffart, Barbarians, pp.127 - 161, for a discussion of this Code as it pertains to the allotment of property and the extensive legalities involved. 62 Gunther, Germanen, p.6. To their own people they were kings and sovereigns.

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

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to accommodate itself to the new realities presented by church and state (Fig.l7). It was only a matter of time before their Gallo-Roman descent was lost behind their Germanic names. The Burgundians' first important contacts with Catholicism will have taken place during their stay in the Catholic Rhineland (Fig.18), but it is possible that under Visigothic influence the Burgundians adopted Arianism. That this was not a conversion involving everyone is indicated by the circumstance that the royal Burgundian princess Chrodechildis was Catholic when she married Chlodovech, king of the Franks, c.493, and influenced his conversion to Catholicism. Shortly after 500 the Burgundian king Sigismund converted to Catholicism, - he was later elevated to sainthood even though he had his son murdered - convened a Catholic synod, maintained a link with Byzantium, and was the first Germanic king to go on a pilgrimage to Rome, a sure sign that the idea of the centrality of a Christian Rome was gaining acceptance among the kings of the successor states. 63 In his self-abasing correspondence with Byzantium Sigismund probably expressed the core thoughts about the political reality shared by the other kings when he wrote so humbly to the Emperor that his ancestors had always been devoted to the Empire, ... That his people belonged to the Emperor and that in commanding them he was only obeying the Emperor .... That he appeared as king among them but that he was only the Emperor's soldier ... waiting for the orders which the Emperor might deign to issue him.64 Although the Emperor may have deduced something else from this diplomatic display of submission, it is correct that the successor states maintained enough of the old Imperial structures that the distant Emperors could feel secure in their impression that nothing had really changed. However, placed in a vulnerable position between the realms of the Visigoths, Ostrogoths, Alemans and Franks the relative stability of the Burgundian kingdom could not prevent the kingdom falling prey to the expanding ambitions of the Franks. Fratricidal and patricidal conflicts and intrigues within the royal family invited Frankish intervention in the affairs of the kingdom. 65 Already in 500 Chlodovechl Clo63 A. Angenend, Das Friihmittelalter: die abendlandische Christenheit von 400 - 900 (Stuttgart 1990), p.132f. 64 Riche, pp.49, 68. 65 See Goffart, Barbarians, pp.153ff. for the legal consequences pertaining to the holding of land and bondsmen following the fratricidal conflict between Godegisel and Gundobad, in 500, and the vietory of Gundobad.

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vis the Frank, in collusion with one of the royal brothers, Godegisel, defeated Gundobad and then used Burgundian support against the Visigoths. The Catholicism of the Franks made it possible for them to draw the Catholic Gallo-Roman population onto their side and the Burgundian defeat of 532 ended their independence. Destined to become a bone of contention for a long time to come, the kingdom was divided among the three victorious kings of the Franks. By 600 the Burgundian language had faded from use.

b. The Franks along the Rhine Until the seventh century the forested mountain ranges which cut across central Germany were not hospitable enough to invite extensive populations. From then on Frankish occupation brought colonists even into these parts. The northern regions discussed so far reflect styles of settlement and construction that were indigenous to the areas, indicating continuity dating back many centuries. For the first few centuries of our era their inhabitants could be named only vaguely as Germanic Elbians, Weser-Elbians, Ems-Weser, Lower Rhine-Ems populations, or more generally as Germanic North Sea coastal dwellers, or with specific tribal names ~ Semnones, Hermunduri, Chauki, Angrivarians, Aviones~, thanks to early Greco-Roman ethnography. By the third century these names faded from prominence as these peoples came to constitute the large tribal confederations of Burgundians, Saxons, Thuringians, Frisians and Franks. Proto-Frankish settlements were probably included among those described for the region located south of the North Sea and the Channel, between the Ems River and the Lower Rhine. Once the Romans could no longer defend their northern frontiers, Frankish forces were settled as laeti, or asfoederati within the Roman frontiers to assume duties in defense of that frontier, so that the settlement evidence from west-Rhenish regions is extensively intermingled with Roman Provincial elements provided by the surrounding and residual Gallo-Roman populations. This context offered the Franks points of departure for their expansion and settlement towards the end of the fifth century. It can be expected that methods of settlement and of housing construction among the Franks, Alemans and Bavarians, the peoples who settled in the formerly Roman provinces, will reflect syntheses of Germanic and Roman practices.

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While the eastern Germanic tribes appear to have crystallized around a name-giving core, such tribes as the Franks and the Alemans appear to be tribal conglomerates without such a core. There is therefore no information on an 'early' history. As the name 'Ale mans' suggests, it is a Germanic collective term meaning something like 'all the people'. Similarly the name 'Franks' is a collective term, which suggests a meaning such as 'bold ones' or 'free ones', the latter meaning belonging to the period following the occupation of Gaul 66 but that is speculative. The name 'Franks' is Germanic and new and even their tribal sub-names 'Salians' or 'Ripuarians' can not be identified as being particularly old or from far away, but the use of these names is traditional when discussing the historical Franks. The tribe is the result of a melding process of those tribal groups - Batavi, Bructeri, Tungri, Sugambri, and others whose names continued in use into the fifth century - living along both sides of the Middle and Lower Rhine and first encountered and identified during the campaigns of Caesar, Drusus and Germanicus. These peoples provided troops and officers of auxiliaries for the Roman forces since the earliest contacts. As tribes the Franks were not to succumb to the appeal of distant places, perhaps the undoing of the eastern Germanic peoples. Though there is no indication of a united strategy, the Frankish way was expansIOn. In 231 the legio I Minervia stationed in Bonna is on record to have fought against invaders along the Lower Rhine. Though these were not identified, they were probably Franks.67 As a tribal federation they first appeared in 256/57 when a group crossed the Lower Rhine. Ten years later their raiding parties are reported to have reached southern Spain and to have crossed to North Africa. In 276, allied to the Alemans, they attacked Gaul on a broad front and captured 70 towns. Repeatedly, between 288 and an agreement in 342, the Emperors drove them back across the Rhine. The early incursions by adventurers tended to be raids and were generally unproductive. Later they were often motivated by requests for land, but Rome generally adhered to its policy of refusal. Only after 269 was this policy relaxed. By then and especially during the reign of Constantine it was no 66 In modern German "frank" is readily linked with "frei" as in the stave rhyme "frank und frei". It can also mean open and honest as in English franc and via Old French entered into the "franchise", to name just a few associations. See W. Pohl, Die Germanen (Munchen 2000), p.34. 67 Gunther, Germanen, p.143.

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longer exceptional for Germanic chieftains and their retinues to be incorporated as units into the Roman army especially when the army reforms of Constantine demanded the use of elite highly mobile cavalry units for his Gallic field army, the exercitus Gallicanus. 68 Following the death of Constantine, during the wars between his successors, Constantius did not hesitate to enlist whole tribal groups in his forces and brought the Franks across the Lower Rhine where AgrippinalCologne fell to them after a long siege in 355 and from where they could not be repelled until three years later. In 355, however, the Franks played a major role in the proclamation of Sylvanus as Emperor. 69 Sylvanus himself was of Frankish descent. A few years later the two chiefs of staff for the Emperor Gratian were pagan Franks: Bauto, as magister equitum, general of cavalry, father of Eudoxia and future father-in-law of the Emperor Arcadius, and former Consul for whom Aurelius Augustinus, better known as St. Augustine, had written the Panegyric: and one Merobaudes, twice Consul and magister militum. Other Franks in the service of the Emperors were Richomer, Consul and supreme commander under Theodosius, correspondent with Symmachus and friend of Libanios; and Arbogast, who claimed St. Ambrose, Bishop of Milan for his friend. The Romanized Arbogast did not hesitate to attack the Franks who had once again taken AgrippinalCologne and to devastate their territories east of the Rhine. A few years later, as commander of the western forces, he was to engineer the usurpation of Eugenius and draw up his armies against those of Richomer. 70 These Franks, citizens in the service of Rome, however, seem not to have been inclined to provide the leadership around which the Frankish tribal structures were to crystallize, nor did they make common cause with those poised beyond the frontier, on the contrary. The treaty of 382, which formalized the practice of allowing Germanic forces to serve under their own leaders, also allowed a free foreign people to settle asfoederati in cohesive communities retaining their autonomy and that the evidence from Gaul showed that such settle-

fi8 E. Ewig, Die Merowinger und das Frankenreich, (Stuttgart, Berlin, K61n, Mainz 1988), p.11. 69 Already in the middle of the previous century Germanic forces and most probably Frankish forces were involved in the elevation of the usurper Postumus and in his proclamation of his separatist realm in Gaul. 70 Schutz, The Romans in Central Europe, pp.41 - 45. See also F. Beisel, Studien zu den friinkisch-riimischen Beziehungen, von ihren Ariflingen his zum Ausgang des 6. Jahrhunderts (Idstein 1987), pp.30ff., for details concerning Frankish officers in Roman service.

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

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ments and the recultivation of abandoned farm lands did regenerate whole regions,71 and increase the availability of new recruits. Such was the case when already in 358 the Emperor Julian awarded land under the foedus to a group of Franks identified as Salians. From Julian's reign onward Franks rose to high military rank. This land was located south of the Rhine estuary and along the Channel coast. 72 It was to become a temporary staging area for Frankish growth and almost immediate southward expansion. Since the end of the third century (297) Germanic prisoners of war were no longer enslaved, but as deditici, subordinates of the realm, were assigned to cultivate abandoned areas, and as laeti, in this case dependents of Germanic origin,73 were settled in contained communities in the terrae faeticae, mainly in Belgica I and II and in Lugdunensis I and II, devastated and depopulated areas to which they were assigned and tied by the Emperor's decree and for which they owed military service under Roman commanders anywhere in the Empire (Fig.19). The faeti were settled across a wide area, sometimes as garrisons, especially along the river Maas in Germania iriferior, in Belgica and as far as central Gaul, frequently straddling the most important invasion routes.7+ Without really having gained a foothold in these lands, the faeti were usually dislodged rather than freed and assimilated by the waves of invaders and new settlement contracts with more recent arrivals had to be concluded. They remained generally anonymous. Quite different from the laeti were the foederati, free Germanic tribes or tribal units from beyond the frontiers, which had been taken into the Empire in return for military service in their own regions, in their own units under their own commanders and under their own customary laws, such as the Franks after 358. The Roman state provided its allies with supplies and sums of money. 71 Since the time of the Soldier Emperors and the civil wars, land had begun to fall into disuse, settlements, estates and farms had been abandoned, their populations fleeing into the towns and cities until they too could no longer be sustained. \Vhile the raiding parties often met with no opposition, Roman strategy allowing the raiders to exhaust themselves and starve as they could not live off the land, it was also apparent to them that large tracts of land were available. Eventually Rome realized a possible benefit in this situation. 72 Kruger, "Die Franken bis zur Vereinigung unter Chlodwig." in B. Kruger, Germanen, II, p.384. 73 According to Kruger "Franken", in Kruger, II, p.388, laele is a word of Germanie origin and refers to a semi-free bondsman. See also Gunther, Germanen, p.137. H Derived from Chapter Occidentis 42 of the ]lrotilia dignitatum, a military handbook of the early fifth century, Kruger, "Franken", in Kruger, II, p.389, provides a list of 15 laeli locations of Germanic settlers as well as at least 6 locations of Sarmatian laeti.

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Something of an insertion, none of these groups was allowed to be integrated into Gallo-Roman society.7 5 However, as was noted above, through their distinction in the service of the Empire, the tribal aristocracy was able to move closer to the Roman ruling groups, even into the Imperial family. This was to effect a restructuring of the tribal societies. The social order of the Mediterranean world in Antiquity had evolved an urban civilization and culture as its basis. Now, though some towns continued as Royal capitals, sites for convents, monasteries and even bishoprics and dioceses, they were no longer the administrative and cultural focal points, manufacturing and trading centers. A process already begun during the Late Empire, when the socio-economic and cultural leadership abandoned the civitas in favor of its estates, causing other people - artisans and craftsmen - to leave the cities in their wake, was now to be completed by a ruralization of society which affected the urban centers most adversely. It brought with it the departure from socio-cultural values based on living in cities, from those features associated with civilization. It even brought with it a return to indigenous, pre-Roman regionalism, reflected in the renaming of communities, the best example being the renaming of Roman Lutetia to civitas Parisiorum - civitas de Parisiis - Parisiis to Paris, the ancient center of the Celtic Parisii. 76 This development was of the greatest importance during the transition from Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages. In many areas along the Rhine, while the remaining original Gallo-Roman landowners and farmers continued the villa economy with their techniques ofland cultivation, the Germanic newcomers did not continue these techniques, nor did they occupy the farms, not even the buildings, but introduced a new settlement structure. Whereas the natives continued 75 Schutz, Romans, p.160f. Laws passed as late as 368 and even 465 forbade intermarriages with Romans under pain of death. 76 See A. Dauzat, Les Noms de Lieux. Origine et Evolution. Villes et Villages Pays COUTS d'eau Montagnes - Lieux-dits (Paris 1963), p.126. Dauzat provides an extensive list of names of pre-Roman tribal centers which had then become the civitali!s in Roman times before they reverted to their original tribal names still reflected in their modern names: Pictavis - Poiticrs; Carnutis - Chartres; Turonis - Tours; Namnetis - Nantes; Redonis -~ Rcnnes; Senonis~- Sens; Remis - Rcims. The namcs of regional divinities could be used in forming a name as perhaps Belenus or his matc Bclisama in Bellovacis, modern Beauvais. The Germano-Celtic Trcveri's namc was absorbed in Agusta Treverorum - Treveris, modern German Trier. In the case of German Mainz, the name is derived from a Celtic divinity whose name entered the Roman name Moguntiacum, changing to Magontia and finally to Mainz.

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to build with stone, the arrivals used timber for their half-timbered, straw or reed covered dwellings, whether as houses above ground or as pit-houses. Meadows and fields belonging to the Roman villas were redistributed along different lines as the Roman parcelling system was ignored. The nature of the terrain was now the chief criterion. Germanic villages rarely continued Roman settlements. The groups did not claim the same land and the rules of hospitalitas were not applied. The funerary evidence, rich weapons graves for men (Plate lc) and graves rich in personal ornaments for women, from the cemeteries of the flederati is important as it demonstrates the long coexistence of native and new populations in many areas, as well as the emergence of a distinguishable social group. Where, asfoederati, chiefs were awarded a specific estate, they took possession of everything pertaining to the operation of the estate, including its workers, stone buildings did become occupied. 77 In general, large sections of arable land had fallen into disuse during the many decades of turmoil and neglect so that there could be little question of adopting established patterns. The graves of the laeti show them to represent a mixed culture, where the Germanic elements coexisted with late Roman forms. During the fourth century in Gaul, theirs represent a transition towards the forms reflected in the later migration of the peoples. Until the middle of the fourth century the burials are cremation graves furnished with grave goods. Thereafter fully equipped inhumation graves, analogous to those of the Gallo-Romans, begin to appear. In Belgium and in northern France Germanic graves, identifiable as such by their grave inventories of weapons and ornaments, belong to a burial culture characterized by 'row-gravefields'. These gravefields begin without transition during the fourth century and end almost as abruptly during the fifth, though in some areas they continue into Frankish times. 78 The wealth and quality of the grave inventories, essentially of provincial Gallo-Roman provenance, suggest that the deceased did not belong among the laeti but among the warriors of the flederati in Roman service and their successors of free Franks. The funerary evidence suggests a symbiotic process between the Romans and the Franks in Roman service (Fig.20). The inventory complex recovered in N-E Gaul allows the conclusion that the dominant, Frankish culture of the Early Middle Ages had its beginning there in 77 78

Gunther, Gemzanen, p.151. Kruger, "Franken", in Kruger, II, pp.418 - 434.

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the synthesis of a Gallo-Roman-Germanic heritage. 79 Their federated status gave the Franks a significant advantage in future political developments. In accordance with their treaties the Franks intercepted the Vandals, Alans and Suebi when they crossed the Rhine in 406/07 and though bested by them, the Franks discouraged them from perhaps turning northward towards Agrippina and the area, which they seem gradually to have considered being their own lands. Not taking any chances the Franks supported the usurpers Eugenius and Constantine III and then Iovinus with warriors and resisted the following period of restoration by plundering TreverislTrier in 413, perhaps because that same year the Burgundians were awarded the protection of that section of the Rhine frontier which had been crossed by the Vandals and their allies. About ten years later the Franks occupied the area around Cologne (Agrippina) from where, in 428, Aetius repelled them once more, driving them across the Rhine. In 436, however, he granted them settlements along the left bank of the Rhine. Aetius defeated a group of Franks once more in 448 when after 440 they pushed S-W past Brussels to Arras and Cambrai. Aetius settled them there as foederati. 80 At all times the sovereignty of Rome over territorial Gaul was more than just a fiction, as succeeding tribal groups were first defeated militarily before their requests for land and settlement agreements were approved by the state. (Map 7) During the disputes over the Roman Imperial succession the Franks were led by one of their kings, the Merovingian Childeric (died 481/82). As supporter of one claimant, Aegidius, Childeric and his Franks fought victoriously near Orleans against the Visigoths sent against Aegidius in 463 and 469 and that same year, in support of another, Paulus, they defeated the Saxon pirates who had occupied the Loire estuary and defeated the Alemans near Troyes. It is probable that Childeric functioned in these conflicts as leader of his own units of Frankish federated troops - assembled war bands 81 - rather than as the dominant Frankish king leading a homogeneous army drawn from all the Franks. It was probably in his latter capacity that 79 W. Hartung, Siiddeutschland in der friihen Merowingerzeit. Studien zur Gesellschrifi, Herrschrifi, Stammesbildung bei Alamannen und Bajuwaren (Wiesbaden 1983), p.16f. See Pohl, Germanen, pp.33ff. 80 Ewig, Merowinger, p.13. Beisel, pp.35ff. provides extensive detail about Frankish activities in the lands along both sides of the Rhine. 81 I. Wood, the Merovingian Kingdoms 450- 751 (London, New York 1994), p.39.

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

Map 7. Frankish expansion, c.260 -

545.

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he was granted lands in the province Belgica Secunda. It is in this role of military leader that he rose in prestige over the other rival, tribal kings. It is likely that he overreached himself in this capacity and was driven offhis throne for political reasons by the magnates, rather than by the fathers whose daughters he had abused. Gregory suggests that his immorality was the cause of his exile during which the Roman Aegidius was invited to assume the Throne. From 475 onward, as Childeric became the representative of real power, he stood in direct contact with the Emperor Zeno in Constantinople from whom he received not only gifts of precious objects and financial subsidies, but perhaps the legitimacy of his rule. He also maintained good relations with the Church. Perhaps still a pagan82 he criss-crossed Gaul in the service of the Christian Romans. One can envisage him high on horseback, wrapped in a Roman officer's purple silk cloak woven with gold, held together by a golden Roman onion-headed fibula - a sign of his high rank, and studded with golden bees as he was hailed deliverer and protector. When he died in 481/82 he took this garb and his horse into his grave along with a seal-ring bearing his long-haired likeness - a sign of his Heil, his treasure of gold and silver coins bearing the likenesses of the Emperors Leo (457 - 474) and Zeno (474 - 492), as well as an inventory of luxurious objects, some of eastern provenance, reflecting the orientalizing tastes brought west by the Huns and shared by at least this Gennanic prince, now a member of the cultural elites of the Late Roman Empire. 83 True to his paganism, horse burials circled his grave. The career of Childeric illustrates very well the circumstances, which surrounded such individuals as the Visigoths Alaric, Athaulf, and the Ostrogoth Theoderic and the many other Masters of the Army. Associated and experienced in Roman administrative and military affairs they had become mighty partners of the powerful senatorial and landed aristocracy, and of their relatives, the princes of the Church. It is reasonable to assume that these contacts will have Romanized them and enlightened self-interest will have made them 82 R. Collins, Early Medieval Europe 300 - 1000 (Basinstoke, London 1991), p.l 05, implies that he may have been an Arian Christian. 83 Karl Boner, "Childerich von Tournai", in Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde, 4 (Berlin, New York 1981), pp.441 - 460. See Peter Lasko, The Kingdom qfthe Franks, North- West Europe bifore Charlemagne, Library qf Medieval Civilization, edited by David Talbot Rice (New York, London 1971), p.25f., for the inventory of Childeric's tomb.

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see that the advantages were greater in serving the Empire than they were fighting it. 84 In return for his service to the Romans, though not in keeping with the rules of hospitalitas, Childeric and his Franks were probably paid off in land. Primarily these land holdings will have consisted of lands largely abandoned by their previous Roman and Gallo-Roman owners. However, many of the land grants were located in regions further inside Gaul, where the Gallo-Roman population was still strongly represented and where Roman traditions of construction and settlement were still effective. For our purposes it is Austrasia and the west-Rhenish area, which attracts our attention. The presence of archeological finds does clearly demonstrate the presence of Frankish populations without at the same time providing evidence of the specific nature of settlement and construction. On the other hand, place names have survived to the present which clearly indicate that at one point the settlement had a Germanic first or perhaps a second beginning where, because of depopulation or desertion, a site was reoccupied. These generally do not reflect original Latin names. 85 The Franks left the towns and cities, the fortified places, in Gallo-Roman hands, one of the reasons for the particular character of the Frankish kingdom. There is, however, the example of Constantine's basilica in TreverislTrier having become the residence of a Frankish count (Fig. 21). In many areas along the Rhine there is evidence that the Franks settled around the villas. Though they did not destroy them, they did not occupy them either, nor did they continue the farming operations. Instead they introduced a new settlement structure. Where the original owners remained, there are examples of the continued operation of the farms into the seventh century. In many areas the evidence from cemeteries demonstrates the coexistence of native and new populations. Such factors determined the rather rapid Romanization of the Franks. In the settled areas the communities can be differentiated in that the natives continued to build in stone while the new arrivals generally used timber. There are occasional examples of partial reoccupation during the fifth century, the 84 K.F. Werner, Conquete Franque de la Gaule, in K.F. Werner, Vom Frankenreich zur Enifaltung Deutschlands und Frankreichs. Urspriinge - Strukturen - Beziehungen. Ausgewahlte Beitrage. Festgabe zu seinem sechzigsten Geburtstag (Sigmaringen 1984), p.3. 85 A. Schiber, "Germanische Ortsnamen in Frankreich", in F. Petri, Siedlurl£ Sprache und Bevo'lkerungsstruktur im Frankenreich (Darmstadt 1973), pp.19ff.

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making of repairs from the available debris and the continuation of rural life. In other instances ruins of villas continued as burial sites and as early churches. Meadows and fields belonging to the villas were distributed along different lines as the Roman system of parcelling, designed for purposes of taxation, was ignored, the nature of the terrain being the primary criterion. Germanic villages were seldom continued on Gallo-Roman antecedent settlements. The exceptions to the practice of not occupying the stone houses were those situations where the Roman administration had awarded a specific estate to tribal chiefs, their flederati, especially and where the beneficiary took possession of everything pertaining to the operation of the estate experienced workers, tools, production methods and even the pertinent vocabulary, hence the adoption of loan words for fruit and vegetables into the Germanic languages. In the regions along the Lower and Middle Rhine large sections of cultivated land had fallen from use owing to the desolation brought on by the civil wars, by raiding and invading tribes living off the land and by the ensuing neglect. On the lands abandoned by their Gallo-Roman owners the isolated estates were replaced by Frankish villages as the new populations occupied the plains and valleys. During the last Roman centuries the differences between the once highly-cultivated Roman fields and those worked by the Germanic migratory peasant tribes beyond the Roman frontiers had been largely levelled out. The invading Franks of the fifth century encountered a landscape, which had generally reverted to that of previous conditions. The continuity of Roman terminology, tools, methods and concepts did to some extent camouflage the transition. 86 The finds reveal that Frankish settlements were established in large numbers in locations not previously used by the Romans but in which the Gallo-Roman centers served as points from which the Germanic occupation of the land spread, so that the lands underwent a much more intensive colonization than had been the case during Roman times. From an archeological point of view the difficulty lies in identifying fifth and sixth century levels at the settlement sites. For many it is possible to conclude that for those, which were extant during the seventh century, antecedents existed already during the previous century. Where new sites were chosen during this period, but were later abandoned thereby allowing the land to return to natural conditions, the

86

Schutz, Romans, p.160, Notes 156,157, p.161.

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shadows of the house outlines are now visible from the air beneath the cultivated soil. It is in the regions drained by the Rhine and its larger tributaries that Frankish settlement density was relatively high. By contrast, the elevated ranges are nearly devoid of settlement evidence. Along the Lower Rhine a Frankish presence is already evident during the late fourth and early fifth centuries until the Franks show considerable expansion during the seventh century. Incomplete information does not allow a conclusive assessment of Frankish settlement structures. It should also be considered that during their expansion into the Roman Empire the Franks came into Roman, Gallo-Roman and even Celtic contexts, so that their inventory of forms reflects methods and techniques acquired in Roman Gaul. The Frankish farming unit on both sides of the Rhine generally followed some of the 'prototypes' described earlier. As we have seen, there were the large farms, which could not be worked by their owners alone. More prevalent was the settlement, which consisted of a medium-sized house, a stable or barn, smaller sheds and several pit-houses of which some functioned as workshops, others for storage. Such a unit could be worked by a family. Their location either as isolated homesteads or as hamlets composed of fenced in farms may have been the typical Frankish form of settlement during the sixth century. Such settlements as have been researched suggest houses to have been square in outline, 7m x 6.5m, sectioned internally, of half-timbered construction, with a small porch generally at the west end, the walls indicated by shallow ditches and the gabled roof covered with reed or straw. The sunken huts, built with six to eight posts - three posts per side, were sunken into the ground to a depth of c.35cm, with a floor plan measuring c.12m2 . The third type of structure was most frequently raised on stilts to protect the stored food and fodder from moisture and rodents. 87 When a century later villages became established, they reflected the independence and self-sufficiency of the individual homesteads. Initially these villages were probably linked through blood-ties, but as they became integrated with other and older settlements, multicultural territorial communities will have evolved. Pollen analysis and the location of many other finds indicate that during the sixth to seventh centuries fields and pastures had expanded

87

Kruger, "Franken", in Kruger, II, p.405f.

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extensively in the low-lying fertile river valleys as well as onto the sandier soils and that this was caused by continuity of occupation, increases in the population, and the inner colonization and local maximization of the available land during this period. With the Merovingian eastward expansion during that time into the lands of the Chatti and beyond to the Thuringians, the clearing of forests and the placement of settlements is documented. Concerning these regions - the Middle Rhine, central Alsace and the Middle Main - it has been established that during the sixth and seventh centuries the Merovingian court pursued a policy of colonization which established groups of settlers to clear and develop crown lands. These settlements are characterized by noticeably regular long strips of land, sometimes consisting of parallel parcels 40m - 60m wide and at least IOOOm long. Though there are regional differences, this feature and particular place names point to Royal involvement in land development, probably by designated nobles to whom the implementations of Royal policies was delegated. 88 It will be recalled that Frankish settlements to the east of the Rhine, but to an extent also in the west-Rhenish lands, were initially military settlements and the colonization of certain areas was an expression of military conquest and subordination, a means of maintaining the established rule.

IV. Southern central Europe a. The Alemans

As early as the middle of the second century A.D. the areas north of the Danube, centered around Bohemia, were characterized by increasing unrest as the Germanic populations on Rome's northern frontier were beginning to move out of their traditional territories. Early indications of the great population dislocations yet to come, began with attacks by the Chatti on the frontier demarcations, the limes, in mid-century. These attacks took the Chatti into Germania superior and Raetia, before the invading thrust was spent, contained and the invaders driven back without having done extensive damage. By the mid-sixties, however, conditions along the Danube had deteriorated 88 E. Gringmuth-Dallmer, "Zur Siedlungsentwicklung des 5. bis 7.Jahrhunderts in den Stammesgebieten", in Kruger, II, pp.90ff, 99f.

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to the extent that Roman troops had to be recalled from the east. Large concentrations of hostile Germanic forces - the Marcomanni in Bohemia, Quadi in Slovakia, Naristae and Sarmatian Yaziges in Hungary - crossed the Danube in AD. 167, devastated Pannonia and Noricum and threatened Raetia, defeated a large Roman force, crossed the Alps and appeared before Verona. An eastern thrust penetrated into Greece. Even though the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, in AD. 172, was able to subjugate the Marcomanni and some of their neighbors in their own territories north of the Danube (Fig. 22), archeological evidence suggests that Germanic raids in AD. 174 extended into the heart of Raetia, focusing on Augusta Vindelicum, modern Augsburg and points of Lake Constance, making it necessary to replace the civil government of the province by a military administration. 89 The construction of the legion fortresses at Castra Regina/Regensburg in Raetia, AD. 179/80 and at Lauriacum/Lorch, in Noricum, AD. 180/81, and particularly the decisive defeat of Marcomanni and Quadi brought stability to the frontier. No doubt the raids from which few, if any, returned and the defeats will have reduced significantly the population pressures along the frontier. A pattern of Roman priorities becomes discernible. The priority of Rome's eastern wars, especially against the growing strength of the Sassanian Empire, made it necessary to transfer experienced troops from the northern frontiers, leaving these frontiers more vulnerable as lines of defense. The evidence is increasing that during the third century the status of the limes and its line forts was declining. The border had become more porous and a process of a symbiotic acculturation had largely levelled the population differences. The early and later limes cannot be compared. Claimants of the throne stripped many of the forts of their garrisons and even abandoned them completely without contest. Quite a few show no signs of attack and destruction. It may have been the emperor Aurelian (270 - 75) who evacuated parts of Raetia and Germania inferior east of the Rhine. It appears that the loss of territory was not seen as a threat to the continuing existence of the Empire as Rome never ceased to claim at least nominal control over it. The ultimate 'fall 'of the limes may therefore not have been what it has been trumped up to be. Less in need of a definite solution Rome tried to shore up its northern defenses by raising levies among the Germanic settlers brought in to repopulate the devastated areas. Oth89

Kellner, Rbmer in Bayern, pp.73ff.

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ers were to be kept out. Of prime importance for the central authority was the threat constituted by usurpers, successful generals who with the support of the western legions repeatedly tried to gain the Imperial title and power for themselves. 90 The resulting civil wars contributed significantly to provincial vulnerability in that they depleted the available garrison forces even more, stripped areas of their populations and of their economic viability. In addition, these rivals for the Imperial throne took to augmenting their forces by hiring Germanic leaders and their military retinues, sometimes of tribal strength. During this early phase and even much later, as with the Goths in 376, or the Vandals in 429, the presence of Germanic populations within the frontiers of the Empire was the result of a generally negotiated, strategic and 'invitational' settlement policy. In return for service the Roman state requisitioned or provided a degree of Romanization, shelter and food, the latter payable either in monies or in kind. During the next phase the weaknesses detectable in the military fabric and in the extensive social disorder, when added to the still apparent material wealth and economic security of the visible and comparatively brilliant Roman civilization, invited an aggressive approach to sharing in this security. From the middle of the second century AD. onward and for the next two hundred years, during a continuous process of assimilation, the northern frontier was to witness only short periods of stability. During the second century AD. large concentrations of tribal groups, not necessarily ethnically related, were assembling in the Germanic hinterland into new, large tribal federations - Franks beyond the Lower Rhine, Alemans along the Middle Elbe and Goths in the plains north of the Carpathian Mountains and the Black Sea. As these tribes pressed against the Roman frontiers, they either pushed the Germanic inhabitants of the border areas into the Roman territories or they absorbed them. Seldom are there indications that these pressures took the form of co-ordinated campaigns. Thus after AD. 200

90 W. GofTart, Rome's Fall and After (London, Ronceverte 1989), p.8f. argues repeatedly that in the West the suppression of usurpers attracted the greatest attention in the central administration's evaluation of importance, not the long term defense of the Northern frontier. Northern defense was only one item on a lengthy list of internal concerns. GofTart, p.18, also points out that the West differed significantly from the East as "a nursery of pretenders for the throne". Also M. Bruckner, "Das 3Jahrhundert n.Chr. in den romischen Provinzen", in Frohlich, p.24. Also PoW, Germanen, p.28f.

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the Alemans set out in a S-W direction. In AD. 213 Roman border stations reported the appearance of squadrons of Alemanic horsemen along the limes. The Emperor Caracalla anticipated their intentions, crossed the limes and in a pre-emptive campaign defeated the Alemans near the river Main, though this event may have been a later fabrication. Twenty years later, in AD. 233 however, without benefit of Frankish co-operation the Alemans took advantage of the withdrawal of Roman troops, overran the Raetian limes on a broad front, crossed the thinly populated regions and reached the rivers Saar and Moselle in the west and Lake Constance in the south. The destruction was so extensive, that for reasons of insufficient strength and resources many of the forts and settlements were never rebuilt. In AD. 235, the Emperor Severus Alexander marched up from Persia to launch a punitive campaign with troops drawn from Pannania, Rome and even Spain. Unsuccessful in his intent, he was murdered by his troops when he tried to negotiate. Raids of greater force in AD. 242, 253/54 took the Alemans far beyond the Raetian and Upper German limes. Roman defensive strategy was to allow the invaders to exhaust themselves until they died of starvation while the inhabitants of the invaded territories withdrew into the fortified towns and cities. In the north the new federation of the Franks had crossed the Lower Rhine in AD. 256/57. Here too the Franks made use of the withdrawal of troops to the east to launch a brief but terrifYing breach of the 'wet' limes, the Rhine River. In AD. 266 they even raided into southern Spain. In AD. 259/60 the most extensive Alemanic attacks completely destroyed the civil and military administration of Raetia. With the exception of one legion and two cohorts, the known units stationed along the limes disappeared from the records and probably ceased to exist. The limes was given up and the scattered romanized population withdrew to a few secure sites. Having been more of a demarcation than a line of defense all along, it had become rather porous. The new strategy relied on fortifications built further away from the border, garrisoned by mobile forces of cavalry. This Alemanic invasion reached Medialanum, modern Milan. (Map 8) Repeated Alemanic invasions in AD. 267, 268, 270 reached ever farther South, to Lake Garda, then across the Alps to Medialanum, modern Milan, to defeat a Roman army near Placentia, to be defeated at Pavia in AD. 271 and in Gaul in AD. 274. In AD. 276 Alemans and Franks launched a broad frontal attack on Gaul where they captured 70 towns. Though pushed back across the Rhine, from AD.

Map 8. Invasions of the northern Roman provinces during the 2nd and 3rd Centuries.

;""===

U1

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59

276 to 305 three successive Emperors tried systematically though in vain, to recover lost territories. The Alemans were thus the first of the Germanic tribal federations to establish themselves on formerly Roman territories. Their repeated assaults on the Roman limes had resulted in the collapse and evacuation of that frontier in Raetia in 259/60 and their occupation of much of the Decumatia in east-Rhenish Germania superior and in the end Rome had to accept new natural river boundaries as a penetrable dividing line between Alemans and Romans along the limes formed by the Upper Rhine, Iller and Danube Rivers. As a result the east-Rhenish lands between the Taunus Mountains in the north and the Upper Rhine in the south became Alemanic territory. By mid-fifth century the Alemans had followed the Danube beyond Castra ReginalRegensburg and the river Main beyond modern Wurzburg. Following a failed attempt to establish themselves west of the Rhine between 352 and 357, and the surrender of some northern strips to the Burgundians (c.390 - 443), the Alemans retained their lands till the death of Aetius in 454. The defeat of the Alemans by the Franks in 496 or 497 at the battle near TolbiacumlZulpich and Frankish expansion across the Middle Rhine and along the river Main during the early sixth century compacted Alemanic territory between the Alsace in the west and the river Lech in the east. Towards the south they crossed the Rhine and Lake Constance and penetrated into the Alpine river valleys. The Roman frontiers were relocated. In the region in question the archeological evidence indicates that there was nearly no continuity of Roman settlement after 260. The area had been depopulated. Roman funerary practices - cremation graves - were discontinued. Such few Romans as were indicated in ancient sources were new settlers without any continuity with previous Roman populations. 91 Mixed cemeteries are not in evidence. As was the case elsewhere, the Alemans settled on the estates, around the civilian and military sites previously cleared and cultivated by the Romans but now generally abandoned by them. Initially deserted Roman buildings were 91 R. Chrisdein, Die Alamannen, Archiiologie eines lebendigen Volkes, 2nd edition (Stuttgart and Aalen 1979), p.27f., 41. Also D. Geuenich, "Herkunft und 'Landnahme' der Alamannen", and G. Fingerlin, "Siidwestdeutschland in friihmittelalterlicher Zeit", in K. Fuchs, et al. Die Alamannen, 2nd. ed. (Stuttgart 1997), pp.73 - 78 and 125 - 141. See also F. Danninger, "Dwellings, settlements and settlement patterns in Merovingian southwest Germany and adjacent areas", in I.Wood, Franks and Alamanni in the Merovingian Period. An ethnographic Perspective. (Woodbridge, Rochester, N.Y. 1998), pp.33 - 79. See especially F. Siegmund, Alemannen und Franken (Berlin, New York 2000). Pohl, Germanen, pp.29ff.

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occupied by the Alemans, but because of maintenance problems, by the fourth century these were allowed to fall into ruin, until at a later time the ruins were quarried for their building materials, leaving only the stone foundation outlines, often visible from the air. Though there is not enough discernible evidence to indicate close proximity of Roman and Alemanic settlement, the Alemans did not shun the vicinity of the Romans. Already in the third century the Alemans settled near the Roman frontiers, most likely because of the material benefits, which could be gained through such close association. Valleys, basins and elevated plains favorable to agriculture were obvious settlement areas, though fertile, heavy soils, as well as former Roman areas could be avoided. A decisive criterion, however, was the attraction offered by previously cultivated land served by established roads. Noteworthy is the Alemanic reoccupation of Iron Age fortified elevations. From their Elbian homelands the Alemans brought their traditional form of settlement in close or in extended family units in homesteads and hamlets respectively. Settlement in new areas does not appear to have been attractive to individual families. No isolated homestead datable to the early period has yet been uncovered, which recommends the conclusion that they settled in small groups. Attention was drawn above to the economic and socio- political structures of these family units, which could include servants and field hands free and unfree. There is sufficient qualifiable evidence from the cemeteries to demonstrate such social structures in the grouped association of richer and poorer graves. It is of interest that the earliest Alemanic settlements were subsequently abandoned, for evident continuity of the settlement sites or of the cemeteries extending from the third to the sixth centuries is rare. It took another period of colonization, from 454 onward, for the Alemans to claim the lands, which they would hold till Frankish times. During the next two hundred years new sites were occupied which allowed the expansion of the small farms and homesteads into larger economic units and villages. To keep pace with the growth of the families, up to four times that of earlier Roman densities,92 and the necessary division of the agricultural land, areas had to be located, some92 Schmidt, "Die Alamannen", in Kriiger, II, p.347ff, illustrates how in c.500 five farms sheltered about 20 people; 50 years later about six farms sheltered about 40 60 people and how another century later nine farms sheltered 160 - 180 people. See also U. Koch, "Beobachtungen in Merowingerzeitlichen Graberfeldern an Neckar und Donau", in Fuchs, Die Alamannen, pp.219 - 232.

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

61

times very near by, which could support such an inner colonization, which is also reflected in the cemeteries containing hundreds of graves. A good illustration is the grave field at Schretzheim which grew in progressive stages from two Thuringian graves, after c.560, to about 630 burials during the remaining sixth and seventh centuries, demonstrating at the same time the complete assimilation of that growing population with that of the Alemans. In other instances the relocation of the cemetery was accompanied by a change in the burial practice, as the burial custom using more random urnfields or gravefields was replaced by the more orderly arrangement of the row-gravefields. Some southern cemeteries, on the other hand, indicate population continuity during the fourth and fifth centuries and perhaps even from the third. The concentration of the growing population into a compacted area contributed to the occupation of elevated regions and of the Alpine valleys. Place names are helpful in dating the settlements. Where the Alemans gradually mingled with the Roman population bilingual areas came into being and there bilingual place names developed from the late fifth century onward which combined approximations of pronunciation with adapted translation - Vendlincourt became Wendelinsdorf -, -dorfbeing an approximate equivalent of -court. Others include Courrendlin - Rennendorf, or Courgenay - Jensdorf. Some Gallo-Roman names changed, such as Salodurum became Solothurn. 93 Unless places underwent subsequent changes, place names ending in -ingen, -heim, -statt and -weil belong to sites settled between the fifth and seventh centuries. Placenames ending in -dorf, -stetten, -hofen, -weiler, -bach, -beuren, -hausen, -wang and -felden were founded after 700. 94 On their newly acquired lands the Alemans continued the Elbian tradition of house construction. While next to nothing is known about this activity, datable to the period before c.450, the sites being covered by subsequent settlements, what is known is that the sites bore settlements of irregular disposition. Main buildings were set up on level ground, others were set into the earth. Timbers were the chief building materials. The main building was the typical single- or double9:l

p.8r

R. Moosbrugger-Leu, Die Friihmittelalterlichen Graberftlder von Basel (Basel 1982),

94 Christlcin, Alamannen, pp.29ff. Also Schmidt, "Alamannen"in Kruger, II, p.349. Scc also Damminger, "Settlements, etc." in \Vood, Franks and Alamanni, p.56 for greater detail.

62

PART A

aisled longhouse, 5 - 6m wide, and 12 - 15m long. It usually served man and his livestock as a stable-house. The nobility may have reserved the longhouse for itself and its retinue, erecting separate stables and sheds for other functions. These were the familiar pit-houses, up to I m deep and averaging pit outlines of 2 - 3m x 4 - 6m. Three postholes (shadows) mark each of the narrow sides. They were used to store equipment or such goods as needed lower temperatures or a degree of moisture. Looms had been placed in many of these. Some had open fires. Not all parts of the settlement seemed to need the pit-houses. On occasion they had to be cut into the rock. 95 Those sheds which sought dry-storage were raised on stilts. Wells and baking ovens completed such an economic unit, which would then be contained by a fence. Attention was drawn previously to the protective and legal functions of such fences. While they were intended to keep unpleasant things out, they also served to establish personal property rights. The 'Runde Berg', an ancient fortified refuge, makes this clear where a timbered rock wall had been drawn around the 'princely 'acropolis" without benefit of a protective ditch. The 'wall' perimeter was an enclosure marking property and status. 96 What were the likely characteristics of a manor? Within the community it will have stood out by its size, because in addition to the manorial family it will have had to shelter a larger number of attendants, an entourage, guests and provide an assembly space. Following the Christianization of the family, a family church or chapel appeared97 as a fixed feature within the perimeter, clearly not intended to be a parish church. The gentry was first to accept Christianity, the conversion of the Alemanic population becoming the task for the early Carolingians. Not entirely assured is the role of any workshops associated with the manor. Did these produce for trade, thereby making the manor a power center from which the sources of raw materials, manufacture and distribution could be controlled? The 'Runde Berg', near Urach/Reutlingen, was such a center. Occupied and fortified shortly after the fall of the limes, this mountain-

95

130.

Chrisdein, Alamannen, p.39. Also Fingerlin, in Fuchs, Die Alamannen, pp.126 -

96 R. Chrisdein, Der Runde Berg bei Urach, vol. I (Heidelberg 1974). Also Chrisdein, Alamannen, p.41. H. Steuer, "Vom mobilen S61dnertrupp zur Residenz aufreprasentativen Bergkuppen", in Fuchs, Die Alamannen, pp.149 - 162. 97 Chrisdein, Alamannen, p.43f. See B. Scholkmann, "Die friihen Kirchen", in Fuchs, Die Alamannen, pp.455 - 464.

HISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

63

top location, one of about a dozen, had seen occupation and fortification since the Bronze Age, some since the Neolithic. 98 As a result most of the postholes cannot be assigned exclusively to the Alemanic Period. On the relatively level top, approximately 300m x 50m, and about 250m high, a segregated area had been surrounded by a palisade placed into a shallow foundation groove cut into the limestone. Wooden buildings covered the solid rock surface of the settlement, the posts having been placed on a base of horizontal foundation beams. The early finds can be dated to the second half of the third century. Most of them were found scattered about the eastern, most elevated part of the plateau, the 'acropolis' mentioned above. The finds indicate that a small segment of the population maintained contacts with the Romans from whom they obtained glass, terra sigillata dishes and coins. They played Roman board games and will have belonged to that same gentry whose funerary inventories indicated Roman contacts already in their Elbian realms. This group kept itself segregated by the palisade from the remaining population inhabiting the western end (Fig.23). During the fifth century the wall of this enclosure was nearly 2m wide, constructed of drywall, supported every 3m on the inside and outside by postS. 99 Only a double row of posthole shadows testifies to the earlier existence of this wall. The fact that this wall did not surround the entire plateau is taken to indicate its non-defensive character. From the third to fifth centuries this site served as the center for the manufacture and distribution of costume ornaments. Shops for working iron (Fig.24), glass, antler and bone, stone and fabrics have been identified. Semi-finished brooches, molds and stamps for their manufacture have been found, indicating that from the third to the fifth century fibulas were manufactured there.IOO Within the enclosure ornaments of jet were made. The concentration of fragments of precious metal indicates that the workshops of the silversmiths were located outside and to the S-W of the segregated area. The evidence offire, parts of weapons found on the slopes and 'treasure' depots suggest that the site was

98 G. Mildenberger, Germanische Burgen. Verififentlichungen der Altertumskommission im Provinzialinstitut for Wesiflilische Landes- und Volksforschung, Landesverband Westfolen-Lippe, Band IV (Munster 1978), pp.94ff. See also Damminger, "Dwellings, Sttlements, etc." In Wood, Franks and Alamanni, pp. 71 ff. concerning hill-forts. 99 Schmidt, "Alamannen", in Kruger, II, p.350ff. Especially Christlein, Alamannen, pp.43ff. for an overview of this archeological site. p.47. Also Fingerlin, Steuer, in Fuchs, Die Alamannen, pp.126£, I 52ff. 100 Mildenberger, pp.95ff., 98.

64

PART A

attacked at the beginning of the sixth century and completely destroyed, probably by the Franks in 506. It was not to be reoccupied for another 150 years. During the seventh century the occupied area was expanded and surrounded by a wall. It was during this period that the pits for the storage houses were cut into the limestone. The other mountaintops referred to above are located between the Upper Main and the Danube. They yielded finds datable to the third, fourth and fifth centuries. As in previous centuries these sites will have played a central role for the surrounding populations. They may have served as refuges during dangerous times but also as socio-political and economic centers. In their use of wooden structures within the perimeter and in their role as supply centers of goods that could not be produced in every settlement, there is a resemblance between these sites and Roman fortified villages.

b. The Bavarians Further to the east the Bavarian tribe, the Baiuvarii, developed around the core of an Elbian population. These Elbians had been under Thuringian and Lombardic influence, had emerged out of Bohemia into Raetia II and in Ostrogothic and then Frankish times, during the sixth century, had assimilated with other population groups. These Bavarians then were not an old people but an ethnic conglomerate of Germanic tribal splinter groups, which from mid-fifth century, about 476, onward, had coalesced between the Danube and the Alps from the rivers Lech/Iller in the west to the river Enns in the east. (Map 9) Their presence is indicated in the military structures and fortifications of the Roman limes auxiliaries (Fig.25) and is supported in the mixed Roman and Germanic equipment inventories of the adjoining cemeteries throughout this area (Fig. 26). These inventories of personal ornaments and ceramics date far into the fifth century and reveal that the troops stationed in the frontier fortifications belonged to Elbian and Bohemian tribes as well as to those originating further east, interspersed with the occasional Frank. The inventories also reflect the presence of some nobles and of women. lOi These inventories, how-

!OI H.W. Bohme, "Zur Bedeutung des spatromischen Militardienstes fur die Stammesbildung der Bajuwaren", in H. Dannheimer and H. Dopsch, Die Bajuwaren von Severin bis T assilo, 488 - 788, Austellungskatalog (Munich, Salzburg 1988), pp.23ff. for details of the inventories, their origin and style.

Fig. I. Excavated remains of sta ble-houses at the "Wurt" Feddersen Wierde, 1st century. M ain stable-house has livestock boxes, passage and manure gutters in front; living qua rters a re the light colored area at the rear. (Wilhelmshaven, Niedersachsisches Institut fur Historische Kustenforschung).

Fig. 2. Spindles, weights with models of pit house weaving sheds from the Saxon settlement at Warendorf(Munster, W estfalisches Museum fur Archaologic).

Fig. 3. J astorf-Ripdorf ware, 400 - 200 B.C ., from Eastern Mecklenburg (Liibstorf, Schlo13 Wiligrad, Archaologisches Landesmuseum Mecklenburg-Vorpommern).

Fig. 4. Lombardic urn , 1st/2nd century, gravefinds from Wiebendorf/Hagenow (Liibstorf, Schlo13 Wiligrad , Archaologisches Landesmuseum Mecklenburg-Vorpommern).

Fig. 5. Mainly Roman gravefinds from the a ristocratic necropolis at H aven/Sternberg (Llibstorf, SchloB Wiligrad, Archaologisches Landesmuseum Mecklenburg-Vorpommern).

Fig. 6. Early Saxon biconical urns, ornamented Buckelurnen, from the grave field at Gudendorf, 1st-6th century (Cuxhaven, Museum fUr Vor- und Friihgeschichte).

Fig. 7. Wheelthrown pottery for the Thuringian nobility, 454 - 531 (Kothenl Anhalt, Historisches Museum).

Fig. 8. Situlas of the Gro8romstedt Culture - Ist century Elbian Suebians from Thuringia - from Baldersheim/Wurzburg (Wurzburg, Mainfrankisches Museum).

Fig. 9. Elbian pottery, 3rd/4th century, from southern Mark Brandenburg (Berlin-Charlottenburg, Museum fur Vor- und Fruhgeschichte).

Fig. 10. H ermundurian/Thuringian handled urns, northern Elbian imports, before 400, marking the transition to cremation (Quedlinburg, Schlo13museum).

Fig. II. Crossbow fibulas from the woman's grave at HaBleben, 3rd century (VVeimar, Museum fur Ur- und Fruhgcschichte) .

Fi g. 12. Assorted fibula s, 6th 17th century, from Eischleben/Arnstadt (Weimar, i\Iuse um fur Urund Fruhgeschichtc).

Fig. 13. Deformed skull, 4th/5th century (Weimar, Museum fur Urund Fruhgeschichte).

Fig. 14. Belt buckle of bronze with bosses, engraved heads and a nimals, after 400, following the Christianization of the Burgundians, from thei r early settlement area along the Middle Rhine (Cologne, Ramisch-Germanisches Museum, Rheinisches Bildarchiv Kalil ).

Fig. 15. Hunish horse trappings, weapons, 5th century (Budapest, National Museum).

Fig. 16. Hunish funerary vessel of cast bronze, from Tortel (Budapest, National Museum).

Fig. 17 . Burgundian belt buckle, chip carved bronze, 6th17th century (ZUrich, Schweizerisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 18. Burgundian belt buckle of cast bronze bearing pagan and Christian motifs horses flanking a tree onile, 6th17th century (Bern, Historisches Museum).

winged

Fig. 19. Roman chip carved belt assembly, late 4th century (Krefeld-Burg Linn , Landschaftsmuseum des Niederrheins).

Fig. 20. Fibulas of gilt silver, 5th century, from Gelduba (Krefeld-Burg Linn , La nd schaftsmuseu m des Niederrheins).

Fig. 2 1. Aula Palatina, basilica, part of the form er Constantinean palace complex. Right wall had collapsed and during Merovingian times the hall was part of the residence of Frankish counts (Trier).

Fig. 22. Column of Marcus Aurelius commemorati ng the campaigns of the Marcomannic Wars. The central frieze shows a chieftain being led into the presence of the Imperator (Rome).

Fig. 23 . Gilt silver bow fibul as, c. 500, rrom the Runde Berg/ U rach (Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 24. Alema nic tools, c.500, from the Runde Berg/Urach (Stuttgart, VVtirttembergisches Landesmuse um).

Fig. 25. Roman silver fibula, early 4th century, grave find from lrrsdorf/Straf3walchen (Salzburg, Augusteum).

Fig. 26. Roman chip carved belt fittings , 4th century, from an inhumation grave set in the ruins of a Roman villa at Salzburg-Maxglan (Salzburg, Carolina Augusteum).

Fig. 27. Pottery from Fricdcnhain (Straubing, Gaubodcnmuse um).

Fig. 28. Reconstructions of Bavaria n houses, 6th/8th century, at the open air display Die Bajuwaren, Von Severin bis Tassi/a, 488 - 788, 19. N/ai bis 6. November 1988 at M attsee/ Salzhurg.

Fig. 29.

~Iod e l s

of Bavarian pit houses as excavated at Kirchheim , 7th century (Munich , Arc haologische Staatssammlung).

Fig. 30. Germanic utensils, including an axe and a fi shing spear (replica), early 6th century, from Maria Ponsee (Traismauer, Niederosterreichisches Landesmuseum fur Fruhgeschichte).

Fig. 31. Late Roman and Germanic pottery and glass, 5th century (Prague, National Museum).

Fig. 32. Pre-Lombardic-Elbian pottery, spurs and weapons, 3rd/4th century (Prague, National .\Iuseum).

Fi g. 33. Child 's deformed skull, ea rly 5th ce ntury, from Schiltern in Lower Austri a (Traismauer, Niederosterreichisches Landesmuseum fiir Fruhgeschichtc).

Fig. 34. Lombardic gold fibulas, late 5th century, from Szentendre, north of Budapest (Budapest, National Museum).

Fig. 35. Lombardic fibulas from Pannonia, 6th century (Budapest, National Museum).

Fig. 36. Roman glass and Lombardic fibulas from H egykii, 6th century (Budapest, National Museum).

Fig. 37. Gepidic pottery worked in the Roman manner from the Tisza regIon, 5th century (Budapest, National Museum).

Fig. 38. Gepidic buckle with bird motifs, 5th century, from Bokenymindszent (Budapest, National Museum).

Fig. 39. Gepidic silver eagle buckle, c.500 (Budapest, National Museum).

Fig. 40. Avar buckles, c.700, from Zila Szebeny, Romania (Budapest, National Museum).

Fig. 41. Early Slavic pottery, 6th century, Prague type (Prague, National Museum).

Fig. 42. Slavic stirrups, early 8th century (Prague, National Museum).

Fig. 43 . Shield fittings of gilt bronze of a horseman and dog, from Stabio, Canton Tessin, 6th17th century (Bern, Historisches Museum).

Fig. +.1. Thcodelinda's Gospel covers in the treasury of" Moma Cathedral. The inscription names her as TIleodelenda Reg. (ina) Gloriosissema. The cO\"('rs show classical anel polychrome clements in systematic arrangements (i\ [linich , Arch~iologisch e Staatssammlung).

Fig. 45. Slavic pottery, Prague type, 6th century (Prague, National Museum).

Fig. 46. Slavic or Avar pottery with incised design from Lower Austria, 6th century (Horn, Hi:ibarth- und Madermuseum).

Fig. 47. Slavic pottery, probably to be associated with the Slavic Wilzi, 4th/6th century (StJ'alsund, Kunsthistorisches Museum).

Fig. 48. Slavic pottery of the Suckow type, 6th17th century (Stralsund, Kunsthistorisches Museum).

Fig. 49. Reconstruction of the Slavic se ttlement and fortifica tion at GroG Raden (Llibstorl; SchloG vViligrad , Ar("h~lologisches Landesmuseum Mecklenburg-Vorpommern).

Fig. 50. Double headed cultic figure from the Fischerinsel, Toliensesee /Neubrandenburg, late 6th century (Lubstorf, SchloB Wiligrad, Archaologisches Landesmuseum Mecklenburg-Vorpommern).

Fig. 51. Funnelshaped urn, 1st/2nd century, from Harsefeld (Stade, Schwedenspeicher Museum).

Fig. 52. Cicada fibulas, appliques, fittings and buckles, early 5th century, from Untersiebenbrunn (Traismauer, Landesmuseum fUr Friihgeschichte).

Fig. 53. Lance tips and spurs, mid 3rd century (Vienna, Naturhistorisches Museum).

Fig. 54. Goldleaf crosses (Freiburg, Museum fur Vor- und Fruhgeschichte).

Fig. 55. Animal shaped aquamanile for cultic purposes from Liebenau, late 5th to 7th century (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 56. Sacrificial urn from Liebenau, late 5th to 7th century (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 57. Roman chip carved metallic fittings, 5th/6th century (Cologne, Romisch-Germanisches Museum, Rheinisches Bildarchiv Koln).

Fig. 58. Weapons from a Saxon grave inventory, Beckum, 6th17 th century (Munster, Westfalisches Museum fur Archaologie).

Fig. 59. Burial of two horses and a dog, 6th century, from Zeuzleben (Wiirzburg, Mainfrankisches Museum).

Fig. 60. Roman-Saxon pottery, c.WO (Hanmer, l\"icdersachsischcs Landcsmuscum).

Fig. 61. Buckelurne with faces for bosses, perhaps used for cuI tic purposes, 4th century, from Wehden/Wesennunde (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. li2. Model of a Saxon limn at \ Varendorf reconstructed from the archeological evidence (:\1iinster, Westhilisches :\1useum fur Archaologie).

Fig. 63. Bronzc strap ends with demonic representations from Nusplingen, 5th/6th century (Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 64. Stamped pottery, 5th/6th century, from Sontheim/Brenz (Stuttgart, WUrttembergisches Landesmuseum).

kilometres

To Aquileia

Map 9. Bavaria to the end of the 6th century.

"",,,,,,,,,,,,,===,,,,,,,,,,,,===,2:>90

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v~

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~J ~:1 Paulsen, Schach-Dbrges, pp.90ff. for particulars concerning the weapons inventory in the Alemanic graves at Giengen. '>+ Paulsen, Schach-Dbrges, pp.72ff. For a very detailed discussion of armaments and horse trappings at the large cemetery at Kirchheim am Ries. See Christiane Neuffer-Muller, Der alamannische Adelsbestattungsplatz und die Reihengrdberfriedhiife von Kirchheim am Ries (Stuttgart 1983), pp.20 - 42. e,c, Behm-Blanke, p.116, suggests that these Helmets, forerunners of the Royal crowns, were gifts made by Theoderic to the kings of the allied kingdoms. ifi Schmidt, "Alamannen", in Kruger, II, pp.352ff. lists a number of these gravefields and the number of burials. See Christlein, Alamannen, pp.67ff. e,7 Paulsen, Schach-Dbrges, pp.69 - 78, 97 - 100. The horse burials tended to be placed only 0.50m to 1.45m below the surface.

•

"====-===::0;;;=="",==3200 kibmetres

~

Fifth/Sixth Century Seventh Century

• o

Map 15. Horse burials in Central Europe (According to Kri.iger, II, p. 113).

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Approximate Horse Burial Locations

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ARCHEOLOGY AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL EVIDENCE

143

slain together in battle. In one of the graves the two are identified as to their function in the retinue - one had a drinking horn, the cupbearer, the other a bridle chain, the marshal. Not incompatible with New Testament ideas, the practice continued into Christian times. The horse was buried at their feet. 58 For about thirty years, from the end of the sixth century on, this aristocratic necropolis with rich burials of fifteen humans - mainly men, seven horses and three dogs suggests the existence of military posts to guard such strategic points as passes and crossroads. 59 This burial ground also contained the modestly equipped graves of warriors and of children, of two boys and a girl. If these graves had been located in one of the large row-gravefields one "vould not have thought of them as aristocratic. 60 In the cemetery at Giengen it was observed that the horse burials were not placed as deeply as those of the men, in pits that were rather constricted. The horses, usually stallions, must have been killed at the gravesite, possibly in the pit itself in which they were stabbed through the heart, with a lance perhaps, or beheaded, allowed to bleed to death and then squeezed into the burial pits before the onset of rigor mortis. The heads may then have been refitted. The decapitation may also have taken place after death. This procedure may account for the shallow depth and restricted size of the burial pits. Occasionally the head was impaled on a stake at the gravesite. However, most often the heads are missing, probably, as was mentioned above, to be used cultically by being nailed to the gables of houses as protection during the long and stormy winter nights when Odin and his 'Wild Hunt' thundered through the dark. Perhaps the horses were meant to be ready for the warriors' ride into Valhalla. This horse cult may have been part of the cultural inventory, which the Alemans brought from their Elbian homeland where it had, and continues to have, a long tradition. More recent contacts with the Thuringians may have introduced horse sacrifice to the Alemans at a more recent time. Folklore knows of horsemen riding headless horses. At Giengen horse burials continued into the middle of the seventh century. They are a part of the funerary

"n Christlein, Alamannen, p.59. See also 1. Stork, "Bestattungssitte und Grabraub als Kontrast" in Fuchs, Die Alamannen, pp. 418 - 435. 5lR< ,il,fflll

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Fig. 91. Sections of an Alemanic chain hanging, bronze, 7th century, from Kirchhcim/Ries (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 92. Amulet of stag antler, 6th 17th century,from Gelchsheim (Wiirzburg, Mainfrankisches Museum).

Fig. 93. Silver earring, 6th17th century (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung).

Fig. 94. Alemanic tree coffin with a snake as death symbol, 6th17th century, from li:ibingen (Stuttgart, vVUrttembergisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 95. Goldleaf cross, 5th/6th century, from Sontheim/ Brenz (Stuttgart, WUrttembergisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 96. Frankish limestone gravestone from Andernach, early 7th centu ry. The cross is surrounded by palm leaves and surmounted by a "winged" horse (Bonn, Rheinisches Land

Fig. 97. Frankish gravestone from Mainz, 7th century. "In this grave rest in blessed memory Bertisindis who lived for twenty years and Rodoaldus who lived happily for three years". Perhaps a mother and her son (Mainz, Landesmuseum, Inv. No. 3006).

Fig. 98. Spa ngenhelm, ango, barrel hoops, spear point and bones from the meat provisions from the princely grave at Morken (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 99. Frontal plaque of a helmet from the Val di Nievolo (Lucca), 6th17th century, reputedly showing the glorification of King Agilulf (Deutsches Kunsthistorisches Institut, Neg. nr.1656, Florence).

ARCHEOLOGY AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL EVIDENCE

145

turies wearing two became customary (Fig.89). They evidently were indications of status. 63 At first they were worn in pairs at the shoulders as fasteners or as terminals for leather straps, until they gradually came to be placed ever lower, finally being located at the hips without evident function, except perhaps as fasteners for belt hangings, or at the thigh or knees to fasten long skirts. At the belt (Fig.90) a pouch could contain an antler comb and such utensils as scissors and needles. From the end of the sixth century onward a large bronze ornamental disc could close the pouch. Utensils proper to the domestic arts, such as spindles, scraping or chopping knives, were also part of the grave inventories. 54 Ornaments were initially characterized by large disc fibulas but later generally consisted of chains of colorful beads of clay IPlate 2c), glass or amber, of bow-fibulas, S-shaped and disc fibulas, of either silver or gold, of varieties of earrings, arm- and fingerings, of ornamental pins, all manner of pendants worn on the body or suspended from belts (Fig. 9 I ), as well as belt buckles, inlaid, engraved or plain, made of iron, bronze, silver or gold. 65 From the end of the fifth century onward impulses from the east - nomadic, Ostrogothic and Byzantine - and from the western Franks influenced women's fashions. From the sixth century onward the disc fibula, worn at the right shoulder, returned to popularity. By contrast earrings, arm rings and hairpins are less frequent, however, amulets in the shape of large glass beads, antler discs (Fig.92), bracteats of gold and snail shells were popular, their mysterious qualities, today, not entirely distinguishable from other ornaments. 56 The general picture remained constant throughout these centuries. However, these inventories were the reserve of only the very small affiuent group. The merely well-to-do had only a few metal fittings and the majority of women had no more than a chain of beads or some plain earrings of bronze. By contrast, among the Bavarians valuable silver earrings (Fig.93) were common. 67 Till the seventh cen63 Moosbrugger-Leu, Griiberftlder, p.12. See also M. Martin, "Tracht und Bewaffnung in Frankischer Zeit", in Fuchs, Die Alamannen, p.35If. Ii. Neuffer-Muller, Adelsbestattungsplatz, pp.95ff. 6.; Christlein, Alamannen, pp.77 - 82, traces the development of Alemanic women's fashions from the fifth to the end of the seventh century. See also M. Martin, "Tracht und Bewaffnung in frankischer Zeit", in Fuchs, Die Alamannen, pp.349ff. Martin details the assemblies of garments and ornaments. For an extensive discussion of ornaments in the cemetery at Kirchheim am Ries, see Neuffer-Miiller, pp.43 - 95. liti Schmidt, "Alamannen", in Kruger, II, pp.358ff. See Christlein, Alamannen, p.60f. Also J\Iartin, in Fuchs, Die Alamanllell, p.354f. li7 Christlein, Alamannen, p.82.

146

PARTE

tury the obolus, the ferryman's coin, was placed into the palm or the mouth of women and men alike. Children's graves are underrepresented in the row-gravefields. This is especially true of infants who must have been buried in a most irregular manner. Little boys were equipped with a miniature sax. When somewhat older, about six, they were provided with a sax and bow and arrows even if they were physically unable to handle these weapons. Only as youths were they accompanied by a complete armament of spatha, sax, lance and shield. They do not seem to have been associated with horses in death. By contrast aristocratic boys and girls were fully equipped with adult weapons and ornaments. Generally young girls had beads, at least one fibula, a belt hanging and a range of amulets made from diverse materials. As teenagers they wore earrings, leg bindings and shoe buckles. Hair- or hatpins were rare. Such objects could be of varied provenance, indicating that among the wealthy they were probably selected from the family treasure. The children's graves were provisioned with food and drink for the journey, the obolus, the ferryman's penny, occasionally placed in a child's mouth. 68 In the graves the deceased, man or woman, may have been placed in a tree coffin (Fig.94), in a coffin made of fitted planks or on a bier. Some coffins had animal heads or bodies mounted on the lid, such as a snake, in conformity with pagan beliefs in their power to ward off harm. It would appear that woodworking skills were well developed. The preservation of wood proved a significant boon in the establishment of accurate dates, through the dating system developed by means of the growth rings of trees, dendrochronology. Where wood has been preserved, tree-ring dating makes it possible to establish the year in which a tree was cut. 'What had been said about the Bavarian row-graves is generally transferable to those of the Alemans. From the fifth century onward W (head)-E positioning of the graves prevails. Here too the depth of the graves varied between half a meter and two meters,69 the richer burials being placed at the greater depth,70 apparently a needless effort intended to frustrate grave robbers. At times these must have felt very safe, because some graves were carefully emptied of all their

68 69

70

Christlein, Alamannen, p.6l f. Paulsen, Schach-Dorges, p.SSf. Neuffer-Miiller, Adelsbestattungsplatz, p.13.

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valuables, sometimes very soon after the funeral. Haste is evident in others. In the northern Alemanic regions the coffin, or rather the wooden grave lining, was amplified by the end of the century into grave chambers, measuring 2m x 2.5 m. These appear to be derivatives of chambers used in northern Germany and in the Roman provinces oflate Imperial times.7' The logic, which was applied in the preparation of these chambers, placed the usual tree coffin with the deceased and his personal objects along the northern wall of the chamber, leaving enough room for the placement of the grave gifts. As among the Bavarians the coffin lid was finished with the notched body of the symbolic death snake, a head at both ends. While wooden coffins could also contain poor burials, in the eastern Alemanic region the practice of interring the deceased in grave chambers also became prevalent among the poor, so that in several eastern cemeteries ostentatious chambers were devoid of grave goods. By the middle of the seventh century there appear family graves throughout the Alemanic area in which up to six burials occupied the grave, earlier remains being pushed aside to make room for the new burial. The graves, lined in stone, appear to belong to the gentry, who seem to apply a sense of durability to the graves and by implication a sense of permanent settlement. A tumulus was raised to mark these graves. Their small number, the size of the tumulus, of the grave pit, the wealth reflected in the grave goods, the association with horse burials would point to these graves being those of a rising aristocracy.72 The family continuity would be emphasized through double burials, or by the placement of secondary burials within a tumulus. Other graves will have had to be identifiable through the use of markers. The linear arrangement of the row-gravefield took precedence over all other considerations. At Kirchheim/Teck an estimated 700, generally undisturbed, graves were carefully laid out W-E in recognizable N-S rows. An elevated social status is strongly suggested by those tumuli located at some distance from the settlement. The distinct locations would support the conclusion that the close communal cohesion was giving way to social differentiation - from being first among equals, they became a ruling minority. This is very evident in the cemeteries at Kirchheim am Ries, where a small group of 33 chamber graves and 4 Christlein, Alamannen, p.53. Christlein, Alamannen, p.56f. See I. Stork, "Bestattungssitte und Grabraub als Kontrast", in Fuchs, Die Alamannen, pp.418 - 432. 71

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horse burials, considered as an aristocratic funerary assembly, were clearly separated from the other graves. They belonged to a socially distinguished group surrounded by retainers and which rose to increasing prominence from the end of the sixth into the eighth century and which by means of its inventories demonstrated strong relations towards the S-E of Europe. A group of three graves can be associated with 5 horse burials and may reflect the presence, or at least the influence of eastern nomads, the Avars.?3 Several of the graves show secondary burials during the eighth century, probably of later family members. Of the graves 16 had been plundered. It would appear that the Suebic peoples who melded into the Alemanic tribal federation formed a very close relationship to the lands, which they acquired and from which they could not be driven or enticed. Unlike others they generally did not abandon their holdings and/ or get swept along by the large rambling wagon trains of passing peoples but rather resisted them and forced them to skirt their lands to the north. Only one of the Alemanic tribes followed in the wake of the passing Vandals, Alans and Suebians (Quadi). The archeological evidence of that region indicates a sudden rupture in its continuity. No doubt, the intractable mountains of the Black Forest were probably an ally against all enemies intending to dislodge the populations. Open towards the north ever-new Germanic population groups entered the region as late as the fifth century, to be absorbed into the Alemanic federation. 74

g. Christianity

The Christianization of the Germanic populations is not reflected in an abrupt change in the funerary practices. The syncretism of pagan and Christian forms will have represented an early phase. Following the baptism of the Frankish court Christianity spread gradually through the domains. The nobility of the subject peoples was the first to be converted. By the late Merovingian period this Christianized group buried its dead on its own lands or in the churchyards of the churches, which they had founded. The presence of crosses on Neuffer-Milller,Adelsbestattungsp1atz,pp.12L, 15, 18, 109. Christlein, Alamannen, p.24f. See also H. Schach-Diirges, Kriegerbilnde werden seBhaft", in Fuchs, Die Alamannen, pp. 95 - 102. 7:l

H

"Suebische

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weapons and jewelry, ofa hanging cross or ofa gold-foil cross (Fig.95) placed on the mouth, the silk cloth having disintegrated, were the chief indications among the funerary inventory that the deceased was a Christian. Sometimes the cross was associated with sunbursts, suggesting a syncretism of pagan and Christian religious images (Fig.96). Allowing for regional differences, the furnishing of the graves and the decoration of the deceased persisted into the eighth century. Thereafter, except for occasionally secreted objects, the inclusion of grave goods was discontinued, even for those of the highest social status. 75 Rather than attributing the disappearance of personal ornaments to the discouraging influence of the Church, the impoverishment of the personal inventories was just that, the disappearance from circulation of gems and precious metals. The production of ornaments in solid metals yielded to the sophisticated, but illusory display of metal until the objects themselves disappeared from use during the eighth century. (Fig.97)

h. The Franks -

Princely burials

Long before the Franks could be identified by that name the population groups between the rivers Rhine and Weser which would contribute to the Frankish tribal genesis - Amsivari, Batavi, Bructeri, Cannanefates, Frisians, Sugambri, Tenkteri, Tungri,76 Usipetes and others - had been identified during the campaigns of Caesar, Drusus and Germanicus. They had been named by Pliny and Tacitus and are known to have provided troops and officers of auxiliaries since the earliest contacts with the Roman forces. A brief historical summary of their emergence and establishment will be recalled from the previous chapter. The early incursions onto Roman territory by adventurers tended to be raids and were generally unproductive. Later they were often motivated by requests for land, but Rome generally adhered to its policy of refusal. It became usual for Germanic chieftains and their retinues to be incorporated as units into the Roman armies until the rivals for the Imperial throne no longer hesitated to enlist whole tribal

Christlein, Alamannen, p.62. It may be recalled that Chlodovech was referred to by this term in Gregory of Tours' report of his baptism, The History of the Franks, 2, 31, p.144, "Bow your head in meekness, Sic amber". The Merovingians claimed descent from this tribe. 75

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groups in their forces. Before long these Frankish leaders became supreme commanders of the armies, became related to the Imperial families, made Emperors and while fighting in their respective causes led their armies against one another or other invading Franks. These Frankish citizens in the service of Rome, however, do not appear to have provided a focal leadership for the emerging Frankish tribal structures. They did not make common cause with the invaders. It was mentioned in the first chapter that the treaty of 382, which allowed Germanic forces to serve under their own leaders, also allowed settlement offlederati in cohesive communities under the fledus by which means settlements and the recultivation of abandoned farm lands did regenerate whole regions, and increase the availability of new recruits. Since 297 Germanic prisoners of war were assigned to cultivate abandoned areas as deditici, subordinates of the realm, and as laeti, in this case dependents of Germanic origin,77 were settled in contained communities in the terrae laeticae, depopulated areas, for which they owed military service under Roman commanders anywhere in the Empire. The flederati were free Germanic tribes or tribal units which had been admitted into the Empire in return for military service in their own regions, in their own units under their own commanders and under their own customary laws, such as the Franks after 358. Although the Roman state provided these allies with supplies and sums of money they remained an alien quantity and none of these groups was allowed integration into Gallo-Roman society.78 However, meritorious service to the Empire could earn the tribal aristocracy closer contact with the Roman ruling groups, and occasionally with the Imperial family. It was to create a new culture-carrying elite. The funerary evidence from the gravefields of the flederati along the Lower Rhine, rich weapons graves for men and graves rich in personal ornaments for women, demonstrates the long coexistence of native and new populations in many areas, as well as the emergence of a distinguishable social group. The graves of the laeti show them to represent a mixed culture, where the Germanic elements coexisted with late Roman forms. 'Row-gravefields' begin without transition during the fourth century and end almost as abruptly during the fifth. The

77 According to Kruger, "Franken", in Kruger, II, p.388, laete is a word of Germanic origin and refers to a semi-free bondsman. See also Gunther, Germanen, p.l37. 78 Schutz, Romans, p.l60f. Laws passed as late as 368 and even 465 forbade intermarriages with Romans under pain of death.

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wealth of the grave inventories, essentially of provincial Gallo-Roman provenance, suggest that the deceased belonged among the warriors of the flederati in Roman service and their successors of free Franks. The funerary evidence indicates a developing symbiosis between the Romans and the Franks in Roman service. The most extensive one of these gravefields is the cemetery at Krefeld-Gellep 79, which contained more than 4000 burials, perhaps as many as 6000, occasional cremations dating from the middle of the first century to inhumations of the third and fourth centuries. Among the burials of the first century a group of burials stands out which has been linked with the Batavian Revolt of AD. 69170, when a fortified marching camp had been the focus of a military engagement. The burials are those of the Roman and Celto-Germanic battle dead. The well-preserved skeletons, located only 0.80m - 1.20m below the surface, were placed on their sides in fetal positions. The graves contained neither coffins nor inventories. Occasionally the graves were double burials and in a few instances a human skeleton was found with a horse skeleton in the same pit. The excavators were surprised by the relatively large number of 50 Germanic (?) horse burials in the cemetery. Since Roman weapons were state property they would not have accompanied the Roman soldiers into their graves. Later that century Pliny mentioned a castellum on the Rhine, Gelduba, and in the fourth book of his Annales, Tacitus reports heavy fighting there in the autumn of AD. 69. It has been established that the name of the subsequent Flavian fortification is reflected in the modern name Gellep. In his Germania (27), written at the end of the first century AD., Tacitus mentioned that the Germanic populations of the Rhine-W eser region engaged in modest funerary rituals even for the nobility - no funerary gifts, honoring outstanding personalities only through the choice of select wood for the funeral pyres. The cremation remains were buried in simple pits covered with earth mounds. Along the Lower Rhine cremation was a resilient and, for the next two centuries, predominant funerary practice which during the Early Imperial Period came to co-exist with inhumation. During the second half of the third century this had become the established funerary practice. The eastern Mystery religions, of which Christian79 Renate Pirling, Das riimisch-jriinkische GriibeifCld von Krifeld-Gellep, Ausgrabung 1960 ~ 63 (Germanische Denkmaler der Volkerwanderungszeit, Serie B2, Bd.8), (Berlin

1974).

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ity was only one, preached a life after death and for this inhumation was more compatible. 80 The significance of this gravefield is its demonstrated continuity from early Roman well into Frankish times. During its early period one of the double ditches of the former marching camp must have been clearly visible, because as late as the fourth century this ditch served as a dividing line between the earlier inhumation graves positioned S-N and the later W-E graves located on the other side of the ditch. 8 ! Though the Roman graves were sometimes without gravegifts, the graves containing Roman grave-goods were primarily laid out S (head)-N. Roman graves could be fashioned mainly as simple rectangular pits, sometimes as coffin graves and very occasionally as chambered graves, placed at depths ranging from about O.50m to 3m, the majority varying from 1m-2m below the surface. Only a very small number of burials were cremation burials. It is known that since the beginning of the Imperial Period Germanic groups had been resettled to the west of the Rhine and had been absorbed into the Gallo-Roman populations. During the following centuries the pressures on the frontier could be countered effectively by force of arms, or less effectively through payments. By the end of the third century laeti, dependent Germanic prisoners of war who were forbidden under pain of death to intermarry with Roman citizens, andfoederati, principally independently fighting tribal units under Imperial defensive contracts, were appearing among the Gallo-Roman provincial populations in left-Rhenish lands to perform agricultural tasks and military duties. It seems that a link existed between the Gallic inhumation graves and those transferred from the Germanic area beyond the Rhine, where N (head)-S positioning of the graves had been customary since the first century A.D. It was these 'Romans' who are reflected in the burials, who deposited their dead in inhumation graves placed S-N and who provisioned the deceased with food and drink placed in a selection of pottery, glasses and bottles. Except for knives, metal objects occur in only a few graves. 82 The Franks were not mentioned by that name until 256/58 when they began to carry out large-scale raids from across the Rhine. At

80 Ti1mann Bechert, R;jmisches Germanien zwischen Rhein und Maas. Die Provinz Germania Inferior (Munich 1982), pp.243ff. 81 Pirling, Krifeld-Gellep, p.l93. 82 Pirling, Krifeld-Gellep, pp.11 - 23.

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that time the Emperor Valerian (253 - 259) had withdrawn troops from the northern frontier to fight the Persians in the east. The Franks used this occasion not only to invade the province but also to thrust south as far as the Mediterranean. The evidence of their passing was left in group burials of men, women and children. One such site saw thirteen bodies covered with lime and buried wherever they had fallen. One of the women must have been buried with her purse - four coins, minted in the time of Valerian were found. 83 Despite such recurring catastrophes the population around Gelduba prospered. Franks were gaining ground in the left-Rhenish lands. From 288 on the Emperors settled them on vacated lands and they gained military rank in the Roman armies, of Constantine for instance. The burial practices at Gelduba demonstrate this transition - from the middle of the fourth century onward the graves are no longer equipped with grave-goods and almost simultaneously the S-N positioning is surrendered in favor of W (head)-E positioning. Since 358 Texuandria/ Toxandria, generally the territories lying to the north of the road connecting Colonia/Cologne with Civitas Tungrorum/Tongeren and Bagacum Nerviorum/Bavai were ceded to the Franks, to become the base of the future Frankish kingdom. 84 A small group continued to provision the graves with food and drink for the eternal life, as male weapon graves and female ornament graves began to appear in small clusters throughout the gravefield. The orientation, i.e. W-E positioning rather than S-N, of the graves suggests the advancing influence of Christianity, while the distinctive inclusion of utensils and weapons, a feature among the western Germanic peoples, - spathas, lances, axes and shields - and ornaments - pairs of fibulas - indicates the presence of Germanic graves as well as the transfer of right-Rhenish fimerary practices and inventories to the left bank of the Rhine. As the vast majority of Germanic burials cannot be distinguished, the occurrence of richly furnished graves points initially to the service of outstanding individuals in the Roman armies specifically and demonstrates generally the growing presence of Franks in the region between the rivers Rhine and Loire. When Stilicho withdrew the northern garrisons to defend Italy against the Visigoths, after 40 I, the burials of what was by now a Gallo-Roman-Germanic population continued without interruption, and by the sixth century the need for burial 83

84

Bechert, Rbmisches Germanien, p.256f. Kruger, "Franken", in Kruger, II, pp.38 Iff.

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space increased to such an extent that the cemetery had to be expanded. Already at this time it is possible to deduce that the deceased richly bejewelled lady in an amply furnished grave enjoyed the same social status as the deceased man in a fully equipped weapon grave. While during the first three centuries of our era cremation and burial in urns or simple pits and S-N inhumation in larger and smaller gravefields were the usual form of burial, from the middle of the fourth century onward first the Frankish and then most of the other Germanic cemeteries were laid out in characteristic row-gravefields to the point that one could refer to this uniform characteristic as the fundamental trait of a material civilization. The archeological evidence provides a basic illustration of the beginning Frankish cultural unification of the peoples of western and Central Europe. An apparent synthesis of Gallo-Roman, Frankish and Christian elements, the row-graves first appear in the Frankish areas in Belgium and northern France and feature the Germanic custom offurnishing the graves with inventories of weapons and ornaments, which, however, are still essentially of Roman provincial origin. It is not clear whether the practice of burying the deceased in row-gravefields was introduced by flederati and Germanic auxiliaries -- Franks were settled asJeoderati in the area after 448 - or adopted later by the land-claiming Franks. That the deposition was arranged W (head)-E may be attributed to the consolidation of Christianity. vVhichever the case may be, as has been demonstrated throughout this chapter, the row-gravefields established a uniformity horizon as the characteristic form of burial throughout the Merovingian kingdom. Along with the other material evidence from innumerable burials vV-E deposition demonstrated that the Merovingian Frankification of Central Europe was able to take advantage of social, cultural and civilizational elements common to the Central European Germanic peoples. Eventually the Morovingians would establish that community of interest which allowed the LatinizationlMediterraneanization of western and Central Europe. It is not surprising that the community of interests was demonstrated by that social group distinguished by the rich weapons grave inventories, which stand out in the Frankish gravefields. As ever more regions came under Frankish control, a leading sword nobility evolved in these new regions, becoming interlinked during the emergence of a Frankish focus of power, which was still associated with and subordinate to the representative of the Imperial authority. It was even persuaded to adhere to thefoedus and side with Rome in the battle against

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the Huns in 451 and subsequently to participate in the crystallization of that focus of power. Following the murder of Aetius in 454 and of the Emperor Valentini an II in 455 thefoedus ended. The Germanic understanding that allegiance could only be owed to individuals rather than to institutions brought about new relationship between Franks and Romans in that the Franks once again profited from Roman dissension and expanded their territories to the valley of the Somme in the west and to TreverislTrier in the east. The authority shifted to the Frankish magister militum, commander in chief of the Roman armies by the will of the Roman Emperor. Eventually this 'princely' entourage drew on meritorious and supportive individuals on whom the regional lordship was bestowed. In the middle of the fifth century such a "Roman" commander was the first Merovingian of history, Childeric (460 ~ 481). He demonstrated that he had 'Heil',fllicitas, and was hailed as deliverer and protector. A supporter of the Imperial claimant Aegidius, Childeric and his Franks fought victoriously near Orleans against the Visigoths sent against Aegidius in 463 and 469 and that same year, in support of Paulus, they defeated the Saxon pirates who had occupied the Loire estuary and then also the Alemans near Troyes. It is probable that Childeric functioned in these conflicts as leader of his own units of Frankish federated troops - assembled war bands 85 - rather than as the dominant Frankish king leading a unified army drawn from all the Franks. It was probably in his latter capacity that he was granted lands in the province Belgica Secunda. It is in this role of military leader that he rose in prestige over the other rival, tribal kings. It is likely that he overreached himself in this capacity and for a short time was driven off his throne for political reasons by the magnates. From 475 onward, however, as he regained his position and became the representative of rcal power, he stood in direct contact with the Emperor Zeno in Constantinople from whom he received not only gifts of precious objects and financial subsidies, but perhaps the legitimacy of his rule. He also maintained good relations with the Church. Perhaps still a paganS!), he criss-crossed Gaul in the service of the Christian Romans. One can envisage him high on horseback, wrapped in a Roman officer's purple silk cloak woven with gold, held together by a golden Roman onion1. Wood, The Merovingian Kingdoms 450 - 751 (London, New York 1994), p.39. R. Collins, Early Medieval Europe 300 - 1000 (Basinstoke, London 1991), p.1 05, implies that he may have been an Arian Christian. R.'

Hh

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headed brooch - a sign of his high rank, and studded with golden bees as he was hailed deliverer and protector. When he died in 481/82 he took this garb and his horse into his grave along with a seal ring bearing his longhaired likeness - a sign of his Heil. The ring bore not only the inscription CHILDERICI REGIS, but also a frontal view of his effigy. Though he is not yet called rex Francorum, king of the Franks, his claim to Royalty is reflected in the inscription, but most importantly in the frontal view of his effigy - a prerogative of the Emperors. It is a good illustration of his reinterpretation of the authority bestowed on him by Rome. Decades later this presumption was still a problem for the Byzantine Viceroy Theoderic, the Great. Childeric's treasure of gold and silver coins bore the likenesses of the Emperors Leo (457 - 474) and Zeno (474 - 492). An inventory of the luxurious objects found in his tumulus, some of eastern provenance, reflected the orientalizing tastes brought west by the Huns and shared by at least this Germanic prince, now a member of the cultural elites of the Late Roman Empire. 87 True to his paganism, horse burials circled his grave. The career of Childeric illustrates very well the circumstances which surrounded such individuals as the Visigoths Alaric and Athaulf, the Ostrogoth Theoderic and the many other Masters of the Army. Associated and experienced in Roman administrative and military affairs they had become mighty partners of the powerful senatorial and landed aristocracy, of their relatives, the princes of the Church. It is reasonable to assume that these contacts will have Romanized them and enlightened self-interest will have made them see that the advantages in serving the Empire were greater than they were fighting it. sS It was probably the 'princely' entourage, which promoted the uniformity horizon as it rejoiced in the association, intermarried, compromised its autonomy, adopted 'courtly' ways and returned with them to the respective regions. Later, under Chlodovech (482 - 511) the development was progressing well. The evidence for this process is

117 Karl Bbner, "Childerich von Tournai", in Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde, 4 (Berlin, New York 1981), pp.441 - 460. See Peter Lasko, Ike Kingdom of the Franks, North- West Europe bifOre Charlemagne, Library of Medieval Civilization, edited by David Talbot Rice (New York, London 1971), p.25f., for the inventory of Child eric's tomb. 88 K.F. vVerner, Conquete Franque de la Gaule, in K.F. vVerner, Vom Frankenreich zur Entfaltung Deutschlands und Frankreichs. [Jrspriinge - Strukturen - Beziehungen. Ausgewahlte Beitragc. Festgabe zu seinem seehzigsten Geburtstag (Sigmaringen 1984), p.3.

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reflected in the great number of very distinguished Frankish graves. Two objects out of many others found in these graves, gilded helmets, Spangenhelme, and gold-hilted long swords, serve to illustrate the growing cohesion of this Frankish community. The model for these graves appears to have been that of Childeric, discovered in Tournai, modern Belgium, in 1653. Childeric's grave had been located outside of the walls of Tumaco, probably under a tumulus. Excavations in 1983 89 showed the grave to have been surrounded by 21 horse burials deposited in three graves. They were probably sacrifices to accompany the Royal personage. One horse head, probably representing the deceased's warhorse, and harness pieces had been found in the Royal grave itself. Had it not been for the efforts of a doctor, J J. Chiflet, who in 1655 published detailed drawings of the treasure, the hoard might today be only legend. As it is, only a few pieces have survived, among them the seal ring mentioned above. Childeric is represented on a golden seal-ring as one of the Long-Haired kings, a characteristic of the Merovingians, wearing body armor, gold embroidered cloak and golden, onion-headed fibula and holding a spear in his right hand, as a sign of his Royal dignity. The king's retinue had placed into the grave a treasure which included over 100 Byzantine gold coins, probably a subsidy, minted during the reigns of eastern Emperors from Theodosius (379 - 395) to Zeno (476 - 491) indicating the king's relations with the Imperial court. Parts of the treasure are the sax and the outstanding long sword with its golden grip and the splendid representational cloisonne polychrome pommel, hilt and sheath trim made of golden cells filled with garnets/almandines.'Jo These are as esthetically pleasing as they are valuable. It is generally accepted that the artistry of the polychrome style points to the activities of eastern, i.e. Asian, craftsmen who came west with the armies of Attila and following his defeat remained at Childeric's court, giving impetus to the 'Merovingian' style. Chiflet's publication preserved a picture of the treasure as a varied and extensive, colorful inventory of polychrome buckles, fibulas, belt-fittings and strap terminals, an arm ring of solid gold and bees/cicadas formerly attached to the garments. A lance tip and a throwing axe completed the weapons inventory. It was fortunate that Childeric was not B!) Renate Pirling (ed.) Tournai, die Stadt des Frankenkijn~lis Childerich, Ergebnisse neuer Ausgrabungen (Krefeld, after 1986), pp.35ff. 'II) Bohner, "Childerich", pp.441 - 460. Sec Kruger, II, color plate 54.

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cremated with his possessions which he might well have been since he was not yet a Christian. The Royal burial appears to have attracted additional burials, both rich and poor, as if the later deceased hoped to participate in the king's glory by association. It is likely that the reason for the existence of the row-gravefields is derived from this example. Repeatedly there is an oriented, aristocratic founder's grave, which initiates the row-gravefield and more or less determines its 'orientation'. With the Christianization a development set in during which distinguished families gave up the row-grave cemeteries in favor of cemeteries located on Church terrain. Flonheim, near Alzey in the area of the Middle Rhine, is one example where a later generation, perhaps even descendants of the earlier Merovingians, built the church into such a family cemetery. There, in a Frankish burial ground, an aristocratic grave of the Merovingian period was superseded by a 'crypt' in such a fashion that the location of the founder-grave of the cemetery must still have been known and been deliberately incorporated into the church - the first documentation of such a church dates from the years 764/67 - and then come to have been under the later spire of a church which burned down in 1876. The reconstruction following that fire revealed the small gravefield both within and outside the walls of the early churchYl Its occupants appear to have been members of an aristocratic family, which from c.SOO on and over a period of about 150 years buried its deceased in these row-graves. As was noticed in other regions, social differentiations became apparent during the Merovingian period when aristocratic graves came to be set apart from the larger gravefields of the commoners. This gravefield was rich in such finds as parts of weapons, stamped biconical pottery, jugs, pots, beakers, utensils and glass. Ornaments took the form of bow and iron and 1or bronze disc fibulas inlaid with silver and gold or almandines, an arm ring of solid silver of the type found in Childeric's grave enhanced by the exceptional addition of several small plates of almandines set in gold cells, an exquisite belt buckle, a purse clasp, and a bone comb. Three graves (Nos. 1, 5, 9) stand out by virtue of the wealth of their weapons inventories. Of these No.5 must be singled out on account of the excellence of the longsword, which it contained. Since the grave had not been excavatql Ament. For the relationship between burial grounds and churches see especially pp.114ff., 130, 140, 1.57 163, 172.

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ed professionally the sword was damaged. Repeatedly restored with some loss of detail, it is the most significant object among the generally rich finds of this cemetery. It is also one of the best specimens among the Merovingian swords for no other is as fine and as complete an example of the cloisonne ornamentation (Plate 3a). The reconstructed rim of the laterally extended pommel plate is divided into golden cells filled with almandines. The wider and longer rim of the guard is ornamented in the same fashion. Both rims have a cell in the shape of a simple rounded cross at the center. The grip which encased the tang had been covered on only three sides, i.e. the visible, outward looking sides, with a thin foil of sheet gold pointing to the great cost of gold and the great value attached to objects on which it was used. The blade of damascened steel was 6cm wide and had once been welded. vVith a length of 76cm it is shorter than customary, suggesting that it was shortened when repaired. Only fragments of the wooden sheath have been preserved. The mouth of the sheath is made of a silver case on the front of which a gold plate with cutouts and almandine fillings is fastened. The ridges, which hold the almandine filling, are placed precisely beneath the edges of the cutouts indicating that the almandines were cut with precision to slide into these cutouts. Further along the sheath two bronze fittings had been fastened to receive the carrying belt-assembly for the sword. Considering the weight of these swords, the fittings do not seem to have been too reliable. But then, as elsewhere, such a sword was probably carried in its owner's hand. The visible sides of the fittings had been covered in sheet gold. Strips of cloisonne were fastened to the face of the fittings. The ornamentation of the tip of the scabbard is a match for the hilt. It is a V-shaped, extensively gilded silver fitting set with four almandines and terminating in a knob. The cloisonne is set in finely beaded gold wire. By means of X-rays of the sword and its scabbard much structural detail is known though not visible. The amount of wear on sword and scabbard indicate that their function was not just ceremonial. Some of the characteristics associated with the Childeric grave, though less splendid in their execution, occur in a number of contemporary graves belonging to an elite of Germanic men and women, both Frankish and other. For the women these attributes consist of garments, ornaments and jewelry, such as pairs of fibulas. For the men they consist most noticeably of prestigious longswords with hilts and pommels fashioned in the polychrome style, the grip wrapped in sheet gold and the sheaths trimmed with cloisonne fittings. Generally

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too precious for use in combat, these swords must have been indications of rank and distinction. As was demonstrated in an earlier context the composition of the inventory of arms projected Roman connections and social status in general. The swords made in this polychrome style are one illustration of the spread of the Merovingian uniformity horizon already during the fifth century and before the expansion of Merovingian power beyond thc Rhine took place, since the king's burial served as a model for the burial of his most highly placed supporters. In honoring the king, they honored themselves. One such aristocratic grave was found at Krefeld-Gellep in 1962. Attention has already been drawn to the circumstance that at Gelduba the double ditch of an early Roman marching camp had served as a demarcation for the earlier S-N burials in the continuing cemetery and that beyond that double ditch the graves had been oriented. Here too the aristocratic gravc, perhaps prepared c.525, appears to have marked the beginning not only of a new cemetery, but also the death of a new lord and his host of new arrivals. Completely undisturbed, it was the most richly equipped grave of the cemetery. An excavation c.4m x 5m x 2.80m in size containcd a stone packing measuring I.30m x I.90m, laid out generally west to east. The presence of numerous nails suggests a wooden lining. Its weapons inventory consisted of longsword, sax, angon, lance, hunting spear, throwing axe, conical helmet - Spangenhelm ..... and shield, all placed deliberately around the deceased. For spatial reasons the shafts had been broken off. The lance tip pointed upward. As in other graves the sword lay on the deceased's right, the hilt at shoulder height. The sword stood out because of its polychrome ring-pommel. Another outstanding object is the Spangenhelm, designated as the Baldersheim type. Of these only a small number has been found in graves of the Merovingian period, distributed from Africa and central Italy to the Lower Rhine and from Hungary to the river RhOne. Though the design may have originated among the Avars to the east, the conical helmets may have been part of the Ostrogothic inventory of forms in northern Italy and have spread from there.9 2 In the grave it was located upside down at the height of the head. This model was made of six contoured bronze mountings, riveted to six leaf-shaped iron plates and held in place by an ornamented brow plate and a gathering knob at the top and com-

92

Pirling, Kreftld·Gellep, pp.25ff., 150, 199 - 295.

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pletely gilded. Cheek-plates and a neck guard of chain mail protected head and face below the helmet. The inside of the helmet was padded with leather. An assortment of ornamental motifs were chased and embossed on the brow plate which circled the helmet - masks, masks among canine shapes, and especially the Byzantine-Ostrogothic motif of intertwining vines and grapes with grape-picking birds. 93 This helmet is distinguished by the representation of a fish surmounted by a bird of prey with hooked beak and extended claws in the two oval fields over the brow. Foreign to Frankish work, conical helmets found in Italy and Yugoslavia show the same though not identical motif. 94 One is persuaded, however, that these motifs are Christian and while stylistic differences have been identified, suggesting different workshops, the encircling brow plates may have been obtained ready-made or been pressed on an available form. As was mentioned earlier, even though one of them shows the trace of a sword blow, the helmets were not defensive weapons but highly valued symbols of noble distinction, probably for ceremonial use. In their time they may have been much more common but, rather than being a part of the funerary inventory, were passed on. The surviving helmets may be burdened with considerable significance. The inventory was completed by valuable bridle-bit fittings and fairleads ornamented with settings of almandines and filigree trails, a saddle, three bronze vessels and two Roman rather than Frankish glasses, a wooden pail, a rarely featured roasting spit, as well as a variety of other utensils. Noteworthy was a golden, granulated finger ring with an antique cameo, a polychrome purse clasp similar to the one D)und in the Childeric grave, a knife to accompany the sword, a silver spoon and two knives with handles wrapped in sheet gold and ornamented with filigree designs. A re-issue of a gold solidus of the Emperor Anastasius (491 - 518) had been placed into the nobleman's mouth. This coin indicates that the deceased may indeed have been a close contemporary of Chlodovech (481/2 - 511) and may have served in his entourage, perhaps as his representative after Chlodovech consolidated his hold on the left-Rhenish lands. Unfortunately Paulsen, in Paulsen, Schach-Dorges, p.17. Pirling, Krffild-Gellep, p.IS!. See especially Menghin, Wilfrid, Germanen, Hunnen undAwaren, Schiitze der Viilkerwanderungszeit, Die Archaologie des 5. und 6. Jahrhunderts an der mittleren Donau und der ostlich-merowingische Reihengraberkreis (Nurnberg 1987), pp. 210, Plate 26, 226f. two Gepidic helmets, the latter with a fish between two antithetically placed birds of prey. 9:l

9+

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the skeleton had been completely absorbed in the sandy soil, leaving no clue as to the age of this noble. The choice of this new site, the grave inventory and the subsequent arrangement of other burials around this grave strongly suggest more than only an imitation of the Childeric burial. It is of interest that among the inhabitants of Gellep a tale was retold over the centuries, which knew of a saint or a great king and a great treasure having been buried at this location. 95 An equivalent woman's grave has not been found. By the end of the sixth century another five oversized though poorer graves had been installed, suggesting that others who had died in somewhat lower positions had in turn imitated the first burial, but these graves had been pillaged at an early time. 96 Towards the end of the seventh century burial was discontinued in this cemetery. Virtually contemporary with the aristocratic burial at Gellep are the two aligned W-E stone slab graves found in 1959 beneath the choir of Cologne cathedral in what must have been an earlier oratory. One was that of a lady, 25 - 30 years old and 1.50 m tall. Wrapped in an oriental carpet she had been placed in a wooden coffin, 1.70m long, which was then inserted into the one meter wide and about three meter long stone slab 'chamber'. Of the organic materials only a few remnants survived. Four coins helped to date the grave into the second quarter of the sixth century: a solidus of the Emperor Anastasius (491 - 518), two newly minted Ostrogothic coins of Theoderic (493 - 526) and one of Athalaric (526 - 534). Dendrochronology dated the grave to ca. 537. Around her head she had worn a headband of gold brocade fastened with an almandine pin, usually a bridal attribute. She was richly bejeweled (Plate 3b) with a golden arm ring and finger rings, golden polyhedric earrings set with almandines and pearls, large and small necklaces, the large one composed of looped old Imperial coins of Theodosius II (408 - 450), filigreed gold plates, one polychrome and two fleur-de-lis shaped cloisonne pendants, strung on a chord enclosed in golden filigreed beads, granulated tubes and polyhedric 'lanterns'. Two large disc fibulas of almandine-filled cloisonne around the outside and granular filigree arranged in the shape of a cross, centered by a circular almandine-filled cell, along with glass and amber beads were found in the throat area. At her right Pirling, Krifeld-Gellep, p.200. Pirling, Renate, "5000 Graber! Das riimisch-frankische Graberfeld von Krefeld-Gellep", in Kainer Ramer-Illustrierte 2 (Cologne 1975), pp.213ff. 95

96

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shoulder she wore two bow fibulas on which the plates were identically cloisonned, the bows symmetrical and filigreed around almandine-filled cells, but with individually designed cloisonned heads. 97 On her silver-buckled belt she wore a glass and a rock-crystal pearl-shaped amulet set in a sling of gold filigree - rock-crystal was thought to have mysterious powers - , a pair of scissors, a sheet gold handled knife on its hangings, another pearl-shaped pendant, an amulet capsule of gilded silver and of Mediterranean origin, containing plant remnants, and decorated with a meandering vegetative design. Of her leg wear the cloisonne terminals of the binding straps, the buckles and the goldthread stitching of her shoes were preserved. Placed at the foot end along the southern wall the rest of the grave equipment consisted of glass bowls, flasks - one of them a bottle with glass trails - and an inversion beaker. A drinking horn was finished with silver fittings, and a wooden pail with bronze rings. An embossed three-footed bronze basin had a woollen cloth, perhaps a towel, laid across it. A wooden flask, a pilgrims' bottle, covered in leather completed this aspect of the inventory. In the S-E corner of the grave chamber a wooden case, its face finished in embossed sheet bronze and with pieces of cut glass, complete with complex locking mechanism and key, contained various fabric remnants, some more gold-thread border, remnants of leather slippers and a pair of fine leather gloves too large for the deceased. The case also contained some nuts and kernels, another glass bead and a clay spinning whirl. Though it is not known who this noble lady was and just how she was dressed, her finery indicates that she belonged to the high nobility. From other contemporary graves, such as that of Queen Arnegtmdis, widow of king Chlothachar I (511 - 561), from beneath the church of St. Denis in Paris, expensive garment fabrics are known: fine linen undershirts, purple silk dresses, slightly coarser linen stockings, linen-lined silk tunics, contrasting turned up cuffs and sleeves trimmed with gold-stitched satin. These garments were studded with golden and polychrome fibulas and were made to flow open to reveal gold-stitched belts of the finest leather, the golden and polychrome strap terminals of the stocking and shoe bindings, and of the belt hangings. Diadems, combinations of hairpins and earrings and occasional ornaments worn at the temples (Plate 2d), and silken or satin

97

Kblner Ro"mer-IIllustrierte 2, p.95 for illustration.

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veils completed such a lady's appearance. Queen Arnegundis was wrapped in an ankle length red cloak. Since the ornaments from Cologne are not inferior to those of Queen Arnegundis one could assume that the garments were of similar quality. Unfortunately there is next to no indication concerning the fabrics worn by the lady buried beneath Cologne cathedral. Except for the wealth of her fabrics and the quantity of jewelry, this lady's grave gives an approximate insight into the nature of many Frankish women's graves. 98 The other grave found beneath the cathedral was that of a boy. His teeth showed him to be about 6. The boy had been buried in an oriented stone chamber grave, O.90m wide, 2.20m long and O.80m high. Either on or beneath a chair the weapons characteristic for an adult warrior had been placed, including a child-sized helmet complete with cheek-pieces and chain mail neck guard. Padded with leather, this Spangenhelm had been made of hom with bronze fittings. A longsword, a throwing axe, an angon, a lance tip, arrowheads, a case containing two knives, and a leather-covered shield completed the range of his weapons. The arrowheads suggest a long-decayed bow. The weapons propose a dating of the grave into the first quarter of the sixth century. Five Frankish silver-coins minted before 575 had been scattered over the corpse. The rest of the grave inventory is comparatively modest. An uninscribed golden ring, some golden buttons, two silver buckles are the only personal ornaments. Textile- and leatherremnants and a pair of leather mittens are the only evidence of his clothing. Bottles and a glass beaker, a bronze basin, a wooden pilgrims' bottle, a drinking hom, wooden bowls, plate and beaker, the chair and a leather bag rounded out the grave goods. The deceased had been placed on a wooden bier. Though the deceased could not be identified either, he has been associated with the family of the Austrasian king Theudebert (534 - 548). It has even been supposed that the two are of the Lombard nobility: she, the Princess Wisigard, the undesired bride of Theudebert, forcibly removed shortly after the wedding, and the boy, a Lombard Prince who accompanied her into the land of the Franks. 99 Towards the end of the 9th or the early 10th centuries a small 98 See Ament, pp.119ff. for inventory details of the women's graves at Flonheim and at Alzey, the latter being one of the most significant of its day. See Lasko, pp.55ff. for details of the grave of Amegundis. 99 Petri, Franz, Die Friinkische Landnahme und die Entstehung der germanisch-romanischen Sprachgrenze in der interdiszipliniiren Diskussion (Darmstadt, 1977), p.133.

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church was erected in the village of Morken, near Bergheim in the Rhineland. In 1955 it was discovered that, as had been the case in Flonheim, the church had been placed into a small Frankish row-gravefield of the 6th and 7th centuries and which itself had been located among the ruins of a Roman villa rustica. Subsequently a large row-gravefield was discovered in the vicinity. Of the twelve graves found beneath and around the church ten had been oriented. One of these stood out through its special form and the wealth of its burial inventory. The grave was a timber chamber measuring 2.90m x 2.20m x 2.75m. Nearly as deep as it was long, the chamber contained a wooden coffin. Though both had decayed, the dark remains of the wood were clearly contrasted against the yellow earth. Only the scarred skull had not decayed and a golden coin found in the mouth area helped date the grave. It was a gold solidus of the Emperor Tiberius II Constantinus (578 - 582), indicating that this noble Frank died after 578. The coin also indicates that at the end of the 6th century Byzantine money was still arriving in the west. Nails and eight angle irons were all that was left of the coffin. The contents of the coffin were minimal. At his right side lay the longsword, once in a furlined sheath, a knob of meerschaum with almandine inlay, perhaps a talisman, once part of the sword hanging, lay near the hilt. A similar 'pearl' had been found in the noble grave at Krefeld-Gellep. Two iron knives, a folding knife, and fire steel and flint were found at the right side of his waist, probably the contents of one of those bags worn on the belt. A band-like brown discoloration, the belt, ended in two brass and silver inlaid iron terminals. Inlays of geometrics, animals and masks decorate the buckle. The remainder of the grave goods, including food - beef, pork and chicken -, had been spread on the floor of the grave chamber: an iron axe head of a throwing axe, two glass beakers with rounded bottoms, the inversion beakers, a bronze basin complete with stabilizing ring and three little feet, scissors, whetstone, well-preserved iron bridle bits, a comb, a lance tip, an angon and a bucket with three iron hoops and handle fittings. Within the bronze basin the copper oxide had preserved the fabrics where they touched. Remnants of finest linen, colorful white and blue chequered woollens and splendid silk must have belonged to garments, blankets, shawls and kerchiefs and must have emphasized the status of the deceased. As has been seen in other instances, the remains of a shield were found between the northern wall of the chamber and the coffin. The shield will have belonged to the circular, wooden, leather-covered

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type. The splendidly ornamented shield-boss and the inner grip had sUIvived. Five gilded bronze buttons marked its edge, while two animal heads of sheet gold terminated the shield grip. Placed into the S-E corner of the chamber, the gilded conical helmet was the outstanding object (Fig.98). Though its nose-guard had been broken off, it is of identical design with cheek-pieces and chain neck-guard as the Spangenhelm from Krefeld-Gellep. The encompassing but very corroded headband is ornamented with figures and floral designs. The main scene is a Daniel-in-the-lions'-den motif. A gilded band showing the familiar vines and birds surrounds this motif Exterior markings indicate that this helmet did serve a protective function as well as any other representational purpose. Sword blows have damaged the gilding and the ornamental patterns. 100 Another such helmet has been located among the Thuringians. In what seems to have been a secondary process, a cross, complemented by the Greek letters Alpha and Omega, had been outlined rather awkwardly. 101 The origin of these conical helmets has invited some speculation: that they were of Persian origin brought to Byzantium and then taken west, to be distributed northward from workshops among the Visigoths, from among the Ostrogoths in northern Italy, from among the Franks themselves, who, from c.450 onward, may have distributed them among their most outstanding nobles. As was mentioned above, by 600 they were out of date. The occurrence of gold-hilted swords in the inventories is quite small, though their frequency may have been much greater, if one considers the proximity in which some have been found. That of cloisonne ornamented hilts is even smaller, the Alemanic gold-hilted swords having no cloisonne, for instance. Being restricted almost totally to the nobility of the early Merovingian realm (before 4-82 c.600), it has been suggested that while it was expedient for Alemanic society to lean towards the Frankish monarchy following the defeat of 4-96/97 in one respect - the gold-hilted swords - , the group found it necessary to protest, if only subtly, its tribal identity by not adopting the fashion of cloisonne ornamentation. 102 It will be recognized that the funerary sites chosen for this context

100 W.Janssen, "Das Grabhaus eines frankischen Herrn", in KiJ"lner Riimer-Illustrierte 2, pp.21 7ff. !OI Menghin, Schiitz;e, p.473. 102 Ament, pp.55ff., 61f.

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are only a very limited selection from among the hundreds of burials in thousands of gravefields in the eastern Merovingian kingdom alone. It will have been noticed that initially a select group reserved an identifiable precinct with tumuli within an established grave field, that frequently it was an exceptionally rich grave which initiated a cemetery, that by the end of the 6th century certain families had established their special identities through the preference of completely separate burial grounds, that their graves stood out through the inclusion in their graves of a uniformly high quality of grave gifts and through the eventual, though chronologically problematic, deliberate association of the burial sites with churches, often their own foundations which must have come to be understood as the family's hereditary funerary church in imitation of Royal practice. It has also been apparent that among the rich aristocratic graves in any of the cemeteries there are also some poorly equipped aristocratic graves. These need not be the graves of 'poor cousins', but a reflection of changing legal assumptions. As long as a long-term stationary existence was not the customary lifestyle and property was portable and personal, it accompanied the deceased into the grave. With the acceptance of sedentariness the legal understanding concerning property would also undergo adjustments and become hereditary and coincide with the notion of the hereditary funerary site. Such a development would have been paralleled by the historical change of ideas during the sixth century about the afterlife as a physical continuation oflife on earth. Though it was not emphasized, attention was occasionally drawn to the circumstance that many of these aristocratic funerary sites were located in the vicinity of former Roman sites - GeldubalGellep, Colonial Cologne, MogontiacumlMainz, Castra ReginalRegensburg, Augusta Raurical Augst-Basel, to name just a few, suggesting some population continuity, but more importantly Roman land grants to Germanic leaders asfoederati and hence a continuing link with whatever fading Roman institutions might still be effecting a pale influence on the new ruling establishment. It will not have escaped notice that the locations and inventories belong to the period of Chlodovech's consolidation of the Rhine as his eastern frontier and the displacement of the Alemans from their holdings along the Middle Rhine following the Frankish victory over the Alemans in 496/97. It would appear that the graves and their inventories reflect the generation of men and women who first served under Childeric and then, at some distance, tried to emulate his court, who owned the polychrome jewelry and the gold-hilted longswords, like

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their king, and the gilded, conical helmets. Their descendants treated them as distinguished men and women to be emulated, and the outstanding ones as heroes. Allowing for differences in time and other undefined factors, the varying wealth in the graves is a suitable indicator that a Frankish hierarchical structure was coming into being. Thus the relatively richly equipped but isolated graves scattered through many regions suggest that even among the free commoners there were wellto-do individuals whose association with those more highly placed was reflected to a lesser degree in their funerary inventories.

i. The Lombards -

The representation

if legitimacy

From the realm of the Lombards comes a gilt copperplate, the brow plate most probably of a helmet, now preserved in Florence, to which reference was made in the previous chapter. A poorly engraved inscription reads VICTORIA D(omino) N(ostro) AGILUL(fo) REGI, 'To our Lord Agilulf Victory'. It is a relief, which represents a homage scene, and is the earliest known representation of a Germanic king, though in this one many royal strands seemed to have come together. It appears to be a claim of the representation of legitimacy and the continuity of the Imperial majestic tradition (Fig. 99). The relief is a rational arrangement of figures which at the center shows the bearded king enthroned, flanked by two men armed with lances, round shields and plumed helmets - Spangenhelme. This group of three in turn is flanked by winged victories holding signs bearing the words VICTORIA. This inner group of five is approached from left and right respectively by an ascending figure extending upturned empty hands as if in greeting or supplication and another holding out a conical object surmounted by a cross. These objects have been interpreted to be the Lombard and Italian crowns,103 though they bear a striking resemblance to Spangenhelme. All these figures are contained by flanking tower-like structures and the arrangement is quite symmetrical. Except for the Roman motif of the victories, all other figures are Germanic as indicated by the bindings on their legs, their short tunics, their hair and their equipment. The significance, however, rests with the enthroned 103 o. von Hessen, "Archaologische Zeugnisse der Langobarden in Italien", in Busch, p.78. See also Menghin, Lombarden, p.8l, who interprets these objects to be helmets of the "Spangenhelm" type surmounted by crosses

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king, for it is this representation which links up most clearly with the tradition of the representation of Emperors. A bearded Agilulffaces us frontally, a pose formerly reserved for the Imperial effigy and then transferred to the representations of the enthroned Christ, especially of the mosaics. His feet are placed on a stool. While Agilulfs left hand rests on the sword, which lies across his knees, his clenched right hand is raised on his chest, index and middle fingers extended, again a gesture of sacred Imperial and Christian significance. The whole composition is worked in relief and although the workmanship is of modest quality, the political intention of the helmet plate is apparent. While the crown mentioned above seems more likely to have been commissioned by the king or his immediate entourage, the helmet's' dedicatory inscription proclaims a more propagandistic message. As an ornamented object it also depicts two other aspects. First, it makes visible a political aspect and more than any other document it indicates a development in the understanding of kingship. It is a departure from the Warrior-Kingship and its prerequisite Heil represented in the tribal status of select families, towards the blending of the much more elevated, sacred and lordly role of the ruler as the Divine Emperor, as sacerdos. It is a deliberate optical association with the Imperial dignity, amplified by a deliberate thematic association with the 'majestas' representations of the enthroned Christ as Lord of the Cosmos, as Pancreator. The unsophisticated workmanship of the relief hides its abstract notions of the dominus and the transcendental radiance of sublime majesty to which it aspires. Clearly not a work of art, it is a political statement, a propagandistic claim. It is most likely that this attitude was emerging in the other kingdoms as well. Agilulfs contemporaries will have understood the idealism. His people was probably awed. The Romans in his service will have smiled. Secondly, the composition belongs into the representational realm of artistic expression characteristic for Classical art. While Germanic artistic expression is characterized by the delight in geometric shapes, irrational vegetative and especially animal motifs - the Animal Style, yet to be dealt with more fully, - and is generally abstract, non-narrative and non-representational, perforated and translucent in its intention, Agilulfs helmet relief is entirely representational, opaque, anthropomorphic, almost narrative and very rational in its organization. People populate the scene. Walls contain the composition and all the figures and their poses are accommodated to fit the available space. None of the typically Germanic decorative elements is present. The

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brow plate is unmistakably the work of a craftsman trained in the Mediterranean tradition of representative expression. While the earlier Ostrogothic helmets favor a headband ornamented with vines and grapes, and while other contemporary Germanic objects, even Lombardic grave finds, are decorated with writhing animal and vegetative intertwines, or with deliberate abstract dismemberments of concrete shapes, e.g. human forms, this helmet plate shows quite clearly not the adaptation but the outright focussed adoption by the Lombards of the Mediterranean cultures' subject matter, manner of seeing, attitude towards functionality and fashion of representation. It is now anthropocentric, Imperial and Christian. The Lombards had no monumental architectural tradition, so that representative buildings and their embellishments are entirely Roman in origin. The Agilulfreliefbears the responsibility of being the only available example of its kind. Whether there once were others, or whether it was preserved because of its rarity, it remains the first example of a development from abstract to representative artistic expression brought about by the Mediterraneanization as Christianization through the establishment of the Christian Empire.

Summary It has been demonstrated that contrary to the other Germanic peoples living north of the Alps, the Franks had and developed a close and effective contact with the Romanized world and were most disposed to accept its social, political and cultural influences. From the Romans the Franks inherited a universalist approach to rule. By contrast the Alemans dealt with the Roman provincial population with force and rejected its many elements with determination. The Lombards, on the other hand, were relatively quick to adopt Roman Imperial and Christian socio-cultural associations. The Bavarian population synthesis emerged late, and only after the Roman cultural elements had been spent and its representatives in the population been deliberately withdrawn. For the other peoples living further north - Thuringians and Saxons - the contact with the Roman world had only been peripheral. It was not till the foundation of the Ottonian Empire that the tenth century Saxon kings revived the idea of the imperium mundi and other groups saw themselves as heirs to the regnum francorum and gave up their tribal views in favor of that universalism.

PART C

INDUSTRY AND THE PORTABLE ARTS

The preceding chapters were illustrated with many figures and plates showing valued objects, which reflect the skills of expert craftsmen, recovered occasionally from setdements, or sacrificial depositions, but mainly from graves. It has been estimated that at least one hundred thousand burials of the Merovingian period have been examined archeologicallyI, and while many of the objects deposited as grave goods are the work of practitioners with only average skill, there are also many examples in the grave inventories of the work of skilful artisans, and even of accomplished artists. (Map 16) The products of those working with such organic materials as wood, leather and textiles have generally not survived in the unfavorable soil conditions. Objects made from bone, horn or ivory fared better, but had it not been for pottery and objects made from glass and especially from metals, often encrusted with gems and semi-precious stones, the material inventory accompanying the early history of the Germanic peoples and tribes would have seemed very sparse. However, a brief survey will indicate that even an apparendy limited range of objects from among the personal ornaments alone - gold-foil crosses, bracteats, brooches, buckles, to name just a few - existed in seemingly endless variety. The general absence of monumental forms of artistic expression allows the conclusion that the evidence is mainly of a funerary sort and hence portable, a circumstance which may not be totally correct, since the inhabitants of the northern moors did fashion anthropomorphic 'divinities' during the early, pre-migration centuries of this era. 'Sculpture' in the round was not unknown to them, nor was 'architecture'. From the Ostrogothic period in Italy the Ostrogothic Arian buildings and their mosaic decorations will not be dealt with as there is nothing Germanic about them, even though the Christian and Byzantine ornamental motifs do play a role in later Christian art in the north. Of the Merovingian buildings no remains are in evidence in our regions of interest. Though I H. Steuer, "Schliisselpaare in friihgeschichtlichen Grabern Zur Deutung einer Amulett-Beigabe", in HJ. HaBler et aI., Studien zur SachserifOrschung 3 (Hildesheim 1982),p.185.

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Map 16. The Arts ~ key locations mentioned in the text

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early book illumination is an accomplished art form during the later Merovingian period and hence pertinent to this treatment of the arts, it is deemed appropriate to be left for a subsequent volume because of its distinct and new thematic objectives.

a. Pottery, wood, glass and stone

In this chapter passing references will be made to such crafts as pottery making, woodworking, and the manufacture of glass. Fuller treatment will be given to works cut in stone. The range of personal ornaments of which some fit clearly into the crafts will be treated more extensively, however, the main concern will be with the four categories of personal portable objects mentioned above to which the term 'artistic' can be applied with justification. It is not the intention of this review to present a chronology of stylistic development. Despite the lengthy treatments devoted to the various forms, no claim to completeness can be presumed. Repeated reference has been made to pottery, but with the exception of Saxon Buckelumen, 2 bossed urns (Fig. I 00), or stamped and incised Frankish pottery, its style and ornamentation do not function as culture indicators in the manner of such earlier, pre-historic pottery styles as Banded Ware, Corded Ware, Hallstatt, La Tene or Roman terra sigillata. The Germanic pottery styles - the early ones handmade, the later ones wheel-thrown - are the subject for specialists; 1he various examples shown have to speak for themselves. Pottery manufacturing centers, occasionally associated with former Roman centers and staffed by specialists, co-existed with a cottage industry. The bossed Saxon ware has invited speculation about its origin and it is likely that the funerary and everyday wares were decorated with bosses derived possibly from Roman bronze or silver vessels and from Romano-Saxon pottery. Fashioned in Britain, they were carried back to the homelands of Germanic mercenaries serving in Britain such as Saxons, Angles and Jutes, but also of Alemans. The use of bosses and especially of face-mask bosses may have been transferred from Roman models, particularly from Roman glasswares. They have been 2 J.N.L. Myres, Anglo-Saxon Pottery and the Settlement qf England (Oxford 1969). Also A. Genrich, "tIber Buckelurnen", in H..J. HaBler et al. Studien zur Sachsenforschung 2 (Hi1desheim 1980), pp.53ff.

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dated to the end of the fourth century. It has been concluded that although the Saxons used bossed wares, not all the bossed wares were Saxon, but that their designation as funerary 'urns' is indeed justified, because they were used to contain cremated remains. It was noticed that the urns are only poorly fired pottery and that they were rarely found in settlements, but rather in urnfields. 3 Of course, clay was used to make spinning-whorls and loom-weights, and clay was a natural building material, not only for houses, but also for smelters and kilns. It is much the same with the few examples of the woodworkers' craft. A number of examples indicates that specialized carpenters knew how to dress timbers, how to reinforce assemblies of boards through the technique of fitting a variety ofjoints to make coffins, burial chambers and furniture, how to use wood in construction and how to make weapons. Expert boat builders made large sea-going, clinkertype rowboats. Wheel-wrights constructed carts and wagons. Coopers made buckets and barrels; turners designed pleasing spindles, bowls, plates, beakers and a wide range of other utensils. Some crude carving, of the death snake for instance, has been preserved on a few coffin lids. These, however, must be taken for poor examples from the lowest range of the wood carvers' skill. The occasional presence of more sophisticated evidence of their skill, musical instruments for instance, indicates that not everything entered the funerary inventories. Accounts provided by Byzantine emissaries speak admiringly of the royal halls, which they visited among the Huns, Gepids and Lombards. Ornate carving was probably a feature on all manner of wooden surfaces such as cross beams, door posts, wood panels, to suggest just a few (Fig.l 0 l). Some of that carving was probably enhanced with color. One must wonder, however, how or where such an outstanding exception of cast gilt-bronze would have come into being as the famous Throne of Dagobert' without carvers capable of cutting such molds. If the attribution is indeed correct, then the chair dates to the early seventh century when Dagobert I ruled Austrasia from 622 633. The Abbot Suger restored the 'throne' during the twelfth century. Thrones of this general design, with lion-headed armrests, appear in some illuminated gospels and other religious texts of the late Carolingians and of the Ottonians. Quantities of glass did playa role among the grave goods. Before 3 Genrich, "Buckelurnen", in Sachsenforschung 2, p.61. Also U. Gross, "Das Zeugnis der handgemachten Tonware", in Fuchs, Die Alamannen, pp. 233ff.

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the tribes produced good wares in their own right, the more spectacular glass was acquired from within the Empire, even though there is evidence of glass manufacturing centers throughout the regions from which the Germanic tribes set out on their migrations. Their comparatively simple glasswares can therefore be expected along with more artistic Roman glass among their grave inventories. The Franks were the heirs of the Roman Provincial manufacturing centers in Germania II, at Cologne for instance, and there acquired the necessary skills to continue this industry. Beside glass-blowing the craftsmen knew such decorating techniques as marvering and trailing. Millefiori techniques, the bundling and fusing of colored glass rods prior to cutting t.o create colorful 'thousand flower' petal designs, though continued in the Eastern Empire, were forgotten and not used north of the AlpS. 4 The cemetery at Schretzheim yielded a few millefiori beads from necklaces belonging to the second half of the sixth century. The range of forms - conical beakers and footless beakers with rounded bottoms, tumblers, shallow and deep bowls, vases, flasks, drinking horns, plain or sophisticated, with or without applied colorful glass trails, and glass beads - owes much to Roman models. By the fifth century the knowledge of the required coloring agents, i.e. chemistry, was lost to the glassmakers and the range of colors was much reduced. The glass blowers had forgotten how to achieve colorless glass through the addition of manganese, or how to make colored glass through the addition of other chemicals, so that shades of green or of a yellowish brown caused by the presence of iron in the sand - characterized Frankish glass till the seventh century. A related type of object worn by elegant ladies throughout the Germanic area were the very many pendants of topaz or of rock crystal, se: in precious metals, worn as amulets because of their attributed inherent magical powers. Taken from the Greek, the word crystal has the meaning of being something frozen - Pliny believed a crystal to be solidified ice - and the Romans used rounded rock crystals therapeutically because of the healing, thirst quenching and fever lowering characteristics attributed to them. 5 The most noticeable form of Frankish glass is the claw or proboscis 4 V.1. Evison, "Bichrome glass vessels of the seventh and eighth centuries", in HaBler et al. Sachsenforschung 3, p.ll. 5 B. Diibner-Manthey, "Zum Amulettbrauchtum in friihmittelalterlichen Frauenund Kindergrabern." in W. Affeldt, Frauen in Spdtantike und Friihmittelalter (Sigmaringen 1990), p.75

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beaker, a term describing the (elephant) trunk-like protrusions on the sides of the vessels (Fig. 102, Plates 3c,3d,4a). By applying a large drop of liquid glass to the extremely thin walls, that contact point on the side would soften and could then be pushed outward and pulled into any number of desired trunk-like shapes. Usually arranged in two tiers, the upper claws could extend into the lower tier. Additional processes such as grinding closely set horizontal lines or the addition of streaks of color, of trails of glass flux or notching to the claws embellished the glass. The beakers were about 20cm tall. Along the Middle-Rhine Christian gravestones illustrate the earliest efforts to work in stone. In some instances the quality and the organization of the stone surfaces indicate the continuity of Roman techniques and even of Roman materials, such as they appear on the former Roman sill, re-used in the sixth century as a gravestone (Fig. 103), found in Bruhl-Vochem, commemorating one Rignedrudis who died on one April 17, when she was only sixteen years of age. She must have belonged to a family of station to afford such a well-worked stone. In addition to a neatly incised inscription, the stone is decorated with Christian symbols, vegetation and facing doves. Though most gravestones bear awkwardly cut inscriptions and are occasionally worked in unsophisticated relief, some simple examples point to attempts at producing 'sculpture'. A unique and well-known example is the openwork monument, consisting of two pieces of basalt lava, found at Moselkern, near Cochem on the Moselle, and dated to the seventh century (Fig. 104). The bottom piece, trapezoid in shape, is a perforated St. Andrew's cross decorated by straight incised arrow-lines, which form the relief of an equal-armed 'Maltese' cross where the tips meet. The upper, triangular piece, emphasizes a human head in high relief which continues into a perforated 'Maltese' cross, of which the verticals show the human body and spread legs, while the male figure's elongated arms, angled at the elbows, frame the trapezoid perforations between the arms of the cross. The hands hold the ends of the horizontal arms of the cross. Each of these arms shows the high relief of that same cross design. Three such crosses, symmetrically placed, surround the figure's head as with a nimbus. 6 The sides and reverse of this monument con6 P. Paulsen, H. Schach-Diirges, et al. Das alamannische Giiberfeld von Giengen an der Bren::;, Kreis Heidenheim (Stuttgart 1978), p.12. Paulsen links this design with similar treatments on fibulas where they are associated with Christ.

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tinue this ornamentation with faintly scratched crosses. The apex of the reverse shows a cross in low relief placed in a circle. In that it is executed in relief suggests its derivation from similar representations from the Mediterranean areas. The anthropomorphic figure is held to be a representation of Christ, perhaps the earliest found north of the Alps. Dated to the same period is a relief-bearing stone from Leutesdorf near Neuwied on the Rhine (Fig. 105). Contained within a clearly articulated frame composed of three patterns of ornamentation the frontal relief shows a man, possibly wearing thigh-length chain mail body armor. In his right he is raising up what appears to be a griHin-like bird. Below his elbow the space is filled with the relief of a large fish. His lower left arm is damaged. The remaining space is filled completely with what may be intended to represent a basilisk - a mythical lizard-like monster with fatal breath and glance. Its head and 'paws' are placed at the height of the figure's head, which faces the viewer frontally. The creature's body is serpentine. As ifin response to some horror vacui, what space there is left beneath and between the legs of the figure is filled with 'vegetation'. The animals probably represent the three elements of air, water and the earth. The frontal pose suggests that the figure is not just any man. Other, later reliefs show a young Christ stepping on a basilisk. The composition invites speculation that the human effigy may very well be that of a triumphant Christ, perhaps even in warrior guise. Without wishing to burden this relief with too much artistic consideration, it is evident that the stone carver took his cues from a non-Celto-Germanic tradition which was characterized by the absence of figural representations of man or animal and in which the artist chose instead ornamental dismemberment rather than the depiction of whole shapes. This relief is a departure from this tradition in that the complete human form dominates the composition as it occupies center space. Even the animals, non-realistic though they are, are worked in the tradition of representative art. Residual Roman traditions will have been reinforced by new Mediterranean influences as Christianity became established among those social groups which would proclaim their faith in this fashion and who could afford to do so. Christianity severed the link between pagan man and the mythical view of his world and its symbolic interpretation. Christianity was the new vehicle on which the characteristic forms and motifs of Mediterranean civilization entered the north. In response, Christianized Germanic high society strove to find the means to display its new faith and cultural sophistication.

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The idea of Christ in warrior guise may also be reflected in the relief on the reverse of the gravestone found at Niederdollendorf near Konigswinter on the Rhine (Figs. I 06 - 107). It has been dated to the end of the seventh century. Four sides of the stone have been sculpted: on three sides the stone has been chip carved7, the obverse is worked in low relief. The male figure on the reverse is shown standing on a braid pattern, holding a spear - a royal lance perhaps - in his right hand, his head surrounded by a glow, and wedge shaped lines radiating from the body. A mandorla, interrupted by the radiance lines, partly surrounds the body. The radiance lines seem to emanate from a circle carved into the figure's chest. A chevron pattern completes the composition beneath the braid. It is probable that the figure is a Christ effigy. What surprises is that the figure is armed with a spear, an object more likely to be associated with Wodan/Odin. On the left side the stone is carved to show a frame containing a system of step patterns leaning against a spine, which flares at the bottom, suggesting the roots of a tree. On the right side the frame contains a simplistic chip-carved intertwine of serpents with gaping jaws, suggesting the more complex animal interlace motifs depicted on the buckles and fibulas. The obverse of the stone is carved in relief. A partly notched frame contains the representation of a warrior, perhaps of the deceased. His right hand is raised to his head and holds a clearly identifiable bone comb. Why an insignificant gesture such as combing one's hair should be represented on a funerary monument is a puzzle, unless for this deceased warrior it was the hair to which attention was to be drawn. Members of the Suebian confederation, including Vandals, wore their hair in that very characteristic figure-eight knot on the right side of the head and played a special role in the indication of social status as free men. It will be recalled that long hair was the distinguishing attribute for the Merovingian kings, a signal of their select status and the sacred link to their ancestral gods. Of course, hair has a long tradition as an indicator of strength and vitality. The left hand rests on the one edged sword, clearly recognizable by its characteristic sheath, which the figure wears across its middle. A two-headed, protective death-snake with gaping jaws frames the head. Part of another

7 Chip carving is a technique, used mainly on metals, whereby triangular grooves are cut out of the surface at an angle of about 45 degrees. In the case of metal objects these were cast into a pre-carved mold made of a fire resistant substance, which could be wax.

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peeks out from beneath the sword hilt. A pilgrims' bottle of an eastern type is placed at his right foot. This individual may have died a Christian. No gifts were found in his grave. Evidently as means of self-representation these gravestones stress the social awareness of the deceased and reflect the transitional coexistence of pagan and Christian motifs, though they do not permit the undisputed conclusion that all the deceased were indeed Christians. What was there before the first known piece? It is apparent that these objects indicate a period of transition for which they represent at the same time new points of departure. There must have been very many more pieces than the few that have been accidentally recovered, w that these fragments cannot be declared prototypes. Postulating a tradition of woodcarving seems unfounded for lack of evidence. As works in stone they have no local antecedents, nor were they preserved deliberately. Their small number does not allow classification, nor do the preserved pieces allow any conclusions about what has been lost. Their workmanship should not invite judgment based on classical concepts, for that would disregard their own robust character. In that sense these gravestones suggest a certain originality, not as pieces of art in the continuity of Art History perhaps, but in their proximity to life. To the east, at Hornhausen in Thuringia, several stone slab fragments were found in a former cemetery. The fragments may have formed an altar-screen of a church at the centre of the gravefield. The largest fragment bears the framed relief of a mounted long-haired warrior wearing trousers and shoes (Figs.108 - 110). He is equipped \\-i.th a round shield on his left arm, ornamented with a sunburst whirl motif familiar from the sun cult, and a lance in his right, reminiscent of the Coptic mounted saint motifs of the perforated discs. A sword protrudes from under the shield. Though the style of the lance blade suggests its manufacture during the early seventh century, the accomplished and detailed articulation of the whole relief, and especially of the horse and the horseman, suggests either a later date, early eighth century, a distant origin or an itinerant master of sculpture. The area beneath this representation is filled with an intertwine of the familiar two-headed snake holding its geometrically ornamented body in its overly elongated jaws. Here too, it is not clear whether the warrior on his horse is intended to represent Wodan/Odin, a saint on horseback, or a mounted Christ. Mounted saints are known from Coptic Egypt, the eastern Mediterranean, Italy and SW Germany. The horseman

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motif was popular in Sweden. It was also used for the perforated bronze discs.

b. Personal ornaments and charms Perforated discs These items of ornamentation formed part of women's costumes and are found mainly in the Frankish West and in the eastern Franco-Alemanic regions along the Upper and Middle Rhine, and in the region of the Neckar and Upper Danube Rivers and of Lake Constance. They are rare in the other Germanic regions. Some 18 types have been identified, divided into subgroups and non-typical forms on the basis of the perforated motifs and their decorative details. 8 These basic forms and secondary designs may have been regional and workshop-specific. Itinerant craftsmen may also be assumed. More than one type will have been made at each manufacturing center. In their finished form the discs were provided with a loop for hanging and were occasionally set in a ring of different material, such as ivory. They formed a part of the belt-assembly hanging on the left side of the body and have been found in women's graves exclusively (Plate 4b). The openwork design of these discs, burnished to a high gleam or finished by zinc-plating, was probably enhanced by the contrasting garment fabric peering through the perforations. The discs were often found associated with women's utensils, suggesting that a pouch with such contents was carried on the same or a similar belt. The practice of wearing these discs flourished during the seventh century (Fig. I I I ). By the eighth century, coincident with the end of the row-grave period, the fashion had generally faded. They were not merely ornamental in meaning. The motifs strongly suggest that these discs reflected a pagan and Christian syncretism, that they were of a cultic nature and that they functioned as amulets for pagans and Christians alike. It is likely, however, that only in association with clearly identifiable Christian objects and contexts, such as the fragments of the altar-screen from Hornhausen, will the cross-shaped motifs allow a Christian interpretation. g D. Renner, Die durchbrochenen :::jerscheiben der A1erowingerzeit. Kataloge Vor- und Fmhgeschichtlicher Altertiimer, vol. 18 (Mainz 1970), pp.2ff., 55, 63, 70f. 90r. for a catalogue of sites and plates

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Among the many types, variations of cross motifs dominate as spoked wheels, with a wide range of straight and stepped spokes, pin wheels, sun wheels, swastikas, with or without concentric circles, with or without secondary punched patterns. Associated with these types of crosses is an inventory of animal stylizations - snakes, heads of wolves, birds of prey and of horses. Ravens, eagles and horses - the latter were part of the sun cult already during the Northern Bronze Age are a familiar association with the sky-god vVodan/Odin. In addition, there was the mythical relationship of eagles with sky-gods and the divine Emperors. Perhaps to be associated with a solar cult, the ~un-wheel crosses invited additional variation of the arms, as snake bodies terminate in gaping jaws. On an amulet the intimation of the protective role of the snake would be a logical motif. One type sees simplified bird bodies forming crosses of each of the arms of a cross. Since the horse- and then the bird-motifs were associated with the solar cult, all crosses need not be taken for Christian. Elaborations of the motifs create richly ornamented space-filling whirling intertwines. A further variation places three, four or five birds of prey with pronounced beaks and wolf-like faces into concentric circles and fills the central ring with a compacted, crouching human body with dominating ferocious face-mask and raised arms, here possibly a veiled reference to the war god Tius/Tyr and the Fenriswolf; on others as Wodan or even as the Roman goddess Terra. 9 Aggressively beaked birds' heads terminate in snake-bodied, cross-shaped intertwines, or form squares over crosses. The co-existence of the motifs suggests a view of the world in which a multimorphic being, perhaps of a demonic nature, linked the sky and the earth, to which the world of man somehow belonged and on which he drew for security. The coexistent representation of pagan and Christian motifs during the period of assimilation will have allowed the participant to select which feature he addressed. In its combination it may have served to double the protective power to the amulet. There are two types of horseman-centered discs: one, sometimes enclosed in a stirrup-like frame, seems to be derived from the eastern Mediterranean where the praying mounted saint, arms either raised to heaven or lowered (Fig. I 12), is frequent in the artistic expression of Coptic Christianity,IO aspects of which reached central Europe in the Renner, pp.75ff. Renner refers here to Hauck, Denkmaler, p.31f. G. Behm-Blanke, p.163f., states that the Kopts had adopted the motif from a Hebrew cult which venerated a mounted King Solomon as an heroic horseman rich q

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train of Mediterranean Christianity; the other, probably derived from Roman and Byzantine examples, is the lance carrying warrior (Fig. I 13). This motif may also reflect pagan ideas of Roman and Germanic origin - the Roman Jupiter-Giant columns on which a mounted Jupiter hurls lightning bolts as he rides down an anguipede, a snake footed giant, assimilated with Germanic ideas about a spear-wielding Wodan/Odin - which were submitted to an interpretatio christiana and figured as triumphal proclamations on the victory coins of the late Byzantine Empire. I I A curiosity are cruciform intertwines of male and female human figures, their heads, hands and legs touching the circumference. Their meaning seems to have escaped interpretation. The discs with non-geometric designs stand out, because figurative representations are not traditional Germanic motifs. To the category of protective charms found in the graves of women and children belong the hammer-shaped amulets, traditionally associated with the Thunder god Donar IThor who was venerated as the bringer of fertility and growth.

Keys Found exclusively in many noblewomen's graves of the late fifth and the first half of the sixth century were pairs of ornamental 'keys" and or girdle-hangers. About llcm long and made of bronze, or of some other gilt-metal, they were components of the belt hangings, too pliable for actual use. Derived from a basic 'T' shape these keys were sometimes cut but mainly cast into variations of forms. Designs could be punched on their surfaces. Usually found in pairs (Fig. I 14), without any sign of wear, they were probably not just pendants but symbols of a woman's majority and her real housekeeping authority concerning all matters pertaining to the household, or indicators of her wifely status. 12 As 'keys' they will have had a ritualistic function, perhaps in connection with the in wisdom and powerful in magic. For the Kopts he was a symbol of Christian victory over paganism and darkness. God and Christ and other saints as horsemen armed with a spear, a cross or a ball were popular representations as fighters against the incarnation of evil in human shape, or that of a lion or a dragon, providing the prototype for the well known representations of St. George fighting the Dragon. II Renner, p.82. 12 Steuer, in Hamer et al. Sachseriforschung 3, pp.196, 200ff. reviews the speculative discussion concerning the function of thcse "keys". Keys are prominent in Durer's 1513 engraving Melencolia 1.

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protective functions of the Fertility and Birth Goddess Freya, Thor's wife, giving access to a protective power which stayed with the deceased, perhaps beyond the moment when she unlocked the Gates to (from?) the Netherworld, of Death. Their function as belt attachments was probably that of amulets, which extended into the grave. Perhaps the clue lies with the basic 'T' -shape of the 'keys', that even when elaborated they retained their 'hammer' association and with it the fertility association with Donar/Thor. These elaborated forms were not usually found in the settlements, where simple hook forms made of iron were customary, but became part of the lady's personal grave inventory. There is an etymological connection between the names of the Germanic divinities Freyr and his sister Freya and the words for 'lord' and 'lady'. It is curious that these key-hangings are to be found throughout northern Germany - especially in Thuringia, Scandinavia, the lands of the Anglo-Saxons, the Rhineland and Alemania, but are rare in the area to the east of the Alemans. The custom of wearing key-hangings predates the row-gravefields. One of the earliest key-hangings is part of the elaborate necklace found in one of the two Germanic treasures of Szilagysomlyo/Simleul, Transylvania, Romania (Fig. I IS). Probably Gepidic, but possibly Gothic, it has been dated to c.400 by virtue of an extensive collection of Roman gold medallions, beginning with the Emperor Maximinus I Herculeus (c.300) to Gratian (383), evidently Imperial gifts to the leaders of friendly tribes. These treasures may have been buried by the Gepids upon the approach of the Huns. 13 Several keys and key-like pendants are part of a charm necklace, prominently fe:aturing wine leaves, on which the most noticeable piece is a 'bead' setting, containing a large smoky topaz, a traditional amulet with healing and thirst quenching qualities. Two lion-like cats drinking from a vessel surmount the setting. 14 In Germanic society pouring the drink was a

13 Pohl,"Viilker", in vVolfram and Daim, p.270. I" T.S. Burns, A History of the Ostrogoths (Bloomington 1984), pp.139ff. Burns has analyzed this necklace and finds it to have fifty pendants, model objects, taken from agrarian life interspersed with vine leaves. He sees life and death allegories in the assembly of charms and sees reflected in them a sense of deep religiosity surrounding the routine aspects of life. He was not looking for keys. Behm-Blanke, p.48, suggests that the large transparent beads of a variety of translucent material with the magical powers were of Eastern, then Hunnish origin. Diibner-Manthey, in Affeldt, p. 75, accepts the idea that the cats are antithetically placed panthers which hold a crater between them. The panthers are the familiar associates of the wine-god Dionysus. The crater served for mixing ""cine. The smoky topaz may have been intended to work its powers against the intoxication of its wearer.

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particularly honorable privilege for the lady of the house. As a mark of this function she wore a perforated spoon with which to strain impurities from the beverage. The symbolic key of St. Peter could provide a Christian connection. Pope Leo I. (440 - 461) had sponsored the idea of St. Peter as Keeper of the Heavenly Gates and at the same time emphasized the primacy of Rome for the Church. The Merovingians expressed support for Rome by means of the new religious foundations dedicated to St. Peter and that these were competing successfully with those older pre-Frankish ones dedicated to St. Martin. From c.500 onward pilgrimages to the tomb of St. Peter in Rome were gaining greatly in popularity especially among women, to the extent that one considered the prohibition of women's pilgrimages. They returned with gilt keys, which had supposedly served in the opening of the grave of St. Peter. Though only 90 have been found in the graves of wealthy women, it has been estimated that about 600 would have been buried per year. In occasional women's graves the keys are associated with other objects from Italy.15 One might for a moment consider that as 'Keys of St. Peter' the wearer might have demonstrated a preference for Rome and Catholicism rather than for the teachings of Arius. But then men would also have wanted to testify in this fashion. The proposed solutions remain in the realm of conjecture, so that it cannot even be declared that the symbol of the 'keys' belongs to that confessional group which includes the Cross, the fish and the doves (Plate 4c). It is likely that the ambivalence of the 'keys' was understood to underscore equitable properties in the pagan and Christian understanding of the 'keys'. If that was the case then the 'keys' captured a moment of syncretism during the conversion to Christianity.

Gold-foil Other examples of the metal workers' art and craft are the gold-foil crosses. Possibly derived from Egyptian Coptic cloth appliques, these have been linked with the early western Christian burial ceremonial, being too delicate for everyday wear. Though these crosses have occasionally slipped out of position, in the graves they are usually found on 15 Steuer, in HaBler et al. Sachsenforschung 3, pp.206 - 216. However, see DiibnerManthey, "Amulettbrauchtum", in Affeldt, p.7S, who argues against this possible association of the keys with pilgrimages to Rome.

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the skull or where it would have been. It was mentioned previously that they may have been sewn onto a light fabric which was placed over the head of the deceased, the cross covering the mouth. These may be a derivation from eastern funerary masks, intended to obscure the identity and true being of the deceased during the passage past the evil forces of the beyond, to the ornamented pieces of cloth or very soft leather covering the head. 16 Stamped gold-foil birds, such as eagles, may have complemented this funerary guise. It can be expected that crosses fashioned of an organic material were the affordable and common form, but that ornamented appliques of gold foil may have been just affordable to some who wanted to display at least the show of gold 17 and did not mind that this gold could be stretched through the addition of silver or even copper. The introduction of this eastern practice to Lombardy and Alemania was probably accompanied by a parallel introduction of ideas and of ornamental motifs. Embossing was not an unfamiliar technique to the north. Already during the Bronze Age embossed objects had appeared there, serving as a useful indicator when locating the provenance of such objects, because while articles originating in the north were generally engraved, embossed objects could be considered to be southern imports. The moor at Thorsberg, some 20km NE of the city of Schleswig, a sacrificial site since the Stone Age, yielded some spectacular evidence of such workmanship in the form of two golden ornamental discs, phalerae ~ Roman military decorations (Fig.116), 13.2cm in diameter, of which one was deliberately damaged before its sacrificial deposition. Originating during the third century in the workshop of one Saciro, thought to have been located in the vicinity of Roman Cologne, each disc is centered by a pointed boss and surrounded by embossed concentric circles. This central composition is ringed by nine smaller discs bearing facemasks. Some of these have been crushed. The main feature, however, is the surrounding rim. This has been quartered by replicas of the central bossed design. Each quarter is dominated by the same delicately executed, seated, helmeted figure holding a spear, taken to be a representation of Mars. On first impression the fields seem to be the same. Closer examination reveals that the space filling ornamentations ~ water birds

16 17

Paulsen and Schach-Dbrges, Graberfild, p.ll.

R. Christlein, "Dcr soziologische Hintergrund der Goldblattkreuze nbrdlich der

Alpen", in Wol(>;ang Hiibencr (ed.), Die Goldblattkreuze des .friihen AfittelalteTS (BiihllBaden 1975), pp. 73ff.

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and fish, for example - in the opposing quadrants and the main motif were initially the same. Subsequently the dainty, manneristic designs were complemented by riveting less refined representations of horses and fish into the composition, where some Germanic goldsmith felt a need to fill 'underutilized' space. No doubt in the northern mythological context the figure of the war god Mars would have been translated into its Germanic equivalent, Tyr/Tius. Barely half of the surrounding rim of the second phalera has been recovered. On the remaining background perforated with pinpricks four goat-like animals have been raised. Fish were placed into the spaces separating the 'goats'. The hindquarters of one of these 'goats' terminate in a fishtail. A reconstruction suggests that there had been three such representations on the disc. IS Such sea creatures are known from among the Roman inventory of themes represented in mosaics, on pottery and other portable objects. Perhaps made to conform to Germanic taste, the appearance of this rim is reminiscent of earlier eastern, Thracian, work. These pieces do not appear to have started a tradition of their own. For the goldsmith to create a gold foil cross the client will have had to be able to supply the required amount of gold. That alone would suggest that only a very small part of the population could participate in this funerary fashion. Hammered into a thin piece of sheet gold this was placed over a carved die, then covered with some material, such as soft leather, before being pressed or hammered until the ornamentation had been transferred to the sheet gold. The cross would then be cut out of the sheet (Plate 4d). Because any number of things could serve as dies, it is not surprising that the patterns to be transferred could be too large and continued beyond the arms of the cross, as can be illustrated on the arms of the cross from Gammertingen. The majority of these crosses has been found mainly on Alemanic and sometimes on Bavarian tribal territory.19 Earlier considerations that these crosses were imported from Lombardic Italy have been revised, though itinerant specialists from Lombardy travelling among the newly converted Alemans remain a possibility.20

R. Seyer, "Die Entwicklung der germanischen Kunst", in Kruger, II, p.225. Paulsen, Schach-Dorges, Graberftld, p.12. See E. Riemer, "Goldblattkreuze und andere Funde mit christlichem Symbolgehalt", in Fuchs, Die Alamannen, pp. 447 - 454. 20 Paulsen, Schach-Dorges, p.24. Paulsen argues that because of the tics which existed between the Ostrogoths and Byzantium the gold-foil crosses made their way to the \ Vest where Lombards and Alemans alike contributed to developing the variety of forms. 18

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These gold-foil crosses exist in a variety oftypes. 21 The majority is 'Maltese' in shape, the arms flaring towards the ends. Most are plain, simply cut from a smooth sheet of gold, or marked with bosses, one on each arm and at the center, or with combinations of bosses, the edges and the central crossing enhanced by smaller bosses. To this type one may add long strips of embossed gold foil. Holes were punched into all these crosses and strips of gold for fastening to garments, for instance. Only a small number of crosses stands out because of all-over embossed designs. A spectacular cross is a Lombardic one found in a grave at Stabio, in southern Switzerland (Plate 5a). Set back from the edges another cross is embossed, which suggests a more distant provenance. Transferred from a chip-carved die, the crossing is taken up by a triangle, which incorporates a lunette containing a lion. Each of the arms bears an oval containing a bird. The oval then flairs out with paisley patterns to terminate in an intricate and abstractly tulipshaped composition of 'baroque' designs suggesting floral vegetation. Only one die for the arms of the embossed cross seems to have been available to the craftsman - the pattern on the left arm had to be transferred upside down. This cross is interpreted to reflect Byzantine and Mediterranean vegetative motifs. Most of the embossed crosses do not conform to this elaborate style of ornamentation. They subscribe rather to variations of individual or combined interlocked S-curves, interlaced slip-knots and figure-eight intertwines, overlays and interlinked chain patterns. The patterns could be created by lines arranged singly or in parallel combinations in which solid inner and outer lines are separated by a dotted line. The overall impression is that of braids. Not always are the braid overlays continuous, as for instance in the singular flaring and rounded cross-arm from W'ittislingen. Probably an Alemanic imitation of crosses of Lombardic origin, the initial impression is one of symmetry. However, the goldsmith may have had to compress his pattern so that he had to improvise as he went, making the pattern fit as best he could. As a result the pattern of the inner lines just ends. While Lombardic designs terminate with snakeheads, this one shows pronounced heads of birds of prey. Their necks are the outer lines and these do not link up with the rest of the braid. At the other end of the cross arm, the arms end correctly in two boars' heads. 21 G. Haseloff, "Zu den Goldblattkreuzen aus dem Raum n6rdlich der Alpen", Hiibener, pp.37ff., 58f. Haseloffprovides a detailed analysis of these crosses and their ornamentation.

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Yet another type of ornamentation belongs to the Animal Style. It is dominant among the other ornaments. A singular form of cross is the one from Hintschingen (Fig. I I 7). Here the elliptical arms were turned around so that the rounded tips are attached to the round center. The same die was used to emboss each of the arms with body parts of two separate animals and of a snake. The head of the larger animal grips its own body. The smaller animal fills the tip. A small snake links the two animals. A four-toed foot reaches into the intertwine at the wide end of each arm, suggesting that yet another animal would have been visible, had all of the design on the die been transferred. 22 Another type is the cross with rounded arms. In one instance, on the cross from Langeringen, located approximately south of Augsburg, the rough cut followed an embossed pattern of intertwines. At first the embossed pattern appears to be no more than the familiar interlace composed of two parallel lines flanking a beaded line. These have been interpreted to represent snake bodies and heads23 , especially if the pincer-like designs just in front of the arches can be accepted as stylized jaws. This interpretation may not have been easily recognizable to the contemporaries. It would appear that the treatment of the crossing was much more important to the goldsmith, or to the one who commissioned the cross, because the crossing was given much greater emphasis. Here the crossing bears a very clear imprint of the fully bearded Byzantine Emperor Phocas (602 - 610) transferred from one of his coins (Plate 5b), dating the cross to the period of his reign or somewhat later. On other crosses other stylized faces appear frontally, indicating a growing popularity of this human motif. It can be argued that a re-evaluation of motifs was in progress and that the representation of the human countenance was gaining in importance at the expense of the abstract and merely ornamental intertwines. It was shown during the previous chapters that the ideological and material links existing between the western Germanic realms and the Eastern Empire were substantive and continuing. In the idea of the Pancreator, the Creator of the Universe, the sublimity of the Emperor merged with that of Christ. Thus the pre-eminence of the divine Imperial image at the cen22 Haseloff, in Hiibener, p.45, suggests that the die used for the ornamentation of this cross had been intended for something else and that it was the die which determined the shape of this cross. 23 Haseloff, in Hiibener, p.54f. supports this interpretation first proposed by Qtto von Hessen, Die Goldblattkreuze aus der Zone nordwiirts der Alpen (Milan 1964), p.208f.

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ter of the cross was not surprising and easily understood as that of the Triumphant Christ holding the Victorious Cross in his right hand. The ideas behind this Byzantine motif then merged with Alemanic ones familiar from the openwork ornamental discs which represented the S-curled longhaired and 'Van Dyke' shaped bearded face of a man, perhaps of a powerful pagan divinity, surrounded by animals. If one combines the idea of Wodan/Odin hanging himself for nine days, bound and consecrated to himself, into the tree oflife,24 with the idea of the Cross and the crucified Christ, then the centers of the gold foil crosses make the syncretism of paganism and Christianity visible. Several hundred years later the Runic Stone at Jelling in eastern Jutland, Denmark, will still show Christ bound into an intertwine. From a grave at Giengen comes a gold-foil cross with three trapezoid arms embossed with a knotted intertwine on each arm, while the fourth arm is rounded to contain a face as described above (Fig. I 18). The face is rather forbidding and unapproachable in its sternness and suggestive of an aged vVodan/Odin rather than a loving Christ. The center of the cross is embossed with chain-link knots. \Vhile the head and the knotted intertwines allow the ideological conclusion that this is such a representation of Christ lashed onto the cross, the pre-eminence of the face also indicates that the message of the crucified savior Christ, whether on the cross from Giengen or in the Imperial effigy on the cross from Langeringen, is gaining the primary function within the patterns of ornamentation. Even though the symbolic protective function of the knots which bind evil on the amulet is indicated, the formerly self-sufficient ornamental motifs have been relegated to a secondary and supportive position on the cross. The faces appearing on the gold-foil crosses, whether intended to represent the Emperor or Christ, or as unrelated derivatives (Fig. I 19), do belong to a wider context of such representations on fibulas and other ornamental plaques (Fig.120). Compared to the traditional pagan motifs, the new human effigies may have been understood as expressions of a northern 'modernity'. It has been concluded that, despite the close link, which existed between the Alemanic region north of the Alps and Lombardic Italy, the crosses with the rounded arms and those with the medallion-like centers originated north of the AlpS.25 24 J.L. Henderson and M. Oakes, The Wisdom of the Serpent, The lvfyths of Death, Rebirth and Resurrection (New York 1971), p.210r 2·, Haseloff, in Hiibener, p.37.

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By means of these few examples it has been shown that early Germanic society was multicultural, and in a manner of speaking its artistic expression was 'multilingual'. In its Christian guise it speaks the formal, structured, narrative language of a classical, humanistic temperament with its Roman and Byzantine motifs and ideas. It expresses its classical temperament through the idealization of reality. At its center is man, realistically represented. Reality is the point of departure; idealization and spiritualization is its point of arrival. In its pagan guise, by contrast, it speaks using the abstract syntax and vocabulary of a Germanic 'vernacular' in which the view of the world is one of fragmentation, dismemberment and abstract reassembly. It expresses its temperament by using a style of representation in which the component parts of reality served an ornamental purpose. The portable art objects of the Germanic tribes make this evident. There was a new spirit which derived its vitality from the encounter with the new faith and which at first expressed itself in an assimilation of northern ornamentation and Christian symbolism. Regrettably, the dynamic ornamental abstractions came to be displaced by a rather static narrative symbolism. This tradition was supported by such objects as the two phalerae which, c. A.D. 600, were a part of a harness fitting. The embossed detail of one of the discs shows St. George riding down the dragon, while that of the other disc shows an enthroned Mother of God holding the infant Jesus in her lap (Fig.l2l). Both pieces indicate eastern conception and workmanship. Obviously Christian in subject matter, the representations reflect Christian narratives and their messages. Though these pieces show the Christian association of their owner, the depth and complex articulation and the expression of a clear meaning of these reliefs did not yet find imitators among Alemanic craftsmen and did not, as such, displace the calligraphic intertwines of the Animal Style. Stylistically these discs do, however, join the other embossed anthropomorphic reliefs to indicate the progressive change of style towards the focus on human representations.

Bracteats In connection with the Byzantine phalerae mentioned above it was pointed out that even though the Mediterranean homocentric view was becoming a feature in northern expressions of taste it could not yet compete with the northern Animal Style. The reverse process can

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actually be demonstrated by means of the bracteats (Lat. bractea = a thin metal plate or foil) - one-sided gold pendants derived from Roman coins and Imperial commemorative medallions, which had been distributed to worthy allies. The Germanic treasure found at Szilagysomlyo/Simleul in Transylvania, dated to c.400, contained Roman medallions which had been converted to bracteats (Plates 5c, 5d). It is easy to accept that in this capacity the converted coins and medallions served as protective amulets on which the effigy of the divine Emperor served an iconographic purpose - the Emperor's holy image was an icon. In its simplest form a gold coin or medallion could be fitted with a loop for stringing, so that it could be worn as a pendant with magical attributes and spiritually shielding powers. An increased reverence could be demonstrated in a next step which would surround the coin with a ring of cells filled with garnets or almandines, or with some other elaboration, such as two rings ornamented with closely linked chevron patterns. Gold coins with Imperial portraits had reached Jutland and Sweden where reproductions were attempted, though not without allowing stylistic modifications to appear. It is accepted that the Imperial effigy may have acquired a northern and pagan significance as northern gods, Balder or Thor perhaps, Wodan/Odin most probably, were represented on the surfaces of the bracteats, accompanied by possibly contextually attributable ancillary, perhaps even magical, signs or runes. A second type of bracteats showed the outlines of recognizable shapes of men. The treasure of eight gold bracteats found at Nebenstedt, just SE of Dannenberg near the Elbe River, contained two such bracteats (Plate 6a). On one the head is quite pronounced, though the body outline is merely suggested through the location of legs and arms with exaggerated hands. The figure is surrounded with runes, which have been interpreted to read: "I, the shiny-eyed, dedicate these runes, Lauch". The word Lauch is taken to mean 'success', or other words with such a connotation. However, the meaning of such formula words is disputed. 26 On other imitations the Imperial diadem and insignia underwent abstract modifications, where the emperor - Wodan/Odin associa26 Ch. Behr, Die Bei;:.eichen auf den vOlkerwanderungs;:.eitlichen Goldbrakteaten, Diss. Munster 1990 (Frankfurt a.M., Bern, New York, Paris 1991), p.25. See pp.107 - 165 in which Behr analyzes the various ancillary signs - swastikas, triskeles, crosses, angles, triangles, dots, circles and dotted circles, stars, rosettes and spirals, and a variety of other pictorial elements.

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tion came to be placed on an identifiable horse - Sleipnir, as on the bracteats from Asum, in the southernmost Swedish province of Skane, from Vadstena in bstergotland and from Gerete, on the island of Gotland. As mentioned, for cultic purposes it was not a big step to associate a divine emperor with a northern divinity. In making the association and in imitating the realistic Roman portraits the Germanic goldsmiths developed distortions and stylizations of the Roman heads until they produced astonishing abstractions. Thus the backs of crowned heads were converted into an approximation of a helmet or a sloping wave of hair framing strongly pronounced facial profiles. A comparison of the Swedish and German bracteats makes the origin and transitions quite evident. The large bracteat from Gettorf(Plate 6b),just south of the city of Schleswig, bears a striking outward resemblance to the one from Gotland. The surfaces of both are treated with a series of concentric, punched and embossed rings. On both of them the loop is attached by means of a triangular mounting, but while the simple triangle on the disc from Gotland is filled with carefully articulated heads bedded in S-curves of filigree - finely beaded wire - , the more intricately fashioned triangle on the disc from Gettorf is filled with neatly organized rows of granules. On the bracteat from Gotland a 'crown' of hair is held in place by a tiara tied around the head, the ties terminating in an upward curl. The head is then fitted into the sweeping back of a horned horse, its head resembling the shape of a tulip. The horse's forelegs curve outward, its hooves resembling double-jawed claws. The Gettorf head no longer distinguishes between hair and diadem, combining both into a flipped up curl (or a helmet with neck-guard). The horse has been replaced by a swastika placed under the nose and an obscure runic inscription -LALGWU The Roman connection recommends itself when considering the treasure found at Landegge,just north ofMeppen on the river Ems. A gold solidus of the Emperor Valentinian minted between 364 and 367 was found in this treasure. It was associated with 4 golden bracteats, all pieces prepared as pendants. While the solidus was badly worn, the bracteats were newly struck. Among them are two, which illustrate very well the next steps in the transition towards abstraction. On the one facing left the head and 'helmet' are easily identified (Plate 6c). More problematic is the 'horse'. It has been transformed into a tulip-shaped head, linked with a 'body' to which are connected two human legs in the shape of a large 'w' running in opposite direc-

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tions.27 The animal's hindquarters resemble those of a snake. Were it not for the human legs, the creature would appear to be a replica of a serpent. On the other bracteat the replica faces to the right (Plate 6d). While the 'helmet' is still recognizable as such, the face is no longer that obvious, the horse's head is no more than a tulip-shaped animal and the remaining embossed 'body parts' are unrelated and no longer recognizable. Two of the bracteats from Nebenstedt provide examples suggesting the development from recognizable parts to dismembered parts in curvilinear 'body' contexts (Plates 7a, 7b). Classifications of these bracteats have been attempted. The one set up by Montelius, the same who classified the Bronze Age, divides them into groups A to D, without dating. Simplified, the A-group is characterized by showing a male head in profile; B-group shows a complete male figure; C-group, located chiefly between Jutland and Gotland, placed a head in profile over an animal, the type discussed above; on the mainly westerly group D the figures have been taken over completely by the Animal Style 1. 28 They will all have been imbued with the protective qualities of amulets on which the symbolic representations will have had magical functions. The origin of the D bracteats on Jutland during the fifth century appears to be generally accepted. Trade links carried the bracteats across the North Sea to Kent and up the rivers into the Germanic lands. 29 With the dissolution of the Roman frontiers after 400, craftsmen found their way to southern Scandinavia where they introduced Roman techniques and motifs, marine creatures for instance, which contributed to the development of the Nydam Style by means of a translation of Mediterranean forms into Germanic forms, and subsequently to the emergence of the many phases of Animal Style I as a response to a Germanic sense of representation. It was this process, amplified by Germanic mythology, which culminated in one of the characteristic traditions of 'Germanic' migration art from c.450 onward. It may have been noted that the finds at Landegge and at Nebenstedt were not grave goods, but treasure complexes. As very valued 27 See Behr, pp.328 - 333, who illustrates the development of this motif. Her book deals mainly with the Skandinavian finds. 28 Seyer, "Kunst", in Kruger, II, p.227. 29 Haseloff, Die Germanische Tieromamenlik der Viilkerwanderungszeil. Sludien zu Satins Slil I, in 3 volumes (Berlin, New York 1981), p.1 70f. See the map indicating the distribution ofD bracteates.

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possessions these had been deposited as offerings to the divinities. Their value and weighty symbolism may have made them seem singularly appropriate means of dealing with the spiritual realm. The Nebenstedt bracteats had been deposited in pairs and one of these pairs can serve as a prototype for the D-group bracteats from the area around the western Baltic Sea. Though they exemplify the same idea, they are not identical in their detail. By means ofloops, meanders and overlays the dismembered parts of the serpentine animal shown are laid out in characteristic, playfully sinuous curves to fill the round, inner space of the bracteats completely. Beginning with a ferocious looking beak, the head with a dotted eye continues into a long body, which extends downward under a loop, to rise in an S-curve stopped by another loop. The loops are the thighs of the fore- and hind-legs respectively, terminating in gracefully bent human legs, feet and extended toes. A totally dissociated human foot stands in the middle of the upper part of the S-curve. A variant of this type are those bracteats, which were stamped as mirror images of the above. In each instance the first impression is that of a labyrinthine undulation. A twisted rope pattern, or a wide, boss-patterned rim may surround the intertwined stylization. Clearly enunciated designs identifY these pendants as northern imports. Modifications resulting from a poor understanding of the details suggest the possibility of secondary origins. 30

Fibulas/ Brooches In the discussion of grave inventories repeated reference has been made to fibulas. In the frequency of their occurrence on the continent they appear in a broad strip from the Hungarian plain to the English Channel. In their several styles - bow fibulas, equal arm fibulas, disc fibulas, S-fibulas, bird fibulas, animal fibulas and cicada fibulas, to name the more frequent - they figured as major Germanic objects of personal ornamentation. The prototypes originated with the Romans as signs of military rank and social status. Though Roman men wore one brooch mainly at the shoulders, the fashion ends for Germanic men during the 5th century. The Germanic manner of wearing costume-jewelry was not uniform. The funerary evidence in women's graves of the early 6th century, of women usually

30

Haseloff, p.287.

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between 20 and 40 years of age, shows that fibulas were located below the chin, on shoulders, chest and stomach, at the waist and the hips, along the upper thigh as well as between the thighs near the knees. Their disposition about the skeleton points to decorative as well as functional use, although in view of their spectacular appearance, a dual function need not be excluded. The large triangular fibulas usually pointed upward. Some may have been sown onto the garment. Some were added as grave gifts. They generally marked a woman's high station or rank for some of the fibulas impress with their evident great symbolic value of material, expert workmanship and artistic style. When used functionally they were intended to fasten and gather clothing and occasionally fastened amulet- or pursestraps to belts. In turn, small utensils could be attached to them. Logic will have determined whether a small or robust fibula would be employed on a shirt, blouse, dress, skirt or mantle. The basic garment was a tube-like dress, which reached beneath the armpits and of which front and back could then be pulled together over the shoulders and fastened with decorative pins. Some women of particularly elevated station appear to have worn a thin open under-dress, a thicker open upper garment below something more cape-like, each fastened with its own set of brooches. For most of the period fibulas were worn in pairs, until towards the end the fashion established itself to wear only one brooch. Their disposition in the graves and the evident signs of wear suggest strongly that they were also worn in this manner during the wearer's lifetime. Many influences, regional and social factors will have determined the characteristics of a woman's costume. As is the case with other objects, materials, forms and designs were introduced to the Germanic tribes settled along the northern borders during the Imperial Period. Despite the great variety of objects, the common element is a Roman point of departure. As discs/phalerae, they were a military decoration and as such will have accompanied many a demobilized member of the auxilia to his homeland. From the third century onward and subject to modifications in style, varieties of Roman onion-headed cross fibulas, about 10cm long, were worn by Roman officers as cloak fasteners at the right shoulder and at the same time as indicators of military rank where the quality of the material bronze, silver, gilt bronze, gold - rose with the rank. Gold was the exclusive prerogative of the highest Roman officials. For instance Stilicho, in c.400, is represented wearing such a fibula, the head plate

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pointing upward3l • In the church of San Vitale in Ravenna, built between 526 and 548, the two large mosaic panels which flank the altar show the Emperor Justinian on one and the Empress Theodora on the other with their respective courtly entourages. One and a half centuries after Stilicho, their respective ministers still wear their cloaks fastened with such brooches. It should be noted here that this insight concerning the manner in which these fibulas were worn was made sometime after the terminology concerning head plates and footplates had become a convention. As a result, some sense of arrangement has affected their display in the conventionally oriented museums and the discussion in the literature to have the triangular end of the 'foot' -plate pointing downward when it should be pointing upward. In our discussion of the fibulas which follows this circumstance requires only a minor mental reorientation until we turn to the northern fibulas with rectangular 'head' plates, with their surface covering ornamentation in the Animal Styles I and II and then it matters whether heads are hanging or erect - 'downward-biting heads', for instance -, whether masks are facing upward or downward, and whether vegetative ornamental details are suspended or representative of an upward growing tree (Fig. 122). In such a situation does a fibula have shoulders? The pictorial detail can be such that orientation and interpretation can be seriously affected in the discussion and then we will not follow the convention. Along with other objects, the fibulas appeared in princely Germanic funerary inventories, such as in those at Wroclaw-Zakrzow (Breslau-Sakrau), in Poland, where richly articulated brooches with round, oval and semicircular base plates, a sophisticated arrangement of projecting knobs and much granulation were located. They reflect a Pontic synthesis brought west by the Goths. At Ostrovany (Osztropataka in eastern Slovakia) two Roman fibulas without head plates were

31 An element of confusion exists in the conventional designation of head- and foot-plates. Before it was determined that the triangular fibulas were generally worn with the tip pointing upward, the terminology had become conventional - the semicircular or rectangular plates were designated as head-plates, the rhomboid plates as foot-plates. In discussing the fibulas of the polychrome type this is not really significant. The terminology does, however, create a litde confusion when discussing the rectangular 'headed' designs of the Northern fibulas ornamented with the Animal Style and with the determination whether an animal is 'hanging' or 'upright' and what in the ornamentation is downward or upward of some point of orientation, thus 'head-plates' may be pointing towards the feet. For a very detailed analysis see E.-G. StrauB, Studien zur Fibeltracht der Merowingerzeit (Bonn 1992). Also Siegmund, pp.218ff.

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found, dated to c.300, delicately ornamented with arcades of filigree and granulation on bows and base plates (Fig. 123). These and other designs originating within the Roman Provincial cultures will have passed beyond the Roman frontiers, in this case to Vandals and/ or Gepids from Pannonia for instance, as rewards, part of payments, tribute and loot (Fig. 124). During the Migrations eastern polychrome ornamental techniques influenced the appearance of brooches. While one might have expected such objects to become part of everyone's ornamental inventory, from the third to the early seventh century they became key features in the funerary inventories, virtually as the exclusive reserve in the personal property of socially elevated women, no more than 2% of the population. At the same time simple functionality yielded to ornamental display as the fibulas became ever larger as indicators of social status. Occasionally the fibulas were pretentious as they aimed at a show of status despite an absence of wealth through the use of cheaper raw materials and manufacturing techniques. Ornamental inventories have been itemized and described in previous chapters, and it will be recalled that pagan notions concerning life after death included the transfer and preservation of the earthly hierarchy through the wealth of the grave gifts as the visible indication of the continuing social status in the realm beyond. In that sense the brooches were not items of jewelry, which changed with the fashions, but a woman's permanent badges of rank and station in the hierarchy. The fact that many brooches show extensive wear and repair rather than having been melted down and recast, suggests that they were imbued with a particular personal sense of value. Generally it can be observed that the simpler the articulation, the earlier its manufacture, the more bewilderingly complex the execution of the design, the later its origin. Though there seems to be no significant declining impoverishment in style ~ the end coincides with a great show of stylistic flamboyance ~ the impoverishment appears in the greater use of iron for ornaments attributable to the growing shortage of precious metals as the distribution of Roman gold, especially in the form of coins, came to an end, and as the personal reserves of precious metals were exhausted. Such gold as was available went into the manufacture of Christian objects. During the eighth century and coincident with the shift to Christian burial practices, such as the end of the row-grave cemeteries and the increasing turning to church-centered cemeteries, the fibulas with their fundamentally abstract, pagan, mythological iconography fade from use.

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An approximate chronology of fibulas of the third to early eighth centuries would be represented first by single Roman onion-headed cross fibulas, simple Elbian, so-called crossbow fibulas appearing in association with 'owl' -headed fibulas as early as the third century wherever Elbian populations buried their dead during the late Imperial period (Fig. 125); then, during the fifth century, miniature, compact and solid bird fibulas, small cloisonne discs, eastern polychrome cicada fibulas (Fig. 126) and the famous, often polychrome, Merovingian 'bees' of which about 300 were found in Childeric's grave of 481. During the early sixth century eastern, Hunno-Sarmatian, often polychrome, garnet celled, bird- or snake-headed S-shaped fibulas with colorful glass-socketed eyes appear in Central Europe. Simultaneously, during the late fifth to late sixth centuries, the period characterized by the turn to burial in row-grave cemeteries and the development of Animal Styles I and II, these brooches become the exclusive attributes of women's apparel and represent the development and peak period of fibula manufacture (Fig. 127). From the second half of the fifth century on, women's fashion determines that large gilt silver bow fibulas, some with rectangular, others with semicircular base plates and generally triangular head plates, superbly animated with imaginative chip carving, perforations and inlays, appear in pairs and playa dominant role in the inventory of personal ornaments. The surface-filling ornamentation, derived from Roman models, reflects much of the design and its development found on the lavishly decorated belt buckles discussed below. Within limits, their stylistic differences of design initially indicate the tribal origin of the population components, which made up the tribal groups during the migrations. Thus the presence of northern square-based Lombardic fibulas in the Bavarian cemeteries indicates that Lombards may have participated in the tribal genesis of the Bavarians. Similarly bow fibulas with generally circular head plates often styled as confronting birds' heads or as punched out pincer designs are Thuringian-Bohemian, and it was the presence of such fibulas in Bavarian graves which signalled the possible presence of Thuringian population groups in the tribal formation of the Bavarians. Subsequently the spread of the fibulas indicates the relative power and prestige which the various Germanic tribal kingdoms radiated, the influences which they exerted and the associations which they invited, thereby pointing to the far-flung direct and indirect relations existing among that intertribal social group able to count such personal valuables among its property. One need only point to the tribal

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intermarriages of the Arnals, the Ostrogothic royal family, for an example of such intertribal relations. Based on Indo-European traditions, the famous polychrome eagle-fibulas are Gothic, probably acquired by the Goths during their stay in the steppes north of the Black Sea. 32 However, 'snake' -headed terminals on the triangular head plates and balustrades of radiating knobs studding the semicircular footplates are common motifs in most regions, so that it is the location of the find that suggests its tribal association. With Frankish expansion into other tribal areas Frankish forms, including the row-grave cemeteries, were carried, probably in several ways, far beyond the tribal lands of the Franks. The knobs on the brooches are a probable development from the late Roman onion-headed fibula. Fibulas oflocal manufacture complemented the inventory of imports. Equally prominent are disc fibulas ranging from silver inlaid discs and polychrome cloisonne brooches, to golden discs of the Byzantine type covered with designs of gold filigree and granulation, patterned gem encrustations, and combinations of all of these elements. The earliest form appeared during the sixth century. In addition there are some Frankish examples, the best known is from Molsheim, on which the cruciform composition - a quatrefoil imposed on a square - is centered by the cameo of a Roman (Imperial?) head (Plate 7c). Some of the polychrome discs are designed with facial masks. On these discs the surface ornamentation is organized to accommodate the design of a cross. Occasionally linear designs terminate in those 'bell' -shaped animal heads. These brief summaries should indicate that all of these objects underwent stylistic developments even within the respective types. For instance, the specialized literature has identified 63 types of cruciform fibulas with 44 key categories. 33 Evidently no attempt can be made here to compete with the specialized studies of the many par-

32 Behm-Blanke, p.55, suggests that to the Huns the eagle was a sign of high social status, a symbolism which was carried to the West and North and influenced Northern religion. Hines, Anglo-Saxon Square-Headed Brooches, pp.212ff. discusses manufacture and distribution at length. He suggests that the movement of fibulas may have followed several patters - movement of the owner or of the object by trade or gift-giving; relocation of the molds and the manufacturing process; itinerancy of individuals or groups of craftsmen. :l:l Joachim Reichstein, Die kreu;;,fijrmige Fibel. Zur Chronologie der spiiten riimischen Kaiserzeit und der Vblkenvanderungszeit in Skandinavien, auf dem Kontinent und in England. (Neumunster 1975), pp.35ff., 110. See especially Gunther Haseloff et aI., Tzeromamentik der VO·lkerwanderungszeit. vols. 1,2 and 3 (Berlin, New York 1981). Also StrauB, Die Fibeltracht der Merowingerzeit (Bonn 1992).

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allel varieties, so that only a limited discussion of a few typical styles can be entertained here. Prior to the use of casting molds for the manufacture of fibulas, the design for 'crossbow' fibulas was developed. Beginning with a basic 'T', a wire of base or precious metal was wound around the entire length of the cross arm. Knobs were placed at each end. From within these terminals a 'bowstring' was curved back to meet the bowed 'T' -stem. On this stem there was room for a variety of decorative features, including animal heads. The woman's grave dated to the third century at HaBleben, in Thuringia, dealt with in a previous chapter, contained four spectacular, unmatched, golden brooches derived from the crossbow design (Fig. I I ). Each had two coiled gold wire cross arms but no 'bow-string'. One had a dark red stone placed in a beaded gold wire setting located on the bow elevation of the stem. Another had knobbed terminals, broad cuffs of braided gold wire above and below the bow and carefully distanced settings of granules - droplets of gold 34 - on the stem. The two remaining fibulas were embellished with a combination of filigree, granulation and red stones. One fibula had two such dark red stone settings, garnets, one on the bow and the other on the foot. Similar to other instances, decorative elements and techniques reached Central Europe from the Pontic regions, north of the Black Sea. When combined on polychrome surfaces the effect was dazzling. A development of the 'crossbow' fibulas are the much more modest 'owl' fibulas, in that a sheet metal cut-out resembling the face of an owl - big eyes and expressive beak - was fastened over the wire-coiled cross arm. The stem was hidden by similarly cut-out 'feet'. To make the casting molds for the other brooches the desired shape would be carved as a negative into a block of wood, complete with chip-carved designs. Wax was pressed into the cut-out mold to make a wax model, around which in turn a double clay mold would be fashioned. Once dry, the wax model was removed from the clay shells and silver or bronze was poured in. Provision had been made for the coiled pin and catch for fastening. When cooled the mold was removed and the casting seams were filed off. The chip-carved designs 34 See Behm-Blanke, p.104ff. who describes the manufacturing principle used in making granules. Since silver granules became too coarse, pure gold had to be used. Uniform clippings of gold when covered with coal dust would melt into uniform droplets kept from flowing together by the coal dust. The actual manufacturing technique seems still to be unassured.

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were then refinished. The manufacturing process could be hastened by using metal models to form the clay casting molds. Following an immersion in a corrosive liquid, the brooch could be gilt by dipping it into a gold alloy consisting of I part gold to 6 - 9 parts mercury, followed by evaporating the mercury over glowing charcoal. 35 Fibulas were needed as pairs and this technique made the multiple production of one-sided as well as rounded objects possible. The former included varieties of patterned roundels, animal-headed 'S' -curves and simplified garnet inlaid bird or fish shapes with the aggressively shaped beaks of birds of prey. Among the latter objects there were unsophisticated miniature fibulas, representing real beings, perhaps cast as birds of prey or as simple forms, as variations of the 'T', for example, intended to be worn at the shoulders and at the neck. It was predictable that'S' -curves would be compacted into circular or oval discs and modified into serpentine bodies with snake-heads or with hooked beaks, and that the eye sockets would be set with red stones, as was the case on the belt buckles. Occasionally the animals' bodies were set off from the gilt silver or bronze by a contrasting color (Fig.128). As disc fibulas they contributed to the eventual emergence of the disc design as a dominant ornamental form of women's costume jewelry. A simplification would suggest that early fibulas from the east, the Pontic-Danubian area, are of polished sheet-silver with large, mainly semicircular, knob-studded but undecorated plates with elongated, somewhat angular, plain head plates. Such pieces were the preferred ornaments among the East Germanic peoples, such as the Ostrogoths, when they were still living in the north Pontic regions of southern Russia before AD. 400. At the same time they wore cicada-fibulas derived from Asian models still further east (Fig. 129). The highly elaborated fibulas belonging to the Gepidic gold find from a woman's grave at Gavavencsell6 on the river Tisza in Hungary, now displayed in the Hungarian National Museum in Budapest (Fig.130), are an assembly of beaded gold chains, earring, belt buckle, pendant and four large cast silver brooches which exude a rather pagan expression. Perhaps a development from the unadorned type, all surfaces are covered with chip-carved curvilinear patterns of continuous S-curves. ;, Reichstein, p.31. See Seyer, "Kunst", in Kruger, II, pp.176 - 199. Also H. Amrein, E. Binder, "Metallgewinnung und Schmiedckunst im [ruhen l\littelalter", in Fuchs, Die Alamannen, pp. 359ff.

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Two of the gilt silver brooches are larger, their base plates ornamented with five projecting knobs. The edges bear a niello design studded with 28 small almandine roundels. The two smaller brooches have only one knob on each base plate. On all the brooches that plate and all of the knobs are given the shape of zoomorphic, perhaps snakehead terminals, with almandines for eyes. The surfaces of the buckles were treated in the same fashion, except that the marginal almandine settings are clearly the eyes of birds of prey. By contrast the fibulas from the very wealthy, probably Gothic woman's grave of the early fifth century at Untersiebenbrunn, in northern Lower Austria, betray greater composure (Fig.131). The burial site is actually a grave complex which also contained another woman's grave and the graves of a man and a child, that is to say the location is the burial site of a family of the highest social level at the time of the Huns. The fibulas are accompanied by two unmatched silver fibulas of the type described above, as well as elegant Byzantine ear-hangings and a necklace, all of tightly braided gold wire, and many other precious ornaments, toiletries, table utensils and horse harness fittings. 36 Most likely the source of the gold is to be found in the vast payments of tribute in coin and unminted gold made by Byzantium to the Huns and divided among their allies. 37 The brooches have a large, clearly semicircular head plate with an elongated, somewhat angular footplate. A highly arched bow combines the two plates. Five knobs protrude from the head plate arranged in two flanking pairs, each pair linked with wire coils. The plates and bow are ornamented with congruently cut and orderly and symmetrically organized settings of colored precious and semi-precious stones, such as almandines, glass paste and green enamel, interspersed with systematically placed clusters of gold granules. The unimaginative show of wealth seems to have had precedence over any emphasis on artistic design in a display of craft rather than artistry. These brooches stand out because of their elongated form and while they did stimulate the

36 See V. Bierbrauer, "Romisches Kaisertum und Ostgermanisches Konigtum. Zur chronologischen, soziologischen und regionalen Gliederung des Ostgermanischen Fundstoffes des 5. Jahrhunderts in Siidosteuropa." in Wolfram and Daim, pp.136ff., who places the finds from Untersiebenbrunn into a wider context of similar finds. 37 Bierbrauer, in Wolfram and Daim, p.139, refers to Priscos, who reported that in 451 the Huns received a one-time payment of 432 000 solidi and an annual tribute of 151 000 solidi.

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fashion, this stylistic aspect faded from the manufacturing tradition, as the footplates became more oval and compact. This general progression from plain surface to surface-covering ornamentation, both chip-carved and multicolored, can be observed in all regions. However, the chip-carving assumes organic forms, as an undecipherable mythical symbolism finds expression on the surfaces and frames of fibulas and buckles alike. Clearly the polychrome style of the cloisonne technique, Mediterranean in origin, with its effective use of gold and insets of dark red garnets, glass flux, gems and precious and semi-precious stones, will have been appreciated for the esthetic appeal provided by the complementary materials themselves. Foreign techniques were adopted and adapted, while influences were assimilated, transformed or stylized until the Germanic stylistic characteristics were unmistakable - the Germanic Animal Styles. These were not entirely new but joined and continued the centuries old northern decorative styles characterized by space-filling abstract, curvilinear and symbolic complexes. While pottery styles provided the cultural demarcations of the pre-historic European cultures, to a degree stylistic features apparent in the ornamentation allow conclusions about cohesive socio-political and cultural domains. As such they are a remarkable synthesis ofHellenistic, Roman Provincial and Byzantine as well as Scythian, Iranian, Sarmatian and Pontic influences and Germanic characteristics. It was the Goths who during the fourth and fifth centuries carried these influences westward. This synthesis encountered characteristics developed in Scandinavia and along the western coasts of the Baltic Sea, a region less affected by Classical and eastern traditions, but driven by its own particular dynamism. 38 It was mentioned above that by way of an oversimplification the fibulas with semicircular head plates are of southern and western, those with rectangular head plates and elongated bows of northern origin or inspiration. Among the continental Saxons there emerges for a short time a unique type of fibula, which is a synthesis of Roman and Germanic elements, referred to as 'Equal Arm Brooches' (Fig.132). The Saxons had roamed the northern shores of the Roman Empire, the so-called Saxon Shore, where they had come in contact with Roman culture and civilization where they will have encountered Roman

38

R. Seyer, "Die Entwicklung cler germanischen Kunst", in Kruger, II, p.207.

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workshops and from where they will have returned with valuable objects and captives skilled in making such objects. Of particular interest will have been those making the chip-carved metal fittings ornamented in the late Roman style, used on weapons and leather goods. The ornamentation of the surfaces followed such traditional Mediterranean motifs as geometric and vegetative patterns, spirals and tendrils, alone and in combinations. The edges of these objects often bore openwork and freestanding crouching animals. Made in low relief these animals were taken from the Mediterranean inventory of mythical marine creatures, which implies that they were not in accordance with zoological reality but rather propose a protective function as amulets and charms, especially when human masks placed among sea creatures suggest such marine gods as Oceanos or Neptune. These fibulas have been recovered chiefly in the area between the Elbe and Weser Rivers. Their form, a triangular shape with a bow linking the apex, is authentically Saxon. The surface ornamentation is one of tendril spirals and hooks, S-curves, beaded lines, alternating ovals separated by lines ~ the astragalus, arching patterns ~ i.e. the range of Roman ornamental designs. The designs were executed with such precision and uniformity that it can be assumed they were made by expatriate Roman craftsmen, within regional limits and within such a short period ~ the early decades of the fifth century ~ that formal developments could not take place. It has been suggested that the manufacture of this type of fibula came to an end with the largescale emigration of Saxons to Britain. In neither region was the design of this type of fibula continued. 39 Among the Ostrogothic brooches two types stand out from among those more common in appearance. The latter are large and indicate a degree of continuity from the Hunno-Germanic, perhaps Gepidic bow fibulas mentioned above, ~ during their stay in Transdanubia the Gepids were at one point members of the Gothic tribal federation ~, in that the surface areas depict the same Gepidic stylistic treatment of chip-carved interlocking S-curves and the head plates terminate in masks or stylized animal heads (Fig.133). Six round garnets, placed symmetrically at the shoulders, the waist and the base of the footplate, provide a colorful contrast with the silver background of the 3')

Saxon

Haseloff, Tieromamentik, I, pp.6ff. See especially, J. Hines, A new Corpus Square~Headed Brooches (Woodbridge, Rochester N.Y 1997).

of Anglo~

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fibulas. The semicircular base plates are finished with five evenly spaced radiating knobs. More unusual in appearance is a type of large brooch, often of only poor quality silver, somewhat aggressive in appearance (Fig.134). While treatment of the large surfaces is a variation of the type of fibula described previously, the supplementary ornamentation lends the fibulas the appearance of a ferocious insect. The terminals of the triangular plates show heads with a broadly flattened beak. Garnet eyes help identify rectangular protrusions as beaks. Four additional garnets mark shoulders and waists of the head plates, as on the previous fibulas. The base plates contribute to the aggressive appearance in that the two bottom 'knobs' terminate in the shape of sharply beaked heads of birds of prey, their eyes emphasized by garnets. These two types of fibulas were unearthed in the Bavarian cemetery at Klettham near Erding. They were probably not trade borne from Italy but as indicators of social status will have belonged to the women from the Ostrogothic administrative group while the areas south of the Bavarian Danube were a part of the Ostrogothic realm during the early sixth century. While the Ostrogoths participated in the manufacture of the cast chip-carved fibulas, they had a preference for the polychrome style of surface ornamentation which is very well illustrated with the best known piece, the large Ostrogothic, left-facing 'eagle' fibula (12cm x 5.9cm), dated to the late fifth century and found at Domagnano, in San Marino (Fig.135). It was originally either part of a buried treasure or of a funerary ensemble of twenty pieces, eighteen of which were ornamented with cloisonne. 4o On a solid base of sheet gold the walls for 246 square, rectangular, lozenge shaped, waved and round cells had been soldered which were then filled with precisely cut almandines or an enamel of the same color. Symmetrically designed, squares form the outside cells, chevrons form the two inner rows of cells and a vertical axis is formed by circles connected by cells filled with tiny ivory plates which also fill the cells of the tips of the outside tail- 'feathers'. The wing-tip cells are filled with lapis lazuli. Only 187

"0 w. l\1enghin, Gotische und Langobardische Funde aus Italien im Germanischen Nationalmuseum Jlfiimberg (l\;iirnberg 1983), p.21. Also W. Menghin, Germanen, Hunnen und Awaren, Schdt;:e der VOlkenmnderungs;:eit, Ausstellungskatalog des Germanisehen Nationalmuseums, l\\irnbcrg, 12. Dezcmber 1987 bis 21. Februar 1988 (Niirnberg 1987), p.425.

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cell fillings have been preserved, but the empty ones revealed that the base of every cell had been made of gilt silver foil fastened to the sheet gold base by means of a sticky compound. The body of the brooch is raised and is composed of a roundel of cloisonne cells dominated by the outline of a cross, the four arms of which are composed of circles. The triangular spaces between the arms of the cross are filled with lozenge shaped, trapezoid and triangular cells which in tum may be recognized as a bird motif - a triangular head leading to the raised wings composed oflozenges. That the roundel was not a later, Christian addition is shown by the cells of the wings, for these cells follow the round contours of the circle into which the cross was placed. It is likely that this fibula predates the arrival of the Ostrogoths in Italy. Evidently maker and/or wearer of this fibula were Christians. Not so evident is the syncretism, which allowed for the co-existence of the bird-of-prey motif and of the cross. In the pagan context the eagle was a symbol of a higher power and supernatural force, an interpretation, which the Goths will have adopted during their stay in southern Russia among the eastern nomads. Among the Christian associations a link may have been made with the Eagle attribute of St.John, or with the Emperor as the Creator of the Cosmos, a function transferred to Christ, as was done with the well known Roman Eagle cameo and the Augustus cameo, the latter now a part of the so-called Cross of Lothair. Perhaps the association suggests something about the 'Cross Triumphant'. The complementary, right-facing fibula has not been restored but shows that the eye inlay of a white disc of chalcedony with a small garnet at the center preserved on this fibula will also have had a parallel in the missing eye of the other fibula. 41 A matched pair of Visigothic eagle fibulas from S-W France, made of bronze - the insets long gone - , would indicate the appearance of such an ensemble. The Ostrogothic preference for the polychrome style of surface ornamentation became popular among the elites of the other Germanic kingdoms probably as an effect of Theoderic's the Great marriage policy during the period of Ostrogothic hegemony at the end of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth centuries. Great variety exists among the fibulas with semicircular base plates and radiating knobs. The number of knobs may range from as few as one, placed centrally, to as many as ten, spaced equally around this 41 Menghin, Funde, p.26. Also Menghin, Schiitze, p.425. In 1987 the second fibula was still kept in the Ganay Collection in Paris.

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plate. The knobs may have been cast with the fibula or soldered on subsequently. The knob may be biconical or consist of only one ball or of as many as three, left either plain or engraved with designs. The knobs may also be finished as zoomorphic heads, such as snakes' heads, or as the connected heads of birds of prey, the eye socket emphasized with a garnet, almandine or red glass flux. A great number of variations of chip-carved designs decorates the footplate itself. These include simple linear 'radiances', geometries, spirals, wave patterns, interlocking S-curves, intertwines and figure-eight overlays and ~erpentines, sometimes identifiable as writhing animals such as interlocking and multi-headed snakes. A few brooches are covered with all-over polychrome-celled work. By contrast the ornamentation on the bows tends to be simple and linear, curvilinear or geometric. A central strip may be of niello, have nielloed designs stamped into it, or be set with a few garnets. Varieties of head plates include rectangular plates of even breadth, elongated rhomboids or ovals. Except for the rectangular plates, the head plates usually have zoomorphic terminals and may have crouching beasts animating the sides. On these animals red stones may also emphasize the eyes. The ornamentation of the head plate tends to echo the footplate. The zoomorphic terminal is usually a new shape added to the head plate. It is a carefully worked head, with its eyes, brows and snout clearly articulated. This head, as well as the complex interlaces of serpentines, must be an early attempt to express a complex mythological understanding in what has been termed the Animal Style. However, even though only the respective pairs are identical and even though each pair is a unique example of space filling inventiveness, the overall superficial impression left by the linear abstractions is one of endless repetitiveness of form and of ornamentation, regardless of origin. Closer examination shows that the ornamentation is only apparently repetitive and actually a complex assembly of decorative themes and variations. 42 A unique synthesis of techniques and styles is the round-based cloisonne fibula from the princely grave of an Alemanic lady found at Wittislingen (Plate 7d). The rich grave has been dated to the middle of the seventh century, the fibula to the end of the sixth. It is claimed that this brooch was commissioned in one of the royal Frankish workshops.43 Onto a base of sheet gold multi-shaped cells were created, organized 42 43

See the three volumes on the subject by G. Haseloff, Tieromamentik. Chrisdein, Alamannen, Plate 94.

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into symmetrically placed and ornamented larger panels by niello treated delineations. The cells filled with garnets and glass inlays contrast with some of the cells into which filigree designs of figure-eight and other cross-over interlace were placed. Such cells were placed on the base plate, in broad flanking bands along the spine of the highly arched bow and the head plate. Two pronounced, chip-carved, golden aquiline beaks, reminiscent of the belt buckles, appear on the sides of the head plate, creating the impression that the shoulders are craning necks and brow ridges of poised birds of prey. The zoomorphic head at the tip of the head plate has two small pearls for eyes set in filigree filled cells, the remainder of the head being worked in symmetrical cloisonne. Nine evenly spaced knobs radiate about the semicircular footplate. The size, 16cm, and weight of this fibula and the intricacy of its ornamentation make this brooch a unique piece. The back of the head plate adds to the uniqueness of this fibula as an expression of the co-existence of paganism and Christianity because it bears a Latin inscription which reads: "May Uffila, innocently seized by death, live bliss in God, for as long as I was allowed to live, I was very devout. Rest in God. vVigeric made this".+4 It is agreed that this brooch originated to the left of the Rhine before it became a part of the lady's funerary property, half a century later. She will have belonged to the already Christianized Alemanic nobility, who in life was able to appreciate the last wishes expressed. It was mentioned above that the rectangular 'square-headed' / based fibulas were of northern origin or derivation, mainly from Jutland and the Danish islands. From there they had spread to southern Sweden, Kent and into Central Europe by means of land- and river routes. As was the case with the bracteats, in the north the fibulas were recovered from sacrificial sites in the moors, rather than from graves. There fibulas were deposited as fragments and only a few complete ones are extant. In 1986 a hoard weighing about 19k9 was found in Poland near Gdansk on the Baltic coast. A bronze bowl contained complete and the fragments of some 700 fibulas as well as strap ends, buckles, belt fittings, lance heads, Roman coins, and the like. The hoard was probably considered to be raw material. It is the exports, which complete the stylistic picture. ~5 ++ Christlein, Alamannen, Plate 23, facing p.81.

+5 Haseloff, Tieromamentik, I, p.21. Sec also \V.-R. Teegen, "Germanen und Germanen ~ Von Skandinavien his zur Donau", in Frohlich, p.l 06. See Hines, AngloSaxon Square-Headed Brooches, pp.223ff. fix extensive discussions of the brooches of northern origin.

Fig. 100. Saxon Buckelurnen, from Liebenau, 5th17th century, (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 101. Carved doorway of a reconstructed Bavarian house, 488 - 788, open air display at Mattsee/Salzburg.

Fig. 102. Frankish proboscis beaker from a warrior's grave, Krefeld-Gellep, 5th century (Krefeld-Burg Linn, Landschaftsmuseum des Niederrheins).

Fig. 103. Frankish gravestone of Rignedrudis fashioned from a Roman sill found at Briihl-Vochem, 6th century (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 104. Christian stele from Moselkern near Cochem-Zell, 7th century (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 105. Frankish gravestone from LeutcsdorfiNeuwied, 7th century (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 106.

Figs. 106 - 107. Frankish gravestone from Niederdollendorf-Konigswinter, early 7th century (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. I 08 ~ 110. Fragments of stone relief, probably an altar-screen, from Hornhausen/Oschersleben, 8th century. Horseman may represent Odin, but more probably a mounted saint. Snake intertwines are carved in Animal Style II. Fragments of another panel show a hind and the head of a stag (H alle, Landesmuseum fur Vorgeschichte).

Fig. l09.

Fig. 11 0.

Fig. Ill. Frankish perforated disc amulets, 6th17th century (Cologne, Romisch-Germanisches Museum, Rheinisches Bildarchiv Koln).

, Fig. 112. Frankish amulet of a mounte d saint in the Coptic tradition useum). Landesm 6th17th century (Karlsruhe, Badisches

Fig. 113. Perforated disc amulet from a Frankish woman's grave, 7th century, showing a horseman wielding a lance, probably another mounted saint (Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum).

II Fig. 114. Pair of keys from a Frankish woman's grave, 6th17th century (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 115. Gepidic or Gothic necklace with amulets, keys and a topaz, c.400, from Szilagysomlyo, Romania (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum).

Fig. 116. Phalera from the sacrificial moor at Thorsberg, 3rd/4th century, from the Roman shops at Cologne. Detail (Schleswig, Archaologische Landesmuseen, SchloB CottorO.

Fig. 117 . Alemanic goldleaf cross from Hintschingen, 7th century (Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 118. Alemanic goldleaf cross, 6th17th centlllY, from Ulm (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 119. Goldleaf cross and bird of prey appliques, 6th 17th century from Giengen , head between animals motif (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches La ndesmuseum).

Fig. 120. Unique goldleaf disc fibula from a 7th century noble lady's grave from Plietzhausen. Singular is the "narrative" component of a horseman riding down an opponent who in the last moment drives his sword into the horse's chest. An armed figure on the horse's rump helps to guide the spear. The scene bears a very striking resemblance with scenes familiar from gravestones erected by the Roman cavalry along the Lower Rhine, and derived from a Greek example in the Kerameikon in Athens - Victorious horseman riding down a barbarian (Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 121 . Byzantine silver phalerae, ornamental discs from a horse harness, c.600, from a noble's grave at Hufingen/Donaueschingen, showing the Virgin Mary and infant Jesus (It.) and St. George killing the dragon (rt.) (Karlsruhe, Badisch es Landesmuseum).

Fig. 122. Imported Scandinavian rectangular based fibula, from Kirchheim/Teck (Stuttgart, Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 123. Roman fibula from Ostrovany (formerly Ostropatake) in Eastern Slovakia (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum).

Fig. 124. Fibula from a (Vandilic?) princely grave at WroclawZakrzow (Breslau-Sakrau) in Silesia, 1st to 4th century (BerlinCharlottenburg, Museum fUr Vor- und Fruhgeschichte).

Fig. 125. Elbian crossbow fibulas of early Lombardic or Thuringian origin, 3rd/5tb century; owl tibulas and penannular brooch from the eastern Baltic coast (Berlin-Charlottenburg, Museum fUr Vor- und Friihgeschichte).

Fig. 126. Bavarian cicada fibulas, "bees", from Klettham/Erding, 5th/6th century (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung).

Fi s. 127. Lombardic gilt silver fibulas , 6th17th century, from Dagersheim (Stuttgart, Wlirttembergisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 128. Bavarian S-shaped polychrome disc fibulas, 6th century, from Aubing (centre top and bottom) and from Klettham/Erding (bottom left) (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung).

Fig. 129. Bow and cicada fibulas from T aman/Kerch (Crimea), c.400 (C ologne, Rbmisch-Germanisches Museum, Rheinisches Bildarchiv Kbln).

Fig. 130. Gilt silver fibulas, buckles, ear ring and necklaces from a Gepidic woman's grave inventory, 5th century, at Gavavencsello on the rIver Tisza (Nyeregyhaza, Museum; Budapest, National Museum).

Fig. 131. Fibulas, gold wire necklaces, ncckring, bracelets, polychrome buckle, earrings and rings from a young (20 - 24yrs) princely Gothic woman's grave at Untersiebcnbrunn in Lower Austria, early 5th century (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum).

Fig. 132. Saxon equal arm brooch and falcon fibulas bearing human mask, 5th century, from Anderiingen/Bremervarde (Hanover, Niedersachsisches Landesmuseum). Diagram of the animal frieze in Haseloff, p. 7. All references to Haseloff are with the courtesy of Frau Dr. H . HaseloffBanning.

Fig. 133. Ostrogothic gilt silver fibula with almandines, 5th/6th century, from Pleidelsheim (Stuttgart, Wilrttembergisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 134. Ostrogothic silver fibulas with almandines, 6th century, from Klettham/Erding (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung).

Fig. 135. Ostrogothic eagle fibula , c.500, from Domagnano, Republic of San Marino (Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum).

Fig. 136. Fibula fragment from Galsted/Hadersley, Southern Jutland (Copenhagen, National Museum of Denmark).

Fig. 137. Northern fibula from Engers/Neuwied made after 550 in Animal Style I (Diagram, Haseloff, p.4l ) (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 138. Northern fibulas from Basel-Kleinhuningen, mid 5th-7th century (Diagram Haseloff, p.42) (Basel, Historisches Museum, BarfuBerkirche).

Fig. 139. Northern fibula from Donzdorf/Goppingcn (Diagram HaselolT, p.46) (Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 140. Northern fibula, from Langweid I (Diagram Haseloff, p.328) (Augsburg, Romisches Museum).

Fig. 14 1. Northern fibulas, from Langweid II (Diagram HaselofT, p. 350) (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung).

Fig. 142. Northern fibula from Gonningenl Tiibingen (Diagram Haseloff, pp .3 64, 367).

Fig. 143. Gilt silver fibula from a woman's grave at Eltville, early 6th century (Diagram HaselofT, pAlS). Detail of the rectangular base plate (Wiesbaden, Sammlung Nassauischer Altertiimer).

Fig. 144. Northern fibulas ornamented in Animal Style I from NordendorfiDonauworth (Diagram HaseiofT, p.466) (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung).

Fig. 145. Frankish bow fibula with knobs and faces, 6th17th century (Worms, Museum cler Stadt).

Fig. 146. Lombardic fibula from an Alemanic girl 's grave at Friedberg, c.660 (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung).

Fig. 147. Lombardic fibula of the Northern type identified as Nordendorf I with runic inscription on the reverse (Augsburg, Romisches Museum).

Fig. 148. Pair of Lombardic fibulas from Straubing-Bajuwarenstrasse. Note the very striking similarity with the fibula NordendorfI (Straubing, Gaubodenmuseum).

Fig. 149. Gilt silver fibulas with knobs, almandines and niello, c.600, from Krautheim-Klepsau (Diagram Haseloff, p.598f.) (Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 150. Gilt silver fibulas, early 6th century, from Bopfingen (Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 151. Gilt silver fibulas, early 7th century, from Wurzburg-Heidingsfe1d (Diagram Haseloff, p.655) (Photograph courtesy Kunstschatzeverlag, Wurzburg. Diagram courtesy of Frau Dr. Haseloff-Bonning, Wurzburg).

Fig. 152. A1emanic polychrome earring, S-fibula, bird of prey fibulas, late 6th century, from Schwabmi.inchenl Augsburg (Augsburg, Romisches Museum).

Fig. 154. A1emanic disc fibula, 7th century, from the princely woman's grave at Wittislingen (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung).

Fig. 153. A1emanic gold disc fibulas showing complex cell designs from Nordendorf (It.) (Augsburg, Romisches Museum).

Fig. 155. Polychrome gold buckles, glass with glass-trails, arm ring, 5th century, from Fiirst, the grave of an East Germanic noble, perhaps serving in Attila's forces (Munich, Archaologische Staatssammlung).

Fig. 156. Ostrogothic belt buckle, 5th/6th century (Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 157. Gepidic buckle, 5th century (Budapest, National Museum).

Fig. 158. Saxon belt buckle from a woman's grave, 7th/8th century, from Soest (Munster, Westfalisches Museum fUr Archaologie).

Fig. l59. Strapends with inlaid animals, 7th/8th century (Augsburg, Romisches Museum).

Fig. 160. Alemanic four part belt assembly with predator fish design inlaid in silve r and brass, 6th17th century, from Niederstotzingen (Stuttgart, ''''urttembergisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 161. Burgundian silver plated and inlaid belt buckle, 6th/8th century, from Fetign y (Zurich, Schweizen sches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 162. Burgundian silverplatcd buckles (Ziirich, Schweizerisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 163. Burgundian belt buckle showing figure with arms raised in prayer, cast bronze, 6th 17th century, from Neuenegg-Forst/Schonbrunnen (Bern, Historisches Museum).

Fig. 164. Burgundian buckle, cast bronze, 6th17th century showing "man between animals" with arms raised (Zurich, Schweizerisches Landesmuseum).

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.

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Fig. 165. Burgundian buckles showing various settings of the "Daniel in the lion 's den" motif and inscriptions (Zurich, Schweizerisches Landesmuseum).

Fig. 166. Runic stone in Je lling, Denmark, erected by Harald Bluetooth, c.940.

INDUSTRY AND THE PORTABLE ARTS

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In general terms, the 'base' plate may be a chip-carved tectonic shape, a perforated shape or one on which a balustrade of a variable number of radiating knobs has been attached on three sides. Human masks or cloisonne settings may accentuate the corners. A highly arched elongated bow, perhaps with a roundel at its crest, connects the 'head'/base plate with the same type of ornamented oval 'foot'/head plate, as is present on the semicircular based brooches, which terminate in an animal head, or with a triangular, perforated 'head' plate composed around a cross with rounded arms. The spaces around the arms of the cross have been filled with chip-carved assemblies of dismembered animal body parts and frequently with rampant or crouching openwork animals worked in the round along the converging edges of the 'head'. Garnets may punctuate points of the intricate designs. An animal-headed terminal may be absent. Contrasting contour lines in niello, dividing the various ornamental panels, can be found on many of the fibulas. Among Gepidic row-grave inventories along the Tisza River in Hungary the simplest of these brooches has been found in the form of cast bronze rectangular 'based' bow fibulas with rhomboid 'head' plates ending in a hilt-like terminal. The surfaces are decorated only with punched dotted circles. Because of their simplicity one could see in them prototypes of the whole idea, were it not that more complex examples had already come into being in southern Scandinavia. The actual prototypes will have originated on the islands and shorelines of the Baltic Sea and have reached the Carpathian Basin to the south by being carried upriver from the Baltic Sea and then by the traditional overland routes to the Middle Danube. It may be recalled that the Lombards used such routes to reach Pannonia during the second half of the fifth century. Datable to the first half of the fifth century these fibulas are contemporary with the fibulas from Untersiebenbrunn, described above. A concentration of brooches of the northern type probably reached Thuringia by following such an old trade route as the Elbe River into the interior. There, in the former kingdom of the Thuringians, west-east positioned women's graves, found near Halle, datable to c.450 ~ 460, still before the row-grave period, yielded fibulas with rectangular 'base' plates with cast knobs, stretched bows and rhomboid 'head' plates with cinched sides and animal head terminals. The contrasting contour lines are ornamented with miniature niello triangles. The surface areas bear chip-carved geometric meander designs. A

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double inhumation grave with a man's and a woman's inventories was excavated near Magdeburg which contained a more progressive fibula. Made of gilt- silver its rectangular plate had seven knobs added. The elongated bow had to be repaired. The oval 'head' plate terminated in an aquiline head, its eye filled with an almandine. The surfaces are chip-carved in Animal Style I. The contour lines surrounding the 'head' plate and the central rib of the bow were once ornamented with little niello triangles. Women's graves in an oriented inhumation cemetery near Naumburg, dated c.460 - 600, yielded fibulas which already show something of the intricate surface treatment. On one the chip-carved rectangular 'head' - and 'foot' plates were accented with a garnet setting in each corner. The waist of the 'head' plate was cinched to accommodate the serpentine contour lines ending in heads tucked into the sides of the waist. Another brooch followed a similar design, but ended in an animal termina1. 46 Evidently the stylistic progression shown by means of these examples is not intended to demonstrate definitively the development of the fibula with rectangular 'base' plates. The examples, however, do demonstrate their stylistic development in a given indigenous regional context during a limited period of time. By the second half of the sixth century, the early row-grave period, the ornately chip-carved and configured fibulas of the northern type are established in all the Germanic regions. Despite the probability that most of the fibulas onee in circulation have still not been found, the selection of northern brooches with rectangular plates and elongated bows displayed in the museums is so extensive that only a few representative examples can be dealt with in this context. It has been observed repeatedly that the rivers flowing north into the Baltic Sea and into the North Sea provided convenient trade routes facilitating the exchange of goods and influences between the Central European interior and the northern coastlines. The confluence of several river systems along the Middle Rhine contributed to the formation of one of the Frankish power centers, which in turn accounts for the region flanking the Middle Rhine being a cultural focus to which influences would be attracted and in which they would be imitated and adapted. It contains another concentration of northern fibulas. 46 Menghin, Schiitze, p.237 for Gepiclic bow fibulas, pp. 485 - 503 for northern fibulas.

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Animal Style I is considered to be a south-Scandinavian creation. While the Kentish rectangular based fibulas underwent an independent development, of the Animal Style I rectangular based bow fibulas identified as having originated in Jutland, five brooches, two pairs and a single brooch, reached the Frankish-Alemanic area: one was found at Engers on the Middle Rhine, a pair at Basel-Kleinhiiningen and another pair at DonzdorfY The brooches from Engers and Basel-Kleinhiiningen and those from Donzdorf represent two related stylistic groups respectively. They are taken to have originated on Jutland from where they spread towards the west and south, very much like the bracteats discussed earlier in this chapter. The fibulas are the development of a type, identified with Galsted near Hadersley in southern Jutland, of which only a large fragment of the 'base' plate has been preserved (Fig.136). The fibula was probably once a Saxon equal-arm brooch linked to the Nydam Style. The extant surface area of this brooch is covered with an orderly arrangement of vines and tendrils, a roundel ornamented with an alternating cresting wave pattern is focussed on a human mask. The plate is dominated by two confronting animals separated by a human mask, a composition derived from a Roman model on which the bearded head of the God Oceanos is flanked by two confronting dolphins. Similar to other such uses, it probably had the function of an amulet. On this fibula, while the heads retain something of the appearance of a fish, the bodies have fore- and hind legs and space filling designs, perhaps stylized dorsal fins. The bodies are composed of an antique ornamental pattern, an astragalus - alternating bars and ovals set between containing contour lines. The frontally presented head is beardless and akin to the one on the roundel.48 While the fibula may indeed document the replacement of mythical marine 'monsters' by abstract land animals, it also is an early indication of the transition from the Nydam Style to Animal Style I in which the upright animal becomes an independent motif without the separating mask. The five fibulas in question (Haseloff Groups Band C) belong to a variety with the rectangular-shaped plate, the elongated bow and the 47 Haseloff, p.23ff. reviews the conclusions drawn by Nils Aberg, The Anglo-Saxons in England During the Early Centuries after the Invasion (Uppsala 1926), pp. 61ff. and E.T. Leeds, Early Anglo-Saxon Art and Archaeology (Oxford 1926 and 1968), pp. 41 ff. Also Hines, Anglo-Saxon Square-Headed Brooches. 48 See Haseloff, I, pp.82ff. for variations of masks represented on Jutish fibulas as derivatives oflate Roman models. Also pp.27ff., 33, 108£

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cinched rhomboid 'head' plate. They vary in size from 8.5cm, BaselKleinhuningen, to 13.gcm, Donzdorf. The frame of all these plates bears some kind of ornamentation - vertical lines and arches. It is a characteristic of the rectangular plates that within the surface area a smaller panel is set within a larger panel. On the Engers fibula (Fig.13 7, Plate 8a), for instance, among the earliest examples of Style I, what is left of the larger field is a frame of the same alternating and cresting wave pattern that appeared on the roundel on the Galsted fibula. A framing contour line of vertical notches separates the cresting wave pattern from the area with space filling tendrils at the base of the bow. An astragalus decorates the spine of the bow, centered by a roundel bearing a medallion which shows a stylized, frontal human mask placed at right angles to the spine, reminiscent of the Galsted medallion. Lines separate the astragalus from strips of an outward facing 'figure 3' pattern along the edges. Space filling triangles are wedged in to fill the spaces between the 'numbers'. Evidently the vegetative and geometric components demonstrate the close link with the Galsted fragment and the early Style 1. A variety of space filling designs may decorate the 'head' plate. As with other fibulas the Engers plate bears a central palmette design laid out on a cross. The concave contour lines around the cross, the central relief band bearing a jagged, chip-carved motif, enlarge the concave cross design until it dominates the 'head' plate. On the sides the cross once terminated in protruding concentric circles - a characteristic of the brooches from Jutland - until someone levelled off the protrusions and left asymmetrical semicircles. An animal mask forms the apex of the 'head' plate. This is unusual, for roundels are the more common terminals. Rounded animal forms fill the spaces between the arms of the cross. Working down from the animal headed apex, perforated, elongated, crouching animal shapes face one another across the plate. Below each of the mutilated circles a roundly sculpted animal is suspended, - suspended, if the tip of the fibula was indeed worn pointing upward - its horse shaped, androcephalic head facing inward. When the circular knobs were removed the hind-legs and claws were also removed, leaving amputated haunches. 49 A very compacted midsection of the animal is framed by a pronounced shoulder and fore-leg leading into a carefully observed, sculpted and arched neck and articulated head. 49 Hascloff, I, p.41, 44, restores these legs in the reconstructive drawing as they follow the assumed contours of the missing protruding knobs.

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It has been claimed that the animals on this brooch are derivatives of the animals on the Galsted fibula and like them are placed in an upright position. This would only be visible if the Engers fibula had been worn pointing downward and that would have been unusual. The thematic link, of course, need not be contradicted by this inversion. The composition of the suspended animal exudes a forcefully expressive and dynamic vitality. Because this fibula belongs to a group of analogous specimens, especially comparable with the one from Finglesham in Kent,50 it is possible to reconstruct the missing parts. Closer examination of the pair of smaller fibulas (8.5cm) from Basel-Kleinhuningen (Fig. 138), a gravesite of the first quarter of the sixth century, shows that there is only freehand congruence of the decorative details between them. Made shortly after 480, the pair also differs from the Engers fibula in several aspects, and can be seen as something of a transition from Group B to group C, represented by the Donzdorf fibulas. On the frames of the 'base' plates greater use is made of whole animals and of animal parts. The panels with the familiar vegetative tendrils are interspersed with dismembered animal parts - heads and legs. The bows show sectors of large concentric circles with a medallion at the center displaying a stylized human mask in profile. 51 While the horse head motifhas been retained on the shoulders of the 'head' plate, the heads point towards the apex and have been aligned with the edge of the plate, the heads of birds of prey having replaced the animal bodies. Unusual is a space-filling crouching animal, which occupies the center of the plate, eliminating the obvious concave cross character of the field so that the rounded protrusions no longer form the terminals. Their circular appearance is undisturbed and ornamented with antithetically placed and unusual surface covering nielloed tendril hooks. While on one fibula these tendril hooks are arranged horizontally, on the other fibula they are arranged vertically. The roundly sculpted openwork animals crouching along the edges are not congruent either. The head shapes of the animals on these fibulas and several others from elsewhere have been taken to suggest human heads,52 but such detail is difficult to distinguish. Such anthropomorphic shapes have no antecedents. The crea-

50

Haseloff, I, p.40. Also Leeds, pp.50, 56 and PI. XlV.

,1 Haseloff, I, pp. 87fT. points out that profiled heads had no ancestry and originat-

ed with Style 1. 52 Haseloff, I, pp.50, 80, III - 131.

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tures decorating the edges always face away from the apex. These brooches also have animal masks at the apex, as on the Engers brooch, a departure not usual for the fibulas of this group. Roundels with human mask designs are more conventional. The fibulas of Group C found in a woman's grave at Donzdorf, made during the first and interred at the end of the second quarter of the sixth century, 53 mark the end of a stylistic continuum, which began with the Galsted brooch. Its ornamental details clearly derived from classical motifs are present on the Engers and Basel-Kleinhuningen fibulas. While introducing new elements, they retained several of the classical motifs. The more or less contemporary Donzdorf fibulas (Fig.139) retained the looping tendril pattern on the bow as the only classical motif, while they expanded the amount of surface covered with animal motifs and clearly increased the number of human face masks. These are shown frontally and in profile on both plates and on the bow. Representing a stylistically advancing stage of craftsmanship, the fibulas also indicate an approach of styles as they reflect the far reaching influences of the polychrome style, in that gold-foil, filigree and almandine encrustations were applied to the 'head' - and 'foot' plates. 54 The divisions of the 'base' plate adhere to the characteristics of the Jutland fibulas. Three main, symmetrical, ornamental areas are separated by niello-treated contour lines. While the edges are ornamented with whole and dismembered animals, an inner panel of inlaid gold-foil shows stylized human masks in the sectioned corners, filigree and almandine encrustations - only a few are still extant. A frontal, triangular human mask dominates the innermost panel. Animal body parts surround it. It is this ancient motif, which identifies Jutish fibulas belonging to Group C.55 Though similar, the bows are not identical. A silver cross formed with the spine and treat-

',] Hascloff, I, pp.156, 173. ;4 B. Arhenius, "Zu den Filigranblechen der Biigelfibeln aus Donzdorf, Grab 78", Hasclofl: Tierornamentik, III, pp. 711 ff. 55 Haseloff, I, pp.13Iff. Hascloff and his sources base the motif on late Roman decorative uses where among other compositions a disc is placed between confronting animals. The motif is actually older, even in the regions under discussion here: already the Central European and Northern Bronze Ages combined "sun" discs with gracefully contoured floating water birds. The orientalizing tradition of Celtic art made extensive use of this zoomorphic motif. The introduction of anthropomorphic designs originating in the late Roman context would be the introduction of modifying variations to an area where some familiarity with this motif survived, hence the originality in the application and development of the motif in Style I.

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ed in niello divides each bow spatially. The spines have at the center of the ridges circular areas with four holes, as though something had once been fastened there. Facing up and down the badly worn outlines of two simple masks can be made out on the bows. On only one brooch do the worn masks also appear on the other arms of the cross. The central ridges are flanked by incised lines and broad, chip-carved bands of continuing looping and hooking tendril patterns. An oval (animal?) mask facing the tip of the 'head' plate provides the terminal for the central bow ridge, so that the spine links two masks facing in opposite directions. Six more masks, frontal and in profile, are placed symmetrically on the plate in such a fashion that if the fibulas were really worn pointing upwards, then all of the seven heads on the 'head' plate were placed upside down. The two differing pairs of profiled human heads rather than the expected animal heads at the shoulder and also on the medallions at the waist are placed in antithetical positions. The two head masks at the apex of the fibula are triangular and circular respectively. It is evident that the presence of human elements on the fibulas of this style plays an increasingly important role in the ornamentation. As was the case on the two previous fibulas, characteristically openwork and sculpted crouching animals, perhaps with human heads, form the edge of the head plates. Here too they face away from the apex. As was mentioned above the inner panels of the head plates are laid out in sheet gold. Their concave outlines follow those of the Engers brooch. A diamond-shaped nielloed silver boss marks the center. The placement of triangular and circular almandines, using the familiar cabochon technique, reinforces the cruciform spatial arrangements. Filigree in figure-eight designs fills any of the remaining spaces. This combination of techniques is particular to the early Style I in Scandinavia, a technique practiced nowhere else at this time. \Vhere the almandines are missing the goldfoil base is visible. The pair of brooches came to belong to a rich family of Alemans of the early sixth century. Runes, eho, are inscribed on the reverse of one of the fibulas.'6 The analysis of these runes points to an origin of the runes in Scandinavia, i.e. on Jutland, and therefore of the fibulas as well. How did the brooches make their way as a pair from Jutland into the grave at Donzdorf? The amount of wear on these and other fibulas indicates that they were in personal use for at 56 Haselofl; I, p.168. also \V. Krause, "Zur Inschrift der Runenfibcl von Donzdorf', in Haseloff, Tieromamentik, III, p.722f.

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least a generation, fell out of fashion and only then accompanied the last owner into her graveY Among the many northern fibulas that have been recovered it is reasonable to assume that a substantial number was probably produced in the vicinity of where they were found. Itinerant artists may have made these 'continental' examples from Kent or southern Scandinavia or even by local artists. Varying quality of workmanship cannot be used as a determining criterion. As was the case with the Jutish fibulas the continental brooches can be arranged according to stylistically related general types, which can then be divided into specific subgroups. One such group is represented by a pair of gilt-silver fibulas, lO.7cm long, from Langweid, near Augsburg. It conforms to the northern design with rectangular base plate and rhomboid head plate (Fig. 140). The eye-catching feature is the space-filling spiralling tendril-hook pattern, which animates both plates. The example under discussion here is identified as Langweid II and its appearance differs in some details from the shorter Langweid 1. The fibulas of this prototype appear to have had their origin in S-E Scandinavia, which had links with the regions along the Middle Danube from where certain aquiline motifs found application as 'hanging', aggressively beaked heads. 58 Ten fibulas from France, Germany and Italy belong to this group, datable to c.530 - 550. The rounded 'base' plate of Langweid II (Fig.l41), possibly a continental product,59 is surrounded by a frieze of three outward-facing masks and four flanking 'Ibis' heads, a variation of the 'maskbetween-animals' motif. Nielloed lines divide the frieze and surface into fields. Oval designs, like leaves, flank the diagonal dividing ridges notched with triangles and extending to the corners, giving them the semblance of bark covered 'trees'. The inner panel is covered with a space filling, organized, though unsymmetrical pattern of interlinked vines and tendril hooks. A second motif oflinked tendril hook designs appears as longitudinal flanking bands on the bow. Two heads, located at each base of the bow on the Donzdorf fibulas, have crept partway onto the bow from each end pulling their short, scaly bodies along until they are separated by an astragalus of double lines and cir-

57

58 59

S. Chadwick Hawkes, "Bifrons Grave 41", in Haseloff, III, pp.718ff. Haseloff, II, pp.326ff., 361. Haseloff, II, p.363.

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des. These details are badly worn. The edges of the 'head' plates are emphasized by means of heavy convex and concave, interlinking contour lines. The convex shoulders of the 'head' plates are at the same time bent necks from which heads are tucked into concave 'throats'. Each head has oval eyes and a rolled back upper jaw, drawn with two lines, a rolled under lower jaw, drawn with only one line, and a straight tongue. Jaws and tongue touch the 'throats', as they flare out to reach circular terminals, now almost worn away. From these terminals concave lines converge on animal masks. From the edges ant-like heads and mandibles reach out to buttress the chins of these masks. The whole interior of these 'head' plates is given over to a space-filling pattern of spirals and tendril hooks. This fibula demonstrates especially well that the artists and owners of these northern brooches preferred a direction of artistic expression which broke away from the tectonic forms of opaque mass completely contained within dearly defined linear contours in favor of irregularly defined, frame-breaking openwork. This particular type of fibula also demonstrates that the terminology of 'head' plates and 'foot' plates is not appropriate. Close examination of the ornamentation makes it very clear that the base plate and the triangular apex of the pyramidal composition are actually located in inverted order, and that the animal-headed tip of the rhomboid plate actually does point upward. The deeply cut interlinked vines and tendril hooks of the rectangular plate could then be seen as roots which continue directly onto the bow and its continuing pattern of tendril hooks, before a stem emerges onto the triangular plate to fill the available space in the shape of a tree. The forms and decorative components of these probably Scandinavian fibulas would then be a consistent organic whole, where form and ornamentation strive to reach a peak, where the mask and animal heads of the rectangular plate are not upside down, where there are no suspended, 'downward biting' heads, where the vegetative motif is not merely a space filling device but a tree and where upwardly positioned forms reach in from outside the frame to buttress the living forms. The co-existence of vegetative and zoomorphic elements gives to these fibulas a dismembered, organic identity. The mythology which so often is suspected to lie behind these objects and ornamental themes may, at least in the case of the Scandinavian/ Anglo-Saxon type fibulas of the Langweid Styles I and II, be close to the surface, lending to these fibulas a totemistic meaning and the protective function of amulets in life and in death. It can be put

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forward that the mythological elements hidden in these and the other fragmentary designs suggest a general background of rudimentary Germanic mythological concepts before they found late narrative expression as Northern, i.e. Norse Mythology. A number of coincident similarities of detail exist between the Langweid II fibula and the later Norse Myths to suggest that some of the pictorial detail may indeed reflect some of the mythological narrative. In the later Norse Myths the Earth, Midgard, created through the dismemberment of the giant Ymir, was seen to be round, encircled by a huge serpent. The pertinent detail of this worldview sees a 'World Tree', the greatest and holiest of trees, called Iggdrasil, linking the lower, middle and upper regions arranged as Nine Worlds. At the foot of this tree were the three Noms who cared for the tree and sacred pool on which white swans swam. As was noted above, these details are present on the base plate of the brooch - three masks and birds' heads, tree-like designs and a 'root' system of interlinked tendril hooks which continues across the bow, to unfold in tree-like fashion on the triangular plate. The Norse Myths envisage a dragon, Nidhogg, gnawing at the roots intent on destroying the tree thereby bringing about the end of the world. An eagle was perched on its uppermost branch from where it kept watch. A squirrel scurried up and down the tree carrying insults from one to the other. These late narrative details are not that clearly identifiable on the earlier fibula. They

invite suppositions. Could the animal head at the apex represent the eagle? Could the 'ant-like' creatures leaning towards the head be a symmetrical duplication representing the squirrel Ratatosk, or Odin's two ravens? Finally, could the flanking animal heads near the trunk of the tree be a similar symmetrical duplication representing the tree threatening dragon, or the all-threatening enormous wolf, Fenris, or are they Odin's two wolves? Perhaps the snake heaving itself onto the bow of the fibula reflects some early notions about the role of the Midgard Serpent rising onto the land when the world came to an end at Ragnarokk. In a later Icelandic Myth Odin hanged himself on this world tree in a shamanistic rite to bring about his own rejuvenation and regeneration (Fig. 166). He had knotted himself to the tree and hung there for nine nights, had gashed himself with a blade and bloodied himself for Odin, an offering to himself. Peering down from the tree he could see that the patterns made by the fallen twigs of the tree spelled mysterious symbols and letters, the runes. Through this experience he won

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well-being and wisdom and rejoiced in his growth and became the all-knowing God. 60 Following Ragnarokk, probably a late Christianized conclusion describing the destruction of all the ancient gods, a newer, purified, happier earth would rise from the sea and the gods would be made young again and one omniscient god would reign over the others. It is of course not known to what extent the fibulas still 'spoke' to those who wore them, nor what recollections the Germanic sixth century had of the tales, folklore and the uncoordinated pagan ideas when the last owners of the brooches took them into their graves. No claim is made here that such an interpretation can be recommended for all of the northern fibulas, not even that all the fibulas belonging to the style Langweid II could be easily interpreted to correspond to early mythological narratives. Stylization, modification, misinterpretation and degeneration would soon separate meaning from image. The indications are that even within the type numerous variations of detail appear which distract from the typical similarities. Among the fibulas of the sixth century there appears on the triangular 'head' plates a motif identified as that of the 'large animal'. This motif had come into prominence on the northern fibulas in southern Scandinavia from where they were exported to the Continent. The 'large animal' occupies most of the space of the inner panel of the 'head' plate. Its head points towards the apex, its forearms and claws flare out alongside its upper body, while its hind legs and claws are gathered closely to the body flaring outward towards the fore-claws. The composition suggests compressed tension ready to spring. On the fibula from Gonningen (Fig. 142), related to the brooches fromJutland and the first of its kind,61 it is apparent that someone worked from a model, for the two sides of the fibula are not symmetrical, neither in detail nor in layout, not on the 'head' plate nor on the 'foot' plate. Familiar motifs - gaping animal heads on the sides, anthrozoomorphs climbing upward towards the apex of the 'head' plate, dismembered animal parts on the frame and a mask placed between humanoid shapes in the central panel of the 'base' plate - show the continuity of this brooch from other northern examples. Representative of one of the subgroups of this type is the fibula from Tabingen, dated to the first decades of the sixth century and 60 61

J. Campbell, 7he Masks qfGod (New York,

1959). Haseloff, II, pp.374ff. for a discussion of the ancestry of this type.

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contemporary to the fibulas from Donzdorf. 62 Being the largest, it allows the most spacious representation of the 'large animal'. On this fibula the artist has chosen to finish many terminals in distracting water bird head motifs - elegantly craning necks, pointed beaks, whole 'ducks'. Contrary to their appearance, the 'beaks' are logical conclusions of the terminals. However, once one has identified the 'birds' it is difficult to erase them from one's perception. On this brooch the animal's head is positioned towards the bow. A space filling linear and curvilinear design separates the animal from the bow. The animal's face is identifiable by its triangular eyes set in triangular outlines. Four horizontal bars indicate the neck which link up with the shoulders and forelegs. Three geometric shapes indicate the body. The hindquarters curve forward alongside the body towards the shoulders. Double lines indicate all limbs. No doubt, the pointed 'beaks' are meant to be seen as pointed toes. As on the Gonningen fibula that same compressed tension invites the comparison of the animal to a frog. Whatever the animal may be intended to represent, it seems that the animal is a synthesis of at least two animals, perhaps of birds and amphibians. Space filling ornamentation connects the body to the roundel at the apex. Virtually undecipherable on this roundel are two extremely stylized, profiled heads, placed at right angles to one another and separated by a ridge. 63 The concave edges of this fibula are animated by crouching animals, crustacean in appearance, crawling away from the roundel at the apex, to meet the masked rounded projections along the edge. The so-called suspended animal head is turned inward on this fibula. Three concentric, almost semicircular brow lines grouped around the eye compose the head, shown with gapingjaws. A pronounced circled dot suggests the presence of another head placed between the masked roundel and the suspended head. Above each of these an animal head flanked by animal fore- and hind legs fill the remaining space. The outer frame of the 'base' plate has masks at the two outer corners complemented by geometrics. An inner frame consists of a frieze of dismembered animal body parts. The inner panel shows an organized arrangement of tendrils and whirligigs. Contrary to the other 'base' plates of this group, this one does not show a mask placed 62 Haseloff, II, pp.414, 417. The discussion around the dating and place of origin of this fibula is extensive. See Haselofi; II, pp.409ff. 1i3 Hascloff, II, p.408.

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between two animals. The surface of the bow consists of two fields contained within nielloed frames. Each of the panels is filled with mirror images of the same complex animal. Only a part of this animal is clearly identifiable, its thigh and two claws of which one is pointed and the other curled under. Four curved lines indicate the shoulder, preceded by a head with clearly identifiable eye. Behind the shoulder five lines, drawn at right angles, suggest the rib cage. Similar lines conclude the body and could be interpreted as very corrupted hindquarters, or yet other heads. Both sides of the remainder of the bow are covered with similar lines. There is no thigh and claw, but a head can be identified, so that in the middle of the bow head-to-head placements can be made out. Otherwise it would be difficult to distinguish between intended body parts and space filling designs were it not that clearly identifiable eyes suggest heads at the other ends. It is thus possible that four two-headed animals occupy the ornamental panels on the bow. The differences in articulate skill suggests strongly that workshops of masters and apprentices must have existed. 64 The silver-gilt fibula from Eltville, 8.5cm long, comes from a richly furnished woman's grave dated to the early sixth century (Fig.143). While in its overall form it corresponds to the northern tradition of fibulas with rectangular 'base' plates and concave 'head' plates, the Eltville fibula illustrates in its ornamental technique the preference for deliberate dismemberment and random re-assembly of the animal body parts on all but two of its surfaces. Those surfaces bear chipcarved linear bars. It is difficult to account for the motivation for dismemberment, although it will be recalled that the later northern Myths explain the formation of the world in terms of the dismemberment and re-arrangement of the giant Ymir, so that it is likely that some early and very important mytho-symbolic considerations are reflected in the technique represented on this brooch. This fibula stands out in that its ornamentation also includes dissociated human body parts. Though it is conventional to see almost all of them as animal parts, their human forms are rather obvious. The arrangement of the animal and human body parts scattered about the outer and inner panels of the Eltville 'base' plate are such that they defY re-assembly into a coherent representation. To turn for a moment to the oval at the apex of the 'head' plate, it bears a human

64

Haseloff, II, p.405.

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head in profile, at right angles to the longitudinal axis of the fibula, hence the oval shape of the terminal. The helmet shaped head has a pronounced oval eye, a clearly recognizable nose and lips, jaws and dislocated teeth where one would expect to find the chin. On the base plate this human head appears several times but never with its teeth. These are located elsewhere in the outer frame, as are interchangeable jaws, thighs, arms, elbows, joints, a clearly defined hand with three fingers and a thumb, claws, and curious, long three-lined (only space filling?) bands which occasionally seem to serve as connecting body parts. The ornamental panels of the bow are decorated with two identical and parallel stylizations of two-headed beings. The triangular plate is dominated by two 'hanging animal' heads formed in the same crescent shape as the human heads already mentioned. This lends a degree of ambivalence to their interpretation. Openwork, outward sweeping jaws and straight, narrow tongues have been added to these heads, however, to fill the concave spaces below the shoulders. Dismemberment, omission of parts and free associations of parts characterizes the inner surface of the triangular plate. Here the 'large animal' is placed in inverse relation to the human head on the oval apex. The animal is placed in a prone position, its head placed beneath one of the circular terminals of the rhomboid inner panel, its forearm, wrist and three-fingered hand placed in front, a curled claw underneath and a bent hind leg and inverted claw reaching forward from behind. Straight and curved three-lined bands intimate the body and fill the space. Two such curving bands extend behind the 'hanging' heads where they terminate as beaked animal heads. Of course, human parts, especially heads as masks, had been used before. However, the dismemberment and random use of other body parts was unusual. It can be expected that in view of the great popularity of the northern fibulas because of their rich display and cost of original imported northern Scandinavian/Anglo-Saxon brooches, as well as their rarity in circulation, local craftsmen would be tempted to imitate these fibulas in order to meet the demand. The pair of fibulas from N ordendorf probably qualifies as such a product (Fig.144). It may have been made in the Alemanic regions during the early decades of the sixth century, for it formed part of a lady's funerary inventory of the mid sixth century. The general shape of the fibulas conforms to those originating on Jutland. While the rhomboid plates adhere to traditional forms of ornamental composition, the ornamentation of bows and base plates

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has been altered. On the base plate the two outer frames, decorated with zigzag and twisted-rope patterns, are separated by a nielloed ridge. The inner plate is chip carved to show a confronting pair of the same heads and triple lines familiar from the Eltville fibula. Here, however, the details are too sparse to allow any analysis and it has been suggested65 that the artist had completely misread the model when he carved the composition. The design of the bow follows other Swedish and Danish examples. It is a simple ladder pattern of asymmetrically grouped triple lines; the middle rung is beaded, located on both sides of the bow. The rhomboid plate, fitted with roundel terminals at the apex and the sides, as well as the 'suspended' animal heads relate this plate to others, such as the Jutish ones from Donzdorf, discussed above. A diamond-shaped elevation accents the center. The large 'suspended' heads conform to other such heads being formed of heavily marked crescent-shaped heads with outwardly curved gaping jaws and a straight tongue, curled at the tip. Partly openwork, the heads fill the sides of the brooch. Between these heads a human mask is located from which 'lobster claw' extensions curve out to the 'suspended' heads. More striking are the openwork 'crustaceans' crawling down the upper edges from the apex. On first glance the overall appearance of these animals is anatomically understandable, but on closer examination it becomes apparent that these creatures are assembled with only an approximate anatomical logic. Bodies, joints, thighs and claws, although not totally random in composition, are difficult to identity and place. A very abstracted 'large animal' is assembled around the central elevation, facing the apex. The animal resembles the one on the Gonningen fibula. The body parts are very abstracted, leaving only ambiguous bent arms or thighs ending in pointed and curled fingers or toes to be recognized. Pointing towards the apex is the animal's triangular 'head' with notched eyes and mouth, and ears flaring downward towards the 'toes'. A punched/ beaded contour line surrounds the 'large animal' leading from a possible hind leg around to a crossbar below the bearded circular facemask. The face in the roundel at the apex resembles the bearded mask in design, except that it has a smile rather than a beard. One criticism that appears repeatedly is that in working according to models the craftsmen did not render true copies of the original, as if

65

Haseloff. II, p.468.

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their artistic merit depended on being the best possible imitators and that therefore Style I could not lay down any roots on the continent. 66 It is curious that any deviation from the model is not interpreted to be the response to a sense of change, a deliberate innovation, an intentional departure, a first step towards an independent creativity, but as progressive degeneration of the ornamentation ending in an undisciplined dissolution or in mere geometries. Unfortunately there was not to develop an identifiable 'Continental Style' as there was to be an 'Insular Style', in which the 'logic' of dismemberment was to be so important before it too was swept away by Classical forms of expresSIOn.

Among the Alemans of the middle of the sixth century, the Animal Style appears on fibulas with knobbed rectangular 'base' plates and distinguishing and characteristic oval 'head' plates terminating in a large animal head. A knobbed semicircular 'base' plate is the co-existent variation. Until the seventh century fibulas with oval 'head' plates are decorated with intertwining band and animal designs. 67 Such a fibula, displayed in Worms, once had the rectangular plate set with eleven knobs (Fig. 145). Two of them are now missing. Of greater interest are the two human masks filling the upper corners of the 'base' plate. Concentrated in the Rhineland, fibulas of this type suggest an analogous, though independent continental initiative on the part of Rhenish craftsmen. The bow links the rectangular plate to the oval plate terminating in a large, asymmetrically formed animal head. The imprecise definition of the ornamental designs on both plates suggests the fibula to have been cast without benefit of secondary chip carving. Within several frames composed of incised and punched lines flowing across both plates and the bow, the surfaces are decorated with writhing serpentines in which dotted lines are contained within solid outlines, a technique familiar from the belt buckles. Miniature heads terminate the intertwines and the figure-eight overlays arranged in free-hand symmetry. The spine of the bow is flanked by two strips of a twisted-rope pattern, flanked by the continuations of the incised lines of the 'foot' - and 'head' plates. A large animal head facing the tip, of which the eyes are not on the same level, forms the apex. Heavy ridges divide the facial areas. Skewed, incised, arcaded brows complete the face. 66 67

HaselofT, II, pp.474, 540. HaselofT, II, p.542f.

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The arcaded brows appear less frequently on these fibula heads than does a V-shaped division of the animal's facial area. One such brooch, a sixth-century piece of Lombardic provenance (Fig. 146), was found in a seventh-century grave at Friedberg on the river Lech, in the rich grave of a young girl, dated to c.660 - 680. 68 Brows and nose form a pronounced ridge composed of nielloed bands, which forced the oval eyes to be placed in upwardly slanting sockets. The space between the arms of the Y is largely filled with the ornamentation used for the other eye sockets. The ends of the Y terminate in elongated animal heads facing away from the apex to lie along the oval. From the shoulders of the oval, two aquiline heads loop upward towards the apex. Within the incised and beaded bands edging the oval plate, a simple interlock of two chip-carved 'snakes' with confronting heads fill the surface space. A stylized bird's head with parted beak separates the two heads at the shoulder, while an abbreviated head design separates the two 'snake' heads below the apex. The bow consists of a simple design of two parallel fields of close incised markings. It is on the composite semi-circular base plate that the Lombardic origin of the fibula is apparent: eight of formerly nine knobs, carved into heads, extend beyond the plate, set into a semi-circular nielloed silver strip which parallels the curvature of the comparatively small base-plate. On this plate the interlocking snake motif reappears, crossing in the center, the heads being tucked into the opposing corners. No doubt the cross formation was not intentional but its message was probably understood by its wearers. It was found associated with a Byzantine pectoral cross in a necropolis of Christianized Alemans. Into the context of northern square plated fibulas dated into the second half of the sixth century, but probably made earlier on the continent, belongs the large fibula from Nordendorf (Fig. 14 7), identified as NordendorfI, later inscribed with runes. It is not to be thought of as one of the N ordendorf fibulas discussed above. 69 It is most likely of Lombardic origin and was traded into the realm of the Alemans, where it was inscribed. Aside from its value as a decorated brooch, the runes on the reverse have led the brooch to be lauded as a most important mythological document. 70 The silver-gilt brooch, 12.85cm Christlein, Alamanrzen, pp.61, 88, 143. Seyer, "Kunst", in Kruger, II, p.261, does not distinguish between these fibulas. 70 K. Duwcl, "Runen und interpretatio christiana. Zur religionsgeschichtlichen Stellung der Bugclfibcl von NordendorfI", in N. Kamp,J. Wollasch (cds.) et al. Tradition als historische Krafl (Berlin 1982), pp. 78ff. tin ti9

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long, with rectangular foot-plate and openwork around the edges of the rhomboid head-plate differs from most other such fibulas in that its overall triangular shape is obscured by animals, knobs and a crescent-shaped formation around the apex. Within a nielloed contour line, that crescent is ornamented with a deeply chip-carved and gathered drapery pattern. From the tips of the crescent two animal heads, perhaps intended to represent a two-headed snake, extend to the upper nielloed, concave edges of the rhomboid plate. Approximations of eyes and a mouth have been raised within a circle, creating the appearance of a mask and placed where one usually finds the zoomorphic head at the apex of the triangular plate. The raised contour line around the inner plate is decorated with two rows of nielloed triangles. The center of the rhomboid panel is occupied by a diamond shape, filled with two dots separated by a horizontal line, around which crouching forms seem to descend towards the middle, while spiralling S-curves fill in the lower spaces and two sets of triple lines fan out towards the bow. Two exterior, clearly articulated animal heads extend upward along the concave sides. A spine treated simply with nielloed triangles separates two parallel fields of spiralling S-patterns, flanked in turn by incised triple lines. The base plate is composed of three inset framing panels separated by a nielloed contour line. The small panel, closest to the bow, contains chip-carved forms difficult to identifY. The middle panel combines motifs used elsewhere on the brooch - the gathered folds along the base, crouching forms along the sides. The outer framing field is a simulated balustrade of twelve small indented ovals, each containing two bosses, as though the familiar array of knobs had here been carved into the flange. Two worn and hence indistinct linear forms fill the two outer corners. Found during railway construction in 1843, this fibula bears a striking resemblance to the pair of Lombardic fibulas found more recently in the row-gravefield (grave 257) at Straubing - Bajuwarenstrasse (Fig.148), in Bavaria, a cemetery which yielded objects that can be linked with Frankish and Alemanic, northern and Thuringian as well as Danubian and Gothic populations, the very ones who contributed to the tribal formation of the Bavarians.7 1 Dated to the second half of the sixth century, the fibulas may have reached this site by being car71 H. Geisler, "Das Graberfeld Straubing BajuwarenstraBe", in Menghin, Schiitze, pp.608ff. See also Dannheimer and Dopsch, Die Bajuwaren, pp.89ff. and Fischer, Riimer und Bajuwaren an der Donau, pp.120ff.

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ried upriver when the Lombards were still in Pannonia (489 - 548) and when splinter groups left the main tribe, before ending in this woman's grave. Though these fibulas show some variations in the ornamentation, such as a pair of rings and bosses marking off the feet of the bow, the surface treatments are virtually identical and illustrate unclear details of the Nordendorf fibula. Thus the two outer corners are outlined by nielloed triangular patterns containing very stylized masks, their chins being placed right into the corners. On these two fibulas the twelve ovals have been identified as medallions with frontal heads. 72 It is conceivable that very elaborate objects had a common provenance. Though the runes on the reverse of the Nordendorf I fibula were deciphered a long time ago their precise meaning remains inconclusive. Their arrangement on the rectangular plate suggests the inscription to have been applied on two occasions: one text is inscribed along the upper edge of the base plate as if the fibula had pointed downward; for the other, the fibula pointed upward and the inscription filled most of the left quarter of the plate, meaning that the brooch had to be turned for both texts to be read. 73 Transcribed, the upper text spells AWALEUBVINIX, the other lines LOGATHORE WODAN WIGITHONAR. The two texts are not dependent on each other. Despite many attempts to advance conclusive meanings, the specialists confess to a degree of helplessness. While the first text suggests something of a dedication, "Awa (to? for?) Leubwini", where Awa is a woman's name and Leubwini a man's, or a reading in which both of them extend a wish to someone else. In the other three lines, probably written by another, the names of the gods Wodan/Odin and Donar/Thor are quite identifiable, but the context is obscure. A reasonable suggestion sees in the inscription a Christian denunciation of these pagan gods. 74 A complex etymological trail could give to the first word 'LOGATHORE' the plural meanings 'liars, deceivers, cunning ones', even 'devils' to be applied to the old gods by converts to Christianity. As was noted earlier, the likelihood is strong that the fibulas had a protective mythical aura about them and that even though they were Geisler, in Menghin, Schiitze, p.62 1. Diiwel, "Runen", in Kamp and Wollasch, p.78, claims that all the lines of the texts run from left to right but that is not so. Diiwel reviews the recent discussion on the textual interpretations. 74 Diiwel, "Runen", in Kamp and Wollasch, pp.84ff. 72

73

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worn as fasteners along the upper thigh, they had a cultic function as amulets. In view of the fact that each rune also represented a concept - W = bliss, T = god Tyr, just to mention two - their mysterious and magic potency will have been augmented significantly. Preceding their initial use the power of the fibulas was probably 'activated' by ritual consecration. As was the case in so many other prehistoric instances, it may have been necessary to cancel the consecration ritually when the brooch was taken from use. It is well known that with the advent of Christianity the old spirit world was demonized and the old gods turned into devils. At what point then was the denouncing inscription added? Perhaps at the point of baptism when the new convert had to abnegate his old 'satanic' beliefs formally, in order to be accepted into the Christian community, - the fibula had been broken -, or at the latest by others, just before the burial. It was mentioned above that the change in burial practices and with it the removal of the fibulas from funerary use coincided with the conversion to Christianity. The second inscription may have captured this approximate moment. Since nothing is known about any other finds at the time this fibula was unearthed, one can say nothing conclusive about the lady's religious persuasion. In the Franco-Alemanic row-gravefield near Klepsau, about 12km south of Bad Mergentheim, a richly furnished lady's grave yielded a necklace of coins, which allowed the grave to be dated into the last third of the sixth century, and a pair of silver-gilt fibulas (Fig. 149). The ornamentation of these fibulas indicates the introduction of Animal Style II with these very fibulas. Stylistically these brooches were to be of influence among Franks and Lombards. 75 They are 11.3cm long, rectangular bow fibulas with eight knobs and the familiar animal tipped oval head plates. They are different in that at the outward corners of the base plate they have two pie-shaped settings of almandine filled cloisons. On the plate, triple lines indicate crouching bodies and craning necks. An easily identifiable bird's head and beak is folded back to the hip from where an elongated three-clawed leg is shown extending forward under the body to the shoulders from where another two-clawed leg reaches forward to cross legs with the mirror image of the same animal in the other panel of the base plate. The arched and cramped disposition of the animal is determined by the depth 75

tions.

Haseloff, II, pp.597, 614. See Lasko, pp. 58ff. for a discussion of these designa-

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with which the bow extends into the base plate. Two animals flank both sides of the worn ridge of the somewhat compact bow. Here too, triple lines indicate necks and bodies. All animals are oriented towards the oval plate, yet all heads are folded back towards the hips. Threeand two-clawed legs are tucked under the bodies. While the animals near the base plate have the heads of birds, those nearer the oval plate resemble heads of fish. A medallion with incised cross and four dots in the quadrants is at the center of the ridge composed of astragals and elongated animal masks with arcaded brows. The ornamentation of the oval plate consists of two intertwined animals, or the two sides of the same animal. Again necks and bodies are indicated by triple lines, which writhe across the surface in interlocking S-curves. Two curious and concentric ovals with eyes and cheeks in the middle of the oval indicate the unique heads, from where necks curve to meet shoulders with three-clawed legs reaching up along the edge of the oval plate. Triple-lined bodies curve upward to meet hindquarters with threetoed legs. These toes are curiously drawn, in that one toe points forward, one is bent back and the third is curled under.7 6 At the apex of the fibula is the customary large animal head with arcaded brows and slanting oval eyes. Its facial features are outlined by contour lines, decorated with nielloed triangles. In all there are four different and independent types of heads, of gracefully shaped forelegs and of hind legs used in the ornamentation of the base and oval plates and on the bow. A common element on all the decorated surfaces are the animals with backward looking heads which are positioned to entangle and intersect one another regardless of any realistic considerations for animal anatomy. While the convoluted bodies and their parts can be recognized and retraced, because their design belongs to Style I, the oval 'heads' are quite unfamiliar. It has been carefully observed 77 that the triple-lined intertwines owe their origin to Byzantine simplistic, triple-lined, ornamental, surfacecovering designs which, on all manner of surfaces, maximize the use of figure-eight overlays and intertwines and in which open spaces are filled with figure-six designs. It is from these designs that the curious concentric oval 'heads' are derived. This Alemanic pair of brooches from Klepsau illustrates very well the continuity of ornamental design in the manner in which the triple ornamental lines, already seen on 76

77

Hascloff, II, p.603f. Haseloff, II, pp.608ff.

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other fibulas, had become established as animal bodies and as the primary component of the design, and how the identifiable, dismembered body parts of the Germanic Animal Style I, such as heads, shoulders, legs and claws, became incorporated into linear designs as the secondary component, the two components becoming the characteristics of Style II. The Klepsau fibulas may indeed be the first to demonstrate both transformation and synthesis into the new style. It may be recalled that with the dissolution of the Ostrogothic kingdom in Italy in 552 and the partial reconquest of the Byzantine Empire in the west, Byzantine influence was re-established in Italy as well, from where it radiated beyond the Alps either directly or a few years later, after 568, or indirectly through the Lombards who were settled in northern Italy. While Byzantine/Lombardic band and braid patterns could easily be adapted to conform to northern tastes, the Byzantine representation of animals, illustrated in the Lombardic churches in Aquileia and Cividale, was too strangely conceived to suit northern tastes. The response to these influences varied. vVhile among the Alemans a synthesis came about, the Franks along the Rhine adopted only the banded braid designs (Fig. 150). Interestingly enough, the Lombards did not adopt the triple-lined animal bodies. During the decades around 600 several fibulas of the Klepsau type were deposited in graves between the Lower Rhine and north-central ItalyJ8 It should be mentioned that Style II did not totally displace Style I, and that for a while graded variations continued using a preference for freely applied band designs into which dismembered and random animal body parts were placed arbitrarily, without intention, or more likely without constraint to adhere to anatomical logic. In any case the fashion to wear brooches was in serious decline, so that the number of brooches decorated in Style II was limited. The pair of fibulas from Heidingsfeld near Wurzburg (Fig. 15 1), datable to c.600, may be ideally suited to illustrate the surface ornamentation in terms of Style II and at the same time, because of the relative clarity of its design, serve as a representative example of several others with which to conclude this lengthy discussion of most of the representative types of 'triangular' fibulas as a stylistic expression of a certain ornamental temperament. Surrounded by seven evenly distributed knobs, the rectangular base plate surfaces are filled by two

7n

Haseloff, II, pp.608ff., 612[., 627ff.

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short, triple-line bodied, interlocking long-beaked animals, each terminating in a three-toed leg. Placed centrally, the bell-shaped heads with long beaks extend forward, each upper jaw bent around to clasp the body of the other animal. The animals are placed diagonally so that the legs are located in the upper left and lower right corners of the ornamented field. The bow shows a plain spine flanked by two panels, each ornamented with a simple double-lined figure-eight pattern. The surface of the oval field is filled with two triple-lined, gracefully curving interlocking and overlaying figure-eight bodies beginning at the head and terminating at the outlined hindquarter and forward reaching, four-toed foot. The bodies display the same intertwine used on the Klepsau fibulas. An emphatic eye centers the circular head from which long gaping jaws with one down-turned end grasp their own bodies before interlocking with the jaws of the other animal, an idea much used later in 77ze Book if Kells. The double-lined forelegs, which have no shoulders to anchor them and have only an uncertain beginning, curve about to fill available spaces before folding back as two-pronged toes towards the hind legs. Beginning as a simple figure-eight design the fragmentation of the overlays has transformed the lines into complex animals. However, it is only the inclusion and adaptation of the subordinate animal body parts, which allows the configurations to be seen as animals. It is this zoomorphic transformation, which is the hallmark of Style II. The head terminals at the apex of the oval plates belong to the familiar group with V-shaped brows and upwardly slanted eyes outlined with triangular nielloed contours. The introduction of an unimaginative Mediterranean line band ornamentation as the dominant ornamental form was a shock to the northern Animal Style with the consequence that this creativity, an unrestrained, not really representative though zoomorphic approach to artistic expression, already witnessed in Northern Bronze Age and Celtic space filling design,79 did not survive the mediterraneanizing Christianization as it became subordinated to Classically formulated, orderly, message-oriented, anthropomorphic and representative art. This prolonged transformative process not only displaced the Animal Style but eventually reduced abstract, self-satisfied surface ornamentation to insignificance in art.

79 Schutz, Prehistory. Hines, Anglo-,S'axon Square-Headed Brooches, p.3, refers to the linear motifs as 'vulgar'.

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Disk fibulas It was mentioned earlier that'S' -curved fibulas would appear compacted into circular or oval discs and modified into serpentine bodies with snake-heads or with hooked beaks, and that the eye sockets would be set with garnets (Fig.152); that occasionally the animals' bodies would be set off from the gilt silver or bronze by a contrasting color; and that as disc fibulas they would contribute to the eventual emergence of the disc design as a dominant ornamental form of women's costume jewelry. From the middle of the sixth century onward, the influence and adoption of Mediterranean fashions displace the practice of wearing a pair of fibulas in favor of single disc fibulas. These appeared associated with varieties of ornamental pairs - earrings, pins and pendants including bow fibulas, appeared in the funerary inventories of wealthy ladies, so that many of the significant bow fibulas discussed above were accompanied by equally significant disc fibulas. These fall into only a few major groups: cloisonne (Plate 8b), gold foil pressed over a mold with or without cabochon gem settings, with or without filigree trails, or with combinations of the above. Despite the great variety and splendor within each group, none has yet been found in Central Europe, which is as brilliant a work as the Anglo-Saxon brooch from Kingston in Kent. A further type has a sculpted head rising from a square base set with gems projecting from the middle of the sides, other stones organized about the plate with symmetrical filigree designs filling the remaining spaces. There are also niello ornamented discs of sheet silver. Among the cloisonne brooches some have lost all of the filling from their cells (Fig. 153) showing clearly the intricacy of the gold smith's art as he shaped cells into a complex, geometric orderliness of straight, zigzag and curvilinear designs, of lozenges and step patterns within semicircles within concentric circles cut across by yet larger designs. A similarly designed boss or medallion may have occupied the center. Some extant fibulas indicate that the polychrome appearance need not have been only red almandines or glass flux set in gold, but may have used other colors, blue and white for instance, as well. The cloisonne type of brooch of the later sixth century ranged from small and modest to large and luxurious. Those brooches, which were pressed on a mold, contain a core of clay on a back of bronze or silver. Usually showing the outlines of

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crosses, three-field, cloverleaf designs can be a variation. On some of these the braided gold wire accents the elevations separating the trefoiled surface indentations (Plate 8c). The braided outlines contain the bodies of twin-headed, antithetically placed animals with open-jawed, 'bell' shaped heads about to swallow a gem. Evidently on these brooches the more pagan Animal Style is still of ornamental significance. Those with the cross designs show the outlines of the elevations, as well as the cabochon gem settings in the shapes of several crosses. It is the symmetrically organized quadrants, which may be contoured in twisted, heavier gold wire, leaving the four inner panels to be filled with filigree circles, figure-eights and four-looped overlays. These discs suggest Christian preferences by their wearers. However, the famous disc from the seventh century lady's grave at Wittislingen implies the co-existence of both traditions (Fig.154). While the cross can be 'seen', it isn't actually there. The arms of the cross are provided by the straight sections of the bodies offour two-headed snakes, which cross at the center of the fibula marked by a garnet. Since the snake bodies are raised, and even accentuated by elevated rows of cloisonne, the cross is indicated by the indentations between the bodies - the cross is there as a 'negative'. Each of the bodies is angled towards the frame where the heads turn inward to face one another across an almandine filled cloison. A third, unattached head faces the cloison from inside the disc, and it is this combination of cloisons and triple heads, which accent the tips of the cross. While lines of braid and twisted rope pattern surround the disc, the eight inner indented surfaces are covered with space filling filigree designs of small circles and double-lined figure-six patterns laid out in freehand symmetry. The designs in the spaces formed by the crisscrossing snake bodies are identical if examined diagonally. This disc was found in association with the large polychrome bow fibula discussed earlier. vVhile the bow fibula bore a Christian inscription on the reverse, this disc fibula, younger by half a century, was not that obviously Christian. A comparison of the fibulas with rectangular plates and the disc fibulas make it readily apparent that the latter reflect a different stylistic view than do the former. \Vhile these show a preoccupation with an animated dynamism in their seemingly irregular surface ornamentations, whether in their representation of animals or of linear band patterns, the disc fibulas reveal their origin in a view of organized and rational order asserting itself, as a new sense of style at the time when the preference for the portrayal of hidden mythologies was being giv-

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en up. It is the portable art of these very early Middle Ages which demonstrates how two conceptually contained worlds begin first to overlap and then to grow into one Christian and classically inspired humanism. Although by the end of the process the focus on the Greco-Roman Mediterranean area was probably relocated to the north, it will be evident that the Christianization will at the same time represent a Mediterraneanization, culminating in the Carolingian Renaissance, the rebirth of the Classical south in the north.

Buckles The unfolding of this process can be easily observed in the development of fasteners, buckles and especially of belt buckles. Dated to the first half of the fifth century, a single aristocratic grave at Furst, in the district of Traunstein in southern Bavaria, yielded a set of three gold buckles of varying size and weight (Fig. ISS). The larger buckle, 7cm long, has a plate divided into seven cells, which had formerly been filled with almandines. The other two buckles, each 4.lcm long, have quartered plates each formerly filled with almandines, still partly visible. so The splendor of the buckles, almandines set in solid gold, was allowed to speak for itself. A man's grave, identified as east-Germanic and dated to the second quarter of the fifth century, contained a similar gold fastener. Somewhat more elaborate, here too the plate was divided into four almandine-filled cloisons. The center is taken up by a stepped square, which in turn has a circular almandine set in its center. 8l Its owner probably belonged to that group of aristocrats who surrounded Attila and who were part of his forces during the westward expansion by the Huns. The other possibility may suggest the continuing widespread cultural relations among the members of this group following the collapse of Attila's Empire. s2 In the previous chapter mention was made of an exquisite belt-buckle found in the sword-grave of Flonheim, dated to the second half of the fifth century (Plate 8d). The kidney-shaped belt plate fitting, actually an early innovation, is divided symmetrically into five cloisons, of which the central triangular cell is filled with a dark green glass flux. The other four are filled with large almandines. A rectan-

80 81

82

Menghin, Schatze, p.176, Plate 12; p. 183 No.54b,c,d .. Menghin, Schatze, p.l 77, Plate 13; p.183, 55e. Pohl, "Volker", in Wolfram and Daim, p.270f.

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gle of trapezoid almandine-filled cloisons is fastened to the tongue. This pin is of gilt-bronze and it is this fact, which added a beautiful aspect to the overall, though modern, appearance of the buckle, because the oxidization of the bronze tongue bled an attractive turquoise discoloration into the meerschaum rounded frame of the other belt fitting. 83 More attractive for the modern viewer than in its own time, the piece is of an inherent and self-sufficient beauty. The buckle-hoop of meerschaum indicates the Mediterranean origin of this buckle. Originating on the Crimea before appearing in women's graves in the Gothic realm in Italy and datable to the end of the fifth, but more likely to the first half of the sixth century, there is a type of belt-buckle characterized by a massive, square or rectangular silver-gilt buckleplate in which a symmetrical arrangement of five (lost) circular gems set onto a silver-gilt plate had been inserted from behind (Fig. 156). This is contained within a number of decreasing ornamental zones of twisted bands punched into the head plate with freehand symmetry. The four corners of the plate were provided with holes to permit the plate being fastened to another material. There are no almandinefilled cloisons. Though massive in appearance, a hollow, oval and niello-ornamented hoop and hinged tongue completes the buckle. 84 The buckle was part of an ensemble, which had been deposited in a woman's grave along with two silver-gilt fibulas. Actually more closely associated with the Gepids during their stay along the river Tisza, in the Carpathian Basin in modern Hungary, their version of the buckle is completed with an elliptical neck-plate and the head of a bird of prey (Fig. 157). It will be recalled that Gepids were incorporated in the Ostrogothic tribal federation when it entered Italy, allowing that such eagle-headed buckles were a part of the grave inventories, but also that they came to influence Ostrogothic buckle designs which could then be modified to terminate not in just one eagle head, but in a confronting pair of beaked heads arranged to shape a large capital letter 'E'. Theoderic's resettlement of the Gepids in Provence in 523, to act as a buffer against the Burgundians, took this style of buckle into the western Alps and beyond. 8s During Ostrogothic rule over the areas

H. Ament, Friinkische Adelsgriiber von Flonheim (Berlin 1970), p.66f. W. Menghin, Gotische und Langobardische Funde aus Italien, p.28f. 85 1. Bona, The Dawn if the Dark Ages, The Gepids and the Lombards in the Carpathian Basin (Budapest, 1976), p.56f. 83

8-1

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located between the Danube and the Alps the eagle-headed buckles will have become part of the grave gifts. The motif of the ferociously beaked animal head became a key feature on brooches and buckles alike. For instance, on the gilt buckle from Soest (Fig.15S) the flanking beaked heads dominate the buckle-plate so strongly that no other ornamentation was applied to the surface. The hoop seems composed of two antithetical snake bodies with confronting heads. On the famous seventh century gold buckle from Sutton Hoo the prominence of the bosses is almost overwhelmed by the intricacy of the seemingly chaotic interlace of writhing snakes. Contrary to a first impression, the Animal Style II intertwine on the head plate is well organized and balanced, with equal numbers of snake-heads and tails arranged on both sides. Beak-headed animals support themselves on the shoulder bosses. From the middle of the sixth century on there develops a style of metal workmanship which ornaments iron surfaces by means of gold or silver inlay or with ornamented silver plate. To create the inlay, a patterning groove is cut into a surface of gold, silver, copper or iron into which the contrasting wire of gold, silver, and so forth, is laid and then hammered fast. To create the plating, the surface to be plated is first scored, with grooves for instance, then covered with the foil, usually of silver, to be hammered into place. 86 Though all the Germanic areas participated in this technique, it seems to have been concentrated particularly in the Alemanic lands (Fig. 159). It enjoyed popularity in the decoration of sword pommels, fibulas, belt-fittings, strap ends and belt-buckles. Contrasting silver inlay was used for all-over decoration of the triangular head plates, oval hoops and tongues until no space was left untreated. On one such buckle silver bosses delineate the head plate's basic form at the shoulders and at the foot (Fig. 160). A braid of three strands forms the spine. A symmetrical arrangement of step-patterns, meanders, angular designs, chain link knots and stylized intertwines terminates in three snakeheads on each side of the head plate. A silverplated and inlaid Burgundian belt-buckle, datable to the end of the sixth century from Fetigny, Switzerland, shows the co-existence of classical and northern Animal Style motifs (Fig. 161 ). The triangular form of the head plate is emphasized by an actual triangle outlined by

86

Seyer, "Kunst", in Kruger, II, p.182£

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diamond shaped cells. The remaining surface of the head plate is dominated by bands of coiling and intertwining serpent shapes. The triangular field within the triangle is filled with three pairs of writhing snakes with elongated heads pointing into each of the angles. The margins between both sides of the triangle and the rims of the buckle are filled with a wide strip of one boar's head with a tongue enwrapping gaping jaws confronting an interlace of snakes, the larger snake having a beak-headed body. While one shoulder of the buckle is broken off, the other shows yet another coiled and gaping-jawed snake. Tongueplate, tongue and hoop carry the same writhing shapes. During the seventh century the elaborations of the early Animal Style on all manner of objects underwent gradual simplification, so that while the animals of Style I were carefully detailed, though as dismembered shapes, those of the seventh century gave up some of the complexity of design, as bands with dissociated animal body parts, the characteristics of Style II, prevailed. At the same time an ideological change was taking place. Pieces from a collection of silverplated, bossed, impressed and inlaid Burgundian buckles illustrate the transition from non-Christian to Christian motifs. \Vhile one set of buckle plates is completely covered with space filling interlacing vine-patterns, another concentrates intertwining, tendril like overlays within a framed area at the center of the buckle plates (Fig. 162). On a third the plates are ornamented with crosses exclusively. A fourth set of buckle plates of the same type is impressed with rosettes and animal feet in addition to the crosses. The buckles date from the sixth and the first half of the seventh centuries and suggest a stylistic development towards simplification. An iron buckle combines pagan and Christian motifs by displaying 'eagle' heads on the oval hoop and on the tongue-plate. The buckle-plate itself bears six bosses, of which five are placed so that intersecting incised lines converge on a ring surrounding the central boss. Around this boss an arrangement of four stylized heads and faces is engraved to form a cross, no doubt a Christian motif. A crystal amulet is associated with the buckle. The two pieces may very well have formed an ensemble. Towards the end of the seventh century this simplification is also in evidence on those pieces ornamented in the Animal Style, categorized as Style II, on which the broad, clearly articulated zoomorphic bands and coils coexist with 'vines' and tendrils, before being displaced by a preference for fine, threadlike intertwines in which dismembered heads, tails and limbs are merely suggested. One such piece is the sil-

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ver buckle plate from Wittislingen, on which 'bodies' abut directly onto 'heads' and on which forms are continuous and rounded. Red 'eyes' determine the location of the heads. The Burgundian buckle plates covered with the elongated, curvilinear, intertwined 'body parts' mentioned above belong to this Style II. Often the designs are clearly recognizable only when transposed into line-drawings. The representation of actual human and animal forms is taken several steps further in an assembly of bronze belt buckles dominated by men with raised arms, devotional figures in a praying pose (Fig.l63). The belt-plate may be perforated to show an unclear silhouette of a figure contained within a circle, reminiscent of the perforated ornamental discs, with facial features roughly incised. One plate shows a more carefully articulated human figure with raised arms and a more detailed face, hands and body. The figure is placed against a background of incised triangles. Where one might expect to see animal heads, at the foot of the plate, on six dotted protrusions along the sides, as well as on the corners of the hoop, there are what might be taken to be poorly stylized animal heads, unless the 'eyes' are not meant to be anything but dotted circles. By contrast there is nothing ambiguous about the human effigy, its arms raised in prayer. It has come to be the focus. The bronze plate may also bear a line of six anthropomorphic figures with raised arms. Spaces between the heads, the bodies and the legs appear to have been filled with a contrasting substance. The bodies are outlined with very narrow incised bands. The tongue-plate is decorated with a radiance of dotted circles. Rectangular designs and more dotted circles frame the remaining surfaces. One motif, which appears frequently on buckles and other locking devices, such as on the purse-lid from Sutton Hoo, is the supposedly Old Testament motif of 'Daniel in the lions' den'. This designation is probably an analogy derived from older, antique and pagan 'man between beasts' motifs taken from Indo-European mythologies. The motif, which appears on several types of ornaments, seems to have had its beginning as a human mask placed between two animal heads (Fig. 164). Already present in early eastern, Greek, 'orientalizing' Celtic - for instance, the buckle from Weiskirchen, c.450 B.C. - and then Celtic art, as well as in Roman and Byzantine works, the motif was very popular during the Merovingian period. On the buckle in question a figure with raised arms, dressed in a long robe, is flanked by two animals which are commonly interpreted to be lions, hence the association with the Biblical story of Daniel. To fill the available space

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efficiently the animal heads are pointed downward, creating a triangular frame for the figure. An inscription takes up the four sides of the frame. (Fig. 165). A cross may have been incised into each corner. Evidently narratives pertinent to the humanistic message of Christianity have become the established sources of artistic expression.

CONCLUSION

Against historical backgrounds, the attempt was made to present an interdisciplinary investigation of socio-cultural developments during the very early Middle Ages, to illustrate the evolution of population groups and the crystallization of Central Europe as a cultural domain before the accession of the Carolingians. The material evidence obtained through archaeology demonstrates a synthesis of tribal Germanic, Eastern and Roman material elements, which complement the institutional adoptions and adaptations reflected in the historical records. What the historical events mark is a multifaceted process in which relocating ethnically mixed populations underwent ethnic mutations as they became restabilized on new territories among established, though also unsettled populations and their disturbed cultures. These were themselves engaged in transformations, resulting in more or less successful symbiotic partnerships. The study of objects allows a neutral approach. Even though the archeological evidence obtained is very fragmentary, the many facets do allow the composition of a highly complex mosaic, which makes it possible to modify extreme, propagandistic perceptions of these peoples. It allows the introduction of ideas concerning their everyday existence, and the attempt to demonstrate by means of their artistic achievements that these peoples could be credited with higher levels of cognition, receptivity of the influence of foreign contacts, of foreign styles and of new ideas. The archeological evidence makes it possible to speculate about the processes promoting their ethnic identities, social distinctions and structures. The material evidence helps sharpen the contours and makes it possible to appreciate some of the early Germanic mytho-poetic concerns and the people's responses to them as an artistic response to the cultural questions posed, formulated in accordance with their temperament, but not readily perceived by the authors and readers of the historical records. Following a brief summary of the interactive processes between Rome and the Germanic peoples, this book has dealt with that portion of central Europe located mainly beyond Rome's northern frontiers along Rhine and Danube, though not beyond its stylistic influences. By contrast to the rather judgemental Roman historical records, archaeology is largely anonymous. Its material 'language' is

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one of processes. It offers few opportunities to make moral(izing) judgements. Though initially more akin to treasure hunts, in its modern methods of examination it yields information representative of all social groups, also of individuals leading only too unexceptional lives to be mentioned in the historical records. Archaeology provides extensive information and allows sufficient conclusions about the nature of daily life in pre- and early historic times, only sparsely indicated in the works of the early historians. It reveals significant exchanges and the strong effects of Roman cultural and civilizational influences on Rome's northern neighbors. Naturally the rich material evidence of the distinguished social levels speaks more loudly and attracts our attention much more readily. While axes, hammers and tongs and the like are informative in their way, the rich material evidence tends to be more attractive. The greater sophistication of its craftsmanship makes use of objects and decorative motifs which allow us to draw the conclusion that Roman influences reached far into the interior of Germania magna and contributed to political, social and stylistic developments and cultural strengths. We can also speculate about the artistic responses to a mytho-poetic worldview of the cultures using the objects. By the early eighth century Central Europe's populations had stabilized and the region under consideration was well prepared through its socio-political and cultural syntheses for the Carolingian period. Sadly, the centuries-old Celto-Germanic decorative styles soon fell from use. The application of the characteristic northern intertwine of self-satisfied, abstract, curvilinear, vegetable and animal complexes of surface-covering and space filling ornamentations found on Germanic, but also on late Roman, personal ornaments, came to a rapid and almost decisive end. Their elaboration on Merovingian and Insular religious objects and in illuminated manuscripts is a last brilliant flare towards the end of the Merovingian period. It was to be displaced by representative, anthropomorphic, narrative and engage, message-oriented religious and secular art. This was first introduced into the area in Roman times and was fostered as part of the Mediterraneanization during the Christianizing revolution of the so-called Carolingian and Ottonian Renaissances. Looking forward to subsequent historical developments it can be said that in the end the cultural values of the Classical world were to determine the future. It was in the interest of future dynasties to demonstrate continuity from the past and thereby found the legitima-

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cy and divine authority of the Carolingian and Ottonian dynasties. This transformation witnessed the development first of a Romeinspired, then of a Byzantine-inspired and even of a Biblical state symbolism supported and made visible by early literature, art, architecture and a general body of ideas based on Greco-Roman traditions. In the literary medium, early Germanic heroic verse was displaced and destroyed, the vitae used Roman examples and solidified the rupture with the Germanic poetic tradition, while early Ottonian theater was heavily indebted to the examples of Terence and Plautus. In Christian art the symbolism of the art of the catacombs and of the carved ivories, as well as the pagan, i.e. Roman, personifications were adopted and adapted during the Carolingian and Ottonian periods; the style of representing majesty or elevated status was borrowed from Roman prototypes; the transfer of the idea of the Cosmocrator from Roman Imperial representations to the Majestas effigies of Christ and the return of this Roman representation to the Roman Imperial pictorial image was accomplished under the heirs of Charlemagne, and to a Byzantine version under the descendants of Otto 1. The introduction by Charles the Bald of such symbolic practices as the anointing of his Imperial head was a deliberate attempt to develop the 'hereditary' association with the Old Testament kings, first appreciated by Charlemagne's court; the liturgical Imperial acclamation formulas echoed Germanic/Roman tribal/military practices, while the ever-increasing emphasis on official Imperial portraits served to elevate the image, the ideal of the medieval Imperial ruler in the tradition of the Roman Emperors and to re-establish earlier ideas of the sacerdotal essence of the ruler, in the promotion of the renovatio imperii, the imitatio sacerdotii and the sacerdotalis ordo. The museums contain satisfactory evidence of the masterful religious arts and crafts, while some abbeys and churches have yielded altars, altar furnishings and even wall paintings. In the libraries a sufficient number of rare manuscripts have been preserved to allow extensive insights into the work of the great scriptoriae of the area and of the individual masters working east of the Maas River and north of the Alps to proclaim the gloria et victoria of their Imperial, Royal or religious patrons. The artistry of the illuminators, the bronzeand goldsmiths and the ivory- and woodcarvers has left spectacular examples of their skills in the service of the Church, the State and their representatives. Their work forms a basis for stylistic comparIsons. There is a similar basis for comparison in the not-so-spectacular

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world of implements: pottery, tools, textiles and leather goods, utensils and any other objects of organic and hence perishable material which would reflect everyday life. The information normally gained from funerary inventories, however, becomes scarce during the late seventh, early eighth centuries and the early Carolingian period, when with the final establishment of Christianity, Germanic ideas about death and the laws of inheritance and hence funerary concepts changed in favor of those of the Greco-Roman world. Henceforth it was no longer acceptable to place funerary gifts into graves. Charlemagne forbade cremation.

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Auswertungsmethoden des archiiologischen OJlellenmaterials. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschqften in Giittingen. Philologisch-Historische Klasse, Dritte Folge, Nr.128 (Gottingen 1982). E.-G. StrauB, Studien zur Fibeltracht der Merowingerzeit (Bonn 1992). Tacitus, Germania, translated by M. Hutton (Cambridge, Mass. and London 1963). E.A. Thompson, TIe Earfy Germans (Oxford 1965). M. Todd, TIe Earfy Germans (Oxford, 1992). O. von Hessen, Die Goldblattkreuze aus der Zone nordwiirts der Alpen (Milan 1964). R. von Uslar, Die Germanen vom 1.-4. Jahrhundert nach Christus, in H. Kellenberg, (ed.) Handbuch der europiiischen Wirtschrifts- und Sozialgeschichte (Stuttgart 1980). P.S. Wells, TIe Barbarians Speak, How the conquered Peoples shaped Roman Europe (Princeton 1999) K.F. Werner, Vom Frankenreich zur En!foltung Deutschlands und Frankreichs. Urspriinge - Strukturen - Beziehungen. Ausgewahlte Beitrage, Festgabe zu seinem sechzigsten Geburtstag (Sigmaringen 1984). C.R. Whittaker, Frontiers qfthe Roman Empire, A Social and Economic Study (Baltimore, London 1994). H. Wolfram, F. Daim, (eds.) Die Viilker an der mittleren und unteren Donau imforiften und sechsten Jahrhundert. Berichte des Symposions der Kommission fUr Frtihmittelalterforschung, 24. bis 27. Oktober 1978, Stift Zwettl, Niederosterreich (Wien 1980). H. Wolfram, A. Schwarcz, Die BO)iern und ihre Nachbam, I (Vienna 1985). H. Wolfram, History qfthe Goths, completely revised and translated from the second German edition by T J. Dunlap (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London 1988). H. Wolfram, A. Schwarcz, Anerkennung und Integration. Zu den wirtschqftlichen Grundlagen der Viilkerwanderungszeit 400 - 600. Berichte des Symposions der Kommission fur Fruhmittelalterforschung, 7.-9. Mai, 1986, Stift Zwettl, Niederosterreich (Vienna 1988). H. Wolfram, Das Reich und die Germanen. Zwischen Antike und Mittelalter (Berlin 1990) H. Wolfram, Die Germanen, (Munich 1995). H. Wolfram, TIe Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples, translated from the German Das Reich und die Germanen, (Berlin1990) by T.]. Dunlap (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London 1997). 1. Wood, TIe Merovingian Kingdoms 450- 751 (London, New York 1994). 1. Wood (ed.), Franks andAlamanni in the Merovingian Period. An Ethnographic Perspective (Woodbridge, Rochester, NY, 1998).

INDEX

Ablabius, 23 Aegidius, 48, 155 Aetius, 37, 38,48, 59, 137, 155 Agilulf, 85, 86, 87, 168, 169, 170 Alamania, 183, 185 Alaric, 50, 156 Alboin, 81, 82, 84, 85 Altenerding, 67, 121 Amals Amalaberga, 33, 34, 35, 143 Athalaric, 162 Theodcric, 30, 34, 50, 67, 68, 78, 120, 122, 156, 162, 206, 235 Amulets, 98, 120, 126, 130, 145, 146, 163, 180, 181, 182, 183, 189, 191, 193, 204, 228 Aquileia, 86, 230 Arbogast, 44 Arianism, 34,40 Arnegundis, 163, 164 Athaulf, 50, 156 Attila, 36, 38, 68, 88, 122, 130, 132, 157,234 Audoin, 79, 80, 81, 82, 85 Augsburg, 55, 68, 123, 188 Austrasia, 51, 174 Auxiliaries, 9, 35, 64, 66, 80, 94, 149, 154, 195 Avars, 80, 81, 82, 89, 91, 92, 120, 126, 144, 160 Bacaudae, 37 Balder, 191 Basel-Bernerring, 138, 139 Basel-Kleinhuningen, 138,211,212, 213,214 Batavian Revolt, 151 Bauto,44 Bavaria, 68, 122, 226 Beckum, 102, 104 Birds of prey, 181, 187,201,202,206, 207, 235 Bobbio,86 Bohemia, 54, 55 Bonna, 43 Book illuminations, 173 Bracteats, 98, 145, 171, 191, 192, 193, 194,208,211 Braunschweig, 100 Bremen, 98 Britain, 16, 106, 204

Brunichi1dis, 91 Buckelumen bossed pottery, 106, 173 Buckles, 32, 33, 68, 96, !l0, 117, 118, 122, 125, 129, 145, 146, 157, 158, 164,165,171,178,198,202,203, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238 buckle, 201 Buildings, 10, II, 12, 14, 26, 42, 53, 59,61,71,72,97, 105, 106, 107, 171, 174 Burials, 171 cremation, 5, 13, 28, 34, 47, 66, 92, 97,98,99, 100, 102, Ill, 112, 115, 121, 137, 138, 151, 152, 154 inhumation, 5, 13,28,31,34,47, 66, 76, 78, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102, 104,112, 115, 121, 124, 137, 138, 151, 152, 154,210 Caesar, 43, 149 Carolingians, 62, 87, 174 Charlemagne, 94, 120 Charles Martel, 87 Cassiodorus, 69 Cassius Dio, 132, 134 Cattle, 10, 108 wealth, 12, 108 Cemeteries, 51, 59, 60, 73, 95, 96, 98, 100, 102, 103, 104, 106, 112, 117, 121, 123, 124, 125, 137, 138, 140,

143, 144, 147, 151, 154, 158, 160, 167, 175, 179, 198,210,226 Chrodechildis, 34, 41 Church, 69, 71, 86, 149, 184 Cividale, 230 Civitas, 46 Coins, 16,63,109,117,126,127,146, 157, 161, 162, 164, 165, 182, 191, 197, 202, 228 Cologne, 44, 48, 130, 153, 162, 164, 175, 185 Constantinople, 50, 81, 86, 87, 155 Convents, 46 Cultures Cernjachov, 88 Hallstatt, 105, 173 Halistatt-LaTene, 105 Jastorf, 28, 95 LaTene, 28, 105, 173

252 Prague, 92 Przeworsk, 21, 89 Sukow-Szeligi, 92, 93 Wielbark, 89 Daniel in the lions' den, 238 Dingden-Lankern, 102 Discs, 180, 181, 185, 190, 195, 198, 199, 201, 232, 233, 238 mounted saints, 181 mounted warrior, 182 Domagnano San Marino, 205 Donar/Thor, 31, 182, 183,227 Donzdorf, 211, 212, 213, 214, 216, 220, 223 Drusus, 36, 43, 149 Eltville, 221, 223 Emperors Anastasius, 161, 162 Arcadius, 44 Aurelian, 135 Caracalla, 57, 132, 134 Constantine, 43, 51, 153 Constantine III, 37,48 Constantius, 44, 149 Eugenius, usurper, 44, 48 Gallienus, 32, 134 Gratian, 44, 183 Honorius, 37 Iovinus, usurper, 37, 48 Julian, 35, 45 Justin II, 81 Justinian, 79, 80, 91, 139, 196 Leo, 50, 156 Marcus Aurelius, 55 Maurice, 86 Maximian, 35 Maximinus I, 183 Phocas, 188 Probus, 35, 59 Severus Alexander, 57, 134 Sylvanus, usurper, 44 Theodosius, 44, 157 Theodosius II, 162 Tiberius, 36 Tiberius II, 165 Valentinian, 36, 192 Valerian, 153 Zeno, 50, 155, 156, 157 Engers, 211, 213, 214, 215 Eudoxia Empress, 44 Family, 113 Felicitas, 155

INDEX

H:tigny, 236 Fibulas, 5, 13, 16, 32, 33, 63, 68, 69, 78, 80, 95, 96, 101, 109, 110, 117, 118, 122, 123, 125, 127, 128, 129, 144,145,157,158,162,163,171, 178, 189, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208,209,210,212,213,215,216, 217,219,220,221,222,225,226, 227,228,229,230,231,232,233, 235, 236 Finglesham/Kent, 213 Flonheim, 139, 158, 165,234 Foederati, 37, 38, 42, 44, 45, 47, 48, 52, 67,82, 101, 122, 150, 151, 152, 154, 167 Foedus, 37, 40, 45, 80, 85 Food supply, 15,27,73,74,75, 107, 110,111,113 Fredegar, 89, 91 Freising, 70 Freya, 183 Freyr, 183 Friedberg, 225 Friedenhain, 121 Frisia, 12, 106 Furst, 234 Gaiseric, 109 Galsted, 211, 212, 213, 214 Gammertingen, 186 Gaul, 16, 35, 37, 38, 43, 44, 47, 48, 50,51,57, 101, 130, 132, 135, 150, 155 Gavavencsellii, 201 Geltorf, 192 Geneva, 38 Germania, 110, 131 Germanicus, 43, 149 Giengen, 140, 143, 189 Glass, 171, 173, 174, 175 Godegisel, 42 Goldleaf crosses, 98, 126, 149, 171, 184, 186, 187, 189 Giinningen, 220, 223 Giittingen, 100 Grave inventories, 5, 17, 28, 29, 30, 31,32,33,35,47,67,75,78,95, 96,97,98,99, 101, 103, 104, 106, 108,112,115,117,121,123,124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 135, 139, 141, 144, 145, 148, 149, 151, 153, 154, 157, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167,171,174,183,193,194,196, 197, 209, 210, 222, 232, 235 Gravechambcrs, 102, 104, 125, 139, 147, 148, 152, 163, 165

INDEX

Gravefields, 17,28,30,31,34,47,61, 67, 95, 98, 99, 101, 102, 104, 105, 112, 115, 117, 121, 125, 137, 138, 150,151,152, 153, 154, 158, 167 Gravestones, 176, 179 Briihl-Vochem, 176 Leutesdorf, 177 Moselkern, 176 Niederdollendorf, 178 Gregory of Tours, 34 Gundahar, 37 Gundobad, 38, 40, 42 Halle, 94, Ill, 209 Hanover, 100 Harsefeld, 96 HaBleben, 28, 32, 117, 199 Heidingsfeld, 230 Heil, 50, 155, 156 Herminafrid, 33, 34, 35, 79 Hintschingen, 188 Hornhausen, 179 Hospitalitas, 40, 47 Interpretatio christiana, 182 Irish monks, 93 Jordanes, 69 Juthungi, 69 Jutland, 189, 191, 193,208,211,212, 214,215,219,222 Keys, 33, 96, 118, 125, 182, 183, 184 Kingston/Kent, 232 Kirchheim, 71 Kirchheim am Ries, 147 Kirchheim/Teck, 147 Klepsau, 228, 229, 230, 231 Klettham, 205 Krefeld-Gellep, 104, 151, 160, 165 Laeti, 38,45,47,66,101,150, 151, 152 Lampertheim, 137 Landegge, 192, 193 Langeringen, 188, 189 Langweid, 216, 21 7, 219 Latini, 74 Laws, 40, 74, 109, 140 Legions, 43, 56 Lethingians Vacho, 78, 79 Waldrada, 79 Wisigard, 79, 164 Libanios, 44 Liebenau, 98, 102 Limes, 35, 54, 57, 62, 64, 134, 137

253

Raetian, 57, 66, 121, 134 Rhine-Iller-Danube, 59, 134 Upper German, 35, 57, 134 'wet', 57 Lorch,55 Luxeuil, 86 Magdeburg, 24, 94, Ill, 112, 210 Mainz, 36, 130 Marcomannic Wars, 54, 75, 131 Merobaudes, 44 Merovingians, 54, 79, 157, 158, 178, 184 Childeric, 50, 51, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 167, 198 Chlodovech, 34, 41, 156, 161, 167 Chlothachar, 163 Dagobert I, 92, 174 Theudebald, 79 Theudebert, 79, 124, 164 Theuderic, 34 Moisheim, 199 Monasteries, 46 Montelius, 193 Monza,87 Morken, 104, 165 Mortality, Ill, 112 Mythology, 186,217,218,233,238 Icelandic, 218 Norse, 218 Narses,80 Naumburg,210 Nebenstedt, 191, 193, 194 Niederstotzingen, 143 Nienbiittel, 96 Nordendorf, 222, 225, 227 Obodrites, 89, 93, 94 Odoakar, 78, 89 0ldendorf, 96 Ostrovany, 196 Papacy, 86 Paris, 46, 163 Passau, 68, 70, 123 Paulus Diaconus, 76, 84, 85 Pavia, 82 Pliny, 21, 149, 151, 175 Popes Gregory I, 86 Leo I, 184 Pottery, 173 bossed ware, 173, 174 Romano-Saxon, 173. See 'Buckelumen' terra sigillata, 16, 63, 173 Ptolemy, 21

254

INDEX

Ravenna, 37, 57, 82, 84 San Vitale, 196 Regensburg, 24, 55, 59, 67, 68, 69, 70, 121, 122, 123 Richomeres, 44 Ricimer,40 Rivers Danube, 23, 24, 33,54,55,59,64, 66,68,69, 75, 80, 121, 122, 123, 134, 137, 138, 180,209,216, 236 Don, 23 Elbe, 17, 23, 24, 28, 33, 35, 56, 76, 8~ 89, 91, 94, 95, 9~ 97, 101, 105, 121, 131, 135, 191, 204, 209 Ems, 17,42, 106, 192 Enns,64 Iller, 59, 64, 138 Inn, 69 Isar, 69 Lech, 59, 64, 66 Loire, 101, 153 Maas,45 Main, 24, 33, 36, 54, 57, 59, 64, 89, 137, 138 Moselle, 16,37,57, 134 Neckar, 180 Oder, 10, 21, 23, 35, 76,89, 91, 92, 100, 104 Regen, 69, 123 Rhine, 5, 10, 16, 36, 37, 38,42,43, 4~ 53, 5~ 5~ 57, 5~ 97, 9~ 101, 104, 106, 130, 134, 138,

139, 149, 151, 152, 153, 158, 160, 167, 180, 208, 210, 230 Rhone, 40 Saale, 17, 89, 91, 92, 94, 138 Saar, 57, 134 Salzach,69 Tisza, 201, 209, 235 Vistula, 21, 89, 92 Weser, 17,98, 100, 104, 105, 149, 204 Roman provinces Belgica, 45, 150 Belgica I, 37 Belgica Secunda, 50, 155 Dacia, 23 Gerrnania II, 37, 175 Germania iriferior, 45 Germania superior, 54, 59 Lugdunensis,45, 150 Noricum, 55, 68, 89, 122 Pannonia, 55, 57, 68, 75, 76, 78, 82, 98,122, 123, 134, 197,209 Raetia, 35, 36, 54, 55, 57, 59, 64, 123, 124, 134

Row-gravefields, 29, 31, 47, 61, 67, 98, 100, 101, 103, 104, 115, 117, 121, 123, 124, 125, 138, 143, 146, 147, 154, 158, 165, 180, 198, 199, 209, 210, 226, 228 Runes, 191,215,218,225,227 Sacrifices, 171, 208 Salzburg, 69, 70 Sarno, 92 Schretzheim, 61, 138, 175 Setdements,9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17,24,42,51,52,53,54,60,61, 63, 64, 69, 70, 71, 95, 105, 107, 113,124,137,174,183 Sigismund, 41 Slavs, 5, 76, 81, 88, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94 Slovakia, 55 Soest, 102, 104, 236 Sorbs, 91, 92, 93, 94 St. Ambrose, 44 St. Augustine, 44 St. Boniface, 70 St. Columban, 86 St. George, 190 St. John, 206 St. Martin of Tours, 184 St. Peter, 184 St. Severin, 78 Stabio, 187 Stilicho, 153, 195 SWEen, 141 Strasbourg, 37 Straubing, 66, 67, 121 Bajuwarenstrasse, 226 Styles "Continental", 224 Animal, 169, 188, 190, 193, 196, 198,203,207,210,211,212, 215, 224, 228, 230, 231, 233, 236, 237, 238 Insular, 224 Nydam, 193, 211 polychrome, 130, 157, 159, 161, 163, 167, 197, 198, 199, 203, 205, 206, 214 Sutton Hoo, 236, 238 Syagrius, 50 Symmachus, 44 Tabingen, 219 Tacitus, 21, 26,108, 120, 121, 149, 151 Terps, 10, 11, 105 Theodelinda, 85, 86, 87 Theodora Empress, 196

INDEX

Thor, 191 Thorsberg, 185 Thuringia, 92, 94, 103, 110, 115, 138, 143, 179, 183, 199, 209 Tius/Tyr, 181, 228 Tolbiacum battle of, 59 Tribes Alamans, 28, 35, 36, 37, 38,41,42, 43,48, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 68, 69,71,93,109,115,119,122, 123, 131, 132, 134, 135, 137, 146, 155, 167, 173, 183, 186, 215, 224, 225, 230 Alans, 37, 38, 48, 122, 148 Alemans,5 Angles, 34, 100, 105, 114, 173 Angrivari, 42 Aviones,42 Bavarians, 5, 33,42,64,67,69, 71, 81, 121, 122, 123, 124, 145, 146, 147, 170, 198, 226 Burgundians, 5, 23, 28, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 42, 48, 57, 59, 76, 110, 115, 131, 235 Chatti, 33, 54 Chauki,42 Franks, 5, 34, 37, 38,41,42,44, 48, 51, 52, 53, 5~ 57, 5~ 6~ 79, 84, 85, 87, 91, 92, 93, 98, 100, 101, 106, 119, 123, 124, 130, 132, 135, 149, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 164, 166, 170, 228,230 Franks - Ripuarians, 43 Franks - Salians, 43, 45 Frisians, 5, 42, 94, 105, 149 Gepids, 23, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 89,91,123,174,183,197,204, 235 Goths, 5, 23, 38, 56, 57, 69, 88, 89, 93,97, 123, 130, 131, 196,203, 206 Hermunduri, 42, 103, 134 Herulians, 68, 76, 78, 82, 89, 122 Huns, 34, 35, 37, 38, 50, 68, 78, 88, 89, 98, 120, 122, 156, 174, 183, 202, 234 Jutes, 100, 173 Juthungi, 134

255

Langobards, 23, 33, 34, 68, 69, 122, 134 Lombards, 5, 28, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 89, 91, 95, 98, 115,123,126,170,174,198, 209, 227, 228, 230 Marcomanni, 55, 69, 93, 132 Naristae, 55 Ostrogoths, 5, 32, 41, 68, 79, 82, 98,117,122,131,166,201, 205,206 Quadi, 55, 57, 122, 132, 148 Rugians, 69, 76, 78, 88, 89 Sarmatians, 55, 57, 82 Saxons, 5, 28, 34, 42, 48, 76, 78, 82, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94, 100, 103, 104, 105, 106, 113, 114, 115, 155, 170, 173, 203, 204 Semnones, 42, 132 Skirians, 69 Suebi, 48, 69, 82, 148 Thuringians, 5, 24, 26, 30, 34, 35, 42, 50, 54, 61, 68, 69, 76, 78, 82, 89, 91, 93, 95, 97, 98, 115, 117, 122, 123, 134, 140, 166, 170, 209 Vandals, 5, 28, 35, 36, 37,48, 56, 57, 89, 91, 93, 109, 115, 122, 131,132,148,178,197 Vandals - Silingians, 79 Visigoths, 5, 23, 37, 38, 41, 81, 134, 153, 166 Trier, 48, 51 Untersiebenbrunn, 202, 209 Urach,62 Warendorf, 106 Weletes, 93, 94 Wends, 93 Venedi,89 Wittislingen, 187,207,233,238 Wodan/Odin, 26, 31, 103, 140, 143, 181,182, 189, 191,218,227 Woodworking, 174 Worms, 37, 224 Wroclaw-Zakrzow Breslau-Sakrau, 196 Wiirzburg, 59 Zeuzleben, 125