Tibullus the Elegist: A Critical Survey 9783666251757, 3525251750, 9783525251751

Citation preview

H Y P O M N E M A T A 77

HYPOMNEMATA UNTERSUCHUNGEN ZUR ANTIKE UND ZU IHREM NACHLEBEN

Herausgegeben von Albrecht Dihle/Hartmut Erbse/Christian Habicht Hugh Lloyd-Jones/Günther Patzig/Bruno Snell

HEFT 77

VANDENHOECK & RUPRECHT IN GÖTTINGEN

ROBERT J. BALL

Tibullus the Elegist A Critical Survey

VANDENHOECK & RUPRECHT IN GÜTTINGEN

Published with the generous support of the Stanwood Cockey Lodge Foundation (Columbia University).

CIP-Kurztitelaufnahme

der Deutschen

Bibliothek

Ball, Robert}.: Tibullus the elegist: a crit. survey / Robert J. Ball. - Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1983 (Hypomnemata; Η. 77) ISBN 3-525-25175-0 NE: GT

© Vandenhoeck &. Ruprecht in Göttingen 1983 - Printed in Germany. Ohne ausdrückliche Genehmigung des Verlages ist es nicht gestattet, das Buch oder Teile daraus auf foto- oder akustomechanischem Wege zu vervielfältigen. Satz: Dörlemann-Satz GmbH & Co. KG, Lemförde. Druck: Hubert & Co., Göttingen

FOR MY PARENTS, WILLIAM AND PAULINE BALL uincula quae maneant semper dum tarda senectus inducat rugas inficiatque comas (Tibullus 2.2.19-20]

Acknowledgments I wish to thank the following individuals for reading my manuscript during the period I was working on this project: Gilbert Highet, Anthon Professor Emeritus of Latin in Columbia University, who read much of the first draft before his death and encouraged me to complete this book; f. D. Ellsworth, Associate Professor of Classics in the University of Hawaii, who read the second draft and made many useful comments regarding style and presentation; Georg Luck, Professor of Classics in The Johns Hopkins University, who read the third draft and provided me with a number of suggestions concerning matters of interpretation; J. P. Sullivan, Professor of Classics in the University of California (Santa Barbara), who also read the third draft and provided me with suggestions concerning interpretation; Albrecht Dihle, Professor of Classical Philology in the Ruprecht-Karl-Universität (Heidelberg), who read the third draft and recommended it to the editors of Hypomnemata·, Hartmut Erbse, Professor of Classical Philology in the Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität (Bonn), who also read the third draft and recommended it for publication in Hypomnemata.

Preface I began writing this book at UCLA during the 1977-1978 academic year, on sabbatical leave from the University of Hawaii. Since then the manuscript has undergone extensive and continuous revision, largely because of the appearance of a number of new studies of Tibullus's poetry. The resulting volume consists of three parts-a review of previous approaches, an examination of each of the sixteen elegies, and an analysis of the external ordering. The introductory chapter considers the various approaches to the elegies, those of other scholars followed by my own. During the Renaissance J. J. Scaliger rearranged most of the verses, and by the nineteenth century some scholars were arguing for rigid mathematical schemes. Twentieth-century scholarship has marked an advance in the appreciation of the elegies, although nobody has yet examined all sixteen of them in depth. I have attempted to fill this gap by examining the sixteen elegies systematically, in the sequence in which I believe that Tibullus wanted them to be read. I have focused primarily on structure, against a background of all the major studies of the elegies and all the sources that the poet seems to have used. Each poetic study begins with a schematic outline of the elegy, based on the numbering of the lines in Lenz-Galinsky (1971). The exegesis consists of a logical and systematic progression through the poem, from one passage to another, with emphasis on structure and coherence. It presents the reader with a critical analysis of all the important scholarship on the elegy, integrated into the context to which it specifically applies. The exegesis also provides the reader with a detailed treatment of the relationship between the elegy and the literary models employed by Tibullus. It concludes with a consideration of questions raised about the poem as a whole and with a retrospective examination of the entire elegy. The concluding chapter considers the various attempts to determine the principle underlying the external ordering. Scaliger and the mathematically-oriented scholars induced later classicists to rearrange the elegies or to argue for an arithmetical principle behind the ordering. Nevertheless, twentieth-century scholarship has provided a large number of attractive proposals, based on the traditional arrangement of the elegies. I have attempted to evaluate and synthesize these proposals, which I believe (when taken together) furnish insight into Tibullus's organizational techniques. I have concluded that the poet himself designed the external arrangement, which displays a penchant for balance, symmetry, and order. University of Hawaii

Robert J. Ball

Contents I. Π. ΙΠ. IV. V. VI. VII. Vni. IX. X. XI. ΧΠ. XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. XVII. XVin.

Introduction: Approaches to Tibullus Elegy 1.1: The Simple Life Elegy 1.2: The Lover's Serenade Elegy 1.3: An Elegiac Odyssey Elegy 1.4: Art of Pederasty Elegy 1.5: A Troubled Separation Elegy 1.6: Farewell to Delia Elegy 1.7: Hymn to Messalla Elegy 1.8: Marathus and Pholoe Elegy 1.9: Filthy, Filthy Lucre! Elegy 1.10: War and Peace Elegy 2.1: The Country Festival Elegy 2.2: A Birthday-Greeting Elegy 2.3: Fields of Sorrow Elegy 2.4: Prisoner of Love Elegy 2.5: Rome the Eternal Elegy 2.6: Farewell to Nemesis Conclusion: The External Ordering Bibliography Indexes

11 19 36 50 66 81 92 107 127 135 143 150 164 168 179 185 218 225 232 241

CHAPTER I

Introduction: Approaches to Tibullus Albius Tibullus lived in Rome in the first century B. C.-the era that saw the fall of Julius Caesar and the rise of Augustus.1 He published two books of elegies, which reveal the heart of a gentle but troubled man and refer to only a few friends: M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus (his literary patron); Delia, Nemesis, and Marathus (three treacherous loves); Titius, Cornutus, and Macer (possibly contemporary poets).2 The two women, Delia and Nemesis, dominate these books and become the central subjects of Tibullus's verses, in which they appear as unloving, mercenary, and deceitful, providing the poet with a sort of superficial companionship until he can no longer cope with their continuous infidelities.3 Although one should not attempt to reconstruct the biographies of the two mistresses concealed behind these pseudonyms, one should not reduce the mistresses to mere poetic creations, not when the Romans themselves conceived of them as real (Ovid, Am. 3.9, Martial 8.73, and Apuleius, Apologia 10).4 These sixteen elegies capture the spirit of the man and his attitude toward his times, which he occasionally attempted to escape by turning to the pristine past. Scholars debate the question of whether or not Tibullus speaks in his own voice when he talks about the simple life. Some5 believe that Tibul-

1 On identifying Tibullus with Horace's friend Albius (Carm. 1.33, Epist. 1.4, and Sat. 1.4.109), see Postgate (Selections) 179-184 + ("Albius") 450-455, who argues against the identification, and Ullman ("Horace") 149-167 + ("Rejoinder") 456-460, who argues in favor of it and whose opinion I support. 2 See Bright (Haecj 265, who rightly comments that Book I could not have appeared before 26 or 25 B.C. (Ovid, Tr. 2.463-464 refers to individual poems issued earlier) and that Book 2 could not have appeared before 19 B.C. (although I do not agree that it could have appeared as late as 18 or 17 B.C.). 3 See Palmer ("Religion") 8-9, who correctly observes that Tibullus strips the love affair of its most sensuous details by not describing the mistress's beauty, and that he easily enables himself to move from one manifestation of the mistress to another by avoiding such erotic description. 4 See Bright (Haec) 105-119, who mistakenly discounts the testimonia, but who perceptively explains Tibullus's choice of pseudonyms: Delia = Diana, the goddess of Day, for her association with the country, chastity, and light; Nemesis = Hesiod's baneful daughter of Night, a source of suffering for mortals and ultimately for Tibullus. 5 Allen ("Sincerity") 148-153 and ("Propertium") 112-121; Newman (Augustus) 383-385 and 392; Williams (Tradition) 48 and (Nature) 15; Copley (Latin) 245, Bright (Haec) 1; Andreini (Poetic) 1-13; Brazouski (Augustan) 1-9; Cairns (Tibullus) 28-29 and 229-230.

11

lus is wearing a mask, a false persona-a theory that they usually defend by distinguishing between the Tibullus of the elegies (the poor, rejected poet who laments over women) and the Tibullus addressed by Horace, Epist. 1.4 (the rich and popular poet who reflects on philosophical questions). On the contrary, one discovers in Horace's epistle (and even more in Horace, Carm. 1.33) a Tibullus quite consistent with the narrator of the elegies, a Tibullus described as living in the secluded countryside, devoted to the preoccupation of writing, and suffering from a tendency to melancholy brooding. Others6 contend that Tibullus is speaking from his heart-and I cannot help but wonder how he could do otherwise-a poet who feels so strongly about certain subjects that he spends roughly 1200 lines commenting on them in the first person singular, occasionally even calling himself Tibullus (1.3.55 and 1.9.83). In this connection one need only examine the remarks of Ovid, a poet with psychological insight, who lived in Tibullus's world, who refers to Tibullus's illness as a real event and to Delia and Nemesis as real women {Am. 3.9), and who points out that Tibullus never suffered for admitting his own adulteries (7fc 2.447-464). I cannot believe that Tibullus speaks through the utterance of a false persona, but that he reveals his real personality and expresses his deepest and innermost thoughts. Although Tibullus enjoyed the praise of his fellow poets, he suffered at the hands of a great Renaissance scholar. Scaliger 7 regarded the poems as structurally disorganized, a flaw that he blamed on defects in the manuscript tradition, and decided to rearrange them. In this way he attempted to rectify the dislocation that he presumed they suffered during their troubled transmission from antiquity to his own lifetime. Although Scaliger did not discover any evidence to substantiate his theory that the original text experienced significant dislocation, his edition dominated the scene for nearly two centuries, during which period some students actually read the elegies in this rearranged form. Thanks to Volpi8, these rearrangements suffered a setback in 1749, with the expulsion of Scaliger's numerous transpositions from the text. By restoring the traditional arrangement of the elegies, this scholar provided a service too often overlooked by subsequent editors of Tibullus. Nevertheless, Volpi's gesture did not discourage other scholars from proposing individual lacunas, excisions, and transpositions within the poems-proposals that seem unnecessary in most cases but acceptable in several, especially where a couplet

6

Highet (Poets) 156-172 and ("Masks") 336-337; Luck (Latin) 62-75 in 1959 edition and 70-82 in 1969 edition; Putnam ("Horace") 81-88 and (Tibullus)!·, Lee (Tibullus) 13-16; Richardson (Piopertius) 3 - 4 and 14-15; Sullivan (Propertius) 117; Quinn (Texts) 149-153 and 187-190; Lyne (Latin) viii and 149-189. 7 Scaliger (Catulli) 79-118. 8 Volpi (Albius) 4-212.

12

appears to have dropped out. These individual proposals have received consideration in the appropriate chapters of this book, since they comprise part of the history of the scholarship on the elegies. Late in the nineteenth century Prien and others argued that Tibullus's poems obey mathematical schemes.9 They divided each elegy into a series of tiny arithmetic units, called (in their terminology) strophes and antistrophes, each unit consisting of two, three, or four couplets, which when taken collectively (so they contended) interract with one another and impart a symmetry to the entire elegy. Presenting different arrangements and different correspondences (all of which fall beyond the scope of this compendium), they attempted to impose their individual brands of symmetry upon the various elegies and excised couplets or posited lacunas in order to validate their formulas. Yet by measuring the elegies against some artificial standard of mathematical proportions, these scholars not only destroyed the integrity of many of Tibullus's most artistically constructed passages but also created in the process a number of illogical and unnatural transitions. And by attempting to squeeze Tibullus's graceful elegies into a series of arbitrary compartments, they also demonstrated an ignorance of the poet's emotional makeup as well as his unique literary technique, which avoids rigid outlines, specific contexts, and clear-cut time sequences. In the final analysis, these scholars succeeded only in discrediting one another's formulas, ultimately invalidating the contribution of their approach as a whole. By the advent of the twentieth century Tibullus was experiencing a mixed press, consisting of admirers and detractors. Some10 commented on Tibullus's inadequacies as a poet, most strikingly, Pichon, who called the elegies a patchwork, Jacoby, who regarded Tibullus as a dilettante of higher rank, and Van Wageningen, who thought that the poet suffered from brain-dysfunction, resulting in random snatches of insight set in verse. Although these scholars published long and detailed papers, they failed to appreciate the artistry of a truly great elegist and left their readers with the impression that they were working to some degree under the influence of those scholars who kept rearranging the couplets in order to achieve coherence. Others11 generalized about Tibullus's versatility as a ' Prien (Symmetrie) 1-36; Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 4-33; Bubendey (Symmetrie) 1-38; Riemann (Compositione) 3-16; Maurenbrecher ("Komposition") 56-88; Witte (Geschichte) vol. 3, pp. 1-120. 10 Pichon (Histoire) 382; Jacoby ("Tibulls") 622-623, 72, and 86-87, Van Wageningen ("Tibulls") 352; Hadas (History) 190 for the words "progression by zigzag"; Lee ("Tenerorum") 176 for the words "ramshackle in construction"; Quinn (Latin) 136-137 for the words "placid second-rater". 11 Vahlen ("Elegien") 352-356 and (Gesammelte)41-45; Schanz (Geschichte) 111; Crusius ("Elegie") 2295; Sellar (Roman) 243 for the phrase "unity and variety"; Duff (Liteiary) 559 in 1909 edition and 408 in 1953 edition for the phrase "smoothness of verse"; Rose (Handbook) 287 for the phrase "distinct, quiet charm".

13

poet, most noticeably, Vahlen, who compared the elegies to the tide of a summer sea, Schanz, who regarded mood rather than logic as the structural principle, and Crusius, who believed that the elegies contained positive and negative themes and counterthemes. Although these scholars recognized the artistry of the elegies, they did not attempt any systematic analysis of the structure and left their own readers with the impression that they also could not do much more (outside of mere generalization) to enhance the reputation of this frequently maligned poet. As these attitudes all reveal, whether Tibullus offended or impressed classical scholars, he had not yet regained the high reputation that he once enjoyed in his own lifetime. The last fifty years have witnessed a large number of critical works dealing with various aspects of Tibullus's art. In 1930 Schuster12 opened up a new era of work on Tibullus with his book on the poet's technique, a study free of the prejudices of the earlier scholars. In it he considered the transitions, motifs, and textual problems peculiar to the elegies, especially Tibullus's use of the Ubergangsdistichon ("transitional couplet"). In 1968 Wimmel13 ushered in another wave of works on Tibullus (all appearing within a decade) with his own book on the poet's elegiac technique. In it he grouped the elegies into five triads (a questionable ordering) but analyzed in detail Tibullus 1.3, 1.4, 1.8, 1.9, and 1.10 (a mine of valuable information). Bright1" recently published a milestone work on Tibullus's elegies, in which he examined the poet's process of creating and manipulating his world. He did so by tracing the development of the persons who inhabit that world from one poetic cycle to another, within the framework of the traditional ordering. Cairns15 recently published an informative volume in which he connected Tibullus with the Hellenistic literary tradition in which he worked. He did so by examining various aspects of the poet's craft and by showing how they derive from the tech-

12

Schuster (Tibuü)·, Salanitro (TibvJlo); Pöstgens (Tibulls), Riposati (Introduzione)·, Van de Sande (Compositie); Alfonsi (Albio); Hämmerle (Motiv)·, Preiss (Komposition); Petersen (Kommentar)·, Zimmermann (Gedichtbücher)·, Krefeld (Liebe); Heilmann (Bedeutung); Baca (Delia), summarized in ("Delia") 49-56 and criticized by Bright in (Haec) 122-123. 13 Wimmel (Der frühe)·, Harrauer (Komposition); Swoboda (Albius); Christandl (Studien); Gerressen (Tibulls); Ball (Structure); Hennemann (Tibulls)·, Wohl (Studies), Shayner (Word), Barrett (Tibullus)·, Rhorer (Tibullus)·, Wimmel (Elegie 1,1); Geiger (Interpretationen)·, Andreini (Poetic); Brazouski (Augustan); Grabensberger (Stilformen); Henniges (Utopie). 14 Bright (Haec). Although I do not accept Bright's basic premise, that Tibullus is addressing his audience through a false persona, I regard his overall contribution as extremely valuable and intellectually stimulating and have referred frequently to his observations in the chapters of my own book. 15 Cairns (Tibullus). Although I do not accept Cairns's basic assumption, that Tibullus is writing exclusively as a Hellenistic poet, I believe that he has effectively achieved his goal of showing how the poet employs many of the techniques that one associates with the Hellenistic literary tradition.

14

niques employed by his great Hellenistic predecessors. Although several important books have appeared on Tibullus, they have not considered Tibullus's sixteen elegies in sequence, in the order in which I believe that the poet intended them to be read. I have written a critical analysis of Tibullus's elegies, one that focuses primarily, but not exclusively, on structure. Although I have drawn partly on my own dissertation, I wish to stress at the outset that I have written a new book, examining all the major questions raised about the elegies and all the important scholarship published about them, including everything relevant published during the 1970's.16 Ever since Scaliger dismantled the elegies and constructed his own version of the authentic ordering, scholars have continued to debate the question of Tibullus's structural sophistication or incompetence, but without systematically studying the individual structure of each poem. I have followed the format used by Highet for Juvenal's Satires, by Putnam for Vergil's Bucolics, and by Jacobson for Ovid's Heroides-scholars who chose to study important collections of poems by treating each poem as a special organic entity rather than an entire collection on some thematic basis.17 I believe that this approach has the advantage of allowing the reader not only to appreciate each elegy for its own worth but also to appreciate the elegies in the sequence established by the poet and also to understand what the poet may be communicating through that special sequence. Although thematic studies definitely have their value, I have employed a direct approach, one that should provide thorough insight into Tibullus's artistry. My second goal involves a critical review of all the major scholarship on Tibullus pertaining to structure. Cartault18 published a critical bibliography in 1906, examining everything on Tibullus beginning with Scaliger's edition of 1577-the most comprehensive bibliography ever assembled for this particular poet, although a little difficult to read because of the annalistic arrangement chosen by the reviewer. Scholars19 have since published bibliographies on a much smaller scale, obviously intending to supplement the standard classical bibliographies; the most useful of these exist in the series of critical articles written by Magnus (for 1877-1886), Bürger (for 1905-1909), and Troll (for 1910-1934). Harrauer20 published still another bibliography in 1971, in which he catalogued over 1100 items appearing since 1900, but by not describing or summarizing their 16

Ball (Structure). See also Ball ("Internal"] 113-117. Highet (Juvenal)·, Putnam (Virgil's); Jacobson (Ovid's). 18 Cartault (A propos). " Magnus ("Bericht"); Bürger ("Bericht"); Troll ("Bericht")—all four articles; Herescu (Bibliographie) 189-194; Büchner (Lateinische) 42-46; Wright ("Augustan") 306-334 in 1954 edition and 387-415 in 1968 edition; Van Ooteghem (Bibliotheca) 342-344; Leeman (Bibliographia) 113. 20 Harrauer (Bibliography). See also Ball ("Recent") 62-68. 17

15

contents (as Cartault had done in his bibliography of 1906), he fell short of updating the contribution of that scholar. Looking to Cartault as the model for this aspect of my work, I have attempted to evaluate all major publications on Tibullus from 1577 through 1980, those that bear on the subject of structure, for the sake of completeness and as a means of showing exactly how the elegies fared over the ages. But in so doing, I have presented the scholarship in a readable form, by reviewing it not in an annual listing, but in the context of a study of each elegy. My third concern involves Tibullus's literary sources, a subject that has drawn much attention in recent years.21 Scholars have succeeded in identifying many of the Greek and Roman poets whom Tibullus echoes in his elegies: the consensus detects a galaxy of literary influences-the Greek poets Homer, Hesiod, Callimachus, Theocritus, and Meleager; the Latin poets Lucretius, Catullus, Vergil, Horace, and Propertius. Their studies have shown conclusively that Tibullus admired his literary predecessors and contemporaries and that he incorporated many of their themes and expressions into his poems, thus invalidating the old notion that one could understand the elegies only by discovering new fragments of Hellenistic poetry. The Roman poets of the first century B.C. often look to other writers as a source of inspiration for their own verses: Lucretius « Epicurus; Catullus « Sappho; Vergil « Theocritus, Hesiod, and Homer; Horace « Sappho, Alcaeus, and Lucilius; Propertius « Callimachus; Ovid « Tibullus himself. Like the poets of his own generation, Tibullus also pays tribute to the verses of his predecessors and contemporaries, occasionally by structuring an entire passage or elegy after a specific literary work or portion of it, as in the case of Tibullus 1.3 («s Homer's Odyssey) or Tibullus 2.5 ( « Vergil's Aeneid). The above subject deserves an important place in any study of Tibullus's technique and has received special attention and detailed treatment throughout the chapters of this book. Each chapter begins with a brief overview of the elegy in question, with special emphasis on its structural design. I begin by citing Scaliger's usual reordering of the elegy as a frame of reference and in order to show how far this scholar went in rearranging the couplets. As mentioned a little earlier, this approach virtually dominated the study of Tibullus without challenge for almost two centuries.221 also give Dissen's outline of the elegy, always tripartite in plan, with exordium, medium carmen, and exitus^structural patterns that apply only occasionally but that war-

21 See, for example, Bright ("Tibullan") 197-214, Bulloch ('Tibullus") 71-89, and Ball ("Tibullus 2.5"| 33-50. See also Leach ("Sacral") 59-69, who compares Tibullus's rural vignettes with those of the sacral-idyllic paintings, while conceding the lack of evidence for forcing a connection. 21 Scaliger (Catulh) 79-118.

16

rant inclusion, since they represent the earliest attempt to schematize the elegies without transposing the distichs.23 I then present my own schematic summary of the elegy based on the numbering of the verses used by Lenz in his 1971 edition of Tibullus. I regard this edition as the best because Lenz spent his life mastering the manuscripts and provided his reader with a very full apparatus criticus.24 I also refer to the major articles and monographs that have recently appeared on the elegy under consideration as a means of furnishing the reader with an immediate clue to the relative popularity of the poem or the direction that scholarship took in connection with it. This broad overview aims at acquainting the reader with the essence of the elegy, as a means of leading as smoothly as possible into the analysis that follows. The actual exegesis examines the coherence of the poem, with emphasis on textual problems and literary sources. It also presents the reader with a variety of structural devices employed by Tibullus, such as repetition by anaphora (closely connected with the equally mesmerizing repetition by polyptoton), and the utilization of word-echoes (cross-references appearing in different sections of the same elegy).25 Ring-composition appears at various intervals in the corpus-the framing of a poem or passage with similar ideas or phrases, employed not so much within the individual sections of an elegy as between the introduction and the conclusion of the elegy, where one may observe a genuine interraction. 26 Transitional units also function as an organizational device-these being couplets or passages that connect larger sections of an elegy and that almost defy inclusion within these sections, employed sparingly within the corpus as a whole but consistently within an individual elegy.27 Dramatic unity plays an important part in some of the poems, in which the reader imagines an unexpressed idea occurring during an unexpressed timelapse,· this technique usually appears in elegies characterized by joyful or humorous situations, not only in Tibullus but also in Propertius.28 All

23

Dissen (Albii) lxvii-lxxii. Lenz and Galinsky (Albii) 51-127. 25 See Howe ("Polyptoton") 319-320 for a short but useful list of the occurrences of polyptoton in Tibullus's elegies. See also Musurillo ("Theme") 253-268 for a thorough but frequently forced analysis of time as an organizational device in Tibullus's elegies. 26 See Van Otterlo ("Untersuchungen") and ("Ringcompositie") for an examination of ring-composition in Homer. See Williams (Tradition) for an examination of this device in the Roman poets of the first century B.C. See Cairns (Tibullus) 193-195 for an extensive bibliography of the scholarship on this subject. 27 For an examination of transitional units through the eyes of three different scholars, see the following studies: Schuster (Tibull) 10, 17-22, 25, and 29-32; Van de Sande (Compositie) 18, 24, 33, 51, and 55; Harrauer (Komposition) 62, 94, 140, 214, and 232. 28 See Ball ("Dramatic") 189-195 for an examination of dramatic unity in Tibullus 1.2, 1.4, 1.8, 2.1, and 2.2. See White (Techniques) and ("Propertius")—all three articles-for an examination of this device in Propertius 1.8, 2.28, 2.29, 2.33, 2.34, and 3.20. 24

17

these techniques play a meaningful role in helping Tibullus to achieve coherence in his elegies and have received special consideration throughout this book. Each chapter concludes with a retrospective look at the elegy in question and a summary of the elegy's design. Tibullus's elegies move calmly and gently, like the tide of a summer sea, forward and backward in a rhythmic cadence, although I wish to emphasize that this "ebb and flow" does not preclude careful structure, whether the poet is writing about the pains of love or about a serious, specific occasion. Unfolding smoothly from beginning to end, the elegies impart a number of ideas all ultimately related to the poet's own psyche and ultimately expressing the various aspects of the poet's personality (not the poetic personality), in particular, his yearning for country life and his worrying about love affairs. In general the Romans revered such basic qualities as courage, efficiency, self-control, seriousness, and steadiness-attributes thoroughly rejected by this gentle, frightened, capricious, easygoing, and rebellious young writer, who cared very little about his country's destiny to rule the world. An unRoman melancholy breathes through the poetry of this self-imposed exile, this tender and softhearted man-a melancholy prefigured to some degree but not so easily discernible in the verses of Lucretius and Catullus, two poets whom Tibullus greatly admires and occasionally echoes. Yet even within the framework of his troubled personality, Tibullus emerges as a brilliant elegist, worthy of Quintilian's lofty compliment, "tersus atque elegans" [Inst. 10.1.93).

18

CHAPTER II

Elegy 1.1: The Simple Life Elegy 1.1 ranks as one of Tibullus's finest poems, on the simple life, in which he sets out his central concerns and interests. Scaliger1 proposed the following ordering: 1.1 = 1.1.1-6, 9-10, 7-8, 29-32, 35-36, 11-24, 37-40, 33-34, 41-50, 25-28, 51-58; 1.2.73-80 + 67-72; 1.1.59-78. The ordering exemplifies this scholar's approach to the elegies and contributed to the blackening of the poet's reputation in the eyes of later generations. I propose the following outline of the poem: -1-6) Scorn for greed and desire for poverty 7-74) Praise of the simple life

C

7-40) Praise of the rustic life ( 41-44) Transition: desire for the simple life ^ 45-74) Praise of the erotic life / 5-78) Scorn for greed and desire for poverty The elegy has initiated a number of critical studies in this century, beginning with Jacoby's long article and concluding with Wimmel's valuable monograph.2 The monograph considers in detail the structure and style of the elegy and provides the reader with a great deal of significant commentary. I have attempted to examine the elegy without altering the text, to resolve the problems raised about its structure, and to explain why the poet it at the and headdesire of hisforcorpus. 1-6) placed Scorn for greed poverty Tibullus begins by comparing the soldier's lot with his own. He condemns the soldier's hunger for gold and land (1-2), as well as his exposure to fear and sleeplessness (3-4), and then expresses his own desire to lead a life of poverty (5-6). Specifying no particular geographic setting, the poet presents the soldier in his defense-perimeter and himself in his little house (1-6).

1 Scaliger (Catulli) 79-82 and (Castigationes) 110-116. See also Dissen (Albii) 1-5 and (Commentarins) 5-29 for the usual tripartite outline: 1.1 = 1-6, 7-75, and 75-78. 2 Jacoby ("Tibulls"); Wimmel (Elegie 1,1).

19

Scholars3 detect here an example of the alius-ego motif, where a poet contrasts his own desires with those of another. As Wimmel observes, Tibullus varies his use of the formula: in 1.1.1-6 the poet passes from the soldier's pursuits to his own longings; in 1.10.29-32 he proceeds from his own longings to the pursuits of the soldier (an interesting inversion of his handling of the initial theme). Tibullus utilizes this poetic device with great skill and sophistication, as will become apparent in the first elegy and in the other elegies of the corpus. The Augustan poets employ the alius-ego formula to express national pride, artistic ambition, and personal aspiration. Vergil (Aen. 6.847-853) pictures Anchises telling Aeneas that while others will master the arts and sciences, Aeneas himself (or the personified Roman people) will rule the world under Roman law. Horace (Caim. 1.1) tells Maecenas that unlike others he himself wants to become a lyric poet, and elsewhere (Carm. 1.7) tells Plancus that while others praise Greek cities, he himself glorifies Italy. Propertius (3.9) informs Maecenas that while others pursue their artistic and athletic achievements, he himself chooses to compose elegy or epic, provided that his patron inspire him to do so. Therefore, in adapting this formula to his own opening poem, Tibullus alone emphasizes the personal half of the configuration, as shown by the subject of the central portion of the elegy. 7-40) Praise of the rustic life Tibullus then describes the life that he longs to lead and the activities that he claims to enjoy. He rejoices in planting vines and fruit (7-8), and prays for a good harvest and vintage (9-10), which he justifies by his reverence for the fields (11-12) and for the god of the farmer (13-14). He further asserts his reverence by invoking two special farm-divinities, Ceres, goddess of agriculture (15-16), and Priapus, god of horticulture, who functions as a scarecrow (17-18). He finally invokes the Lares, the deities of the farmland (19-20), attributes to poverty the scantiness of his sacrifice (21-22), and presents the farmer's chant for the occasion of the sacrifice (23-24). By passing from Ceres, to Priapus, to the Lares (the deities who protect his possessions), the poet depicts himself as a pious farmer, happy and content with his lot (7-24). Prien excises 7-8 from the text, a proposal rejected by Cartault in his own review of scholarship on Tibullus.4 Prien suggests the excision in order to force his own brand of arithmetic symmetry upon the opening 3 Norden (Veigilius) 335 ; Breguet ("Le theme") 135; Wimmel (Dei frühe) 136 and (Elegie 1,1) 3, 81. 4 Prien ("Kritik") 697-698; Cartault (A propos) 239.

20

elegy-the kind of reasoning that plagued a number of early treatises by allowing the text to be distorted for an artificial principle. Tibullus not only employs the couplet in order to relate the specific application of a general philosophy but also establishes between it and the following couplet a striking stylistic parallel (8 "facili grandia poma manu" « 10 "pleno pinguia musta lacu"). In it Tibullus also echoes Vergil's Bucolics: Tib. 1.1.7 "seram . . . uites" « Buc. 1.73 "insere . . . uitis"; Tib. 1.1.19 "felicis quondam" « Buc. 1.74 "felix quondam"; Tib. 1.1.17-19 "custos . . . hortis . . . Priapus . . . pauperis" « Buc. 7.33-34 "Priape . . .custos . . . pauperis . . . horti". The couplet functions effectively in the passage, both on a literal level and on a stylistic level, with several key phrases drawn from Vergil's pastoral poetry. Haase transposes 13-14 after 17-18, a proposal accepted by Müller, defended by Wolfflin, and dismissed by Cartault. 5 Haase argues that the transposition juxtaposes two couplets dealing with Priapus (13-14 "agricolae . . . deo" and 17-18 "custos . . . Priapus"). Yet in referring to the god of the farmer, Tibullus employs a generalized singular for the nameless divinity or divinities protecting the homeland. Haase also asserts that the transposition enables Priapus to receive the kind of gift given to the other gods, whatever fruit the new year offers the farmer. Still, the poet takes care to provide Priapus with an offering within the very couplet about the god, in this case, a red image to act as a scarecrow. Haase further contends that the transposition effects a buildup of increasingly larger sections as Tibullus moves from Ceres, to Priapus, to the Lares. Even so, I cannot believe that the poet composed this passage or any other passage in order to meet a predetermined mathematical scheme. The passage moves from two anonymous offerings characteristically Roman (11-14), to two acts of reverence done to Greek-derived deities (15-18), to a real sacrifice for the Roman home-gods (19-24). Tibullus again expresses his love of the simple life. He echoes his opening wish by repeating his desire to live content with a little (25-26) and expands on his vision by picturing himself avoiding the heat under the shade of a tree (27-28). In so doing, the poet employs a transitional passage (25-28). Heyne posits a lacuna after 23-24, a proposal rejected by Wunderlich in his revision of Heyne's edition.6 Heyne suspects a hiatus in the text— 5 Haase (Disputatio) 10-11 and 15-16; Müller (Albii) 1-2, Wolfflin ("Deus") 220; Cartault (A propos) 533-534, who points to a flaw in the reordering (17 "ponatur" and 14 "ponitur"). Wolfflin defends the transposition by calling attention to a progression from the boundary (11-12), to the temple (15-16), to the garden (17-18, 13-14), to the house (19-24). Yet one does not find any mention of a garden in 13-14, or any reference to a house in 19-24, or any meaningful progression within the framework of the transposition. 6 Heyne and Wunderlich (Albii) 7 in 1798 edition and (Obsemationesj 15 in 1817 edition.

21

the first in a series of such proposals-but he does not defend his proposal with any arguments. Wunderlich declares that after Tibullus refers to the smallness of his sacrifice, he logically emphasizes his contentment with a little. As Wunderlich realizes, Heyne's proposal seems unfounded and unnecessary when applied to this juncture in the text, where the poet recasts the sentiments of the opening passage. Scholars7 believe that in 25-28 Tibullus is echoing Horace, in particular, a phrase referring to the simple life. They compare Tib. 1.1.25 "contentus uiuere paruo" with Sat. 2.2.1 "uiuere paruo", or with Sat. 2.2.110 "contentus paruo", or with Carm. 2.16.13 "uiuitur paruo bene"-resemblances too striking to be regarded as merely coincidental. One may also compare Tib. 1.1.27-28 with Lucr. 2.29-30, in which each poet desires to sit under a tree near a stream, a resemblance accentuated by a prominent verbal similarity (Tib. 1.1.27-28 "sub . . . arboris . . . r i u o s . . . aquae" « Lucr. 2.29-30 "aquae riuum sub . . . arboris"). And so, Tibullus may well be drawing expressions from Horace and Lucretius, a contemporary and a predecessor, in portraying in elegiac terms the simple life of the farmer. Tibullus continues to praise the pursuits of the farmer by focusing on his concern for the animals and worship of the gods. He expresses pride in grasping the mattock and goading the oxen (29-30), in finding a lost lamb or a deserted goat, and in bringing it home to the warmth of its mother (31-32). He implores thieves and wolves to spare his small flock and to attack a larger herd (33-34), since he needs to draw upon his own herd for a sacrifice to Pales, goddess of flocks (35-36). He beseeches his deities not to scorn gifts from a poor table or from simple earthenware (37-38) and remembers how the farmer of old created utensils from simple clay and mud (39-40). By passing from his concern for the animals to his worship of the deities, the poet again reveals himself as a reverent farmer, who devotes his life to the various activities described (29-40).8 Scholars excise certain couplets from the above passage, all working under the influence of the mathematical theory. Prien9 deletes 33-34 from the text, since he does not believe that the couplet contributes anything to the coherence of the passage in question. Yet within this couplet Tibullus refers to the situation that induces him to explain in the succeeding couplet why he needs a small herd (35 "hie"). Fritzsche10 deletes 35-36, on the ground that by mentioning Pales, Tibullus stops addressing 7 Heyne and Wunderlich (Albii) 7 in 1798 edition and 8 in 1817 edition; Jacoby ("Tibulls") 626; Carlsson ("Horatium") 191-192; Lenz and Galinsky (Albii) 45 in 1959 edition and 53 in 1971 edition; Mendell (Latin) 185 and 187; Wimmel (Elegie 1,1)25. 8 See Heyne and Wunderlich (Albii)! in 1798 edition and (Obseruationes) 17 in 1817 edition. Heyne posits a lacuna after 33-34 but without offering any reasons for doing so; Wunderlich rightly rejects the proposal by stating that the poet explains 33-34 with 35-36. » Prien ("Kritik"] 698. But see Cartault (A propos) 239. 10 Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 10-11.

22

the kinds of land-deities to whom he has been praying thus far. Still, this argument distinguishes too rigidly among the various agricultural divinities invoked or mentioned by the poet, who now turns his mind to the animals. Richter11 regards 39-40 as totally unnecessary, a couplet that causes a clash between the allusions to ancient poverty (39-40) and ancient prosperity (41-42). Nevertheless, these couplets perhaps refer to both the land-tillers and the poet's ancestors, or to the fact that the poet's wealthy forefathers truly enjoyed the old simplicity. All these couplets belong where they appear in the manuscripts and perform a meaningful function, because through them the poet crystallizes his visions of living in the country. Scholars also transpose various couplets from their place in this passage to an earlier location in the poem. Haase12 transposes 25-34 after 5-6, in order to juxtapose two statements about poverty (5-6 and 25-26) and two statements about offerings (23-24 and 35-36). This transposition destroys the humor in Tibullus's pleading with plunderers to spare his flock on the ground that he needs that flock in order to sacrifice to Pales. Richter13 transposes 25-32 after 5-6, since he observes a series of rustic activities involving oxen (29-30), then animals (31-32), and finally crops (7-8). This transposition disrupts the series of rustic preoccupations already considered, where the poet separates concern for the crops from concern for the animals. Baehrens14 transposes 25-36 after 5-6, because he distinguishes between the care of the farm (25-36 and 7-10) and the worship of the gods (11-24 and 37-40). This transposition eliminates a harmonious arrangement, which combines the subjects of agriculture and religion (7-24) with those of husbandry and religion (29-40). Although these transpositions reveal much imagination on the part of their proponents, they all have serious drawbacks and deserve no place in the text. The passages treated above comprise an even larger section dealing with the activities of the farmer. The poet first describes his care of the land and worship of the gods (7-24), then expresses his desire for the simple life by rephrasing his opening sentiments (25-28), and finally describes his care of the animals and worship of the gods (29-40). These colorful passages constitute a praise of rustic life, the first half of the poet's world, that which precedes all other matters of concern, even the subject of love (7-40).

Richter (Albii) l - 2 ; Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 13-14. Haase (Disputatio) 12-13 and 15-16; Müller (Albii) l - 2 ; Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 8-15. 13 Richter (Albii) 6 ; Postgate (Tibullus) 192 and 194; Murgatroyd (Tibullus) 21 and 298-299. See also Prien ("Kritik"] 699-701, who wrongly transposes 25-32 after 17-18. 14 Baehrens (Blatter) 67-70 and (Albii) 3-6. 11

12

23

Scholars play havoc with the structure of 7-40, a subject that dates back to the era of Scaliger's edition. Scaliger15 proposes the following ordering for this passage: 1-6, 9-10, 7-8, 29-32, 35-36, 11-24, 37-40, 33-34, 41-50, and 25-28. This arrangement seems unnecessary and ignores the smooth flow of ideas from one couplet to another, as treated throughout the preceding paragraphs. Ribbeck16 suggests another sequence in his own study of this elegy: 1-6, 9-10, 25-28, 7-8, 29-34, 11-12, 35-36, 13-24, and 37-40. This less radical reordering provides no more of a solution to the problem than that suggested three hundred years earlier by Scaliger himself. As considered throughout the preceding pages of this chapter, many scholars attempt to rearrange the text of the poem in the tradition of Scaliger. They either expunge a couplet or transpose it to some other location in the elegy, without any real authority from the manuscripts to do so. This particular passage has suffered more adverse criticism than any other in Tibullus, the very passage in which the poet sets out to charm and attract his audience. The Augustan poets frequently praise rustic life, a theme that appears in various contexts and for different reasons. Vergil (G. 2.458-542) extols the simple life of the farmer as part of his overall glorification of the country, strategically placed at the climax of the second book of the Georgics. The Culex poet (Cul. 58-97) contrasts the anxiety of the rich man and the contentment of the poor man before proceeding to the heart of the poem, the shepherd's encounter with a gnat. Horace {Sat. 2.6.79-117) concludes his treatment of urban bustle and rural peace with Cervius's miniature narrative about the encounter between the city mouse and the country mouse. Propertius (2.19) reflects on Cynthia's departure from Rome and their eventual reunion in the country, where he pictures himself and his mistress dancing at the altar and hunting in the forest. Ovid [Rem. Am. 169-224) advises the unhappy lover to alleviate his pain by turning to rustic activities, such as planting seeds, reaping the harvest, and hunting for animals. Like Propertius, a poet who also suffers in love, Tibullus presents the country in an amatory context, as will become apparent through further consideration of this elegy.

41-44) Transition: desire for the simple life Tibullus then contrasts his ancestors' wealth with his own poverty. He echoes his earlier sentiments by rejecting the accumulated wealth of his forefathers (41-42) and introduces a new subject by picturing himself

15 16

24

Scaliger (Catulli) 79-82 and (Castigationes) 110-116. Ribbeck (Piooemiatus) 8-9. But see Karsten ("Tibulli") 217-218.

resting comfortably in a bed (43-44). These two couplets comprise another transitional passage (41-44). Schuster regards 43-44 as the transition from the poverty-motif to the love-motif, an opinion followed by Wimmel. 17 Indeed, by referring to his bed, Tibullus clearly signifies a transition from the land-theme to the love-theme, and he makes the love-theme more explicit in 45-46 by picturing himself in bed and embracing his mistress. One may also read something erotically suggestive into the initial reference to the bed by comparing Tib. 1.1.43 "requiescere lecto" with Prop. 1.8B.33 "requiescere lecto", where Propertius employs the reference in a strictly amatory context. Tibullus effects the transition from the field to the bedroom within the very hexameter by repeating a key expression in chiastic arrangement with the rest of the line (43 "satis est" in "parua seges satis est, satis est requiescere lecto"). In any case, the elegy's center appears not in 43-44 (a single couplet) but in 41-44 (two couplets combined), the real transition from the rustic life to the erotic life. Scholars suggest that in 43-44 Tibullus may be borrowing a phrase from Catullus or Propertius. A few18 connect Tib. 1.1.43 "requiescere lecto" with Catull. 31.10 "acquiescimus lecto", a parallel reinforced (as Wimmel observes) by the fact that earlier in his poem each poet prays reverently to the Lares (Tib. 1.1.19-24 « Catull. 31.9). A few others 19 connect Tib. 1.1.43 "requiescere lecto" with Prop. 1.8B.33 "requiescere lecto", a parallel strengthened (in my opinion) by the fact that each poet pictures himself with his mistress even though poor (Tib. 1.1.41-48 « Prop. 1.8B.33-40). Yet one should realize that Tibullus may be conflating the expression both from Catullus's lyric and Propertius's elegy-the lyric, which employs the expression in a religious context, the elegy, which employs it in an amatory context. In passing from the rustic half of the elegy to the erotic half of the elegy, Tibullus recalls an expression made famous by two other love poets, Catullus and Propertius.

45-74) Praise of the erotic life

Tibullus continues to describe the life that he longs to lead and the activities that he yearns to enjoy. He rejoices in listening to the winds and embracing his mistress while lying in bed (45-46), and in falling asleep to the crackling of a fire during a freezing rainstorm (47-48). He reasserts this idea in the following hexameter with a crucial transitional remark 17

Schuster (Tibull) 16; Wimmel (Elegie 1,1)37. Smith (Elegies) 195,· Putnam (Tibullus) 56,· Wimmel (Elegie 1,1)37 and 44. " Lenz and Galinsky (Albii) 46 in 1959 edition and 54 in 1971 edition; Wimmel (Elegie 1,1) 100. 18

25

(49 "hoc mihi contingat"), which may look either to the preceding or to the succeeding couplets. He leaves riches to the man who can bear the furor and turmoil of the sea (49-50) and rejects all the wealth in the world rather than upset a girl with his travels (51-52). By passing from the coziness of his bedroom to the storminess of the ocean, the poet contrasts the life of the lover with that of the soldier, another variation of the alius-ego motif (45-52). Scholars connect the travels mentioned in this passage with a specific military campaign, one possibly involving Messalla. Smith20 remarks that in referring to the traveler who endures the turbulence of the sea, Tibullus may also be alluding to "an Eastern campaign". Yet nowhere does the poet mention a specific military expedition, but only that he would sooner give up all the wealth in the world than cause a girl to cry. Putnam21 declares that by referring to distant travels in the plural (52 "nostras . . . uias"), Tibullus may be alluding to a campaign with Messalla specifically. Even so, the poet does not spell out anywhere in this elegy that he has accompanied his patron in any sort of military capacity. Wimmel22 surmises that by employing the plural of the possessive adjective, Tibullus may be focusing on a political mission. Once again I wish to emphasize that in this particular passage the poet does nothing more than fantasize about relinquishing wealth for a woman. The passage derives its power from the sustained contrast between the lover who enjoys the comforts of his bed and the traveler who suffers from the hardships of his journey. Dietrich regards this passage as the last in a series of passages connected by the theme of seasonal change23. Dietrich argues that Tibullus moves from worship in the spring (7-24), to pastimes of the summer (25-36), to harvest in the fall (37-44), to pleasures of the winter (45-48). Yet nowhere does Tibullus name any particular season to justify such a sequence, of the kind that one finds in Lucretius (5.737-747) and throughout Vergil's Geoigics. Dietrich visualizes each of the activities mentioned above as occurring during one special time of the year but not during any other. On the contrary, these activities need not happen during any particular season, especially husbandry and lovemaking, which may take place at any time of the year. Dietrich also regards the many Smith (Elegies) 198. Putnam (Tibullus) 58. 22 Wimmel (Elegie 1,1) 50. 23 Dietrich (Quaestiones) 19; Wölfflin ("Composition") 271 ; Cartault (A propos) 255 and 442, who rejects Dietrich's proposal by stressing the fallacy of confining activity to season. Wölfflin follows Dietrich by arguing that Tibullus passes from horticulture in the spring, to husbandry in the summer, to harvest in the autumn, to lovemaking in the winter. Still, one does not find any more of a progression here than in the earlier passage in which Wölfflin attempts to justify Haase's transposition of 13-14 after 17-18. 20 21

26

rustic scenes set in the fields and the one erotic scene set in the bedroom as four equal parts of a single picture. Nevertheless, this view ignores the function of 41-44 as a distinct transitional passage and the function of 45-48 as the beginning of a passage on erotic pleasure. Although Tibullus may well be describing the different seasons of the year, he does not do so with the rigid and arbitrary divisions suggested by the above scheme. Tibullus then addresses Messalla, the embodiment of the soldier. He pictures him as waging war in order that he may exhibit spoils in his home (53-54) but himself as the prisoner of a beautiful girl who must sit in chains before her doors (55-56). The poet moves metaphorically from the soldier's war to the lover's war (53-56).24 Scholars25 believe that in 53-56 Tibullus is honoring Messalla, whom he addresses here for the first time. They usually argue that Tibullus depicts Messalla as a towering figure, in Wimmel's opinion, as an able leader; and Bright comments that the poet introduces his patron as a man of achievement (an appropriate gesture) but not the person to whom he is dedicating the poem or the book. Although Tibullus is not dedicating the elegy to Messalla-and I agree that he never says anything to imply dedication-I contend that he imparts a distant and offhand attitude toward his addressee, by apostrophizing him so late in the elegy and by doing so in only a single couplet. This forced apostrophe lacks the urgency and grandeur that characterize other addresses to patrons in Roman poetry, such as those composed by Vergil for Maecenas, which appear at the beginning of each book of the Georgics (G. 1.1-5 in 1-42, G. 2.35-46 in 1-46, G. 3.40-48 in 1-48, and G. 4.1-7). By apostrophizing his famous patron so casually and in bold contrast to his own modest desires, Tibullus undercuts rather than underscores the general's achievements. A question arises about the location of the spoils that Tibullus associates with Messalla's conquests. According to some26, the poet pictures the spoils in the vestibule, as shown by the following passages: Cicero [Phil. 2.28.68), on Antony seeing spoils in Pompey's vestibule; Juvenal [Sat. 7.124-128), on the statue and chariot in Aemilius's vestibule; Suetonius (Nei. 31.1), on Nero's statue in the vestibule of the Golden House.

24 See Jacoby ("Tibulls") 614, who regards 53-56 as das eigentliche Kernstück of the poem, the transition from real war (on the field) to the war of love (in the bedroom). On the contrary, "the real kernel" appears in 41-44, the couplets marking the transition between the rustic aspect of the simple life and the erotic aspect of the simple life. 25 Wimmel (Elegie 1,1) 50-52, Bright (Haecj 42-44; Cairns (Tibullus) 146. Bright dismisses any notion of reproach in Messalla's delayed appearance by pointing out how easily and how naturally Messalla appears in the context of the passage. But see Bright (Haec) 247 on Tibullus's treatment of Marathus and Pholoe in 1.8: 'The poet creates distance by not giving names to the pair until late in the poem . .." 26 Smith (Elegies) 199; Putnam (Tibullus) 58; Wimmel (Elegie 1,1) 50-51, who remarks that the spoils appear either in the vestibule or on the doors (see also note 27).

27

According to others27, the poet pictures the trophies on the doors, as shown by several other passages: Ovid [Tr. 3.1.33-34), on the arms hanging on Augustus's doors; Pliny the Elder [HN35.2.7), on the spoils hanging around the doors; Silius Italicus {Pun. 6.434-436 and 445-446), on Regulus observing insignia on his doors. Although the Romans could place their memorials in either location, one should visualize the setting that best fits the world of the poem: just as Tibullus pictures the spoils of war (the actual trophies) fastened to the doors of his patron, so he pictures the spoils of love (himself, the poet) sitting before the doors of his mistress. Turning from the world of war to the world of love, Tibullus visualizes the spoils of war on the doors of one house and the unhappy lover at the doors of another house. Having described himself as the prisoner of a girl, Tibullus addresses Delia, whom he names for the first time. He tells her that he does not mind being called lazy provided that he can see her (57-58), and hopes that on the day of his demise he can hold her with faltering hand (59-60). Linking his couplets with anaphora (61 "flebis" . . . 63 "flebis"), he pictures Delia mourning him (61-62) out of softheartedness (63-64), and others doing the same (65-66), but Delia doing so excessively (67-68). Employing hysteron-proteron at the end of the address, he visualizes the absence of love in death (69-70), the inappropriateness of love in old age (71-72), and the enjoyment of love in youth (73-74). In passing from the grim future to the happy present, the poet exploits his own death by causing his mistress to cry, that which he had earlier declared that he would never do (57-74).28 Scholars examine the structure of the address to Delia, without attempting to rearrange any of the couplets. Jacoby29 calls the address a Todesphantasie, an interpretation based on the central portion of the passage, dealing with Tibullus's death and funeral. Yet by stressing the section concerned with the poet's vision of death, Jacoby ignores the erotic protestations before and after the grim picture. Reitzenstein30 labels the address a Lebensphantasie, an interpretation based on the fringe segments of the passage, dealing with Tibullus's exhortation to love. Here, by emphasizing the sections concerned with the poet's vision of life, Reitzenstein overlooks the funereal protestations at the center of this long passage. Elder31 declares that Tibullus employs "emotional undercutting", where the poet sets up a happy vision only to undermine it 27 Dissen (Commentarius) 23 ; Copley (Exclusus) 72-73; Wimmel Elegie 1,1) 50-51, who remarks that the spoils appear either in the vestibule or on the doors (see also note 26). 28 I wish to retract my idea of analyzing 57-74 as a paraklausithyron, an idea that I had expressed while considering Copley's thesis in my dissertation (Structure) 33-34. 29 Jacoby ("Tibulls") 28 and 44. 30 Reitzenstein ("Tibulls") 106. 31 Elder ("1962") 83-84.

28

with an unhappy vision. By calling attention to the sorrowful central picture, Elder also plays down the cheerful outer passages that precede it and follow it as though they had little purpose. Neither a "life-fantasy" nor a "death-fantasy", the address unfolds in a circular pattern, in which Tibullus passes from life with Delia, to death among mourners, to life with Delia. The Augustan elegists compose poems that contain dark visions of their deaths, like the one set forth by Tibullus. Lygdamus (Tib. 3.2) pictures his own funeral, where he imagines Neaera and her mother mourning for him-one for a husband and the other for a son-and at the end of the elegy he presents his own epitaph, engraved on stone for all to see, pointing to his loss of Neaera as the ultimate cause of his death. Propertius (1.17) regrets sailing away from Cynthia, who cannot bury him if he dies at sea; elsewhere (1.19) he dismisses his fear of death provided that he be able to enjoy his mistress in life; still elsewhere (2.13B) he instructs his mistress in the ceremony appropriate to his funeral. Ovid [Am. 3.9) devotes an entire elegy to the funeral of Tibullus, in which he depicts Cupid himself in the funeral-procession, and in which he pictures Nemesis rather than Delia as the mistress preferred by the dying poet (Tib. 1.1.60 "te teneam moriens deficiente manu" « Am. 3.9.58 "me tenuit moriens deficiente manu"). Resembling Propertius, Tibullus exploits his own death in order to obtain his mistress's sympathy, but in so doing (as pointed out a little earlier) he ironically causes his mistress to weep. The passages treated above comprise an even longer section dealing with the activities of the lover. The poet first contrasts the fortune of the lover with that of the soldier (45-52), then passes from a door adorned with spoils to a door guarded by the lover (53-56), and finally addresses the woman whom he desperately yearns to love (57-74). These colorful passages constitute a praise of erotic life, the second half of the poet's world, that which follows and complements his tremendous interest in the country (45-74). A minor antinomy appears in 45-74 as Tibullus passes from his little rustic bedroom to his fancy urban funeral. One may32 regard this curious clash as rather superficial, easy to resolve in the context of Tibullus's special situation: dreaming of his perfect life, the poet visualizes his mistress in the country; reflecting on his possible death, he visualizes his funeral in the city, where other lovers can mourn his passing. Bright33 reconciles this difficult transition by stressing the parallel activities that underlie the two separate pictures: the poet holds his mistress, first as her lover and then while dying; the poet feels the fire, first in his bedroom and then on his deathbed (possible allusions to sensual passion). Like Bright, I 32 33

Ball (Structure) 34-35. Bright (Haecj 129-133.

29

believe that Tibullus considers his funeral a private and personal event despite the presence of the mourners, and that Delia functions as his "inspiration to indolence", the central figure who converts the forbidding and the unknown into the secure and the appealing, the culmination of his laziness. Therefore, the contradiction operates only on a superficial level, although it does have implications for the structure of the elegy as a whole. The Augustan elegists all focus on love in their opening poems, although they differ greatly in their treatments of it. Tibullus (1.1) dreams of embracing his Delia, first in his bedroom and then at his funeral, and he introduces her gradually (46 "dominam" . . . 52 "puella" . . . 57 "Delia"), only after he has described in great detail the various activities that he yearns to pursue as a farmer. Propertius (1.1) relates how Cynthia first ensnared him with her eyes and caused him to feel passion never before experienced, a passion from which he begs his friends to free him and from which he warns other prospective lovers to flee, unless they wish to experience the same madness. Ovid [Am. 1.1) reports how he was preparing to write epic poetry on suitable material in dactylic hexameter when Cupid suddenly unleashed his powerful arrows, stole away one foot from his line of verse, and caused him to compose erotic poetry in elegiac couplets. Tibullus alone places his love for a woman after his love for the country, although he seems to sweep everything away for his mistress in the process of addressing her directly.

7-74) Praise of the simple life Tibullus's master plan becomes increasingly apparent when one looks back at the connections between the central passages. The poet begins by glorifying rustic life (7-40, the first half of his passion), turns from his concern for the fields to the comforts of his bedroom (41-44, the pivotal passage of the elegy), and concludes by glorifying erotic life (45-74, the second half of his passion). These two pictures constitute one long description of the simple life, which the poet regards as a life lived in the country and enjoyed with a woman (7-74).34 Some scholars35 perceive a major antinomy when Tibullus passes from 34 But see Wimmel (Elegie 1,1) 81-84, who divides the poem into five sections in his retrospect of the elegy: 1.1 = 1-6, 7-28, 29-48, 49-68, and 69-78.1 believe that this formula ignores the integrity of the address to Delia (57—74) and overlooks the complementary natures of the rustic and erotic halves (7-40 and 45-74). 35 Praefcke (Commentatio) 6-7 ; facoby ("Tibulls") 46-48; Wilamowitz (Hellenistische) vol. 1, p. 237; Cesareo ("L'elegia") 128; Lee ("Otium") 103-104, the most recent scholar to call attention to the apparent contradiction between the two sections, which he believes most readers do not even recognize.

30

the rustic half of the poem to the erotic half of the poem. They usually contend that Tibullus creates a contradiction by picturing himself as a farmer in, the country and an amorist in the city-a contradiction that leads Praefcke to divide the elegy into two separate fragments, in which he believes that the poet depicted himself first as rich (1-50) and then as poor (51-78). First of all, although Tibullus does stress his poverty in the rustic section of the poem (especially when praying to the gods), he does not say anything in the erotic section to show that his status has improved, not even at the end of the elegy, where he again expresses his condemnation of wealth. And secondly, although Tibullus may well be casting the erotic section in an urban setting (particularly when describing his funeral), he is not so much departing from the rustic vision of himself and his mistress as he is expanding on that vision in a way that will allow him to be mourned as a lover by other lovers. Therefore, the contradiction operates only on a superficial level, and any interpretation suffers that attempts to evaluate the two halves as disparate rather than complementary entities. Other scholars36 recognize the complementary character exhibited by the rustic half of the elegy and the erotic half of the elegy. They usually maintain that Tibullus composes a program-poem, one that embraces the central motifs of the entire corpus-with Martin suggesting that Tibullus pictures himself first as a poet (apart from others), then as an erotic poet (concerned with love), but always in the country (the refuge of poets). In the first place, although Tibullus does not declare his artistic intentions as explicitly as Catullus (1), Horace ( C a r m . 1.1), or Ovid [Am. 1.1), he does present his audience with a program-poem on his bucolic and amatory interests, those two concerns that comprise the heart of virtually all the elegies in the corpus. In the second place, although Tibullus may not be setting the entire elegy in the country (as shown by the passage on the funeral), he connects the two halves of the poem with parallel activities: the farmer cares for his animals in the shadow of constant poverty; the amorist cares for his mistress in the shadow of imminent death. Whether

36 Vahlen ("Elegien") 352-356 and (Gesammelte) 41-45; Leo ("Elegien"] 28-34; Reitzenstein ("Tibulls") 64 and 110-116; Sergueenko ("La premiere") 182-183; Martin ("Tibulls") 364-368; Hanslik ("Tibull"| 297-298; Fisher ("Structure"! 767-772; Ball (Structure) 38-39; Rhorer (Tibullus) 172-174; Bright (Haec) 125-126; Murgatroyd (Tibullus) 48. Sergueenko The Russian scholar Marie Sergueenko examined Tibullus 1.1 in her article "La premiere elegie de Tibulle", published in Recueil d'Stüdes dediees ά S. A. Gebäliv par ses ileves, ses amis et ses confreres (Leningrad, 1926) 173-183 (a collection of essays dedicated to the Russian classicist Serge Zebelew. According to Expose sommaire, a French summary of the Russian articles published in the collection, the editors gave typed copies to Zebelew himself, the State V. I. Lenin Library (Moscow), the Library of the State Hermitage Museum (Leningrad), and the Leningrad A. A. Zhdanov State University (Leningrad).

31

Tibullus stands at the doors of a temple or the doors of his mistress, he emphasizes the two subjects central to his psyche, living quietly in the country and worrying passionately about a love affair.

75- 78) Scorn for greed and desire for poverty Tibullus concludes by comparing the soldier's lot with his own. Proclaiming himself a soldier of love, he orders banners and bugles to harm greedy men (75-76), and comfortable with his modest belongings, he expresses his satisfaction with a little (77-78). Thus, closing the elegy as he opened it, the poet contrasts the soldier cursed with avarice and himself blessed with contentment (75-78). Scholars37 observe here another example of the alius-ego motif, reflecting the poet's attempt to bring the elegy full circle. Putnam in particular calls attention to parallel ideas and images that Tibullus employs in the introduction and the conclusion: 75 "signa tubaeque" recalls 4 "classica pulsa" (and very likely, I believe, 33 "furesque lupique"); 76 "cupidis . . . uiris" recalls 1 "diuitias alius" (and very possibly, in my opinion, 49 "sit diues"). Tibullus again utilizes this stylistic technique with remarkable sophistication, by framing the elegy with the contrast of professions and by emphasizing at the elegy's core his own preferences. Jacoby38 believes that in this passage Tibullus is again echoing Horace, in particular, a reference to the simple life. He connects Tib. 1.1.77 "conposito . . .aceruo" (used of the poet's possessions) with Sat. 1.1.44 "cons t r u c t s aceruus" (used of the miser's possessions); and one recalls how the elegist echoed the satirist earlier in the poem, in expressing his contentment with a little (Tib. 1.1.25). One may also associate the above reference with any number of expressions usually but not exclusively applied by Horace to the archetypal miser [Sat. 1.1.51 "magno . . . aceruo", Sat. 2.2.105 "tanto . . . aceruo", Sat. 2.3.111 "ingentem . . . aceruum"; Epist. 2.2.190 "modico . . . aceruo"). Therefore, in concluding the first elegy in the collection, Tibullus employs a turn of phrase frequently utilized by Horace, particularly in his satirical treatment of the stingy old miser.

37

Putnam (Tibullus) 60-61,· Rhorer (Tibullus) 175-178, Wimmel (Elegie 1,1)71 and 77. Jacoby ("Tibulls") 623-624; Wimmel (Elegie 1,1)65 and 83. See also Grimal ("Tibulle") 285, who believes that Tibullus is echoing Hesiod: Tib. 1.1.77-78 (contentment with poverty! ~ Op. 361-363 (admonition about security]. 38

32

Questions on elegy 1.1 as a whole Jacoby39 believes that Tibullus is imitating Horace, Epode 2 (in the bucolic half) and Propertius 1.6, 1.17, and 1.19 (in the erotic half). Jacoby observes the following parallels with Horace: Tib. 1.1.1-6 « Epod. 2.1-8 (subject of poem); Tib. 1.1.7-10, 29-32 « Epod. 2.9-20 (care of farm); Tib. 1.1.11-24, 35-48 « Epod. 2.21-22 (worship of gods); Tib. 1.1.27-28,45-48 « Epod. 2.23-28, 29-36 (summer and winter); Tib. 1.1.57-74 « Epod. 2.37-66 (involvement with women). Although Tibullus does not establish parallels for several portions of the elegy (Tib. 1.1.25-26, 33-34, 49-56, and 75-78), he does incorporate a number of Horace's ideas into his poem while characterizing himself, as opposed to Horace's greedy Alfius, as a sincere and dedicated champion of country living. Jacoby also observes the following parallels with Propertius: Tib. 1.1.53-54 « Prop. 1.6.19-20 (dismissal of soldier); Tib. 1.1.55-56 « Prop. 1.6.5-6 (devotion to mistress); Tib. 1.1.57-58 » Prop. 1.6.29-30 (offer to suffer); Tib. 1.1.67-68 « Prop. 1.17.21-22 (behavior at funeral); Tib. 1.1.69-70 « Prop. 1.19.25-26 (advice about love). One may verify these parallels with a number of specific cross-references: Tib. 1.1.55 "me r e t i n e n t . . . formosae uincla puellae « Prop. 1.6.5 "me complexae remorantur uerba puellae"; Tib. 1.1.57 "non ego laudari" « Prop. 1.6.29 "non e g o . . . laudi"; Tib. 1.1.69 "interea, d u m . . . sinunt, iungamus amores" ~ Prop. 1.19.25 "quare, dum l i c e t . . . laetemur amantes". Nevertheless, I do not believe (as Jacoby does) that Tibullus is merely throwing together different themes from Horace and Propertius because of his own inability to compose anything better. Tibullus echoes these and other Roman poets in order to honor the predecessors and contemporaries whom he greatly admires. Echoing Lucretius's desire to rest beneath a tree beside a stream of water (Tib. 1.1.27-28 « Lucr. 2.29-30), Tibullus recalls Lucretius's praise of the simple life (a life idealized by the two poets), but not Lucretius's attack on passionate love (an area where they differ considerably). By imitating Catullus's expression about resting on a bed (Tib. 1.1.43 = Catull. 31.10), Tibullus attempts not only to combine Catullus's love of his home with his reverence for the Lares but also to suggest something of the passio39 Jacoby ("Tibulls"| 616-632, especially 618, and 22-46, especially 40, Lee ("Otium") 101-102; Wimmel (Elegie 1,1) 22-23, 60, 98-100, and 104-105; Murgatroyd (Tibullus) 13-15 and 49-51. See also Reinert (Tibulli) 51, who rejects Propertius as Tibullus's model while attempting to assign Greek sources to Tibullus's elegies, although I believe that he sidesteps the parallels cited by Jacoby without establishing any clear connections between Tibullus's elegies and Greek sources. See also Cairns ("Horace") 88-91, who asserts that Tibullus and Horace both find their models in rhetorical progymnasmata of the kind composed by Libanius, although I do not believe that one should use a Greek rhetorician of the fourth century A.D. to determine the source of a Roman poet of the first century B.C.

33

nate temperament that characterizes the verses of Rome's first great love poet. Decorating the bucolic portion of the elegy with a number of reminiscences of Vergil's pastoral poetry (especially Bucolic 1), Tibullus conveys his respect for these already famous works-the Bucolics, for the charm and innocence of country life, and the Georgics, for the courage and endurance of the simple farmer. Aside from borrowing Horace's satirical references to living contentedly (Tib. 1.25,77 «5 Sat. 1.1.44, 2.2.1), Tibullus utilizes in his first elegy ideas found in Horace's second epode, through which he expresses his esteem for the Augustan poet who knows him best and for a famous poem on the joys of the country. In addition to employing Propertius's expression about reclining on a bed (Tib. 1.1.43 « Prop. 1.8B.33, ultimately from Catull. 31.10), Tibullus decorates the erotic section of the elegy with reminiscences of Propertius 1.6, 1.17, and 1.19, as a means of expressing his admiration for an eminent contemporary elegist. Therefore, Tibullus announces his emergence as an Augustan poet, a bright new star of Messalla's literary circle, by paying tribute to the three foremost members of Maecenas's distinguished coterie.

Retrospective examination of elegy 1.1 Although Jacoby regards Tibullus 1.1 as a slapdash synthesis of Horace and Propertius, the poem reveals an intricate design. Tibullus introduces the elegy by contrasting the soldier's excessive avarice with his own contented outlook, which he proceeds to describe (1-6). Here he employs the alius-ego motif as a way of leading into those interests and concerns that will dominate the elegy and the entire corpus. Turning to his own preferences, the poet celebrates the farmer's behavior and the lover's behavior, activities that constitute a picture of the simple life (7-74). This picture suffers at the hands of scholars who rearrange the text but shines if one examines the delicate internal balance within this colorful description. Despite a minor antinomy that appears within the erotic passage when Tibullus passes from his rustic bedroom to his urban funeral, the contradiction vanishes if one recognizes the parallel activities common to the two scenes and if one understands the urban funeral as a private event, where only lovers serve as mourners. Despite a major antinomy that appears within the poem as a whole when Tibullus passes from the rustic section to the erotic section, the contradiction disappears when one understands the two halves of the poem as the two aspects of Tibullus's poetry and personality-living quietly in the country and worrying passionately about a love affair. Tibullus concludes the elegy by again contrasting the soldier's excessive avarice with his own satisfied perspective, a brief but cheerful comment (75-78). Here he employs the alius-ego theme as a means of calling attention to the ideas employed in the intro34

duction, an example of ring-composition. Decorating his elegy with reminiscences of other Roman poets, Tibullus presents his audience with a well-balanced composition about a deeply-religious fanner and an everdesirous lover.

35

CHAPTER III

Elegy 1.2: The Lover's Serenade In elegy 1.2 Tibullus expresses his sorrow in love by casting himself in the role of an exclusus amatoi. Scaliger1 regarded 1.2.1-66 as Tibullus's second elegy (a complete entity) and transferred 1.2.67-100 to other locations (1.2.67-80 after 1.1.57-58 and 1.2.81-100 after 1.5.35-36). These transpositions have no real foundation but have received attention later in this chapter, since they comprise part of the history of the scholarship on this elegy. I suggest the following summary of the poem: Address to a friend: reason for the poet's sorrow Stance before the door: appeal that it admit him Address to Delia: arguments for a rendezvous Stance before the temple: pledge that he respects it Address to a friend: defense of the poet's conduct 99-100 Apostrophe to Venus: prayer for his salvation This colorful elegy first received special treatment in Leo's early commentary on the poem and later received more detailed consideration from Vretska and Copley.2 These articles focus on the identity of the person addressed by Tibullus and on the classification of the elegy as a paraklausithyron (the lover's serenade). In this chapter I have synthesized the various theories about the poem as a means of revealing the intricacies of its construction and its effectiveness as a genre-type.

1-6) Address to a ftiend: reason for the poet's sorrow The elegy opens with a strong and vigorous call for wine. Tibullus orders the drink as an antidote for his distress (1-2), requests that nobody upset him while he suffers in love (3-4), and blames his mistress's door for spoiling his happiness (5-6). These couplets relate the poet's emotional dilemma, one attributable to his separation from his beloved (1-6).

1 Scaliger (Catulli) 81-84, 91 and (Castigationes) 114-116, 123-124. See also Dissen (Albii) 5-9 and (Commentarius) 29-59 for the usual tripartite outline: 1.2 = 1-14, 15-88, and 89-100. 2 Leo ("Elegien") 34-39; Vretska ("Tibulls"), Copley (Exclusus) 91-107.

36

Scholars differ on the identity of the person whom Tibullus asks to pour the wine and to help lesson his sorrow. Some3 argue that Tibullus is addressing a cup-boy, the figure whom Lygdamus connects with performing this duty (Tib. 3.6.62 "puer .. . adde merum"). Yet Tibullus does not mention a cup-boy anywhere in the poem, not the sort of person in whom he would want to confide about his frustration in love. Others 4 contend that Tibullus is addressing himself, while he attempts to drink himself into a deeper and deeper state of intoxication. Still, Tibullus does not specify that he is addressing himself anywhere in the elegy, as Catullus does while reflecting on a similar plight (Catull. 8.1 "miser Catulle"). Leo5 maintains that Tibullus is addressing a fellow drinker, someone capable of understanding the poet's emotional dilemma at this critical moment. Indeed, by picturing himself with a cup-companion (and possibly several silent observers), Tibullus provides the passage with a truly suitable setting. Surrounded by a group of friends in an unspecified location, the unhappy lover addresses an anonymous drinking-companion and the wine-laden air as he rivets his mind on the door. The Roman poets of the first century B. C. call for wine in a variety of contexts and for a number of reasons. Catullus (27) bids a boy to serve pure wine in accordance with the directions of Postumia, the mistress of ceremonies-a poem consisting of only seven lines, one of the shortest drinking-songs in Latin literature, which later poets may have used when composing their own variations of this theme. Horace frequently urges his friends to drink, especially when celebrating a glorious occasion, as he does in Carm. 1.37 (Augustus's defeat of Cleopatra); yet I wish to call attention to Carm. 1.27 (Horace's participation in a drinking-party), a lyric that I believe exerted some influence on Tibullus 1.2. Lygdamus (Tib. 3.6) attempts to drown with wine his anguish over the unfaithful Neaera, and he does so while borrowing words not so much from Tibullus as from Catullus: Tib. 3.6.6 "Falerna" « Catull. 27.1 "Falerni"; Tib. 3.6.57 "minister" « Catull. 27. 1 "minister"; Tib. 3.6.62 "puer" = Catull. 27.1 "puer". Looking at the various occurrences of the drinking-theme, Tibul-

3 Statius (Tibullus) 27; Volpi (Albius) 21, Heyne and Wunderlich (Albii) 13 in 1798 edition and 16 in 1817 edition; Voss (Albius) 150-151 in commentary; Dissen (Commentanus) 33; Smith (Elegies) 207 ; Vretska ("Tibulls") 23-25, who argues that by the time Tibullus reaches 3-4, he may be addressing himself. 4 Wilhelm ("1892") 617; Putnam (Tibullus) 62, who believes that Tibullus is addressing himself or perhaps (as he suggests parenthetically] a servant; Rhorer (Tibullus) 220-221, who refers to the proposal about the self-address as one of two possible ways of interpreting the introduction (see also note 5). 5 Leo ("Elegien") 34-39; Ball (Structure) 44-45, where I first articulated this theory, before I learned about Leo's exposition of it; Rhorer (Tibullus) 220-221, who refers to the proposal about the fellow drinker as one of the two possible ways of interpreting the introduction (see also note 4).

37

lus borrows those elements that best suit his own purposes-the setting of a drinking-party and the exhortation to a fellow drinker.

7-14) Stance before the door, appeal that it admit him

Tibullus then focuses his thoughts on the hateful door, which he addresses first in anger and then as a suppliant. Employing anaphora (7 "ianua" . . . 9 "ianua"), he hopes that Jupiter will strike the door with rain and thunderbolts (7-8) and then prays that it will open for him (9-10); he hopes that the door will pardon his outburst (11-12) and that it will recall all the sincere words that he uttered when he offered it garlands (13-14). By depicting the door as an insuperable obstacle, the poet provides an emotional outlet for his own frustrations while sustaining the mildly humorous tone of the elegy (7-14). Tibullus initiates the humorous tone in the opening passage of the poem when he first cries out for more wine. As shown earlier, the poet sits in an unspecified setting, in the company of a fellow drinker (perhaps a number of them), where in a half-drunken reverie he beseeches his audience not to disturb him in his sorrow and imagines himself before the door that separates him from his mistress. He intensifies the semblance of drunkenness by addressing the door through a series of different moods, ranging from the vehement curse (7-8), to the humble entreaty (9-10), to the nervous apology (11-12), to the tactful reminder (13-14), with an emphasis on over-apology and self-imprecation. The ultimate irony appears when he curses the door, the very door that he had pictured himself as guarding (1.1.55—56)—a situation reminiscent of his attitude toward his mistress, the woman who will never have to cry because of his travels (1.1.51-52) but who will mourn profusely on the occasion of his funeral (1.1.61-64). By picturing himself as drunk while addressing the door, Tibullus continues to project a markedly humorous tone, which contributes to the coherence of the elegy as a whole. Scholars point to Tibullus's use of military language, terminology that predominates in the opening couplets. Putnam 6 sees the poet as a soldier who issues orders (1 "adde . . . conpesce") only to crave his own immediate defeat (2 "occupet. . . uicta"), a soldier who voluntarily imprisons himself (3 "percussum . . . 4 excitet") because he cannot penetrate his mistress's well-fortified citadel (5 "posita e s t . . . custodia"). Bright7 also sees the poet as turning the military metaphor upon himself and likening the house to a city under siege, and he shows how the poet expands upon this metaphor by invoking rain and thunder, the weapons of Jupiter him6 7

38

Putnam (Tibullus) 62. Bright (Haec) 135-138.

self, in order to batter down the door of the impenetrable fortress. I agree that the poet is picturing himself as a soldier of love; as he did so emphatically at the end of the first elegy, and I wish to point out that the poet eventually describes the door as conquered by his complaints (9 "ianua . . . uicta")-an ironic reversal of an earlier conquest (2 "lumina uicta"). By inserting military metaphors into the introductory couplets, Tibullus experiments with a favorite and frequently found theme, which he will continue to utilize in the remainder of the elegy.

15-80) Address to Delia: arguments for a rendezvous Having addressed the door separating him from Delia, Tibullus proceeds to address Delia, the woman behind the door. Urging her to deceive the guards (15-16), he relates how Venus teaches the mistress to open the door (17-18), crawl out of bed (19-20), and signal her lover (21-22)-actions for which he recommends bravery (23-24). Focusing on his own courage (25-??) and his protection by the goddess (27-28), he remarks that a lover may go anywhere (29-30) and that he himself does not fear inclement weather (31-32) provided that Delia receive him (33-34). He advises the potential tattler to turn away (35-36) and to refrain from questioning him (37-38), and he admonishes any such onlooker to swear secrecy (39-40) as a means of avoiding Venus's vengeance (41-42). Thus, Tibullus declares that Venus helps lovers in three ways-by instructing the woman in deception, by protecting the lover while he travels, and by punishing the treacherous tattler (15-42).8 Scholars find fault with various parts of this passage, in particular, with that section concerned with Venus as a protectress. Fritzsche9 excises 17-18, without offering any argument, in order to force the elegy to conform to his own system of mathematical proportions. Yet this deletion spoils the triple anaphora (17 "ilia" . . . 19 "ilia" . . . 21 "ilia") and overlooks a clever double entendre (18 fixo dente = "with fastened key" or "with gritted teeth"). Mau 10 inverts 19-20 and 21-22, since he believes that the poet originally moved in chronological order, from public flirtation (21-22) to secret rendezvous (19-20). Still, this ordering not only leaves 21-22 without a main verb but also overlooks the plan of the passage, a loose, generalized lecture designed to comfort the mistress. Scaliger11 expunges 25-?? from the text, a hexameter that he regards as "spurium", "insititium" (a possible misspelling of "insitium"), and "rid8 See Bright (Haec) 139 on the military quality of 1.2.16. ® Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 6. 10 Mau (Tibulli) 10. But see Karsten ("Tibulli") 227. 11 Scaliger (Catulli) 82.

39

iculum". However, this deletion eliminates one of Tibullus's finest imitations of Vergil's Aeneid (Tib. 1.2.25 "tota uagor anxius urbe" « Aen. 4.68-69 "totaque uagatur / urbe furens"). One need not alter this passage in any way, in which the poet reveals the different methods that the mistress may employ in attempting to deceive the guard at her door. Yet a lacuna exists between 25 and 27, a very obvious one, since two hexameters appear in consecutive order. The early humanists 11 attempt to fill the hiatus by composing pentameters to replace the one that they believe disappeared during transmission; these pentameters appear in the text or as marginalia in some of the early manuscripts and picture Venus or Love as Tibullus's faithful guardian. The following versions seem worthy of attention: Aurispa: Seneca: ??? Pontano:

"securum in tenebris me facit esse Venus" "praesidio noctis sentio adesse deam" "ille deus certae dat mihi signa uiae" "usque meum custos ad latus haeret Amor"

Although Aurispa awkwardly repeats "tenebris" from 25 and the anonymous scholar employs "deus" in the rare sense of "dea", all four emendators provide pentameters that help clarify the identity of the protecting deity who clings to the love poet's side, either the goddess of love or her well-known son. In referring to the sanctity of the lover poet, Tibullus utilizes a theme quite popular with his fellow Augustans (Horace, Carm. 1.22, Propertius 3.16, and Ovid, Am. 1.6). Having addressed Delia about Venus's protection of lovers, Tibullus lectures her about the powers of a witch he consulted. Asserting that the witch can beguile even Delia's husband (43-44), he relates how she controls the paths of stars and rivers (45-46), summons the dead from the tombs and pyres (47-48), holds the spirits and sends them away (49-50), chases the clouds and brings the snow (51-52), and displays her expertise in the art of sorcery (53-54). Declaring that the witch gave him an apotropaic charm (55-56), he relates how it will protect Delia from being discovered (57-58), that it will fail if she takes another lover (59-60), that

12

See Huschke (Albii) vol. 1, pp. 46-48 on these humanists. Pontano In the margins of Codex Guelferbytanus, in a hand-style and ink-color different from those in the text, someone proposed lacunas after 1.2.25, 1.10.25, 2.3.14a, and 2.3.74 (see Leo [Codex/ 3r, 15r, 18v, and 19v). Elsewhere in this ms. the same scholar made four annotations, all followed by the abbreviation Pont: 1.7.18, 1.8.51, 3.5.24, and 4.5.4 (see Leo /Codexl llr, 12v/13r, 28r, and 36r). Francesco Pucci studied the same ms. while emending a copy of the Editio Regiensis in 1502 (in Biblioteca Nazionale, Naples) and attributed the entire ms. and marginal annotations to Giovanni Pontano. I believe that admiring Pontano's scholarship, some friend may have inserted the annotations derived from Pontano's work and then added the name of the famous poet-scholar.

40

the witch promised she would rid him of love (61-62), that she conducted a ritual for that purpose (63-64), and that he wanted only a mutual love (65-66). And so, Tibullus explains how this witch can help lovers, first by describing her dominion in general over the supernatural, then by describing her specific enchantment of those in love (43-66). 13 Scholars 14 regard 45-54 as a long digression, a passage developed more for its own sake than as a logical part of the argument. On the contrary, Tibullus does not enumerate the witch's marvelous feats as a mere exercise in rhetoric-although one need not justify such an exercise in a poetic work-but in order to convince Delia that the two lovers will have the protection of a very powerful and very versatile sorceress. On the one hand, the poet designs the catalogue as a counterpart to an earlier catalogue, both characterized by parallel anaphora: Venus works her magic for the mistress (17 "ilia", 19 "ilia", and 21 "ilia"),· the witch works her magic with the spirits (49-50 "iam . . . iam", 51-52 "cum libet.. . cum libet", and 53-54 "sola . . . sola"). On the other hand, the poet designs the description of the witch as a counterpart to the description of Venus as a protectress: Venus instructs the mistress and gives courage to the lover, who fears that a tattler may betray him ; the witch controls the spirits and gives a charm to the lover, who fears that her magic may betray him. By describing the witch's influence first in general and then over lovers, Tibullus provides a logical extension of his argument as well as a passage structurally analagous to the passage about Venus. The Augustan poets occasionally describe the powers of witches and dwell in particular on their knowledge of magic.15 Vergil (Buc. 8) sets such a description in an amoebean contest, with songs provided by the shepherds Damon and Alphesiboeus: Damon portrays a lover who despairs over Nisa's decision to marry another suitor; Alphesiboeus portrays a woman who attempts to recover Daphnis's love through the art of sorcery. Horace (Epod. 5) depicts the witch Canidia as casting her spells on a young male prisoner; elsewhere [Epod. 17) he describes her as a vengeful demon, indifferent to the pleas of someone who mocked her ; in another context (Sat. 1.8) he pictures the wooden god Priapus disrupting a ritual conducted by her and Sagana. Propertius (4.5) curses the dead witch Acanthis while recalling how she advised Cynthia to receive only a rich lover, and Ovid {Am. 1.8) berates the living witch Dipsas while remembering how she lectured his mistress on manipulating her lovers-two ele-

13 See Bright (Haec) 142, who regards 57-58 as "the comic capstone" to the whole theme of deception-an expression that I would prefer to see applied to 59-60, on the ultimate exploitation of the love charm. 14 Copley (Exclusus) 100, who regards 45-54 as the digression; Rhorer (Tibullus) 159, who regards 45-56 as the digression; Bright (Haec) 142, who regards 45-54 as the digression. 15 See Lowe (Magic) and Luck (Hexen) on this subject.

41

giac treatments of a similar theme. Unlike his fellow elegists, Tibullus visualizes the sorceress as helping rather than hindering the lover, as presenting him with an incantation that will work only for him but backfire on others. Having addressed Delia about the powers of the witch, Tibullus proceeds to describe the depth of his own devotion. He focuses on the soldier who deserted Delia for the wars (67-68), whom he pictures as chasing troops and pitching camp (69-70), and sitting upon his steed in silver and gold (71-72). He then declares that if he could just yoke the oxen, feed the cattle with his Delia (73-74), and hold her in his arms, he would easily fall asleep on the untilled ground (75-76). He also questions the advantage of reclining on an expensive but loveless couch (77-78), when luxuries by themselves, even the sound of rippling water, prevent the lover from sleeping (79-80). Thus, Tibullus proclaims his loyalty to Delia by contrasting the faithlessness of the heartless soldier and his own faithfulness as an ever-present lover (67-80). 16 Scholars differ on the identity of the soldier described in 67-72, although they agree that Tibullus is describing a specific person. Broekhuizen 17 connects the soldier with Delia's husband, whom he identifies as C. Sosius, the man who served as prefect of Cilicia in 38 B. C. Yet this suggestion has no foundation, since neither Tibullus nor any other authority provides evidence linking Mark Antony's compatriot with Tibullus's Delia. Voss 1 8 associates the same soldier with Tibullus himself, guilt-ridden for having once left Delia in order to follow Messalla into the wars. This interpretation also seems unacceptable, since Tibullus is clearly attempting to distinguish between the heartless soldier of iron (67-72) and himself, the devoted lover (73-80). Like Broekhuizen, I believe that Tibullus is calling to mind Delia's husband, although one should not presume to know the identity of this wealthy and powerful rival. He pervades the poet's elegies, the man pictured earlier as hopelessly bewitched by a potent love charm and here as hopelessly ensnared by the powers of silver and gold. Adapting the same kind of stylistic strategy employed in Propertius 3.20, Tibullus passes from the unfaithful soldier of fortune to the ever-faithful and ever-present farmer-lover-poet.

16 See Richter (Albii) 15, who regards 7 9 - 8 0 as spurious, a couplet that he considers a digression from the poet's immediate subject (love for Delia] as well as a repetition of one of the poet's earlier themes (wealth a n d poverty). I do not believe that Tibullus digresses by expanding on his reference to the loveless couch, which he models after Lucretius: Tib. 1.2.77-80 (the uselessness of a rich bed to a m a n unhappy in love) « Lucr. 2 . 3 4 - 3 6 (the uselessness of a rich bed to a m a n sick with fever). 17 Van Broekhuizen (Albiij 2 5 - 2 6 . But see Brouwers ("Ferreus") 3 9 8 - 4 0 1 . 18 Voss (Albius) 164-165 in commentary; Putnam (Tibullus) 70; Bright (Haec) 4 5 - 4 6 and 144.

42

Scaliger19 transposes 67-80 (rearranged as 73-80 and 67-72) after 1.1.57-58, where he believes that it originally appeared. He attempts to juxtapose Tibullus's initial expression of love (1.1.57-58 "mea Delia; tecum / dummodo sim") and his subsequent expression of love, expanded to include oxen (1.2.73-74 "ipse boues mea si tecum modo Delia possim / iungere"), as though these parallel declarations could complement each other. In the first place, he ignores the overall structure of 1.1, with its explicit distinction between the rustic setting and the urban setting-a distinction badly blurred if one must visualize at Tibullus's fancy urban funeral a poet who yearns to yoke the oxen and to have his mistress in the country. In the second place, he overlooks the overall structure of 1.2, in which Tibullus exploits the passage in question as another means of persuading Delia to accept him alone as her lover-not the soldier, who rides his horse and shows off his wealth, but the poet himself, who offers her love, poverty, and passion. The above passage belongs exactly where it appears, through which Tibullus attempts to assure Delia of his devotion by contrasting the rival's selfishness with his own faithfulness. In his appeal to Delia Tibullus employs three arguments in order to convince her to receive him as her lover. He reminds her that Venus will protect them by serving as an instructor or a bodyguard (15-42), that a witch will enchant the husband by resorting to her supernatural powers (43-66), and that unlike his wealthy and materialistic rival, he himself will remain faithful and devoted to his mistress (67-80). When taken together, these three passages constitute one long and impassioned address, central in position and importance, and one of the most artistically constructed addresses in Tibullus's poetry (15-80). Several20 regard this colorful serenade as a giant digression, a medley of unrelated themes, each developed for its own sake. They usually contend that although Tibullus opens the elegy by focusing on his mortifying exclusion from Delia's house, he wanders too often from the particular situation described in the introduction, especially when he reflects on the teachings of Venus, the powers of the witch, and the pursuits of his rival. Yet by enumerating the instructions of the goddess, the activities of the sorceress, and the occupation of the rival lover, the poet is providing his mistress with all the reasons why she should want to receive him as her lover, with each succeeding argument more convincing than the previous one. And aside from comprising a series of persuasive arguments, these individual passages reveal a common internal patterning: in each 19 Scaliger (Catulli) 81-84 and (Castigationes) 114-116. See also Heyne (Albii) 19 in 1798 edition and (Obseruationes) 25 in 1798 edition, who regards the passage as a fragment of some lost elegy. 20 Copley (Exclusus) 96-105 and 164-165, Mendell (Latin) 187; Williams (Tradition) 498-499 and (Nature) 99-100.

43

case the poet begins by enumerating the activities of a powerful external force; in each case he concludes by demonstrating how he turns that force to his own advantage. These miniature appeals constitute not the erratic ramblings of a drunken amorist but the well-balanced and well-orchestrated entreaties of an accomplished and sophisticated artist. Bright21 also criticizes this long and important address, although he does so by criticizing Tibullus's treatment of Delia. He essentially contends that Tibullus requires too great a compromise in Delia's persona, by picturing her first as a creature of imagination, who turns the vision of his death into the culmination of his laziness (1.1), then as a more mechanical figure, accessible only in the commotion of urban nightlife (1.2). I do not believe that the poet creates so great an antinomy between 1.1 and 1.2, certainly not with regard to the urban setting, since he consistently associates his mistress with the city, whether he pictures her in mourning at his elegant urban funeral or standing behind the door of her elegant urban dwelling. Nor do I believe that the poet compromises her personality by making her only a peripheral part of his lecture on love-a sustained effort by the amorist not so much to distance himself from his beloved as to convince her beyond a doubt that she will have divine and supernatural forces on her side. In analyzing the character of Delia in the address in question, one should confine the analysis to the world of this elegy, without measuring that character against some external standard.

81-88) Stance before the temple: pledge that he respects it

Tibullus then pictures himself before Venus's temple, which he claims to have treated with the greatest reverence. Employing anaphora (81 "num" . . . 83 "num" . . . 85 "non ego" . . . 87 "non ego"), he states that he never said anything to offend the goddess (81-82), that he never snatched garlands from the sacred hearth (83-84); he even offers to fall prostrate, kiss the threshold (85-86), crawl on his knees, and beat his head against the doorpost (87-88). By depicting the temple as somehow offended by his behavior, the poet provides another emotional outlet for his frustrations while further sustaining the humorous tone of the elegy (81-88).22

21

Bright (Haec) 138-139 and 148-149. See Heyne (Albii) 21 in 1798 edition and (Obsemationes) 27 in 1798 edition, who posits a lacuna after 79-80, where he contends that Tibullus described a great calamity suffered in love (the explanation for his various posturings). Yet I do not believe that a hiatus occurs at this juncture, since the posturings appear in the shadow of the address to Delia, who pays no attention to Tibullus's eloquent appeal and who causes him to blame himself for her aloofness. 22

44

Rhorer23 detects thematic parallels between 7-14 (the address to the door) and 81-88 (the passage about the temple). In each passage Tibullus comes to a rude and stark awakening, agonizes over the idea that he may have acted impiously, and attempts to make amends by humbling himself at the threshold, not only by recalling how reverently he behaved in the past but also by subjecting his own person to physical injury. In the first passage he realizes that Delia cannot see him, laments over the fact that he cursed her door in anger, and attempts to seek pardon by humbling himself in its presence, not only by recalling that he bedecked the doorpost with garlands but even by offering up his own head to the curses just invoked. In the second passage he realizes that Venus does not favor him, laments over the notion that he may have offended her verbally, and attempts to prove his loyalty by humbling himself in her presence, not only by recalling that he never stole garlands from her altars but even by offering to bang his own head against the doorpost. By picturing himself as a suppliant at the door and at the temple, Tibullus perpetuates the humorous tone pervading the elegy, strengthening the coherence of the elegy as a whole. Vretska24 cites a wide range of literary parallels for some of the behavior that Tibullus displays before the temple. He illustrates the act of prostration by referring to Polybius (9.6.3), Vergil (Aen. 1.479-481), Livy (3.7.8), Dionysius of Halicarnassus [Ant. Rom. 8.39), and Lucan (2.28-33)-parallels that do bear on Tibullus's gesture (an expression of deep humility), except for the citation in Vergil, where the verbs imply movement rather than prostration. He illustrates the act of walking on the knees by referring to Seneca's howling woman [Dial. 7.26.8), Juvenal's female fanatic (6.522-530), and Dio Cassius on Julius Caesar (43.21.1 —2 (—parallels that also bear on Tibullus's gesture (an expression of religious frenzy), except for the citation on Caesar, where the actions seem more propitiatory than fanatical. Yet I do not wish to exclude the possibility that Tibullus may be alluding to Caesar, who climbed the steps of the Capitol after the breakdown of his triumphal chariot, since the poet may well be attempting to revive the military imagery that played so prominent a role in the opening passages of the elegy, where he compared himself to a defeated soldier. In any case, whether Tibullus pictures himself as a wise Roman general or a wild religious fanatic, he ironically pleads his innocence before the very goddess whose protection he had previously claimed.

23 24

Rhorer (Tibullus) 156-157 and 219-220. Vretska ("Tibulls") 32.

45

89-98) Address to a friend: defense of the poet's conduct The elegy closes with a strong yet cautious word of warning. Tibullus informs a mocker that he also will suffer in love (89-90), like a certain old amorist (91-92), condemned to behave foolishly (93-94), even in broad daylight (95-96), to the disgust of others (97-98). These couplets reveal the poet's continued frustration (89-98), capped by a final desperate appeal to the goddess of love (99-100). 25 Scholars differ on the identity of the person whom Tibullus suddenly rebukes for laughing at his emotional dilemma. Some 26 argue that Tibullus is addressing a rival lover, perhaps Delia's husband, who appears earlier in 43-44, 57-60, and possibly 67-72. Yet Tibullus does not need to remind someone supposedly in love with Delia that as an old man he will fall in love with a woman and make a public spectacle of himself. Others 27 contend that Tibullus is addressing himself, with the scoffer amounting to no more than a vision emanating from his colorful dreamfantasy. Still, Tibullus does not specify that he is addressing himself anywhere in the elegy, certainly not here, where he employs the second personal pronoun (89 "at tu"). Leo 28 maintains that Tibullus is addressing a fellow drinker, the same person whom he ordered to pour the wine in the introduction of the elegy. Indeed, Tibullus resumes his bluntness (89 "caueto" » 1 "adde"), recalls his suffering (90 "saeuiet" « 5 "saeua"), and turns a military metaphor against the lover (92 "subdere colla" « 2 "occupet. . . uicta"). Exasperated by the insensitivity of his drinking-companion, the unhappy amorist prophesies that Venus will eventually take revenge on all such insults to her divinity.

25 See Scaliger (Catulli) 91 and (Casligationesj 123-124, who transposes 1.2.81-100 after 1.5.35-36 ( » 1.2.67-80 after 1.1.57-58), and Voss (Albiusj 12-13 in text, who also removes 67-100 from its traditional place and prints it as a separate poem. These editors overlook the circular construction of the elegy, in which Tibullus rounds off his long appeal to Delia, then expresses his anguish before the temple (as he did before the door), and finally returns to the person addressed in the introduction. 26 Scaliger (Catulli)9\ and (Castigationes) 123-124, who identifies the addressee as some rival; Volpi (Albius) 32, who identifies him either with some rival or with Delia's husband; Dissen (Commentanus) 58, Smith (Elegies) 230, Putnam (Tibullus) 61-62, and Khan ("Text") 283-284, who associate him with some anonymous bystander. 27 Vretska ("Tibulls") 32-33, who believes that Tibullus has been addressing himself ever since he asked in 3 - 4 that nobody disturb him in his sorrow; Rhorer (Tibullus) 220-221, who mentions the proposal about the self-address as one of two possible ways of interpreting the conclusion (see also note 28). 28 Leo ("Elegien") 34-39; Ball (Structure) 57-58, where I first articulated this theory, before I learned about Leo's exposition of it; Rhorer (Tibullus) 220-221, who refers to the proposal about the fellow drinker as one of the two possible ways of interpreting the conclusion (see also note 27).

46

I believe that by focusing on his fellow drinker's laughter, Tibullus may be alluding to a similar situation in Horace, Caim. \.T7.19 In the first place, each poem has as its setting a drinking-party, where the poet pictures himself carousing with his friends: Horace orders his cup-companions to drink but without becoming rowdy or raucous; Tibullus exhorts his own cup-companion to pour the wine and requests that nobody disturb him. In the second place, each poem concerns itself with a lover who confesses his passion, to the utter amazement of his addressee: Horace inquires into the love life of Opuntian Megylla's brother, only to express disbelief at Megylla's choice; Tibullus delivers a long soliloquy on love, which incurs the laughter of his cup-companion. And most strikingly of all, each poet skillfully employs dramatic unity, where an unexpressed idea occurs during an unexpressed time-lapse: Horace expects his audience to supply the confession of poor, lovesick Opuntian Megylla's brother; Tibullus expects his own audience to supply the laughter of his tactless and insensitive cup-companion. Tibullus inverts the roles of the poet and the drinking-companion (as they appear in Horace's lyric) and enriches the theme with an interesting twist and a humorous touch.

Questions on elegy 1.2 as a whole Scholars usually classify Tibullus 1.2 as a paraklausithyron, the term applied to a lover's serenade by Plutarch [ΜοταΙία 753B). Copley30 asserts that 1-14 and 81-100 make up the paraklausithyron, and that these two passages frame a long, central digression on a variety of disparate themes. Still, the opening and closing passages depict the lover at a drinkingparty, and the long, central address consists of several arguments designed to win Delia. Bright31 contends that 1-14 and 89-100 comprise the paraklausithyron, since (in his opinion) 81-88 seem more naturally connected with the erotic protestations of 67-80. Even so, one should not envision the door as the setting of the opening and closing passages of the poem while associating with that setting a wide range of different 19 See Ball ("Dramatic") 190-191 on dramatic unity in Tibullus 1.2. I believe that Tibullus may also be alluding to Propertius 1.13, in which the poet rebukes Gallus for laughing at his troubles: Tib. 1.2.89 "tu . . . laetus . . . nostra" (directed at a fellow drinker] « Prop. 1.13.1 "tu .. . nostro laetabere" (directed at an insensitive friend|. 30 Copley ("Origins") 96 and (Exclusus) 91-107, 163-165, who suggests that in a paraklausithyron the exclusus amator usually performs four activities: 1) he roams through the streets; 2) he behaves as though drunk; 3) he approaches with a garland; 4) he stands before the door. 31 Bright (Haec) 136-138 and 145-147, who first comments that in the introduction Tibullus may be addressing a cup-boy, or himself, or a fellow drinker, but who later comments that in the conclusion Tibullus may be addressing a bystander, or the reader, or a fellow drinker.

47

addressees. The paraklausithyron appears not in the outer portions of the elegy but in 15-80, the central address, the long serenade to the mistress, which the poet imagines that he sings. Although this passage does not display all the features of a paraklausithyron, it does picture the poet appealing to his mistress to receive him as her lover.32 Tibullus first addresses a fellow drinker, then imagines himself before the door, then serenades the mistress behind the door, then imagines himself before the temple, and again addresses the fellow drinker. The Roman poets of the first century B. C. differ considerably in their approaches to the paraklausithyron. Lucretius (4.1177-1184) alludes to it while satirizing the plight of the exclusus amator, who covers the threshold with flowers, ointment, and kisses while his vain mistress perfumes herself before her maidservants and while they in turn give her a wide berth and giggle behind her back. Catullus (67) composes a dialogue between a door and an interlocutor about an adulterous affair between an anonymous lover and his daughter-in-law-an elegy that does not strictly qualify as a paraklausithyron, although it does introduce the door both as speaker and as addressee. Horace (Sat. 2.3.247-280) vividly describes the dilemma of the exclusus amatoi in a section of Stertinius's long stoical sermon on sanity; he employs the theme elsewhere when he reminds Lydia that she is losing her young admirers (Carm. 1.25) and when he entreats Lyce to pity him suffering at the threshold {Carm. 3.10). Propertius (1.16) pictures the door delivering a monologue about a rejected lover, which includes the lament of the suppliant in the shape of a direct speech; in this unusual paraklausithyron the door itself occupies the position of primary importance from the opening to the closing verses of the elegy. Ovid [Am. 1.6) appeals to the guardian of the door, and he does so by repeating a catchy refrain ("excute poste seram"), which appears five times; elsewhere [Met. 14.698-764) he recounts how the rejected Iphis hung himself before Anaxarete's door, an attempt to incorporate the form into narrative. As opposed to his fellow Augustans, Tibullus alone sets the serenade in the framework of a drinking-party, a highly unusual and perhaps unprecedented use of a paraklausithyron.

Retrospective examination of elegy 1.2 Although several consider Tibullus 1.2 a series of fragments or digressions, the various passages form an organic whole. Asking for wine, Tib32

See also Murgatroyd (Tibidlus) 71-73, who contends that Tibullus establishes his mistress's door as the actual setting of the entire elegy, although I do not believe that the poet means for his audience to picture him standing before the door while ordering someone to pour more wine.

48

ullus reveals the extent of his distress and requests that nobody disturb him while he laments over his mistress (1-6). Here the poet is addressing neither a cup-boy, nor himself, but a drinking-companion, someone who he believes will understand the nature of his sorrow. Focusing on Delia's door, Tibullus first prays that Jupiter will strike it with rain and thunderbolts and then hopes that it will overlook his outburst (7-14). One detects humor when the poet engages in repartee with the door and when he magnifies his dilemma with a series of cleverly expressed military metaphors. Turning to Delia, Tibullus strives to convince her to meet him by assuring her that she will have the benefits of divine and supernatural protection (15-80). This elaborate address does not ramble disjointedly but contains the elements of a paraklausithyron, in which the amorist attempts to persuade his mistress to receive his love. Focusing on Venus's temple, Tibullus first wonders whether he has somehow offended the goddess and then offers to humble himself before her threshold (81-88). One again detects humor when the poet pictures himself groveling before the sanctuary and propitiating the goddess like a famous military figure. Hearing someone's laughter, Tibullus reminds this mocker that one day he also will suffer in love (89-98) and apostrophizes the goddess for the last time (99-100). Here also the poet is addressing neither a rival lover, nor himself, but his drinking-companion, someone who he now realizes cannot sympathize with his dilemma. Possibly utilizing Horace, Caim. 1.27 for the theme of the drinking-party, Tibullus presents a well-constructed and highly entertaining paraklausithyron directed at his ever-elusive but ever-desirable mistress.

49

CHAPTER IV

Elegy 1.3: An Elegiac Odyssey In elegy 1.3 Tibullus reflects on an illness that he presumably suffered on an expedition with Messalla. Scaliger1 detected the artistic plan of the poem and refrained from transferring any of the couplets from their traditional places to other locations in the elegy. Nor did he transpose couplets to other elegies in accordance with his usual practice of attempting to set forth his concept of the arrangement established by the poet. I observe a linear progression, resembling an epic journey: 1-10) 11-34) 35-50) 51-56) 57-82) ' 83-94)

The poet's illness and separation from Delia Reflection on departure and prayer for recovery Description of Golden Age with comment on Iron Age Apostrophe to Jupiter and preparation of tombstone Description of underworld (Elysium and Tartarus) The poet's recovery and reunion with Delia

Eisenberger, Bright, and I explored the various connections between Tibullus 1.3 and Homer's Odyssey, with Bright and myself reaching similar conclusions simultaneously.2 Our studies suggest that Tibullus uses Homer's words not simply as ornaments but as devices that help shape the structure and the tone of the entire elegy. I have here attempted to evaluate, synthesize, and expand on the previous studies in order to demonstrate how skillfully Tibullus utilizes his Greek model. 1-10) The poet's illness and separation from Delia Tibullus begins the poem by addressing Messalla about a trip that Messalla is preparing to take across the Aegean. He declares that he cannot follow his patron across the sea (1-2), explains that he must remain in Phaeacia because of illness (3-4), and connecting his couplets with anaphora (4 "abstineas" . . . 5 "abstineas"), he beseeches Death to keep away 1 Scaliger (Catulli) 84-87 and (Castigationes) 116-119. See also Dissen (Albiij 9 - 1 3 and (Commentanus) 60-85 for the usual tripartite outline: 1.3 = 1-9, 9-82, and 83-94. 2 Eisenberger ("Der innere") 188-297; Ball (Structure) 62-86 and ("Recent") 63-64; Bright ("Tibullan") 197-214 and (Haec) 16-37. See also Cairns (Tibullus) 44-63, especially 45, who admits the influence of Homer's Odyssey on Tibullus 1.3, although he believes that Hellenistic learning prevails.

50

from him, since neither his mother (5-6), nor his sister (7-8), nor his mistress (9-10) will be able to bury him. Moving from thoughts about a voyage to concern about his health, the poet introduces the elegy on a fearful and ominous note, with death, darkness, and mourning casting their shadow over all (1-10). Scholars3 believe that in 1-2 Tibullus is praising Messalla, whom the poet here pictures as preparing for a campaign. They usually contend that Tibullus achieves his goal through a direct overture, in Wimmel's opinion, through candor and frankness; and Bright comments that the poet introduces his patron as an established figure, the epitome of activity and success, the polar opposite of all that the poet himself here represents. Although Tibullus does address Messalla at the very outset (certainly the appropriate place for complimenting his patron), I maintain that he imparts a distant and offhand attitude toward his addressee, by apostrophizing him so bluntly and so quickly, all done within the confines of a single couplet. Despite the sense of urgency and immediacy that characterizes the initial declaration about Messalla's expedition, Tibullus regards Messalla with amazing indifference, just as he did in the first elegy when he contrasted his patron's pursuit of war with his own pursuit of love (1.1.53-56). Expressing polite regrets and nothing more, in a way that projects his bluntness at its peak, Tibullus again appears to undercut rather than underscore the general's achievements. Huschke 4 believes that in the opening couplets Tibullus echoes several phrases from Homer's Iliad and Odyssey. He cites the following four parallels: Tib. 1.3.1 "ibitis . . . Messalla" « Od. 12.82 ιθύνετε . . . Οδυσσεϋ; Tib. 1.3.2 "ipse cohorsque mei" « II. 13.331 αύτόν και θεράποντα; Tib. 1.3.4 "auidas .. . manus" « Ii. 13.75 μ α ι μ ώ ω σ ι . . . χείρες; Tib. 1.3.4 "abstineas... Mors. . . manus" « II. 21.548 θανάτοιο . . . χείρας αλάλκοι. Although the Iliadic parallels seem forced and artificial, the Odyssean parallel seems credible for at least two reasons: each poet either addresses or pictures someone addressing a soldier about to take a trip; each expresses his sentiments by combining a noun in the vocative case with a verb in the second person plural. I wish to focus on another parallel, one not cited by Huschke (Tib. 1.3.2 "memores . . . mei" ~ Od. 8.462 μνηστ| έμεϋ): each speaker entreats a soldier about to leave Phaeacia not to forget the speaker; each expresses that attitude by combining a verb of remembering with the genitive of the first personal pronoun. Thus, one senses a heroic tone in the opening couplet, in which Tibullus inserts in

3

Smith (Elegies) 232-233, Wimmel (Der frühe) 178-179; Bright (Haec) 46. Huschke (Albii)\o\. 1, pp. 73-74 and 78. Since Huschke keeps referring to Homer only by line-number, without listing the phrases that he thought Tibullus imitated, I have attempted to isolate the specific Homeric reminiscences that I believe Huschke means to suggest in his commentary. 4

51

the hexameter and the pentameter two phrases found in Homer's Odyssey. Scholars5 suggest that in the opening passage Tibullus recalls Homer most strikingly by referring to mythical Phaeacia. Bright remarks that Tibullus and Odysseus appear in mediis rebus, with the elegist finding his own Alcinous in the figure of Messalla: Odysseus finds himself stranded in Phaeacia at the mercy of a strange people {Od. 6); Tibullus finds himself stranded in Phaeacia in the throes of an agonizing illness (Tib. 1.3.1-4). Bright also comments, again quite correctly, that the epic hero and the elegiac hero both show concern for a particular woman: Odysseus looks to Nausicaa, who helps him during his separation from Penelope [Od. 6); Tibullus looks to Delia, who cannot help him during their painful separation (Tib. 1.3.5-10). I wish to stress that both the Roman poet and the Greek soldier appear very depressed at this turning point in their travels: Odysseus cries when he listens to the songs of the minstrel Demodicus {Od. 8.83-95 and 521-534); Tibullus cries out in despair in the hope that Death will not carry him off prematurely (Tib. 1.3.1-10). Distressed at similar junctures in their voyages of self-discovery, Tibullus and Odysseus contemplate their respective predicaments while they struggle to find their way home.

11-34) Reflection on departure and prayer for recovery Tibullus then reflects on his troubled departure from Delia and Delia's fruitless attempts to pray for his safety. He remembers how Delia received favorable omens (11-12) but continued to grieve over his trip (13-14), how he himself wanted to postpone his journey (15-16), looked for excuses to do so (17-18), and claimed that he stumbled at the gate (19-20), all capped by a warning that one not travel against Love's wishes (21-22). He apostrophizes Delia about the futility of praying to Isis when clashing the cymbals (23-24) and preparing for bed (25-26), and he apostrophizes Isis herself, whom he asks for a cure (27-28) in order that Delia may approach her (29-30) and praise her (31-32), all rounded off by a desire to celebrate the gods of his homeland (33-34). By focusing on the aspects of his departure (11-22) and by praying to the goddess for his rec-

5

Eisenberger ("Der innere") 191; Wimmel (Der frühe) 179-180 and (Elegie 1,1) 101; Hanslik ("Tibulls"| 140; Ball (Structure) 66; Bright ("Tibullan") 197-198 and (Haec) 17-19; Putnam (Tibullus) 74-75, Mills ("Tibullus"| 226-227; Lawall ("Green") 100; Lee (Tibullus) 105; Murgatroyd (Tibullus) 103.

52

overy (23-34), Tibullus broods about the decision that resulted in his present predicament (11-34). 6 The Augustan elegists pray to the gods to cure their own illnesses or the illnesses of those they love. Lygdamus (Tib. 3.5) asks Persephone and the gods of Hades to spare his life while he reflects on his piety and his youth during the throes of a fever ; Sulpicia (Tib. 3.10/4.4) asks Apollo to make her well again and urges Cerinthus not to worry about her by reminding him that the gods do not harm lovers. Propertius (2.28.A,B,C) begs Jupiter, Persephone, and Pluto to spare Cynthia in a poem that exemplifies this poet's use of dramatic unity; the elegy deals with four successive stages of Cynthia's illness, with various changes in her health to be understood from one section to another. Ovid [Am. 2.13) begs Isis and Ilithyia to protect Corinna during an abortion and in return offers to carry gifts to the sacred altars; in a companion-piece [Am. 2.14) the same poet entreats the gods to protect his mistress this one time even though he disapproves of her operation. By appealing to Isis for his well-being, Tibullus not only prays in his own behalf but also displays a momentary but definite confidence in the cult of a foreign goddess. Huschke 7 believes that in reflecting on his illness, Tibullus borrows another expression from Homer's Iliad. He calls attention to the following single parallel: Tib. 1.3.27 "succurre m i h i - n a m " « II. 1.77-78 μ ο ι . . . άρήξειν . . . γ ά ρ - a dubious parallel, since neither the speakers nor the contexts have enough in common to suggest that the elegist is borrowing this particular grammatical construction. Yet I suspect that Tibullus is drawing upon the Iliad a little earlier in the elegy, in worrying about his burial, since in passing from his mother, to his sister, to his mistress, he follows a progression resembling an ascending scale of affections, a structural device occasionally employed by Homer in his epic. One need only recall the following examples: 11. 6 . 2 3 7 - 5 2 9 (Hector sees Hecuba, Helen, and Andromache); II. 6 . 4 0 7 - 4 3 9 (Andromache views Hector as father, mother, brother, and husband); II. 9 . 1 8 2 - 6 6 8 (Achilles sees Odysseus, Phoenix, Ajax, and Patroclus); II. 9 . 5 2 9 - 5 9 9 (Meleager hears his elders, father, sisters, mother, friends, and wife). Although Tibullus employs the ascending scale of affections, he does not regard the Iliad as his major literary model, as will become apparent from a closer examination of the elegy.

6 See also Propertius 2.33A and B, in which the poet rebukes Io for monopolizing Cynthia's time with ritualistic wine-drinking and dice-rolling-a good example of the hostility that an Augustan elegist could express toward an Egyptian goddess for interfering with his private life. 7 Huschke (Albii)vol. 1, p. 84. See Kakrides (όμηρικές) 68 on the ascending scale of affections in Homer, and see Ball (Structure) 68-69 on the ascending scale of affections in Tibullus.

53

Scholars8 contend that in reflecting on his sickness, Tibullus sets up parallels between himself and Odysseus. They point out that each looks to the past in order to explain his present dilemma-Odysseus, to his wanderings after Troy [Od. 9-12), Tibullus, to his departure from Delia (Tib. 1.3.11-34); and that each realizes how he insulted a deity-Odysseus, Poseidon, who rules the sea [Od. passim), Tibullus, Love, who rules lovers (Tib. 1.3.21-22). Bright alone recognizes that each once attempted to avoid military service-Odysseus, by feigning madness (Servius, on Aen. 2.81), Tibullus, by consulting omens (Tib. 1.3.11—22)—a parallel not dependent upon any reference appearing in the Odyssey but upon the tradition surrounding Odysseus's life applicable to Tibullus's experience. I wish to emphasize that each desires to return home after a long and painful separation from everything that he holds dear: Odysseus keeps trying to return to Ithaca, a homecoming predicted throughout the epic [Od. passim); Tibullus desperately desires to worship his own gods, the climax of a speech filled with nostalgia (Tib. 1.3.33-34). All these observations contribute to an appreciation of the passage, in which Tibullus attempts to place his own predicament on the same level as that experienced by the hero of the Odyssey.

35-50) Description of Golden Age with comment on Iron Age Depressed over the circumstances leading to his departure, Tibullus contemplates the pristine innocence of the Golden Age. He envisions a fruitful era (35-36), when one did not see ships braving the elements (37-38), sailors searching for wealth (39-40), animals enduring the yoke (41-42), boundaries separating people (43-44), people deprived of food (45-46), or smiths forging weapons (47-48), all this in sharp contrast to his own times (49-50). By comparing life under Saturn with life under Jupiter, Tibullus presents one of his most recurrent themes, admiration for the past and dissatisfaction with the present (35-50).9 In describing the Golden Age, Tibullus employs a motif frequently found in Roman poetry of the first century B.C.10 Allusions appear early, 8 Eisenberger ("Der innere") 191; Ball (Structure) 68; Bright ("Tibullan") 199 and (Haecj 19-21. ' See Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 18, who inverts 43-44 and 45-46, on the ground that by moving from 41-42 to 45-46, Tibullus connects agriculture with food-gathering, and that by passing from 43-44 to 47-48, he reflects on the peace enjoyed by the men of old. Yet Tibullus provides an artistic sequence within the traditional arrangement by alternating between the two subjects mentioned above, the first dealing with the earth and her gifts, the second concerned with the tranquillity of the times. 10 See Smith ("Ages") 192-200, Lovejoy and Boas (Primitivism) 23-102 and 222-242, and Gatz (Weltalter) 1-238 for extended and valuable treatments of this subject.

54

both in Lucretius (5.925-1010), when the poet praises hearty, primitive man, and in Catullus (64.384-408), when the poet compares moral and immoral generations. Vergil [G. 1.125-146) contrasts bliss under Saturn with hardship under Jupiter, and elsewhere (Aen. 8.314-336) he pictures Evander informing Aeneas about Saturn's arrival and rule in ancient Latium. Horace (Epod. 16) exhorts the war-weary Romans to hasten to the Blessed Fields, an imaginary paradise reminiscent of the Golden Age and set aside for the righteous by Jupiter after Saturn's rule. Propertius (3.13.25-50) describes the simplicity of the Golden Age and the greediness of his own era, and elsewhere (4.1.1-38) he describes the Italian countryside as it existed before Aeneas's arrival. Ovid (Am. 3.8.35-44) visualizes the Golden Age as a time when the earth concealed all her precious metals, things that he believes that his mistress values far more than his poetry. Although Tibullus and Propertius follow a similar design-a long look at the past and a sudden return to the present-Tibullus does not emulate any single Latin poet in any appreciable detail. Petersen11 asserts that in describing the Golden Age, Tibullus is borrowing several themes from Vergil, Bucolic 4. He refers to a number of parallel verses that all deal with some aspect of a joyous and pristine existence: Tib. 1.3.39-40 ~ Buc. 4.38-39 (absence of voyages for profit); Tib. 1.3.41 « Buc. 4.41 (absence of bulls with yokes); Tib. 1.3.45-46 « Buc. 4.21-22, 30 (abundance of milk and honey). On the one hand, the individual verses do correspond, as shown by the parallel phraseology: Tib. 1.3.40 "nauita merce" « Buc. 4.38-39 "nautica. . . merces"; Tib. 1.3.41 "iuga. . . taurus" « Buc. 4.41 "tauris iuga"; Tib. 1.3.45-46 "mella . . . quercus . . . ubera lactis" « Buc. 4.21-22, 30 "lacte. . . ubera . .. quercus . . . mella". On the other hand, the passages as a whole differ in several important respects, particularly in setting and pupose: Vergil joyously looks to the future, to a new Golden Age, to be heralded by the birth of a child; Tibullus wistfully looks to the past, to the old Golden Age, as it was enjoyed by the men of old. Although Tibullus borrows several expressions from Vergil, he does not utilize Bucolic 4 as his ultimate model but instead a section of a much earlier work, Homer's Odyssey. Scholars contend that in describing the Golden Age, Tibullus continues to establish parallels with Homer. Huschke12 calls attention to a parallel with the Iliad: Tib. 1.3.50 "nunc leti mille.. . uiae" « 11.

" Petersen (Kommentar) 38-40. 12 Huschke (Albii) vol. 1, p. 94. See also Grimal ("Tibulle") 283-284, who correctly believes that Tibullus may be imitating the following two passages from Hesiod: Tib. 1.3.35-36 (enjoyment of life before travel) « Op. 236-237 (enjoyment of life without ships); Tib. 1.3.45-46 (abundance of milk and honey) « Op. 116-119 (abundance of fruit and flocks).

55

12.326-327 vüv . . . κηρες . . . θανάτοιο μυρίαι-a plausible parallel, since both the contexts and the vocabulary have enough in common to suggest that the elegist may well be borrowing the declaration about the many roads to death. Bright13 alone calls attention to several parallels with the Odyssey, between Tibullus and Odysseus: each travels through dreamy, uncivilized zones [Od. 9-12 « Tib. 1.3.35-50); each returns to reality very abruptly {Od. 12.450-453 » Tib. 1.3.49-50); each suffers from man's fall from innocence (after Troy or under the empire). Although one should keep in mind that neither Tibullus nor Odysseus wanted to go to war in the first place, one may well conclude with Bright that in decrying the dangers and the horrors of his own era, Tibullus may be projecting Odysseus's troubles onto his own situation more fully than fitting or than necessary. The above observations contribute to an understanding of Tibullus's strategy, an attempt to associate his own problems in Phaeacia with those faced by the Ithacan.

51-56) Apostrophe to Jupiter and preparation of tombstone Worried that he may have offended Jupiter with his outburst, Tibullus begs for mercy and reflects on his imminent death. He declares that he never took the names of the gods in vain (51-52), requests a tombstone in the event that he must die (53-54), and composes the epitaph by which he wishes to be remembered (55-56): "Here lies Tibullus, consumed by heartless death, while he followed Messalla on land and on sea". By picturing himself both dead and buried, the poet presents the most downbeat portion of the elegy, in which he perhaps attempts to curry favor with his patron (51-56). Scholars debate the identity of the anonymous figure addressed in this passage, specifically in the request for a tombstone. Some14 argue that Tibullus is addressing Jupiter, as shown by two imperatives that they believe the poet aims at the god (51 "parce" . . . 54 "fac"). Yet I do not believe that the poet would have the audacity to ask the king of the gods to

13

Bright ("Tibullan") 200-201 and (Haec) 22-25. See also Mills ('Tibullus") 228-229, who connects Tibullus's dreamland with Homer's Phaeacia (3 "ignotis . .. terris" » 39 "ignotis . . . terris"): each poet pictures his realm as free from war [Od. 6.270 « Tib. 1.3.47-48) and characterized by a natural fertility {Od. 7.112-131 « Tib. 1.3.45-46). Yet this parallel does not seem entirely valid, as shown by the strong differences between the two realms: Homer pictures his region as one with ships and boundaries [Od. 6.262-272 and 293-294); Tibullus pictures his own as one without ships and boundaries (Tib. 1.3.37-40 and 43-44). 14 Dissen (Commentaiiusj 76; Richter (Albiij 20; Wölfflin ("Composition") 274; Schuster (Tibull) 10; Petersen (Kommentar) 69; Eisenberger ("Der innere") 192; Wimmel (Der frühe) 201-202; Hanslik ("Tibulls") 142-143; Murgatroyd (Tibullus) 117, who regards the addressee as Jupiter or Messalla.

56

erect a tombstone or that he would ask him to have someone else erect it. Others 15 contend that Tibullus is addressing Messalla, as shown by two explicit references to him here and earlier (1 "Messalla" and 56 "Messallam"). Still, I cannot believe that the poet would presume to ask a general about to depart for the East to postpone his expedition in order to build him a gravestone. Schneider16 suggests that Tibullus is addressing Delia, well in keeping with the poet's tendency to associate her with his funeral (1.1.59-68 and 1.3.5-10). Indeed, one need only recall how other Augustan elegists instruct their mistresses in funeral-arrangements (see Lygdamus = Tib. 3.2.27-30 and Propertius 1.17.19-24, 2.13B.31-36, and 3.16.21-30). Thus, just as Tibullus pictures Delia in mourning at his funeral, so he pictures her arranging for the construction of his gravestonetwo activities with which he associates her quite fittingly. Scholars17 suggest that Tibullus again praises Messalla, in the act of mentioning him in the self-composed epitaph. They usually comment that Tibullus is stressing that he wants to be remembered as a follower of Messalla, as opposed to Propertius, who emphasizes that he wants to be remembered as a writer of love poetry (Prop. 1.7.23-24 and 2.13B.35-36)-unusual feeling, as Commager remarks, from the "normally supine Tibullus". Although Tibullus does mention Messalla in an important couplet, in which he specifies exactly how he wants posterity to remember him, I cannot believe that he does not feel some regret for having followed the general on a military expedition that has taken him away from his mistress and brought him to the brink of destruction. One would do well to recall Tibullus's earlier references to Messalla-the ambiguous apostrophe in the first elegy, in which the poet contrasted the general's ambition with his own indolence (1.1.53-56), and the ambivalent apostrophe in the third elegy, in which he brusquely dissociated himself from the general's imminent expedition (1.3.1-2). Therefore, although the poet mentions Messalla in his epitaph, one may possibly detect a little anger or resentment in his voice, directed at the man ultimately responsible for his misery. Several suggest that in the couplets on the tombstone Tibullus may be drawing his inspiration from Homer's verses. Huschke18 again directs his 15

Müller (Albii) 7, who proposes a lacuna after 51-52; Karsten ("Tibulli") 228, who connects the missing verses with Messalla; Elter ("Elegie") 276-278, Putnam (Tibullus) 81-82, and Bright ("Tibullan" 198 / (Haecj 26-27, who do not support the proposal for a lacuna but do identify the addressee as Messalla. 16 Schneider (De uersuum) 6-7, who furnishes this suggestion while transposing 83-94 after 51-52 (see also note 24 for my other reference to Schneider). See also Härtung ("De uersuum") 356, who attempts to retain Jupiter as addressee by emending 53-54 and 57-58, by changing "fac . .. stet" to "et.. . stat" and by changing "sed . .. ducet" to "fac . . . ducat". 17 Putnam (Tibullus) 82; Commager (Prolegomenon) 39; Lee ("Otium") 110-111. 18 Huschke (Albii) \ol. 1, p. 96.

57

attention to a passage in the Iliad: Tib. 1.3.53 "quodsi fatales . . . expleuimus annos" « II. 4.170 αΐκε . . . πότμον άναπλήσης βιότοιο-another questionable parallel, since neither the speakers nor the contexts have enough in common to suggest that the elegist is borrowing the expression. Bright 19alone points out that Tibullus first shrinks away from identifying himself with Odysseus by begging Jupiter to save him from a soldier's death, but that he then strengthens the identification by composing a Homeric epitaph in which he expresses concern about posterity's opinion of him (see II. 6.441-465 and Od. 5.299-312). Although the Iliadic parallel seems plausible, certainly more plausible than the Iliadic parallel suggested by Huschke, the Odyssean parallel exerts the greater influence, because it sustains the association, however elusive or tenuous, not simply between Tibullus and Homer but between Tibullus and Odysseus. Although Tibullus may be projecting Odysseus's troubles onto his own situation more fully than he should, both appear nervous about dying, worried about burial, and concerned about posterity. 5 7-82) Descnption of underworld (Elysium and Tartarus) Having reconciled himself to his death and his burial, Tibullus looks beyond the grave, to the land of eternity. Visualizing Venus herself as his guide (57-58), he pictures the singing of choruses and the warbling of birds (59-60), the blooming of cassia and the sprouting of roses (61-62), and the frolicking of lovers at the bidding of Love himself (63—64)—all in a setting reserved for lovers prematurely dead (65-66 "illic est"). Visualizing an area of utter darkness (67-68), he pictures Tisiphone punishing sinners (69-70), Cerberus guarding the gates (71-72), Ixion bound to a wheel (73-74), Tityus exposed to vultures (75-76), Tantalus punished with thirst (77-78), and the Danaids carrying their buckets (79—80)—all in a setting reserved for an imagined rival lover (81-82 "illic sit"). By proceeding from the ethereal groves of Elysium (57-66) to the terrifying regions of Tartarus (67-82), the poet presents his audience with his personal conception of the underworld (57-82).20 Bright ("Tibullan") 2 0 1 - 2 0 2 and (Haecj 2 5 - 2 7 . See Heyne (Obseruationes) 38 in 1798 edition, who regards 7 1 - 7 2 as spurious ("in porta" vs. "ante fores"; "stridet et excubat" for "stridens excubat"). Yet in 1.5.71-74 Tibullus employs parallel phrases ("in limine" and "ante fores") and a large number of main verbs ("perstat" . . . "excreat"). See Wisser (Quaestiones) 1 0 - 1 4 and Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 18, who excise 6 9 - 7 2 , in order to eliminate the peculiar description of Tisiphone. Still, this excision destroys Tibullus's imaginative attempt to picture the she-demon as having snakes instead of hair rather than snakes in her hair. See Wisser (Quaestiones) 13 and Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 18, who expunge 7 7 - 7 8 , because they believe that Tantalus does not fit in as someone who abused love. Nevertheless, Tibullus may possibly be alluding to the myth in which Tantalus seduced Ganymede (see Servius, on Aen. 6.603 and Orosius, Historiae 1.12). 19

10

58

In describing the land of the dead, Tibullus utilizes a theme that occurs frequently in Roman poetry of the first century B.C. Lucretius (3.978—1023) relates that the mythical sufferers correspond to tormented people in real life while he attempts to rectify for his audience a series of mistaken ideas about death. Vergil (G. 4.453-527) pictures Proteus telling Aristaeus the story of Orpheus and Eurydice, and elsewhere [Aen. 6.264-901) Aeneas beholding the secrets of eternity with the Sibyl as his guide. Horace [Carm. 2.13.21-40) recalls how after his tree-accident he almost visited the realm of Pluto, and in another context (Carm. 3.11.13-24) he alludes to Orpheus in Hades before singing about the Danaids. Propertius (4.7.55-70) pictures the deceased Cynthia describing Tartarus and Elysium, and elsewhere (4.11.15-28) the deceased Cornelia reflecting on her appearance before the powerful judges. Ovid [Met. 4.416-562) describes the mythical sufferers in connection with Juno's visit to the underworld and in another context (Met. 10.1-63) in connection with Orpheus's visit to the same shadowy region. As does Propertius, Tibullus presents an underworld concerned almost exclusively with the fates of lovers (Elysium for the faithful and Tartarus for the unfaithful). Petersen21 detects in Tibullus's underworld (and in those of the other Augustans) the influence of the myth about Orpheus singing in Hades. He contends that this myth appears in several passages, whenever someone charms the tormented with music: Vergil, G. 4.481-484 (Orpheus); Horace, Carm. 2.13.21-40 (Sappho and Alcaeus) and Carm. 3.11.13-24 (Orpheus, implied by the lyre); Tibullus 1.3.67-82 (deliberately distorted, since love's violators always suffer). He also observes that the various sufferers appear in parallel order: Vergil, G. 4.481-484 (Furies, Cerberus, Ixion); Horace, Cam. 2.13.21-40 (Cerberus, Furies, Tantalus) and Caim. 3.11.13-24 (Cerberus, Ixion, Tityus, Danaids); Tibullus 1.3.67-82 (Tisiphone, Cerberus, Ixion, Tityus, Tantalus, Danaids). He does not mention Propertius 4.11.15-28, in which the deceased Cornelia (a stand-in for Orpheus) hopes that the sufferers will rest while she pleads her own defense, and in which the tormentors and tormented appear in roughly the same order as in Tibullus (Furies, Sisyphus-added by Propertius, Ixion, Tantalus, Cerberus, Danaids). In any case, Petersen makes several valid statements about the Augustan adaptations of the myth about Orpheus, although one should realize that Tibullus's sufferers never stop suffering. 11 Petersen (Kommentar) 51-55. See also Henderson ("Tibullus") 649-652, who believes that Tibullus is imitating Lucretius 3.978-1023: Tib. 1.3.69-72 « Lucr. 3.1011, Tib. 1.3.73-74 « Lucr. 3.10??-10?? (Ixion lost in Lucretius), Tib. 1.3.75-76 = Lucr. 3.984-994, Tib. 1.3.77-78 « Lucr. 3.995-1002 (Sisyphus lost in Tibullus), Tib. 1.3.79-80 » Lucr. 3.1003-1010. Yet one cannot prove that Lucretius mentioned Ixion after 3.1011 by citing the late and inconclusive references in Seneca (Ep. 24.18) and Servius (on Aen. 6.596), nor can one prove that Tibullus mentioned Sisyphus after 1.3.75-76 by claiming that such a reference got replaced by the reference to Tantalus at some point during transmission.

59

Scholars believe that in describing his version of the underworld, Tibullus continues to derive his inspiration from Homer's poetry. Huschke22 surmises that Tibullus assimilates several passages from the Iliad and the Odyssey. Tib. 1.3.57-66 (Tibullus on Elysium) « Od. 4.563-568 (Proteus on Elysium); Tib. 1.3.63-64 "series . . . puellis / ludit" « II. 18.593-594 ή ΐ θ ε ο ι . . . π α ρ θ έ ν ο ι . . . ώρχεϋντ'; Tib. 1.3.70 "turba fugit" «Od. 10.495 σκιαι α'ίσσουσιν. Bright23 finds Tibullus 1.3.57-82 irresistibly reminiscent of Odyssey 11 (the entire Νέκυια), since both Tibullus and Odysseus receive a glimpse of the other side of death; and he regards Tibullus 1.3.81-82, on the shadowy figure who profanes the poet's love, as an allusion to the suitors who keep pressuring Penelope during Odysseus's absence. One may safely conclude with Bright that Tibullus is attempting to sustain the Odyssean framework right down to the last detail, especially when the poet condemns his devious rival to a place in Hades, just as Odysseus had condemned Penelope's suitors to a place in Hades after slaying them in his palace with his own hands [Od. 24.1-204). Therefore, Tibullus continues to compare the epic hero and the elegiac hero by looking partly to Odyssey 4 but mostly to Odyssey 11, two different but important Homeric accounts of the afterlife.

83-94) The poet's recovery and reunion with Delia Tibullus closes the poem by addressing Delia about the trip that he hopes to make back to the arms of his mistress. He pictures her under the care of an old woman (83-84), who will tell her stories while using the distaff (85-86), until the girl drops her work and falls asleep (87-88); he predicts his sudden and unannounced return (89-90), and Delia's spontaneous enthusiasm over his homecoming (91-92), to be heralded by Aurora and her rose-colored horses (93-94). Passing from thoughts about his mistress to visions of his homecoming, the poet concludes the elegy on an upbeat and positive note, with life, brightness, and happiness shedding their splendor everywhere (83-94).

11

Huschke (Albii) vol. 1, pp. 97-98 and 100. Although the Iliadic parallel seems forced and farfetched, the Odyssean parallels seem justifiable, especially the first, because of the striking grammatical and vocabular correspondence (Tib. 1.3.57-58 "sed me . . . Venus campos ducet in Elysios" « Od. 4.563-564 άλλά σ ές Ηλύσιον πεδίον . . . άθάνατοι πέμψουσιν. See also Eisenberger ("Der innere") 194, Putnam (Tibullus) 85, and Bright (Haec) 31, who compare Tib. 1.3.75-78 with Od. 11.576-592-a parallel that they correctly justify by pointing out that the sufferers appear consecutively and suffer the same torture (Tityus, tormented by vultures, Tantalus, tormented by thirst). 23 Bright ("Tibullan") 203-204 and (Haec) 29.1 wish to withdraw my objection to accepting Homer, Odyssey 11 as Tibullus's model for the underworld, an opinion that I had expressed while considering this possibility in my dissertation (Structure) 78-79.

60

Scholars debate the function of 83-94 in the overall poetic structure, its contribution (if any) to the elegiac framework. Several24 attack the passage as digressive or out of place, with Schneider transposing it (as shown earlier) after 51-52-an alteration that leaves the sad Tibullus in a hopeless predicament, in which he resigns himself to death, recites his self-composed epitaph, and prepares to journey to the underworld. Several others 25 detect a gradual movement from death to life, such as Rhorer, who correctly isolates the phrases contrasting the poet's change of attitude: 5 "abstineas . . . precor" vs. 83 "precor maneas"; 8 "effusis . . . comis" vs. 91 "longos . . . capillos"; 4-5 "nigra . . . atra" vs. 93-94 "nitentem . . . Candida". I wish to suggest that Tibullus accentuates his return to life by delineating himself and his mistress in a more positive context: he no longer wishes to avoid a trip, as he had with Messalla, but to take one, in order to see Delia; he no longer associates his mistress with mourning, as he had in Phaeacia, but with constancy, on the eve of his return. This colorful passage belongs exactly where it appears, in which Tibullus converts the language of death, mourning, and separation into the language of life, rejoicing, and reunion. Huschke 26 believes that in the closing couplets Tibullus imitates several expressions from Homer's Iliad and Odyssey. He cites the following two parallels in his commentary, which (like the others cited earlier) involve specific verbal similarities: Tib. 1.3.84, 87 "anus . . . circa . . . pensis" « II. 3.384, 386, 388 π ε ρ ί . . . γ ρ η ΐ . . . εϊρια; Tib. 1.3.89-90 "ueniam subito . . . caelo missus" « Od. 21.195-196 έ λ θ ο ι . . . έξαπίνης . . . θ ε ό ς . . . ένείκαι. On the one hand, the Iliadic parallel seems forced and artificial, since neither the speakers nor the contexts correspond: Homer addresses his audience about Aphrodite, who summons Helen for Paris in the guise of an old woman; Tibullus addresses Delia about the spinster, who protects Delia for him while sitting at the loom. On the other hand, the Odyssean parallel seems very convincing, since not only the speakers but also the situations correspond: Odysseus refers to his arrival as sudden and epiphanous on the occasion of his return to Penelope; Tibullus refers to his own arrival as sudden and epiphanous on the occasion of his return to Delia. Thus, one perceives a heroic tone in the closing passage,

24 Schneider (De uersuum) 6-7; Pichon (Historie) 382-383; Mendell (Latin) 190 (see also note 16 for my other reference to Schneider). See also Härtung ("De uersuum") 356, who proposes a lacuna after 81-82, involving a couplet in which he believes that Tibullus may have expressed the possibility of recovering. 25 Leo ("Elegien") 23-28, Hanslik ("Tibulls") 145; Rhorer (Tibullus) 189-190 and ("Tibullus") 152-156, her article appearing under the name Campbell. See also Bright (Haec) 32-33, who suggests that Tibullus builds up to his final appeal because he fears that Delia will not wait for him. 26 Huschke (Albii) vol. 1, pp. 104-106.

61

in which Tibullus anticipates his sudden homecoming with a prophetic expression found in Homer's Odyssey. Scholars27 usually connect Tibullus's return to Delia with Odysseus's return to Penelope, the embodiment of the faithful wife. Bright and I go further, connecting Delia's aged guardian, who supervises the spinning, with Penelope's aged Eurycleia, the embodiment of the faithful attendant. One may also compare Tibullus's description of the women spinning with Homer's description of Penelope weaving and unraveling her web [Od. 2.85-128, 19.124-163, and 24.121-190). Bright and I also associate Tibullus's reference to Aurora with Homer's ubiquitous ήμος δ' ήριγένεια φάνη ροδοδάκτυλος Ηώς, a recurrent line in the Odyssey. Mills shrewdly maintains that Tibullus may be recalling one particular sunrise, Athena's manipulation of the dawn on the occasion of Odysseus's reunion with Penelope [Od. 23.241-246 and 344-348). Bright also points out that in connecting Delia with Penelope, Tibullus may well be exploiting the variant tradition of the myth in which Penelope betrayed Odysseus. In this connection I wish to emphasize that the Augustan poets did exploit the variant tradition, as shown by Horace's reference to Penelope as quite capable of corruption [Sat. 2.5.75-83). Therefore, Tibullus composes a miniature nostos, in which he visualizes himself as Odysseus and Delia as Penelope-a perhaps ironic comparison to the Ithacan and his love-starved wife.

Questions on elegy 1.3 as a whole Scholars28 usually classify Tibullus 1.3 as a propemptikon, the term applied to a farewell-poem by Menander Rhetor (257-263). Cairns remarks that although the elegy begins as an "excusatory propemptikon" (Tibullus tells Messalla why he cannot accompany him), it evolves into an "inverse epibaterion" (Tibullus displays displeasure over finding himself in Phaeacia), as opposed to a "normal epibaterion" (the speaker pays tribute to the city to which he has journeyed). In the first place, one should not

27

Eisenberger ("Der innere") 196; Hanslik ("Tibulls") 140 and 144; Putnam ("Simple") 31-32 and (Tibullus) 74, 86 ; Ball (Structure) 84-85; Bright ("Tibullan") 204-205 and (Haec) 32-34; Gotoff ("Tibullus"] 244; Mills ("Tibullus") 232; Rhorer (Tibullus) 225 and 244-245; Murgatroyd (Tibullus) 125. See also Jacobson (Ovid's) 243-276, who explores the varianttradition in the Odysseus-Penelope relationship, in which Penelope experiences everything from rape to outright seduction of the suitors (see especially Apollodorus, Epit. 7.35-39 for a catalogue of the versions of her various infidelities). 28 Jacoby ("Entstehung") 78; Jäger (Das antike) 21-23; Smith (Elegies) 232; Petersen (Kommentar) 29-31; Wimmel (Der frühe) 176-177, 179, and 222; Hanslik ("Tibulls") 139; Ball (Structure) 64-65; Bright ("Tibullan") 198 and (Haec) 17; Cairns (Genetic) 11, 60-66, 165, 283 and (Tibullus) 45-46, 167.

62

regard Tibullus's reference to Phaeacia as an outright attack on the island where he finds himself stranded-the sort of attack that appears for example in Catullus 63.50-73, in which the castrated athlete Attis shudders with contempt at the snowy regions and wild animals of Mt. Ida. In the second place, one should not assume that Tibullus in modeling his multifaceted odyssey after an inverted version of an epideictic form concerned with a traveler's attitude toward one particular location, especially when the rhetoricians themselves do not prescribe formulas for inversions of the kind described above. Although Tibullus does not look to the epibaterion, he does begin by employing the propemptikon, but only as a stepping-stone to other themes and other settings. The Augustan poets utilize the propemptikon in various contexts, as revealed by an examination of key examples of this literary type. Horace (Epod. 1) hails Maecenas about to depart in the service of Augustus but later [Epod. 10) curses the voyage of the poetaster Mevius (a variation of the form); elsewhere (Cairn. 1.3) he prays for Vergil's safe arrival in Greece and still elsewhere (Caim. 3.27) wishes Galatea a safe voyage although she faces possible peril. Propertius (1.6) informs Tullus that he cannot accompany him to Asia or to Athens because of Cynthia's incessant protests; on another occasion (1.8A and B) he chastises Cynthia for intending to sail to Illyria without him and rejoices greatly when he realizes that she has decided to cancel the trip and remain in Rome. Ovid [Am. 2.11 and 2.12) laments Corinna's imminent voyage across the sea when she could have remained at home with her books and her music, and he also celebrates when he finds her once again in his arms (presumably sometime after she has returned from her trip and after she has somehow managed to outwit her husband's guards). Unlike his fellow Augustans, who tend to dwell on the trip of a friend, Tibullus begins as though he were writing a propemptikon but ultimately utilizes a far different literary model. Bright29 considers the overall effect of the Homeric model, the identification of Tibullus with Odysseus and Delia with Penelope. Bright suggests that Tibullus appears both as Odysseus's counterpart and as his antithesis: 1) Odysseus's success with divine help vs. Tibullus's failure without divine help; 2) Odysseus's escape from fantasy to reality vs. Tibullus's escape from reality to fantasy; 3) Odysseus's longing to return as king vs. Tibullus's longing for the simple life. This comparison rightly credits Tibullus not only with isolating the experiences shared by himself and Odysseus but also with exploiting the differences between them-a possible outgrowth of Tibullus's fascination with Odysseus's ambivalent nature in the epic tradition, with Odysseus's actual or potential rejection of the heroic code. Bright also comments that Tibullus pictures Delia 29

Bright ("Tibullan") 206-207 and (Haecj 34-37, 150-153.

63

both as his urban mistress and as his mythical Penelope at opposite ends of the poem-a paradox that succeeds (unlike the paradox that he believes occurs between 1.1 and 1.2), because Delia appears at both ends of the imagined struggle, perfectly suited to each context. This comparison contributes to an appreciation of the way in which Tibullus weaves his mistress into the elegy, how he first describes her as the woman who cannot bury him, then suppresses her as his poetic subject for a considerable period, and finally resurrects her in the likeness of her mythical model. Nevertheless, as shown in connection with the previous poem, Tibullus does not create an antinomy between 1.1 and 1.2, since in these two elegies he consistently presents Delia as the most vital force in his life, whether he pictures her in mourning at his fancy urban funeral or standing behind the door of her fancy urban dwelling. In any case, by reversing the values usually associated with Odysseus and Penelope, Tibullus transforms the epic hero into an elegiac anti-hero and the epic heroine into an elegiac anti-heroine. The Augustan poets frequently imitate the Odysseus-theme, and they do so with much dexterity and with great sensitivity.30 Vergil first uses the Odyssey when he describes the struggle between Aristaeus and Proteus, based on the struggle between Menelaus and Proteus (G. 4.425-529 « Od. 4.450-570); yet he pays Homer his greatest tribute by modeling the character of Aeneas after that of Odysseus, another hero in search of his identity [Aen. 1-6 « Od. 1-24). Horace wittily parodies the Odysseus-theme in Satire 2.5, in which Tiresias informs Odysseus not about his destiny but how he can recover his fortune; he also addresses his young friend Lollius in Epistle 1.2, in which he singles out Odysseus as the archetype of the wise and brave man, in a word, "immersabilis". Tibullus alludes to himself as Odysseus in elegy 1.3, in which he travels far and wide, on a long and tortuous path, in order to return to his Delia; elsewhere in the Corpus Tibullianum the Panegyricus poet (Tib. 3.7/4.1) utilizes Odysseus's wanderings as a means of commenting on Messalla's forensic and military experiences. Propertius alludes to aspects of the Odysseus-theme in three elegies, all touching on the relationship between Odysseus and Penelope: 2.9, in which he upbraids Cynthia for her infidelity; 3.12, in which he assures Postumus that his Galla will remain faithful; 4.8, in which he describes how Cynthia surprised the unfaithful poet. Ovid first experiments with the Odyssey in Penelope's letter to Odysseus, in which he may be developing a heroine at variance with the famous model of fidelity [Her. 1); elsewhere he delineates the wanderings of Aeneas from Troy to Italy while continuously alluding to the wander30 See Stanford (Ulysses) for a comprehensive examination of the theme from Homer through James Joyce, but one that does not consider the occurrences of this theme in Augustan poetry.

64

ings of Odysseus from Troy to Ithaca [Met. 13.623-14.608). Therefore, in composing their versions of this popular Augustan theme, the elegiac poets compare the errant lover to the wandering Odysseus and the deserted beloved to the beleaguered Penelope. Retrospective examination of elegy 1.3 Tibullus 1.3 reflects a subtle dependence on Homer's Odyssey, the literary work ultimately in back of the poet's mind. Tibullus introduces the elegy by addressing Messalla about his sickness and by beseeching Death to keep away from him, since he will not receive burial (1-10). Like Odysseus, he appears on the mythical island of Phaeacia, with his attention directed to a particular woman, at a depressing point in his circuitous journey. The poet then recalls how he left Delia against Love's wishes and how he prayed unsuccessfully to Isis to cure him of his terrible affliction (11-34). Like the Ithacan, he sets out to explain his predicament, recollects how he had attempted to avoid military service, and remembers that he had offended a powerful deity. Tibullus proceeds to express his love for the serenity of the Golden Age and his contempt for the violence of the Iron Age under the rule of Jupiter (35-50). These reflections project him through dreamy, uncivilized realms and picture him as a victim of man's fall from innocence, all reminiscent of themes associated with the Odyssey. The poet then appeals to Jupiter to spare his life while requesting a tombstone with his self-composed epitaph in the event of his death (51-56). These sentiments picture him shrinking away from identifying himself with Odysseus yet strengthening the identification by setting out the epitaph of a soldier. Tibullus proceeds to describe the land of the dead by describing the beautiful groves of Elysium and the terrifying regions of Tartarus (57-82). Like the Ithacan, he observes a number of mythical sufferers, and he observes his rival, reminiscent of the suitors who would pay with their lives for pressuring Penelope. The poet concludes the elegy by addressing Delia about his prayers for her fidelity and about the imminence of his sudden homecoming (83-94). Like Odysseus, he expects to see his faithful Penelope and her faithful old guardian sitting at the loom, on a day to be heralded by the arrival of Dawn and her rosy-colored horses. Journeying from sickness and separation, through death, burial, heaven, and hell, to recovery and homecoming, Tibullus ingeniously converts the epic hero into an elegiac anti-hero and the epic heroine into an elegiac anti-heroine, who function as the counterparts and the antitheses of their Homeric predecessors.

65

CHAPTER V

Elegy 1.4: Art of Pederasty Elegy 1.4 stands out as one of Tibullus's most playful poems, in which Priapus lectures the poet on the art of boy-love. Scaliger 'rearranged the couplets of this poem drastically, in keeping with his usual approach: 1.4 = 1-8, 39-40, 15-38, 41-74, 9-14, and 75-84. This reordering induced a number of other scholars to propose their own versions of the arrangement that they believe Tibullus originally intended for the elegy. I propose the following outline of the poem: 1-6) 7-8) 9-72) 73-74) 75-84)

Tibullus to Priapus: question about pederasty Transition: identification of the speakers Priapus to Tibullus: lecture about pederasty Transition: identification of the speakers Tibullus to lovers: knowledge about pederasty

Dawson, Luck, and Bulloch2 have explored in great detail the subtle connections between Tibullus 1.4 and a number of fragments of Callimachus. I also believe that Tibullus is imitating Callimachus's poetry but that he is also borrowing a variety of ideas from Horace's Satires. In this chapter I have attempted to throw light on the structure of the elegy by demonstrating how skillfully Tibullus utilizes both his Alexandrian predecessor and his Roman contemporary.

1-6) Tibullus to Priapus: question about pederasty The elegy begins with an address to the god Priapus. Praying that the god not suffer from the heat or the cold (1-2), Tibullus asks him to reveal how he attracts pretty boys, in spite of his sloppy looks (3-4) and his lack of clothes (5-6). First blessing the deity and then asking him the question, the poet hopes that he will receive a favorable reply (1-6). Scholars3 detect humor in the introduction, arising from Tibullus's 1 Scaliger (Catulli) 87-89 and (Castigationes) 120-122. See also Dissen (Albii) 13-17 and (Commentarius) 86-105 for the usual tripartite outline: 1.4 = 1-8, 9-72, and 73-84. 2 Dawson ("Alexandrian"); Luck (Latin) 85-92 in 1959 edition and 92-99 in 1969 edition; Bulloch ("Tibullus"). 3 Smith (Elegies) 264; Solmsen ("Tibullus") 323-324; Wimmel (Dei frühe) 19-20; Ball (Structure) 89; Putnam (Tibullus) 89-90; Murgatroyd ("Tibullus") 112 and (Tibullus) 132; Bright (Haec) 233-234.

66

lofty treatment of the grotesque little statue. Putnam regards this passage as a parody of a ritual address, intensified by the threefold use of anaphora (2 "ne . . . ne", 4 "non tibi. . . non tibi", and 5-6 "nudus .. . nudus"). One does perceive irony in the idea that the poet is attempting to protect Priapus from the very elemental hazards to which the divine scarecrow must normally resign himself. Thus, Tibullus depicts the god in humorous terms, not only by describing him as physically amusing but also by elevating him to a level usually associated with a deity of higher rank. Scholars4 suggest that Tibullus is echoing Callimachus and call attention to several fragments of the Alexandrian. They observe parallels between Tib. 1.4.1-6 and fr. 114, in which Callimachus questions the statue of Apollo about his impressive appearance, and between Tib. 1.4.1-6 and fr. 199, in which Philetadas's lover questions the statue of Hermes in order to see if Philetadas caused the god's phallus to stiffen. Although the first parallel seems slightly strained, hinging on a comparison between two very different deities, the second parallel seems extremely convincing, since it involves a comparison between two gods of fertility, both unusually clever, both frequently depicted in sculpture as having enormous phalluses. And so, these two passages reveal a definite resemblance, involving a curious lover who questions the ithyphallic statue of a bearded deity about information related to homosexual activity. Wilhelm 5 believes that Tibullus may be imitating Horace, Satire 2.5 (the dialogue between Odysseus and Tiresias). He observes that in each poem an ignorant student approaches an experienced teacher for information about a humorous subject: Odysseus questions Tiresias about how to recover his fortune {Sat. 2.5.1-3); Tibullus questions Priapus about how to court young boys (Tib. 1.4.1-6). Although I do not dismiss the influence of Satire 2.5 on the elegy, I perceive a closer affinity with Satire 2.3: Horace questions Damasippus about his newly-acquired knowledge of mankind [Sat. 2.3.16-17); Tibullus questions Priapus about his strangely-acquired knowledge of pederasty (Tib. 1.4.1-6). One should realize that Horace also begins to question his pseudo-expert by exploiting the "do ut des" ritual formula: he blesses Damasippus while referring to his unshorn beard and expresses continued surprise over Damasippus's professional success (Tib. 1.4.4 "barba" « Sat. 2.3.17, 35 "tonsore" . . . "barbam"). Therefore, despite the differences in format and in length, Tibullus here draws some inspiration from Satire 2.3 and will continue to do so in the remainder of the elegy.

4 Dawson ("Alexandrian") 12; Luck (Latin) 86 in 1959 edition and 93 in 1969 edition. Ball (Structure) 103-104,· Clayman (Callimachus') 74. 5 Wilhelm ("1896") 51. See also Wimmel (Der frühe) 22.

67

7-8) Transition: identification of the speakers Tibullus now turns from his own question to Priapus's answer. He identifies himself as the speaker of the preceding inquiry in only two words ("sic ego") and devotes nearly an entire couplet to identifying Priapus as the speaker of the forthcoming response ("tum . . . deus"). In this way the poet connects his passages with a transitional couplet (7-8). Within the bounds of this single transitional distich, Tibullus manages to describe Priapus in humorous terms. He borrows an expression from Vergil (Tib. 1.4.7 "sic ego" « Aen. 1.142 "sic ait", ultimately derived from Homer's ώς φάτο), and he borrows an expression from Horace (Tib. 1.4.7 "respondit" « Sat. 2.5.2 "responde", pressingly uttered by Odysseus to Tiresias) in order to sustain the link with his satiric model. In so doing, he presents the god as a mock-heroic figure, armed with a curved sickle, as though this modest piece of armor could rank with the weaponry of a mightier god. The Roman poets of the first century B. C. compose many poems in honor of Priapus, filled with allusions to his phallus.6 The Pnapea, the largest surviving anthology of these poems, contains eighty-five selections composed under Augustus's reign and collected in the first century A. D. It includes possible contributions by Catullus (fr. 1 in the Corpus Catullianum), Vergil (three poems in the Appendix Vergiliana), and Tibullus (two poems in the Corpus Tibullianum). These lively little pieces, chiefly elegiac and hendecasyllabic, deal with the phallus of the god, the offerings presented to him, and the punishment awaiting thieves. One finds a good example in the second poem of the Appendix, in which the god chastises a thief in obscene terms (18 "parata namque crux stat ecce mentula"). Horace, Satire 1.8 deserves special mention, since it shows how a major Augustan poet could construct an entire composition around this particular subject. In this satire Priapus describes the sorcery of the witches Canidia and Sagana, whom he finally frightens off by breaking wind through his wooden buttocks. Although the Roman poets usually employ obscenity in the Pnapea, Tibullus alone sidesteps the phallic aspect of the god, except for the possible allusion to it in the god's sickle.

9-72) Priapus to Tibullus: lecture about pederasty Priapus begins his address by warning Tibullus not to trust boys, probably the last thing that the poet expects to hear. Linking his thoughts 6 See Herter (Priapo, "Phallos", and "Priapos") for a comprehensive examination of Priapus and the phallic symbol.

68

with anaphora (11 "hie" . . . 12 "hie" . . . 13 "hie"), the god admits that boys always furnish a reason for love (9-10), whether they restrain the horse with tightened rein, part the water with snow-white breast (11-12), ensnare the lover with bold assurance, or captivate him with blushing modesty (13-14). Focusing on the boys' athletic prowess and personal qualities, Priapus advises the poet to avoid attractive boys at the same time that he presents him with reasons for pursuing them (9-14). Scholars propose textual changes in the above passage in order to effect a smoother transition from the previous passage. Muret 7 posits a lacuna after 7-8, involving verses in which Priapus presumably spoke "paulo liberius . . . paulo magis ex huius dei consuetudine". Yet one should not attempt to force obscenity into the elegy, since Tibullus does not employ here or elsewhere the kind of language found in the Priapea. Cartault8 emends "o fuge . . . credere" to "ne fuge . . . credere", in order to eliminate the clash of ideas within 9-10, between the warning and the admission. Still, by picturing Priapus first speaking against boys and then relating how they attract men, the poet humorously plays with the god's inveterate lechery. Putnam 9 correctly stresses how Tibullus pictures the unheroic Priapus delivering his lecture in heroic language: Tib. 1.4.9 "o fuge. . . credere" « Aen. 2.289 "heu fuge. . . eripe"; Tib. 1.4.10 "causam . . . habent" = burlesque of ordinary judicial language; Tib. 1.4.12 "pectore pellit" « Enn. 230 "pectore pellit". By avoiding an obvious reference to Priapus's phallus, Tibullus aims for a more sophisticated kind of humor, involving a sustained attempt to picture the god on an elevated level. Priapus then advises Tibullus to exercise patience in wooing the young, the first in a series of positive precepts. Connecting his thoughts with anaphora (17 "longa dies" . . . 18 "longa dies" . . . 19-20 "annus . . . annus"), the god advises the poet not to become disheartened, since the boy will come to him gradually (15-16), as shown by two changes effected by length of time (17-18) and two changes taking place within the course of a year (19-20). Drawing his illustrations from nature and natural processes, Priapus presents his lecture in language that his audience will be able to understand and appreciate (15-20). Scholars suggest textual changes in this passage also, again as a means of effecting a smoother progression of thought. Fritzsche10 proposes a laMuret (Tibullus) 8 and 46-47. Cartault ("Tibulle") 393, (A propos) 516, and (Tibulle) 166. Here one would do well to again recall Horace, Satire 2.3, especially the opening words of Damasippus's long lecture: Damasippus advises Horace not to commit an unworthy act (Sat. 2.3.38 "caue faxis"); Priapus advises Tibullus not to commit another kind of unworthy act (Tib. 1.4.9 "fuge . . . credere"). 9 Putnam (Tibullus) 90-91. 10 Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 20. See also Karsten ("Tibulli") 234. 7 8

69

cuna after 13-14, involving a couplet in which Priapus presumably sympathized with Tibullus's failure to listen to him (9 "o fuge . . . credere"). Yet this proposal compels the god to needlessly spell out what he has already implied in enumerating the reasons why men desire to make love to young boys. Baehrens11 changes "sed ne te capiant" to "sera haec; ne capias" or to "sera haec; ne pariat", as a means of getting Priapus to sympathize with Tibullus's dilemma. This proposal also seems unnecessary, since the poet chooses to capture the god's overall attitude, as specified above, through a more subtle form of character-delineation. Putnam 12 correctly emphasizes how Tibullus employs in the passage expressions found in high poetry: Tib. 1.4.17 "longa dies" « Aen. 5.783 "longa dies"; Tib. 1.4.18 "saxa peredit" « Lucr. 1.326 "saxa peresa"; Tib. 1.4.20 "lucida signa" « Lucr. 5.518 "lucida signa"-the last two parallels occurring in remarkably similar contexts. By decorating the passage with these colorful reminiscences, Tibullus continues to impart a humorous tone to the elegy as well as a humorous aspect to the speaker. Priapus proceeds to lecture Tibullus on the art of deception, a technique that he sanctions for his inquirer. The god bids the poet not to fear swearing falsely, since the winds scatter the lies over land and sea (21-22), since Jupiter himself forbids that lovers' oaths carry any meaningful weight (23-24), and since Diana and Minerva permit lovers to swear falsely-Diana, by her arrows, Minerva, by her hair (25-26). Calling attention to the attitudes of other deities, Priapus strengthens his argument on the subject of deception, in a way that seems to instruct and to entertain (21-26). Putnam 13 detects an ironic tone in the above passage, resulting from Tibullus's humorous treatment of the gods. Putnam connects Tibullus 1.4.21-22 with Catullus 70.3-4, in which Catullus remarks that a lover should write his mistress's words on wind and on rushing water. True, but one may add that Tibullus imparts humor to this statement by picturing Priapus as a god who regards oath-breaking as a blessing rather than as an offense. Putnam also observes irony in the idea that Priapus thanks Jupiter solely because he allows lovers to commit perjury without facing consequences. Indeed, Jupiter stands out as the most devious of the deities in amorous matters, as shown by his dealings with Io, Callisto, and many other women. Putnam also perceives irony in the idea that Priapus refers in particular to Diana and Minerva, two virgin goddesses, "straight and somewhat stuffy". Again I agree, although I prefer to de11

Baehrens (Blätter) 72-73 and (Albii) 14. See also Vahlen ("Elegien") 346-352 and (Gesammelte) 35-41, who emends 15 by changing sed to sin-another clever but unnecessary attempt to picture Priapus conceding that Tibullus may not wish to heed his initial warning ("don't trust boys . . . but if not", i. e. "if you choose to trust them"). 12 Putnam (Tibullus) 91-92. 13 Putnam (Tibullus) 92.

70

scribe these goddesses as hardened and extremely vengeful, as shown by Diana's punishment of Actaeon and Minerva's punishment of Arachne. By looking to Jupiter himself as the model of deception in love, and to the two goddesses least likely to overlook such deception, Tibullus continues to provide a humorous undercurrent to the lecture. Priapus then advises Tibullus to court the young swiftly, without delay, a slightly longer piece of positive instruction. Again connecting his thoughts with anaphora (28 "quam cito" . . . 29 "quam cito" . . . 30 "quam cito"), he points to the passage of time in general (27-28), the earth deprived of its foliage (29-30), the horse ignored because of age (31-32), the man who regrets his youth (33-34), the snake that sheds its skin (35-36), and the gods who never grow old (37-38). Calling to mind numerous examples of the ageing process, Priapus admonishes his listener to act with deliberate speed before he also becomes a mere speck on the sands of time (27-38). Putnam 14 discovers touches of humor in this passage also, subtly employed as if to alleviate the pathos on the surface. Putnam remarks that by advising Tibullus to act swiftly (27-28), Priapus qualifies his advice on the virtues of patience expressed a little earlier (15-16). Indeed, the speaker intimates that time may either bring love or take it away, that it may function as a friend or as an enemy of the anxious pederast. Putnam also comments that by referring to the virile stallion in such a flaccid context, Priapus creates a picture more amusing than pathetic. Here also an ironic tone appears, especially when one realizes that the speaker may be echoing Ennius, who compares himself to a retired racehorse [Ann. 374-375). Putnam also suggests that by suddenly apostrophizing his fellow deities as cruel, Priapus delivers "a rhetorical climax of mock profanity". To be sure, the speaker becomes so carried away with his point that he forgets his own divinity, even the divinity from whom he claims descent (37 "Baccho" « 7 "Bacchi"). By decorating the passage with elevated statements, Tibullus sustains the humorous tone of the elegy, all through the mouth of the grotesque little god. Priapus proceeds to lecture Tibullus on aspects of compliance, the most advanced stage of courtship thus far. The god admonishes the poet to yield to the boy's wishes (39-40), follow him in the heat (41-42) and in the rain (43-44), row the boat while sailing (45-46), ruin his hands while working (47-48), lay the nets while hunting (49-50), and expose his side while fencing (51—52)—all resulting in a reluctant kiss (53-54) and a passionate embrace (55-56). Cataloguing the various chores to be performed by the lover, Priapus depicts him in the role of a slave, who will totally prostrate himself for the sake of a sexual encounter (39-56).

14

Putnam (Tibullus) 92-93.

71

Scholars perceive humorous elements in the above passage, in which they observe the servile behavior of the pederast. Copley15 relates this behavior to the theme of seiuitium amons, a motif that the Augustan elegists occasionally employ while focusing on the lover's duties. Here one may examine Sulpicia's offer to Cerinthus to help him on the hunt (Tib. 3.9/4.3) and Ovid's advice to the lover to submit completely to his mistress (Ars Am. 2.177-232). Putnam 16 remarks that by describing the lover's voyage in epic terms, Priapus is creating a mock-heroic picture characterized by humorous overtones. Indeed, one need only compare Tibullus's reference to the boat with Ennius's description of a fleet [Ann. 385) or with Vergil's description of Aeneas at sea [Aen. 10.260-262). Bright ''observes that Priapus ironically pictures the lovers as ready to engage in serious discomfort or strenuous exercise over an extended period. To be sure, one realizes that neither lover has the stamina for such hardships, not Tibullus with his delicate hands (2.3.9-10), nor the boy with his delicate feet (1.9.15-16). And so, by picturing himself as a hale and hearty traveler-an ironic contrast to his experience in Phaeacia-Tibullus continues to compose his lecture along humorous lines. Priapus concludes his address by exhorting the boys themselves to love learned poets and to cherish their poetry. Lamenting the greed of the age (57-58), he curses the archetypal corruptor (59-60), reminds boys about the Muses (61-62), and focuses on themes that they inspire (63-64); he blesses the lover of poetry (65-66), urges the materialist to follow Cybele (67-68), for whom he will eventually castrate himself (69-70) as punishment for insulting Venus (71-72). Contrasting the advantages and disadvantages of worshiping the Muses, Priapus rounds off his monologue on a very depressing note, where the vehement curse undercuts the positive instruction (57-72). Scholars interpret the above passage along humorous lines, particularly in considering the opening couplets of this section. Fritzsche18 excises 63-64, arguing that if Priapus had wanted to lecture boys about poetry, he would have described figures younger than Nisus and Pelops. Yet by referring to the unhappy experiences of these two mythical figures, Priapus calls attention to the kinds of characters occasionally treated by the learned poets. Putnam 19 correctly regards Priapus's curse on the archetypal corruptor as a serio-comic variation on the subject of discoveries benefitting mankind. He also realizes that Priapus humorously connects poetic immortality with the hackneyed theme of an important poetic genre,

15

Copley ("Servitium") 294-295. Putnam (Tibullus) 94. 17 Bright (Haec) 252. 18 Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 20. " Putnam (Tibullus) 95-96. 16

72

the Hellenistic epyllion. Bright 20 recognizes the relevance of Priapus's exempla in 63-64: Nisus represents treachery for another's mistaken love ; Pelops, conspicuous favor by the gods. He also calls attention to the appropriateness of Priapus's remark about castration-the closest the god comes (in my opinion) to the language of the Priapea. By camouflaging his own pessimism behind that of the deity, Tibullus humorously concludes the long and instructive lecture, which culminates in a startling punishment for the enemy of poetry. When taken together, the various precepts comprise a speech on pederasty, aimed at both the pederast and his beloved. Priapus begins by warning the poet not to trust young boys (9-14), proceeds to lecture him on the virtues of patience (15-20), deception (21-26), readiness (27-38), and compliance (39-56), and concludes by warning boys not to reject learned poets if they do not wish to experience a ferocious punishment (57-72). These individual instructions constitute one long monologue, ostensibly delivered by the grotesque garden-god, but ultimately reflecting the personality of the love poet (9-72). 21 Scholars 22 detect humor not only in the individual sections of the lecture but in the effect of the monologue as a whole. Except for Leo, who only implies an antinomy between the identity of the speaker and the substance of his speech, they usually maintain that the humor appears primarily in the discrepancy between the crudeness of the instructor and the sophistication of his instruction on the subject of pederasty. I wish to stress that the antinomy intensifies when one recalls Priapus's clumsy attempts to ravish two goddesses in the moonlight: Lotis, during a festival of Bacchus (Ovid, Fast, 1.391-440); Vesta, during a celebration of Cybele (Ovid, Fast. 6.319-348)-each attempt foiled by the sudden braying of Silenus's ass. One should also understand that the antinomy diminishes when Priapus reverts to the threat of castration, to the kind of language more in keeping with his crudeness; in this respect he resembles Polyphemus, who concludes his tender love song to Galatea by threatening to dismember her suitor Acis (Ovid, Met. 13.789-869, especially 859-869). All in all, the humor appears not simply in the epic diction but in the stark incongruity between the traditional ineptitude and sophisticated instruction of the rustic blunderer. Bright (Haec) 235-236. But see Michaelis ("Tibull") 395, who declares that in the lecture on courting Priapus speaks somewhat illogically-an opinion that overlooks the orderly arrangement of the topics, from the warning against involvement, to the examples of ever-increasing entanglement, to the warning against materialism. 22 Leo ("Elegien") 16-19; Smith (Elegies) 288 ; Ball (Structure) 96-97; Putnam (Tibullus) passim; Rhorer (Tibullus) 142; Murgatroyd I'Tibullus") 113 and (Tibullus) 132; Bright (Haec) 234-235, who perceptively distinguishes between Priapus's careful control of his subject and his mounting level of emotional involvement. 20

21

73

Several23 assert that at strategic points in the lecture Tibullus continues to borrow phrases from Callimachus. They selectively single out the following cross-references: Tib. 1.4.16 « Epigr. 45.2-3 (submission to yoke); Tib. 1.4.21-26 « Epigr. 25 (perjuries of lovers); Tib. 1.4.58 « fr. 695 (avarice of young); Tib. 1.4.59-60 « f r . 110.48-50 (curse on corrupter); Tib. 1.4.61-66 « fr. 202.57-70 (immortality of poetry); Tib. 1.4.67-70 « fr. 193 (pursuit of Cybele). Specific verbal parallels tend to justify these cross-references: Tib. 1.4.16 "sub iuga" « Epigr. 45.3 ύπ' άροτρον; Tib. 1.4.21 "Veneris periuria" « Epigr. 25.3-4 τούς έν £ρωτι / όρκους; Tib. 1.4.58 "tener . . . munera" « fr. 695 ό καλός . . . άργύρlOV; Tib. 1.4.67-70 "non audit Musas . . . ad Phrygios modos" « fr. 193.36-39 Φρύγα πρός αύλόν . . . ές Μούσας ενευσα. Nor can one forget the thrust of Priapus's advice to young boys, that they should cherish the learned poets over all kinds of golden gifts-and what better way for the speaker to verbalize that valuable advice than to do so in the language of the famous Alexandrian who had earned his reputation as antiquity's greatest doctus poeta. By imitating Callimachus's phrases in Priapus's monologue, Tibullus strengthens the effect of the god's advice and humorously accentuates the inconsistency between the speaker and his subject. Wilhelm24 believes that Tibullus is imitating Horace, or at least a theme occasionally employed by the Augustan poets. He contends that in several poems a knowledgeable speaker lectures an uninformed listener about flattery (Tibullus 1.4; Horace, Sat. 2.5; Propertius 4.5; Ovid, Am. 1.8). This observation seems quite valid, since it applies to all the cases cited, be it god lecturing poet, prophet lecturing general, or procuress lecturing mistress. Although I do not discount the continued influence of Satire 2.5, I again perceive a subtler connection with Satire 2.3: Damasippus lectures Horace about the multitudinous follies of mankind [Sat. 2.3.38-295); Priapus lectures Tibullus about the sophisticated approaches to achieving success as a pederast (Tib. 1.4.9-72). One should understand that Horace also begins on a negative note (Tib. 1.4.9 "fuge . . . credere" « Sat. 2.3.38 "caue faxis"), builds his lecture around tightly constructed precepts (each carefully illustrated), and refers toward the end to a lover's frenzied behavior (Tib. 1.4.67-70 « Sat. 2.3.247-280, especially 276-280)-unusually sophisticated advice from the recently bankrupted 23 Dawson ("Alexandrian") 12, Luck (Latin) 87-90 in 1959 edition and 94-97 in 1969 edition, Lenz and Galinsky (Albii) 60-63 in 1959 edition and 70-73 in 1971 edition. Ball (Structure) 103-104, Bulloch ("Tibullus") 75, who also compares Tib. 1.4.65-66 with Cert. Horn, et Hes. 266-268. » Wilhelm ("1896") 51, Cartault (Tibulle) 128 and 133-134, Wimmel (Der frühe)IS, Ball (Structure) 99-100 and 104, where I first articulated this theory-that Tibullus is borrowing his patterning from Horace, Satire 2.5-but before I learned about Wilhelm's exposition of it.

74

Damasippus. By constructing Priapus's lecture in the likeness of the long monologue quoted by Damasippus, Tibullus discovers another way of accentuating the humorous inconsistency between teacher and student.

73- 74) Transition: identification of the speakers Tibullus then turns from Priapus's lecture to his friend Titius. He identifies Priapus as the speaker of the preceding address with only two words ("haec mihi") and devotes almost the entire couplet to identifying Titius as the recipient of the lecture just presented ("quae. . . uetat"). In this way the poet connects his passages with another transitional couplet (73-74). Within the bounds of this transitional distich as well, Tibullus continues to describe Priapus along humorous lines. He borrows an expression from Vergil (Tib. 1.4.73 "edidit ore" « Aen. 7.194 "edidit ore", applied to Latinus greeting the Trojans), and he borrows an expression from Horace (Tib. 1.4.73 "haec mihi" « Sat. 2.3.296 "haec mihi", employed at the end of the central address) as a means of sustaining the link with his satiric model. In so doing, he presents the god as a mock-heroic figure, specifically described as having delivered his lecture in epic terms, for the benefit of anyone who may have missed the point. Scholars25 identify Tibullus's friend Titius with the poet about whom Horace questions Florus (Epist. 1.3.9-14). They usually contend that Tibullus is referring to a poet, since Priapus specifically praises poets at the end of the monologue (61 "doctos . . . amate poetas"). This observation seems justifiable, especially when one realizes that as Horace's friend, Tibullus could easily have gotten to know this poet, who was just beginning to publish. Bright suggests that Tibullus may be composing a "friendly, quasi-obscene badinage" aimed at the talented young Titius on the occasion of his wedding. This speculation also has much to recommend itself, particularly when one remembers that in 20 B. C. (the date of Horace's epistle) Titius would have been just entering manhood. One should also keep in mind that according to Horace, Titius was about to become the talk of Rome for daring to compose verses in the style of Pindar. Presumably Titius would have been able to appreciate not only Tibullus's subtle imitations of Horace's satires but also his elegant allusions to the learned Callimachus. Although Tibullus chooses not to comment

25 Van Broekhuizen (Albii) 92-93; Volpi (Albiusj 64; Heyne and Wunderlich (Obseruationes) 48 in 1798 edition and 102 in 1817 edition; Hübner ("Priaposelegie"| 309-310; Smith (Elegies) 286-287; Wimmel (Der frühe) 36-37 ; Ball (Structure) 100; Lee (Tibullus) 107; Bright (Haec) 5 and 236-238; Murgatroyd (Tibullus) 156.

75

on Titius's poetry, he may well be directing his attention to the poet Titius as a means of expressing his admiration for Horace and his circle.

75-84) Tibullus to lovers: knowledge about pederasty The elegy concludes with an address to pederasts-at-large. Casting off the henpecked Titius, Tibullus exhorts pederasts to honor him (75-76) and consult him (77-78) even as an old man (79-80), but he then cries out for Marathus (81-82) and begs the boy to spare him (83-84). Contrasting his alleged success with his actual unhappiness, the poet rounds off the elegy on a sudden and definite downbeat (75—84).26 Scholars27 discover humor in the conclusion, in the dramatic contrast between Tibullus's professed self-confidence and actual disillusionment. One should also understand that by setting up this collision, the poet provides a passage analagous to the ending of the lecture: after instructing Tibullus, Priapus finally realizes that boys want gifts (57-58 "heu . . . artes . . . puer"); after instructing pederasts, Tibullus finally realizes that Marathus controls him (81-84 "heu heu . . . a r t e s . . . puer"). Thus, Tibullus sustains the humorous tone of the elegy while rejecting the initial advice transmitted to him by his teacher, that he avoid devious and treacherous young boys. Scholars28 again assert that Tibullus is imitating Callimachus, that he borrows several expressions from the Alexandrian. They call attention to the following two cross-references: Tib. 1.4.79-80 « fr. 41 (veneration of old man), especially "me . . . deducat... turba senem" « ό γέρων . . . εον . . . κ ο ϋ ρ ο ι . . . άγουσΐ; Tib. 1.4.83-84 « fr. 195.30 (request for compassion), especially "quaeso, ne turpis fabula fiam" « &, μή με ποίησης γέλω. These literary parallels seem especially convincing, since the quotations in question correspond almost word for word, and they 26 See Bubendey (Quaestiones) 12-13, who excises 81-84 from the text. See also the transpositions of Ritschl ("Tibull's") 64, Diskowsky (Tibulli) 7 / 10-12, and Baehrens (Blätter)! Ritschl (1-14, 39-56, 71-72, 21-26, 15-20, 27-38, 73-84, 57-70], Diskowsky (1-14, 39-52, 21-26, 71-72, 53-56, 15-20, 27-38, 73-84, 57-70); Baehrens (1-20, 27-56, 21-26, 71-76, 57-70, 77-84). 27 Smith (Elegies) 286-287; Solmsen ("Tibullus") 321 and 324; Wimmel (Der frühe) 39; Ball (Structure) 102-103; Putnam (Tibullus) 97-98; Rhorer (Tibullus) 137-140; Murgatroyd ("Tibullus") 114 and (Tibullus) 132; Bright (Haec) 238-240, who recognizes that although Tibullus's outcry seems impassioned enough on the surface, in the context of the entire poem it issues from his sense of elegant jest. 28 Dawson ("Alexandrian") 14; Pfeiffer (Callimachus) vol. 1, p. 43; Luck (Latin) 90-92 in 1959 edition and 97-99 in 1969 edition, Lenz and Galinsky (Albii) 63 in 1959 edition and 73 in 1971 edition, Wimmel (Der frühe) 38-39; Ball (Structure) 103-104; Bulloch ("Tibullus") 76, who follows Luck by comparing Tib. 1.4.75, 79 with fr. 571 (dealing with authority of teacher).

76

seem particularly appropriate coming from the mouth of the new praeceptoi amons, who needs to prove that like the ithyphallic garden-god he also can recite learned and polished verses. And so, these cross-references seem completely justified, through which the perplexed pederast expresses his frustration in the elevated language of his mock-heroic instructor. Wilhelm 29 does not pursue the comparison with Horace here, not surprising, since Satire 2.5 does not apply at this point. Although I do not observe any further affinity with Satire 2.5, I do perceive a connection with the conclusion of Satire 2.3: Horace beseeches Damasippus to stop listing his faults, especially in the area of love [Sat. 2.3.296-326); Tibullus beseeches Marathus to stop causing him anxiety, exclusively in the area of love (Tib. 1.4.75-84). One should keep in mind that Horace also exaggerates his own importance by permitting himself to be compared to the fabled frog that caused itself to burst, and that Horace also concludes his poem by suddenly confessing to his folly and by entreating the tormentor to spare the tormented (Tib. 1.4.83 "parce" « Sat. 2.3.326 "parcas"). One should also understand that Horace gradually builds up to his climax while Tibullus achieves the same effect by employing dramatic unity: between his glorious boast and sudden confession Tibullus expects his audience to visualize a devious young boy lurking in the background of the elegy and laughing at the problems of the pederast. Therefore, despite differences between the poems in question, Tibullus continues to draw part of his inspiration from Satire 2.3, especially when the prisoner of passion turns the joke on himself.

Questions on elegy 1.4 as a whole Tibullus 1.4 qualifies as satire, generically, in accordance with the criteria established long ago by Highet 30 . Highet explains that satire usually falls into three main categories: 1) monologue, in which the satirist speaks personally or from behind a mask; 2) parody, in which he makes a literary work or form look ridiculous by filling it with incongruous ideas; 3) narrative, in which he expresses himself through a story or dramatic fiction. I believe that in this particular elegy, Tibullus presents his audi29

See Wilhelm ("1896") 51 for the basic parallel considered earlier. See also Ball ("Dramatic") 191 on dramatic unity in Tibullus 1.4. I believe that Tibullus may also be imitating Vergil, Bucolic 2, in which the speaker rebukes himself for courting a boy: Tib. 1.4.81 "heu heu . . . Marathus" (Tibullus over Marathus) = Buc. 2.69 "a, Corydon, Corydon" (Corydon over Alexis). 30 See Highet (Anatomy) for a comprehensive examination of satire from ancient Greece to modern America, including references (except to Tibullus and Propertius) to the Roman poets of the first century B. C.

77

ence with a parody in the form of a monologue-a monologue ostensibly delivered by Priapus but embodying the personality of the elegist, and parodying the kind of didactic discourse satirized by Horace in his treatment of Damasippus's conversion to philosophy. Furthermore, throughout his elegy on pederasty, Tibullus imitates the verses of Callimachus and Horace, two poets not at all out of harmony for his immediate purposes-especially if one takes into account that each had earned part of his fame by writing the kind of poetry that satirized a wide variety of moral and literary attitudes. Although Callimachus had earned his reputation primarily as a serious writer, as antiquity's most distinguished doctus poeta, he also wrote iambic poems and satiric plays, which may well have influenced the Roman satirists and which (in the case of the iambic verses) clearly provided Tibullus with a number of critical ideas. In addition, all through the elegy in question, Tibullus employs satiric emotion, that subtle blend of amusement and contempt, coupled with irony and sarcasm-as shown by his humorous treatment of Priapus in the individual sections of the monologue and by his exaggerated treatment of the deity in the effect of the monologue as a whole. One may recognize this emotion in at least two of his other elegies, in 1.2, in which he pictures himself as a drunken amorist, who eventually offers to bang his head against the doorpost of Venus's temple, and in 1.6, in which he addresses his mistress and all those interested in her through a series of increasingly sarcastic remarks. And so, Tibullus is assuredly utilizing satiric form, satiric sources, and satiric emotion-with humor always present somewhere, no matter how bitter the poet may appear to become. The Roman poets of the first century B. C. frequently employ satire in their verses-a form not confined to any single genre. Lucretius (3.931-977] pictures Nature rebuking mankind for clinging to life so passionately-a technique possibly borrowed from the popular Cynic diatribes; later (4.1141-1191) he satirizes the lover who foolishly praises his mistress's faults and who tortures himself at her threshold while she attempts to conceal her imperfections. Catullus lampoons a number of his acquaintances throughout his lyrics and elegies, of whom the following comprise a selection: a chronic napkin-thief (12); a careless, thick-witted cuckold (17); a tactless, white-toothed grinner (39); an "h"-pronouncing enthusiast (84); a thoroughly despicable politician (93); a monstrous, menacing "mentula" (115). The Culex poet relates how a shepherd killed a helpful gnat, how the gnat's spirit described the underworld, and how the shepherd erected a memorial for the gnat; the Catalepton poet (Catal. 10) parodies Catullus (4) by transforming a very fast boat ("phaselus ille quem uidetis, hospites") into a very fast mule-driver ("Sabinus ille quem uidetis, hospites"). Horace reveals his versatility as a satirist, producing poems that fall into the three main categories described a little earlier: Sat. 1.5, a narrative in his own voice on his journey to Brundisium ; Sat. 78

2.3, for the monologue delivered by Damasippus on human folly ; Sat. 2.5, for the parody of the Homeric meeting between Odysseus and Tiresias. Propertius occasionally employs humorous objectivity at his own expense while reflecting on his entire affair with Cynthia-as when he fumbles in a drunken stupor before his mistress's bed (1.3), or when heavy with wine, he confronts a crowd of naked Cupids (2.29), or when he suffers a physical beating at the hands of his jealous mistress (4.8). Ovid reveals the ability to laugh at himself all through his Amores, although the self-irony seems more like a form of mannerism than like a genuine attitude; and in his Ars Amatoiia he presents if not a parody of a didactic poem on a serious subject, at least a didactic poem on an amusing subject, treated with the appropriate humor and levity. Therefore, following the practice of his literary predecessors and contemporaries, Tibullus utilizes the techniques associated with a highly flexible and highly sophisticated generic form.

Retrospective examination

of elegy 1.4

Although several regard Tibullus 1.4 as a strictly Alexandrian exercise, the elegy reveals the influence of both Callimachus and Horace. Invoking Priapus with a prayer, Tibullus introduces his poem by questioning the unkempt garden-god about the secrets of his success in pederasty (1-6). Here he describes the deity in humorous terms by looking partly at Callimachus's poem about the ithyphallic Hermes and partly at Horace's questioning of the bearded Damasippus. Turning from himself to Priapus, whom he depicts as a mock-epic figure (7-8), Tibullus presents the god's long address to pederasts and to the objects of their affection (9-72). Here the humor appears not only in the individual instructions but also in the extravagant contrast between the blunderings of the god of mythology and the sophistication of the god of the elegy. By decorating Priapus's lecture with imitations of Callimachus, which he assimilates from the various poems of the Alexandrian, Tibullus accentuates the collision between the crudeness of the instructor and the sophistication of his instruction, and characterizes the instructor as speaking in the language that he expects boys to appreciate. By constructing Priapus's lecture in the likeness of the one found in Horace, in which Damasippus recites Stertinius's lengthy sermon on folly, Tibullus further accentuates the humorous inconsistency between the instructor and his instruction, and pays tribute to expressions made famous by the hexameters of his fellow Augustan. Turning from Priapus to Titius, the talented but henpecked poet (73-74), Tibullus concludes his poem by proclaiming himself teacher, only to admit his own failure (75-84). Here he furnishes an analogue to the situation faced by Priapus himself, derived in part from sen79

timents expressed by Callimachus and in part from Horace's confession to the long-winded Damasippus. Exploiting both Callimachus and Horace toward humorous ends, Tibullus presents his audience with one of his most entertaining compositions, exhibiting satiric form, satiric sources, and satiric emotion.

80

CHAPTER VI

Elegy 1.5: A Troubled Separation In elegy 1.5 Tibullus addresses Delia about his gloom over their separation and his hopes for a reconciliation between them. Scaliger1 regarded 1.5.1-36 and 1.2.81-100 as Tibullus's fifth elegy, printed 1.5.37-70 as a separate poem, and transposed 1.5.71-76 after 1.6.31-32 in accordance with his customary procedure. I suggest the following summary of the poem: I-8) Opening comment: anguish suffered by the poet 9-68) Address to Delia: reasons why they should reconcile 69-76) Closing comment: anguish to be suffered by the rival

C

This elegy received special attention in Leo's early article on Tibullus and more recently in the studies of Vretska, Musurillo, and Kriel, scholars all concerned with the poem's structure and meaning. 2 I have evaluated these articles and other important references to the elegy in order to reveal the intricacies of its artistic design.

1-8) Opening comment: anguish suffered by the poet Tibullus begins by reflecting on a quarrel with Delia. He recalls the occasion of the quarrel (1-2), compares himself to a whirling top (3-4), asks to be punished for speaking boldly (5-6), and begs to be forgiven because of the love mutually shared (7-8). Turning from his former anger to his present anguish, the poet sets the mood for a long address on his devotion (1-8). Statius 3 excises 5 - 6 from the text, because he senses a strong clash between the request for torture and the request for pardon. Yet aside from intensifying the contrast between the poet who once spoke in anger and the poet who now regrets that anger, this couplet has all the earmarks of the elegist's own voice, the voice of the tormented masochist who will undergo even physical punishment in order to regain his mistress's love.

1 Scaliger (Catulli) 89-93 and (Castigationes) 122-126. See also Dissen (Albii) 17-20 and (Commentarius) 105-127 for the usual tripartite outline: 1.5 = 1-8, 9-66, and 67-76. 2 Leo ("Elegien") 39-41; Vretska ("Tibull"]; Musurillo ("Furtivus"); Kriel ("Structural"|. 3 Statius (Tibullus) 78.

81

Statius deletes a distich that belongs in the text, where it contributes to the unfolding drama of the lover who experiences the regrets and repercussions of his outspokenness. Scholars4 believe that in comparing himself to a top, Tibullus may be borrowing the simile from Callimachus or Vergil. On the one hand, one discovers specific verbal parallels between a couplet of Tibullus and a couplet of Callimachus: Tib. 1.5.3-4 "citus. . . uerbere turben / quem . . . uersat... puer" « Epigr. 1.9-10 o i . . . πληγησι θοάς βέμβικ α ς . .. £στρεφον .. . παΐδες-both of these occurring in strongly amatory contexts. On the other hand, one discovers closer verbal affinities between the couplet in Tibullus and a passage in Vergil: Tib. 1.5.3-4 "agor u t . . . uerbere turben / quem . . . uersat. . . puer" « Aen. 7.378-384 "ceu . . . uerbere turbo / quem pueri. . . exercent. . . / agitur"-each implying the frenzy ensuing from a bad turn of events. In any case, Tibullus follows Vergil more closely, applying the words used by Vergil to describe Amata's madness to his own feelings of rejection by Delia.

9-68) Address to Delia: reasons why they should reconcile Tibullus first reminds Delia of how he cared for her and prayed for her during the throes of her illness. Employing anaphora (11 "ipse" . . . 13 "ipse" . . . 15 "ipse"), he recalls how he saved her with prayer (9-10), sprinkled sulfur to a witch's chant (11-12), averted nightmares with holy grain (13-14), and sacrificed at night to the moon-goddess (15-16), only to watch another man reap the benefits (17-18). Thus, the poet presents the first in a series of appeals aimed at convincing his mistress of the depth of his devotion, especially during a time of extreme crisis (9-18).5 The Augustan elegists occasionally devote entire poems to the illnesses experienced by themselves or those they love. Sulpicia (Tib. 3.10/4.4) asks Apollo to make her well again and asks Cerinthus not to worry about her by reminding him that the gods do not harm lovers; elsewhere (Tib. 3.17/4.11) she declares that she would have no reason to recover if she thought that Cerinthus could look at her illness dispassionately. Propertius (2.28.A,B,C) bids Jupiter, Persephone, and Pluto to spare Cynthia in an elegy exemplifying the poet's use of dramatic unity as a structural device; in this elegy he touches on the four successive phases of Cynthia's sickness, with definite changes in her health to be understood from one section to another. Ovid {Am. 2.13) bids Isis and Ilithyia to pro4 Dissen (Commentarius) 110; Smith (Elegies) 290-291; Bulloch ("Tibullus"| 76; Putnam (Tibullus) 100; Bright (Haec) 155, who regards the turning as an aimless, restless motion. 5 See also Propertius 2.9.25-28 for another treatment of this theme.

82

tect Corinna during her abortion and in return offers to carry gifts to the sacred altars; in a companion-piece [Am. 2.14) the same poet beseeches the gods to protect his mistress this one time even though he disapproves of her operation. By reviewing his various activities during Delia's sickness, Tibullus reveals not only the depth of his devotion but also the superiority of his devotion to that of his rival. Tibullus then informs Delia of how he dreamed of living with her in the country, the ideal setting for their love. After referring to his dream (19-20), he pictures his mistress directing the harvest (21-22), overseeing the vintage (23-24), playing with the slave-baby (25-26), sacrificing to the rustic god (27-28), supervising the household (29-30), and entertaining Messalla (31-34), only to realize the futility of hoping that his dream could ever come true (35-36). Passing from one vision to another, all set in the country, the poet directs a second appeal at his mistress, whom he now pictures as happy in rustic pursuits (19-36). 6 Scholars7 believe that Tibullus is again praising Messalla, by assimilating him into the closing portion of his dream. They usually contend that Tibullus pictures Messalla as a god with heroic presence or a hero converted into a god: Bright points to the air of epiphany surrounding Messalla's arrival (31 "ueniet") ; Putnam expresses the idea that Messalla enjoys Delia as a worshiper (33 "uenerata") and a slave (34 "ministra"). Although Tibullus addressed Messalla in an offhand manner in two of the earlier elegies (1.1.53-56, 1.3.1-2, and 1.3.53-56), he now refers to him affectionately (31 "Messalla meus") and with much respect (33 "tantum . . . uirum") and honors him further by incorporating him into the climactic section of the dream. One should understand that in the context of his dream-fantasy Tibullus clearly depicts Messalla as a genuine object of worship, and that the final couplet need not arouse suspicion (as it did in the mind of Belling) because of the poet's unique application of "uenerata" and special lengthening of "uirüm". At this point in his poetry Tibullus brings Messalla into the setting of the countryside, while moving from a feeling of indifference to an attitude of admiration for his patron. Frankel8 suggests that in verbalizing his dream about the country, Tibullus is imitating Xenophon [Oec. 7.35-42). In connecting the two passages, each obviously set on a farm, Frankel calls attention to the following overall parallel: Socrates tells Critobulus about the tasks that

6 See Belling (Kritische) 19-25, who questions the authenticity of 33-34, primarily because he does not believe that Tibullus would refer to Messalla as a god ("uenerata"). But see Bright (Haec) 47-48, who recognizes that the relationship seems natural in the context of the poet's dream, in which the figures assume basically different dimensions. 7 Ball (Structure) 111; Putnam (Tibullus) 103 ; Bright (Haec) 46-49. 8 Frankel (Ovid) 184.

83

Isomachus assigned to his wife; Tibullus informs Delia about the duties that he would assign to her if she were to live with him. Although each speaker refers to himself as his woman's servant, their two accounts differ greatly in content and in detail: Xenophon pictures the woman preparing a budget, supervising the work, and judging the slaves; Tibullus pictures his mistress counting the cattle, instructing the children, and entertaining his patron. Furthermore, one should not conclude that Tibullus is drawing his inspiration from a didactic Greek essay on the subject of estate-management, not this particular poet, who models his couplets after the colorful verses of his famous Alexandrian predecessors or his eminent Roman contemporaries. In presenting the various aspects of his bucolic fantasy, the poet furnishes his audience with an original treatment of a theme to which he so often and so wistfully returns. Tibullus next relates to Delia how deeply he suffered during their separation, when he tried to rid himself of his anguish. He recalls how he attempted to drown his sorrow in wine (37-38) and how he attempted in vain to make love to another woman (39-40)-someone who described him as the victim of a sorceress (41-42)-and he declares that his mistress bewitches him with her beauty (43-44) and compares her to Thetis, as she looked on her way to Peleus (45-46). By picturing himself first with wine and then with a woman, the poet emphasizes the depth of his depression, the extent to which the separation has affected him (37-46). Opinions differ sharply about the authenticity of 45-46, the couplet in which Tibullus compares Delia to Thetis. Gruppe 9 excises this distich from the text, since he cannot bear to see this lone mythological exemplum associated with a poet who hardly ever uses mythology. Yet by doing so, he deprives the passage of its very striking climax, an exquisite expression of the overwhelming attraction that the elegist feels for his mistress. Bright 10 astutely comments that by employing this distich, Tibullus may be recalling the warning found in Catullus 64, in which Catullus exploits the twin tales of Peleus-Thetis and Theseus-Ariadne in order to picture Lesbia as he would ideally have her and Lesbia as he recognizes her for her real faults. One should understand that Tibullus may also be recalling that aspect of the Peleus-Thetis story described by Ovid [Met. 11.229-265)-the resistance that the god met while courting the goddesswith the implication that the elegist ultimately will win his mistress even though she causes him sorrow every step of the way. In any case, whether Tibullus is alluding to the furious courtship or the elegant wed-

' Gruppe (Elegie) vol. 1, p. 192-a proposal accepted by Bubendey (Quaestiones) 8-9 and Prien (Symmetrie) 11-12. 10 Bright (Haec) 3-4, 117, and 162, who describes the couplet in question as the most neoteric in the entire corpus.

84

ding, he utilizes a couplet that functions effectively at the point where it appears. Tibullus then detaches Delia from her responsibility for his sorrow by focusing instead on the hateful procuress. Regarding her as the ultimate cause of his troubles (47-48), he pictures her eating and drinking poison (49-50), tortured by ghosts and owls (51-52), satisfying her hunger in the graveyard (53-54), and chased by dogs through the city (55—56)—the victim of Venus's desire to avenge a hurt lover (57-58). Passing from one punishment to another, all apparently set in the city, the poet directs a further appeal to his mistress by admonishing her about the fate of her own instructress (47-58). 11 Scholars attempt to connect the above passage with passages about Delia that appear earlier in the elegy. Rhorer 12 proposes thematic parallels between 9-18 (the passage about the illness) and 47-58 (the passage about the procuress): Tibullus prays for Delia (9 "tristi morbo", 11-12 "te circum . . . praecinuisset", and 13-14 "saeua. . . somnia"); Tibullus curses the procuress (50 "tristia . . . pocula", 51-52 "hanc . . . circum . . . canat", and 54 "saeuis . . . lupis"). Kriel 13 observes thematic parallels between 19-36 (the passage about the country) and 47-58 (the passage about the procuress): the poet idealizes Delia (28/34 "dapem / epulas", 24 "Candida musta", and 25/28 "pecus / grege") ; the poet chastises the procuress (49 "sanguineas . . . dapes", 50 "tristia . . . pocula", and 54/56 "lupis / Canum"). Although all these parallels seem possible, Kriel's seem particularly convincing, involving a contrast between an idyllic dream (in which the lover visualizes his mistress with wholesome food, docile animals, and excellent company) and a terrifying curse (in which the lover visualizes the procuress with harmful food, hostile animals, and horrible company). Contrasting in detail these two very different fates, both expressed in part by the subjunctive mood, the poet presents his mistress with the alternative possibilities for her future. Scholars 14 also suggest that Tibullus models the opening of the curse after a similarly worded passage in Callimachus. They usually compare Tib. 1.5.49-50 with the elusive fr. 530: "edat. . . dapes . . . feile" (applied

11 See Smith (Elegies) 120, Axelson (Unpoetische) 124-125, Lenz (Albii) 67 in 1959 edition, Ball (Structure) 113-114, and Bright (Haec) 162, who punctuate line 47 by placing a c o m m a after " m i h i " and a semi-colon after "amator" rather than a period after "mihi" and a c o m m a after "amator". As Axelson notices, a similar sequence appears in 1.4.11-13 ("hie placet. . . quod / hie p l a c e t . . . quod / hie c e p i t . . . quia"), and as Bright points out, "haec nocuere mihi" looks forward, to the poet's enemy, not backward, to the poet's impotence in the presence of another woman. 12 Rhorer (Tibullus) 160-161. 13 Kriel ("Structural") 1 and 3 - 4 . 14 Pfeiffer (Callimachus) vol. 1, pp. 3 8 3 - 3 8 4 ; Lenz and Galinsky (Albii) 67 in 1959 edition and 77 in 1971 edition; Bulloch ("Tibullus") 76, who refers to Pfeiffer's citations.

85

to procuress) « χολΓ|... γέντα πάσαιο (applied to ?)-a tantalizing parallel, but one that they should not press too far, since the manuscripts provide no information whatsoever about the context of the quotation from Callimachus. Yet one may easily conclude that at this point in his poetry Tibullus is beginning to echo phrases from Vergil's Aeneid: Tib. 1.5.35 "Eurusque Notusque" « Aen. 1.85 "Eurusque Notusque"; Tib. 1.5.49 "ore cruento" « Aen. 1.296 "ore cruento"; Tib. 1.5.55 "ululetque per urbes" « Aen. 4.609 "ululata per urbes" (see also G. 1.486 "ululantibus urbes"). Here one may ask how Tibullus could have known the Aeneid, since both he and Vergil died in 19 B.C., before the publication of the epic; I have considered this question in the chapter on Tibullus 2.5, a poem in which the elegist pays extended tribute to his famous fellow poet and to the glorious new epic that was becoming the talk of the literary world. By comparing the procuress to Vergil's unholy Furor and eerie Hecate, Tibullus intensifies the excitement of his passage, one of the most powerful imprecations in Roman poetry. Tibullus finally reminds Delia of the various benefits in having a poor man as a lover, especially in times of need. Employing anaphora (61 "pauper" . . . 63 "pauper" . . . 65 "pauper"), he begs her to ignore the greedy procuress (59-60) and reminds her that the poor man will accompany his mistress everywhere (61-62), elbow a path for her through crowds (63-64), and escort her secretly to the homes of friends (65-66), only to realize that he pleads in vain (67-68). Thus, the poet presents the last in a series of appeals designed to persuade his mistress of the extent of his devotedness, particularly during periods of extreme hardship (59-68).15 Kriel16 detects thematic parallels between 9-18 (the passage about the illness) and 59-68 (the passage about the poor man). He maintains that in each section Tibullus attempts to win over Delia by describing either what he did or what he will do for her: the poet initially recounts the steps he took in order to rescue his mistress from sickness; he finally recounts the deeds he will perform in order to persuade his mistress to accept him. He also points out that in each section Tibullus connects the central couplets by employing a highly elaborate anaphora-11 "ipseque" . . . 13 "ipseque" . . . 15 "ipseque" « 61 "pauper" . . . 63 "pauper" . . . 65 "pauper"-an arrangement that supports the idea that in referring to the services of the poor man, the poet is virtually referring to himself. One should also understand that at the end of each section Tibullus grimly alludes to the rival lover who has replaced him, the shadowy

15 See Heyne fObsemationes) 56-57, who regards 65-66 as spurious, on the ground that it contains several allusions to immoral behavior. Yet the implied sexual encounter belongs just as much in this passage as does 1.2.15-24 in 1.2, on the secret maneuvers to be employed toward enjoying intimacy. 16 Kriel ("Structural") 1 and 3.

86

figure who profits from the prayers that the poet once uttered for his mistress and who presents his mistress with the kind of material wealth that the impecunious lover has probably never seen. Emphasizing his sincerity through these parallel descriptions, both expressed from beginning to end by the indicative mood, the poet separates himself from his wealthy and nameless rival. Picturing himself in a variety of different situations, Tibullus reveals the extent of his frustration in love. The poet relates how he prayed for Delia during her illness (9-18), how his mistress (so he dreamed) will live in the country (19-36), how he yearned for Delia in another woman's company (37-46), how the procuress (so he predicts) will suffer for her counsel (47-58), and how he will protect his mistress as a poor man (59-68). When taken together, all these passages constitute one lengthy appeal designed to reconcile two alienated lovers, whose painful relationship appears to have run its course (9-68). Scaliger17 regards 37-70 as a separate elegy, capable of standing alone, with a structure and coherence all its own. He believes that in this particular passage and especially in those couplets that bitterly attack the procuress, Tibullus voices sentiments that have little or nothing to do with the kinds of sentiments expressed earlier in the elegy, in which he passionately attempts to convince Delia of his deep devotion. On the contrary, by reminding his mistress of how thoroughly she has bewitched him, how terribly the procuress will suffer, and how faithfully he will serve her, the poet attempts to provide her with increasingly stronger arguments that he alone will be able to protect her from the corruption lurking at her doorstep. This important passage deserves no less of a place in the central section of this elegy than does 1.2.67-80 in the central section of Tibullus 1.2-a similar attempt by the poet to persuade his mistress to receive him alone as her lover by calling attention to the various aspects of his devotedness. The passage in question belongs exactly where it appears, through which Tibullus develops and rounds out his emotional appeal as a means of penetrating a stubborn and hardened heart. Scholars emphasize the elegy's structural sophistication, the remarkable concatenation of similarly constructed passages. Vretska 18 regards each of five couplets appearing in the address to Delia as transitional in nature (17-18, 35-36, 47-48, 57-58, and 67-68(-couplets that I believe do function in some sort of transitional capacity, in the sense that they transport the poet suddenly but effectively from a happy vision to a dismal awakening. Musurillo 19 divides the elegy in half (1-36 and 37-76) in 17 Scaliger (Catulli) 91-92 and (Castigationes) 124-125. See also Heyne fAlbü) 49-50 in 1798 edition and (Obseruationes) 53 in 1798 edition, who regards 37-68 as a fragment of a lost elegy interpolated into the text. 18 Vretska ("Tibull") 127-128. " Musurillo ("Furtivus") 397-398.

87

order to distinguish between a mood of despair and a mood of revenge, although one should understand that by making such a division, he breaks up the integrity of the long, central address and overlooks the consistently melancholy tone of the component passages. Kriel20 correctly schematizes the interrelationships existing within the central complex, which I have simplified as follows: 9-18 (past services reviewed) « 59-68 (future services imagined); 19-36 (reward for mistress) « 47-58 (punishment for procuress); 37-46 (sorrow without mistress, placed at the center of the elegy). The poet composes an artistic and well-balanced elegy by establishing thematic parallels between pairs of passages and by rounding off these passages with a skillful use of transitional couplets.

69-76) Closing comment: anguish to be suffered by the rival Tibullus concludes by addressing his rival about Chance. He reminds him that Chance spins on a swift wheel (69-70), points to another rival who paces near the threshold (71-74), and advises him to enjoy himself while he still can (75-76). Warning his rival about the fickleness of fortune, the poet resigns himself to his hopeless amatory dilemma (69-76).21 Scaliger22 transposes 71-76 after 1.6.31-32, a sequence that he believes that Ovid imitated [Tr. 2.447-464, especially 459-460). Although Ovid enumerates Tibullus's adulterous activities, one should not assume that he is following exactly the same order that Tibullus employs; nor should one identify the pacing stranger with Tibullus himself simply because

20

Kriel ("Structural"] 1-6. See Baehrens (Blätter) 21, Karsten ("Tibulli") 305, Copley (Exclusus) 108, and Kriel ("Structural") 2-3, who regard the pacing amorist as Tibullus himself-the one person (in Kriel's opinion) familiar with Delia's fickleness and involved with her furtively (7 "furtiui. . . lecti" « 75 "furtiuus amor"). But see Vretska ("Tibull") 125-126, Ball (Structure) 117-118, Putnam (Tibullus) 107, and Bright (Haec) 165-166, who regard the pacing aspirant as a third lover-surely the solution (as Bright realizes), since the poor, frustrated Tibullus (67 "heu canimus frustra") cannot supplant the rich, contemptuous rival (71 "non frustra quidam"). 22 Scaliger (Catulli) 93 and (Castigationes) 126. See also Heyne (Albii) 53 in 1798 edition and (Obseruationes) 57 in 1798 edition, who regards 69-76 as a fragment of a lost elegy. See also Havet, who unnecessarily inverts 72 and 74 in order to rectify what he regards as a scribal error (cited in Ponchont, Tibulle, xl and Pichard, Tibulle, 39). Havet The French scholar Louis Havet proposed many emendations in a great number of Tibullus's elegies (1.5, 1.6, 1.7, 1.8, 1.9, 2.1, 2.3, and 2.5). Ponchont referred to Havet's conjectures in his own edition of Tibullus (xxxvii-xlii), and Pichard included them in his own edition as well (v, ix, and 3-111). These conjectures did not appear in any articles published by Havet or in Havet's classic study, Manuel de critique verbale appliquSe aux textes latins. Since Havet did not publish these conjectures under his own name, I have referred to them throughout this book with the words "cited in Ponchont and Pichard". 21

88

Ovid refers to this figure immediately after Tibullus's encounter with the dog. Scaliger transposes a passage that belongs precisely where it appears, since it complements the final warning about shifting fortune with a particular illustration appropriate to the situation. Scholars23 discover thematic parallels between the opening and closing passages, parallels involving the image of turning. They usually call attention to the following cross-references, which comprise another example of the poet's fondness for ring-composition: 4 "celer .. . uersat. . . (puer)" « 70 "uersatur celeri. . . (orbe)"; 7 "furtiui (foedera) lecti" « 75 "furtiuus amor (parat)"; 8 "quaeso" (directed at Delia) « 75 "quaeso" (directed at rival). One should also consider Kriel's suggestion, that the above image recurs in 76 liquida . . . aqua ("in uncertain waters")-an ingenious interpretation, and consistent with Tibullus's employment of this adjective in several other contexts (1.9.12 liquidas . . . aquas and 1.9.50 liquida . . . aqua). By transferring the image of turning from himself to the rival lover, Tibullus concludes the elegy on a colorful note and rounds out the sentiments expressed in the introduction.

Questions on elegy 1.5 as a whole Several24 classify Tibullus 1.5 as a paraklausithyron, the lover's serenade considered in connection with Tibullus 1.2. They usually defend their position by pointing out that after Tibullus addresses Delia about the advantages of having a poor man as a lover, he realizes that he has not convinced his mistress to receive him and that a rival lover paces before his mistress's door (the setting that one could apply to the entire poem). Yet one should not assume that the poet would want to picture himself standing before the door of his mistress (in the hope that she will receive him as her lover) while picturing some rival pacing before the very same door at the very same time (in the hope that she will still open her arms to the poor man). Nor does one discover in this particular poem any signs of a lover who wanders through the streets in an intoxicated state with a garland in his hands-the kind of figure who normally appears in a paraklausithyron, in accordance with the criteria established by Copley in his classic study of this genre. And so, although Tibullus refers to the door at the close of the elegy in question, he does not expect his audience to visualize the door as the setting of the entire composition.

13 Elder ("1962"| 101; Putnam (Tibullus) 107; Rhorer (Tibullus) 163; Kriel ("Structural"] 1-2; Bright (Haec) 157, who again regards the turning as an aimless, restless motion. 24 Copley (Exclusus) 107-108; Musurillo ("Furtivus") 388; Putnam (Tibullus) 107; Murgatroyd (Tibullus) 160-161. But see Ball (Structure) 118-119 and Bright (Haec) 164-165, who object to interpreting Tibullus 1.5 along these lines.

89

Tibullus 1.5 hinges on the motif of capture and slavery, a theme treated and developed most masterfully by Bright.25 Bright comments that Tibullus first depicts himself as a slave, worthy of being burned and tortured for causing the breakup (1-8), and then depicts Delia as a very different kind of slave, the captive of a dreadful disease, the sort of servitude that might have killed her if the poet had not come to her aid (9-18). In Bright's opinion, Tibullus pictures himself and Delia as enviable slaves in his bucolic fantasy (19-36), himself as a runaway slave when he turns to another woman in order to forget Delia (37-46), and Delia as a slave of the procuress, the woman from whom his mistress must ultimately escape (47-58). As Bright observes, Tibullus again depicts himself as a slave while describing the behavior of the poor but devoted lover (59—68)—a characterization that I suspect that Tibullus may also be applying to the pacing stranger, who will experience servitude after the mistress becomes cognizant of his gestures (69-76). Therefore, describing himself as a rebellious yet ultimately faithful slave, Tibullus succombs to the madness of his masochism and refrains from blaming his mistress for anything.

Retrospective examination

of elegy 1.5

Although several attempt to dismantle Tibullus 1.5, the elegy stands as a testament to the poet's penchant for order. Tibullus introduces the elegy by comparing himself to a top, by begging to be punished for his arrogance and to be forgiven because of his devotion (1-8). This passage reveals an interest in the image of turning and in the theme of slavery, through which the poet pictures himself being branded and tortured. Tibullus then attempts to reconcile himself and his mistress by recalling how he protected her during her illness, that he dreamed of her in the country, how he yearned for her during their separation, that the procuress will suffer for her greed, and how he will protect his mistress as a poor man (9-68). Although several expunge a large part of the central address, this address reveals a sophisticated chiastic arrangement: Tibullus's devotion as a healer « Tibullus's devotion as a pauper; Tibullus's sexual anxiety (set at the center of the address); Tibullus's fantasy of his mistress vs. Tibullus's punishment for the procuress. Expanding further on the theme of captivity and servitude, Tibullus pictures his mistress as

25 Bright (Haec) 113-114 and 158-161. I do not agree that Tibullus himself = the prattling slave-child, playing and reclining in the bosom of his Delia (1.5.25-26 "consuescet.. . ludere uema"). The poet specifically refers to slave-children, as he does one other time, when he pictures them building toy-houses before the fire (2.1.23-24 "turbaque uernarum . . . ludet").

90

the slave of her sickness, himself as her slave in his dreamworld, himself as the slave who rebels without success, his mistress as the slave of the procuress, and himself as the slave of his mistress (even though he cannot give her expensive presents). Tibullus concludes the elegy by focusing on the wheel of fortune, by admonishing an anonymous rival about the rejection that he also will face (69-76). This passage balances the introduction of the poem by reviving the images of turning and spinning, which one may also associate with the theme of servitude. Whirling along as a slave of love, as a victim of fickle fortune, Tibullus begins to recognize the hopelessness of a reconciliation, which he expresses within the framework of an artistically constructed composition.

91

CHAPTER VII

Elegy 1.6: Farewell to Delia In elegy 1.6 Tibullus addresses Delia for the last time by reflecting on the various aspects of her personality. Scaliger1 found the traditional arrangement of the couplets logical and acceptable, although he did transpose 1.5.71-76 after 1.6.31-32 for an interesting reason. I considered this transposition in the previous chapter, where I concluded that the couplets in question belong exactly where they appear in the manuscripts. I observe an arrangement based on the different figures addressed: 1-14) 15-38) 39-54) 55-62) 63-72) 73-86)

Address to Love: anguish over his deceit Address to Delia's husband: lecture on her fidelity Address to rivals: warning against her seduction Address to Delia: prediction of her punishment Address to Delia's mother: request for her fidelity Address to Delia: prayer for her faithfulness

This elegy did not receive much attention except for the standard commentaries until Gaisser explored the elements of irony pervading the poem. Her article considers how the poet becomes increasingly sarcastic in the course of the elegy while he addresses the figures who have helped destroy his love affair.2 In this chapter I have attempted to interpret the mood as a structural device and to demonstrate how skillfully Tibullus interweaves the central themes of fidelity and infidelity.

1-14) Address to Love: anguish over his deceit The elegy begins with a stinging address to Love about the fact that Delia has secretly taken a new lover. Tibullus complains that Love keeps deceiving him (1-2), without any obvious motive (3-4), that Delia fondles another lover (5-6), while denying that she does so (7-8), and that he himself taught her how to deceive (9-10), how to sneak outdoors (11-12), and how to remove love-marks from her body (13-14). Thus, the opening passage deals with the poet's regrets over instructing his mistress, espe-

1

Scaliger (Catulli) 92-95 and (Castigationes) 125-128. See also Dissen (Albii) 21-24 and (Commentatiusj 127-146 for the usual tripartite outline: 1.6 = 1-14, 15-84, and 85-86. 2 Gaisser ("Structure") 202-216. See also Putnam (Tibullus) 108-109.

92

daily since she has utilized that instruction in order to cast aside the poet (1-14). Scholars suggest that in describing the actions of Cupid, Tibullus may be turning his attention to the Alexandrian poets. Smith3 connects Tibullus's god with the spoiled, prankish child described by Apollonius of Rhodes [Argon. 3.129-153): spurred on by the scheming goddesses Hera and Athena, Aphrodite promises to reward Eros with Zeus's golden ball in order to get him to make Medea fall in love with Jason. Bulloch4 observes several parallels with the Palatine Anthology: Tib. 1.6.3-4 (question to Cupid about ensnarement) « Alcaeus, Anth. Pal. 5.10.3-4 (question about Eros and ensnarement); Tib. 1.6.5 (spreading of net for victim of love) « Meleager, Anth. Pal. 5.177.8 (spreading of net for victim of love). One may also find connections between the god of the elegy and the deity described by Callimachus: in one fragment Eros wounds Acontius with his arrow, causing him to fall in love with Cydippe (fr. 70); and in another Aphrodite may be bribing Eros, this time with the knucklebones of a gazelle (fr. 676). As all these illustrations reveal, in presenting his picture of Cupid, Tibullus may well be drawing his inspiration from his Alexandrian predecessors. The Augustan poets describe Cupid in very similar terms, as shown by an examination of a number of important passages. Vergil (Aen. 1.657-722) models his Cupid after the figure described by Apollonius of Rhodes: like the Alexandrian, he pictures the god as a playful young boy, but more mature and more powerful, who (at Venus's request) deliberately causes Dido to fall madly in love with Aeneas. Propertius (2.12) describes the Cupid of Hellenistic poetry, the winged baby-god with his bow and arrows, who inspires the poet to sing about his mistress; elsewhere (2.29) he recalls how numerous naked Cupids seized him on his way home, placed a noose around his neck, and escorted him to his mistress's house. Ovid describes Cupid in much the same way throughout his poetry, as when he pictures him shooting the poet with his barbed arrows [Am. 1.1), or shooting Apollo in order to make him fall in love with Daphne [Met. 1.452-473), or visiting the poet on whirring wings in order to comfort him during his painful exile [Pont. 3.3). And so, like his fellow Augustans, Tibullus describes the mischievous child of Hellenistic literature, not the handsome youth frequently paired with Psyche in sculpture. The opening passage contains elements of irony, stemming partly from Tibullus's playful description of Cupid. Gaisser5 describes the opening section as a wry statement of the poet's present situation, in which Delia 3 4 5

Smith (Elegies) 308. Bulloch ('Tibullus") 76. Gaisser ("Structure") 204.

93

appears as instructed in the art of deceit. I agree, since this comment takes into account that Delia is seeing another lover stealthily, in the silent night (5-6 "furtim . . . tacita callida nocte"). Bright6 regards Cupid as little more than a prankster and the familiar, almost contemptuous tone as belying the apparent urgency of the words themselves. As he astutely points out, the lament sounds more melodramatic than convincing, especially the poet's sudden recognition (10 "heu heu nunc premor arte mea"). Indeed, the opening couplets have a sarcastic ring, a tone reflected in the treatment of the three central figures presented thus far: Cupid, the mischievous deity who sets traps for Tibullus; Tibullus, who suffers at the hands of his former student; Delia, who employs deception in order to sleep with another lover. Just as the praeceptor amoiis once admitted his failure to win Marathus (1.4.81-82 "heu heu . . . artes"), so he here admits his inability to keep Delia (1.6.9-10 "heu heu . . . arte").

15-38) Address to Delia's husband: lecture on her fidelity Tibullus then addresses Delia's husband about her deceit, her trickery in the past and in the present. He urges him to guard her and protect her for the poet (15-16), not to let her mingle with or reveal her bosom to younger men (17-18), or allow her to make head-signs or write notes in wine (19-20), or permit her to leave the house, even for the Good Goddess (21-22), and he offers to escort her at the risk of having his eyes scratched out (23-24). He tells him how often he managed to touch her hand (25-26) and drug his drink (27-28), that he did so at Love's command (29-30) and caused the dog to bark (31-32), that he regards him as a complete fool (33-34) and his wife as a clever actress (35-36), and he offers to protect her at the risk of being beaten or chained (37-38). All these couplets comprise a blistering attack on the husband, for his ignorance and stupidity, and on Delia herself, for her expertise in taking on lovers (15-38). The above passage suffers at the hands of many scholars, who excise couplets, or propose lacunas, or suggest transpositions. Some7 regard several verses as spurious: Fritzsche considers 16 an interpolation; Paldamus considers 25-26 extremely dull, interpolated from Ovid, Tr. 2.451-452. Their proposals seem silly, since these verses contribute to the ironic tone of the passage, in which Tibullus warns the husband to

6

Bright (Haec) 169-171. Paldamus (Römische) 58; Fritzsche (Quaestiones), who presents his proposal not on page 7, where he considers Tibullus 1.6, but on the last page, under the heading "Theses". 7

94

watch out for his various tricks. Others 8 suspect a hiatus in the text: Müller imagines one after 21-22; Cartault, within 21-22 (after "time"), where the poet supposedly used correlatives ("time seu . . . seu"). These proposals also seem unfounded, since by employing "seu" in the sense of "uel si" ("even if"), Tibullus clearly differentiates between Delia's frequent excuses and her annual ones. A few 9 rearrange several couplets: Müller transposes 21-24 after 31-32; Baehrens, 21-22 after 15-16, and 23-24 after 37-38, with a view toward combining 17-20 and 25-32. These suggestions also seem unnecessary, since Tibullus is admonishing Delia's husband by describing no single occasion in particular but different instances of her deception. One should discount all these suggestions, because they not only overlook the structure of the passage but also introduce new problems into the text. Rhorer 10 examines the structural design of the address to the husband, one enhanced by several verbal parallels. She points out that the passage falls into two parts: in the first Tibullus relates how Delia keeps deceiving her husband and how her husband can keep her faithful; in the second Tibullus relates how he himself kept deceiving her husband and how he himself will keep Delia faithful (if her husband will allow him to do so). She also calls attention to several verbal similarities: the poet orders the husband to watch out (15-16 "coniunx . . . seruato") and even offers to serve as Delia's escort (23-24 "at mihi si credas"); the poet questions his ability to watch anything (33-34 "coniuge . . . seruare") and again offers to serve as her guardian (37 "at mihi seruandam credas"). One may observe another connection between the components of the second cross-reference, dealing with extreme physical abuse: Tibullus offers to protect Delia at the risk of losing his eyesight (24 "oculis . . . meis"); Tibullus offers to protect her at the risk of being beaten or being chained (38 "uerbera . . . uincla"). Tibullus imparts to the address a balanced internal arrangement, based upon a delicate employment of themes and a sensitive exploitation of vocabular correspondences. Scholars regard the address to the cuckold as one steeped in irony, a tone that characterizes the entire passage. Gaisser11 stresses Tibullus's de-

8

Müller (Albii) 13; Cartault (Tibulle) 176, who prints the lacuna as follows: "exibit quam saepe, time, seu

uisere dicet" See also Vahlen (Opuscula) vol. 1, p. 329, who cites three other examples of "seu" used in the sense of "uel si": Horace [Epod. 17.38), Tibullus 2.4.43, and Seneca [Here. Oet. 1653)—a list that could also include Catullus 82.4, Propertius 2.26.29, and Valerius Flaccus 1.101. » Müller (Albii) 13-15; Baehrens (Blätter) 77-79 and (Albii) 21-22. See also Karsten ("Tibulli") 308, who rejects the transpositions proposed by Müller and Baehrens. 10 Rhorer (Tibullus) 164-165. " Gaisser ("Structure"] 205-207 and 215.

95

scription of Delia as a devious, alluring adulteress and Tibullus's description of himself as an inventive, deceptive adulterer; and she points to the sarcastic overture capping each characterization, in which the poet offers to assist the husband faithfully by serving as Delia's chaperone. Bright12 observes the extravagant irony underlying Tibullus's ostensible reason for delivering the address in the first place: the poet ridicules the husband not so much because he has managed to cuckold him but even more because he holds him responsible for carelessly permitting his wife to be seduced by a third party. I wish to emphasize (as does Bright) the extent to which Ovid felt himself attracted to the ironic tone and didactic aspect of this colorful address, as shown by the large number of statements that he borrowed from it almost verbatim and assimilated into his own overview of the Latin erotic poets (Tr. 2.447-464).13 Possibly inspired by Catullus's attacks on the cuckold (17 and 83), Tibullus imparts to the address a degree of irony not matched elsewhere in the poem or elsewhere in his elegies.

39-54) Address to rivals: warning against her seduction

Tibullus then warns potential rivals to stay away from Delia unless they wish to suffer the consequences. He advises foppish young men to keep their distance (39-40) or take another route (41-42), as ordered by a powerful priestess (43-44), who fears no physical pain (45-46), who slashes her arms at will (47-48), and who prophesies while bleeding (49-50) that if anyone dares to seduce the woman (51-52), he will suffer a serious misfortune (53-54). Thus, the poet exhorts prospective meddlers to keep their distance by painting a gruesome picture of the priestess of Bellona, the Cappadocian goddess of war (39-54). Editors usually regard 42 as corrupt and print it as follows: "stet procul aut alia t stet procul ante uia +". Many 14 emend the pentameter by elimi12

Bright (Haec) 171-173. See Zingerle (Ovidius)vol. 3, pp. 64-67 for parallels between Tibullus and Ovid. I have listed those between Tibullus 1.6 and Ovid, Tr. 2.447-464: Tr. 2.447-448 = Tib. 1.6.7-8; Tr. 2.449-450 « Tib. 1.6.9-10; Tr. 2.451-452 « Tib. 1.6.25-26; Tr. 2.453-454 « Tib. 1.6.19-20; Tr. 2.455-456 «Tib. 1.6.13-14; Tr. 2.457-458 « Tib. 1.6.15-16; Tr. 2.459-460 = Tib. 1.6.31-32; Tr. 2.461-462 « Tib. 1.6.9-10. 14 Statius (Tibullus) 95; Van Broekhuizen (Albii) 131; Rabus (Obseruationes) 10; Müller (Albii) 14; Baehrens (Albii) 22; Cartault ("Tibulle") 395; Havet (cited in Ponchont, Tibulle, xxxviii and 47], Calonghi (Albii) 17 and 68, Nencini (Tibullo) 12; Helm (TibuU) 46; Wimmel ("Quisquis"] 157-159; Fuchs ("Kleinigkeiten") 217-218; Lee (Tibullus) 48 and 102. Although Tibullus may well be using ritualistic repetition and possibly "ante" in an adverbial sense (TLL, vol. 2, pp. 128-131), one still detects an awkwardness in the verse as it appears in the manuscripts, stemming from the reader's inability to comprehend exactly what the poet is attempting to contrast within the double exhortation. 13

96

nating either the repetition of "stet procul" or the awkwardness of "alia . . . ante uia": Statius: Bioekhuizen: Rabus: Müller: Baehiens: Cartault: Havet: Calonghi: Nencini: Helm: Wimmel: Fuchs: Lee:

"stet procul ante alia stet procul ante uia" "stet procul atque alia stet procul ante uia" "stet procul aut alia se occulat ante uia" "sit procul aut alia stet precor ante uia" "stet procul atque alia se auferat ante uia" "stet procul aut alia det mihi terga uia" "stet procul aut alia se trahat ante uia" "stet procul aut alia det cito terga uia" "stet procul aut alia se tegat ante uia" "stet procul aut alia se ferat ante uia" "stet procul aut alia sternuat ante uia" "stet procul aut alia demigret ante uia" "stet procul aut alia transeat ille uia"

However inconclusive, their emendations seem interesting and even amusing, such as that suggested by Wimmel, who shrewdly pictures the troublemaker sneezing his sin away. Korn15 regards 43-56 as spurious, a passage supposedly forced into the text in order to bridge two disparate fragments. On the contrary, the passage seems so artistically constructed and contains such delicate transitions, especially in its opening and closing couplets, that one should not attempt to remove any part of it from the context in which it appears, after the warning to meddlers to stay away from Delia. Having warned prospective boyfriends to keep their distance from his mistress, preferably by following another route, Tibullus logically reminds them that the powerful goddess will punish them if they disobey, especially by depriving them of their wealth, which they crave more than anything else in the world. The poet also delineates the priestess in his own likeness, first as someone impervious to physical beating and torture (1.6.45-46 "non . . . uerbera . . . timet" « 1.6.37-38 "non . . . recuso / uerbera"), then as someone who displays deep contempt for rival lovers (1.6.51 "parcite . . . uiolare puellam" « 1.3.81 "quicumque. . . uiolauit amores"). Within this very dramatic and highly picturesque passage the poet camouflages his own attitudes behind the figure of the much-suffering and darkly-prophetic priestess. Touches of irony appear in the passage about the priestess, especially in the horrifying description of her behavior. In Gaisser's opinion 16 Tibullus develops her as a glamorous and fantastic creature, amid an atmos15 Korn ("Tibull") 499-501. But see Wagner ("Tibull") 318-319 and Leo ("Elegien") 41-43, who emphasize how smoothly this passage blends in with the surrounding context. 16 Gaisser ("Structure") 208 and 216.

97

phere of hocus-pocus and exaggerated solemnity-a description that I believe recalls the actions of another powerful woman, also exploited by the poet in a humorous vein as a means of winning his mistress (1.2.43-66). According to Bright17 Tibullus presents the priestess as a sort of extension of himself, even though he pictures her speaking in her own person-a technique that I suggest recalls a similar situation, in which the poet humorously expresses his various anxieties as a lover through the mouthpiece of Priapus (1.4.57-72). One may also recognize a subtle irony in the prophecy itself, in which the priestess exhorts prospective seducers not to violate the woman protected by Love-not by prophesying that they will lose their lives but that they will lose their fortunes, possibly by having to pay dearly for her favors. Whether the poet describes the frenzied priestess or unveils her frightening prophecy, he does so in very sarcastic terms, in keeping with the tone of the entire elegy.

55-62) Address to Delia: prediction of her

punishment

Tibullus then addresses Delia herself about the punishment awaiting her and about the possibility of her being forgiven. He relates that the priestess prophesied a punishment for his mistress, which he hopes will not affect her if she repents (55-56), and he declares that he forgives her not so much because he cares for his mistress but because he feels touched and overcome by her mother (57-58). He remarks that her mother leads her to him in the darkness and joins their hands, although in an atmosphere of apprehension (59-60), and he declares that she waits for him attentively at the doorway, where she recognizes from afar the sound of approaching feet (61-62). These several couplets comprise a warning to the one woman affected by the prophecy, while affording her with an opportunity to make amends for her infidelity (55-62). Havet18 proposes a lacuna between 55 and 56, within the couplet, in order to clarify the meaning expressed by it. Havet suggests that a pentameter and a hexameter disappeared, in which Tibullus addressed Delia along the following lines: "si sit nostra tuo crimine laesa fides; sed, scio, non tanto in errore merebere poenam" and then proceeded to reflect on the question of pardening her. Although Havet sets out several interesting verses, marred somewhat by a metrical fault in the hexameter ("tantö ϊη errore"), they seem both superfluous 17

Bright (Haec) 173-174. Havet (cited in Ponchont, Tibulle, xli and Pichard, Tibulle, 44). See chapter 6, note 22 of this book for an explanation of the citation on Havet. 18

98

and questionable, since they introduce a condition already implied in 55 and because they characterize the poet's mistress as incapable of sinning against the poet. Furthermore, Havet overlooks a highly effective sequence already operative in the transition from the hexameter to the pentameter: Tibullus first attempts to frighten Delia by informing her that she will suffer for her treachery; he then attempts to comfort her by suggesting that she may not have to suffer if she will mend her ways. The couplet functions effectively in its present form, in which the poet reminds his mistress of the priestess's prophecy while intimating that the priestess may show her mercy. Rhorer 19 observes specific parallels between 25-32 (the address to the husband) and 55-62 (the address to the mistress). Each passage contains an account of the poet's nocturnal tricks: in the first he informs the husband about his various deceptions, including a rendezvous resulting in a dog's barking; in the second he reminds his mistress about their combined deceptions, involving a rendezvous devoid of any complications. Each passage describes how the poet achieves the deceptions: in the former he executes them by himself without anybody's help, as when he manages to elude the barking of the dog; in the latter he executes them with the help of the old woman, whenever he journeys at night in order to meet his mistress in secrecy. In each passage the poet reveals how noise plays a part in the deceptions: on one occasion he manages to meet with his mistress because her husband cannot comprehend the continuous barking; on other occasions he manages to meet with her because the old woman recognizes the sound of his footsteps. As Rhorer demonstrates, these parallels contribute to the coherence of the elegy while resulting in a number of highly ironic and extremely humorous contrasts. The address to Delia contains elements of irony, stemming in part from Tibullus's treatment of Delia's mother. Gaisser20 focuses on the ironic use of several key words (56 admittas = "you take [me] as lover", 58 aurea = "mercenary", and 59 adducit = "procures") and on the ironic assumption underlying the poet's rejection of the priestess's prophecy, the assumption that his mistress will continue to receive him as her lover. Bright21 accepts the above translations, especially the one for aurea (a word that never strikes a positive note anywhere in the elegies), and points out that the poet introduces the procuress, just as he introduced her in the previous poem, in order that she may serve as a lightning rod

" Rhorer (Tibullus) 167-168. Gaisser ("Structure") 210-211 and 214-215, who emphasizes that Tibullus employs the above words along the same lines employed by Ovid and other classical authors. 21 Bright (Haec) 175-176, who emphasizes that Tibullus never speaks of gold in a positive context and never refers to his Golden Age with the expression aurea saecula. 20

99

for his anger. To be sure, this vivid apostrophe reveals a good deal of sarcasm, as reflected not only in the subtle exploitation of a number of expressions associated with the courtesan's trade but also (as Bright notices) in the sudden introduction of a third party as a means of providing an excuse for pardoning the mistress. Tibullus utilizes the double entendre by casting Delia in the role of a prostitute who receives lovers and her mother in the role of a procuress who sells her own daughter for money.

63-72) Address to Delia's mother: request for her fidehty

Tibullus then addresses Delia's mother directly about the possibility of keeping Delia faithful to him. He wishes that he could add years to the old woman's life (63-64), remarks that he loves her and her daughter for her sake (65-66), entreats her to instruct his unmatronly mistress in fidelity (67-68), offers to have his eyes scratched out if he praises another woman (69-70), and offers to have himself dragged around and flung forward (71-72). Thus, the poet appeals to the only woman capable of influencing the morality of his mistress, whether or not he believes that she will do so (63-72). Havet22 transposes 67-68 after 71-72, a reordering that he attempts to justify for purely paleographical reasons. Havet proposes the following sequence of thought: Tibullus wishes that he could prolong the old woman's life; he then offers to have his eyes scratched out if he ever misbehaves; he even offers to have himself dragged by the hair and flung on the ground; he finally entreats the old woman to keep her daughter faithful. Although Havet suggests a plausible arrangement, he also wrenches apart a crucial and ironic juxtaposition, through which Tibullus follows his unqualified declaration of love for mother and daughter by beseeching the old woman to extend him the courtesy of instructing his mistress in the virtues of fidelity. Havet again overlooks the highly effective progression that unfolds in the arrangement found in the manuscripts: Tibullus first appeals to Delia's mother in the hope that she can rehabilitate her daughter; he then pledges his eternal devotion in exchange for that long-awaited rehabilitation. However interesting, the transposition seems unnecessary, since the poet establishes a balance between insisting on morality for his mistress and punishment for himself. Rhorer23 discovers specific verbal parallels between the address to the mother and several of the earlier passages. Three cross-references appear in the text, with the elements of each pair situated at opposite ends of 22 Havet (cited in Ponchont, Tibulle, xl and Pichard, Tibulle, 44-45). See chapter 6, note 22 of this book for an explanation of the citation on Havet. 23 Rhorer (Tibullus) 167.

100

the elegy: 9 "docui" (instruction of Delia) « 67 "doce" (instruction of Delia); 16 "peccet" (prevention of sin) « 71 "peccasse" (prevention of sin); 24 "oculis... meis" (sacrifice of vision) « 70 "oculos meos" (sacrifice of vision). These parallel references result in a series of ironic contrasts that blend in with the overall tone reflected in the elegy-whether Tibullus beseeches Delia's mother to become Delia's teacher, or pictures himself being punished for sinning against the sinner, or sacrifices his eyesight merely for looking at another woman. These several correspondences also function as structural devices and contribute to the coherence of the elegy as a whole, because by interacting with one another as artistically as they do, they forestall any attempt to dismantle the composition into two disparate fragments connected by an interpolation. As Rhorer again demonstrates, the various verbal parallels function as organizational techniques while calling attention to an additional number of ironic contrasts within the elegy. Scholars regard the address to the mother as itself steeped in irony, a tone that characterizes the entire passage. Gaisser24 remarks that in wishing the old woman a long life, Tibullus may be hailing her with a hearty, ferocious salute, and that when he asks her to instruct her daughter in fidelity, he may be requesting something that he can no longer expect, especially since his mistress does not wear the matron's garb. Bright25 believes that by offering the old woman his own years (a sentiment usually directed to the dead), Tibullus perhaps is hoping to utter the prayer in its traditional context, and that when he prescribes violent punishments for himself in return for fidelity, he perhaps is displaying his bitterness rather than his sarcasm. Indeed, one should understand in this passage a subtle transition from an undercurrent of irony to an undercurrent of bitterness, involving a vigorous salute, a double-barreled statement on longevity, an insidious reference to the mistress's garments, and an extravagant enumeration of self-inflicted punishments. Although Tibullus appears to be eulogizing a sweet old woman, he may well be delivering a caustic and cutting commentary on the grand old procuress and her venal young prostitute.

73-86) Address to Delia: piayer for her

faithfulness

The elegy concludes with a renewed warning to Delia about the punishment awaiting her as a consequence of her infidelity. Tibullus assures his mistress that he would not want to strike her and that if he ever were to

24 25

Gaisser ("Structure") 212. Bright (Haec) 178-179.

101

do so, he would pray not to have hands (73-74), and he beseeches her to remain devoted to him not out of fear but out of love, a love that will keep her faithful to him even during times of separation (75-76). He reminds her of the lonely spinster who draws the twisted yarn (77-78), who weaves on a rented loom (79-80), only to be scorned by crowds of ill-wishing young men (81-82) and by the bitter goddess looking down from her lofty home (83—84)—the antithesis of what he asserts that he wants for himself and his mistress (85-86). Thus, the closing passage deals with the poet's thoughts about his mistress's future, to be characterized by loneliness and lovelessness unless his mistress changes her ways (73-86). Scholars debate whether a lacuna exists after 75-76, after Tibullus entreats Delia to remain faithful out of love. Muret 26 first proposed the lacuna, which he thought consisted of several couplets describing the blessings of "castae mulieres"-well in keeping with the poet's fondness for balancing pairs (see 1.4.65-66/67-70, on faithful boys and greedy boys, and 2.4.39-44/45-50, on the greedy woman and the faithful woman). Bright27 objects to the above proposal, on the ground that Tibullus employs 75-76 (the plea for mutual love) as a means of balancing 77-84 (the picture of the lonely spinster) and chooses not to describe the faithful woman in any detail because he ultimately regards Delia's behavior as hopeless. I myself 28 contend that a lacuna exists at the above location, since I do not regard the brief comment on mutual love as balancing the extended description of the lonely spinster, and because I do not believe that such a description would impair the movement of the passage but instead intensify the bitter irony found within it. Although the closing passage unfolds smoothly on the whole, it appears to have suffered a little corruption, involving the possible disappearance of several couplets about the faithful woman. Rhorer 29 discovers several thematic parallels between the opening address to Love and the closing address to Delia. Each passage describes a relationship between a god and a mortal: in the introduction Love torments the distraught poet by subjecting him again and again to his

26 Muret (Tibullus) 12 and 49; Postgate ("Tibulliana") 183-184, (Selections) 16, (Tibulli) pages unnumbered, and (Tibullus) 226-227; Ball (Structure) 133-134. 27 Bright (Haec) 180. Yet Tibullus consistently juxtaposes pictures of reward and punishment, not only in the two passages cited above but also in 1.3.57-66/67-82, in which he distinguishes between Elysium reserved for lovers prematurely dead and Tartarus reserved for those who have violated love. 28 I also believe that a lacuna may exist after 71-72, at which point Tibullus addressed Delia directly by her name, because as the text stands, the poet does not make clear that he is addressing his mistress in 73-74 or why he suddenly decides to assure her that he will not injure her physically. 2» Rhorer (Tibullus) 168-169.

102

unfaithful mistress; in the conclusion Venus punishes the unfaithful woman by condemning her without any mercy to a depressing existence. Each passage considers the ultimate effect of a woman's weaving: in the introduction the unfaithful mistress ensnares the sorrowful lover like an animal in a carefully woven net; in the conclusion the unfaithful woman weaves a net that does not ensnare anything except universal scorn. One recognizes a colorfully expressed warning in the context of the thematic parallels found within these passages, through which the poet informs his mistress for once and for all that although she may currently ensnare and torture her lovers, she herself will soon become ensnared and tortured by her own web. And so, the poet strengthens the connection between the introductory and concluding passages by accentuating the similar fates of the faithful amorist and his unfaithful mistress. Touches of irony appear in the closing address to Delia, particularly in the sorrowful picture of the lonely spinster. In Gaisser's opinion 30 Tibullus rejects striking his mistress for an ironic reason, the assumption that love will assure what he and the husband could not assure, and he disregards the parable of the spinster with an ironic intention, the projection of himself and his mistress into a situation they can no longer enjoy. According to Bright 31 Tibullus concludes on a bitter rather than sarcastic chord, as shown by the physical and emotional pain described in the passage-the implied beatings that he eventually turns on himself and the emotional anguish to be suffered by the abandoned and destitute old courtesan. I wish to emphasize (along with Bright) the buildup of venom and violence in the final couplets of the elegy, from the beatings almost inflicted by the poet on his mistress, to the psychological pressures to be experienced by the courtesan, to the painful, desperate gesture of making his mistress an exemplum. Although the poet appears to conclude on an optimistic note, he angrily piles one bitter punishment upon another, only to recoil from them with a stinging, sarcastic twist.

Questions on elegy 1.6 as a whole Korn 32 regards 1-42 and 57-86 as separate fragments-the first depicting Delia as married, the second depicting her as single. Korn argues that in the second passage Tibullus pictures Delia as living not with her husband

30

Gaisser ("Structure") 213-215. Bright (Haec) 180-181. 32 Korn ("Tibull") 498-499. But see Wagner ("Tibull") 316-317. See also Murgatroyd (Tibullus) 7-8, 192, and 203, who believes that Tibullus pictures Delia as single throughout the elegy (coniunx = not "husband" but "lover"). However, this interpretation forces a rare meaning from the term coniunx and conflicts with Ovid's depiction of Delia as a married 31

103

but with her mother, who dominates these verses. Yet the poet does not specify where his mistress is living, only that her mother helps the lovers furtively (perhaps because she fears the wrath of her son-in-law). Korn also contends that in the second passage Tibullus pictures Delia as not wearing the stola usually worn by a married woman, which trailed down to the ankles. Still, the poet may be describing a libertina, a married woman prohibited from wearing this garment (see Macrobius, Sat. 1.6.13 for the famous exception to this restriction). Korn also maintains that in describing the fate of the spinster, Tibullus must be referring specifically to an unmarried woman, involved in her various chores. Even so, the classical authors frequently picture married women working at the loom, with an excellent example in the story of Odysseus's Penelope. Although the poet suppresses his mistress's married status toward the end of the poem, he presents a passage not at all out of harmony with the earlier sections of the elegy. Schneider33 rearranges the sections of the elegy as follows: 1.6 = 1-14, 77-86, 73-76, 43-72, and 15-42. He suggests that Tibullus opened the poem by picturing Delia as unfaithful and destined for punishment, that he then entreated his mistress to change her ways because the priestess so ordered, and that he closed the poem by advising his mistress and her suitors to give him a wide berth. The proposed ordering not only ignores the identity of the group addressed by the priestess (39 "absitis" » 5 1 "parcite") but also disregards the structural principle from which the elegy derives its strength, the steady buildup of irony, gradually increasing to hatred, marking the end of the affair. The traditional sequence provides the vehicle for this buildup: in the first half the poet invokes Love, the husband, and the rivals-the masculine forces who together have interfered with his happiness; in the second half the poet invokes Delia, her mother, and Venus-the feminine forces who together have accomplished the same. One may appreciate the elegy as it stands by showing a sensitivity to the undercurrent of sarcasm and bitterness running through the couplets from beginning to end. Bright34 regards Tibullus 1.6 as the last stage in Delia's development, affording a kaleidoscopic view of her character. He maintains that without suggesting the growth or decline of their relationship, Tibullus gradually transforms Delia from an ethereal picture of innocence (as she ap-

woman (7h 2.447-464, especially 457-458). See also Richter ("Delia") 518-527 and Ribbeck ("Deliaelegieen"| 445-449, who attempt to determine exactly which elegies Tibullus composed before and after Delia's wedding. As Bright points out [Haec, p. 119), these two articles perhaps best exemplify the biographical treasure-hunts so unproductively popular in nineteenth-century scholarship. 33 Schneider (De ueisuumj 7-8. 34 Bright (Haec) 182-183.

104

pears in 1.1) into a bristling picture of infidelity (as she appears in 1.6), but ultimately the model for his love (1.6.85-86 "amoris exemplum"). Although I agree that the poet emphasizes in each elegy a single element, a single perspective of his mistress's character, I do not believe that he subordinates all other concerns to that particular character, or that he completely refrains from constructing some kind of temporal sequence within the arrangement. One discovers at least the impression of such a sequence in the arrangement of the first six elegies: 1.1 = love for Delia, idealized; 1.2 = love, coupled with suspicion; 1.3 = love, worsened by separation; 1.4 = a boy, sign of a rift; 1.5 = rift, result of a quarrel; 1.6 = indictment, steeped in sarcasm. Whether or not the poet experienced every event described, he does project the semblance of a narrative on his private life-a subject to be considered in detail in the concluding chapter of this book.

Retrospective examination

of elegy 1.6

Despite attempts to divide Tibullus 1.6 into fragments, the various passages comprise an artistic organic entity. Addressing cruel Love, Tibullus expresses his anguish over instructing Delia, especially because she has decided to deceive her own teacher (1-14). Irony appears in the picture of the mischievous little deity, the instructor who gets deceived by his student, and the mistress who takes on another lover. Turning to Delia's husband, Tibullus lectures him on the deceptions that he and his mistress executed whenever they wanted to see each other (15-38). One observes more irony in the colorful account of the adulterer and the adulteress, all capped by the exaggerated offer to serve as a chaperone. Tibullus proceeds to advise prospective troublemakers to stay away from Delia in accordance with the prophecy of the priestess of Bellona (39-54). The poet employs sarcasm in the extravagant description of the priestess and in the sardonic implication that the would-be-lovers will lose not their lives but their fortunes. Addressing Delia herself, Tibullus declares that he will pray for her pardon provided that she repent by taking him back as her lover (55-62). Here the irony appears in the picture of his mistress as a prostitute receiving lovers and in the picture of her mother as a greedy and grasping procuress. Turning to Delia's mother, Tibullus blesses her with a long life and beseeches her to instruct her daughter in fidelity while pledging his own devotion (63-72). One perceives more irony in the poet's ferocious salute, in the insidious reference to the stola, and in the extravagant punishments that he will inflict upon himself. Tibullus again proceeds to address Delia by expressing hope that she will not suffer a physical beating or a sorrowful old age, the fate of the spinster (73-86). The poet employs sarcasm and bitterness in the dismis105

sal of punishments for ludicrous reasons and in the physical and emotional torment communicated by the parable. Transforming Delia from the creature on the pedestal into a paragon of infidelity, Tibullus bids a stinging and sarcastic farewell to his ever-elusive and ever-unattainable mistress.

106

CHAPTER VIII

Elegy 1.7: Hymn to Messalla Elegy 1.7 celebrates a historical event as viewed by Tibullus, Messalla's Aquitanian triumph of September 25, 27 B.C. {CIL, vol. I2, pp. 76-77 and 180). Scaliger1 detected the artistic design of the poem and refrained from tampering with the arrangement transmitted by the various manuscripts. He regarded this poem as one of the few elegies that did not suffer mutilation during the transmission of the collection from antiquity to his own day. I propose the following outline of the poem: 1-8) 9-22) 23-28) 29-48) 49-54) 55-62) 63-64)

Proclamation of the happy occasion Address to Messalla: praise of his foreign exploits Transition: apostrophe to Osiris Hymn to Osiris as the benefactor of mankind Transition: apostrophe to Osiris Address to Messalla: praise of his domestic exploits Proclamation to the Birthday-Spirit

This remarkable elegy has captured the attention and the admiration of a number of scholars-Levy, Klingner, Gaisser, Bright, Konstan, and myself. We have examined this piece from a critical viewpoint and have given special consideration to the enigmatic and tantalizing hymn to Osiris.2 By synthesizing and expanding on these studies, I have attempted to demonstrate how skillfully Tibullus develops his central theme, the peaceful side of Messalla's career. 1-8) Proclamation of the happy occasion In announcing the subject of the poem, Tibullus proclaims a happy and joyous event, and in a most unusual way. He begins by alluding to Messalla's birthday, as prophesied by the Fates (1-2), and then focuses on Messalla's conquest of the Aquitanian tribes (3-4), concluding in a mag1 Scaliger (Catulli) 95-97 and (Castigationes) 128-131. See also Dissen (Albii) 25-27 and (Commentanus) 146-165 for the usual tripartite outline: 1.7 = 1-12, 13-48, and 49-64. 2 Levy ("Geburtstag"); Klingner ("Tibulls"); Gaisser ("Tibullus 1.7"); Ball (Structure) 137-162, ("Structure") 729-744, and ("Recent") 64-66, in which I have consistently treated the figure of Messalla in accordance with Tibullus's treatment of him ; Bright ("Art") 31-46 and (Haec) 38-65; Konstan ("Politics").

107

nificent parade in which captured leaders appeared in chains (5-6) and the mighty conqueror rode in an ivory chariot (7-8). Thus, Tibullus celebrates a double occasion, his patron's latest birthday and glorious triumph, two events close enough in time for the poet to associate emotionally (1-8). Scholars debate whether a lacuna exists after 1-2, after Tibullus alludes to the occasion of Messalla's birthday. Hiller3 first proposed the lacuna, without providing a reason, but supposedly detecting an awkward compression of thought in the poet's failure to clearly identify the occasion of the birthday and in his awkward application of the verb "cecinere" (first with a direct object, then with an indirect statement). Bright4 objects to the above suggestion, on the ground that the poet does not regard Messalla's birthday as primary (a theme that he postpones until the conclusion of the elegy) but chooses to concentrate instead on Messalla's glowing triumph (the theme that he emphasizes in the introduction of the elegy). I myself5 believe that a lacuna does exist at the point specified, because in addition to the fact that the subject seems unclear, as shown in part by the poet's failure to name his patron, the syntax seems particularly complex and tortuous, and a far cry from the smooth flow of thought so typical of the poet. Although the passage unfolds colorfully and dramatically, it may well have suffered corruption during transmission in at least one place in the text. Scholars detect an epic tone in the introduction, with Cesareo perceiving epic flavor and Delia Corte epic dignity.6 Indeed, Tibullus describes scenes that one associates with epic more naturally than with elegy: the bold general routing hostile tribes on the banks of the Aude; the captured leaders paraded in defeat through the streets of Rome; the mighty ttiumphatoi decorated in laurel and borne along in his chariot. The poet strengthens the heroic tone by employing anaphora as a means of connecting the opening couplets (1 "hunc" . . . 3 "hunc" (-couplets that may represent only a part of a more extended and more elaborate repetition, provided that one accepts the above conjecture about the likelihood of a lacuna after 1-2. The poet further strengthens this heroic spirit by borrowing several expressions employed by Vergil in a military context: Tib. 3

Hiller (Albii) 12; Ball (Structure) 139-140 and ("Structure"] 730-731. Bright (Haec) 51-52. But see Williams (Change) 167, who finding fault with the same elliptical introduction, suspects that at one time the elegy had a dedicatory or explanatory heading, as did (in his opinion) Vergil, Bucolic 8 in honor of Pollio and Propertius 3.18 in honor of Marcellus. 5 I also believe that a lacuna may exist before 1-2, at which point Tibullus may have addressed Messalla by his name, possibly referring to his birthday as a great day for Messalla, for his friends, and for the Roman people, before turning to the subject of Messalla's military triumph. 6 Cesareo (U carme) 66-67 and ("L'elegia") 127, Deila Corte ("Tibullo") 330. 4

108

1.7.6 "euinctos bracchia . . . duces" « Aen. 5.364 "euinctis . . . bracchia palmis" (applied to the Trojans); Tib. 1.7.7 "te uictrices lauros" « Buc. 8.13 "uictrices . . . tibi. . . laurus" (directed to Pollio). One does observe a marked epic quality, as shown by the colorful array of heroic pictures and by the strategic exploitation of heroic diction. At this point in his poetry Tibullus clearly addresses Messalla with great admiration and great enthusiasm. On the one hand, Tibullus describes Messalla in glowing terms, as a dazzling figure, bright and majestic, at the head of a magnificent procession-the picture of him that appears in the verses of the Catalepton poet (Catal. 9.3-4 "uictor adest. . . uictor") and in those of the Panegyricus poet (Tib. 3.7/4.1.1 "te, Messalla, canam"). Furthermore, the poet addresses him at the outset, at the very beginning of this long and masterful tribute, nor does he undercut this tribute by apostrophizing him brusquely or by failing to mention him until late in the elegy-a technique that he employed in several of the preceding poems. On the other hand, Tibullus spends very little time on Messalla's triumph as compared with the time he devotes to his foreign exploits, even though the military triumph figured as the greatest event in the career of a Roman general, which would bring him the greatest possible glory and fame. In this context one need only reflect on the poet's overall contempt for the soldier's life, a life filled with greed, travel, and possible death-an attitude that the poet expresses continuously, from one elegy to another, and more passionately and with more conviction than do the other poets of his generation. Therefore, although Tibullus introduces this elegy by referring to Messalla as a conqueror, he quickly proceeds to interpret his entire career in a far different light.

9-22) Address to Messalla: praise of his foreign exploits Having announced the subject of the elegy, Tibullus recalls the various places where Messalla distinguished himself. He refers to the Pyrenees, Saintonge (9-10), the Saone, the Rhone, the Garonne, and the Loire (11-12), then to Cydnus, flowing gently and silently (13-14), and the Taurus, soaring upward into the clouds (15-16), and finally to the sacred dove of Syria (17-18), the lofty towers of Tyre (19-20), and the wondrous river of Egypt (21-22). By moving from the rivers of Gaul (9-12), to the mountains of Cilicia (13-16), to the marvels of the Middle East (17-22), Tibullus presents the settings of Messalla's foreign ventures (9-22). Scholars detect the possibility of a corruption in 9-10, with suspicion directed to the enigmatic words non sine me. A few7 emend the phrase: 7 Baehrens (Blätter) 13 and A. E. Housman, who apparently forwarded his emendation to Postgate (see Postgate, Corpus, vol. 1, p. xv and vol. 1, p. 274]. See also Hammer (Prolego-

109

Baehrens, to non sine Matte ibi ("not without Mars there"); Housman, more elegantly, to non sine re ("not without substance"). They realize that the phrase seems insolent, and inconsistent with everything Tibullus says elsewhere about war, danger, travel, suffering, and death. Bright8 regards Baehrens's conjecture as totally unnecessary, since he believes that Tibullus is developing the figure of Messalla in the context of his own experience. Although Baehrens perhaps goes a little too far, I cannot believe that Tibullus would associate himself with war, whether or not he actually traveled to Aquitania. Highet9 inclines toward Housman's emendation, because it eliminates the glaring inconsistency and enables the poet to glorify his patron in proper perspective. To be sure, the reading non sine re not only extricates Tibullus from the hateful military arena but also permits Messalla to triumph on his own terms, by genuine achievement. Since nobody has presented a more satisfying alternative, one would do well to consider the elegant yet neglected emendation suggested by Housman almost a century ago. One observes a heroic tone in the passage on Messalla's travels, a passage unfairly characterized by Karsten as paene prosaica.u' Klingner11 notices that Tibullus employs anaphora (Tib. 1.7.10-11 "testis" . . . "testis") and that he assigns longer and longer epithets to the place-names. As he rightly points out, 9-11 = a phrase for each river; 12 = an entire pentameter for the Loire; 13-22 = separate couplets for individual locales. Elder12 discovers that Tibullus may be echoing Ennius's account of Aemilius's victory (Tib. 1.7.12 "flaui caerula" « Ann. 384 "flauo / caeruleum"). I agree, and believe that he may also be imitating Vergil's account of Aeneas's voyage (Tib. 1.7.19 "maris uastum . . . aequor" « Aen. 2.780 "uastum maris aequor". Bright13 emphasizes that Tibullus summons as witnesses not merely the inhabitants of various regions but the great waterways flowing through them. As he also astutely observes, Tibullus

mena) 67-71 and ("Tibullus") 128, who takes non sine me as meaning that Tibullus honors Messalla not by following in his footsteps but by celebrating him in verse. Although this interpretation removes Tibullus from the scene of the war, it fails to eliminate the stark incongruity between the Tibullus who hated war and the Tibullus who would honor it in poetry. 8 Bright (Haecj 60-62 and 65, who believes (in accordance with the short, anonymous uitaI that Tibullus did accompany Messalla to Aquitania. But see Bright (Haec) 196 for a less trusting view of the uita and 251 for his view of another striking inconsistency in Tibullus, on the poet's inclusion of the farmer in a list of people motivated by greed (1.9.7-8): "This is against all that Tibullus holds elsewhere, and shows how he has merely inserted the topos without assimilating it." 9 G. Highet, who related his opinion to me before his death. 10 Karsten ("Tibulli") 313. 11 Klingner ("Tibulls") 132. 12 Elder ("1965"] 102 and 104. 13 Bright (Haec) 53-57.

110

may be employing caeruleus in its literal sense ("reflecting the sky") in order to suggest that Messalla has the gods on his side. Although Karsten characterizes the passage as "almost prosaic", an elevated tone appears in the gradual buildup of epithets, the subtle imitation of epic, and the massive array of witnesses. Tibullus employs a geographic pattern, a structural device occasionally utilized by the Roman poets of the first century B.C.14 A geographical progression appears in classical poetry as far back as Homer, in the catalogue of Greek ships {II. 2.494-759), in which, as Macrobius relates, the poet systematically alternates between inland and island locations [Sat. 5.15.2-5 "unde progrediens modo mediterranea modo maritima iuncta describit"). Catullus (11) follows the path of the sun when he imagines Furius and Aurelius, his true friends in every danger, accompanying him from India (located in the Far East), to Hyrcania, Arabia, Scythia, Parthia, and Egypt (all located in the Middle East), to the Alps, Gaul, and Britain (all located in the Far North). Horace (Carm. 1.7) entreats Plancus to dispel sorrow with wine while moving from Rhodes, Mytilene, and Ephesus (eastern Greek settlements), to Corinth (situated in mainland Greece), to Tivoli (situated in Italy), to Salamis (associated with mainland Greece), and to Cyprian Salamis (an eastern Greek settlement). Propertius (3.11) travels in a southwesterly direction when he attempts to convince a young mocker about the powers of love-powers that he illustrates by calling attention to the exploits of Medea of Colchis, Penthesilea at Troy, Omphale of Lydia, Semiramis of Babylon, and Cleopatra of Egypt. And so, Tibullus utilizes a sophisticated organizational technique in journeying from the northwestern corner to the southeastern corner of the Roman empire. Scholars interpret the above catalogue differently, especially in regard to Tibullus's treatment of Messalla. Some15 believe that Tibullus is glorifying Messalla's military exploits, as shown by the impressive buildup of place-names-an opinion that one could defend by citing the Catalepton poet (Catal. 9.39-54) and the Panegyiicus poet (Tib. 3.7/4.1.106-146), who distinctly picture Messalla as fighting in the West and the East. Even so, nowhere does Tibullus refer to Messalla as a fierce warrior, leading mighty armies, crushing rebellious tribes, or plundering conquered cities-the kind of description that one might expect to find in a passage

14 See Wimmel ("Besonderheit") 206 for a general consideration of this technique, Quinn (Catullus) 163 for its specific application to Catullus 11, and Vaio ("Unity") 169 for its specific application to Horace, Carm. 1.7. 15 Levy ("Geburtstag") 104-105; Schuster (Tibull) 18-19; Deila Corte ("Tibullo") 330 ; Galinsky ("Triumph") 77-80; Cairns (Generic) 167-168 and (Tibullus) 43-44; Putnam (Tibullus) 120-121; Grondona ("L'elegia") 26,· Konstan ("Politics") 175-177, who believes that the place-names may correspond to triumphal floats.

Ill

celebrating a soldier, especially on the most important occasion of his career. Others16 believe that Tibullus is glorifying Messalla's peaceful exploits or is at least associating them with peaceful settings-an opinion that they usually defend, from Klingner onward, by asserting that Tibullus gradually moves from the wars fought in the West to the marvels observed in the East. Indeed, in this passage Tibullus appears to present Messalla as a polished diplomat, studying scenic wonders, exploring foreign countries, and observing different customs-be they the serene waters and the towering mountains of Cilicia or the peaceful dove and the life-giving waters of the mysterious Middle East. Therefore, although Messalla may have resorted to military pressure at some point in his travels, Tibullus interprets his overall mission as one characterized by peace. 23-28) Transition: apostrophe to Osiris After mentioning the Nile, Tibullus addresses it directly. Connecting his couplets with anaphora (25 "te" . . . 27 "te"), he reflects on the origin of the Nile (23-24), the god's enrichment of the land (25-26), and the god's worship in the form of Osiris (27-28). Thus, the poet employs a transitional passage by referring to the deity first as the Nile and then as Osiris (23-28). Klingner17 believes that in this transitional passage Tibullus regards the Nile and Osiris as the same god. He contends that Tibullus pictures the Egyptian youth worshiping not the Nile "and" Osiris but the Nile "as" Osiris (27 te and Osirim = appositives), and he rightly calls attention to the fact that some Egyptians identify the one deity with the other (Plutarch, De Is. et Os. 32 Νεΐλον είναι τόν όσιριν). As Klingner realizes, the poet identifies the Nile with Osiris, whom he will identify in turn with a major Roman deity in the central section of the elegy.

29-48) Hymn to Osiris as the benefactor of mankind Having pictured Osiris as revered by the Egyptian youth, Tibullus presents a hymn in which he honors him for his gifts. He praises the god for

16 Postgate ("Messalla") 117, who proposes a lacuna after 9-10, involving a couplet on Messalla as an administrator; Hammer (Prolegomena) 62-64; Klingner ("Tibulls") 130-133; Hanslik ("Valerius") 152; Gaisser ("Tibullus 1.7") 224; Ball (Structure) 142-143 and ("Structure") 733-734; Rhorer (Tibullus) 230-231; Bright ("Art") 37 and (Haec) 53-54. 17 Klingner ("Tibulls") 123-126; Gaisser ("Tibullus 1.7") 225; Putnam (Tibullus) 122, Bright ("Art") 37 and (Haec) 52-53; Koenen ("Egyptian") 138 and 140; Konstan ("Politics") 179-180; Murgatroyd (Tibullus) 219-220.

112

teaching men to plow and till the field (29-30), plant seeds and gather fruit (31-32), and train the vine on stakes and prune it with the sickle (33-34)-couplets all dealing with agriculture and viticulture (29-34). He then relates that the god taught men how to make wine (35-36), which led to song and dance (37-38), and he describes how Bacchus comforts the troubled farmer (39-40) and slaves in foot-fetters (41—42)—distichs all concerned with the wondrous gift of wine (35-42). He finally pictures the god as surrounded by singing and dancing (43-44), resplendent with lovely flowers and flowing robe (45-46), and with colorful costume and wickerwork basket (47-48 (-couplets all connected with the deity's mysterious cult (43-48). By glorifying Osiris as the patron of agriculture (29-34), wine (35-42), and religion (43-48), the poet constructs a wellbalanced and artistically pleasing hymn (29-48). Scholars attempt to explain how Tibullus manages to identify Osiris with Bacchus at the center of the hymn (35-42). A few18 attribute the connection to syncretism, the tendency in pagan religions to blend different gods of different nations, and they justify this position by quoting crucial statements found in three reliable classical authors (Herodotus 2.42, Diodorus Siculus 1.13.5/1.15.6, and Plutarch, De Is. et Os. 35). Several19 attribute the connection to a mythological metonymy, where the name Bacchus stands for Osiris's greatest gift, wine itself-a suggestion based on the idea that Tibullus mentions three benefits obtained from wine (the invention of singing and dancing, the alleviation of the farmer's troubles, and the consolation of sorrowful mankind). I believe that being familiar with the Greco-Roman rustic gods and being somewhat unfamiliar with the cult of Osiris in its true Egyptian form, Tibullus converts Osiris into a typical Greek culture-divinity (29-34), then casually proceeds to identify Osiris with Bacchus (35-42), the deity to whom the succeeding description ultimately applies (43-48). All these suggestions contribute to an understanding of this colorful merging of identities, one perhaps intended to emphasize the need for wine at Messalla's party. Cesareo20 calls the hymn un gioiello, a passage filled with colonto epico or at least colonto epicheggiante. Tibullus intensifies the elevated tone by 18

Smith (Elegies) 334; Levy ("Geburtstag") 109; Klingner ("Tibulls") 126-130: See also Wimmel (Der frühe) 144, who maintains that Tibullus tends to pair various deities, as specified in the following list: 1.1 Ceres and rustic gods; 1.3 Isis and household gods; 1.6 Love and Bellona; 1.7 Osiris and Bacchus; 2.1 Ceres and Bacchus; 2.3 Apollo and Bacchus; 2.5 Apollo and Pales. " Gaisser ("Tibullus 1.7") 225; Putnam (Tibullus) 123; Koenen ("Egyptian") 145. Tibullus also may be treating Venus in a metonymic sense, as the embodiment of love, at several points in the corpus: 1.5.39-40, when he refers to his impotence with a woman; 1.10.53-54, when he describes the farmer's war of love; 2.6.9-10, when he bids farewell to love and to women. 20 Cesareo (II carme) 66, 69 and ("L'elegia") 126-127.

113

picturing Osiris as a great teacher, who confronts massive and widespread ignorance, whether it appears in untested earth (31 "inexpertae . . . terrae"), unfamiliar trees (32 "non notis . . . arboribus"), unpolished feet (36 "incultis... pedibus"), or unknowing limbs (38 "nescia membra"). The poet also utilizes anaphora and polyptoton as a structural device (29 "primus" . . . 31 "primus", 33 "hie" . . . 34 "hie", 35 "illi" . . . 37 "ille", 39 "Bacchus" . . . 41 "Bacchus"), as well as an extended polysyndeton in a sentence spanning three couplets (43-44 " s e d . . . e t . . . et", 45-46 "sed . . . et. . . sed", 47-48 "et. . . et. . . et"). Furthermore, the noun "cantus" and the verb "canere" occur more frequently in this passage than anywhere else in the elegy (1 "cecinere" . . . 13 "canam", of Messalla and his exploits, 27 "canit" . . . 37 "cantu" . . . 44 "cantus" . . . 47 "cantu", of Osiris and his worship; 61 "canit", again applied to Messalla and his exploits. Most assuredly "a jewel", the hymn projects not so much "epic color" as a dignified tone, of the sort one would expect from a passage closer to hymn than to epic. Some scholars21 regard the hymn as a long digression, with Wilamowitz himself labeling it eine anorganische Einlage. They usually assert that Tibullus refrains from glorifying Messalla (the theme of the poem) in order to glorify the god who first instructed mankind in the rustic activities so beloved and so cherished by the poet, such as cultivating the fields, preparing the wine, and participating in religious ritual. Yet one finds in the hymn such a balanced internal design (the carefully arranged treatment of the deity's blessings) and such smooth connections with the surrounding passages (the introductory and concluding apostrophes to the deity) that the term "digression" seems suspicious and inappropriate. A similar design occurs in Catalepton 9, with its artistically constructed central section: 1-2) Mention of Apollo and Muses; 3-12) Praise of Messalla the conqueror; 13-38) Tribute to Messalla's poetic efforts and the heroine of his verses; 39-54) Praise of Messalla the conqueror; 55-64) Mention of Apollo and Muses. One should also consider Catullus 64.50-266, in which the Theseus-Ariadne union serves as a foil to the Peleus-Thetis union; or Vergil, Aen. 8.184-279, in which the Hercules-Cacus struggle prefigures the Aeneas-Turnus struggle; or Ovid, Met. 15.75-478, in which Pythagoras's long lecture rounds out the poet's central theme. Far from being "an unstructured insertion", the hymn to Osiris deserves closer scrutiny, especially in the context of the elegy in which Tibullus encases it.

21

Karsten ("Tibulli") 313 ; Smith (Elegies) 333; Wilamowitz (Hellenistische) vol. 2, p. 301; Hammer (Prolegomena) 78-79; Schuster (Tibull) 20; Mendell (Latin) 190; Alfonsi ("A propositi)") the tell-tale title; Williams (Tradition) 501 ; Grondona ("L'elegia") 28; Konstan ("Politics") 183.

114

Other scholars22 believe that Tibullus sets out the hymn in order to remind Messalla of his recent trip to Egypt. Delia Corte suggests that Tibullus may even be attempting to remind Messalla that he journeyed to Egypt in order to recover from an illness; he refers to Pliny the Elder, who identifies the illness as amnesia (HN 7.24.90) and who relates the therapeutic reasons for traveling to Egypt [HN 24.19.28, 28.14.54, and 31.33.63). However, one should not assume that Messalla traveled to Egypt solely because he suffered from a severe case of amnesia, not when Pliny the Elder recommends the journey primarily for victims of tuberculosis, and not when he recommends it for the benefits of the lengthy voyage rather than the Egyptian setting. Moreover, one should not assume that Tibullus even wishes to recall the affliction that Messalla once presumably suffered, because nowhere in the hymn does he allude to such an affliction and nowhere does he thank Osiris or the Egyptian priests for healing his patron (compare his appeal to Isis in 1.3.23-32). To be sure, Tibullus spends much time on the cult of an important Egyptian deity, but not just in order to remind Messalla of his journey to Egypt; if he were attempting to do that alone, without relating the hymn to the rest of the poem, then one could easily justify calling the passage a digression. Although Tibullus does not spell out the reason for the journey (political, convalescent, or otherwise), he does connect the passage with the central theme of the elegy. In the hymn Tibullus creates a striking parallel betweeen Osiris and Messalla, a connection first noticed by Putnam.23 Gaisser24 asserts that an affinity with wine provides the greatest point of comparison between Osiris and Messalla-Osiris's gift of wine, as described by Tibullus at the center of the hymn (Tib. 1.7.35-42), and Messalla's love of wine, as described by Horace (Carm. 3.21) and by Servius (on Aen. 8.310). Although Gaisser proposes an interesting connection, and one relevant to the occasion of Messalla's birthday-celebration, she takes into account (as she herself concedes) only the central portion of the hymn and a side of the general not mentioned anywhere else in the poem, let alone in the hymn.

11 Dissen (Commentariusj 159, Baehrens (Blätter) 14, Karsten ("TibuIIi") 311-312, Levy ("Geburtstag") 109-110, Klingner ("Tibulls") 130-133, Delia Corte ("Tibullo") '334, Bell ("Elegiac") 86, who declares that Tibullus may have accompanied Messalla to Egypt as his comrade-in-arms. 23 Putnam ("Simple") 28, in which he implies the connection in the elliptical comment "Messalla would surely have recognized the compliment", and (Tibullus) 118-119, in which he expresses the connection by describing Osiris and Messalla as "men of positive force, conquering, inventing, repairing". 24 Gaisser ("Tibullus 1.7") 221 and 227-228. But see Bright (Haec) 52 for his incisive evaluation of Gaisser's central proposal: "It would, I think, be seriously anticlimactic to begin with a triumphant general, survey the world at his feet, recall the birth of civilization, and end with the fact that he knows his vintages."

115

Bright25 contends that Osiris and Messalla perform a violent mission, the introduction of civilization to several backward countries: Osiris offers Egypt at the dawn of time the simple rudiments of a primitive civilization; Messalla offers Gaul in the age of Augustus the stabilizing responsibilities of an advanced civilization. Although Bright here proposes a more inclusive connection, and one relevant to the occasion of Messalla's Aquitanian triumph, he does not take into consideration Tibullus's gradual shift away from the turbulent military arena, as suggested by the poet's own description of his patron journeying around the Mediterranean. I myself26 believe that Osiris and Messalla enter into a proleptic relationship, in which as archetype and antitype, they journey through Egypt (first the god, then the general) in order to present its people with the blessings of peace, the spirit that characterizes all the different activities described in the hymn. One should understand that Tibullus is attempting to characterize Messalla as someone who visited and perhaps helped pacify a land dominated by a marvelous god of peace-a strong contrast to Vergil's description of the Egyptian deities as terrifying demons of war [Aen. 8.698 "omnigenumque deum monstra et latrator Anubis"). And so, by associating Messalla literally and figuratively with a peaceful deity, Tibullus emphasizes in the hymn, as in the preceding section, the unwarlike aspect of his patron's pursuits. 49-54) Transition: apostrophe to Osiris After describing Osiris, Tibullus invites him to Messalla's party. He calls upon Osiris to honor the Birthday-Spirit (49-50), pictures the BirthdaySpirit (or Messalla) in festive attire (51-52), and offers to honor Osiris with incense and sweet cake (53-54). Thus, the poet employs another transitional passage by drawing the deity into the world of the birthdaycelebration (49-54). Koenen27 envisions Osiris in the role of host and guest, who surrounds the Birthday-Spirit with mirth and merriment. He points out that Osiris appears as a god of wine, in which aspect he had also appeared in the cen-

25 Bright ("Art") 36-39 and (Haec) 56-59. See also Konstan ("Politics") 180-182, who emphasizes the contrast between Osiris as a symbol of peace and Messalla as a symbol of war-a comparison that depends (as does Bright's) on interpreting Messalla's behavior in the context of the Aquitanian experience rather than the Egyptian experience. 26 Ball (Structure) 151-152 and ("Structure") 737-738. See also Rhorer (Tibullus) 229-233, who arrives at a similar conclusion in her own examination of this elegy, by suggesting that Tibullus manages to reject Messalla's militarism without rejecting Messalla himself by transforming the general into a god, a figure of peace. 27 Koenen ("Egyptian") 153-155.

116

tral part of the hymn, and he calls attention to the idea that Osiris makes the Birthday-Spirit his drinking-companion and that Osiris himself almost assumes the role of a second Birthday-Spirit. As Koenen recognizes, the poet apostrophizes Osiris in a highly sophisticated manner while incorporating him into the spirit of the joyous occasion. 55-62) Address to Messalla: praise of his domestic exploits Having returned to the subject of the birthday, Tibullus recalls how Messalla distinguished himself in his homeland. He hopes that his patron will have famous offspring (55-56), pictures a traveler thanking him for repairing a road (57-58), touches on the process of rebuilding the road with gravel and pavement (59-60), and then pictures another traveler praising him for making his journey safe (61-62). By reflecting on the reputation of his patron's progeny (55-56) and even more on the gratitude of the happy wayfarers (57-62), Tibullus emphasizes the importance of Messalla's domestic ventures (55-62). 28 Scholars suspect textual problems in the above passage, after Tibullus expresses his wish about Messalla's offspring. Havet29 proposes a lacuna after 55-56, and with good reason, contending that in a missing passage Tibullus praised Messalla as an orator and a senator. Indeed, in these two important areas his patron had earned most of his reputation, during the times he was not traveling abroad at the emperor's request. Rackham30 transposes 61-62 after 55-56, in order to juxtapose the two couplets dealing directly with the gratitude of the wayfarer (57-58 and 61-62). Still, this transposition spoils the symmetry in the movement from the appreciative city-dweller (57-58), to the road-repair (59-60), to the appreciative

28 Editors usually identify the road restored by Messalla with the portion of the Via Latina that leaves Rome by the Porta Capena in a southeasterly direction, passes over the Alban hills between Tusculum and Alba Longa, and proceeds southward to join the Via Appia at Beneventum. See Ashby ("Alba") 39, who contends that authors identify Alba with the Alban hills when they refer to a period in which Alba Longa no longer existed as a city: Livy 7.39 ("sub iugo Albae Longae"); Plutarch, Caes. 60 (καταβαίνοντος έξ Αλβης Καίσαρος); Appian, Β Civ 1.69 (περί ιό όρος τό Αλβανόν). See also McCracken ('Tibullus") 350-352, who applies Ashby's suggestion directly to Tibullus 1.7, and who identifies the road with the Via Latina while calling attention to Strabo 5.9 (είτα διά τοΟ ΤουσκλανοΟ όρους ύπερββσα μεταξύ Τούσκλου πόλεως και τοΟ ΑλβανοΟ όρους). 29 Havet (cited in Ponchont, Tibulle, xli and Pichard, Tibulle, 51),- Ball (Structure) 154 and ("Structure") 740. See chapter 6, note 22 of this book for an explanation of the citation on Havet. 3 0 Rackham ("Nugae") 225. Rackham also changes 61 "canit" to "canat" in order to make this verb blend in with the other hortatory subjunctives-an emendation that only weakens the extended connection between the Egyptian god and the Roman general (27 "te canit" « 6 1 "te canit").

117

country-dweller (61-62). Although Rackham goes a little too far in attempting to establish a new sequence, Havet manages to round out Tibullus's tribute without rearranging the text. The missing couplets very likely reviewed in detail Messalla's political and literary activities, those deserving mention in a passage about domestic achievements.31 Like the passage concerned with Messalla's Aquitanian triumph, this passage also appears to have suffered a little corruption, which one may easily resolve by understanding a lacuna. One observes a heroic tone in the passage on the road-repair, a project unjustly characterized by Karsten as per se inglorium.31 Levy33 applies the term άρετή to Messalla's rebuilding of the road, a deed comparable (in his opinion) to the earlier άρεταί performed by Osiris. Since one usually applies this term to the deeds of a god or hero [LS], p. 238), one may certainly apply it here, to the actions of Osiris and Messalla. Gaisser34 focuses on three cross-references linking the god and the general: 5 "pubes Romana" « 27 "pubes barbara" (the admiration felt for them by the young); 27 "te canit" « 6 1 "te canit" (their glorification by those devoted to them); 39 "agricolae magno" « 61 "agricola magna" (the gratitude of the farmer for their generosity). Putnam35 observes that Tibullus may be borrowing a famous expression of Vergil from another memorable poem about peace: Vergil pictures a child learning about his father's deeds (Buc. 4.26 "facta parentis"); Tibullus pictures Messalla's progeny enhancing the deeds of Messalla (Tib. 1.7.55 "facta parentis"). Although Karsten characterizes the project as "inglorious in itself", an elevated tone persists, related to some degree to the sustained comparison between Osiris and Messalla. In commenting on the setting of the above passage, Levy visualizes the celebration im Hause Messalas ("in Messalla's house").36 He considers Messalla's house the most logical place for Messalla to be celebrating his birthday and recent triumph, where surrounded by his gods, his family, and his friends, the general can fully appreciate the magnificent tribute that Tibullus has composed for the momentous occasion. Yet Tibullus does not mention a house anywhere in the passage, which has as its setting-if one must establish a setting-the long and winding path of the newly restored Via Latina, glorified by the city-dweller detained in the 31 I also believe that a lacuna may exist before 55-56, at which point Tibullus may have formally turned away from Osiris and called upon Messalla, in the same way that he may have called upon Messalla at the beginning of the elegy, before reflecting on his various accomplishments. 32 Karsten ("Tibulli") 313. 33 Levy ("Geburtstag") 111. 34 Gaisser ("Tibullus 1.7") 227. 35 Putnam (Tibullus) 125. 36 Levy ("Geburtstag") 107.

118

fields of Tusculum and the country-dweller returning home from the streets of Rome. In a larger sense the poet designs the journey along the Via Latina as a complement to the journey around the Mediterranean: Messalla travels outside Italy in order to pacify lands embraced by the Roman empire; he journeys inside Italy in order to provide his country with public service in highway reconstruction. In the final analysis the poet sets the elegy in a number of geographical locations, from one corner of the empire to another: first Rome (scene of the birthday and triumph); then Eurasia (Gaul, Cilicia, the Orient-with emphasis on an Egyptian divinity); again Rome (scene of the birthday, with reference to the Via Latina). Although Tibullus suppresses the setting of the birthdayparty, one should understand that the civilized world resounds, from the high walls of Rome to the distant shores of Egypt. Scholars interpret the road-reconstruction differently, particularly in respect to Tibullus's treatment of Messalla. Some37 believe that Tibullus is glorifying an exploit connected with war, an opinion that they usually justify by citing Suetonius {Aug. 30) and Dio Cassius (53.22), who report that Augustus and his generals restored various roads after the civil wars, but with money secured from their military campaigns. Even so, nowhere in his description does Tibullus refer to the road as the path to glory, the setting of a procession, or the strategic crossing for an armyexactly the sort of description that one would expect to find in a passage celebrating a militaristic project such as that described by the historians. Others38 believe that Tibullus is glorifying an exploit associated with peace, an opinion that they usually justify by claiming that the poet visualizes Messalla's part in the project as happening in the postwar world of his weary and wayworn countrymen, who glorify the general for his philanthropic gesture. Indeed, as the description progresses, Tibullus appears to regard the project as an enterprise intended to facilitate the travels of the simple folk-the city-dweller detained in the country and especially the tired farmer returning to the country, who will benefit by not stumbling on his way home. Therefore, although Messalla may have financed the reconstruction with the wealth acquired from his triumph, Tibullus clearly interprets this particular enterprise as peaceful in nature.

37 Dissen (Commentarius) 164; Baehrens (Blatter) 14; Smith (Elegies) 339; Levy ("Geburtstag"] 111; Klingner ("Tibulls") 135, who exemplifies this rationale by connecting the money for the repair with the spoils from the war ; Cairns (Generic) 168-169; Putnam (Tibullus) 125-126. 38 Hammer (Prolegomena) 80-82; Ball (Structure) 156-157 and ("Structure") 740-741; Gaisser ('Tibullus 1.7") 227-228; Rhorer {Tibullus) 232-233; Grondona ("L'elegia") 31-32; Bright ("Art") 34—35 and (Haec) 55-56, who exemplifies this rationale by focusing on the poet's concern for peace and ties to early times; Konstan ("Politics") 184.

119

63-64) Proclamation to the Birthday-Spirit In concluding this elegy about Messalla, Tibullus formally apostrophizes the Genius Natalis, Messalla's Birthday-Spirit. He invokes the deity as one to be celebrated for many years in the future and pictures him becoming brighter and brighter-one of the most uplifting couplets in Tibullus's poems, perfectly consistent with the tone of the elegy as a whole and calling to mind the sentiments expressed at the outset. Thus, Tibullus celebrates his patron's recent birthday, an occasion now totally separated from the beginning of the elegy, at which point he associated it with Messalla's triumph (63-64). This little apostrophe helps to substantiate the existence of a lacuna at the beginning of the elegy. The stirring conclusion clearly reveals that Tibullus regards Messalla's birthday as primary, more important than the triumph, which he abandons after only a few couplets in order to glorify Messalla's peaceful achievements at home and abroad, those accomplishments culminating in and appropriate to the celebration. I cannot believe that the poet would begin the elegy by merely alluding to his patron's birthday (see the reference to the singing, spinning Fates), not when he devotes so much time toward the end of the elegy to this memorable occasion, to be attended by Messalla, the Birthday-Spirit, and Osiris himself. One would do well to consider the primary importance that Ovid attaches to the birthday-motif when he imitates Tibullus 1.7: Tr. 5.3.25 "nentes fatalia Parcae" «Tib. 1.7.1 "Parcae fatalia nentes"; Tr. 5.5.13-14 "Natalis . . . Candidus . . . uenias" « Tib. 1.7.63-64 "Natalis . . . candidior. . . ueni". Although the elegy concludes on the keynote, the opening passage may well have suffered a little mutilation, as shown by the highly elliptical reference contained in it. The epic tone persists all the way to the end of the elegy, with the Birthday-Spirit projected gloriously into the future. Although Tibullus begins by referring to Messalla's triumph, an occasion to be celebrated only once, on a single day, he concludes by calling special attention to Messalla's birthday, which the general will celebrate in the future, again and again, with his Birthday-Spirit beaming more brightly than ever. One should realize that the poet is employing the verb "celebrare", a word that he applies to heroic or religious occasions: 1.3.33 "celebrare" (his anticipated return to his homeland); 2.1.29 "celebrent" (his completion of a successful lustration),· 2.5.115 "celebrem" (his glorification of a newly installed priest). One should also consider the poet's use of the adjective "Candidus", a word that he usually employs in order to convey purity: 1.3.94 "Candida" (his allusion to the bright goddess Aurora); 2.1.16 "Candida" (his description of the cleansed, reverent throng); 2.5.38 "Candidus" (his reference to the lover's shiny-white lamb). By presenting the Birthday-Spirit in this grand, glorious light, Tibullus takes his audience to the end of a long and uplifting heroic journey. 120

At the close of the elegy Tibullus continues to address Messalla with the admiration displayed throughout the poem. In the first place, Tibullus virtually converts Messalla from a soldier on the march into a deity bestowing blessings, first by connecting him with the Egyptian god Osiris, the great benefactor of mankind, and then by associating him with the Roman Genius Natalis, the glistening guardian of birthdays. One should here consider the cross-references that the poet applies to the divinity and the general: 2 "dissoluenda" « 40 "dissoluenda"; 3 "hindere gentes" = 50 "tempora funde"; 5 "pubes Romana" » 27 "pubes barbara"; 9 "honos (uictoriae)" « 53 "turis honores"; 27 "te canit" « 61 "te canit"; 39 "agricolae magno" « 61 "agricola magna". In the second place, Tibullus enhances the compliment to Messalla by associating him primarily with peaceful undertakings, as when he pictures him observing the wonders of the Mediterranean, or conducting an expedition to the mysterious land of Egypt, or reconstructing a road for the tired Roman farmer. Here one should remember that the poet himself interprets the various activities of the general as peaceful in nature-a factor that argues against any attempt to interpret his several expeditions as ferocious campaigns intended to squelch and subjugate foreign nations beneath the Roman yoke. By returning to Messalla's birthday instead of his triumph, Tibullus again emphasizes that he associates his patron with a day of peace instead of a day of war.

Questions on elegy 1.7 as a whole Scholars39 usually classify Tibullus 1.7 as a genethliakon, the term applied to a birthday-poem by Menander Rhetor (279-281). Cairns believes that Tibullus includes the genethliakon in a triumph-poem, which he identifies with a dithyramb: 1) "triumphus" derives from θρίαμβος, a word related to διθύραμβος; 2) Dionysus enjoyed the first triumph (Nonnus, Dion. 40.218-297 implied); 3) the Romans connected these genre-types (see Horace, Carm. 1.37). In the first place, one should not assume that Tibullus expects his audience to regard this elegy primarily as a triumph-poem-an elegy concerned not so much with the celebration of Messalla's triumph (limited to a few couplets) as with the celebration of his birthday and peaceful accomplishments (a subject spanning most of the elegy). In the second place, one should not assume that the Romans felt a clear analogy between a triumph-poem and a dithyramb (a song 39 But see Cairns (Genenc) 95-97 and (Tibullus) 171-172. See also Murgatroyd (Tibullus) 209-211, who considers Tibullus 1.7 an epinikion |a victory-song), with its mythical portion in the hymn to Osiris. Yet nowhere in the elegy is Tibullus glorifying a victory athletic in nature-a fundamental ingredient of this characteristically Greek genre-type.

121

composed in honor of Dionysus): Horace, Carm. 1.37 = a triumphpoem, dealing with Augustus's defeat of Cleopatra,· Horace, Caim. 2.19 and 3.25 = dithyrambs, concerned with the god of wine and the extent of his power. Although Tibullus employs the birthday-theme and (to a certain degree) the triumph-theme, he does not model the elegy as a whole after a dithyramb. The Augustan poets tend to construct the genethliakon around the various preparations for the birthday-celebration. Horace ( C a r m . 4.11) informs Phyllis that he is preparing to celebrate Maecenas's birthday, reminds her that she ought to forget about the young man who has deserted her for another woman, and exhorts her to learn verses that she may presumably sing on the occasion of the upcoming celebration. Sulpicia (Tib. 3.11/4.5 and 3.12/4.6) regards Cerinthus's birthday and her own birthday as joyful occasions on which she sets out to pray for mutual love; elsewhere (Tib. 3.14/4.8 and 3.15/4.9) she entreats Messalla to permit her to spend her birthday with Cerinthus and happily informs Cerinthus that she has managed to obtain her request. Propertius (3.10) recalls how the Muses reminded him of Cynthia's birthday, beseeches his mistress to prepare herself partly by wearing the robe in which she first ensnared him, and hopes that at the conclusion of the celebration they will be able to consummate their love in the privacy of their chamber. Departing from the above pattern, Tibullus constructs his genethliakon around his patron's entire career-a highly unusual and perhaps unprecedented form for a birthday-poem. Scholars40 believe that at various points in the elegy Tibullus imitates ideas from Callimachus's poetry. They selectively call attention to the following cross-references: Tib. 1.7.1-2 « fr. 202.9 (spinning of Fates); Tib. 1.7.22 « fr. 384.27 (overflow of Nile); Tib. 1.7.24 « fr. 384.31 (origin of Nile); Tib. 1.7.28 « fr. 383.16 (mourning of bull); Tib. 1.7.51-52 « fr. 7.12 (dripping of ointment); Tib. 1.7.54 « fr. 709 (allusion to Mopsopus). Vocabular parallels strengthen the cross-reverences: Tib. 1.7.1-2 "nentes / stamina" « fr. 202.9 κάλλιστα νήθυσαΐ; Tib. 1.7.22 "fertil i s . . . N i l u s . . . aqua" « fr. 384.27 θηλύτατον . . . Νείλος . . . υδωρ ; Tib. 1.7.28 "plangere docta bouem" = fr. 383.16 ε ΐ δ υ ΐ α ι . . . ταϋρον ίηλεμίσαΐ; Tib. 1.7.51 "stillent unguenta capillo" « fr. 7.12 άπ όστλ ί γ γ ω ν . . . άλειφα ρέει. Contextual similarities strengthen them even further: fr. 202.9 comes from a birthday-poem, composed for a friend's baby-daughter; fr. 383.16 appears in a victory ode, for the winner of a chariot-race; fr. 384.27 and 31 appear in another victory ode, celebrating 40 Pfeiffer (Callimachus) vol. 1, pp. 201, 310, 315, and 457; Luck (Latin) 77-85 in 1959 edition and 84-92 in 1969 edition; Lenz and Galinsky (Albii) 73-76 in 1959 edition and 84-87 in 1971 edition; Gaisser ("Tibullus 1.7") 224-226; Ball (Structure) 159-160 and ("Structure") 743-744, Bulloch ("Tibullus") 76-77; Murgatroyd (TibuUus)lU.

122

the athletic prowess of Sosibius, the famous minister of Ptolemy IV. These particular cross-references reveal that Tibullus is not only looking to Callimachus as an overall source of inspiration but that he is also turning to those poems of Callimachus that have a bearing on his own subject, be they the celebration of a friend's offspring or the glorification of a friend's peacetime accomplishments. Thus, Tibullus decorates his elegy with a number of reminiscences of Callimachus, capped by the very striking reference to Mopsopus, mythical king or hero of Attica. Bright41believes that Tibullus finds his main literary model in Catullus 64, on the wedding of Peleus and Thetis. After pointing to a famous and often-cited verbal parallel (Tib. 1.7.1 "cecinere.. . Parcae" « Catull. 64.383 "cecinerunt. . . Parcae"), he remarks that each poet presents a narrative on a heroic or mythical subject, a central passage relating to the overall context, and a combination of genres within a single piece. These two poems indeed project the essence of a narrative: in Catullus's, the celebration of the marriage of Peleus and Thetis, as well as a description of the human and divine guests; in Tibullus's, the celebration of Messalla's birthday and triumph, along with a description of his journey around the world. These same poems also contain important central passages: in Catullus's, the presentation of the story of Theseus and Ariadne, whose strained relationship contrasts with that of Peleus and Thetis; in Tibullus's, the glorification of the Egyptian god Osiris, whose peaceful activities prefigure those of a Roman general. The above compositions reveal a wide range of generic forms within the context of an epithalamium or a genethliakon, although I again wish to emphasize that the elegist conceives of his composition within the framework of a birthday-poem, since he has his patron's birthday-celebration uppermost in his mind. Tibullus may well be constructing an epyllion in the style of Catullus, involving connections in literary reminiscence and in the organization of the poem as a whole. The question arises as to why Tibullus echoes Callimachus and Catullus, two of his most famous literary predecessors. Gaisser42 asserts that by imitating Callimachus, Tibullus is attempting to depict Messalla as a connoisseur of classical literature, someone capable of savoring the various reminiscences of the Alexandrian poet, as one might expect from the statesman who patronized the literary circle second only to that of Maecenas. Indeed, several Roman authors testify to Messalla's literary abilities by calling attention to his skill as an orator or as a poet: the Panegyricus

41 Bright ("Art") 4 1 - 4 5 . But see Konstan ("Politics"] 185, who rejects Bright's proposal, while himself suggesting that Tibullus may be imitating an oriental death-rebirth myth. Although Tibullus may well be looking to Catullus, I do not believe that he is imitating a death-rebirth myth any more than he is imitating a dithyramb or an epinikion. 4 1 Gaisser ('Tibullus 1.7") 221, 2 2 4 - 2 2 6 , and 228.

123

poet (Tib. 3.7/4.1.45-81) describes his forensic powers; the Catalepton poet [Catal. 9.13-38) describes his poetic powers, especially his ability to compose poetry in Greek. Bright43 contends that Tibullus may be composing an elegy structurally analogous to the achievements praised in the elegy: Messalla brings order into the world by journeying through many different countries; Tibullus creates his own kind of order by weaving different poetic traditions into a harmonious organic entity. To be sure, the sensitive connoisseur would have been able to perceive the sophisticated structure of the stirring encomium composed in his honor, one bearing a striking structural resemblance (as considered earlier) to the elegy composed by the Catalepton poet, with its central section on Messalla's literary prowess. I myself44 believe that Tibullus may also be announcing through this elegy his own emergence as a doctus poeta, attempting on the one hand to pay tribute to the peaceful accomplishments of his distinguished patron and attempting at the same time to pay tribute to the distinguished master of Alexandrian poetry. Just as Catullus may have hoped that his audience would take him seriously in his epyllion on Peleus and Thetis (the longest and most heroic piece in his corpus), so Tibullus may have hoped that his own audience would take him with equal seriousness in this short but delicate attempt to enter the groves of Callimachus. And so, by emulating the verses of Callimachus and Catullus, Tibullus presents himself as a learned poet and Messalla as a polished intellectual, a characterization well in keeping with the central theme of the elegy. The question also arises as to why Tibullus here ignores Augustus, especially when he describes a country subdued by the princeps. In Salanitro's opinion45 Tibullus feels indifferent toward Augustus, with the silence meaning nothing more and nothing less-an attitude primarily based on the notion that the poet wants to glorify Messalla alone, the subject of the elegy under consideration, the executor of the magnificent exploits so colorfully described. Nevertheless, I cannot conceive of this particular poet as merely indifferent to the activities of that particular emperor, not the emperor who had recently celebrated his own glorious victory, his monumental triple triumph over Dalmatia, Actium, and Egypt on August 13, 14, and 15, 29 B.C. [CIL, vol. P, pp. 76-77, 180, and

Bright ("Art") 45-46. Ball (Structure) 162 and ("Structure") 744. 45 Salanitro (Tibullo)7l-6&. See also Commager ("Horace"] 52-54 for an expanded comparison of Vergil (Aen. 8.671-713), Horace {Epod. 9 and Carm. 1.37), and Propertius (3.11 and 4.6)-the famous Augustan poems on the emperor's defeat of Antony and Cleopatra, expressing awe, wonder, and excitement over this world-shaking military victory. 43 44

124

248). In Delia Corte's judgment 46 Tibullus displays hostility toward Augustus, by celebrating a god worshipped by Antony and Cleopatra-an argument ultimately based on the assumption that the emperor loathed Egyptian religion, as shown by the anti-Egyptian feeling appearing in the various poems dealing with the Battle of Actium. Although the elegist may well be intimating opposition to the emperor for his imperial policies at home and abroad, one should not assume that he is associating the god Osiris with the emperor's enemies, since such an association would severely undercut the lofty comparison that he establishes between Osiris and Messalla. According to Konstan 47 Tibullus is not attacking Augustus's principate or even his country's obligation to rule the world, but is tacitly affirming the magnanimity of the new world empire, an empire free of parochial cultural antagonisms and incorporating into her bosom the heritage of her most recent conquest. On the contrary, I cannot believe that this sensitive young amorist wishes to acknowledge the magnificence of the grand new regime, a regime that he can no more patronize than he can his benefactor's triumph, because such condescension would seem completely incongruous and inconsistent with everything he says elsewhere. Therefore, regarding Augustus as the conqueror in the tradition of Julius Caesar and Messalla as Augustus's great and godlike ambassador of peace, Tibullus deliberately and conspicuously ignores the emperor in a poem in which he could have easily mentioned him in order to express his displeasure with imperial policies.

Retrospective examination of elegy 1.7 Although several interpret Tibullus 1.7 as a poem about Messalla the conqueror, Tibullus pictures Messalla as a peacemaker. Tibullus introduces the elegy by announcing and associating two joyful occasions, Messalla's recent birthday and his military triumph over the Aquitanians (1-8J. He regards the birthday as foremost, as shown by the reference to the Fates, and the triumph as secondary, as shown by the limited attention afforded to this subject. After providing several details connected with the triumph, Tibullus reflects on Messalla's journey around the

46 Deila Corte ("Tibullo") 333. See also Laidlaw ("Aspect") 1 8 - 2 2 for an extensive examination of Augustan references to Cleopatra's birthplace: Vergil (G. 4 . 2 8 7 - 2 9 4 and Aen. 6.800, 8 . 7 1 1 - 7 1 3 , 9.30-32), Horace (Caim. 3.3.48 and 4.14.45-46); Tibullus (1.7.21-28); Propertius (2.1.31-34, 2.28A. 17-18, 2:33.20, and 3.11.41-42); Ovid [Am. 3.6.39-42). 47 Konstan ("Politics") 1 7 7 - 1 7 8 and 182-183. D. N. Levin, uncomfortable (like myself) over Tibullus's silence about Augustus, recently pointed out to me that Tibullus chooses to ignore Augustus in the very poem in which he celebrates a triumph that Messalla could not possibly have attained if Augustus had not sent him to Aquitania in the first place.

125

Mediterranean from Gaul to Egypt (9-22). Here Messalla appears not as a ferocious warrior, destroying helpless people, but as a cultured diplomat, visiting the empire's new satellites on a peaceful mission. Then, having addressed Osiris in his aspect as the Nile (23-28), Tibullus glorifies the Egyptian god for presenting mankind with agriculture, wine, and religion (29-48). In this passage he pictures Osiris and Messalla as symbols of peace and converts his own relation with Messalla from patron and client into divinity and devotee. After beckoning Osiris to attend the birthdaycelebration (49-54), Tibullus reflects on Messalla's reconstruction of the Via Latina, from city to country (55-62). Here Messalla establishes not a strategic crossing for a military procession, but a convenient passageway for the simple farmer, who returns home in peace. Tibullus concludes the elegy by apostrophizing the Birthday-Spirit, a delicate and deliberate return to the composition's keynote, on Messalla's birthday (63-64). He does not return to the subject of the military triumph, that occasion having been totally abandoned for an occasion more important to the poet, the birthday-celebration. Decorating the elegy with reminiscences of Callimachus and organizing it after Catullus's epyllion on a mythical celebration, Tibullus composes an Alexandrian cameo on the peaceful aspects of Messalla's career, characterized by an intricate structure, a relevant hymn, and learned allusions.

126

CHAPTER IX

Elegy 1.8: Marathus and Pholoe In elegy 1.8 Tibullus attempts to reconcile two estranged lovers, the boy Marathus and a girl named Pholoe. Scaliger1 accepted the traditional ordering of the verses, a privilege that he did not readily extend to too many of the poems in Tibullus's corpus. However, he did transpose 2.3.75-78 after 1.8.65-66 (a matter to be considered a little later, in the appropriate section of the chapter on Tibullus 2.3). I suggest the following summary of the poem: 1-26) i s 27-54) If 55-66) Vs· 67-68) ^ 69-78)

Address to Marathus: detection of the boy's love Address to Pholoe: appeal that she accept him Marathus's lament: pity for his own troubles Address to Marathus: request that he stop crying Address to Pholoe: warning that she should relent

Wilhelm studied the question of the literary model and attempted to connect Tibullus's Marathus and Pholoe with figures from a lost Hellenistic elegy. Dawson, Williams, and Bulloch have attempted to establish connections between this elegy and specific Alexandrian verses, especially those of Callimachus.2 In this chapter I have explored the structural design of the elegy while devoting some attention to the literary sources that Tibullus seems to have employed.

1-26) Address to Marathus: detection of the boy's love

Tibullus begins by addressing Marathus about his love for Pholoe, but without actually identifying the young boy. He remarks that he can perceive love's symptoms (1-2), a talent acquired not from augury (3-4) but from Venus herself (5-6), and orders Marathus to stop hiding his feelings (7-8). He wonders why Marathus dresses his hair (9-10), powders his face and cuts his nails (11-12), changes his garments and tightens his sandals

1

Scaliger (Catulli) 97-100 and (Castigationes) 131-133. See also Dissen (Albii) 28-31 and (Commentariusj 165-177 for the usual tripartite outline: 1.8 = 1-16, 17-66, and 67-78. 2 Wilhelm ("1901") 579-592; Dawson ("Alexandrian") 1-15 ; Williams (Tradition) 556-557; Bulloch ("Tibullus") 71-89, especially 77, who cites other scholars for these parallels.

127

(13-14), especially when Pholoe uses no artifice (15-16). He wonders whether to blame magic (17-18), describes its influence on living things (19-20) and even on the moon (21-22), then discards the role of magic (23-24) and concedes the power of passion (25-26). By addressing Marathus about his secretiveness, his fastidiousness, and his possible enchantment, Tibullus expresses his sympathy with the boy's sorrowful predicament (1-26). Wisser3 excises 25-26 from the text, a proposal rejected by Cartault in his comprehensive review of early scholarship. Wisser senses a contradiction in the fact that Tibullus attributes Marathus's distress first to Pholoe's beauty (23-24) and then to excessive lovemaking (25-26). And he believes that Marathus cannot indulge in lovemaking in any case, because Pholoe has rejected the young boy as her lover. Yet one should not distinguish too rigidly between the related aspects of the complex emotional experience that Marathus is painfully suffering. Physical attraction and physical passion both play havoc with the youth, who cannot cope with the realization that the young girl has spurned him. Nor should one dismiss the testimony of Charisius, a Latin grammarian of the fourth century A.D., who attributes to Tibullus the words "implicuitque femur femini" [Gramm. 1.87 and 130). In these words one observes a variation (whether deliberate or accidental) of Tibullus's colorful, indeed almost electrifying expression "femori conseruisse femur". The couplet belongs in the text, the first explicit reference in Tibullus's elegies to sexual intercourse, which the poet touches on rarely but with great effect.

27-54) Address to Pholoe: appeal that she accept him Tibullus proceeds to address Pholoe about her treatment of Marathus, here without actually identifying the young girl. He exhorts her to spare the boy (27-28) and not to demand gifts (29-30), describes the boy as handsome (31-32) and worthy of her embraces (33-34), and even visualizes the lovers' physical union (35-36) and passionate struggling (37— 38)—a pleasure not to be experienced by the greedy woman (39-40). He pictures old age as loveless (41-42), the time for dyeing the hair (43-44) and even removing the hair and the wrinkles (45-46), beseeches the girl to enjoy her youth (47-48) and not to torture Marathus (49-50), who has developed a sallow complexion (51-52) and who pines for her with tears in his eyes (53-54). By addressing Pholoe about the boy's attractiveness as well as her own greediness, Tibullus plays upon the girl's sympathy in the hope that she will change her ways (27-54). 3 Wisser (Quaestiones) 16-18; Cartault (A piopos) 236. See also Putnam (Tibullus) 130 on the artistry of this couplet.

128

Wisser 4 excises 35-40 from this passage, a proposal rejected first by Karsten and soon afterwards by Cartault. Wisser argues that Tibullus does not direct 35-38 to Pholoe, who did not really want to make love because she knew that she would lose her virginity. Yet elsewhere in the elegy the poet depicts the girl as apparently quite willing and quite prepared to sell herself for the right price (29-30, 39-40, and 49-50). Wisser also asserts that Tibullus could not have composed 39-40, a couplet (in his opinion) not logically related to the context preceding it or following it. Still, by picturing the girl as rich but unloved, the poet reinforces the central message of the passage, that the girl should accept the young boy however poor. Wisser also contends that 25-26 and 35-40 as a whole contain "obscoenitatem putidissimam", something utterly unworthy of the gentle and elegant elegist. Even so, by applying this sort of puritanical attitude to Tibullus's poems, one deprives them of a quality that contributes to their power, vitality, and appeal. Although Wisser's arguments seem interesting in themselves, they do not contribute to an understanding of the elegy, since they overlook the passionate aspect of the poet's personality.

55-66) Maiathus's lament: pity foi his own troubles A speech follows, one in which Marathus himself pours out his heart to Pholoe on the subject of her insincerity. He declares that they could have tricked the guard (55-56), kissed each other without anyone knowing (57-58), and unbolted the door in the middle of the night (59-60); he complains about her refusal to accept him (61-62), her breaking a promise to meet him (63-64), and his pretending to believe that she will come (65-66). All these couplets comprise the boy's sorrowful lament, in which he stresses his devotion to the girl he desires and the girl's refusal to receive him as her lover (55-66). This touching lament deserves special consideration, especially since Marathus here speaks directly to Pholoe. Wimmel 5 regards Marathus's la4 Wisser (Quaestiones) 19-21; Karsten ("Tibulli") 316-317; Cartault (A piopos) 236. See also Havet, who proposes a lacuna after 25-26 and transposes 39-40 after 33-34 (cited in Ponchont, Tibulle, xli and Pichard, Tibulle, 55—56). See also chapter 6, note 22 of this book for an explanation of the citation on Havet, whose conjectures appear only in the two editions mentioned above. Havet defends the lacuna by suggesting that in a missing passage Tibullus presumably informed his audience all about Marathus and Pholoe. Yet this proposal detracts from the structural design employed by the poet, the spontaneous transition from the first address to the second address. Havet defends the transposition by suggesting that it allows for a slightly greater distance between 30 "molli.. . sinu" and 36 "teneros . . . sinus". Still, this proposal does not alter appreciably the distance between the two related expressions, far enough apart so as not to seem grossly repetitive. 5 Wimmel (Der frühe) 69-70.

129

ment as a parable, an inner monologue, which recalls the feelings of Tibullus himself-a shrewd observation, based on the behavior of the poet as he appears throughout his elegies, the anxious amorist who faces a hopeless struggle in dealing with his harsh and greedy mistress. Bright6 expands on this observation by showing how completely Marathus's lament encapsulates Tibullus's relationship with Delia: 1.8.55-56 « 1.2.15-16 (deceiving of guard with divine help); 1.8.57-60 « 1.2.17-22 and 1.6.11-14 (lovers'expertise in meeting secretly); 1.8.65-66 « 1.5.20/35 (importance of verb "fingere" to lover). One should also notice that Tibullus confers on Marathus a special distinction by picturing him speaking in his own voice-a distinction bestowed by the poet on only three other figures (1.4.9-72, Priapus to Tibullus; 1.6.51-54, Bellona's priestess to rival lovers; 2.5.39-64, Sibyl to Aeneas in the cave of Cumae).7 Although Marathus does not possess oracular authority, as do the other three figures, he has experienced enough of Tibullus's troubles to enable him to speak for himself.

67-68) Address to Marathus: request that he stop crying

Tibullus continues by again addressing Marathus directly, in the aftermath of his deeply moving lament. He beseeches the boy to stop crying, since he has not been able to persuade the girl and since he has only succeeded in making his eyes swollen-an attempt to show compassion for the troubled youth, who has only just begun to understand the trials and tribulations of what the poet has experienced for some time. By addressing Marathus with concern and with compassion, Tibullus not only expresses sympathy with the boy's predicament but also prepares for his warning to the girl (67-68). Fritzsche8 excises 67-68 from the text, on the ground that the couplet seems superfluous in the context of the lament. On the contrary, Tibullus is using the same kind of patterning that he employed earlier in his poetry, in his treatment of Delia: in one context Tibullus realizes his defeat before warning his rival of retribution (1.5.67-68); in another he entreats Marathus to accept defeat before warning the girl of retribution (1.8.67-68). Furthermore, Tibullus is imitating Catullus in this couplet,

6 Bright (Haecj 244-246. Bright also recognizes that Marathus's lament looks ahead to Tibullus's relationship with Nemisis: 1.8.62 « 2.4.6 ("saeua puella", applied to Pholoe and Nemesis); 1.8.61-62 » 2.4.15-20 (dismissal of talent / dismissal of poetry); 1.8.63-64 « 2.6.49-50 (breaking of promise and anxiety of lover). 7 Ball (Structure) 169. 8 Fritzsche (Quaestionesj 15-16. But see Smith (Elegies) 357 and Ball ("Dramatic") 192 on dramatic unity in Tibullus 1.8.

130

with an idea borrowed from the poem about Lesbia's sparrow: in the lyric Catullus blames Lesbia's grief on the dead sparrow (Catull. 3.18 "flendo turgiduli. . . ocelli"); in the elegy Tibullus blames Marathus's grief on the heartless Pholoe (Tib. 1.8.68 "fletu l u m i n a . . . tument"). At this point Tibullus also employs dramatic unity, where an unexpressed action happens during an understood time-lapse: between the painful lament and the sudden consolation the poet expects his audience to visualize in the background the girl's renewed refusal to relent and the boy's sudden recourse to tears. This couplet clearly belongs in the elegy, at the point where Tibullus attempts to cheer up the tormented Marathus in the face of Pholoe's continued refusal to accept him.

69-78) Address to Pholoe: warning that she should relent

Tibullus concludes by again addressing Pholoe directly, by warning her of the punishment she will face for her cruelty. He reminds her that the gods will not pardon her arrogance (69-70), points to Marathus himself, who used to mock lovers (71-72), who used to play with the feelings of an anxious amorist (73-74), only to suffer the torment of standing before a closed door (75-76), and predicts that she also will suffer unless she relents (77-78). By addressing Pholoe with vehemence and contempt, Tibullus expresses his displeasure with the heartless girl while recalling his own experiences as a lover (69-78). Fritzsche9 leaves the above passage intact, which he regards as the climax of a long address to Pholoe. As shown earlier, Tibullus designs this particular passage as the last in a series of addresses directed at the estranged Marathus and Pholoe, from whom the poet has managed to distance himself by not identifying them until late in the elegy (49 "Marathum", half way through the poem, and 69 "Pholoe", toward the end of the poem). In this passage Tibullus surprises the arrogant Pholoe by attempting to admonish her through the example of the very youth who admires her, whose former actions brand him also as guilty of arrogance and serve as a mirror to the girl, who will suffer the same grim and painful punishment unless she changes her attitude. One would do well to recall the context in which Tibullus first mentions Marathus, at the conclusion of Priapus's long lecture on pederasty (1.4.81—84)—a passage that may well help to clarify the identity of the frustrated lover to whom the poet specifically refers in recounting the boy's behavior for Pholoe (1.8.71-76). The final passage provides the elegy with a colorful climax,

9 Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 16, who overlooks the poet's plan of alternating between his two addressees.

131

through which the poet attempts to frighten the girl by reminding her about divine retribution for human haughtiness. Questions on elegy 1.8 as a whole Rhorer10 observes serveral structural parallels within the framework of the addresses to Marathus and Pholoe. She suggests that in the opening addresses the two lovers behave unnaturally in the way they misuse their beauty: Marathus employs unnatural artifice in order to win a young girl (the wrong means toward a right end); Pholoe employs natural appearance in order to win an old man (the right means toward a wrong end). She also suggests that in the closing addresses the two lovers suffer the fates of those behaving in this unnatural manner: Marathus suffers for his behavior by weeping like those at whom he used to laugh; Pholoe will suffer for her behavior, as shown by the example of her frustrated lover. Here I wish to call attention to the structural principle at the heart of the elegy, based on the change of addressees, on Tibullus's alternation between the boy and the girl, partly in his own voice and partly in Marathus's voice, in order to assist Marathus in the eternal game of seduction. The elegy reveals a balanced and intricate structure, especially when one comprehends the subtle interrelationships existing between the various sections. Bright11 considers the Marathus-Pholoe relationship a virtual myth, which illustrates the Tibullus-Delia relationship. He suggests that while Tibullus presents a situation interesting in itself, to be appreciated as a love story on its own terms, he also sets forth a love affair so remarkably reminiscent of his own experiences with Delia that it constitutes a mythological exemplum of everything that he has undergone. Although I question the application of the word "mythology" (I believe that the word "metaphor" would work better in this context), I support the idea that the poet is converting his own relationship into an archetypal experience, as shown in part by the reminiscences of several elegies mentioned earlier in this chapter. To be sure, one again observes the gestures of a couple unevenly paired-the poor young man who uses every possible means and every possible trick in order to win over his beloved, and the greedy young woman who rejects her lover and breaks her promises in order to enrich herself with material possessions. The poet is very likely reflecting on his own experiences, not only in the miniature lament spoken by Marathus but also in the conception of the elegy as a whole. 10 11

132

Rhorer (Tibullus) 143-145. Bright (Haec) 247-248.

Scholars compare Tibullus 1.8 with several famous poems composed by Tibullus's literary predecessors and contemporaries. Jacoby12 mentions Tibullus 1.8 in a long article on Propertius, in the course of which he refers to a number of poems that share three distinctive characteristics: 1) display of love's symptoms by a lover ; 2) comment on the lover's distress or beloved's identity; 3) comment on the beloved by a third party. Quinn 1 3 observes the epitome of love's ironies in Horace, Carm. 1.33, in which Horace consoles Albius about his rejection by Glycera and points out that Cyrus also faces his own rejection by Pholoe (possibly Marathus's Pholoe), whose appearance here strengthens the argument that the Albius addressed corresponds to Tibullus. Williams 14 compares Tibullus 1.8 with Meleager, Anth. Pal. 12.109, about a youth beloved by men as himself captivated by a girl: Tibullus pictures the young Marathus as ensnared by the unresponsive Pholoe; Meleager pictures the young Diodorus as infatuated with the unresponsive Timarion. These various comparisons complement one another and demonstrate a possible dependence on a kind of format popular with the Alexandrian poets.

Retrospective examination

of elegy 1.8

Although Wisser regards Tibullus 1.8 as riddled with textual flaws, the elegy reveals an artistic and well-balanced design. Tibullus first addresses Marathus on his love for Pholoe, a girl who has bewitched him and caused him to behave very foolishly (1-26). He accentuates the youth's inexperience by focusing on his tendency to behave furtively and dress fastidiously even when the girl does not. Tibullus then addresses Pholoe on her rejection of Marathus, a boy who offers her his good looks and his devoted nature to the point of ruining his health (27-54). He accentuates the girl's callousness by reflecting on her association with a rich old suitor and her insensitivity to the qualities offered by the youth. Marathus suddenly addresses Pholoe in his own behalf, on his displeasure over her failure to meet him as arranged in the middle of the night (55-66). In this miniature parable the phrases and gestures mirror those appearing in some of the earlier elegies dealing with the relationship between the poet 12 Jacoby ("Gedichte"| 393-413, who mentions the following: Callimachus, Epigr. 43 ; Theocritus, Id. 14; Catullus 6 and 55; Horace, Carm. 1.27; Tibullus 1.8; Propertius 1.9; Rufinus, Anth. Pal. 5.87; Maecius, Anth. Pal. 5.130. 13 Quinn (Latin) 155-158. See also Wimmel (Der frühe) 57-59, who adds Callimachus, Epigr. 30 and Meleager, Anth. Pal. 5.175 to the list assembled by Jacoby of those Greek and Latin poems demonstrating similar characteristics. 14 Williams (Tradition) 556-557. See also Cairns ("Theocritus") 38-44, who adds Theocritus, Id. 10 and Asclepiades, Anth. Pal. 12.135 to Jacoby's list, and Murgatroyd (Tibullus) 233-234, who adds Callimachus, Anth. Pal. 12.71 and Meleager, Anth. Pal. 12.49 and 12.72.

133

and his mistress. Tibullus again addresses Marathus, this time in order to advise him not to waste his tears or cause his eyes to swell over a heartless woman (67-68). He follows a patterning true to his nature by arriving at a sorrowful realization of a plight just prior to delivering a warning about retribution. Tibullus again addresses Pholoe, this time in order to remind her that she also will suffer for her arrogance, as Marathus already suffers (69-78). He concludes his warning about retribution while exploiting the case-history of the boy, who himself used to laugh at the frustrations of another lover. Recalling his own frustrations through the example of Marathus, Tibullus attempts to comfort the downtrodden youth, newly and deeply vulnerable to the pitfalls of heterosexual love.

134

CHAPTER Χ

Elegy 1.9: Filthy, Filthy Lucre! In elegy 1.9 Tibullus rebukes Marathus for his obsession with wealth and his preference for a rich lover. Scaliger1 refrained from transposing any of the couplets to other locations in the elegy or within the corpus, as opposed to his usual practice. He recognized the artistry inherent in the traditional arrangement, in which the poet alternates between addressing the boy and condemning greed or the greedy. I observe an arrangement based on this principle of alternation: / 1-6) Address to Marathus: dismay over the boy's deceit / 7-30) Speech on greed, with recall of the poet's advice r— 31—52) Address to Marathus: reminder of the poet's devotion \ 53-76) Attack on rival, with mention of the rival's relatives ^ 77—84) Address to Marathus: forecast of the boy's rejection Wilhelm published an article on the literary model and attempted to connect Tibullus's Marathus and Pholoe with figures from a lost Hellenistic elegy. Dawson, Wimmel, and Bulloch have considered the possible connections between this elegy and specific verses of Callimachus, especially Iambus 3.2 Although Tibullus may well be echoing ideas from Callimachus's verses, he appears to borrow even more from Catullus's poetry, as I have attempted to show in detail. 1-6) Address to Marathus: dismay over the boy's deceit The elegy begins with Tibullus censuring Marathus. He asks the boy why he decided to break his promise (1-2), informs him that Punishment eventually visits the perjurer (3-4), but begs the gods to spare him for sinning just once (5-6). Thus, the poet expresses surprise and sorrow over Marathus's infidelity, coupled with an appeal for his pardon (1-6). Grimal3 believes that Tibullus is echoing Hesiod, a passage from the 1 Scaliger (Catulli) 100-102 and (Castigationes) 133-134. See also Dissen (Albii) 32-35 and (Commentanusj 178-191 for the usual tripartite outline: 1.9 = 1-16, 17-74, and 75-84. 2 Wilhelm ("1901") 579-592; Dawson ("Alexandrian") 1-15; Wimmel (Dei frühe) 83; Bulloch |"Tibullus") 71-89, especially 77, who cites other scholars for these parallels. 3 Grimal ("Tibulle") 280-282.

135

Works and Days on the pursuit of wealth. Tibullus perhaps may be drawing on Hesiod's verses, although the compared passages do not seem too closely related: Hesiod declares that the gods will punish the man who acquires wealth violently {Op. 321-326); Tibullus declares that they will punish the man who perjures himself for money (Tib. 1.9.1-6). Tibullus finds a greater source of inspiration in Catullus 30, as shown by the parallel contexts and word-patterns: Catullus chastises Alfenus for betraying their friendship (Catull. 30 "false . . . fallere . . . meminit Fides"); Tibullus chastises Marathus for betraying their relationship (Tib. 1.9.1-6 "laesurus .. . laedere . . . Poena uenit"). Although Tibullus may have Hesiod in the back of his mind, he looks even more to Catullus, another poet betrayed a close and intimate friend.

7-30) Speech on greed, with recall of the poet's advice Tibullus continues by lecturing Marathus on greed, by recalling his own often-repeated advice to the boy. Employing anaphora (7 "lucra"... 9 "lucra"), he touches on human greed by pointing to the farmer tilling the soil (7-8) and the merchant sailing the seas (9-10), and he focuses on the boy's own desire for gifts (11-12) as something that will cause him to become both bedraggled (13-14) and exhausted (15-16). Employing more anaphora (25 "ipse deus" . . . 27 "ipse deus"), he remembers how he used to tell the boy about the pitfalls of greed (17-18), the wrath of Venus (19-20), and his own offer to suffer (21-22), and how he used to warn him of the god (23-24) who exposes the silent slave (25-26) and people asleep (27-28), all to no avail (29-30). Moving from human behavior in general to the boy's behavior in particular, Tibullus sermonizes about one of his favorite subjects, before concluding on a downbeat note (7-30). Havet4 inverts 25-26 and 27-28, a proposal cited by Ponchont and Pichard in the critical apparatus of their editions. Havet contends that as the couplets stand in the text, Tibullus appears to be referring to the accomplice in a crime (supposedly the slave sworn to secrecy and now drunk) before he refers to the actual perpetrators of the crime (presumably the people all sound asleep from their drinking). Yet the poet does not refer to a crime anywhere in these couplets, in which he first describes a normally silent servant, who after drinking too much, reveals what he has overheard, and then describes secretive people in general, who after drinking too much, disclose hidden truths while sleeping. One

4

Havet (cited in Ponchont, Tibulle, xli and Pichard, Tibulle, 61). See chapter 6, note 22 of this book for an explanation of the citation on Havet.

136

should avoid reading a specific occasion into these couplets, or even a specific setting, such as that of a banquet, since nowhere does the poet refer to celebration or conversation, unlike his suggestion in an earlier poem that a certain husband not allow his wife to flirt with men at dinner (1.6.17-20). The inversion seems unnecessary in the context of the passage, in which Tibullus naturally turns from the behavior of a drunken servant to that of intoxicated people in general. In considering Tibullus's sermon on avarice, scholars suggest that Tibullus may be imitating Solon. Smith 5 implies a connection with Solon's elegy on wealth: Solon illustrates the quest for wealth by pointing first to the bold seafarer and then to the busy plowman (Sol. 13.43-48); Tibullus illustrates the quest for wealth by pointing first to the busy plowman and then to the bold seafarer (Tib. 1.9.7-10). Bright6 observes that by including the farmer among those motivated by wealth, Tibullus is contradicting everything that he asserts elsewhere; as Bright recognizes, the poet has merely inserted the topos on greed into his sermon without actually assimilating it for his own purposes. I wish to suggest that Solon soon gives way to Catullus: Catullus associates the promises of his fickle mistress with wind and running water (Catull. 70.4 "in uento et rapida . . . aqua"); Tibullus associates the possessions of the greedy youth with ash and running water (Tib. 1.9.12 "in cinerem et liquidas . . . aquas"). Although Tibullus may be borrowing from Solon's elegy, he abandons it quickly for a hexameter from Catullus, another elegist wounded by the infidelity of his beloved.

31-52) Address to Marathus: lemindei of the poet's devotion At the center of the elegy Tibullus reminds Marathus about the specific ways in which he devoted himself to the boy. He recalls how Marathus promised not to sell himself (31-32), not even for the most fertile land (33-34), and how the boy could have made him believe anything (35-36), especially when he cried (37-38). He remembers how Marathus pined over a young girl (39-40), how he escorted the boy in the darkness (41-42) and convinced the girl to receive him (43-44), only to regret ever trusting him (45-46). He recollects how he honored Marathus with his poetry (47-48), prays that his tributes go up in smoke or down under water (49-50), and casts off the greedy boy for selling his beauty (51-52). By recalling his own trusting nature (31-38), the assistance that he offered (39-46), and the poetry that he composed (47-52), Tibullus reflects on his devotedness to the boy (31-52). 5 6

Smith (Elegies} 362, Pohlenz ("Die hellenistische"| 100. Bright (Haec) 2S\.

137

Scholars challenge the location of 39-44, a passage that they either excise from the text or transpose to other locations. Fritzsche7 deletes 39-44, on the ground that these couplets refer to Marathus's affair with Pholoe, the subject that Tibullus treated at length in elegy 1.8. Yet he assumes (without any proof) that Tibullus composed elegy 1.9 before elegy 1.8, that Marathus must have gone from an old man to a young girl. Baehrens8 transposes 39-44 after 1.8.25-26, where he believes that Tibullus originally put it in order to serve as a bridge between his speeches to the lovers! Still, he overlooks the contradiction between 1.9.39-44, in which Tibullus prays for Marathus's rejection, and 1.8 as a whole, in which the poet strives to comfort the boy. Havet9 transposes 39-44 after 1.9.29-30, in order that Tibullus may first regret and concede his involvement (29-30/39-40), then recall and regret his deception (37-38/45-46). He also only succeeds in destroying the artistry inherent in the traditional ordering, in which the poet recounts three instances of his devotion to the boy (31-38, 39-46, and 47-50). The passage in question belongs exactly where it appears, containing as well another reminiscence of Catullus (Tib. 1.9.42 "lumina nocte" « Catull. 51.12 "lumina nocte"). 53- 76) Attack on rival, with mention of the rival's relatives Tibullus continues by attacking Marathus's rich lover, by ridiculing not only the lover but also the lover's family. He hopes that his wife will cuckold him constantly (53-54), deny herself to him after loving another (55-56), and continuously invite her lovers into his bed (57-58); and he compares his wife's vices with those of his sister (59-60), who drinks from night until morning (61-62), and who devotes her energy to illicit behavior (63-64). He chastises him for failing to perceive his wife's deception (65-66), for assuming that she arranges her hair for him (67-68) or wears pretty clothing for him (69-70), when she actually prepares herself for a young man (71-72), in order to escape her sick old husband (73-74), who could well copulate with animals (75-76). Passing from his unfaithful wife, to his debauched sister, to his unfaithful wife, Tibullus delivers perhaps the most colorful and most vehement attack in his poetry (53-76). Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 28-29. Baehrens (Blatter) 80-81, 85 and (Albii) 27-28, 30-32. But see Karsten ("Tibulli") 315-316 and 319-322, who focuses on the harsh transitions created by the transposition. And see Baumgartner ("Quo ordine") 325, who comments on Tibullus's ability to mention a rival even while desiring his beloved. 9 Havet (cited in Ponchont, Tibulle, xli and Pichard, Tibulle, 62). See chapter 6, note 22 of this book for an explanation of the citation on Havet. 7 8

138

Müller10 inverts 69-70 and 71-72, a proposal appearing in his edition of Tibullus but not considered by later scholars. Although Müller does not explain why he inverts these couplets, he appears to be suggesting that Tibullus originally proceeded from the question about the woman's coiffure (67-68), to the statement about her lover (71-72), to the question about her grooming (69-70), to the statement about her husband (73-74). In the first place, although the poet appears to connect the first question and the first statement with a verbal association (67 "pro te" and 71 "non tibi"), he does not employ a similar verbal correspondence-as one might logically conclude from the context-between the second question and the second statement. In the second place, the poet brings about a highly effective sequence in the context of the traditional ordering, in which he begins by assailing his rival with two insulting questions and finishes by attacking him with two offensive answers, all of them revolving around the subject of his wife's unfaithfulness. This inversion also seems unnecessary and inappropriate in the framework of the passage, in which Tibullus passes from the primping of his rival's spouse to the well-known reasons for her actions. In considering Tibullus's vehement condemnation of his rival, scholars suggest that Tibullus is imitating Catullus. Smith11 observes several connections with two of Catullus's lyrics: Catullus depicts one man as cuckolded (Catull. 17), and Tibullus depicts another as similarly betrayed (Tib. 1.9.65-66); Catullus pictures one lover as suffering from the gout (Catull. 71), and Tibullus pictures another as similarly afflicted (Tib. 1.9.73-74). Bright12 discovers a number of other likely connections: Tib. 1.9.74 « Catull. 81 (ridicule of the boy's sickly old lover); Tib. 1.9.75-76 « Catull. 97 (characterization of the lover as repulsive); Tib. 1.9.74, 76 « Catull. 69 (characterization of the woman as repelled); Tib. 1.9.77-78 « Catull. 99 (emphasis on the poet's desire for kisses). I wish to emphasize (along with Bright) that Tibullus presents his audience with "an insult of Florentine elaborateness", that he imparts an artistic finish to Catullus's unbridled spleen, even transcending his own earlier attempt to ridicule his mistress's husband for his inability to control her behavior or forestall their adulteries (1.6.15-38). Tibullus is drawing his inspiration from the angry Catullus, another elegist who ridicules a disgusting old lover for interfering with his sexual activities.

10 11 12

Müller (Albii) 11. Smith (Elegies) 373-374. See also Putnam (Tibullus) 143-144. Bright (Haec) 255-257.

139

77-84) Address to Marathus: forecast of the boy's rejection The elegy closes with Tibullus again censuring Marathus. He rebukes the boy for selling himself to another man (77-78), predicts that he will regret his decision (79-80), and declares that he himself will offer Venus a palm (81-82) with an inscription for his gratitude (83-84). Thus, the poet accepts the reality of his break with Marathus, a situation that he could never accept in the case of Delia (77-84). Bright13 believes that Tibullus is here echoing Vergil, Bucolic 2, which also deals with the subject of homosexual love. Tibullus may well be turning to Vergil's verses, since the central speakers reflect on a similar experience: the lovesick Corydon finishes his lament by threatening to replace the unresponsive Alexis (Buc. 2.73); the rejected Tibullus concludes his own lament by threatening to replace the materialistic Marathus (Tib. 1.9.77-84). Tibullus is also experimenting with the motif of the votive-offering-as do Horace (Carm. 3.26), Propertius (2.14), and Ovid [Am. 1.11)—but especially with the treatment of this theme as it appears at the conclusion of Catullus's tribute to his yacht (Tib. 1.9.81-84 "Veneri . . . tibi . . . dedicat" « Catull. 4.22-27 "deis . . . dedicat tibi"). Although Tibullus may well have Vergil in back of his mind, he looks even more to the conclusion of Catullus's lyric in keeping with his tendency to imitate Catullus throughout this elegy.

Questions on elegy 1.9 as a whole Scholars consider the overall structure of Tibullus 1.9 by focusing on the development of the various themes contained in it. Rhorer14 observes that as the elegy runs its furious course, the central figures undergo changes anticipating a final break: Tibullus moves from trust in Marathus's earlier protestations to an awareness of his current treachery; Marathus moves from infidelity committed against Tibullus to punishment suffered because of his infidelity. Bright15 calls attention to the central themes of concealment and punishment-Marathus's deception of Tibullus, resulting in the loss of his looks, and his continued exploitation of the poet, resulting in the loss of the girl he adores, the punishment of the rich old lover, and ultimately his rejection by the faithful but frustrated poet. Indeed, the central characters eventually come to understand their mistakes: Tibullus realizes that Marathus has deceived him, regrets that he ever befriended him, and prepares for the ultimate rupture; Marathus 13 14 15

140

Bright (Haec) 257-258. See also Ball (Structure) 181-182. Rhorer (Tibullus) 149-152. Bright (Haec) 250-257.

realizes that his beauty will soon pass, that the girl will leave him as well, and that Tibullus will ultimately reject him. Addressing both the boy and the forces that have caused him to suffer, the poet creates an intricate structure in which he integrates the various themes described above. While considering the thematic aspects of this elegy, Bright16 finds fault with the overall depiction of the central figures. He regards Tibullus's dramatis peisonae as gaudy self-parodies, drawn "in extreme cartoons", completely unreal and unbelievable, especially Marathus-a character (in his opinion) borrowed from Callimachus, exploited by Tibullus for many different purposes, and suddenly thrust into a specific narrative setting. Yet one should not assume that the poet is distorting Marathus's nature by incorporating him into three different literary contexts, since he consistently describes him as attractive and demanding, whether he pictures him in a homosexual context (1.4), or in a heterosexual context (1.8), or again in a homosexual context (1.9). Nor should one assume that the poet is presenting a fictitious character, or merely a dramatic distillation of genuinely felt emotions, not when he devotes three entire elegies to describing his relationship with a single boy, whom he consistently calls Marathus and whom on one occasion he even pictures as speaking in his own voice. The figures described seem no more gaudy or unreal than those appearing in Tibullus 1.6, the poet's other brilliant and artistically constructed exercise in literary lampoon. Tibullus employs a wide variety of literary models, as shown by the recent findings of a number of scholars. Dawson17 points to Tibullus's possible debt to Callimachus (fr. 193), in which the poet presumably accused the young Euthydemos of spurning him for a rich man. I agree that this poem may have exerted considerable influence on Tibullus 1.9, although the surviving verses do not provide enough information for a full comparison. Cairns18 regards Tibullus 1.9 as a typical ienuntiatio amons, a poem in which the lover renounces his beloved usually because of perjury and infidelity. He correctly substantiates his statement by referring to Catullus (8, 11, and 58), Horace ( E p o d . 15 and Caim. 1.5, 3.26), Propertius (2.5, 3.24, and 3.25), and Ovid [Am. 3.11A and 1 IB). Bright19 calls attention to Tibullus's overall indebtedness to Catullus, the first Roman poet to compose pieces on personal experience both heterosexual and

16

Bright (Haec) 256-259 and 267. But see Murgatroyd (Tibullus) 9, who argues convincingly for a consistent treatment of Marathus, with emphasis on his physical appearance (1.8.9-16 and 1.9.13-16), his recourse to tears (1.8.67-68 and 1.9.37-38), and his attraction to a girl (1.8 and 1.9.39-46). 17 Dawson ("Alexandrian") 11; Wimmel (Der frühe) 83, with some skepticism; Bulloch ('Tibullus") 77; Clayman (Callimachus') 74. 18 Cairns (Generic) 80-82 and 285-286. " Bright (Haec) 230.

141

homosexual. Here one should take special notice of the Juventius-cycle, in which the poet expresses his passionate feelings for a fickle and difficult young boy (24, 48, 81, and 99). Reflecting on poems about boys, very possibly those in Catullus, Tibullus introduces the homosexual theme to Augustan elegy and bases his contribution on his personal experience with a youth.

Retrospective examination

of elegy 1.9

Although several regard Tibullus 1.9 as filled with textual problems, the elegy functions effectively as it appears in the manuscripts. Addressing Marathus, Tibullus expresses surprise and sorrow over the boy's treachery, which he begs the gods to overlook since he sinned only once (1-6). He begins not by echoing Hesiod on the wrongful acquisition of wealth but by expressing the brand of melancholy found in Catullus's address to Alfenus. Tibullus then delivers a lecture on the subject of avarice, including the speech on this subject that he frequently directed at the youth (7-30). Here he quotes philosophical wisdom from the verses of Solon, only to undercut that wisdom with sentiments extracted from a cynical barb of Catullus. Again addressing Marathus, Tibullus recalls how he had attempted to please him, especially by helping him in his relationship with Pholoe (31-52). This passage belongs in the text and contains another striking reminiscence of Catullus, one recapturing the ecstasy that Catullus felt for Lesbia. Tibullus then attacks the rich lover, the cause of his problems, by ridiculing not only the lover but also his wife and sister as unfaithful or debauched (53-76). Here he assails his enemy with insults gleaned from the elegies of Catullus, those dealing in particular with stupid husbands and loathsome lovers. Again addressing Marathus, Tibullus casts off the boy completely and offers a votive-inscription to his goddess for enabling him to escape (77-84). He concludes by imitating not only the words that Vergil's Corydon utters to Alexis but also the kind of votive-vocabulary appearing as early as Catullus's. Turning to Catullus as his greatest source of inspiration, Tibullus bids farewell to the ungrateful boy at the conclusion of this painful homosexual relationship.

142

CHAPTER XI

Elegy 1.10: War and Peace By placing elegy 1.10 at the end of his first book, Tibullus brings to a head his personal views on war and peace. The poem's balanced design captured the respect of Scaliger, who refrained from tampering with the traditional ordering because he regarded this arrangement as clear and logical.1 The elegy exhibits a tripartite plan, which I have schematized as follows: 1-14) Attack on war, with reference to the simple past 15-44) Address to Lares, with a description of rustic life 45-68) Praise of peace, with reference to a rustic festival The poem's literary sources did not receive much attention until recently when Grimal, Wimmel, and Pillinger explored various connections with Hesiod, Vergil, and Lucretius, respectively.2 In this chapter I have attempted to show how Tibullus artistically interweaves the themes of war and peace while assimilating a number of ideas from other famous poets.

1-14) Attack on war, with reference to the simple past Tibullus introduces the elegy by attacking the horrors of war, especially the archetypal inventor of the sword. He calls the forger of weapons a heartless man (1-2), who created destruction for humanity (3-4), perhaps because humanity misused his invention (5-6), and he recalls the age of beechen cups (7-8), when the shepherd slept among his sheep (9-10) and the clarion did not signify war (11-12), in contrast to the terrors of his own era (13-14). Turning from the horrors of the present, to the pleasures of the past, to the horrors of the present, the poet expresses a view of war best summed up by two words-sine me (1-14).

1 Scaliger (Catnlli) 103-105 and (Castigationes) 134-135. See also Dissen (Albiij 35-38 and (Commentanus) 191-206 for the usual tripartite outline: 1.10 = 1-14, 15-44, and 45-68. 2 Grimal ("Tibulle") 271-301; Wimmel (Dei frühe) 172-173; Pillinger ('Tibullus") 204—208, who discovers the germ of his proposal in Wimmel's analysis-a reference to the prayer for peace in the passages in question.

143

Scholars find fault with 11-12, in which Tibullus claims that he would not have heard the clarion in the pristine past. Heyne 3 emends "uolgi" to "Valgi", since he believes that Tibullus is dedicating the poem to Valgius Rufus (see Horace, Sat. 1.10.82 and Caim. 2.9). This proposal seems unfounded, because Tibullus may well be employing "uolgi" in the rare but acceptable sense of "militis" (see Ovid, Met. 13.1 on the Greek army). Prien4 excises the couplet from the text without offering any argument, supposedly in order to make the elegy fit into an arithmetic scheme. This suggestion also seems unnecessary, because it only helps to detract from the colorful contrast between an age glowing with peace and an era darkened by war. Tibullus intensifies this contrast by employing two adverbs in identical metrical positions (11 "tunc" . . . 13 "nunc") and by tremulously trilling his r's. This sound-effect also involves an unnatural but deliberate lengthening of a final vowel (11-13 "foret. . . tristia . . . arma .. . corde . . . trahör"). The couplet belongs in the elegy exactly where it appears and expresses a central message of Tibullus's poetry, the elegist's desire to distance himself from the horrors of war.

15-44) Address to Lares, with a description of rustic life Tibullus then calls upon the Lares, his household gods, in the hope that they will protect him as they did in the past. He recalls how they nurtured him as a child (15-16), exhorts them not to scorn their wooden forms (17-18), and recalls how his ancestors kept the faith with a modest shrine (19-20), with grapes or garlands as offerings (21-22), with father and daughter as worshipers (23-24). He beseeches them to protect him from weapons (25-26), promises to honor them in a religious procession (27-28), and prays that he may please them, in contrast to the valorous soldier (29-30), who brags about his conquests and outlines them in wine on the table (31-32). He decries the madness of dying in battle (33-34), visualizes hell as a frightful abode (35-36), populated by disfigured spirits (37-38), while he praises the old farmer (39-40), who shares the chores with his son and wife (41-42), in keeping with his idea of growing old in peace (43-44). Praising simple religion, rejecting the soldier's pursuits, and praising the farmer's blessings, the poet again expresses by way of contrast his unequivocal attitude toward war and peace (15-44).

3 4

Heyne (Obseruationes) 97 in 1798 edition. Prien (Symmetrie) 30 and ("Kritik") 706.

144

Scholars debate the question of a lacuna after 25, at which point Tibullus beseeches the Lares to protect him from weapons. Pontano 5 first detected the hiatus and filled it as follows: "neu petat hostili missa sagitta manu, neu gladio celer instet eques: prosit mihi et aris quaeque tuli supplex munera quaeque feram. thure pio caleantque foci pinguisque trahatur." Scaliger6 perceives that Tibullus directs "depellite" to the gods and the pig, or that he expects his audience to supply "erit uobis" in the pentameter. Yet I cannot believe that the poet is praying in the same breath to the gods and to the pig, or that he chooses to leave a main verb out of his sentence. One may assume that several verses disappeared during transmission, perhaps not as many as suggested by Pontano but at least two similar to those suggested by Belling: "et mala de nostris pellite limitibus hie uuae uobis, hie spicea serta dabuntur"

(see 2.1.18) (see 1.10.21-22]

In a missing passage perhaps consisting of one or two couplets, Tibullus very likely continued to address the Lares and promised them several offerings, culminating in the sacrifice of a pig. 45-68) Praise of peace, with reference to a rustic festival Tibullus concludes the elegy by praising the goddess Peace, under whose reign the farmer-lover enjoys his life. Employing anaphora and polyptoton (45 "pax" . . . 47 "pax" . . . 49 "pace"), he glorifies the goddess for teaching man to yoke the oxen (45-46), cultivate the vine in order that he might enjoy the wine (47-48), and utilize the plowshare instead of the 5 Pontano (cited in Leo, Codex, 15r|. See chapter 3, note 12 of this book for an explanation of the citation on Pontano. See also Muret (Tibullus) 17 and 51; Kindscher ("Tibull") 149-150; Müller (Albii)ll·, Baehrens (Albii)34; Karsten ("Tibulli") 324; Martinon (Albu)70 and 236-237; Belling (Albius) vol. 1, pp. 252-254; Nemethy (Albii) 19 and 102-103; Postgate (Selections) 22; Cartault (Tibulle) 193; Smith (Elegies) 132; Calonghi (Albii) -25; Helm (Tibull) 62; Lenz (Albii) 87-88 in 1959 edition; Luck (Ptopettii) 358; Ball (Structure) 188-189; Putnam (Tibullus) 149; Murgatroyd (Tibullus) 44, 287, and 324. 6 Scaliger (Castigationes) 136, who surprises the reader by leaving the text intact when a corruption seems very likely. See also Dissen (Albii)36 and (Commentanus) 198; Graef (Annotationes) 7, who emends 26 by changing "hostiaque e" to "postque cadet" (based on 2.1.89 "postque uenit"]; Korn ("De codice") 168-169; Plew ("De ellipsi") 22; Schulze (Römische) 88; Ramsay (Selections) 14 and 153; Magnus ("Bericht"] 307; Ullrich ("De libri"] 437; Wilhelm ("1895") 120-121; Witte (Geschichte) vol. 3, p. 48, who rejects the proposal for a lacuna in a work based on the theory that Tibullus's elegies obey mathematical schemes.

145

weapons of war (49-50). He refers to a drunken farmer returning home from a grove (51-52), a woman complaining about torn hair and broken doors (53-54), a lover regretting that he had exerted too much force (55-56), and Love himself playfully instigating the quarreling couple (57-58). He describes the violent lover as a heartless man (59-60), who should only disrobe his mistress (61-62) in order to make her cry (63-64), and who should keep his savage hands away from love's domain (65—66)—all capped by a final entreaty to Peace (67-68). Turning from the blessings of the goddess, to his personal vision of love, to the splendor of the divinity, the poet expresses a view of peace also summed up by two words-sii satis (45-68). Several suspect a problem in connection with 51-52, in which Tibullus alludes to the aftermath of a rustic festival. Haupt7 proposes a lacuna before 51-52, involving a missing couplet in which Tibullus presumably described another blessing of Peace, the joy of a rustic festival. This suggestion seems quite reasonable, since one observes in the extant text only the aftermath of the celebration, religious in nature and setting (51 "e luco"). Drenckhahn8 expunges 51-52 from the text, in order to effect a smoother transition from the couplet on real war (49-50) to the couplet on the war of love (53-54). Still, this conjecture mistakenly eliminates a colorful reference to the members of the rustic family that the poet described just a few couplets earlier (41-42). Hertz9 transposes 51-52 after 2.1.89-90, in order to round out the next elegy, by enabling it to conclude with the arrival of Night and the return of the farmer. Even so, this suggestion callously undercuts the graceful picture at the close of the following elegy, the exquisite procession of Night and her silent retinue. Haupt's proposal-the least radical-provides the solution, involving at least one missing couplet in which the poet described the details of a religious festival.

7 Haupt (Catullus) 146, ("Scaliger") 53, and (Opuscula) vol. 3, pp. 37-38, 40-41; Kindscher ("Tibull") 150; Müller (Albii) 23; Baehrens (Albn) 35; Hiller (Albii) 24 ; Karsten ("Tibulli") 324; Wölfflin ("Composition") 270-271; Martinon (Albii) 70 and 238; Nemethy (Albii) 19 and 106; Cartault (Tibulle) 195; Smith (Elegies) 133 and 386; Ponchont (Tibulle) 77, Pichard (Tibulle) 70, Calonghi (Albii) 26 and 71; Helm (Tibull) 64; Solmsen ("Propertius") 275; Luck (Propertii) 360; Ball (Structure) 190-191. 8 Drenckhahn (Kritik) 8. I believe that by removing this couplet from the text, Drenckhahn may be weakening the transition that he is attempting to strengthen. By excising it, he eliminates the specific circumstance (the lover's drunkenness) that the poet implies will lead to the outbreak of the lovers' quarrel. ' Hertz ("Miscellen") 576. See also Haase (Disputatio) 8, who transposes 51-68 after 2.1.89-90, in order to round out the next elegy with a more elaborate climax. But see Kemper (Quaestiones) 34-38, who points out that in the following elegy the poet pictures himself, not some married farmer, performing the special lustration.

146

Questions on elegy 1.10 as a whole Rhorer 10 calls attention to the structural patterns and verbal parallels found within this poem on war and peace. She relates that in the three major sections of the elegy Tibullus condemns the violence exhibited by the archetypal villains: the inventor of the sword, who first brought death to mankind; the bold and boastful soldier, who summons death through terrible warfare; the explosive but penitent lover, who savagely injures his mistress. She also observes that Tibullus employs several cross-references, which point to a solution to the violence: 3 "caedes" . . . 3 "proelia" . . . 33 "bellis" « 53 "sed Veneris tum bella calent"; 3 "tum" . . . 2 "ferreus" . . . 6 "saeuas" « 53 "tum" . . . 59 "ferrum" . . . 65 "saeuus"; 37 "percussisque genis ustoque capillo" « 53 "scissosque capillos" . . . 55 " subtusa genas". She also focuses on the contrast between the first and third sections-between the archetypal inventor, who first provided mankind with weapons, and the goddess Peace, who first provided manking with agriculture; between the negative introduction, in which the poet criticizes civilization, and the positive conclusion, in which he glorifies civilization. Although Tibullus is not glorifying "civilization" (a term implying high cultural development), he does conclude on an optimistic note by glorifying country life and its simple pleasures. Cairns" alone classifies Tibullus 1.10 as a syntaktikon, the term applied to a travel-poem by Menander Rhetor (309-315). Cairns contends that Tibullus is composing the sort of syntaktikon in which the speaker relates that he is leaving home for another city-an argument based on the assumption that the elegy contains the kinds of themes peculiar to a syntaktikon (13-14, anxiety over departure; 15-16/25-26, prayer for safety; 39-44/45-52, praise of homeland). In the first place, by uttering the tremulous "nunc ad bella trahor", Tibullus does not picture himself as traveling to a specific place-as does Catullus, who leaves Bithynia for the cities of Asia (46), or Vergil, who pictures Aeneas leaving Carthage for Italy (Aen. 4.333-361), or Propertius, who prepares to leave Rome for Athens (3.21). In the second place, by glorifying the blessings of the farmer that appear during times of peace and prosperity, Tibullus is not celebrating any specific homeland as much as that particular kind of life that he celebrates throughout his elegies, the simple and unaffected customs practiced in the countryside by the reverent and hardworking rustic family. Tibullus no more conceives of this elegy as a syntaktikon than

10

Rhorer (Vbullus) 182-185. " Cairns (Generic) 45-47 and 286. See also Bright (Haec) 264 and 266, who points out that "nunc ad bella trahor" should not be allowed to dominate the overall view of the poem. As Bright recognizes, 1.10 may figure as one of the latest elegies in Book 1 in order of composition, a final restatement and retrospective expression of the poet's priorities.

147

his experience in Phaeacia as an inverse epibaterion, two strained interpretations of standard epideictic forms. Although Tibullus is not using a convoluted epideictic form, he does employ in this elegy a variety of literary echoes. Grimal12 asserts that Tibullus is imitating Hesiod: Tib. 1.10.11-12 (yearning for past) « Op. 174-175 (rejection of present); Tib. 1.10.35-36 (description of Tartarus) « Th. 311-312 (description of Cerberus); Tib. 1.10.45-50 (description of Peace) « Op. 228-231 (prosperity under Peace); Tib. 1.10.45-50 "pax . . . pax . . . pace" « Op. 578-580 ηώς . . . ήώς . . . ήώς. Wimmel 13 contends that Tibullus is imitating Vergil's Georgics: Tib. 1.10.1 "enses" « G. 2.540 "ensis"; Tib. 1.10.3 "generi" « G. 1.63 "genus"; Tib. 1.10.9 "uallus" « G. 1.264 "uallos"; Tib. 1.10.10 "securus" « G. 2.467 "secura"; Tib. 1.10.39 "laudandus" « G. 2.138 "laudibus"; Tib. 1.10.49 "bidens" « G. 2.400 "bidentibus"; Tib. 1.10.49 "uomerque" « G. 2.356 "uomere"; Tib. 1.10.51 "rusticus" « G. 2.406 "rusticus". Pillinger14 compares Tibullus 1.10.45-68 and Lucretius 1.1-49: Lucretius prays for peace as a prelude to presenting a graphic erotic scene, in which he asks Venus to receive Mars in her embrace and to request that he permit the Romans to enjoy peace; Tibullus glorifies peace as a prelude to presenting a graphic amatory scene, in which he pictures the farmer assaulting his beloved and then regretting that he may have gone too far. The Roman parallels seem particularly intriguing, including the one with Lucretius, in which each poet advocates the delights of love as an alternative to the terrors of war.

Retrospective examination of elegy 1.10 Although Tibullus 1.10 contains several lacunas, the elegy exhibits a smooth flow of thought from one couplet to another. Tibullus introduces the elegy by attacking the terrors of war and by contrasting the violent present with the peaceful past, the world he desires (1-14). Here he rebukes the archetypal inventor of the sword, who brought slaughter and destruction to humanity, possibly because humanity misused his invention. Turning to the Lares, Tibullus entreats his gods to enrich him with the religion and customs enjoyed by the men of old, contented with the simple life (15-44). In so doing, he condemns another archetypal villain, the boastful soldier, who recounts his conquests while drinking and diagraming them on the table in wine. Tibullus concludes the elegy by prais-

12 13 14

148

Grimal ("Tibulle") 275-278. Wimmel (Der frühe) 172-173. Pillinger ("Tibullus") 206-207.

ing the blessings of peace and by glorifying the life of the ever-elusive farmer-lover, someone he yearns to become (45-68). Yet he chastises him also, as though a real villain, for becoming violent and then apologizing, for injuring his beloved during a session of the war of love. By presenting the war of love as an alternative to the cry of battle, Tibullus concludes his first book of elegies with the theme that perhaps best characterizes his poetry as a whole.

149

CHAPTER XII

Elegy 2.1: The Country Festival Elegy 2.1 ranks as one of Tibullus's finest poems, on the lustration of the fields and the celebration following it. Scaliger1 did not rearrange any of the couplets, since he recognized how skillfully Tibullus had organized the elegy around this specific occasion. The poem moves from the preparations for the sacrifice, to the ceremony at the altar, to the festivities following the sacrifice (including a hymn to the gods). I propose the following outline of the poem: 1-26) -27-32) '33-36) 37-80) 1—82) •83-90)

Description of lustration Exhortation to merrymaking Transition: apostrophe to Messalla Praise of rustic gods and rustic culture Transition: apostrophe to Cupid Exhortation to merrymaking

The elegy first received formal attention outside the standard commentaries when Pöstgens made it the subject of his doctoral dissertation forty years ago. It recently received special consideration in the articles of Grondona, Musurillo, and Dubia, who examined the elegy for structure, style, and setting.21 have attempted to explore the structural and stylistic sophistication of this remarkable composition, as well as the literary models employed in it.

1-26) Description of lustration

Tibullus begins by describing the lustration of the crops and the fields, by focusing on the prelude to the sacrifice. He asks the gathering to keep silent (1-2), extends his greetings to Bacchus and Ceres (3-4), urges the farmer to put aside the plowshare (5-6), tells his countrymen to unyoke the oxen (7-8), cautions the spinner to discard the wool (9-10), orders

1

Scaliger (Catulli) 105-108 and (Castigationes) 135-137. See also Dissen (AM) 39-43 and {Commentanus) 207-227 for the usual tripartite outline: 2.1 = 1-14, 15-86, and 87-90. 2 Pöstgens (Tibulls) = the classic examination of this elegy. See also Grondona ("Struttura") 236-244, Musurillo ("Festival") 107-117, and Dubia ("Tibullo") 32-42.

150

t h e impure to leave the altar (11-12), and invites the unsullied to partake in the ceremony (13-14). Bidding his audience to set aside their labors, be they m e n in the fields or w o m e n at the loom, the poet prepares the participants for a solemn and serious occasion (1-14). Scholars sense textual problems in the above passage, which they att e m p t to rectify by emending t h e text in some way. Karsten 3 places 3 - 4 after 13-14, in order to clarify the subjects of "cernite" (15-16), w h o m h e identifies as Bacchus and Ceres, not the people in the procession. This reading seems a little too rigid, since Tibullus may be addressing an indefinite n u m b e r of listeners, who need n o t be proceeding to the altar as a group. Postgate 4 posits a lacuna after 9 - 1 0 , supposedly suspecting that Tibullus ordered one group to depart before ordering t h e impure to do so (11 "uos quoque"). This proposal also seems slightly strained, since the poet may be applying the conjunction to t h e entire clause on the unclean (11 "uos quoque abesse procul iubeo"). O n e observes in the opening verses a smooth flow of thought, not dependent on the insertion or removal of any key couplets, in which the poet addresses the deities appropriate to the occasion and t h e members of the rustic congregation, those involved in the ceremonial and those observing it f r o m t h e sidelines. T h e traditional ordering functions very well, with gods, men, and animals drawn f r o m all sides into t h e solemn occasion of the lustration. Tibullus proceeds to describe t h e ritual conducted at the altar, by reflecting on the details of the sacrifice. He points to the approach of the sacred lamb (15-16), asks t h e gods to keep evil f r o m t h e farmlands (17-18) and to preserve the crops and animals (19-20), imagines the slaves heaping wood u p o n t h e hearth (21-22) and t h e slave-children building toy-houses before the fire (23-24), and points to t h e granting of a favorable o m e n at the altar (25-26). Urging his audience to behold the procession, and praying to t h e gods for a favorable sign, the poet builds u p the sense of wonder and excitement surrounding the ceremony (15-26). Scholars differ about t h e season depicted in the prayer, in which Tibullus invokes the gods to watch over the fields. In Fowler's o p i n i o n 5 Tibullus sets 2 1 - 2 4 in t h e spring, since he refers to an outdoor bonfire (as in 2.5.89-90) and to slaves erecting temporary shelters (as in 2.5.95-98). This argument assumes that the poet sets his festival in the spring or summer and pictures the farmer enjoying prosperity immediately after the solemn lustration. In Postgate's opinion 6 Tibullus sets 2 1 - 2 4 in t h e winter, since h e refers to an indoor hearth (see Horace, Caim. 1.9.5-8)

3 4 5 6

Karsten ("Tibulli") 42-43. Postgate (Tibulli) pages unnumbered. Fowler ("Note"I 37-40. Postgate I'Tibullian") 127-131.

151

and to slave-children constructing toy-houses (see Horace, Sat. 2.3.247, 275). This argument assumes that the poet sets his festival in the wintertime and pictures the farmer experiencing good fortune in the cold and bitter months ahead. I wish to suggest a compromise7, one that sets 21-24 in the winter, in keeping with the context of the prayer and with the references cited from Horace, but that sets the elegy as a whole in the summertime, in accordance with the nature of the activities described before and after the lustration, all happening in an outdoor setting. Tibullus models the elegy after a specific Roman festival, with clues strategically planted-a subject that has received the appropriate consideration at the conclusion of this chapter. v Tibullus's opening passage contains all the ingredients of a typical Roman sacrifice, abridged for elegiac purposes. The quasi-priest instructs the assemblage to proceed silently, in clean, festal attire, pictures an edible domestic animal being led to the altar in preparation for the sacrifice, and delivers a formulaic prayer, followed by the slaughter of the animal and an immediate examination of its entrails. This colorful passage sets the stage for the celebration and provides perhaps the most personal and most poignant description of a sacrifice in Latin poetry (1-26). Pöstgens8 considers the structure of the opening passage by commenting on Tibullus's priestly role during the ceremony. He compares Tibullus's opening words (1 "quisquis adest, faueat") with a religious formula cited by Servius (on Aen. 5.71 "fauete Unguis, fauete uocibus"); one may cite in Tibullus another such verse (5 "luce sacra requiescat humus, requiescat arator") and even a third (17 "di patrii, purgamus agros, purgamus agrestes"). He also believes that Tibullus is employing a dramatic device whereby an unexpressed idea occurs during an unexpressed time-lapse: between the reference to the procession and the beginning of the prayer the poet expects his audience to visualize him sprinkling the lamb with meal, putting its hair in the fire, and pouring wine on the altar. He observes a little later in the passage another instance of this structural technique, which I have come to call dramatic unity: between the recitation of the prayer and the announcement of the omen, the poet expects his audience to visualize him sacrificing the animal, something he would have to do with one clean sharp blow. Sounding every inch a priest, the poet causes the spectator to understand the passage of time from clues about his actions rather than from some obvious remarks about those actions.

7

Ball (Structure) 200-201. Pöstgens (Tibulls) 1, 5, 9-10, and 13. See Ball (Structure) 201-202 and ("Dramatic") 192-193 on the question of dramatic unity in Tibullus 2.1. 8

152

27-32) Exhortation to merrymaking After observing the favorable omen before the altar, Tibullus invites the gathering to celebrate the happy occasion. He exhorts the participants to bring forth wine of a special vintage (27-28), become drunk without shame until they can hardly walk straight (29-30), and toast the absent Messalla, unable to attend this special celebration (31-32). Thus, the poet refers to the beginning of the festivities that would accompany a lustration of the kind described, with emphasis on the enjoyment of wine (27-32). This rousing exhortation follows very smoothly upon the ceremonial, with the contrast reinforced by key word-echoes. Tibullus encourages the participants to refrain from work (5 "luce sacra") and to unyoke the oxen (7 "soluite uincla") at the beginning of the ceremony; he also encourages them to rejoice with drink (29 "festa luce") and to unseal the wine-jars (28 "soluite uincla") at the conclusion of the ceremony. One should understand that the poet continues to eliminate or to assimilate other activities associated with the sacrifice: eating the good parts of the meat in the spirit of the occasion; burning the useless parts of the meat as an offering to the gods; finishing up, especially with a song (a subject to be considered shortly). One should also understand how skillfully Tibullus draws the absent Messalla into the excitement of the celebration with the words "bene Messallam"; although the poet has not mentioned his patron since elegy 1.7, he suddenly reintroduces him by means of a complimentary toast to his health following the successful sacrifice. And so, sounding more and more like a magister bibendi, the poet continues to preside over the celebration of the day with a joyous and tactful tribute to his benefactor. 33-36} Transition: apostrophe to Messalla After referring to Messalla, Tibullus apostrophizes him directly. He hails him as the conqueror of Aquitania, a credit to his unshorn ancestors (33-34), and requests that his patron inspire him while he sings of the gods of the farmer (35-36). Employing a transitional passage, the poet moves from the glory of his patron to that of his gods (33-36). Scholars9 believe that Tibullus is praising Messalla, by invoking him at the beginning of his tribute to the gods. Pöstgens comments that Messalla ' Pöstgens (Tibulls) 15-17; Putnam (Tibullus) 156; Bright (Haecj62-64. But see Musurillo ("Festival") 116-117, who believes that Tibullus may be exploiting the toast in order to rebuke Messalla for missing the festival. This proposal seems far-fetched, since the poet presents his patron in a glittering light, as almost presiding over the scene even in his absence.

153

appears als Maecen, als Musenfreund ("as a Maecenas, as a friend of the Muses"); Putnam points to this "Muse" as both alive and personally beloved by the poet; Bright, to the poet's use of a word exclusively reserved for summoning a deity (35 "adspira"). Their interpretations seem highly justified, since the classical poets (the Augustans included) frequently summon the Muses in this way: Vergil, when he sings of the birth of a child (Buc. 4.1-3); the Ciiis poet, when he recounts the story of Scylla (Cir. 92-100); the Catalepton poet, when he glorifies the deeds of Messalla (Catal. 9.1-2). I wish to emphasize (as does Bright) that Tibullus summons Messalla by using the same expression directed earlier to Osiris (1.7.49 "hue ades"«2.1.35 "hue ades"); this cross-reference not only strengthens Messalla's connection with the gods but also reinforces Messalla's association with Osiris in particular. Although Tibullus does not picture Messalla as physically present at the celebration, he does picture him as present in spirit, with his peaceful side outweighing his warlike one.

3 7-80) Praise of rustic gods and rustic culture Tibullus praises the rustic gods for instructing mankind in agriculture, the first step on the road to civilization. He glorifies them for teaching men to avoid a diet consisting of acorns (37-38), build huts from logs and leaves (39-40), domesticate the bull and construct wheeled vehicles (41-42), plant fruit-trees and irrigate the thriving gardens (43-44), press the grapes and mix the water with relaxing wine (45-46). In so doing, the poet sets out a correct chronology, showing how men discarded their primitive existence, constructed a better kind of dwelling, and acquired the skills of agriculture (37-46). Scholars question either the arrangement or the authenticity of several of the couplets in the above passage. Wisser10 excises 39-42 from the text, in order to juxtapose couplets concerned exclusively with food (37-38 = primitive diet and 43-46 = civilized diet). Yet this deletion destroys the balance inherent in the contrast between the god's instruction of mankind (39-42) and the results of that instruction (43-46). Fritzsche11 excises 39-40 (after Wisser), and suggests that a couplet disappeared on agriculture, which led into 41-42, also on the subject of agriculture. Still, this deletion destroys the stylistic connection between two couplets on divine instruction (39 "illi. . . primum docuere" 41 "illi. . . primi docuisse feruntur"). Cartault12 inverts 39-40 and 41-42, as a 10 11 12

154

Wisser (Quaestiones) 6-8. Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 29-30. Cartault ("Tibulle") 396, (A propos) 5\6, and (Tibulle) 199.

means of moving from wheat (37-38), to wheat-carrying (41-42), to houses (39-40), to house-gardens (43-44). Even so, nowhere does the poet mention wheat or its transportation, and nowhere does he associate planting and irrigation with the gardens of any house. One need not alter the traditional ordering of the couplets, which involves a chronological progression from primitive customs, to improved dwellings, to dexterity in agriculture. Tibullus then reflects on various aspects of rustic culture, the products issuing from the country and the country-people. He refers (by implication) to the harvesting of crops, when the earth gives up her grain in the glowing heat (47-48), and (by direct association) to the collection of honey, when the bees flit among the flowers and fill their combs (49-50). He relates how the farmer began to sing in fixed rhythm (51-52) and honored the gods with a song on the dry oat-pipe (53-54), and how the farmer led a singing and dancing chorus (55-56) and received a goat as a prize for exhibiting his skill (57-58). He pictures a boy making a flowery wreath for the Lares (59-60), the sheep that provides the girls with wool and toil (61-62), the labor endured by the women with distaff and spindle (63-64), and the spinster sitting at the loom and singing while she works (65-66). By describing the collection of food, the evolution of music, and the development of handicrafts, the poet celebrates the country for itself and for creating its own culture (47-66). Scholars transpose several of the couplets mentioned above, those dealing with wheat-harvesting and honey-gathering. Baehrens13 transposes 49-50 after 57-58, in order to juxtapose the tiring harvest (47-48) and the tired farmer (51-52), the busy bees (49-50) and the busy boy (59-60). Still, this proposal destroys the artistic bond between the two couplets concerned with the acquisition of food (wheat from earth and honey from flowers). Havet 14 transposes 47-50 after 57-58 (while excising 59-60), in order to juxtapose couplets all set in the present tense, on products originating in the country. Even so, this suggestion destroys the delicate distinction between the couplets concerned with food-collection and the couplets concerned with handicrafts. In attempting to establish their versions of the original ordering, Baehrens and Havet seem guilty of a single, common error-an inability or reluctance to accept the poet's method of gradually leading away from the section on the rustic gods who helped mankind and gradually leading into the section on rustic culture and its various products. Thus, the transpositions have no place in the text, in which the poet first reflects on the acquisition of food, next the evolution of music, and then the development of handicrafts. Baehrens (Albii) 38. Havet (cited in Ponchont, Tibulle, xli + 87 and Pichard, Tibulle, 78). See chapter 6, note 22 of this book for an explanation of the citation on Havet. 13

14

155

Editors usually regard 58 as corrupt and print it as follows: "dux pecoris hircus t auxerat hircus oues t". Many 15 emend the pentameter by eliminating either the repetition of "hircus"or the metrical defect in "pecoris hircus": Muiet: Voss: Waaidenbuig: Rigler: Baehrens: Maass: Robert: Belling: Postgate: Cartault: Jacoby: Havet: Nencini: Pöstgens:

"dux pecoris hircus: duxerat hircus oues" "dux pecoris: hirtas duxerat hircus oues" "dux pecoris: curtas auxerat hircus opes" "dux pecoris hircus luserat inter oues" "dux pecoris: scaenae causa erat hircus auis" "dux pecoris: uites hauserat hircus olens" "dux pecoris: uites roserat ille nouas" "dux pecoris: frondes hauserat hircus olens" "dux pecoris: paruas auxerat hircus opes" "dux pecoris: meritus laus erat hircus auis" "dux pecoris: teneras auxerat hircus oues" "dux pecoris: surclos hauserat ille nouos" "dux pecoris: lyricus duxerat hircus oues" "dux pecoris: uoces auxerat hircus auis"

However inconclusive, their emendations seem interesting and even humorous, such as that suggested by Pöstgens, who takes the noun uoces to mean "terms", implying the term τραγωδία. Scholars delete several couplets following the corruption, those concerned with garland-making and textile-spinning. Havet16 excises 59-60 from the passage, in order to do away with the repetition of a colorful phrase (49 "rure . .. uerno flores" « 59 "rure . . . uerno . . . flore"). 15 Muret (Tibullus) 52; Voss (Albius) 55, 280-281; Waardenburg (Opuscula) 180; Rigler (Annotationes) vol. 2, p. 27; Baehrens ("Tibullus") 861-862; Maass ("Tibullische") 341; Robert (see Maass, p. 480); Belling (Albius) vol. 2, p. 29; Postgate (Selections) 26; Cartault (Tibulle) 200; Jacoby (Anthologie) vol. 2, p. 37; Havet (cited in Ponchont, Tibulle, xxxviii + 87); Nencini (Tibullo) 15-16; Pöstgens (Tibulk) 28. See Muret, Voss, Rigler (for the emendation "luserat inter oues"), Jacoby, and Nencini, who retain without any explanation the ambiguous association between the goat and the sheep. These emendations do not throw any light whatsoever on the statement expressed earlier in the couplet about a "memorabile munus", on the reason as to why the farmer should receive a gift from a full fold. See also Rigler (for the emendation "mox cadit ipse tibi"), Maass, Robert, Belling, and Havet, who picture the goat as nibbling the vines or as being sacrificed for nibbling them in the first place. These emendations call attention to an interesting anecdote connected with the sacrifice of the goat to Bacchus, but one not directly related to the preceding couplet on the farmer leading a chorus in rhythm. See also Waardenburg, Baehrens, Postgate, Cartault, and Pöstgens, who picture the goat as a sort of award enriching the poor farmer or as a prize specifically awarded in a dramatic competition. These emendations seem consistent with the context of the passage and with a statement about the origin of tragedy in Diomedes, 3 De Poem, ("olim actoribus tragicis τράγος, id est hircus, praemium cantus proponebatur"). 16 Havet (cited in Ponchont, Tibulle, xli + 87 and Pichard, Tibulle, 78). See chapter 6, note 22 of this book for an explanation of the citation on Havet.

156

Nevertheless, this argument directly conflicts with the poet's overall practice of connecting or contrasting ideas through parallel phraseology. Graef17 excises 63-66 for a similar reason, as a means of casting aside what he regards as an extended cacophony in the description of the spinster. On the contrary, this suggestion eliminates one of the finest examples of onomatopoeia in Tibullus's elegies, in which the poet reproduces the clattering of the loom. In attempting to eliminate these word-echoes and sound-effects, Graef and Havet appear to share a single, common mistake-a tendency to regard as immature and unacceptable the poet's penchant for echoing some of his favorite expressions or reproducing some of the sounds connected with his subject. Thus, these excisions seem no more justified than the transpositions, all of which interfere with the spontaneous succession of the customs and products emanating from the heart of the country. Tibullus then resumes praising the gods themselves, this time by praising Cupid for presenting mankind with love. He describes the god's birth among the animals (67-68), his skill with an untested bow (69-70), his desire to wound men and women (71-72), his effect on the young and the old (73-74), his supervision of a lovers' tryst (75-76), which occurs in the darkness of the night (77-78), and his treatment of lovers in general (79-80). In so doing, the poet continues to pay tribute to the gods while managing to celebrate the special deity who governs his thoughts and his emotions (67-80). Scholars consider the function of the above passage, with comments ranging from outright attack to unqualified praise. Jacoby18 regards the passage as a digression, which he believes has nothing at all to do with the preceding section on the various aspects of rustic culture. Yet Tibullus connects part of the country's charm with the god's birth in the country, as shown by his periphrasizing the word "rure" in the phrase "inter agros interque armenta". Pöstgens19 remarks that Tibullus not only praises a god associated with the country but also presents his audience with a love elegy set partly in the city. Although the poet refers to a lovers' rendezvous, one should not assume that an urban setting prevails, not in a passage emphasizing the god's activities in the country. Bright20 cautions that in describing the lovers' rendezvous, Tibullus is not referring to Nemesis (his new mistress) but just preparing for her entrance. Indeed, by forcing so personal a subject into the elegy at this point, the poet would only damage the coherence of an intricate song revolving around country-life. By describing Cupid and his powers, Tib17

Graef (Annotations) 8-9. See also Wisser (Quaestiones) 9. lacoby ("Tibulls") 54-55. " Pöstgens (Tibulls) 30-31. 20 Bright (Haec) 189. 18

157

ullus reflects on another rustic god; the god of love, and another feature of rustic culture, the pursuit of love and its effect upon lovers. Tibullus's central song falls into three distinct sections, each focusing on a special aspect of rustic life and culture. Tibullus begins by glorifying the rustic gods for instructing mankind in agriculture and viticulture (37-46), then concentrates on the elements of rustic culture that evolved without the help of the civilizing deities (47-66), and concludes by glorifying the rustic god who provided humanity with the gift of love (67-80). These colorful passages constitute a magnificent panorama of rustic deities and rustic pursuits, the poet's most elaborate tribute thus far to the world of the farmer (37-80). An elevated tone characterizes this powerful central passage, a spirit intensified by a ritualistic, mesmerizing repetition. Tibullus emphasizes the farmer's debt to the gods, as well as his praise of the country, by repeating a form of "primum" at fairly regular intervals (39 "primum" . . . 41 "primi", of the gods themselves; 51 "primum" . . . 53 "primum" . . . 56 "primus", of the enterprising farmer; 59 "primum" . . . 69 "primum", of a boy and Cupid). The poet also connects his couplets, as he did in 1.7.29-48, with an elaborate display of anaphora and polyptoton (39 "illi" . . . 41 "illi", of the deities themselves,· 43 "tum" . . . 45 "tum", 47 "rura" . . . 49 "rure", 51 "agricola" . . . 55 "agricola", 59 "rure" . .. 61 "rure", of the country products; 73 "hie" . . . 75 "hoc", of Cupid specifically). Furthermore, the verb "cano" and its related nouns occur exclusively in this passage and nowhere else in the elegy (37 "cano", of Tibullus, singing of rustic gods and culture; 52 "cantauit" . . . 54 "carmen", of the farmer, singing on his dry oat-pipe; 66 "cantat", of the spinster, singing while she applies her hands to the loom. Tibullus here employs these organizational techniques in order to praise not the Egyptian god Osiris but the various Roman divinities for generously bestowing their gifts on the country-people.

81-82) Transition: apostrophe to Cupid

Having referred to Cupid, Tibullus apostrophizes him directly. He invokes him as sacred, asks him to attend the festive celebration, but sympathizing with his victims, he urges him to put aside his harmful arrows and burning torches. Employing a transitional couplet, the poet passes from the glory of his gods to that of the festival (81-82). Tibullus establishes a structural parallel between 33-36 (apostrophe to Messalla) and 81-82 (apostrophe to Cupid). In each case Tibullus summons a powerful figure in his martial aspect only to accept him in his peaceful aspect: he leads into the central song by converting Messalla the conqueror into his private Muse; he leads away from the central song by 158

Converting Cupid the conqueror into a benevolent party-guest. One may observe a similar technique in 1.7.23-28 and 49-54, transitional passages with which the poet frames another elaborate hymn: he leads into the central hymn by glorifying the Nile for providing the land with water; he leads away from the hymn by glorifying Osiris for providing mankind with his wonderful gift of wine. Although Tibullus realizes both in this poem and elsewhere that his patron and his patron-deity have their warlike sides, he here emphasizes their peaceful aspects and benevolent natures by picturing Messalla as a divinity who inspires him to write poetry and by picturing Cupid as a divinity who inspires love in the hearts of men. By apostrophizing the god and the general in this manner, the poet provides smooth transitions to and from the central panel in accordance with his overall interpretation of their behavior.

83-90) Exhortation to merrymaking After inviting the god to attend the festival at hand, Tibullus again invites the assemblage to celebrate also. He exhorts the participants to pray aloud and then silently (83-84), then aloud in order to overcome the noise of the celebration (85-86), and reminds them about the approach of Night with her stars (87-88), and the approach of Sleep in the company of Dreams (89-90). Thus, the poet alludes to the conclusion of the festivities, to be understood as having taken place during the recitation of the song (83-90). Scholars praise the closing passage, almost without exception, as one of the finest in Latin poetry. Wilamowitz 21 notices that Tibullus describes the stars in terms applicable to Cupid, as moving in a playful troop (88 "lasciuo sidera fulua choro"). To be sure, this language intensifies the spirit of the celebration while hinting at the resumption of erotic activity forbidden before the ceremonial. Bright 22 points to the ominous side of the picture, to the arrival of Sleep, wrapped in black, and Dreams, wrapped in darkness and shifting in an ill-defined way. As he realizes, Tibullus may well be alluding to his nightmarish poems about Nemesis, whom Hesiod linked with her siblings Sleep and Dreams (Th. 211-225). Tibullus also creates a structural parallel between 27-32 (directed at assemblage) and 83-90 (directed at assemblage): he enjoins the participants to pay tribute to Messalla (29-31 "celebrent. . . errantes . . . pedes . . . sua quisque"); he enjoins them to pay tribute to Cupid (83-85, 90 "celebrem . . . sibi quisque . . . incerto . . . pede"). And so, concluding his elegy

11

Wilamowitz (Hellenistische) vol. 2, p. 286.

22

Bright

(Haec)

190.

159

on a joyful yet somber note, the poet rounds out the structure of his composition while looking ahead to the darkness of a new relationship.

Questions on elegy 2.1 as a whole Scholars examine the overall design of the elegy, a design characterized to a large extent by ring-composition. Grondona and 1 23 detect an elaborate symmetry, which I have reproduced here (in narrative form) from the outline on the first page of this chapter. After the lustration (1-26) Tibullus encourages merrymaking (27-32), apostrophizes a divine figure (33-36), praises the country (37-80), apostrophizes a real divinity (81-82), and encourages merrymaking (83-90). In Musurillo's opinion 14 the elegy exhibits a tripartite structure, consisting of 1-32 (the country festival), 33-66 (praise of gods), and 67-90 (praise of love). This arrangement plays havoc with the unity of 37-80, the central song (37-46 = celebration of rustic gods ; 47-66 = celebration of rustic products; 67-80 = celebration of the god Cupid). According to Dubia 25 the elegy falls into five movements: 1-26 (lustration), 27-36 (celebration), 37-66 (praise of country), 67-82 (praise of Cupid), and 83-90 (celebration). This arrangement approaches the design but still overlooks the integrity of the long central song about the country and the employment of transitional verses around this passage. Like elegy 1.7, on the subject of Messalla's birthday, elegy 2.1 reveals a sophisticated circular construction, in which parallel passages surround a central and relevant hymn. Godolphin 26 observes a masterful application of the dramatic device that I have come to regard as dramatic unity. He suggests that in describing the country festival, Tibullus presents himself to his audience in three different roles: 1) quasi-priest, instructing the rustic congregation in the lustration; 2) magister bibendi, toasting the absent Messalla with fine wine ; 3) didactic poet, celebrating rustic deities and rustic culture. One should understand that the narrator takes on these roles in a way that contributes to the elegy's circular arrangement, by shifting from officiating priest and master of ceremonies, to didactic poet who composes a song about the country and its divinities, back to officiating priest and master of ceremonies. One should also understand that Tibullus assumes these roles during the course of a single ceremonial day, from the light of

23

Ball (Structure) 215-216; Grondona ("Struttura"] 244. Musurillo ("Festival") 109 and 113. 25 Dubia ("Tibullo") 33. 26 Godolphin ("Unity") 63; White ("Propertius 2.28") 260-261, Copley (Latin) 248; Ball (Structure) 216-217 and ("Dramatic") 192-193; Cairns (Tibullus) 126-134 on Hellenistic dramatic exposition. 24

160

the morning, when he instructs the participants to prepare for the lustration, to the darkness of the evening, when he pictures the colorful yet ill-defined procession of Night, Sleep, and Dreams. By changing his role over this extended passage of time, the poet virtually compares the different stages of the ceremonial to the successive scenes of a drama. Several believe that in this elegy Tibullus is imitating Callimachus, either Hymn 2 (to Apollo) or Hymn 5 (to Athena). Pöstgens27 perceives a connection between Tibullus 2.1 and Hymn 2, based on what he regards as an overall structural similarity: each poet exhorts a gathering to expect the coming of a deity, advises the congregation to prepare for the celebration, and glorifies the deeds of the divinity or divinities in question. Nevertheless, the similarity seems a little far-fetched: Callimachus sets out a hymn in which he celebrates only Apollo and Apollo's exploits, perhaps on the occasion of the god's birthday; Tibullus sets out an elegy in which he celebrates rustic gods and rustic culture, specifically on the occasion of a country festival. Bulloch 28 suspects a connection between Tibullus 2.1 and Hymn 5, for reasons comparable to those presented by Pöstgens: each poet invokes an assemblage in the presence of a deity, presents a central passage dealing with gods and mortals, and again calls upon the assemblage to celebrate the deity. Once again the resemblance seems somewhat superficial: Callimachus sets out a hymn dedicated to Athena alone and containing a central narrative on the blinding of Tiresias; Tibullus sets out an elegy dedicated to the various rustic deities and containing a central narrative on their instruction to mankind about agriculture. Although Tibullus may be looking to the poet's shifting role as found in these two hymns, he is not imitating Callimachus in this particular elegy in any appreciable detail. Several believe that Tibullus is imitating Vergil, especially words and phrases appearing in his poems about the country. Cartault 29 observes parallels with the Bucolics and Geoigics: Tib. 2.1.3-4 "Bacche . . . Ceres" ss Buc. 5.79 "Baccho Cererique"; Tib. 2.1.7-8 "ad praesepia . . . plena" « G. 3.495 "plena ad praesepia"; Tib. 2.1.19 "seges eludat" =»G. 1.226 "seges. . . elusit"; Tib. 2.1.35 "hue ades (Messalla)" « G. 2.39 "tuque ades (Maecenas)". In addition to decorating his elegy with reminiscences of Vergil's poetry about the country, Tibullus may also be drawing his inspiration from G. 1.338-350, Vergil's account of a famous festival in honor of Ceres, a passage that moves from the procession around the

27

Pöstgens (Tibulls) 64-65. See also Dubia ("Tibullo") 39-40. Bulloch ('Tibullus") 77-78 and 81-82, who suggests the following specific parallels between the two poems: Tib. 2.1.2 (custom of Romans) « Hymn. 5.36-37 (custom of Argives); Tib. 2.1.35-36 (invocation to Messalla) ~ Hymn. 5.55-56 (invocation to Athena); Tib. 2.1.83-86 (address to assemblage) ~ Hymn. 5.137-139 (address to attendants!· 29 Cartault (Tibulle) 119-123. See also Smith (Elegies) 396. 28

161

fields to the celebration enjoyed by the participants. Lenz and Galinsky30 discover several plausible parallels with the Aeneid: Tib. 2.1.37 "rura cano" rurisque deos" « Aen. 1.1. "arma uirumque cano" (the verb "cano" governs two direct objects joined by an enclitic); Tib. 2.1.53 "modulatus auena" « Aen. 1.1a "modulatus auena" (if one regards Aen. la-Id as genuine, as did Donatus and Servius). In addition to borrowing these reminiscences from Vergil's epic, which here have ornamental rather than structural significance, Tibullus may also be drawing some inspiration from Aen. 1.657-722, Vergil's description of Cupid as a playful young god of love, whom the elegist also pictures as inflaming the hearts of mortals without mercy. Although Tibullus is borrowing more from the Geoigics than the Aeneid, he pays greater tribute to Vergil's epic in elegy 2.5, a subject that I have considered in the chapter on that poem. Scholars31 tend to identify Tibullus's festival with the Ambarvalia, the spring-summer festival celebrated by the Romans. They usually connect Tibullus's reference to the lamb (15-16) with the circular procession of the animal around the fields- the ceremony associated with the Ambarvalia by authorities such as Servius (on Buc. 3.77, Buc. 5.75, and G. 1.345) and Macrobius {Sat. 3.5.7, who also cites both Buc. 5.75 and G. 1.345). One should also consider the crucial language employed by these authorities in attempting to explain the origin of the name: Servius explains things as follows ("ambaruale . . . arua ambiat uictima . . . lustrare hie circuire"); Macrobius explains matters similarly ("ambarvalis . . . ab ambiendis aruis . . . lustrare significat circumire"). Although Tibullus suppresses the details of the festival, I have come to believe that he is at least alluding to the Ambarvalia, as suggested most recently by Bright; yet I do not believe, as Bright does, that in converting the glorious festival into a generic occurrence, Tibullus goes so far as to obscure the season of the year. Here one should keep in mind, in accordance with the classical testimonia, exactly when the Romans celebrated the Ambarvalia, and that although Tibullus refers to a winter-setting in the context of the prayer at the altar, he does not intend for his audience to imagine the celebration as happening other than in the springtime or summertime. Therefore, abridging the details of a ceremonial that the Romans actually per-

30 Lenz and Galinsky (Albii) 93-94 in 1959 edition and 104-105 in 1971 edition. See also Dubia ("Tibullo"! 34 and 37. 31 Muret (Tibullus) 51; Scaliger (Castigationes) 137; Volpi (Albius) 142, Heyne and Wunderlich (Albii) 95-96 in 1798 edition and 129-130 in 1817 edition; Dissen (Commentanus) 207-210; Pöstgens (Tibulls) 44-48; Putnam (Tibullus) 152; Musurillo ("Festival") 113-117; Bright (Haec) 8 and 188. Musurillo suggests that Tibullus may even be celebrating the Ambarvalia on one of Messalla's estates, as a special guest and anxious spectator. Yet this opinion seems totally unfounded, since the poet does not mention an estate anywhere in the elegy and does not assume the role of a mere bystander.

162

formed, Tibullus transforms the Ambarvalia into the model of piety and happiness. Retrospective examination of elegy 2.1 Although several regard Tibullus 2.1 as plagued by textual problems, the poem reveals a structural and stylistic sophistication. Tibullus introduces the elegy by describing the lustration of the crops and fields, involving the procession of a lamb and its sacrifice at the altar (1-26). As quasi-priest he instructs his congregation in the aspects of the ceremonial while leaving to his audience's imagination the details of the sacrifice. After observing some favorable signs, the poet encourages the assemblage to celebrate the occasion in festive spirit without any restraint (27-32). As magistei bibendi he exhorts the participants to bring forth special wine and to toast the great Messalla during his absence from the celebration. Having apostrophized Messalla as divine (33-36), Tibullus presents a song about rustic gods and rustic culture, which forms the core of the elegy (37-80). As didactic poet he celebrates the rustic deities for their civilizing gifts, the spontaneous evolution of rustic culture, and the rustic Cupid for his gift of love. After inviting Cupid to the festival (81-82), the poet concludes the elegy by again encouraging the assemblage to celebrate before the day draws to an end (83-90). As officiating priest he exhorts the participants to celebrate the powerful god of love before Night and her dusky retinue cast their shadow over everything. Looking possibly to Callimachus but more likely to Vergil, Tibullus exploits a dramatic technique and transforms the Ambarvalia into a symbol of rustic happiness and prosperity.

163

CHAPTER XIII

Elegy 2.2: A Birthday-Greeting In elegy 2.2 Tibullus celebrates the birthday of his friend Cornutus, a man blessed with a happy marriage. Scaliger1 respected the internal ordering of this poem, the only elegy in the first two books that neither he nor any later editors attempted to criticize for a structural flaw. I suggest the following summary of the poem: I-8) Welcoming of the Birthday-Spirit to the sacrifice 9-16) Address to Cornutus, with reference to his wife 17-22) Apostrophe to the Birthday-Spirit about offspring

C

Karsten2 examined every poem except this one in his long article on Tibullus's elegies, since he did not believe that so short a piece required any special attention. In this chapter I have considered the structure and movement of the poem in keeping with my central goal of providing a study of each of the sixteen elegies. 1-8) Welcoming of the Birthday-Spirit to the sacrifice The elegy begins with a happy but solemn pronouncement. Tibullus asks all present to welcome the Birthday-Spirit (1-2) by burning incense imported from Arabia (3-4), by decorating the god's hair with garlands (5-6), and by presenting him with cake and wine (7-8). Thus, the poet announces the birthday of a yet unnamed friend by focusing on the preparations for the joyous occasion (1-8). Scholars3 picture Tibullus in the role of a priest, as shown by the words that he utters in the first couplet. They compare Tibullus's opening command (2 "quisquis ades . . . faue") with a religious formula cited by Servius (on Aen. 5.71 "fauete linguis, fauete uocibus")-an opinion that one may support by citing another formulaic verse about the burning of

1 Scaliger (Catulli) 108 and (Castigationes) 137. See also Dissen (Albii) 4 3 - 4 4 and (Commentarius) 227-232 for the usual tripartite outline: 2.2 = 1-8, 9-16, and 17-22. 2 Karsten ("Tibulli") 43, who decided to avoid the poem completely. See Bright (Haec) 6 - 8 and Cairns (Tibullus) 95-97 for useful commentary on this neglected elegy. 3 Smith (Elegies) 411-412; Newman (Augustus) 179 and (Concept) 97, Putnam (Tibullus) 163-164, who compares the opening of the poem with that of the preceding elegy.

164

incense on the altar (3 "urantur pia tura focis, urantur odores"). Resuming his role of 2.1, that of a quasi-priest, the poet again instructs a silent congregation about the coming of a deity, with a variety of formulaic repetitions. 9-16) Address to Comutus, with reference to his wife Tibullus then addresses Cornutus, the guest of honor. He asks him to make a wish without delay (9-10), predicts that he will ask for faithful marital love (11-12), and realizes that he will not pray for vast lands (13-14) or exotic jewels (15-16). Here the poet addresses his friend by name while describing him as someone preferring true love to material possessions (9-16). Here also Tibullus continues to assume the role of priest and to employ ritualistic language at key places.4 He begins with a single prophetic word (11 "auguror"), then leads into a statement about Cornutus's simple desires, and employing anaphora (13 "nec tibi" . . . 15 "nec tibi"), follows with a flowing statement about Cornutus's lack of interest in the property of the farmer or the jewelry of the East. Connecting agriculture with affluence (as he did in 1.9.7-10), the quasi-priest sustains the solemn tone of the occasion while he touches on the lover's preference for his beloved.

17-22) Apostrophe to the Birthday-Spmt about offspnng The elegy concludes with a joyous look into the future. Tibullus hopes that Love will strengthen Cornutus's marriage (17-18), with bonds that will last until old age affects the body (19-20), and that the BirthdaySpirit will bless Cornutus with offspring (21-22). Thus, the poet transports his friend into a dazzling world in which the celebrant appears as a beloved husband and proud father (17-22). Godolphin 5 again observes the dramatic device (as he did in 2.1) that I have come to identify as dramatic unity. He suggests that between the request for his friend's wish and the announcement of the omen, Tibullus 4 See Bulloch ('Tibullus") 78, who believes that Tibullus is imitating Callimachus: Callimachus pictures Acontius as preferring Cydippe to the speed of Iphicles or the wealth of Midas (fr. 75.44—49); Tibullus pictures Cornutus as preferring his wife to the farmer's fields and the luxury of the East (Tib. 2.2.11-16). 5 Godolphin ("Unity") 63; White ("Propertius 2.28") 259, Ball (Structure) 223-224 and ("Dramatic") 193-194, in which article I considered the dramatic technique. But see Den Boeft ("Vota") 331-332, who translates uota cadunt as "Cornutus utters his prayers", although the dramatic context suggests the translation "your prayers are answered".

165

does not describe the actual observation of the omen ; that the poet expects his audience to supply the appearance of a favorable sign while he focuses on various other aspects of the celebration at hand. By confining this one detail to the background of the elegy, the quasi-priest employs a technique that he utilized in the previous elegy (2.1.25 "euentura precor" «2.2.17 "uota cadunt").

Questions on elegy 2.2 as a whole Elegy 2.2 exhibits the characteristics of a genethliakon, the literary genre examined in connection with elegy 1.7. Tibullus performs all the activities that one would expect the officiating priest to perform on this happy and important occasion: the address to the assemblage; the description of the sacrifice,· the summoning of the deity; the exhortation to the celebrant; the observation of the omen ; the prediction of a joyous future. At the same time Tibullus follows the sequence of ideas employed in the previous composition on the Ambarvalia: 2.1.3-4 «2.2.1-8 (summoning of deity); 2.1.17-24 « 2.2.9-16 (element of prayer); 2.1.25-26 « 2.2.17-22 (granting of wish), especially the pivotal expressions "euentura precor" « "uota cadunt". One should also realize that the poet concludes each elegy by alluding to the joy felt by lovers other than himself: he focuses on the happiness experienced by the youth on whom Love breathes gently (2.1.79-80); he touches on the happiness to be experienced by his friend, whose marriage Love blesses (2.2.17-18). Tibullus employs a similar sequence of ideas in 2.1 and 2.2, in which he concentrates on two deeply religious occasions while alluding by implication to his own suffering in love. Scholars6 tend to identify Tibullus's friend Cornutus with Cerinthus, the young man who courted Messalla's niece Sulpicia. They usually point to the metrical equivalency of their names (several mss. replace "Cornute" with "Cerinthe" at Tib. 2.2.9 and 2.3.1) and to the similar personalities exhibited by these two men-Cornutus, shy and silent, and happy in marriage (Tib. 2.2.9-12); Cerinthus, shy and speechless, and very much in love (Tib. 3.10/4.4.11-22). Bright shrewdly speculates that Cornutus may have belonged to Messalla's literary circle (1.7 = birthday-poem, linked with triumph; 2.2 = birthday-poem, linked with wedding), although he cautions against identifying Cornutus with Cerinthus outright in the absence of any conclusive evidence connecting the two men. And 6

Gruppe (Elegie) vol. 1, pp. 27-64; Rasi (Una poetessa) 29-30, Smith (Elegies) 86-87 and 411; Provasi ("II ciclo") 346-347 and 350-351; Alfonsi (Albio) 90-96, Riposati (Introduzione) 62-64 in 1945 edition and 71-73 in 1967 edition; Bright (Haec) 6-8 and 191, but with the same reservations as some of the earlier scholars.

166

yet one discovers in their names a subtle etymological connection (Cornutus, from comu — "horn"; Cerinthus, from κέρας = "horn") and a consistent attempt to depict the youth as very much in love on his birthday but feeling too embarrassed to say so (Tib. 2.2.9-12, Tibullus's version « Tib. 3.11/4.5.15-18, Sulpicia's version). Although Tibullus does not employ the Greek version of the name, he may well be presenting his audience with the happy epilogue to the romance between his young friend and the poetess-bride.

Retrospective examination

of elegy 2.2

Although scholars have not written articles about this elegy, one at least may consider its cohesive internal design. Tibullus begins by summoning the Birthday-Spirit to the altar as a prelude to the celebration to be held for Cornutus (1—8)—a passage decorated with a number of ritualistic expressions, like those employed by the quasi-priest in the previous poem. The elegist then encourages his speechless friend to make a wish and predicts that he will pray for a happy marriage (9-16 (-couplets in which one also observes ritualistic vocabulary and possibly a reminiscence of a famous Alexandrian predecessor. Tibullus concludes by again summoning the Birthday-Spirit after praying that Love will strengthen Cornutus's marriage (17—22)—a passage demonstrating the poet's fondness for dramatic unity, his intention for his audience to understand the appearance of a favorable omen. Addressing Cornutus, very possibly the Cerinthus who loved Sulpicia, Tibullus presents his audience with a graceful genethliakon, one with deeply religious and deeply amatory overtones.

167

CHAPTER XIV

Elegy 2.3: Fields of Sorrow In elegy 2.3 Tibullus bemoans Nemesis's trip to the country as a prelude to a long and bitter attack on avarice. Scaliger1 altered the structure of the poem drastically, not by rearranging the couplets but by transposing them to other poems in the corpus. He printed them as follows: 2.3 = 1-14 (14a-14c excised from the text), 15-32 (33-60 + 2.6.1-14 = separate elegy), 61-74 (75-78 transposed after 1.8.65-66), and 79-80. I observe a circular pattern, emphasizing the poet's love for his new mistress: — 1-10) Devotion to Nemesis in the country f s 11-32) Behavior of Apollo the lover ( ( 33-60) Attack on wealth and its enthusiasts V ^ 61-78) Behavior of Golden Age lovers 79-80) Devotion to Nemesis in the country This interesting elegy did not receive special attention except for the standard commentaries until Gaisser and Whitaker published articles on it. Gaisser's considers the relationship between Tibullus 2.3 and Vergil, Bucolic 10; Whitaker's, the structure of the elegy, with emphasis on the themes pervading the poem.2 I have attempted to evaluate the central questions raised about the elegy and have considered as well the literary model that the poet appears to employ. 1-10) Devotion to Nemesis in the country Tibullus begins the poem by addressing Cornutus about a trip that Nemesis has recently taken to the country. He relates that his mistress resides in the country (1-2) and that Venus and Love have departed for the fields (3-4), and he declares that as a means of seeing his mistress he would turn the soil with his hoe (5-6), plow the fields with his oxen (7-8), and suffer both sunburn and blisters (9-10). By stressing his willingness to perform these difficult labors, the poet pictures himself as a hearty and

1 Scaliger (Catulli), 99, 109-110, 116-117 and (Castigationes) 132-133, 137-139, 143-144. See also Dissen (Albii) 44-48 and (Commentariusj 233-235 for the usual tripartite outline: 2.3 = 1-10, 11-78, and 79-80. 2 Gaisser ("Tibullus 2.3"); Whitaker ("Unity").

168

hardworking farmer—a manifestation of the masochistic side of his nature (1-10). Scholars offer a variety of opinions about this passage, which include an attempt at identifying the literary model. Putnam 3 detects a strong anti-rural stance in the opening couplets, in which Tibullus clearly complains that the country robs him of his mistress. Indeed, one finds the opposite attitude in Propertius 2.19, in which the poet regards Cynthia's journey to the country as one that will deter prospective suitors. Bright4 comments that Tibullus shatters the Arcadian illusion of the Delia-poems by suddenly mocking the conventions that he had praised in those poems. To be sure, the poet pictures the country holding his mistress as its prisoner and subjecting him as well to an unpleasant and unsuitable form of menial work. Gaisser5 observes that Tibullus is looking to Vergil, Bucolic 10, the poem that describes Gallus's grief over losing Lycoris: Gallus longs for his beloved Lycoris, who has pursued some lover to his camp near the Rhine; Tibullus yearns for his beloved Nemesis, who has followed some lover to his home in the country. The opening passage inverts bucolic conventions while revealing Tibullus's dependence on Vergil, Bucolic 10, a poem about another unhappy lover deserted by his mistress.

11-32) Behavior of Apollo the lover The elegy continues with Tibullus relating how Apollo humbled himself for Admetus when he fell victim to love. He recalls how the god fed the bulls (11-12) since he could not cure his love (13-14), drove the cows from the stable (14a-???), and taught men to curdle the milk (14b— 14c) and collect the cheese (15-16). He recounts how the god frequently carried a heifer (17-18) and attempted to sing (19-20), disappointed his visitors at the oracle (21-22) and generally neglected his appearance (23—24)—to the amazement of all who looked (25-26). He pictures the god residing in a cottage at Love's command (27-28), praises the days of old when the gods loved openly (29-30), and prefers being the subject of gossip than a god without love (31-32). All these couplets deal with Apollo's servitude to Admetus, a story that Tibullus interprets in amorous terms in keeping with his goals as a poet of love (11-32). A lacuna does exist between 14a and 14b, an obvious one, as shown by the fact that two hexameters appear in succession. Pontano6 attempts to 3

Putnam (Tibullus) 167. Bright (Haec) 192-194. 5 Gaisser ('Tibullus 2.3") 132-133 and 137. 6 Pontano (cited in Leo, Codex, 18v|. See chapter 3, note 12 of this book for an explanation of the citation on Pontano. 4

169

fill the hiatus with three verses that he believes relate to the content of those that vanished: "in nemus et pastas inde referre domum. ipse et spumanti primus multralia succo implesse expressis fertur ab huberibus" Havet7 also furnishes three verses that he believes approximate those that disappeared during the process of transmission: "traditur et pastas ipse referre domum. primus caseolos fertur seruasse futuro, primus suspensos apposuisse focis" Each scholar emphasizes a subject appropriate to the passage, Pontano, on the milking of cows, Havet, on the storing of cheese—although the earlier version involves two non-existent forms: "multralia" for "mulctraria" (TIL, vol. 8, pp. 1565-1566 and 1606); "huberibus" for "uberibus" (the spelling that Tibullus employs in 1.3.46). Perhaps the solution lies in understanding a passage that reflects a combination of these two proposals, a passage dealing with the preparation of milk and cheese. Some find fault with various parts of the passage on Apollo, especially with Tibullus's treatment of Apollo as a farmer. Scaliger8 excises 14a14c, presumably unable to reconcile the clash between Apollo pictured in the manure-pits and Apollo pictured at the oracle. Yet the passage gains from this contrast, in which the poet describes the most repugnant chores that the god had to execute during his absence from the temple. Wisser9 deletes 17-24, couplets that he regards as so tasteless and so ridiculous that Tibullus could have composed them "ne dormitans quidem" (sic). This proposal undercuts the poet's picture of the god as bedraggled and eliminates an elaborate use of anaphora (17 "o quotiens" . . . 19 "o quotiens" . . . 21 "saepe" . . . 23 "saepe"). Havet10 transposes 21-22 after 25-26 and 29-30 after 33-34, supposedly in order to juxtapose couplets on Delos (21-22 and 27-28) and on Venus (29-30 and 35-36). Even so, the first transposition disrupts the extensive anaphora mentioned above, and the second one destroys the connection between the couplets centered around divine love. The proposed alterations have no place in the passage, a humorous picture of the lofty god as a humbled laborer, who performs activities inconsistent with his godhead. 7 Havet (cited in Ponchont, Tibulle, xli and Pichard, Tibulle, 84). See chapter 6, note 22 of this book for an explanation of the citation on Havet. * Scaliger (Catulli) 109-110 and (Castigationes) 137-138. ' Wisser (Quaestiones) 27. See also Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 25-26, who excises 19-22 and 25-26, on the ground that these couplets seem irrelevant or repetitious in the context of the passage. Yet the couplets in question intensify the poet's description of the god as slightly embarrassed, whether he composes poetry or neglects his appearance. 10 Havet (cited in Ponchont, Tibulle, xli and Pichard, Tibulle, 85). See chapter 6, note 22 of this book for an explanation of the citation on Havet.

170

Others consider the very same passage in the context of the elegy, with some commentary directed to the possible literary model. Bright" notices that Tibullus chooses Apollo as an exemplum because the god matches the poet in specific details: they shun their chores (Apollo's real confusion » Tibullus's false confidence); they sing to deaf ears (lowing of cattle » indifference of mistress); they abandon their followers (crowd of pilgrims « crowd of pederasts). Whitaker 12 also calls attention to the various connections between the story of the god and the situation of the poet: Tibullus and Apollo willingly undergo "seruitium amoris", each for the sake of a beloved, either in a rustic or an idyllic setting, in which they perform some kind of menial work that detracts from their appearance. Gaisser13 emphasizes that Tibullus continues to borrow words and ideas from Vergil, Bucolic 10: Tib. 2.3.11 "pauit. . . formosus Apollo" « Buc. 10.18 "formosus . . . pauit Adonis"; Tib. 2.3.15 (reference to basketweaving) « Buc. 10.71 (reference to basket-weaving); Tib. 2.3.17-24 (Apollo's anxious visitors) » Buc. 10.19-30 (Gallus's anxious visitors). These various proposals contribute to an appreciation of the passage and an understanding of Tibullus's dependence on Vergil's poem, itself a deliberate denial of the pastoral convention.

33-60) Attack on wealth and its enthusiasts Tibullus then delivers an attack on the avarice of his era, coupled with a description of Nemesis as the paragon of greed. Addressing a rival who also appears to be suffering (33-34), the poet blames booty for bringing about a host of evils (35-36), involving both bloodshed on land (37-38) and disaster at sea (39-40), and condemns the freebooter for acquiring vast fields (41-42), importing foreign marble (43-44), and constructing huge breakwaters (45-46). Expressing his personal preference for simple utensils (47-48), the poet sadly realizes that young women desire wealth (49-50), as exemplified by the glittering Nemesis (51-52), dressed in expensive attire (53-54), attended by dark slaves (55-56), and besieged by foreign merchants (57-58)—herself the property of a freedman (59-60). Tibullus moves from the greedy freebooter to his mercenary mistress in order to illustrate the avarice prevalent in his society and the consequences resulting from that avarice (33-60).

11

Bright (Haecj 3-^t and 194-198. Whitaker ("Unity") 132-135. 13 Gaisser ('Tibullus 2.3") 132-137. Gaisser also isolates the central difference between the bucolic attitude toward Gallus and the elegiac attitude toward Apollo: Vergil's characters seem sympathetic to Gallus's suffering (shepherd, swineherds, deities); Tibullus's characters seem disinterested in Apollo's suffering (animals, worshipers, deities). 12

171

Scholars14 regard 33-60 as a digression, a passage that they transfer to other locations within the poem or the corpus. They treat this passage as follows, each in a different way: Scaliger places it after 2.6.13-14 (2.6.1-14 + 2.3.33-60 = a complete poem); Heyne regards it as a surviving fragment of some lost elegy; Voss prints it in his edition all by itself, as a separate poem; Bach places it after 2.3.79-80, while proposing a lacuna after 79-80. Yet this passage belongs in the text in its traditional location, in which Tibullus explains why he cannot enjoy the simple life experienced by the men of old; that kind of life disappeared with the primitive past and gave way to values appealing to the baser and more materialistic side of human nature and desires. This same passage reveals Tibullus's fondness for a balanced internal design: the rich man searches for booty, imports it from foreign lands, and parades it through the city (37 "praeda" . . . 39 "praeda" . . . 41 "praedator"); the mistress rejoices in luxury, dresses up in foreign colors, and parades herself through the city (53 "ilia" . . . 55 "illi" . . . 57 "illi"). Although these scholars attempt to dismantle the passage, it functions effectively at the center of the elegy and unmistakably demonstrates the technique of the poet. A number leave the central passage in its traditional place but posit lacunas at several suspicious points in the text. Lachmann 15 detects a hiatus after 33-34, involving verses in which he believes that Tibullus warned his rival about the threat of a wealthier rival. Indeed, one perceives an abrupt transition when the poet begins to apostrophize his anonymous addressee only to turn his attention to the overall corruption of the times. Baehrens16 proposes a hiatus after 45-46, since he believes

14 Scaliger (Catulli) 116-117 and (Castigationes) 143-144, Heyne (Albii) 112 in 1798 edition; Voss (Albius) 63-64; Bach (Albii) 138-142. 15 Lachmann (Albii) 34 ; Dissen (Albii) 46; Gruppe /Elegie) vol. 2, p. 47; Haupt (Catullus) 154, Rossbach (Albii) 27; Müller (Albii) 28; Baehrens (Albii) 42; Hiller (Albii) 29; Martinon (Albii) 86, 249-250; Postgate (Selections) 29, 116, 216, Nemethy (Albii) 55, 264; Cartault (Tibulle) 205; Bürger ("Beiträge"] 383; Smith (Elegies) 139, 420 ; Ponchont (Tibulle) 96 ; Calonghi (Albii) 31; Helm (Tibull) 74; Luck (Propertii) 372; Merkelbach ("Tibull"); Ball (Structure) 232-233. But see Karsten ("Tibulli") 46, Wilhelm ("1904") 283, Lenz (Albii) 100 in 1959 edition, and Bright (Haec) 198-199, who reject the proposal about a lacuna and who contend that Tibullus is here addressing a poor, rejected lover. Although I do not accept their opinion about the lacuna, I do support their conjecture about the addressee provided that one regard this shadowy, frustrated figure (33 "quisquis . . . tristi fronte") as an actual or potential rival (34 "nostra . . . tua castra domo"). 16 Baehrens (Albii) 43 and Ball (Structure) 235-236. See also Rothstein (Ήbulli) 27, who applies "tibi" to Cornutus, the least in need of the advice; Smith (Elegies) 424, who applies "tibi" to Nemesis, the least likely to follow the advice; Lenz (Albii) 101 in 1959 edition, who applies "tibi" to the fellow sufferer, although the context no longer suggests him. See also Jacoby ("Tibulls") 625, who accepts "mihi" and prints 47-48 in parentheses; Putnam (Julius) 40, who accepts "mihi" and prints 47-48 without parentheses; Bright (Haec) 200-201, who accepts "mihi" and removes the choppiness from 47-48 by ingeniously construing this couplet as a rhetorical question (see Cicero, Verr. 3.73 and Vergil, Aen. 1.46).

172

that verses disappeared in which Tibullus identified the person whom he addresses in 47-48. Despite the temptation to accommodate this suggestion, I have come to regard it as unnecessary provided that one change "tibi" to "mihi" (the reading in the florilegia). Lachmann17 observes a hiatus after 57-58, involving verses in which he believes that Tibullus related the well-known facts implied in "nota loquor". To be sure, although this remark looks ahead to the rest of the couplet, the couplet itself still follows awkwardly upon those centered around the poet's mercenary mistress. Therefore, the central passage reveals a smooth flow of thought, although it does appear to have suffered a slight corruption at its beginning and its conclusion. Several consider the literary merits of the central passage and devote some attention to the literary model employed. Bright18 observes that Tibullus presents an unflattering parade, a procession of characters all captivated by the lure of luxury: the poet himself, who surrenders to the city and its wealth; the poet's mistress, who even looks like a city with her golden "uiae"; the poet's rival, who possesses a kingdom although an imposter. As Whitaker comments19, the poet sets out to describe avarice as a sickness that has displaced love in the hearts of men: it manifests itself in the picture of the gilded mistress (2.3.52 "incedat donis conspicienda meis") as it had earlier in the picture of the glittering rival (1.2.72 "insideat celeri conspiciendus equo"). According to Gaisser20, Tibullus again turns to Vergil, Bucolic 10, especially to the occupation of the lover described in that poem: Vergil depicts Lycoris's new lover as a soldier on a military campaign (Sue. 10.22-23); Tibullus depicts Nemesis's new lover as a soldier who pitches his camp (Tib. 2.3.33-34, but see note 20 below). Although Tibullus does not picture his rival as a soldier, he possibly may be assimilating Vergil's reference to the soldier into his own description of the freebooter.

17 Lachmann (Albii) 35 ; Dissen (Albii) 47 ; Haupt (Catullus) 155; Baehrens (Albii) 43 ; Martinon (Albii) 88; Nemethy (Albii) 57, 268; Smith (Elegies) 139, 427, Ball (Structure) 236. See especially Smith, who supplies sentiments similar to those found in 35 and 49, statements about greed that he believes smoothly introduce the reference to well-known circumstances. But see Bright (Haec) 203, who rejects the persistent efforts to improve upon the text through lacuna or emendation by pointing out that "nota loquor" looks forward, not backward. Even so, one perceives an unusually abrupt transition in the movement from a series of couplets concerned with Nemesis's expensive tastes to a sudden statement about the background of her lover. 18 Bright (Haec) 202. " Whitaker ("Unity") 135-137. 20 Gaisser ('Tibullus 2.3") 138-139.1 cannot agree with this portion of Gaisser's analysis, with her identification of Nemesis's lover as a soldier: 2.3.33-34 refers to the poor, rejected rival who metaphorically "pitches his camp"; 2.3.59-60 refers to the rich, successful rival who has managed to rise above his servile status.

173

61-78) Behavior of Golden Age lovers The elegy continues with Tibullus addressing the field that has stolen his Nemesis and spoiled his happiness. He hopes that the earth will hold hack all its fruit (61-62) and beseeches Bacchus to abandon the cursed wine-vats (63-64) in the hope of exacting punishment for his mistress's seduction (65-66). He welcomes a primitive diet, consisting of acorns and water (67-68), recalls how the men of old enjoyed the simple life (69-70), and especially how they made love in a pristine setting (71-72). He envisions an age that knew neither door nor guard (73-74), when haircloth garments covered bristly bodies (75-76), and questions dressing like a dandy if he cannot see his mistress (77-78). All these couplets comprise a passage on Golden Age customs, including a description of the men of prehistoric times as blessed in their lives and loves (61-78). A lacuna does exist between 74 and 76, another obvious one, as shown by the fact that two pentameters appear consecutively. The early humanists 21 attempt to fill the hiatus by composing hexameters to approximate the one that they believe disappeared during transmission; these hexameters appear in the text or as marginalia in some of the early manuscripts and picture Tibullus casting off luxury or longing for his mistress. The following versions seem worthy of attention: Pontano: Scaliger: ??? Karsten:

"o ualeant cultus et tinctae murice lanae" "ah pereant artes et mollia iura colendi" "o utinam ueteri peragrantes more puelle" "si modo amare licet tutoque fouere puellam"

Although these scholars provide some interesting hexameters, partially modeled after 2.3.67 (the casting off of the crops), one should realize that however unhappy Tibullus seems, he does not actually expect his audience to live on a diet of acorns, or make love in a shady valley, or dress up in animal-skins. In any case, the solution perhaps rests in understanding one or more verses in which the poet suggests returning to prehistoric customs as a means of keeping women out of the countryside. Some play havoc with various parts of the passage on the Golden Age,

21 Pontano (cited in Leo, Codex, 19v|; Scaliger (Catulli) 99; Karsten ("Tibulli") 49; Lenz and Galinsky (Albii) 102 in 1959 edition and 114 in 1971 edition.

174

specifically with Tibullus's treatment of love past and present. Cartault22 suspects a lacuna within 61-62 (after "Nemesim"), at which point the poet presumably apostrophized Ceres before turning his attention to Bacchus. Although one may wish to emend "seges" to "Ceres", one need not specify any missing verses at this location, since the couplet in question makes perfect sense as it stands. Fritzsche23 excises 65-66 from the text, on the ground that Tibullus refers to some kind of punishment for his rival without having first described it. On the contrary, the poet describes such a punishment in the preceding couplets, in the double hope that the earth will yield no fruit and the wine-vats no wine. Scaliger24 transposes 75-78 after 1.8.65-66, because he perceives that these couplets originally appeared in the speech that Marathus utters to Pholoe. Nevertheless, I cannot believe that Tibullus intended for the immature youth to conclude his tearful lament by philosophizing about the advantages of haircloth garments. The proposed alterations do not belong in this passage, a mildly humorous picture of the poet praying for the return of prehistoric customs while realizing the unlikelihood of that happening. Others consider the very same passage in the context of the elegy and direct some attention to the possible literary sources. Bright25 believes that Tibullus may be imitating Lucretius in rejecting city and country for a basic, primitive existence; as he realizes, both Lucretius (5.925-1010) and Tibullus (2.3.67-78) picture primitive man as a hardy, moral creature, who ate acorns, drank water from brooks, and made love in the woods. Whitaker 26 observes that Tibullus transports his audience back to the Golden Age but not to the realm of Apollo: 2.3.11-32 touches on the mythical past from a divine standpoint (Apollo's successful servitude); 2.3.67-78 touches on the mythical past from a purely human standpoint

11 Cartault (Tibulle) 207, who prints the lacuna as follows, but without suggesting specific verses to fill it: "at tibi dura seges Nemesis

qui abducit ab urbe" See also Havet (cited in Pichard, Tibulle, 88], who suggests the following verses in the spirit of Cartault: "at tibi dura Ceres, Nemesis mea si pia uixit, fiat, et irata deserat arua fuga ; huic, dea, in humano, Nemesin qui abducit ab urbe" 23 Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 26. 24 Scaliger (Catulli) 99 and (Castigatioaes) 132-133, 137-139. 25 Bright (Haecj 204. 26 Whitaker ('OJnity") 137-140.

175

(Tibullus's unsuccessful servitude). Gaisser27 again emphasizes that Tibullus continues to borrow ideas and themes from Vergil, Bucolic 10: Vergil pictures Gallus dreaming of escape to a pastoral world, one kind of poetic haven ; Tibullus pictures himself yearning to escape to the comforts of the Golden Age, another kind of poetic haven. Their perceptive proposals again contribute to an appreciation of the passage and an understanding of Tibullus's dependence on Vergil's poem, itself a deliberate riposte of the pastoral convention.

79-80) Devotion to Nemesis in the country Tibullus concludes the poem by reiterating the attitude expressed in the introduction, on his willingness to suffer. He suddenly declares, perhaps both to Cornutus and to Nemesis, that he will plow the fields at the command of his mistress (a possible metaphor for sexual intercourse) and that he will endure the punishment usually suffered by a slave (in accordance with the masochistic side of his nature). By again emphasizing his genuine willingness to suffer, the poet presents one final gesture of bravado in the face of his harsh and mercenary mistress (79-80). Scholars examine the closing verses along different lines, which include a final comment on the literary model employed. Putnam 28 detects a pronounced anti-rural stance in the concluding verses, in which Tibullus virtually compares rustic toil to a prison-sentence. To be sure, the poet expresses an attitude that contrasts sharply with that expressed at the outset of the collection, when he pictured the farmer as happy and content. Bright29 comments that the initial situation remains, with Nemesis pictured in the country and Tibullus performing as a slave, enduring chains and beatings. Without any doubt, by the end of the elegy the poet and his rival have inverted their roles (the lover becomes the mistress's slave; the ex-slave becomes the mistress's lover). Gaisser30 points out that Tibullus still looks to Vergil, Bucolic 10 in attempting to establish one last parallel with Gallus: Gallus finally submits to his inevitable fate, dying because of his experience in love (Buc. 10.69); Tibullus finally submits to his own inevitable fate, submitting himself to the slavery of love (Tib. 2.3.79). The closing passage inverts bucolic conventions while re-

27 Gaisser ("Tibullus 2.3") 143. Gaisser also isolates the essential difference between the bucolic attitude toward Gallus and the elegiac attitude toward Apollo: the poet Gallus, anxious to escape, becomes involved in every aspect of his pastoral world; the poet Tibullus, an unhappy realist, does not involve himself personally in the Golden Age. la Putnam (Tibullus) 166 and 175. 29 Bright (Haec) 204-205. 30 Gaisser ("Tibullus 2.3") 133-134 and 145.

176

vealing Tibullus's dependence on Vergil's famous poem, down to the final words spoken by Tibullus and Gallus.

Questions on elegy 2.3 as a whole Tibullus 2.3 affords an interesting comparison with 1.1, since they both present the same theme from different viewpoints. In each Tibullus treats the subjects of country life and erotic love: in 1.1 the poet regards these two themes as perfectly compatible, as comprising the foundation of all that he cherishes; in 2.3 he regards them as completely contradictory, as inherently irreconcilable, since one has resulted in his losing the other. One finds this change of attitude reflected in the tone employed: in 1.1 the poet pictures himself as satisfied with his fortune, happily describing his interests as a farmer and a lover,· in 2.3 he turns his attention to the avarice of his generation, wistfully reaching back to the days of old for long lost values. Yet regardless of the tone, Tibullus displays his penchant for structure: in 1.1 the poet provides a bipartite arrangement, with two central passages comprising a long description of rustic life; in 2.3 he furnishes a concentric arrangement, with the central attack on wealth framed by parallel sections on the country and the golden past. Although Tibullus presents opposite attitudes in these two poems, he consistently expresses his thoughts and his yearnings in an artistically arranged format. The Augustan poets frequently describe rustic life (see the chapter on elegy 1.1), although rarely in negative terms. Vergil, Horace, Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid usually look to the country as a source of happiness and fulfillment in a world fraught with suffering and violence; in their lyrics and elegies, Horace, Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid usually describe the country as a setting in which lovers may enjoy each other or forget a painful experience. Occasionally these same poets picture the country as victimized by some external or artificial force, over which they have no control - as in the case of a plague that destroys animals (Vergil, G. 3.478-566), or an estate that supplants vineyards (Horace, Caim. 2.15), or a rival lover who lures away the poet's mistress (Tibullus 2.3). In elegy 2.3 Tibullus may well have turned to Vergil, Bucolic 10 for the picture of the unhappy Gallus, who laments that his mistress has gone off with another lover - perhaps in an effort to present his final elegy about the country along the lines presented in the concluding poem of this other earlier collection about country life. In a possibly unprecedented treatment of the country theme, Tibullus turns his back on the land itself, which he curses for spiriting away his beloved into the arms of a wealthy rival.

177

Retrospective examination of elegy 2.3 Despite numerous attempts to rearrange much of the text, Tibullus 2.3 reflects an artistic and well-balanced design. Tibullus introduces the elegy by expressing his anguish over Nemesis's decision to visit a rivallover in the countryside, a setting now hostile (1-10). He calls to mind Vergil's Gallus, who similarly expresses his displeasure, because Lycoris has followed some soldier to his camp near the Rhine. Tibullus then compares his own experience to that of Apollo, who labored for Admetus and neglected his worshipers when he fell victim to Love (11-32). Vergil pictures Gallus suffering in a world mostly sympathetic; Tibullus pictures himself suffering in a world almost totally disinterested. Turning his attention to the avarice of his own generation, Tibullus consoles the poor lover and condemns his own mistress for demanding riches (33-60). Here he executes his attack not by comparing Nemesis's lover with Lycoris's soldier but by characterizing Nemesis herself as the gaudy possession of an uncouth freedman. Tibullus then contrasts his own era with that of prehistoric man, who ate simple food, wore simple clothing, and made love in a primitive setting (61-78). Vergil pictures Gallus dreaming of escape to the pastoral world (one poetic oasis); Tibullus pictures himself yearning to escape to the comforts of the Golden Age (another poetic oasis). Tibullus concludes the elegy by submitting to his fate, by again offering to labor for Nemesis in the countryside, a setting still hostile (79-80). He again calls to mind Vergil's Gallus, who also concludes his monologue by submitting to his fate, not to labor for Lycoris but simply to die of a broken heart. Rejecting his most precious yet least relevant set of values, Tibullus exploits the incongruities between elegiac and pastoral convention as a means of appeasing his fickle and mercenary mistress.

178

CHAPTER XV

Elegy 2.4: Prisoner of Love Elegy 2.4 stands out as one of Tibullus's most cohesive poems, on the subject of his submission to the slavery of love. Scaliger1 refrained from rearranging any of the couplets, since he presumably recognized the coherence of this elegy and the smooth articulation of its individual parts. I propose the following outline of the poem: 1-12) Submission to Nemesis as her slave 13-50) Condemnation of avarice and archetypal corruptors 51-60) Submission to Nemesis as her slave

(

This elegy has not received much attention apart from the standard commentaries, although Jacoby referred to it early in the century as Tibullus's only completely erotic poem.2 In this chapter I have attempted to show how skillfully Tibullus achieves coherence in what this particular scholar regarded as one of the poet's finest compositions.

1-12) Submission to Nemesis as her slave

The elegy begins with Tibullus expressing his anguish over his painful and agonizing enslavement to Nemesis. He bids farewell to his ancestral freedom (1-2), pictures himself bound in adamantine chains (3-4), and begs his mistress to remove the burning torches (5-6). He yearns to become a rock on the mountains (7-8), or a crag beaten by the elements (9-10), since he finds his days and nights filled with bitterness (11-12). Thus, the opening passage conveys the poet's extreme despair over his relationship with Nemesis, with an emotional drive reminiscent of that found at the end of the Delia-cycle (1-12). In considering the opening section of this elegy, scholars suggest that Tibullus is echoing Catullus and Vergil. Smith 3 points to a musical effect borrowed from Catullus (Tib. 2.4.10 "tunderet unda" « Catull. 11.4 1 Scaliger (Catulli) 110-112 and (Castigationes) 139. See also Dissen (Albii) 49-51 and (Commentarius) 256-268 for the usual tripartite outline: 2.4 = 1-12, 13-50, and 51-60-. 1 Jacoby ("Tibulls") 83, who devotes this article to Tibullus 1.1. See also Karsten ("Tibulli") 53, who regards this elegy as a complete organic entity, free of lacunas and digressions.

3

Smith (Elegies) 434. 179

"tunditur unda"): Catullus pictures himself in far-off India, where the resounding waves beat the winding shore; Tibullus imagines himself as a lofty cliff, buffeted by the destructive waves of the desolate sea. Putnam 4 focuses on a colorful phrase borrowed from Vergil (Tib. 2.4.9 "stare... cautes" « Aen. 6.471 "stet. .. cautes"): Vergil compares Dido to a towering cliff, refusing to utter a word to the troubled Aeneas; Tibullus pictures himself as a towering cliff, which would not grieve over the heartless Nemesis. Bright5 acknowledges the imitation of the phrase from Catullus, as well as the similar interest in the hostile side of creation: Catullus surveys the civilized world, surrounded by the wild seas of the East and West; Tibullus also surveys the fierce elements, which symbolize the cruelty of his mistress. Tibullus borrows the above expressions from Catullus and Vergil in order to convey as poignantly as possible the agony of a tortured love affair.

13-50) Condemnation of avarice and archetypal corruptors Tibullus proceeds to attack avarice, the ultimate cause of his sorrow, by focusing on those most guilty of greed. He declares that Apollo cannot help him (13-14), expresses his own attitudes toward epic poetry (15-16), didactic poetry (17-18), and elegiac poetry (19-20), and decides that he will kill for expensive presents (21-22) and steal from Venus's temple (23-24) in order to retaliate for the goddess's cruelty (25-26). He chastises the rich man (27-28) and his corrupting gifts (29-30), which result in the poor lover's rejection (31-32) and the rich lover's success (33-34), and he calls attention to the deity who made the greedy woman beautiful (35—36)—the factor ultimately responsible for the lovers' row and Love's bad reputation (37-38). He hopes that the greedy woman will lose her wealth (39-40), that young men will look on gleefully (41-42), and that nobody will mourn at her funeral (43-44); he predicts that the generous woman will surely be mourned (45-46) and that some aged lover will visit her tomb (47-48), where he will utter a touching tribute (49-50). The poet criticizes the mercenary pursuits of his generation by moving from his greedy mistress, to the purveyors of greed, to the fate of the greedy woman (13-50). Scholars excise a number of couplets from the text in order to effect what they regard as a more logical sequence. Graef 6 deletes 13-14, arguing that it pairs two disparate subjects (elegy and a deity) and that it has nothing at all to do with addressing the Muses. Yet in this couplet Tibul4 5 6

Putnam (Tibullus) 177. Bright (Haec) 207. Graef (Annotationes) 11.

180

lus juxtaposes two compatible subjects (his genre and his inspiration) and soon afterward completes his statement by referring to the kinds of poems that he will avoid. Wisser 7 deletes 29-30, since he objects to coupling the corruptor and his tools, and 35-38, because he believes that it strays from the subject of avarice. Still, in 29-30 one observes a colorful buildup of images, and in 35-38 an attempt to balance an earlier remark (27 "o . . . quicumque l e g i t . . . smaragdos" « 35 "heu quicumque dedit formam"). Belling 8 suspects part of 29 ( " h i e . . . causas") and most of 37-38 ("haec. . . Amor"), because he believes that 38 "Amor" clashes with 35 "quicumque". Even so, these proposals seem unnecessary in the context of the passage, in which Tibullus strives for a dramatic sequence of ideas, culminating in his unmasking the infamous god Love. Therefore, the central passage does not require these alterations but exhibits a fast-moving and highly dramatic succession of pictures, all pertaining to the theme of avarice.

51-60) Submission to Nemesis as her slave The elegy concludes as it began, with Tibullus expressing the extent of his enslavement to Nemesis. He realizes the futility of attempting to reform Nemesis (51-52) and asserts that if she should so order him, he would even auction off his gods (53-54). He declares that he will drink every potion (55-56), even the hippomanes secreted by a mare (57-58), provided that Nemesis look to him with favor (59-60). Thus, the concluding passage relates the extreme masochism displayed by the unhappy poet, a feeling that never seemed so pronounced even at the end of the Delia-poems (51-60). While commenting on the closing section of this elegy, scholars designate various parts of it as spurious. Heyne 9 regards 55-60 as a fragment of some other elegy, because he objects to coupling the offer to sell the house with the more desperate offer to imbibe potions. Yet this proposal overlooks the climactic impact of the remark about potions and its connection with the remark about bitter cups at the beginning of the elegy. Fürth 1 0 regards 57-58 alone as unauthentic, on the ground that it mentions a liquid different from the others and also causes the elegy to end "inelegantissime". Still, this suggestion does not take into account a phrase bearing Tibullus's own signature: 2.4.57 "indomitis gregibus"

7

Wisser (Quaestiones) 22-26; Fritzsche (Quaestiones) 27. Belling ("Tibulli") 381-382. 9 Heyne (Albii) 122 in 1798 edition and (Obsemationes) 128 in 1798 edition. 10 Fürth (Obsemationes) 4-5. 8

181

(herds in heat) « 2.1.68 "indomitas . . . equas" (mares in heat). Smith 11 helps substantiate the authenticity of 55-60 by showing that Tibullus may have based some of it on a passage in Vergil: Tib. 2.4.57-60 "hippomanes . . . stillat ab inguine . . . herbas misceat" « G. 3.280-283 "hippomanes . . . destillat ab inguine . . . miscueruntque herbas" (passages exhibiting a remarkable vocabular similarity). By applying a puritanical attitude to the kind of passage in question, one mistakenly overlooks the passionate aspect of Tibullus's personality.

Questions on elegy 2.4 as a whole Bright 12 regards the elegy as a complete organic entity, with its thought turning on the inversion of natural order. Bright detects this motif at the very outset of the elegy, when Tibullus describes his total enslavement to Nemesis (1-12): the poet begins not by focusing on the charm of nature, a source of beauty and rest, but by dwelling on the hostile side of creation, characterized by raging winds and pounding waves. This same theme continues in the long, central passage (13-50), in which the poet converts steadfast friends into vicious enemies (be they elegy itself, or the very Muses, or the goddess Venus) and in which he castigates the greedy in a crescendo of frenzy, alleviated only by the touching picture of the unselfish woman. Bright relates that this theme appears at the very climax, when Tibullus reiterates the reality of his enslavement (51-60): here the poet not only offers to drink the witch's poison, itself an unnatural process, but even proposes to sell his ancestral possessions, a dimension of his very identity. As Bright realizes, despite the emphasis on unnatural order, Nemesis imposes order by hovering over the entire elegy and by banishing from Tibullus any thought of escape. Scholars differ as to whether Tibullus is imitating Antipater of Thessalonica, a Greek poet of the first century B. C. Muret 1 3 compares Tibullus's condemnation of avarice (Tib. 2.3.27-38) with Antipater's epigram on the same subject (Anth. Pal. 5.30)-passages in which the poets declare that if one brings his mistress money, he can get past the guard stationed at the door and the dog stationed before it without any trouble at all. Bright 14 points out that except for the couplet on the door, the two poets 11 Smith (Elegies) 443, Putnam (Tibullus) 181-182. See also Gow (Theocritus) vol. 2, p. 39 and Bulloch ("Tibullus"] 78, who believe that Tibullus may be imitating Theocritus: Tib. 2.4.55-56 "quicquid . . . Circe, quicquid Medea, quicquid . . . Thessala" « Id. 2.15-16 μήτε . . . Κίρκας, μήτε . . . Μήδειας, μήτε . . . Περιμήδας (passages that appear to be only superficially related). 12 Bright (Haec) 205-216. 13 Muret (Tibullus) 53-54. See also Waltz ("Antipater") 891-897. 14 Bright (Haec) 211-212. See also Williams (Change) 128-129.

182

proceed differently in embellishing the basic premise: Antipater pictures Aphrodite as golden, the rich man as welcome, and Cerberus greeting the poor man; Tibullus reflects on the causes of corruption, the destructive gift of beauty, and the ill repute of Love. I agree with Bright that the reverse seems a little more likely, that Antipater borrowed the couplet from Tibullus, not only because Antipater and Tibullus approach the subject of avarice from different viewpoints but also because Antipater may well have outlived Tibullus and written the epigram sometime after Tibullus's death. Although Tibullus does not appear to imitate Antipater, he is attempting to present a kind of poetic apology occasionally found in the verses of his fellow poets. Tibullus 2.3.13-26 contains the essence of a recusatio, in which a writer declares that he cannot compose high poetry.15 Horace (Caim. 1.6) prefers to let Varius sing of the heroic conquests of Agrippa; elsewhere [Sat. 2.1.10-20) he tells Trebatius that he cannot extol the military victories of Augustus; and elsewhere [Epist. 2.1.245-270) he informs Augustus that Vergil and Varius will compose the epic that he himself cannot write. Propertius (2.1) informs Maecenas that he himself cannot glorify Augustus in epic verse; in another elegy (3.3) he recalls how Apollo and Calliope ordered him to abandon epic poetry for erotic poetry; and in another (3.9) he reminds Maecenas that although others engage in loftier pursuits, he himself must concentrate on love. Ovid [Am. 1.1) recalls how Cupid stole the final foot of his dactylic hexameter; in another context [Am. 2.1) he remembers how he abandoned epic when his mistress rejected him; and in another [Am. 3.1) he listens to a debate between Tragedy and Elegy, after which he expresses his preference for Elegy, since she enables him to write about love. Like his contemporaries, Tibullus also composes a recusatio, although he turns away not only from epic but even from elegy-all this before his patriotic gesture in the poem to follow. Retrospective examination of elegy 2.4 Tibullus 2.4 displays remarkable structural control, as shown by the consistency of theme and imagery running through it. Bidding farewell to freedom and accepting slavery with his mistress, Tibullus yearns to become a rock on the mountains or a cliff buffeted by the elements (1-12). He focuses not on the beauty of nature as a setting for his love, but on her furious aspect, which has brought him to the brink of his own destruction. The poet proceeds to condemn avarice and a parade of archetypal corruptors, especially the rich man who supplants the poor lover 15

Ball (Structure) 245-246.

183

(13-50). Here he continues to pervert the natural order by dismissing his own genre, by visualizing love as saleable, and by anticipating the violent fate of the selfish woman. Regarding his struggle as futile and again welcoming slavery, Tibullus offers to sell his own property and to drink every conceivable potion (51-60). He engages in an unnatural process and relinquishes a vital dimension of his identity, his deep-seated regard for the farmlands of his forefathers. Although the poet rejects the very process of composing elegy, he presents his audience with an extremely well-balanced composition, in which his mistress helps to establish the order.

184

CHAPTER XVI

Elegy 2.5: Rome the Eternal In elegy 2.5 Tibullus celebrates the election of Messalla's son Messalinus to the quindecimuiri sacris faciundis [CIL, vol. 6, pp. 3242-3243). Scaliger 1 visualized the ordering of the couplets as follows: 2.5 = 2.5.1-42, 61-62, 43-60, 63-112; 2.6.15-18; 2.5.113-122 (a relatively modest rearrangement). I have considered his treatment of 2.5.61-62 later in this chapter and his transference of 2.6.15-18 to the elegy in question in the chapter dealing with elegy 2.6. I suggest the following summary of the poem: y 1-18) Address to Apollo, with reference to Messalinus / 19-104) Visions of future Rome and Rome's mission f s 19-66) Picture of Golden Age + I ( Prophecy of future Rome I ^ 67—104) Prophecy of Caesar's death + \ Prophecy of rustic festival ^ 105-122) Address to Apollo, with reference to Messalinus This stimulating elegy has captured the attention and the admiration of a number of scholars-Riposati, Wimmel, Buchheit, Gerressen, Bright, and myself. We have examined this piece from a critical standpoint and have given special consideration to the numerous literary connections with Vergil's Aeneid.2 I have evaluated, synthesized, and expanded on these studies in order to demonstrate the coherence of Tibullus's elegy and its dependence on Vergil's poetry.

1-18) Address to Apollo, with reference to Messalinus Tibullus begins by invoking Apollo on the occasion of Messalinus's appointment to the sacred priesthood. He summons Apollo by asking him 1 Scaliger (Catulli) 112-116 and (Castigationes) 139-142. See also Dissen (Albii) 51-57 and (Commentarius) 268-299 for the usual tripartite outline: 2.5 = 1-18, 19-112, and 113-122. 2 Riposati (L'elegia)·, Wimmel ("Tibull II 5"); Buchheit ("Tibull Π.5"); Gerressen (Tibulls)·, Ball (Structure) 252-292, ("Tibullus 2.5") 33-50, and ("Recent"] 66-67; Bright (Haec) 66-98. See also Cairns (Tibullus) 64-86, especially 68, who mistakenly dismisses the influence of Vergil's Aeneid on Tibullus 2.5, because he believes that Tibullus is writing exclusively within the Hellenistic literary tradition.

185

to appear with his lyre (1-2), sing a song of praise (3-4), crown his head with laurel (5-6), and dress up in festive attire (7-8), as he did when he sang about Jupiter's triumph over Saturn (9-10). He then refers to Apollo's dominion over the augur, who listens to birds (11-12), the haruspex, who examines the glistening entrails (13-14), and the Sibyl, who helps the Romans by unveiling the fates in dactylic hexameters (15-16). He finally bids Apollo to allow Messalinus to examine the scroll of the priestess and to teach him what she forecasts-a prayer for the young man's success in his new office and a rephrasing of the sentiments of the opening couplet (17-18). Invoking Apollo in general terms (1-10), as the patron of prophecy (11-16), and as the patron of Messalinus (17-18), Tibullus provides his audience with a balanced and eloquent introduction (1-18).3 Scholars sense a number of flaws in 1-18 and suggest changes at various points in this passage. Wisser 4 criticizes 1-10, since he cannot accept Tibullus's picture of Apollo both as a lofty god and as a "poeta laureatus", about to honor his own priest. Yet one finds the precedent for this humanized treatment of Apollo elsewhere in Tibullus, in the description of the god as a slave of his passion for Admetus (2.3.11-32). Cartault 5 transposes 3-4 after 9-10, in order to effect a transition from the song about Jupiter (10 "laudes . . . Ioui") to the hymn about Apollo (4 "laudes.. . meas"). Still, one should not apply "laudes. . . meas" to the poet's own praises of someone else, and certainly not to 11-16, a part of the invocation rather than the beginning of a hymn. Eberz6 excises 7-8, because he perceives something platteres und geschmackloseres in Tibullus's asking Apollo to wear his special clothing and to comb his long hair. Even so, one should not dismiss as "rather flat and rather tasteless" a couplet dealing with the god's special preparation for the occasion of his own priest's

3 Scholars emend the pronominal adjective "meas" (4): Lachmann (Albii) 38 = "mea"; Wisser ("Tibull II.5") = "tua"; Baehrens (Blatter) 25-26 = "tuas"; Vahlen ("Elegien") 344-346 = "nouas"; Leo ("Elegien") 4-7 = "sacras"; Postgate (Selections) 32, 124, and 217 = "pias". They realize that if left unaltered, the expression "laudes . .. meas" cannot signify Tibullus's own praises of someone else (a reading that has no literary parallels) but would have to signify Tibullus's own praises of himself (a reading that has absolutely no place in this elegy). Although all these emendators move in the right direction, I regard two of their proposals as especially attractive: Vahlen's "nouas", pointing to a new song for an important occasion, Messalinus's appointment; Postgate's "pias", anticipating 119 "pia... spectacula", Messalinus's triumph. 4 Wisser ("Tibull II.5") 4-6 and 8, who regards 11-18 as the only part of the poem that does not contain flaws and the rest of the elegy as a series of spurious passages. 5 Cartault ("Tibulle") 397-398, (A propos) 516, and (Tibulle) 211, who applies the expression "laudes . . . meas" to the hymn that he believes begins in line 11. 6 See A. Eberz's review of H. Bubendey, Quaestiones Tibullianae, in NJPhP 91 (1865) 851-859, especially 858-859-the only publication in which this proposal seems to have appeared.

186

inauguration. These criticisms seem totally unnecessary and unjustified, because they detract from a logical and coherent sequence in which the poet honors the god both in general and specific terms. Scholars7 believe that in this colorful invocation Tibullus is echoing Callimachus, Hymn. 2 (hymn to Apollo). They usually point to a parallel situation at the outset, in which each poet summons the god on a festive occasion and leads into a central passage on some aspect of local, patriotic lore (Callimachus's treatment of the early history of ancient Cyrene and Tibullus's extended description of the primitive setting of future Rome). Even so, the similarity described above seems highly artificial, since the poems in question differ both in structure and in detail: Callimachus invokes Apollo's worshipers in order to glorify the greatness of Apollo; Tibullus invokes Apollo himself as a means of paying tribute to the grandeur of the Roman experience. On the whole Tibullus's elaborate invocation resembles in form not so much the hymns found in the collection composed by Callimachus as the invocations appearing in Roman poetry of the first century B.C., such as those composed by Lucretius in honor of Venus and Epicurus (1.1-49, 3.1-30, 5.1-54, and 6.1-42). Although Tibullus may be turning to Callimachus's hymn as a general source of inspiration, he does not borrow appreciably from his Alexandrian predecessor in this particular elegy. Several8 also believe that in the introductory passage Tibullus is imitating words and ideas from Vergil's Aeneid. They selectively call attention to the following parallels: Tib. 2.5.5 "deuinctus tempora" « Aen. 5.269, 8.286 "euincti tempora"; Tib. 2.5.6 "cumulant aras" « Aen. 8.284, 12.215 "cumulantque. . . aras"; Tib. 2.5.9 "Saturno . . . fugato" « Aen. 8.319-320 "Saturnus . . . fugiens"; Tib. 2.5.16 "abdita. . . fata" « Aen. 6.72 "arcanaque fata". One detects that Tibullus may also be imitating a number of phrases from Vergil, Bucolic 4: Tib. 2.5.1 "Phoebe, faue" « Buc. 4.10 "faue . . . Apollo"; Tib. 2.5.1 "nouus . . . sacerdos" « Buc. 4.8 "nascenti puero"; Tib. 2.5.9 "Saturno rege" « Buc. 4.6 "Saturnia regna"; Tib. 2.5.15 "te duce (Apollo)" « Buc. 4.10 "tuus . . . regnat (Apollo)". Tibullus connects the opening couplets with an extensive anaphora (1 "tua", 3 "te", 6 "tua", 9 "te", 11 "tu . . . tibi", 13 "tu . . . te", and 15 "te"), and he further strengthens the unity of the elaborate invocation by inserting in that invocation a series of expressions drawn from some of the more ceremonious passages in Vergil. Imitating themes from both the Bu-

7 Riposati (L'elegia) 4 2 - 4 7 ; Alfonsi ("Sull' elegia"),· Bulloch ('Tibullus") 82-83. See also Pino ("Echi") 64, who senses a parallel between Tibullus 2.5 and Callimachus, Hymn. 5: Tib. 2.5.7-8 (combing of hair) = Hymn. 5.31-32 (combing of hair). 8 Dissen (Commentanus) 274 and 277 ; Smith (Elegies) 446; Buchheit ("Tibull Π.5") 116; Gerressen (Tibullsj 69; Lenz and Galinsky (Albiij 118 in 1971 edition; Ball ('Tibullus 2.5") 33, in which I list these cross-references.

187

colics and the Aeneid, Tibullus pays tribute to a great Roman poet while he glorifies the installation of Apollo's new priest.

19-66) Picture of Golden Age + Prophecy of future Rome Tibullus then focuses on the Sibyl's prophecy to Aeneas. He relates that she delivered her prophecy after Aeneas escaped from burning Troy, at a time when he did not believe that Rome would arise from the ashes of his city. By referring to the Sibyl in this context, the poet leads into his account of her meeting with Aeneas (19-22). A few regard 19-22 as spurious, a passage that they believe does not fit in with the surrounding couplets. Wisser 9 argues that 19-22 clashes with 15-18, a reference to the Sibyl's powers, and with 23-28, an extended description of the pristine past. This opinion ignores the transitional function of the passage, through which the poet moves from one era to another, from a solemn religious occasion to an awesome mythical meeting. Baehrens 10 contends that as 19-22 stands, the Sibyl almost seems to rise aus dem Meere at the precise moment that Aeneas sails away from burning Troy. This comment results from his reading the text too rigidly, in which the Sibyl delivers the prophecy not "from the sea" but sometime "after" Aeneas's escape from the Troad (postquam). Karsten" does not challenge the authenticity of 19-22 but does consider this passage a digression leading into the description of the primitive countryside. This attitude overlooks the poet's attempt to describe the mythical character whose initial frustrations provide the immediate occasion for the priestess's prophecy. In these couplets Tibullus pictures first the Sibyl, prophesying not from the sea but on the land, and then Aeneas, on the earlier occasion of his departure from Troy. In portraying Aeneas at the time of the Sibyl's prophecy, Tibullus follows Vergil's characterization of him in the Aeneid. A few 12 connect Tibullus's reference to Aeneas leaving Troy (Tib. 2.5.19—20) with Vergil's description of Aeneas carrying Anchises [Aen. 2.707-729), the great poetic account of that marvelous moment, which Tibullus could have used (along with vase-paintings) in presenting the Trojan hero with his father and his gods. Several13 observe similar references to the household deities (Tib. 2.5.20 "raptos . . . Lares" « Aen. 1.378 "raptos . . . penatis" and

» Wisser ("Tibull II.5") 10. 10 Baehrens (Blätter) 29-30, 33 and (Albii) 47. 11 Karsten ("Tibulli") 54-55. 12 Dissen (Commentarius) 278, Ball ("Tibullus 2.5") 35. 13 Heyne and Wunderlich (Obseruationes) 131 in 1798 edition and 242 in 1817 edition; Buchheit ("Tibull Π.5") 116 ; Gerressen (Tibulls) 65 ; Ball ("Tibullus 2.5") 35.

188

Aen. 5.632 "rapti. . . penates"), expressions that both Vergil and Tibullus apply to the statues of the divinities retained by Aeneas after the Greeks finally conquered the Trojans. A number14 compare Tibullus's reference to Aeneas sailing away from Troy (Tib. 2.5.21-22) with Vergil's description of Aeneas sailing away from the Troad after building a fleet [Aen. 3.1-12), and quite correctly, with Vergil's description of Aeneas looking back at the flames issuing from Dido's funeral pyre [Aen. 5.1-7). And so, in reviewing Aeneas's actions after the fall of Troy, Tibullus borrows a number of words and gestures that Vergil applies to the central character of his epic. Tibullus also preserves various aspects of the personality of Vergil's Aeneas, a similarity not considered by scholars.15 Like Tibullus's Aeneas, who grieves over his exile (Tib. 2.5.21 "maestus"), Vergil's Aeneas also laments (as shown by the noun "cura"), as when he conceals his anguish in Carthage [Aen. 1.208-209, 305), or despairs after the Trojan women burn the ships [Aen. 5.700-703), or loses sleep during his voyage from Pallanteum [Aen. 10.217-218). Just as Tibullus's Aeneas cannot see into his future (Tib. 2.5.21 "nec . . . credebat"), so Vergil's Aeneas also seems mystified (as conveyed by the verb "mirari"), whether he gazes at the secrets of eternity [Aen. 6.651, 854, 886-892), or listens to Evander describing his city [Aen. 8.310-312), or stares at the wondrously prophetic shield [Aen. 8.617-625, 729-731). Both Vergil and Tibullus assume a similar remoteness, by picturing Aeneas as deeply troubled over his exile and incapable of fully understanding his fate; Ovid assimilates this same feeling of frustration into his own characterization of Aeneas, when he pictures him listening to Helenus [Met. 15.437-438 "Aeneae . . . flenti dubioque salutis"). Therefore, in describing Aeneas at the lowest point of his career, Tibullus presents a character who not only acts but also thinks like the character developed by Vergil. After touching on the Sibyl's meeting with Aeneas, Tibullus describes the setting of Aeneas's new homeland. He refers to the absence of walls, later to be erected by Romulus, but not to be enjoyed by Remus (23-24), and he mentions the two most famous of Rome's hills-one, the Palatine, used for pasture, the other, the Capitol, site of a village (25-26). He pictures a statue of Pan dripping with milk and one of Pales carved from wood (27-28), and a syrinx suspended from a tree in honor of the woodland deity (29-30), which he describes as an instrument consisting of reeds decreasing in length (31-32). He visualizes a skiff sailing over the 14 Buchheit ("Tibull II.5") 116, Gerressen (Τιbulls) 65; Putnam (Tibullus) 186; Ball ('Tibullus 2.5") 35-36. One also would do well to consider two cross-references: Tib. 2.5.21 "maestus ab alto" « Aen. 3.11 "exsul in altum"; Tib. 2.5.22 "respiceretque" ~ Aen. 5.3 "respiciens". 15 Ball (Structure) 259 and ("Tibullus 2.5") 36.

189

Velabrum, in his own time the site of a busy street (33-34), and on the vessel itself a young girl journeying to her rich suitor (35-36) and returning with simple gifts, suggesting that she has made love with him (37-38). Moving from an early rustic settlement, to primitive religious practices, to the lovers' secluded rendezvous, the poet presents a colorful passage on the setting of future Rome (23-38).16 A great number 17 regard 23-38 as a long digression, with Bubendey so offended by it that he excises it from the poem. They usually contend that Tibullus turns to one of his favorite subjects (praise of the country) instead of concentrating on the subject at hand (the priestess's prophecy)-the same criticism that scholars occasionally level at parts of his other elegies, without attempting to connect the passage with the surrounding verses. They do not realize that after referring to Aeneas's departure from Troy, Tibullus desires to focus on the site of Aeneas's new homeland, as it appeared so long ago; that in this picturesque passage he attempts to describe not just the setting of the beautiful countryside but also the primitive setting of future Rome. Throughout the passage Tibullus consistently describes the primitive features of the region in a way that emphasizes its future significance for the Romans, whether he refers to the construction of a wall by Romulus, or the cattle grazing on the Palatine and the Capitol, or the skiff making its way across the Velabrum. Much more than a parenthesis, this important passage provides not only a picture of prehistoric Latium but also a glimpse into Rome's glorious future. In considering the passage about primitive Latium, scholars18 suggest that Tibullus is echoing Vergil, Bucolic 2. They point to the similar references to the simple huts: Tib. 2.5.26 "humiles . . . casae", an expression

16

See Mitscherlich (Tentamen) 9-10, who excises 31-32, which he regards as the product "inepti uersificatoris"; Bubendey (Quaestiones) 30, Smith (Elegies) 453, Pichard (Tibulle) 98, and Bright (Haecj 82 accept the couplet but criticize it as flat, or forced, or unnecessary. I wish to point out that Tibullus describes the flute in soft and sibilant tones (as he described it in 1.7.47-48 and 2.1.53-54), and that he does so not merely because the context requires it but in order to intensify the flavor of the past by focusing directly on the shepherd's private world. 17 Heyne (Albii) 127-129 in 1798 edition; Lachmann (Albii) 38-39; Dissen (Commentariusj 279; Bubendey (Quaestiones) 31-33; Wisser ("Tibull II.5") 10, 12-13, who regards 21-38 as the digression; Baehrens (Blätter) 29; Leo ("Elegien") 8; Karsten ("Tibulli") 54—55; Van Wageningen ("Tibulls") 354; Michaelis ("Tibull") 387; Ross (Backgrounds) 154-155. 18 Cartault (Tibulle) 118; Riposati (L'elegia) 89-90; Wimmel ("Tibull Π 5") 238-239; Lenz and Galinsky (Albii) 119 in 1971 edition, Putnam (Tibullus) 187; Ball ("Tibullus 2.5") 36-37; Bright (Haec) 81-82, who realizes that Tibullus is recalling the world of the Bucolics as Vergil conceived it. See also Wimmel ("Tibull II 5") 238-239, who recognizes that Tibullus also may be imitating Vergil's Georgics: Tib. 2.5.23-26 in 23-38 « G. 2.532-535 in 513-540, in which each poet mentions Romulus while referring to a place characterized not by great walls but by the golden past.

190

applied by Tibullus to the simple houses that stood on the slopes of the Capitol; Buc. 2.29 "humilis . . . casas", an expression applied by Vergil to the humble cottages that the shepherd Corydon offers to Alexis. They also observe parallel references to the ancient panpipe: Tib. 2.5.27-32 "Pan . . . siluestri fistula . . . calamus cera iungitur", Tibullus's description of the syrinx of the primitive shepherd; Buc. 2.31-32, 37 "siluis . . . Pan . . . calamos cera coniungere. . . fistula", Vergil's description of the syrinx of the shepherd Corydon. One may observe even a third parallel, this time involving Bucolic 7: Tib. 2.5.29-30 "pendebatque . . . fistula sacra", a reference to the suspension of the syrinx from a tree by the wandering shepherd; Buc. 7.24 "sacra pendebit fistula", a reference to the same sort of votive offering, here associated with the shepherd Corydon. By borrowing a number of themes from Vergil's Bucolics, Tibullus not only evokes the essence of the primitive setting but also pays tribute to his famous fellow poet. Tibullus also borrows various ideas from Vergil's Aeneid, a dependence that scholars have observed and considered. Several19 compare Tib. 2.5.23-24 with Aen. 1.276-277, in which each poet refers to Romulus's erection of the city walls: Buchheit stresses the poet's forecast of Rome's eternity in or near these verses; Gerressen emphasizes the poet's employment of two words in parallel metrical positions ("Romulus... moenia"). Several20 connect Tib. 2.5.25-26 (a picture of cows on the Palatine) with Aen. 8.360-361 (a picture of cattle in the Forum): Merklin goes further, comparing Tib. 2.5.23-38 (Tibullus's Ur-Rome) with Aen. 8.306-369 (Vergil's Pallanteum); Bright sensitively comments on the poets' shared sadness at the destruction of the old Italy by the new Troy. One should also understand that when Tibullus touches on the secluded rendezvous between the young girl and her rich suitor in the context of Aeneas's arrival in Italy, he may possibly be alluding to the ill-fated relationship between mighty prince Turnus and modest young Lavinia described by Vergil in Aeneid 7-12 (the books concerned with the outbreak of war).21 By 19 Cartault (Tibulle) 126; Buchheit ("Tibull Π.5") 116; Gerressen (Tibulls) 66; Ball ('Tibullus 2.5"] 36-37. 20 Cartault (Tibulle) 124; Riposati (L'elegia) 93; Lenz and Galinsky (Albii) 107 in 1959 edition and 119 in 1971 edition, Merklin ("Aufbau") 304-305; Gotoff ('Tibullus"] 235 and 249; Ball ('Tibullus 2.5") 37; Bright (Haecj 80 and 83, who describes Latium as a relic from a passing order. Gotoff appropriately remarks that Tib. 2.5.25-26 may have elicited an amusing response from the Roman audience, although I wonder how "amused" Augustus felt over Tibullus's transferring the noisy herds from the middle of the public square to the site of the imperial home (Suetonius, Aug. 71). 21 Ball ('Tibullus 2.5"] 38. Tibullus's wealthy youth ("diti... magistro"] enjoys the prosperity that one could associate with Vergil's Turnus, and (as Bright observes) this embryonic diues amator anticipates the kind of defect in society that will particularly plague the poet and the lover in later times. The youth's girlfriend ("ilia . . . placitura") displays the modesty that one could associate with Vergil's Lavinia-a character who rarely appears and never

191

assimilating an assortment of motifs from Vergil's Aeneid, Tibullus reveals that at this point in his elegy he is turning his attention to loftier and grander themes. Having described the primitive setting of future Rome, Tibullus then relates the substance of the Sibyl's prophecy. Addressing Aeneas as the brother of Cupid (39-40), the Sibyl predicts Aeneas's arrival at the Laurentian fields (41-42), his apotheosis by the waves of the Numicius (43-44), Victory's flight over the Trojan ships (45-46), the Trojan conquest of the Rutulians (47-48), and the founding of the Laurentian fortress, Lavinium's wall, and Alba Longa (49-50). Turning to a much later period, beyond that of the Alban kings, the Sibyl forecasts the momentous meeting of Mars and Ilia, an encounter that she manages to interpret in amorous terms by hinting at the couple undressing on the banks of the Tiber, not far perhaps from the place where Amulius ordered Romulus and Remus placed in the water (51-54). Then, focusing on a still later period, the Sibyl prophesies the founding of a great city (55-56), the boundless power of Rome the eternal (57-58), the dominion of this city from East to West (59-60), and Troy's ultimate gratitude to the stalwart Aeneas (61—62)—all capped by a concluding declaration that she utters the truth (63-64). Thus, Tibullus presents a sweeping prophecy in which he pictures the Sibyl reflecting on the greatness of future Rome, from the time of Aeneas's landing to the period of the poet's lifetime (39-64).22 Wisser23 regards the Sibyl's prophecy as spurious, the product (in his opinion) eines pedantischen Rhetorschiilers. He contends that although the Sibyl tells Aeneas about the greatness of the future city, nowhere does she tell him to proceed to the promised land, as though to condemn the entire prophecy because it lacks a formal directive urging the hero to proceed to that place where the gods and his destiny have ordained. Tibullus presents an artistically constructed prophecy, in which he pictures the Sibyl assuring the anxious Aeneas that he and his comrades have not sailed the seas in vain, but instead that they will attain their ultimate des-

speaks, as when she stands with hair ablaze [Aen. 7.72-77), walks with eyes downcast [Aea. 11.479-480), cries and blushes softly [Aen. 12.64-69), and mourns her mother's suicide [Aen. 12. 605-606). 21 See Scaliger (Catulli) 113 and (Castigationes) 140, who transposes 61-62 after 41-42, presumably in order to establish a connection between Aeneas's acquisition of the Laurentian fields and Troy's appreciation of Aeneas's accomplishments at the time of his landing in Italy. Yet the transposition renders as virtually meaningless the couplet on Troy marveling at her own story ("se mirabitur")-a couplet that functions effectively at the end of the prophecy, at which point the fallen city reflects on her renewed glory through the future city. 23 Wisser ("Tibull II.5") 16-17. See also Karsten ("Tibulli") 54-55, who considers the passage a typical digression.

192

tiny through the magnificent achievements of their children and their children's children. The Sibyl provides her audience with a sweeping chronology, in which she moves from the primitive settlements in Italy under the rule of Aeneas and Ascanius, to the subsequent founding of Rome during the generation of Romulus and Remus, to the limitless power of the Romans-the people destined to rule the world. By picturing the Sibyl speaking in her own voice, Tibullus recalls his earlier treatment of three other figures: Priapus (1.4.9-72), whom he also presents as prophetic; Bellona's priestess (1.6.51-54), endowed as well with oracular authority,· Marathus (1.8.55-66), certainly not prophetic but speaking for himself. Not merely the product "of a pedantic student of rhetoric", this long and inspiring prophecy conveys the ultimate message of the elegy, the greatness of the eternal city. Scholars believe that throughout the Sibyl's prophecy Tibullus imitates words and ideas from Vergil's Aeneid. Cartault 24 detects parallels between Tib. 2.5.39-40 and Aen. 1: Tib. 2.5.39 "Aenea. . . frater" « Aen. 1.667 "frater . . . Aeneas" (Aeneas and Cupid as brothers); Tib. 2.5.39 "uolitantis . . . Amoris" « Aen. 1.663 "aligerum . . . Amorem" (Cupid as flying or winged); Tib. 2.5.40 "profugis" « Aen. 1.2 "profugus" (Aeneas or ships as exiled). Several25 compare Tib. 2.5.43-44 with Aen. 12.794-795, both alluding to Aeneas's deification after the founding of Lavinium: Tibullus employs (as Vergil often does) the dative case after a verb of motion (Tib. 2.5.44 "caelo miserit"); he also borrows two crucial words (Tib. 2.5.44 "caelo . . . indigetem" « Aen. 12.794-795 "indigetem . . . caelo"). Scholars 26 connect Tib. 2.5.51-54, on the union of Mars and Ilia, with Aen. 14 Cartault (Tibulle) 125; Smith (Elegies) 455; Riposati (L'elegia) 80 and 95; Lenz and Galinsky (Albiij 108 in 1959 edition and 119 in 1971 edition, Buchheit ('Tibull II.5") 106; Gerressen (Tibulls) 55-56; Ball (Structure) 263 and ("Tibullus 2.5") 39; Putnam (Tibullus) 188; Bright (Haec) 84.1 also wish to point out that Tibullus may be drawing still another key expression from Aeneid 1, the adjective "inpiger"-employed only once by Tibullus, who applies the word to Aeneas (Tib. 2.5.39), and only once by Vergil, who applies it to the minor character Bitias {Aen. 1.738). 25 Cartault (Tibulle) 125; Smith (Elegies) 456; Riposati (L'elegia) 95; Buchheit ('Tibull Π.5") 107-108, who also compares Tib. 2.5.45 "fessas. . . puppes" with Aen. 1.168, 5.29 "fessas... nauis"; Gerressen (Tibulls) 57-58; Putnam (Tibullus) 188; Ball ('Tibullus 2.5") 40, in which I also compare Tib. 2.5.43-44 with Aen. 1.259-260. Buchheit also contrasts Tib. 2.5.47-48 with the forecasts of Turnus's death made by a number of Vergil's characters: Latinus [Aen. 7.596-597); Aeneas [Aen. 8.538); Jupiter [Aen. 10.471-472); Juno [Aen. 10.617, 10.630-631, 12.149-150), Evander [Aen. 11.176-179), Amata [Aen. 12.61-62), Turnus himself [Aen. 12.636 and 678-679). 16 Cartault (Tibulle) 126, Smith (Elegies) 459, Buchheit ('Tibull II.5") 115; Gerressen (Tibulls) 63, Ball (Structure) 265 and ("Tibullus 2.5") 41, in which I compare the violation of Ilia near the Tiber (51 "Marti placitura sacerdos") with the journey of the girl along the Velabrum (35 "diti placitura magistro"). See Putnam (Tibullus) 189, who senses something humorous about a priestess forgetting her vows in a poem celebrating the initiation of a priest, but see Bright (Haec) 85-86, who detects more of a warning here, since the poet pictures the priestess as deliberately abandoning her duties ("placitura . . . furtim .. . deseruisse").

193

1.272-274, in which Jupiter predicts for Venus the birth of Romulus and Remus; like Vergil, Tibullus alludes to the twins immediately after a reference to the founding of Lavinium by Aeneas and the founding of Alba Longa by his son Ascanius. A number17 contrast Tib. 2.5.57-62, on Rome as ruler of the world, with Aen. 1.275-282, in which Jupiter prophesies to Venus about the greatness of future Rome; Tibullus here exploits one of the primary themes of the Aeneid, Rome as the reincarnation of Troy (see especially Aen. 12.791-842 for the dialogue between Jupiter and Juno). Several also28 discover parallels between Tib. 2.5.63-64 and Aen. 6, involving rare and infrequently found constructions: they point out that each poet uses the adjective "aeternum" adverbially (Tib. 2.5.64 « Aen. 6.401, 6.617, 11.97-98); one should also realize that each poet employs the verb "uescor" in a special sense, without the ablative case. Invoking future Rome as Vergil had invoked the future Roman (Tib. 2.5.57 "Roma" « Aen. 6.851 "Romane"), Tibullus finds a great source of inspiration in the verses of the brilliant new epic. Buchheit29 contends that Tibullus models the Sibyl's prophecy after the Tiber's prophecy in Vergil [Aen. 8.36-65). He calls attention to the following five parallels, which (when taken together) suggest a connection between the two passages: 1) both poets begin by describing Aeneas as divine and protective (Tib. 2.5.39-40 » Aen. 8.36-37); 2) the speakers immediately assure Aeneas of his reception in the Laurentian fields (Tib. 2.5.41-42 « Aen. 8.38-39); 3) Aeneas learns soon afterward of his immi-

27

Cartault (Tibulle) 126; Smith (Elegies) 451-452 and 462-463; Riposati (L'elegia) 95 ; Buchheit ("Tibull Π.5") 115; Gerressen (Tibulls) 64-65; Ball (Structure) 265-266 and ("Tibullus 2.5") 42, in which I also call attention to the names of the cities (Tib. 2.5.57, 61 " R o m a . . . Troia" Aen. 1.1,7 "Troiae. . . Romae"|. These scholars also connect Tib. 2.5.57-62 with Aen. 6.781-784, 847-853 (Anchises prophecy to Aeneas): Tib. 2.5.55 "Septem montibus" ~ Aen. 6.783 "septemque . . . arces"; Tib. 2.5.57 "Roma . . . terris" » Aen. 6.781-782 "Roma . . . terris"; Tib. 2.5.57 "Roma tuum . .. regendis" = Aen. 6.851 "tu regere . . . Romane". 28 Smith (Elegies) 464 ; Gerressen (Tibulls) 70; Ball ("Tibullus 2.5") 43, in which I comment on "uescor": in Tibullus, followed by the accusative, here the word for laurel leaves (Tib. 2.5.63-64 "laurus / uescar"); in Vergil, used intransitively, with a laurel grove mentioned afterward [Aen. 6.657-658 "uescentis . . . lauris"). See also Pino ("Echi") 65 and Bulloch ("Tibullus") 78, who believe that Tibullus may be imitating Callimachus: Tib. 2.5.64 "aeternum sit mihi uirginitas" (prayer of Sibyl) ~ Hymn. 3.6 δός μοι παρθενίην αίώνιον (prayer of Artemis)-a possible reminiscence but far overshadowed by the numerous reminiscences of Vergil's poetry. 29 Buchheit ("Tibull II.5") 105-114; Wimmel (Der frühe) 237 ; Gerressen (Tibulls) 54-63; Ball (Structure)266-267 and ("Tibullus 2.5") 44, in which I also call attention to the similar conviction with which the speakers utter their prophecies: Tib. 2.5.63 "uera cano" « Aen. 8.49 "haud incerta cano". See also Sauvage ("Tibulle") 892, Putnam (Tibullus) 189, Gotoff ("Tibullus") 236, and Ball ("Tibullus 2.5") 40, who all state or imply that in the first third of the Sibyl's prophecy Tibullus virtually summarizes the plot of the Aeneid, from the landing in Italy to the conquest of the Rutulians.

194

nent victory in Latium (Tib. 2.5.45-46 » Aen. 8.40-41, 49-50); 4) the speakers subsequently inform Aeneas about Trojan expansion in Italy (Tib. 2.5.49-50 « Aen. 8.47-48); 5) both passages contain the deeply prophetic words "locus urbis erit" (Tib. 2.5.56 « Aen. 8.46 and 3.393). One may easily strengthen this attractive proposal by comparing the overall contexts in which the poets set these two passages: Vergil pictures Aeneas as unhappy and troubled just before the Tiber begins to deliver his important prophecy [Aen. 8.26-35)-a good example of that propensity toward worry or wonder exhibited by the Trojan exile in various portions of the epic; Tibullus also pictures Aeneas as saddened and disheartened, well before the Sibyl begins to deliver her important prophecy (Tib. 2.5.19-22), at which point the Trojan refuses to believe in some future city while he gazes in despair at his home being destroyed and his gods set on fire. One should also understand that although Tibullus may well be borrowing themes from the Tiber's prophecy in Vergil, he may also be imitating the three major prophecies in the Aeneid, specifically those parts that he wants to express in elegiac terms: the establishment in Italy of Aeneas and his offspring [Aen. 1.257-271 in 257-296, 6.756-776 in 756-853, and 8.626-629 in 626-728); the conception and upbringing of Rome's founders, Romulus and Remus [Aen. 1.272-274 in 257-296, 6.777-779 in 756-853, and 8.630-634 in 626-728); the greatness of the Roman empire under the reign of Augustus [Aen. 1.286-296 in 1ST-196, 6.788-807 in 756-853, and 8.671-728 in 626-728). Therefore, Tibullus utilizes a number of prophecies in Vergil's Aeneid, but without mentioning the mighty emperor glorified by Vergil-a subject that I have considered at the end of this chapter. Tibullus then rounds off the Sibyl's prophecy to Aeneas. He declares that she actually delivered the prophecy and invoked Apollo while doing so, and that during her communion with the god she caused her hair to swirl before her face. By referring to the Sibyl in this context, the poet concludes his treatment of her meeting with Aeneas (65-66). Wisser30 regards 65-66 as an interpolation, an opinion defended shortly afterwards by Baehrens. Baehrens argues that in a ritual of the kind described by Tibullus, the Sibyl usually invokes the deity just before she delivers the prophecy, whereas in the couplet under consideration she does not summon the deity or go into her frenzied state until after she delivers her prophecy to her anxious and unhappy inquirer. Yet by waiting until the very end of the prophecy to relate that the Sibyl experienced communion with the divinity, Tibullus does not so much invert the natural sequence of events surrounding the ritual as remind his audience of the emotional state that has characterized the priestess during the

30

Wisser l'Tibull II.5") 18; Baehrens (Blätter) 2 9 - 3 0 and 33.

195

utterance of her prophecy. One should also consider the phrase appearing right after the prophecy, through which the poet transports his audience back to the setting described earlier, to the picture of the frustrated wanderer who gazes with wonder at his magnificent destiny (Tib. 2.5.19-20 "haec dedit" « Tib. 2.5.65-66 "haec cecinit"). In this couplet, which belongs in the text, Tibullus again refers to the momentous occasion of the Sibyl's prophecy-a natural transition to a passage about other prophecies. Concerning the identity of the Sibyl in Tibullus, some31 declare that she delivers her prophecy in Troy. They contend that the Sibyl speaks immediately after Aeneas escapes from Troy, not long after his departure from the city that he gazes at in sorrow; and they cite Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who relates that the Sibyl actually delivered her prophecy in the Troad (Ant. Rom. 1.55 έν έρυθραΐς, χωρίω της ϊδης). Even so, one should realize that these scholars are attempting to link two separate events, which need not occur simultaneously or even in close succession; they make too rigid a connection between 19-20, referring to Aeneas's meeting with the Sibyl, and 21-22, referring to the occasion of Aeneas's departure from Troy. Furthermore, one should question why Tibullus would want to model his own version of the meeting between the Sibyl and Aeneas after this obscure historical source, especially after drawing so much inspiration for the individual portions of the prophecy from the hexameters composed by a famous fellow poet. The Sibyl prophesies neither from the sea nor on the shores of the Troad, but from a western setting, as will become evident from a retrospective view of the preceding verses. In considering the same question (the Sibyl's identity), others 32 suggest that she delivers her prophecy in Cumae. They maintain that the Sibyl speaks subsequently to Aeneas's arrival in Italy, considerably after his departure from the Troad with his small band of followers; and they point

31

Baehrens (Blätter) 29-30, 33; Maass ("Tibullische") 322-339; Smith (Elegies) 449-450; Riposati (L'elegia) 55; Kurfess ("Sibyllen") 402; Putnam (Tibullus) 185; Cairns (Tibullus) 75-76; Bright (Haec) 78-79, who relates Tib. 2.5.19-22 "haec dedit sortes . . . nec fore credebat Romam" to Aen. 3.1-7 "auguriis agimur d i u u m . . . incerti quo fata ferant". Although Tibullus and Vergil do picture Aeneas as worried, they do not picture him as receiving the prophecy in Troy: "haec dedit sortes" refers to the prophecy that Aeneas received "after" he departed from Troy ; "auguriis agimur diuum" refers to three auspicious omens that Aeneas observed before he departed from the city [Aen. 2.679-704). 32 Leo ("Elegien") 10; Cartault (Tibulle) 124; Ponchont ("Etude") 566; Cardauns ("Sibyllen"! 362, 365, Merkelbach ("Aeneas") 83-84; Buchheit ("Tibull II.5") 105, 117-118, Gerressen (Tibulls) 52-54; Ball ("Tibullus 2.5") 35, in which I depart from the opinion that I expressed in my dissertation, that the Sibyl may be delivering her prophecy in Troy. I cannot believe (as Bright does) that Tib. 2.5.40 "profugis . . . ratibus" points conclusively to the setting as the Troad: Vergil refers to the Trojans as exiles even after they arrive in Italy [Aen. 1.2, 8.118, 10.158); and the Trojans do not actually lose their ships until Cybele changes the ships into sea-nymphs [Aen. 9.77-122).

196

to the sixth book of Vergil's Aeneid, devoted almost exclusively to Aeneas's experience with the Sibyl, first in the cave of Cumae and then in the land of eternity. These scholars recognize the broader sequence in the poem, veiled in elegiac indirectness but a sequence nevertheless: 19-22, a reference to the prophecy in Cumae ; 23-38, a description of Aeneas's new homeland; 39-64, a presentation of the actual prophecy; 65-66, another reference to the prophecy in Cumae. One may lend more support to this conjecture by examining the similar treatments of the Sibyl herself in Tibullus and Vergil: both make the Sibyl a virgin (Tib. 2.5.64 « Aen. 6.45, 104, 318, 560); both connect this priestess with Apollo (Tib. 2.5.65 « Aen. 6 passim); both picture her hair as disordered (Tib. 2.5.66 « Aen. 6.48). The Sibyl prophesies from her cavern in the hills of Cumae, as she does in the sixth book of Vergil's Aeneid and near the end of Ovid's Metamorphoses [Met. 14.101-153). When taken together, the passages considered above form one long section dealing with the Sibyl's prophecy. Tibullus first refers to the occasion of the Sibyl's prophecy (19-22), then describes the setting of Aeneas's new homeland, as it looked upon his arrival (23-38), then pictures the priestess describing the grandeur of Rome, which would come in a millenium (39-64), and finally touches on the truthfulness of the prophecy (65-66). Within this framework one observes two colorful and contrasting visions, a picture of the Golden Age and a prophecy of future Rome (19-66).33 Several attack 19-66 for overall structural discontinuity, a criticism that has plagued the passage for many centuries. Statius 34 regards 39-40, the opening of the prophecy, as the beginning of a new poem (39-122), in keeping with the break in several mss. (Α, Η, Μ, P, Q, and V). Yet this proposal leaves poor Aeneas resigned to his exile and the young Messalinus confined to his priesthood-sad fates for these future conquerors. Wisser 35 describes 19-66 as a riddle, since he cannot accept the abruptness of the transition from 37-38 to 39-40, from the narrative to the prophecy. Still, this attitude overlooks the striking contrast between the young girl sailing home with her gifts and the exiled hero seeking a home for his gods. Helm 36 proposes a lacuna after 37-38, involving one couplet in which he believes that Tibullus departed from the narrative and introduced the priestess. Even so, this suggestion seems no more necessary than the others, not when one realizes that the poet wishes to contrast

33

See Ross (Backgrounds) 154, who labels 23-70 as "Ancient Rome" (before and after Aeneas's arrival|-a serious misstatement, since the poet devotes most of this passage to the primitive site of "future" Rome (see also note 51). 34 Statius (Tibullus) 177-180. 35 Wisser ("Tibull II.5") 9 - 1 4 and 19. See also Baehrens (Blätter) 28 and (Albii) 48. 36 Helm (Tibull) 82.

197

the rustic rendezvous with the momentous mission. Far from being a riddle, this sweeping passage dramatically transports the poet's audience from the primitive setting of future Rome to the outermost limits of the Roman empire. Although Wisser regards 19-66 as a long interpolation, the passage reveals the personality of the poet Tibullus. When he focuses on Aeneas's departure from burning Troy, the poet pictures the saddened exile not only as the mighty leader of a defeated people but also as a devout and humbled refugee, who carries his father on his back while escaping from the city and who gazes wistfully at the sacred gods of his homeland. When he touches on the primitive setting of future Rome, the poet emphasizes not only the future significance of this primeval paradise but also the bucolic and erotic aspects of it, which easily lend themselves to his elegiac style-be they cattle grazing, shepherds praying, or lovers meeting and exchanging gifts. Even in the prophecy uttered by the Sibyl to Aeneas, the most patriotic portion of his most patriotic composition, the poet chooses to express several heroic ideas in elegiac terms, as when he refers to Aeneas as Cupid's brother, or to the passion of Mars for Ilia, or to Ceres as surveying the future capital from her lofty abode. By passing through the world of the Bucolics in his vision of the Roman empire, Tibullus reminds his audience that in his heart he yearns most of all for the simple life. And yet, despite his interest in bucolic and erotic themes, Tibullus ultimately draws his inspiration from Vergil's Aeneid. Merklin37 compares Tibullus's Ur-Rome (Tib. 2.5.23-38) with the site that Vergil's Evander describes for Aeneas during his tour of Pallanteum [Aen. 8.306-369); I wish to single out this one parallel from all those considered earlier, since it may have greater significance for this elegy than Merklin himself realized. One may expand on Merklin's valuable observation by suggesting that when Tibullus moves from the setting of future Rome to the prophecy of the Sibyl (Tib. 2.5.23-38 and 39-64), he is perhaps trying to recapture Vergil's passing from the setting of future Rome to the prophecy on the shield (Aen. 8.306-369 and 626-728).38 Although Tibullus inserts in the rustic passage and the priestess's prophecy a wide range of expressions from Vergil, he is possibly attempting to recapture on a larger scale an important contrast within Aeneid 8, between the peace associated with primitive Pallanteum and the wars to be associated with the future empire. Tibullus combines numerous reminiscences of different books with the broad architecture of a single book in order to pay direct and extensive tribute to Vergil's brilliant epic.

37 38

198

Merklin ("Aufbau") 304-305. Ball ("Tibullus 2.5") 47.

67-104) Prophecy of Caesar's death + prophecy of rustic festival . Tibullus then turns to the prophecies of other Sibyls. He refers to Amalthea, the Sibyl of Marpessos, Phyto, and the Sibyl of Tibur, who carried her sacred scrolls through the river Anio while attempting to protect them from the water. By alluding to these priestesses as a group, the poet introduces a new passage about later prophecies (67-70). Scholars regard 67-70 as deeply flawed and believe that this passage does not fit in with the surrounding couplets. Heyne 39 proposes a lacuna before 67-70, at which point Tibullus supposedly talked about the various omens mentioned in the precious Sibylline books. This suggestion seems pointless, since the poet considers these omens in the succeeding couplets, which describe the portents surrounding a terrifying occasion. Hiller 40 suggests a lacuna after 67-70, at which place he perceives a grammatical disjunction between the names of the Sibyls and the list of the portents. This suggestion also seems unnecessary, because it overlooks the dramatic transition inherent in first identifying the priestesses and then enumerating the events. Wisser 41 considers 67-70 an interpolation, awkward in its construction, especially for Tibullus, who usually confines a sentence to a single couplet. Nevertheless, the poet employs the indefinite construction elsewhere (2.5.67-70 "quicquid . . . quicquid . . . quod . . . quasque" « 2.4.55-58 "quicquid . . . quicquid . . . quicquid . . . quod"). In these couplets, which belong where they appear, Tibullus identifies the various Sibyls, thus providing an effective transition from the prophecy in Aeneas's era to those in a later period. Scholars42 believe that Tibullus uses Varro's list of ten Sibyls, preserved in the writings of Lactantius [Diu. Inst. 1.6). Lactantius refers to Amalthea ("septimam Cumanam, nomine Amaltheam, quae ab aliis Herophile uel Demophile nominetur"), the Sibyl of Marpessos ("octauam Hellespontiam, in agro Troiano natam, uico Marmesso circa oppidum Gergithium"), and the Sibyl of Tibur ("decimam Tiburtem, nomine Albuneam, quae Tiburi colatur ut dea iuxta ripas amnis Aniensis"). Lactantius

39

Heyne (Albii) 133 in 1798 edition. See also Helm (Tibull) 84, who follows Heyne. Hiller (Albii) xv; Kroll (Studien) 236-237; Helm (Tibull) 84, who follows Hiller and Kioll. 41 Wisser ("Tibull II.5") 19-20. See also Baehrens (Blätter) 33-35 and (Albii) 49. See also Postgate (Selections) 37, 133, and 217-218, who unnecessarily transposes 67-70 after 15-16 in order to strengthen the connection between Messalinus and the Sibyl. 42 Dissen (Commentarius) 289-291; Leo ("Elegien") 12-14; Smith (Elegies) 465-467; Kurfess ("Sibyllen") 405; Cardauns ("Sibyllen") 361 and 365-366; Ball (Structure) 272-273. The Huschke-Lachmann emendation enables the reader to identify Tibullus's third Sibyl as the Grecian Phyto: Huschke (Albii) vol. 1, p. 381 changes "Phoebo" to "Phyto"; Lachmann changes "grata" to "Graia" (apparently forwarded to Dissen, who mentions it in Albii, 54 / Commentarius, 290). 40

199

also refers to the Grecian Phyto (the third Sibyl mentioned by Tibullus), although he identifies her in his own list as the Sibyl of Samos; one may easily verify this identification by consulting the Suda, a Greek lexicon compiled toward the end of the tenth century A.D. (έκτη Σαμία, ή κυρίω όνόματι καλουμένη Φυτώ). Lactantius also relates that after the Romans lost the Sibylline books in the fire of 83 B.C., they dispatched embassies to different parts of the world in order to collect the extant oracles and restore the sacred prophecies-a significant reference to the period of the second collection, the period to which the poet is alluding. And so, perhaps consulting Varro for information about this important collection, Tibullus transports his audience from the era of the Trojan War to the era of the Civil Wars. In referring to the Sibyls associated with this collection, Tibullus may also be looking to Vergil for inspiration. First of all, by mentioning the Sibyl Amalthea, Tibullus is still dealing (to some degree) with Vergil's Sibyl: 1) Varro (see above) connects Amalthea with the Sibyl of Cumae ; 2) Servius (on Aen. 6.72) declares that Amalthea sold oracles to Tarquin ; 3) Lydus [Mens. 4.47) connects the oracles in question with the Sibyl of Cumae. Furthermore, one may conclude that when Tibullus refers to the Sibyl of Tibur (Tib. 2.5.69 "Aniena . . . Tiburs . . . flumina"), he may be looking not only to Varro's reference to this Sibyl (see above, "Tiburtem . . . ripas . . . Aniensis") but also to Vergil's colorful reference to the Tiber itself (G. 4.369 "Tiberinus . . . Aniena fluenta"). And finally, when he describes the Sibyl of Tibur as carrying the sacred prophecies close to her breasts through the waters of the Anio, Tibullus seems to recapture the air of mystery and the atmosphere of excitement that surround the Sibyl of Cumae during the time that she communicates with the godhead in the verses of Vergil's Aeneid. Therefore, Tibullus continues to borrow various ideas and phrases from Vergil, although he here begins to rely more on Vergil's Geoigics than his Aeneid. After referring to the Sibyls of the second collection, Tibullus relates the phenomena associated with their prophecies. He recalls how they once predicted that a comet would appear that would shower the earth with stones (71-72), that weapons would thunder in the heavens and the groves (73-74), that the sun would grow dim for the duration of a year (75-76), and that statues would weep and animals would predict doom (77-78). By enumerating these phenomena in rapid succession, the poet touches on the dreadful omens surrounding an important event, the murder of Julius Caesar (71-78). Scholars regard 71-78 as highly defective and believe that it should be rearranged or even eliminated from the text. Rigler 43 inverts 75-76 and 4 3 Rigler (Annotations) vol. 3, p. 10, Rossbach (Albiij 32; Müller (AM) lections) 37; Kalbfleisch ("Tibull"] 112; Helm (Tibull) 84.

200

33; Postgate (Se-

77-78, in order to let the verb "ferunt" (73) introduce an extended indirect statement about weapons and statues (73-74 and 77-78). Yet I do not see any compelling reason for separating the series of short allusions on strange happenings from the single allusion dealing with a solar eclipse. Havet 44 inverts 73-74 and 75-76, as a means of creating the same effect, with the verb "ferunt" (73) introducing the extended indirect statement mentioned above. Still, I do not see the advantage of this proposal over the previous one, especially since the passage reads smoothly in its present form (71 "dixerunt" . . . 73 "ferunt" . . . 75 "uidit"). Wisser 45 considers 71-78 an interpolation, even though Ovid imitates this very passage when dealing with Caesar's murder (Met. 15.783-798): Tib. 2.5.73-75, 78 "tubas . . . arma ferunt strepitantia caelo / audita et lucos . . . lumine . . . praemonuisse" « Met. 15.783-786, 793 "arma ferunt. . . crepitantia . . . tubas auditaque . . . caelo / praemonuisse . . . lumina . . . lucis". The above couplets function effectively in their traditional order, through which the poet recalls the frightening portents that accompanied Julius Caesar's assassination. Julius Caesar's murder receives special attention in Appian (Β Civ. 2.111-117), Plutarch [Caes. 60-66), and Suetonius [lul. 76-82). The historians all deal to some degree with the various events leading up to the assassination, especially the following: Caesar's passion for power and Antony's offer to him of the crown ; the conspirators' decision to kill Caesar and to spare Antony; Caesar's decision to visit the Senate despite numerous warnings of disaster. These historians also call attention to the strange omens and marvelous signs occurring shortly before the assassination: Appian refers to a wide range of omens occurring in heaven and earth; Plutarch concentrates primarily on crashing sounds and fiery flames; Suetonius even refers to a sad herd of horses that supposedly shed tears over the assassination. The same historians consider in great detail the actual execution of the assassination, which would have world-shaking repercussions: Caesar's encounter with Artemidorus outside the Senate; the execution of the conspiracy under the leadership of Brutus; Caesar's final words to Brutus and his collapse before the pedestal of Pompey's statue. In an unusual and perhaps unprecedented form for a prophecy, Tibullus hints at Caesar's assassination by picturing the Sibyls predicting only the portents preceding it and the prodigies following it.

44

Havet (cited in Ponchont, Tibulle, xli, 111 and Pichard, Tibulle, 102-103). See chapter 6, note 22 of this book for an explanation of the citation on Havet. 45 Wisser ("Tibull II.5") 19-20. See also Baehrens (Blätter) 33-35 and (Albii)49, who considers the passage a parenthesis and approves of the inversion proposed by Rigler (see note 43).

201

Scholars 46 believe that in 71-78 Tibullus imitates Vergil [G. 1.466-488), the first surviving account of the dire portents. One observes in the two passages a large number of shared ideas: Tib. 2.5.71 « G. 1.488 (blazing of comet); Tib. 2.5.72 « G. 1.471-473 (shower of stones); Tib. 2.5.73 « G. 1.474-475 (thunder of weapons); Tib. 2.5.74 « G. 1.476-477 (noise in groves); Tib. 2.5.75-76 « G. 1.466-468 (dimming of sun); Tib. 2.5.78 « G. 1.478 (talking of cattle). Bright relates how Tibullus converts the cheerful into the dreadful: Tib. 2.5.29-30 (tootling of flute) vs. Tib. 2.5.71 (blaring of trumpet); Tib. 2.5.29-30 (groves as peaceful) vs. Tib. 2.5.74 (groves as prophetic); Tib. 2.5.27-28 (statue dripping milk) vs. Tib. 2.5.77 (statues shedding tears); Tib. 2.5.25, 55 (grazing of cattle) vs. Tib. 2.5.78 (cattle as prophetic). Indeed, Tibullus borrows the portents from the description made famous by the earlier hexameters of Vergil, and he uses them as a counterpoint to the peaceful world of preAenean Latium, in such a way that he transports his audience from a world bathed in sunlight to a world engulfed by darkness, brought about by the kind of violence that he rejects throughout his poetry. One should also understand that Tibullus continues to borrow themes from Vergil, although he depends more and more on Vergil's didactic poetry than on his epic poetry. Having alluded to the assassination of Julius Caesar, Tibullus then describes a period characterized by peace. Turning away from the terrible past, he asks Apollo to push the portents into the sea (79-80), hopes that the laurel will crackle in the sacred flames (81-82), bids the farmer to rejoice at the prospect of a good harvest (83-84), and predicts that the farmer will stomp on the grapes with his feet (85-86). Looking ahead to a country festival, he predicts that the shepherd will celebrate the Palilia (87-88), by setting fire to the straw and by leaping across the sacred flames (89-90), while the matron gives birth and the child snatches kisses (91-92), and while the grandfather happily dandles his baby grandson (93-94). Then, visualizing his favorite setting, he predicts that the young people will sit under a shady tree (95-96), or create shade by constructing canopies (97-98), and prepare a banquet on the grass (99-100), where a drunken youth will mistreat his mistress much to his regret (101-102) and swear that he had momentarily lost his mind (103-104). Thus, Tibullus presents another prophecy in which he transports his audience from the darkness of a civil upheaval to the brightness of a country festival (79-104).

46 Dissen (Commentarius) 291; Smith (Elegies) 467 ; Ball (Structure) 274; Putnam (Tibullus) 191; Lee (Tibullus) 114, who remarks that Tibullus does in elegiacs what Vergil does in hexameters; Bright (Haec) 87-88, who declares that Tibullus uses Vergil's famous account as his chief model.

202

Scholars regard this joyful prophecy as considerably mutilated, either totally spurious or requiring some minor adjustment. Wisser47 considers 79-104 just another interpolation, internally incoherent and irrelevant to the occasion of the elegy: 1) the poet pictures the blessings as fulfilled without confirming that the laurel has crackled; 2) he relates the blessings to the farmers but not (as he should) to the priests of Apollo. This opinion overlooks the prophetic character of the passage, the succession of future blessings clearly initiated by the laurel (83 "laurus ubi bona signa dedit"); and it does not take into account that the poet is presenting an elegy not exclusively concerned with Apollo's new priests (be they Messalinus himself or any others). Holzer48 transposes 91-94 after 85-86, on the ground that as the text stands, a highly convoluted sequence appears to unfold: the poet jumps from an autumn harvest (83-86) directly into a spring festival (87-90), which he interrupts by talking about babies (91-94) until he eventually returns to the festival (95-104). This proposal results in a smooth and logical arrangement, involving a general prophecy about prosperity (83-86 and 91-94, which combine scenes of harvest coupled with children « 2.1.17-24) and a specific prophecy about the Palilia (87-90 and 95-104, which combine scenes of lustration followed by celebration « 2.1 in toto). Although I do not believe in rearranging the text of a transmitted corpus, I do maintain that this one transposition deserves the most serious consideration. Wimmel 49 contends that in 79-104 Tibullus imitates Vergil's famous account of the happy farmer [G. 2.513-531). He points, quite correctly, to a number of specific thematic parallels: Tib. 2.5.82 « G. 2.516 (prosperity of year); Tib. 2.5.84 « G. 2.517-518 (abundance of grain); Tib. 2.5.87-88 « G. 2.527 (celebration of holiday); Tib. 2.5.91-92 « G. 2.523 (kissing of parent); Tib. 2.5.95 « G. 2.527 (reclining on grass); Tib. 2.5.98 ss G. 2.528 (wreathing of goblet). Although Tibullus does not borrow Vergil's vocabulary (as he does when he imitates the Aeneid), he follows a sequence of ideas remarkably similar to Vergil's; one observes this particular sequence in the natural transition from the general subject of prosperity and abundance to the specific details of a typical rustic lustration and celebration. One would do well to compare Tibullus's account of the Palilia (2.5) with his earlier, more elaborate account of the Ambar47 Wisser ("Tibull II.5"| 25-26. See also Baehrens (Blätter) 31, 33 and (Albu) 49, who considers only 79-80 an interpolation, which he believes someone composed as a filler. He suggests that in a missing passage Tibullus described the beginning of the sacrifice to which the crackling of the laurel merely alludes. 48 Holzer ("Analecta"] 32-33; Ball (Structure) 280-281. See also Lenz and Galinsky (Albii) 111 in 1959 edition and 123 in 19/1 edition for the elliptical comment "91-94 pos. post 86 Ritschelium secut. Holzer". I consider this statement slightly misleading in that Holzer follows Ritschl only in supporting Ritschl's overall tendency to transpose couplets. 49 Wimmel ('Tibull II 5") 248, 250-251; Ball (Structure) 283.

203

valia (2.1): each describes a lustration as a prelude to a joyous and wondrous celebration of the land; each owes a substantial debt to Vergil's Georgics, to specific passages dealing with practically the same subject. In describing the procession of the lamb to the altar (2.1), Tibullus may be turning his attention to G. 1.338-350, Vergil's version of the ceremony appropriate to the occasion; in prophesying that the shepherd will celebrate his deities (2.5), Tibullus may be drawing his inspiration from G. 2.513-531, Vergil's version of the same glorious moment. One should also understand that Tibullus faces the task of expressing in elegiac poetry a number of concepts that Vergil expresses in didactic poetry, that he desires to accentuate the specific religious aspects of a country celebration while calling attention to the kind of amorous encounter that he regards as central to the success of that celebration. Passing from the horrors of the past to the promise of the future, Tibullus again borrows a variety of activities and almost an entire sequence from Vergil's Georgics. Bright 50 believes that in 79-104 Tibullus also imitates Vergil, Bucolic 4, on the coming of an age of peace and joy. Bright contends that after passing through the Aeneid and the Georgics with increasing apprehension over their implications, Tibullus reasserts in Vergil's terms the overriding value of the pastoral perspective, the renewal of innocence that characterized prehistoric Italy before the arrival of Aeneas and the Trojans. His argument acquires strength from his perceptive interpretation of 79-82, in which he emphasizes that Tibullus juxtaposes the forces of fire and water, the symbols of destruction and creation, possibly in order to hint at the magnus annus and the cycle marking the end of the old order and the beginning of the new one. The restoration becomes more evident in 83-86, which deals with the prospect of a harvest and the preparation of the wine: Tibullus touches on the simple food that farmers once obtained when cows grazed on the Palatine; he also reflects on the powerful drink that the pious shepherd could use in conducting religious rituals. According to Bright one observes a further restitution of the golden past in 87-90, in which Tibullus again pictures the devout shepherd as worshiping his beloved Pales, and in which he translates the flames that consumed Troy and Latium during the lifetime of Aeneas into a joyful game of leaping over the burning bundles of straw. The restoration becomes even more intense in 91-94, which emphasizes human fertility and its place in the created order: Tibullus enhances the exquisite naturalness of this scene by reflecting on the warm behavior displayed by the members of the rustic family, especially the grandfather who plays with his grandson. Although the celebration concludes on a disruptive note, with a drunken lover momentarily insulting his mistress, even this ac-

50

204

Bright (Haec) 90-93.

tion blends in with the restoration of world harmony, provided that one visualize the drunken lover as eventually becoming sober, expressing his regrets for his behavior, and bidding his own farewell to strife. Tibullus may well be resuming the prophecy of Vergil, Bucolic 4, but without incorporating the emperor into his glorious vision-a subject that I have considered at the conclusion of this chapter. When viewed together, the passages considered above comprise one lengthy section dealing with several prophecies. Tibullus first refers to the Sibyls of the second collection (67-70), then describes the substance of their frightening forecasts-these dealing with the portents that preceeded and the prodigies that followed the murder of Julius Caesar (71-78)-and finally reflects on the delights of a rustic festival (79-104). Another remarkable picture appears, consisting of two colorful and complementary visions, a prophecy of Caesar's assassination and a prophecy of a country celebration (67-104). 51 Several condemn 67-104 for overall structural disorganization, a criticism that has plagued this passage for over a century. Korn 52 regards 81-82 as the beginning of a new elegy (81-122), dealing with a country festival and its implications for Tibullus, at heart a poet of love. Still, this proposal brings the Roman experience to a sudden halt, as though the future festival and the priestly Messalinus have no place in that experience. Wisser 53 considers 67-104 an extended interpolation, marred here and there by a number of awkward transitions, unworthy of the poet's hand. Even so, this attitude overlooks the dramatic movement from the names of the priestesses, to the substance of their prophecies, to the aftermath of the disturbance. Baehrens54 considers only 79-80 an interpolation, composed in order to compensate for a missing passage leading into the crackling of the laurel. Nevertheless, this suggestion does not at all take into account the dramatic transition from the listing of the dreadful portents to their submersion beneath the sea by Apollo. Far from being an interpolation, this important passage dramatically transports the poet's audience from the terrifying aftermath of a Roman tragedy to the wondrous setting of a Roman celebration. Although Wisser regards 67-104 as a lengthy interpolation, the passage reflects the personality of the elegist Tibullus. When he focuses on the identities of the different Sibyls, the poet pictures the Sibyl of Tibur not simply as a priestess uttering an important prophecy but rather as a glam-

51 See Ross (Backgrounds) 154, who labels 71-104 as "Modern Rome . . . before Augustus [and] under Augustus"-another serious misstatement, since nowhere in the passage does the poet ever mention the emperor (see also note 33). 52 Korn ("Tibull") 501-504. 53 Wisser ('Tibull II.5") 19-20 and 25-26. 54 Baehrens (Blätter) 31, 33 and (Albii) 49.

205

orous and statuesque figure, who behaves as mysteriously as his Sibyl of Cumae and as dramatically as his priestess of Bellona. When he touches on the portents surrounding Caesar's murder, the poet concentrates not so much on the future significance of that momentous incident but instead on the instant and immediate repercussions, which naturally lend themselves to his elegiac interests-be they groves resounding, horses turning pale, or oxen foretelling disaster. Even in the prophecy that he utters about the country festival, a subject that one would associate automatically with Tibullus, the poet characteristically visualizes the behavior of the children in the context of a successful ritual ( « 2.1.17-24) and the abusiveness of a drunken lover at the conclusion of a successful celebration («5 1.10.51-58). Again, by passing through the world of the Bucolics in his vision of the Roman empire, Tibullus reminds his audience that most of all he dreams the dreams of the farmer and lover. And yet, despite his interest in bucolic and erotic motifs, Tibullus ultimately draws his inspiration from Vergil's Georgics. Wimmel55 compares Tibullus's festival (Tib. 2.5.79-104) with the passage in which Vergil glorifies the life and the pastimes of the happy farmer (G. 2.513-531); the comparison embraces (as Wimmel demonstrates) a large number of parallels that deal with the celebration and that appear in a fairly similar sequence. One may expand on Wimmel's important observations by suggesting that when Tibullus passes from the prophecy of Caesar's murder to the prophecy of the festival (Tib. 2.5.71-78 and 79-104), he is perhaps attempting to recapture Vergil's passing from the account of Caesar's murder to the description of the farmer \G. 1.466-488 and 2.513-531). 56 Although Tibullus incorporates into the frightening catalogue and his own marvelous prophecy a broad range of ideas from Vergil, he is possibly attempting to recapture on a greater scale a significant transition from Georgics 1 to 2, from the strife associated with the Roman Civil Wars to the glory to be associated with the new Pax Romana. Tibullus combines numerous reminiscences of different books with the famous conclusions of consecutive books in order to pay direct and extensive tribute to Vergil's didactic masterwork. 19-104) Visions of future Rome and Rome's mission When considered in proper perspective, 19-66 and 67-104 comprise a magnificent statement on the grandeur of Rome. Tibullus first presents a picture of primitive Italy and a prophecy of future Rome, as spoken by

55 56

206

Wimmel ("Tibull II 5") 248 and 250-251. Ball (Structure) 283-284.

the Sibyl to Aeneas (19-66), and then presents a reflection on Caesar's assassination and a prophecy of a Roman festival, but this time spoken by himself as the quasi-priest (67-104). These dramatically connected panels constitute an architectural masterpiece, whose elements represent the successive stages of the Roman experience (19-104). Wisser57 considers 19-104 a series of interpolations, a hodgepodge of discordant ideas and conflicting themes. Without looking for internal signs of Tibullus's peculiar style, and without attempting to relate the various passages to one another, he bases his opinion on such tenuous readings and such groundless arguments that one should ultimately regard his treatise on this poem as a curiosity springing from his times. Tibullus clearly employs parallel sequences within 19-66 (on the Sibyl of Cumae) and 67-104 (on the later prophecies): the poet opens each section by referring to the power of the Sibyl(s), then describes a setting in which a great war would occur, and finally presents a prophecy culminating in a glorious Roman peace. One may observe a similar technique in Propertius 4.1, an aetiological poem that also celebrates the Roman experience: this elegy begins with a description of the site of future Rome, with links between earlier and later features; it leads into a declaration about the arrival of Aeneas in Italy and the consequences for future generations. And so, Tibullus presents a series of parallel prophecies addressed to a god of prophecy, in behalf of a friend who will now concern himself with oracular utterances. Crusius58 contends that Tibullus is imitating Terpander, a Greek poet and musician who lived during the seventh century B.C. As Plutarch relates (De mus. 3), Terpander composed the nomos, a genre of poetry in which he supposedly set to music Homer's verses and/or his own; according to Pollux (Onom. 4.66), the nomos consisted of seven specific parts (άρχά, μεταρχά, κατατροπά, μετακατατροπά, όμφαλός, σφραγίς, and επίλογος). Relying on these crucial statements by Plutarch and Pollux-the only classical authorities who call attention to the nomosCrusius divides Tibullus 2.5 into seven distinctive sections, corresponding to those associated with Terpander's formula (1-4, 5-10, 11-16, 17-18, 19-104, 105-120, and 121-122 respectively). Nevertheless, aside

from tampering with the internal unity exhibited by the central sections of the elegy (1-18,19-104, and 105-122), Crusius does not explain why Tibullus would want to structure the elegy after a defunct and obscure

57

Wisser ("Tibull II.5") passim. Crusius ("Nomosfrage") 259 and 275. But see Harrington ("Terpandrian") vii-viii. See also F. Leo's review of H. Belling, Albius Tibullus: Untersuchung und Text, in GGA 160 (1898| 47-59, especially 56, in which he regards Crusius's proposal as a blatant error and amusingly remarks that the elegy has no more to do with the nomos than the sonnet with the sonata. 58

207

musical form, which not even Pollux himself appears to have fully understood. Therefore, Crusius's suggestion amounts to nothing more than an exercise in futility, which should have no more of an impact on current scholarship than it had in his own generation. Bright59 emphasizes that Tibullus is imitating Vergil's three major works, as shown by the numerous cross-references. The Bucolics stands out in 19-104 (the entire central section), in which Tibullus looks at the primitive Italian countryside and the Roman empire under the protection of the goddess Ceres, and in which he reflects on the portents of Caesar's assassination and the lover's drunken behavior during the festival of Pales. The Georgics greatly influences 67-104 (the later Sibylline prophecies), in which Tibullus recalls the murder of Caesar by taking the details of the assassination from G. 1.466-488, and in which he predicts the celebration of the Palilia by borrowing the characterization of the happy husbandman from G. 2.513-531. The Aeneid thoroughly dominates 19-66 (the earlier prophecy in Cumae), in which Tibullus suggests the setting of Pallanteum by taking his description of that primitive setting from Aen. 8.306-369, and in which he prophesies the destiny of Rome by extracting some of the details of that prophecy from Aen. 8.626-728. Tibullus imitates the three major works of his fellow poet, through which he emphasizes the charm of the country, the endurance of the farmer, and the greatness of his homeland.

(105-122) Address to Apollo, with reference to Messalinus Tibullus concludes by again invoking Apollo and by again honoring Messalinus, this time as a future conqueror. He asks Apollo to deprive Cupid of his bow and arrows (105-106), reflects on all the people injured by the god (107-108), and declares that he himself has suffered for over a year (109-110) and that he continuously sings of his divine Nemesis (111-112). He then entreats Nemesis to spare the sacred bard (113-114) in order that he may glorify Messalinus as triumphator (115-116), while the soldiers cheer him during a great procession (117-118) and his father applauds him when he passes in his chariot (119-120). He finally bids Apollo to grant his request and beseeches him by his flowing hair and his sister's perpetual virginity-a prayer for the young man's success as a soldier rather than in the priesthood mentioned in the opening couplet (121-122). Invoking Apollo about Nemesis (105-112), Nemesis about Messalinus (113-120), and Apollo for his blessing (121-122), Tibullus

59

208

Bright (Haec) 69 and 97.

provides his audience with a balanced and eloquent conclusion (105-122). 6 0 Scholars differ sharply in their analyses of 105-122, especially when they consider its relevance to the rest of the elegy. Wisser 61 criticizes this section, since he does not understand how Tibullus can switch from addressing Messalinus as priest to Messalinus as conqueror. Yet one ought not to remove the passage from the context of everything that has proceeded, from the context of the prophetic character of the entire elegy. Riposati 62 regards the victorious Messalinus as exactly the kind of conqueror to whom the Sibyl had alluded in her long and stirring prophecy of future Rome. Indeed, one should keep in mind that Tibullus is here describing Messalinus in prophetic terms, with a series of verbs in the future tense or subjunctive mood. Bright 63 recognizes that this section balances the opening invocation in length and in themes treated (Apollo, Messalinus, and the poet's ambitions). As he also points out, Tibullus adds one new theme to the elegy, his love for Nemesis (whom he idealizes in this poem only, as he does all the other figures who appear in it). Tibullus considers Messalinus's future triumph not an event unto itself but an occasion arising from and integrated into the total Roman experience.

60 See also Bright (Haec) 74 and 96, who emphasizes the contrast between Apollo's controlled hair (7-8| and flowing hair (121-122]: Tibullus begins by asking Apollo to arrange his hair carefully in honor of the solemn occasion; he concludes by calling upon him as a god of prophecy, with loose and unrestrained hair. Although the flowing locks signify freedom and inspiration, they may also suggest a mildly humorous aspect of the god: Apollo's unrestrained locks did not help him when he trembled before Admetus (2.3.11-12); they looked particularly disordered when he performed his chores in the fields (2.3.23—26). Bright himself declares (pp. 207-208) that one should not entirely dismiss from 2.4.13-14 the prolonged picture of Apollo observed in 2.3.11-32; I suggest that Tibullus is again recalling the earlier picture of Apollo, relevant here also because he has just called upon the god to disarm Cupid and destroy his weapons. 61 Wisser ("Tibull II.5") 28-30. See also Baehrens (Albii) 50, who proposes a lacuna before 105-106, but without providing any explanation in the text for this proposal. In doing so, he mistakenly interrupts the logical transition from the description of the lover's abusiveness to the prayer for the love-god's disarming. 62 Riposati (L'elegia) 15-16. See also Newman (Augustus) 180 and (Concept) 98, who focuses on the words applied to the Sibyl and Tibullus: the priestess closes her prophecy with a formulaic utterance (63-64, 65 "sic . . . sit. . . uates"); the quasi-priest concludes his own prophecy with a ritualistic pronouncement (114, 121-122 "uati.. . sic . . . sic"). 63 Bright (Haec) 93 and 185. See also Commager (Odes) 4-5, who comments that the Augustan elegist may describe his mistress as a Muse without actually calling her one: Tibullus 2.5.111-112 (of Nemesis); Propertius 2.1.3-4 and 2.30B.37-40 (of Cynthia); Ovid, Am. 1.3.19, 2.17.34, and 3.12.16 (of Corinna).

209

Bright64 remarks that Tibullus pays Messalla his supreme compliment by predicting the future triumph of Messalinus. He declares that Tibullus bestows the compliment when father and son appear in their historical perspective: Jupiter follows Saturn (9-10); Aeneas supports Anchises (19-20); Ascanius augments the work of Aeneas (49-50); Augustus restores the work of Caesar (??-??); Messalinus emulates the glory of Messalla (119-120). Although I do not accept the parallel involving Augustus, whom Tibullus does not mention anywhere in the elegy, I do believe (as Bright suggests) that Tibullus brings the poem to a close by translating the connection between Messalla and Messalinus into the culminating expression of the father-son relationship. Tibullus reinforces the concluding tribute by describing a magnificent occasion, opposite to that suggested by the introduction: Jupiter succeeds Saturn by defeating him and in one version even castrating the old king; Messalinus succeeds Messalla by following in the footsteps of the father who applauds him for his achievements. Converting the triumph into a virtual extension of the Palilia, Tibullus pictures Messalla as secure in his own glory and serving as the model for the son who will carry on the tradition. Wimmel 65 maintains that Tibullus is imitating Vergil, Bucolic 4, the poem that he also echoes in the introduction. He calls attention to the following parallels: Tibullus's praise of Messalla and his son « Vergil's praise of Pollio and a child; Tibullus's concern with a priesthood « Vergil's concern with a consulship; Tibullus's vision of a peaceful age « Vergil's vision of a peaceful age; Tibullus and Vergil hope that they will see the prophecy fulfilled. After he passes through the worlds of the Aeneid and the Geoigics with increasing apprehension over their disturbing implications, Tibullus ultimately reasserts the overriding importance of the pastoral perspective, by likening the birth of the child at the turning point of the ages with the appointment of Messalinus at a crucial moment in Roman history. Nevertheless, I do not believe that one should completely dismiss the Aeneid as a source of inspiration for the concluding passage of the elegy, in which Messalinus suddenly bursts forth as an emblazoned demigod, prepared to carry the standards of Rome far and wide, to the different corners of the empire, in accordance with the prophecy uttered by the Sibyl long ago. Imitating themes from both the Bucolics and the Aeneid, Tibullus again pays tribute to a great Roman poet at the same time that he celebrates the triumph of a future Roman conqueror. 64

Bright (Haec) 64-65, 75-76, 83-84, 88-89, and 95-96. As Bright perceptively points out, Tibullus presents his audience with a haunting ambiguity, arising from the double vision of Saturn-the one, emphasizing the wicked king expelled by a righteous son, the other, emphasizing a happy time replaced by a crueler regime and characterized by a sadness at the passing of innocence. 65 Wimmel ("Tibull II 5") 233-234; Ball (Structure) 289; Bright (Haec) 92.

210

Questions on elegy 2.5 as a whole Scholars express a wide range of opinions in attempting to determine the meaning of this long and impressive poem. Lachmann 66 regards the poem as ein Fest- und Ehiengedicht in der Form eines Gebets ("a festal and honorary poem in the shape of a prayer"), colored with the subjectivity of elegiac poetry and directed at Messalla and Messalinus on the occasion of the young man's appointment to the quindecimuin saciis faciundis. Although I agree that Tibullus wishes to honor Messalinus, I do not believe that he makes him the principal focus of the elegy, partly because the young man had achieved very little really worthy of praise and partly because he appears only as a single link in an elaborate chain of Roman leaders from Aeneas onward. Baehrens 67 considers the elegy a hymn to Apollo, the deity honored in the outer sections as a god of poetry and in the central sections as der Gott der Weissagung und des Orakels ("the god of prophecy and of oracle") and der Spender des Segens und Heiles der Fluren ("the bestower of blessing and prosperity on the fields"). Although I agree that Tibullus glorifies Apollo as the god of prophecy, I do not believe that he makes him the center of attention either; nor does he ever picture him as a protector of the fields, a function that he attributes to Ceres, Bacchus, and the Lares (see 2.1 for his treatment of these deities on the Ambarvalia). Leo68 interprets the elegy as der Preis der ewigen Stadt, keines Gottes oder Menschen ("the praise of the eternal city, neither of a god nor of men"), in which one observes the glory and grandeur of the total Roman experience as opposed to the famous achievements of any particular divinity or human being. Here I fully concur, since the central passages emphasize the evolution and revolution of Roman society from mythical times onward, from Aeneas's arrival in Italy, to Ascanius's tenure as ruler, to the conception of Romulus and Remus, to the assassination of Julius Caesar, to the triumphs of Messalla and Messalinus. In his longest elegy Tibullus glorifies the eternal city by celebrating her most distinguished families, but without celebrating anywhere the accomplishments of Augustus. Some regard Tibullus's silence about Augustus as a sign of respect for the pnnceps, implied but not actually stated. Smith 69 believes that in celebrating Messalinus's appointment to Apollo's priesthood (1-2), Tibullus is also celebrating the deity who favored Augustus at Actium, and

66 See K. Lachmann's review of L. Dissen, Albii Tibulli carmina, in Allgemeine LiteraturZeitung 2 (1836) 250-263, especially 260. Reprinted in Kleinere Schriften zur Deutschen Philologie, 2 vols. [Berlin, 1876) = vol. 2, pp. 145-160, especially p. 156. 67 Baehrens (Blätter) 25. 68 Leo ("Elegien") 5.