A history of race and class in diverse areas in the South explores the experiences and attitudes of white Southerners du
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English Pages 416 [464] Year 2006
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING WHITE SOUTHERNERS
IN
THE AGE OF CIVIL RIGHTS, 1945-1975
JASON SOKOL
U.S.A. $27.95
Canada $36.95
While the landmarks of the lective
move-
civil rights
ment have become indelible parts of our colmemory, few have written about what life was
like for
white southerners
historic time.
Now,
who
lived through that
in his brilliant
debut book,
his-
torian Jason Sokol explores the untold stories of ordi-
nary people experiencing the tumultuous decades that forever altered the
American landscape. So often
historical accounts of the era have focused
on the
movement's most dramatic moments and
figures,
and paid greatest attention to the brave steps taken by blacks
to
long-awaited change. In this
effect
riveting book, Sokol goes
beyond the 1955 Montsit-ins, and
gomery bus boycott, the i960 student
the soul-stirring speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr.,
and into the
lives
of middle- and working-class
whites whose world was becoming unrecognizable to them.
He
takes us to
New
Orleans's
Ninth Ward,
where, in i960, a painful episode of school integration brought out the fiercest prejudices
and made accidental
in
some
radicals of others; to Ollie's Bar-
becue in Birmingham and Pickrick Fried Chicken in Atlanta,
and thousands of lunch counters
in be-
tween, where "some white employees greeted black
customers others
them
as
though they had been patrons
slammed doors
in their faces; still
for years;
more served
hesitantly and reluctantly."
There Goes
My
Everything traces the origins of
the civil rights struggle from
World War
some black and white American
II,
when
soldiers lived
and
fought side by side overseas (leading them to question Jim in the
Crow
at
home), to the beginnings of change
1950s and the
into the 1970s,
flared tensions of the 1960s,
when strongholds
of white rule sud-
denly found themselves overtaken by rising black political power.
Through
it all,
Sokol
resists the easy
categorization of whites caught in the torrent of
change; rather, he gives us nuanced portraits of people resisting, embracing, and questioning the social
There Goes
My Everything
There Goes
My Everything
WHITE SOUTHERNERS IN THE AGE OF CIVIL RIGHTS, 1945-1975
JASON SOKOL
Alfred A.
Knopf New York 2006
——
THIS IS A BORZOI BOOK PUBLISHED BY ALFRED A. KNOPF
©
Copyright
2006 by Jason Sokol
All rights reserved. Published in the United States by Alfred A.
Knopf, a division of Random House,
Inc.,
New York,
and
in
Canada by Random House of Canada Limited, Toronto. Knopf, Borzoi Books, and the colophon are registered trademarks of
Owing
Random House,
Inc.
acknowledgments
to limitations of space, all
for
permission to reprint previously published material
may
be found at the end of the volume.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Sokol, Jason.
my
There goes
everything
rights,
1
:
white Southerners in the age of civil
945-1975 /Jason p.
Sokol.
—
1st ed.
cm.
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0-307-26356-8
—Race —History—20th Whites —Southern —Attitudes—History— 20th — 20th Whites —Southern — movements — Southern Americans — History — 20th Southern —History— 20th Southern — 1945— 1.
Southern States
century.
century.
relations
States
2.
States
3.
Social conditions
States
century. 4. Civil rights century.
5.
African
century.
States
States
Civil rights
Social conditions
I.
6.
Title.
F220.AIS65 2006 305.8'oo975'o904
—dc22
2005044488
Manufactured in the United States of America First Edition
To
my parents, Fred and Betsy
Sokol
Contents
Introduction:
Change Seeps In
3
ONE Prelude: In the
Wake
of the War, 194 5- 1955
TWO "Our Negroes" No More
19
56
THREE Daughters of Dixie, Sons of the South
114
FOUR Barbecue, Fried Chicken, and Civil Rights:
The 1964
Civil Rights
Act
182
FIVE 'Softly,
The Contours of Political and Economic Change 238
the Unthinkable":
Six
The
Price of Liberation
Notes
359
Selected Bibliography
Acknowledgments Index
309
407
393
405
There Goes
My Everything
Introduction:
life fact.
Change
Seeps In
embraced myth in the Jim Crow South, Hugh Wilson came up in that world, where
much
as facade blurred
icy stereotypes
a part of everyday life as hot soul food. "Since I
years old I'd
go down
my
to
were
as
was three or four
grandmother's, black-eyed peas and turnip
hog gravy, Lord have mercy.
greens,
with
I
mean
.
.
.
just
good old southern
many cruel myths as colossal meals. "I was just like everybody else. Too many of us thought that, we knew individual blacks to be awful fine folks but we thought of blacks as a race as being sort of an Amos and Andy situation." Wilson started farming near Chapel Hill, North Carolina, in the 1930s. Jim Crow had defined the minds and lives of southerners, and Wilson bought Wilson absorbed
country." In his childhood,
in to the
common image
"These people have their place.
day
.
.
.
.
.
.
felt
You had
as
of African- Americans as inferior and content.
undisturbed by the Negro
race,
they were in
the black fellow as a happy fellow, he sings
and he don't worry about where
his food
is
all
coming from tomor-
Many white southerners, like Wilson, persisted in those views. was how they were raised, and many believed, how they would die. row."
It
1
When the civil
rights
in the
1950s and 1960s,
mined
their customs,
the
it
through the southern landscape
tore
challenged the attitudes of millions, under-
and upended
minds of old farmers
began to
movement
like
their
Wilson.
ways of life.
It
began to get a
"I
even penetrated
lot older before I
He attributed fundamental changes in his racial rights movement. "Honest to God when I was a
realize."
to the civil
beliefs
kid,
I
believed that junk," Wilson recalled in 1974. "I changed ... an awful lot of
my attitude
.
.
.
toward matters of race." Wilson did not count his
experience as unique; he glimpsed similar changes in bors.
"These
.
.
.
farmers around here
.
.
.
but by and large, they have come a long
movement reshaped
the South,
it
many
of his neighof them
and their wives, not
all
damn
civil rights
way."
As the
snapped the thin thread that had con-
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
4
White southerners began to sift through what they had always taken for granted, and made their way in a world nected stereotypes to truths.
divorced from the myths of old. 2
the it
movement
civil rights
touched. In
possessed a rare ability to transform
Hugh Wilson
equality, old white farmers like
unquestioned
all
hands, oppressed African- Americans gained legal
its
eventually rethought
black power challenged white rule, and in the case
beliefs,
of the Albany Herald, sarcasm turned into prophecy. "Albany calmly
down by Martin Luther King
today awaited to be turned upside
Jr.,"
read the Southwest Georgia newspaper's front page on July 17, 1962.
While the Herald mocked King's claim Albany "upside down," soon
visit
it
that the
movement would
gave unwitting expression to a
thousands of communities across the South.
Americans struggled tions of southern
fate that
When
The
civil rights
movement
would
African-
for civil rights, they also struck at the very
life.
turn
founda-
altered race relations,
overturned ingrained practices, subverted traditions, ushered in political change, transformed institutions, undermined a way of
turned gia,
cities
down
upside
—from Black
and Eutaw, Alabama,
and even
life,
Belt towns like Albany, Geor-
to metropolises such as Atlanta
and
New
Orleans, and college communities like Athens, Georgia, and Chapel Hill,
North Carolina. Many whites
much differently movement
felt
these changes just as deeply as, if
than, African-Americans.
The impact of the
civil rights
from person to person, family to family, town to
differed
town. In the end, few escaped
its
long reach.
Some white
southerners
attested to liberating experiences that forever altered their racial atti-
new ways
tudes and behavior. Others found
Many more
clung to any sense of normalcy they could salvage,
willfully ignorant of the life
—
in
tumult around them.
ment nor with
its
identified neither
violent resisters.
The age of civil
times
change seeped into
sit-ins, the
with the
They were
civil rights
fearful, silent,
and often
rights looked different through their eyes.
—
move-
The pro-
Montgomery bus boycott, the i960 Birmingham church bombing in 1963, the Selma-
minent events of the student
Still,
at
ways whites had barely conceived and scarcely contemplated. 3
Most white southerners inert.
to resist racial equality.
era
the 1955
to-Montgomery march of 1965,
for
example
than the changes in the texture of day-to-day ever forgot the day they
first
—
often had less
life.
Few white
meaning
southerners
addressed a black person as "Mr." or "Mrs.";
IntroJiatnm: Cbangi Seeps In
5
time their maid showed up for work, suddenly shorn of her old def-
the-
erence; the day they dined in the
same establishments
the process by which their workplaces
man
a black
as black people;
became integrated; the autumn
appeared on the ballot; or the morning white children
attended school with black pupils. Taken together, these changes
amounted
way of life.
to a revolution in a
To probe the experiences of white southerners in the age of civil rights
ambiguous contours of change.
to capture the
is
It is to
explore beyond
the pronouncements of politicians and newspaper editors, beneath the rhetoric of leaders
voices
and into the
lives
of their constituents. To seek such
often to grapple with antagonisms.
is
As Newsweek reporter Wil-
liam Emerson cabled from the magazines southern bureau in
"The individual Southerner was
left to shift for
May
1955,
himself mid the deafen-
ing roar of the press, the declarations of politicians and propaganda
how he felt was a mystery and subject to change." For many, rights movement induced uncomfortable admissions, unwanted
groups. Just the civil
and unwelcome
realizations,
man
ent that the white desire of the Negro. try cousin.
odds with
.
.
in the
The
become gradually appar-
South woefully misunderstood the true
city
man was amazed at the fury of his coun-
And, the farmer, himself, frequently found that he was at least
one of his half-grown children." As the
movement marched up
.
surprises. "It has
on,
in the torrents of a
changing down here,
many white
to keep
up with
it,
civil rights
southerners found themselves swept
change they were only beginning to fathom.
even
if
"It's
happening," said an Atlanta store-
that's what's
keeper whose business integrated in 1965. "The
man in the street,
he doesn't always go along with
segregationists, the white people of Georgia; or
all
at
it.
.
.
most of us
.
he has
We're
are.
But
we've got caught up in something that's bigger than us, and we've got to live
with
In
it."
many
4
cases,
that occurred
the
all
Deep South
white southerners' beliefs could not catch up to events
around them. Psychologist Robert Coles, in the 1960s,
went
watched certain white people
in.
—and
and
I
truly
I
have
wonder
In fact, their beliefs are often less
important to them than the continuity of their
under a shadow, they respond
surveyed
a step further: "In Mississippi
for nearly a decade,
even today what they do believe
who
so
do
lives.
When
their beliefs."
African-Americans drove the motors of change.
If
that
Through
comes it all,
they did not force
all
southerners to rethink their racial attitudes and habitual patterns of dis-
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
6
many
crimination,
life"
whites had to confront, at the very
way of life seemed gone
their cherished
connoted magnolias and gentility, but
it
cations about the region's racial order
—one
the power, and blacks ever acquiesced.
Some
who had been up
deferential
were no better prepared
which whites exercised
in
expressed shock that blacks
had seen
for the civil rights
we have
it
seems." 3
When
saddle of civil rights, a few whites
coming
for years,
but
movement's power to rupture
to think about.
the bottom? He's calling the tune, and place, everywhere,
long finally rose
for so it
their lives. "They're leading us around," said an
"Everything they do,
the fact that
also carried specific impli-
and accommodating
to challenge their position. Others
least,
good. The "Southern way of
for
Alabama
Who says
we run
to hear
police officer.
the nigger
it;
is
on
this place, that
African-Americans mounted the
jumped aboard with them. Many
more found themselves dragged along
in the dust
—some
kicking,
some
screaming, some fighting back, others just attempting to hold on.
White history
southerners often lived under the spell of their
—
or a certain interpretation of
it.
lessons in school, the white South nurtured
happy and
own
Through family its
collective
lore or history
youth on the myth of the
faithful slave, told stories of heroic Confederate soldiers in the
"War of Northern Aggression," and spun nightmares out "You would read
era" of Reconstruction.
of the "tragic
in your history
books about
how gallant the South was," recalled Selma, Alabama, mayor Joe Smitherman of
his lessons in school,
War Between
"and the
and that we were used and misused." Margaret Jones
the States
Bolsterli
remem-
bered the stories of her childhood on a cotton plantation in Desha
County, Arkansas, during the 1930s. "Racism permeated every aspect of our
lives,
from
little
black
warning that drinking black. It
Sambo
... in the
was part of the
air
everyone breathed."
divorce themselves from the past, for
century
—on
interaction. their lot in
first stories
every cotton
field,
its
would turn us
Few could completely
vestiges lived
on every sidewalk,
Some whites convinced themselves life;
read to us, to the
coffee before the age of sixteen
on
at
mid-
in every interracial
that blacks deserved
others never quite embraced that logic. They were
all
deeply influenced by the blacks they had grown up with, befriended,
employed, or exploited
—whether they
liked
it
or not. Reporter Marshall
Frady wrote, "In myriad and unwitting ways, the white southerner
became, and remains, the creature of the black violence and abasement
man he hauled through may not have gained
into his midst." Blacks
Introduction
1
.
Change
their lair share of
Seeps In
7
economic and
political
power through the
movement, but they became the primary
They pulled the
"We
are here
.
fear in
white communities.
frightened in the depths because our past does not
.
.
actors in the region's drama.
and fostered
levers of history,
civil rights
sweep us forward or backward," James McBride Dabbs wrote "In the person of the Negro,
much
as
sweeps us where we are afraid to go." As
it
George Wallace or Lester Maddox touted themselves
of Dixie, leaders like
in 1964.
as the faces
King and throngs of marchers molded events
in the
South, and increasingly, across America. They forced the hands of mil-
the back door, an insistent voice in 1969.
Negro stood at speaking out of the night," Dabbs wrote
"During most of the South's
lions of whites.
"Now
the white
man
stands at the back door, but this time the
back door of history, wondering what to
meet the power of the blacks,
lies."
history, the
going on
is
in
inside,
wondering how
whose hands history increasingly
6
Observers in the South during the 1960s believed they had witnessed the death of one world and the birth of another. Reporter Jimmy Breslin
watched from the lobby of Montgomery's Jefferson Davis Hotel
as blacks
paraded through town on the 1965 Selma-to-Montgomery march. At first,
many
ing
.
.
.
whites cursed or even smiled. "Then the people kept com-
with their heads high up in the
air.
.
.
.
And
the faces at the win-
The owner of the Ready Shoe Repair Shop stood with his lips apart and he watched the life he knew disappear on the street in front of him." While blacks in the Deep South asserted themselves, whites often watched in amazement. As the drama unfolded, some aspects of the Jim Crow South died forever. Breslin wrote: dows changed.
.
.
.
You have not you
until
on the
see
time when everything
lived, in this
an old black
street of a
woman
with
mud
Southern city and sing "...
and then turn and look
at the face of a
is
changing,
on her shoes stand
we are
not afraid ..."
cop near her and see the
puzzlement, and the terrible fear in his eyes. Because he knows,
and everybody who has ever seen South
as it stood since
muddy Shall
1865
is
it
knows, that
it is
over.
The
gone. Shattered by these people in
shoes standing in the street and swaying and singing
"We
Overcome."
To some, change came
in
Robert Coles recounted
sudden
flashes
and momentary
after witnessing a sit-in
realizations.
As
on Mississippi's Gulf
— THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
8
Coast, "I think
most people of the South
—Negroes and whites
have experienced some of that same surprise
I
alike
when
did, a jolting flash
one kind of world begins to collapse, another begins to appear, and
becomes
had a different word
apparent." Everyone
place. "This thing here
gomery businessman
is
it all
what was taking
And some of us know it," a Mont-
a revolution.
told Breslin.
for
"The world's
.
.
.
passed
all
of us by,
we start to live with it." Yet some whites could no easier live with new experiences and the ensuing changes than they could understand
unless
the
or articulate them.
When
Ed Hudgins about
lawyer
historian
—
movement, Hudg-
the effects of the civil rights
ins responded, "Desegregation
average southerner
William Chafe asked Greensboro
was absolutely incomprehensible
absolutely unbelievable."
The prospect of
to the
integra-
"would be traumatic to the average southerner and his way of life way of life that was fixed without possibility of mutation." While few may have comprehended it, none could deny that if the civil rights movement brought one thing to the South it was change. 7 Some watched worlds collapse overnight; others saw revolutions occur tion
a
before their eyes. In the 1960s,
was shattered
for
certain fleeting spective, the life
it
was not yet
good, or whether
moments and
it
clear
whether the old order
merely looked and
felt like
From one
in certain specific places.
South had changed
forever;
that at
per-
from another, parts of southern
looked remarkably similar two and three decades hence. Segregation
had mandated two different tinued to drift into their back,
it's
unbelievable to
societies
own
me
by law, and white southerners con-
worlds, defined largely by race. "As
that
we
lived in
two
I
think
we
still
do." There were always
southerners experienced those phenomenal years;
look
different worlds," Clay
Lee, a Philadelphia, Mississippi, minister, said in 1980.
extent,
I
two
"And
stories:
moments
to a large
one of
how
of the civil rights
and the other of how, over a period of time, they absorbed the
transformation, encouraged tales, refracted
it,
rejected
it,
or lived with
it.
Those two
8 through thousands of lives, held millions of truths.
historians have yet TO CAPTURE
those narratives of white south-
erners during the age of civil rights in
all
their complexity.
The
civil
rights movement has found many authors more than worthy of
its
import, from biographers of King like Taylor Branch and David Garrow to chroniclers of specific locales like
William Chafe on Greensboro,
Robert Norrell on Tuskegee, John Dittmer and Charles Payne on Missis-
Change Saps In
Introduction'.
Adam
sippi,
9
Fairclough on Louisiana, Charles Eagles and J. Mills Thorn-
ton on Alabama, Stephen Tuck and Melissa Fay Greene on Georgia,
David Colburn on
Eskew on Birmingham. With good
reason,
phasize the struggles of black southerners. also study
white southerners, the focus frequently remains on the
movement
rights
McWhorter and Glenn these books collectively emWhile many of the authors
Augustine, and Diane
St.
overshadowed,
The
itself.
does
as
its
meaning often becomes
struggle's lasting
interracial
civil
impact on southern
Many
life.
books probe white southerners' experiences through studies of promi-
We know the stories of George Wallace, Strom Thurmond, who led a political stampede into the Republican Party. We
nent figures.
and others
know the writings of leading newspaper editors like Ralph McGill, Hodding Carter, and Harry Ashmore. Two newly published studies by Kevin Kruse and Matthew the suburban South. zens
—such
But
Lassiter
—
offer
groundbreaking narratives of
an insistent focus on powerful
overall,
as political leaders
—
and newspaper editors
—
citi-
renders barely
buys the papers, and casts the votes. Moreover,
visible the populace that
the literature on the South during this era privileges the dramatic
demonstrations and famous battles of the
movement, often
civil rights
at
the expense of analyzing the very realm that those struggles sought to
change
—southern
life,
black as well as white.
I
take these works as
models, and building alongside them, approach the age of
my
civil rights
from a perspective many of them have not broached. 9
Of
the
many books
written during the 1960s, none explores
how
whites accommodated the upheaval better than Robert Coles's Children of Crisis. Coles interviewed students, parents,
grated
New
and teachers who
inte-
Orleans and Atlanta schools in i960 and 1961. As a
psychologist, he studied
desegregation. Historians
how now
southerners coped with the tumult of
have the benefit of four decades.
We
can
begin to understand in a wider context stories like those that Coles told
—and form coherent
narratives out of murky experience.
We can sift
the continuity from the change to understand where, when, and
transformations occurred sive roles in
—and did
not.
White southerners played
movement
movement, mass of
deci-
determining the depths, and limits, of change. Better under-
standing of their actions and beliefs can more fully explain rights
why
failed, or
triumphed, where
in turn, transformed
oral histories,
many
it
did.
And
whites forever.
why
the civil
the civil rights
With
a critical
magazine bureau dispatches, newspaper
articles
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
IO
and
and other firsthand accounts, we
editorials, students' examinations,
can probe beyond the stories of black versus white, good versus
beyond the unforgettable speeches, into
life's
protean ambiguities
—
protests, marches,
evil,
and boycotts, and
alternately forgettable
and
indelible.
Several scholars have urged further exploration in this direction.
Charles Eagles pointed out that historians "have tended to emphasize
one side of the struggle, the movement
side,
and to neglect
their profes-
sional obligation to understand the other side, the segregationist opposition."
He
urged scholars to take more detached views and seek broader
perspectives.
When
diversity, that
historians analyzed white southerners, in all their
would "make
for a
much more
additional conflicts and ambiguities.
.
.
.
complicated
story, full
of
Told without condescension,
the often tragic stories of white southerners' hates, fears, and pride be-
long in the wider accounts of the plea.
Kevin Mattson asserted that
"Harder to celebrate Jacquelyn tale.
Dowd
as
we
civil rights
Others echoed Eagles's
ought
made
"harder."
American
values,"
to be
a natural progression of
Hall agreed. "Harder to cast as a satisfying morality
Most of all, harder
lar vein,
that
civil rights era."
to simplify, appropriate,
and contain." In a simi-
Peter Ling counseled scholars to "delve deeper into the struggles believe
we
already understand. In doing so,
heroes and fresh villains, but most of all
who wish
it
rights, that
would
just all
group proved
we
will confront
southerners
felt
World War
to
.
.
.
new
the people
compose the majority. 10
the ground shift beneath their
II set in
will find
go away." In the South during the days of civil
In times of relative quiescence, as well as in
out of nowhere, but had
we
its
moments feet.
of drama, white
Change did not come
roots in a long process that the
motion.
A
booming
national
New Deal and
economy blazed
into
Dixie in the 1940s, while the region welcomed veterans, white and black, back from a
war waged
in the
name
of democracy and freedom
against tyrannical racism. Against the global backdrop of the Cold War,
pressure for civil rights intensified. ers
Some
it;
oth-
used anti-communist hysteria to attack any political activity they
found unpalatable, particularly support the
southerners gave in to
first
decade after World
War
II,
for black
advancement. During
some white southerners began
open their arms to a more egalitarian ethos any pushes, however small, toward black
as others civil
continued
rights.
to
to resist
The Supreme
1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education further polarized these two tendencies. Citizens' Councils rose in massive resistance, and cowed into silence the small segment of white southerners that might
Court's
/
M l rodii
i
11
//
(
:
.
II
hi
hi i Hg I Strps
when
have tolerated integration. Even
faced with the 1955
Montgomery
boycott, the rising star of Martin Luther King, Jr., and the desegregation
of Central
High School
Rock, Arkansas, in 1957, many whites
in Little
refused to believe that southern blacks desired civil rights, or that
still
The
they possessed the capacity to organize themselves into movements.
i960 student nessee,
sit-ins in
Greensboro, North Carolina, and Nashville, Ten-
opened thousands of eyes,
protests provoked
few minds and hearts. Direct action
if
gruesome white violence, and some southern commu-
nities fractured in the face of
such extreme bigotry.
As President Lyndon Johnson ushered the
Civil Rights
Act and Vot-
ing Rights Act through Congress in 1964 and 1965, respectively, some
white southerners began to believe that rights for blacks necessarily
meant
White
a loss of freedoms for whites.
Americans clenched their ders flared.
fists
fears intensified as African-
in cries of "Black Power" and urban disor-
For thousands of white southerners, the
movement only
Communities
that had resisted
started to take effect in the late 1960s.
school integration for the better part of
two decades began
to buckle
under the Supreme Court's 1969 integration mandate, Alexander Holmes.
When
all
the battles ended and the struggles subsided, blacks
and whites across the South were life
—and
terrain
v.
to negotiate the terrain of everyday
left
in the face of unprecedented events after
World War
that
II,
had shifted profoundly. White southerners experienced the
changes in a multitude of ways.
To
illustrate the arc of change in
wake of World War shots were fired in
processes
II
southern
life,
this
book begins
in the
and continues into the 1970s. After the war's
last
1945, southerners began to grapple with larger
—economic,
demographic,
gripped their land and their
lives. It
and
industrial,
was not a
political
linear path
—
that
from wartime
changes to the black freedom struggles of the 1960s. Industrialization
and urbanization changed the outlines of the South began to challenge the substance of its after the sions.
rights
as individual blacks
society. In this sense, the
war provides an important context
decade
for the later social convul-
This work focuses most intensely on the 1960s, for the black
movement pulsed with
rights confrontations raged
and
full force
during those
federal laws
made
their
years.
way
As
civil civil
into various
towns, deep changes became apparent in southerners' lives and minds.
The book continues feel
into the 1970s because
the effects of integration
in the
mind
—
—whether
until the late 1960s
and
many
areas did not begin to
in schools, at the ballot box, or
early 1970s. After King's
1968
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
12 assassination,
commentators began to write the
epitaph. If conventional
wisdom maintained
civil rights
that King's death killed the
movement, the perspective of white southerners southern
life
timeline.
in general, black as well as white
While the bulk of the
1970s told the story of the can
life,
and revealed
its
movement's
—and
of everyday
—demanded
a different
action took place in the 1960s, the
movement's influence on Ameri-
civil rights
lasting legacy.
This book focuses on a handful of episodes in different southern towns. Shifting attention from
town
to town,
and from time to time, allows and
a comparison of various parts of the South, rate
avenues through which the
civil rights
also reveals the dispa-
movement
forced change.
Despite the Albany Herald^ claims, few whites in Albany, Georgia, lived
with any sense of "calm" when
local blacks
welcomed King and the
Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), an organization of
African-American preachers that became active in the gle.
Whites
felt
majority of residents could barely believe their eyes
Negroes" of
civil rights strug-
themselves besieged by "outside agitators," and the
— Albany
"their
Negroes"
when
—demonstrated
the "good
that they were
anything but content. In the face of black protest, the white myth of
"good race relations" blew away with the wind. Similar tremors pulsed through
Georgia, in 1961,
New
Orleans in i960 and Athens,
when African-Americans
sands of whites in
New
entered white schools. Thou-
Orleans boycotted the public schools, but a few
did continue to send their children to Frantz Elementary and
Children became pawns
white communities alternately uni-
No.
19.
fied
and fractured under the pressure of
as
division. In Athens,
Deep South
black rights hastened white
city,
some students joined
The New Orleans some and made accidental
civil rights.
school crisis brought out hateful prejudices in radicals of others. In that
McDonogh
a
mob when Charlayne Hunter
and Hamilton Holmes integrated the University of Georgia; many more resigned themselves to the inevitability of desegregation and its
capacity to disrupt their lives.
By 1970,
bemoaned
school integration began to
take hold almost everywhere, even as private "segregation academies" sprouted. School desegregation threw generational differences into sharp relief.
Some white
students took integration in stride as their parents
continued to shout "Never!" Others could not shake off the stigma of their upbringing; black students
they tried in vain to ignore.
were to them the agents of a trauma
Introduction!
It
ers,
Change Saps In
13
any pieces of federal legislation touched the
lives of white
southern-
they were the 1964 Civil Rights Act and 1965 Voting Rights Act.
The former made desegregation a reality in private businesses and public facilities everywhere. From Ollie's Barbecue in Birmingham to Pickrick Fried Chicken in Atlanta, and thousands of lunch counters in between,
businessmen and their clientele expressed the entire gamut of reactions.
Some white employees
greeted black customers as though they had been
patrons for years; others
them
slammed doors
in their faces; still
hesitantly and reluctantly. In the
locales
more served
wake of black voting
rights,
with large African-American populations traveled the previously
unthinkable path from white power to black political control. Greene County, Alabama, was one such
area.
As
in other facets of
life,
white
reaction to black voting gains varied immensely from person to person.
One's pragmatic transition to a mare.
What visited
cities
new
political
world was another's night-
sometimes bypassed
oping suburbs, and wrenching
realities in
another. For every pattern that
seemed
rural areas or
newly devel-
one state were foreign to
to emerge, however, another
crumpled under the sheer diversity and complexity of experience.
Roy Blount,
Jr.'s,
who
anecdote resonates with anyone
probes the
South during the 1960s. As Blount was watching a recent television
drama about the were you in replied.
The
—
civil rights era, a nine-year-old
boy asked him, "Which
the Klan or the FBI?" "I was just in Georgia," Blount
vast majority of white southerners were neither
nor government informants, members of neither the
Klansmen
Citizens' Councils
nor the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Certainly, bigots
and murderers
existed.
captured headlines and solidified
fears,
While
these intransigents often
they do not substantially further
one's understanding of the majority's plight. Labels help even less.
To
identify whites as "extremists," "segregationists," or even "moderates"
inadequately explains their beliefs or actions "racist."
—much
less so
the tag
Charles Payne analyzed writing about southern whites
when he
praised Fred Powledge's Free at Last?:
I
am
particularly thankful that [Powledge] doesn't hold southern
racists
up
to ridicule; he gives
makes some attempt
at
them
credit for being
understanding the cross-pressures under
which they were operating. The opposite ists are
complex and
tradition, in
which
pictured as stupid, vulgar, and one-dimensional,
is
rac-
one of
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
14
the hoariest conventions of writing about civil rights and one of the most destructive. tify their
own
I
take
it
to be a device
by which authors
cer-
enlightened status by distancing themselves from
the grosser expressions of racism, thus giving racism the face of
the ignorant, the pot-bellied, and the tobacco-chewing, an image
with which almost no one can identify and which
more complex and
realistic
images of racism.
To think of most white southerners simply too far
or too
little credit
it fails
Adam
much. In
too generous: "The term
easily supplants
'racist'
has
as "racist" gives
them
either
Fairclough's view, the label
become devalued through
to prepare one for the depths of disgust, contempt,
scension with which whites, to varying degrees
.
.
.
is
overuse:
and conde-
regarded their black
fellow citizens." These writers attest that a sensitivity for complexities
remains paramount in any story of America and bedeviling issue
—
race relations.
Present-day observers can
its
most
persistently
11
victim to simple explanations, and so
fall
did those on the front lines of the
civil rights struggles.
Some
civil rights
supporters misunderstood the white communities that served as battle-
grounds, the very places they sought to transform. rights
movement's
clear that
lessons, J. Mills
Among
Thornton has argued,
the civil
"it
became
white southerners' doubts about segregation were both more
extreme and complex than either zealous segregationists or advocates initially appreciated."
White
civil rights
southerners' racial attitudes and
behavior frequently revealed a confused and conflicted people, at times
divided within and against themselves. Harold Fleming of the Southern
Regional Council (SRC) wrote in a 1956 quarterly report, "There
.
.
.
needs to be more recognition of the complexity of opinion and attitude
on
race.
Most people hold no simple, single-minded, coherent opinion
on the subject; rather they have
a
number
of vague, shifting, often con-
tradictory notions of what their position should be."
aspects of a mind-set to
which white southerners
Fleming unraveled
typically clung: they
possessed a conviction that segregation was "best for both races" and that blacks desired
it;
respected "law and order"; believed in blacks' rights to
"an equal chance"; supported public education; took pride in the South
and hoped that "outsiders" would not think that, if integration list
it
"benighted"; and feared
came, blacks would "take advantage" of whites. The
could go on, Fleming maintained. Those lines of thinking that
Changs
Introduction:
15
Seeps hi
together formed public opinion "at any given time" reflected "the depth, intensity,
and balance of the various notions
and
of the South were even
lives
fixed,
more complex because they were not
but precarious and mutable.
as the struggles of the civil rights
Few
forces
movement.
white southerners watched
as
shook them so thoroughly 12
African-Americans demanded
Hugh
freedom and, in Chapel Hill farmer
their
moment." The minds
at the
Wilson's words,
ascended "out of their place." Even in those cases where the
movement succeeded
civil rights
changing whites' attitudes and altering their
in
lives,
nothing was simple or straightforward about those transforma-
tions.
Old
had a powerful
beliefs
ability to endure. "In the
back of your
head from what came when you were a child, you had this idea," Wilson
"You
said.
still
got that thing in there, that black boy, he's trouble." For
some, the law forced changes in practices, but recesses of hearts
could not touch the
it
and minds. Others began to question deeply held
views even though their lives looked
much
the same as before.
At
the old stereotypes and everyday practices died hard together. still
others,
change in any form
something to
fear
and
"Some rednecks
white person rather than
as a person,
Change would eventually visit them,
come one
day, but
rotten too."
When
God knows
I
And
in law, mind-set, or lifestyle
with denial and bitterness,
resist,
the grave. Wilson asserted, as a
—
times,
too,
.
.
.
it
—was
way
to
think about themselves
who happens
but
the
all
for
to be white."
could take decades.
"It'll
probably will be dead a long time and
13
change came,
as the story
of a self-described "liberal"
from Fayetteville, North Carolina, further
attests, it
messy process. Few southerners achieved, much
was a
woman
partial
and
less desired, a clean
break from the past. The intensity and form of discrimination often
H.S.
—belonged
to the
—
The woman identified only as generation that came of age during the black
changed, not the fact of
its
existence.
freedom struggle. H.S. attributed her
own
liberal
views to her Jewish
background, which predisposed her to empathize with other persecuted minorities, as well as to generational differences. "I
times eral."
.
.
.
those glorious 60s.
When
it
was hip
am
a product of
to be liberal,
Her parents were given to no such liberalism, and they when she became pregnant. "In reaction to my
black maid
cried ... for black political
and economic
rights."
I
was
my lib-
fired their
parents,
But her experiences
I
in
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
l6
junior high and high school during the late 1960s and early 1970s began to
push H.S. toward her own type of conservatism on
Racially charged rights in school
made
racial issues.
her wary of blacks, and "I became
a little suspect of the black man's savagery. For the first time,
I
was black against white." At the University of North Carolina Hill in the mid-1970s, H.S.
felt herself
on one
chasm. "Carolina nowadays exhibits a great society etc.,"
—
The
nostalgic for the lost days of the
but a more complex
I
am
and economic rights
And
feel will
side of an unbridgeable
I
have had
still
therefore
now."
is
A new
of
my
my
But
my cry
has sub-
belief in social equality,
I
desire to give blacks that." Like
believed that "social equality" was
still
Little else in her
and prejudices of the older Jim Crow gen-
fears
the case in
—kind
the equal rights advocate, crying for
the emotional strains altering
"As
race relations,"
more troubling
something whites could choose to bestow upon blacks.
eration.
a
was not the old mind-set that waxed
always stand in the way of
views resonated with the
contact with
endowed her with
for blacks in all areas.
the generation before her, H.S.
little
happy Sambo and "good
—and perhaps
attitude. "Intellectually
dued.
Chapel
at
between black and white
tensions of the late 1960s and 1970s
certain type of racial attitude. It
political
it
in living arrangements, student organizations, social affairs,
she wrote in 1975. "For that reason,
blacks."
rift
realized
much
of the country,
my
racism
day dawned in the South; even the racism
it
is
very subtle
spawned was
something novel. 14
Ben Smith,
who admitted
southerner
would overcome
its
Sam
no such prejudices. Smith wished
am
explained
still
how
Ervin a futile plea to support
proud of he, like
"I
my
many
was born
civil rights. "It is
up the
not
traditions
Edward County, its politics."
Vir-
Smith
southerners, cherished his heritage and
He
Andersonville and Fredericksburg. fell at
in Prince
birthplace but not of
took pride in his region's history.
where Jackson
that the
As southern senators filibustered against December of 1963, Smith penned North Car-
of his early years," he wrote. I
his region
new world
easy for a native white citizen of a southern state to give
ginia.
was one
offered.
the Civil Rights Act in olina senator
to
State University,
past at once, and step into the
movement
civil rights
North Carolina
a professor at
had visited Shiloh and Vicksburg,
"I
Chancellorsville."
have stood in pride and sorrow
While many
politicians
warned
of a "Second Reconstruction," a handful of white southerners, like Smith,
welcomed
it.
"It is
long past time to bury the ghost of the Old South,
— Introduction
that has
Cbangi Saps In
17
been dead and gone so long. The ghost has served the purposes
many murderers and
of too
who
1
,
thieves;
it
has
duped countless simple
men and Americans. The world own house in order." 15
forget that they are free
hoping that we will
set
our
is
folk
waiting,
Increasingly, the struggles of southerners during the age of civil rights
became contests over competing visions of what made people "free men and Americans." Authors as disparate as Toni Morrison, David Roediger,
Nathan
Irvin
Huggins, and
American visions of freedom stance and survival
—upon
dom became more bound and
historically
less
—
for their very sub-
The
idea of free-
Huggins argued
that slavery and
polar opposites than interdependent pieces of
Amer-
"Slavery and freedom, white and black, are joined
concretely, white
North and South, from
in the
depended
powerful "in a cheek-by- jowl existence with the
ica's historical fabric:
More
have argued that white
black slavery or oppression.
unfree," Morrison wrote.
freedom were
at the hip."
Edmund Morgan
Americans
—
aristocrats
and workers,
colonial through antebellum times
rooted their economic and political power in African-Americans' lack of it.
Whiteness paid wages, psychologically and
also economically. South-
ern whites reinforced their freedom and economic livelihood after the abolition of slavery
crop
lien,
when
they established the sharecropping system, the
and countless other instruments to keep African- Americans in
marked the emergence of the Jim defined by lynching, intimidation, and disenfran-
a "slavery of debt." Legal segregation
Crow
South, an era
chisement that kept blacks powerless and enslaved by rights
legacy rights
And
if it is
true that white
upon black oppression, what happened its
practices
In this vein,
ment
The
civil
movement was death to much of that. While the extent of its may be well debated, the post- World War II era and the civil movement won for black Americans undeniable political and
legal freedom.
and
fear.
—when
American freedom depended
to that
some white southerners perceived the
rights struggles for
what they were
—attempts all
for all
at
move-
here,"
changing a
civil
American
Where some saw
long
Americans to turn their
"You take these country people out offered. "[They're]
16
civil rights
to translate
into reality.
world turned "upside down," others glimpsed,
Wilson
in its visions
notion of freedom. Others saw the
promises of democracy and liberty for
and
—
the touchstone of bondage disappeared?
as a threat to their very
for southerners
freedom
last,
a
the chance
lives right side up.
North Carolina farmer Hugh
lot of their attitudes. [They're]
I
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
8
The South in the 1970s was a society remarkably similar to of Jim Crow times in some respects, yet fundamentally transformed
learning." that
in others.
At
Even
for those
times its arrival
and came
in
civil rights
finally
long
process."*
resisted,
change continued to seep into
starts.
it
life.
was halting and gradual,
When tranquillity settled over the sites of the
movement, the work of adjusting
began.
it's
and
fits
who
was sudden; more often
White southerners had miles
to life in a
to go. "I don't
going to take," Wilson said in 1974.
"[It] is
new world know how
one
hell of a
17
*I have chosen to render quotations exactly as they appeared in historical documents, with
punctuation and grammar unchanged.
When
brackets, apostrophes, plus signs, parentheses,
ampersands, misspellings, or the like occur in quotations, nal
documents
—
in newspapers, letters,
tion: if some people
with
italics in
I
it is
because they existed in the origi-
and other manuscript sources.
Italics are a
notable excep-
have quoted chose to underline words, those underlines have been replaced
the text.
ONE
Prelude: In the
ON battlefields
in
Wake of the War,
EUROPE and
1 945-1955
World War
the Pacific,
II
blew
gusts of change toward Joe Gilmer and Lewis Barton. For these white
who fought
soldiers
"Before the war Southerner. races,
I
I
God
alongside blacks, the war
left
indelible imprints.
had the same feeling towards the Negro didn't intend
them
to have equal rights with other
thought," Petty Officer Barton wrote in a letter to his
newspaper, the Lumberton, North Carolina, Robesonian. belief
as the typical
became one of the war's millions of casualties.
race prejudice
is
Gilmer wrote
gone from the boys who
"I
hometown
By 1945,
am afraid
his
that
all
have fought this war," Sergeant
"White boys who have
to the Fort Worth Star-Telegram.
seen Negroes die to save their 'buddies,' and to help keep America free, are not in favor of the
Jim Crow'
law." In several regiments,
by war's
The
end, whites and blacks ate, worked, lived, and fought together.
Souths segregation laws seemed petty and absurd by comparison. "Forcing them to ride in the rear of busses and stand for whitefs] to I
realize
now
is
narrow-minded childishness practiced by our
Negro is son some white southerners would soon ton wrote.
"I
discovered that the
a
human
learn.
humanity of blacks remained a threat of the
first
being."
For
many
sit
state," It
man
les-
others, the
order, a fear too
imme-
going to
... to try to abuse the colored people any more," Joe
Gilmer warned. "The veterans of
means more than
Bar-
was a
diate to peacefully allow, a reality to indefinitely deny. "It isn't
be wise for any
down,
just
freedom
this
for the
war have learned that freedom
white man."
ans carried this truth back to their communities.
Many
southern veter-
The question of
the
— THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
20
ensuing decade
—between
World War
the end of
beginning of the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955 southerners would welcome or challenge
1945 and the was whether white
II in
—
1
it.
Joe Gilmer's and Lewis Barton's transformative experiences placed
them
in a minority.
Many
soldiers
who
fought alongside blacks
felt their
attitudes change, but they constituted only a small fraction of white
southern servicemen. About two-thirds of
should have the same rights after the war tified their beliefs
Negro,
with assertions
why change?"
like,
and
as
they had before.
"We
outfits.
And
Many
jus-
get along fine with the
and, "They're satisfied with the
More than 90 percent of white southern itary facilities
white soldiers said blacks
all
way they
are now."
soldiers supported separate mil-
white southerners
who
stayed at
home
defended segregation even more vehemently. The sight of blacks in uni-
form had the peculiar
ability to spark violence. "It
uniform has stimulated some white
civilians
and
seems that a Negro in soldiers to protect the
customary caste etiquette of the South," read a 1943 report on the
American
soldier.
That "protection" often manifested
form
itself in the
of racial violence. During the war, the South was the site of six civilian riots,
twenty military
seventy-five lynchings. in the
riots
army promoted
inforced their
and mutinies, and between
While some
pre-Army
forty-five
and
soldiers felt that interracial contact
tolerance, "a larger
group seemed
attitudes while in the service.
.
.
.
to have re-
The
job done,
they wanted to get out, get home, and by and large resume where they
had
left off."
That often meant supporting Jim Crow as staunchly as
Gilmer and Barton both believed
their
ever.
2
profound wartime experiences
were not unique; they thought many white southern soldiers had similar changes in attitudes. Although the testimonies of most whites challenge that generalization, there
vicemen have not reacted
is
some evidence
in the
to support
it.
"All of our ser-
same way," Guy Johnson
said in 1945.
Johnson headed the Southern Regional Council, a progressive group
—
made up of mostly white southerners that came to support integration. "Some of them have come out with worse attitudes toward the other race than they had when they went in. I believe, however, that the majority of our fighting men have had experiences which have taught them a new appreciation of their fellow Americans of another race." In fact, those
with "a new appreciation" their experiences
years to come.
3
for blacks
comprised but a small segment. Yet
were significant, and augured larger changes in the
Prtludr, hi tbi
21
Wake of the War, 1945-1955
Before Frank Smith gained notoriety as the rare progressive congress-
man from the Mississippi Delta, he fought in the army during World War II. What Smith learned at Artillery Officers Training School in Fort Sill, Oklahoma, in 1942 stayed with him for the rest of his life. "OCS at Fort
Sill
was
from the South,
a revolutionary experience to those of us
and probably to a good many others from outside the South. Negro cer candidates were scattered
among
offi-
us wherever they happened to
fall
in the alphabetical list."
Smith detected
among southern
"The Southerners who expressed themselves to
me
soldiers.
policy
little resistance to this
had no objections, and some even voiced approval
said they
nobody was bucking the
tide." Southerners
regation, like Smith, often looked back
While Smith grew up dle class, Claude
as a
member of the
Ramsay was
who would
on the war
later
as a
.
.
.
oppose seg-
turning point.
Mississippi Delta's small mid-
Ocean
raised in poverty across the state in
Ramsay carried traditional southern beliefs about race into the Yet when he returned to civilian life, he began to believe that blacks
Springs. war.
He
should have their rights.
pany shortly
after the war,
in 1959. For the rest of his
ing experience.
ComAFL-CIO
landed a job at International Paper
and won the presidency of the
Ramsay would
life,
state
consider the war a defin-
4
Georgia native Harold Fleming had similar memories of his service a
commander
in the Pacific. "It did
more
to
other experience I've ever had," he confessed. "I'm a heart."
.
.
.
as
than any
life
good old boy
at
Fleming neither sought nor expected any transformation of racial
views, but his war experiences thrust such changes in
my
change
Okinawa, Fleming was placed
in charge of
"The nearest thing you could be be a company
officer
in the
African-American troops.
army
with black troops," he
upon him. Stationed
to being black
was
later told journalist
to
Fred
Powledge, "because you lived and operated under the same circumstances they did,
and they got crapped
all over."
This experience did not
instantly convert the "good old boy" to political radicalism, but
opened
his eyes
and changed
a word. It wasn't that
I
his
came
life. "
'Radicalized'
to love Negroes;
it
it
would be too strong was that
I
came
to
despise the system that did this." Fleming completed the transition
when he went
to
would eventually
work
for the
SRC
after
graduating from Harvard.
lead the organization during the 1950s.
He
Fleming kept
few friends from his prewar days; he associated mostly with like-minded progressives and friends from the
American Veterans Committee. The
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
22
committee consisted of "usually young veterans, white and black, race stuff.
who thought
just
back from the war,
there was or ought to be a
new day on
this
And I exchanged my old friends for a new set of friends and co-
workers and collaborators." After the war, nothing in Harold Fleming's life
remained the same. "The army experience activated me," he
recalled;
and the
it
set
him along an
stuff of his everyday
Most southern
arc that reshaped his career, his friendships, life.
5
soldiers followed life trajectories unlike those of
Smith, Claude Ramsay, or Harold Fleming.
who
southern soldiers
along well together." bered,
"When
I
us."
I
A
Many
"We was
my
it, I
line,
blacks," African-American veteran
that
first
mind. They're
trapped behind the
"And
just like
any of the other boys to
combat the
color line vanished.
and white was
afraid of
dying
as
Wilson Evans remembered of the
there was no color, no nothing. ...
Americans could become Americans
While
damned if I'd wear the same day when we saw how they
said I'd be
soldiers confirmed that in
Battle of the Bulge.
Frank
the majority of white
platoon sergeant from South Carolina remem-
heard about
changed
Still,
fought alongside blacks found that they "got
shoulder patch they did. After that fought,
later
I
did see
about eight or nine days."
for
these soldiers asserted that race was inconsequential in combat, an
overwhelming majority of white southern army's integrated living quarters. the garrison introduced
it
again.
soldiers still resented the
Combat suspended
the color line, but
6
Seth Lurie, an air force major from
New
Orleans, was stationed after
He
the war at Craig Field in rural Dallas County, Alabama.
described
himself as "a reconstructed southerner," and attributed that conversion to his military career.
tion on this
came
"The greatest teacher
solely
housed alphabetically
experience
is
.
.
.
My
educa-
from the military." Like Frank Smith, Lurie was
at Officer
Training School. In that interracial
contact, prejudices centuries in the
making
dissolved during everyday
interaction:
That was
my
Negro was tion
on
a
first real
human
his brow,
contact with Negroes. ...
white
man
learned that a
being, with blood in his brain, and perspira-
with aches the same
thought of home the same. a
I
dies, for the
I
.
.
.
ambitions the same,
learned later that he died the same as
same
cause. Also in
he has the same courage and daring
as a
combat
I
learned that
white man. ... To the
Pftlud*'. In the
best of
white
Wake of the War, 1945-195 5
my
knowledge, there
is
23
no resentment on the part of any
officer.
Lurie's revelations
were powerful. They showed that weeks of experience
could undo the received
upbringing.
wisdom and ingrained customs of an
entire
7
Seth Lurie was quick to realize that his experiences did not suggest a
He
region-wide transformation.
could see
it
firsthand in his interactions
with the residents of nearby Selma. "Old timers in this town are against progress.
.
.
.
Until this segregation-preaching generation dies off and a
new generation
Monumental wartime
takes hold, there will be trouble."
changes failed to grip
all
southerners.
More than
half of the war's veter-
20 percent foresaw
ans predicted "trouble" with blacks, and almost
A
"trouble" with Jews.
1946
social psychological survey
found
"little
reason for doubting the re-absorption of the vast majority of American soldiers into the
became reabsorbed
diers
White southern solSouths traditional way of life. Many
normal patterns of American in the
life."
believed they had fought to defend, not overturn, racial customs.
8
While African-American veterans remembered that some white soldiers lost their prejudices in the war, those memories were far outweighed by accounts of whites who violently defended Jim Crow.
Dempsey the only
Travis was stationed in
PX
excluded blacks.
for a beer, whites
Camp
When
Shenango, Pennsylvania, where
a black soldier
went into the
kicked his eye out. Travis joined an expanding crowd
of African- American soldiers
who
discussed what action to take.
avan of six trucks arrived, and white soldiers jumped off tle fatigues
and carrying arms. They
in several places.
ting in front.
own
Where
He
recalled the
The one
fired into the
ambulance
says to the driver,
'Who
Driver says,
soldiers?'
PX
ride:
A
car-
—wearing bat-
crowd, hitting Travis
"Two guys were
'Why we be
sit-
doin' this to our
ever told you niggers were our sol-
—
—
come from' I detected a southern accent 'we shoot niggers like we shoot rabbits.' " By 1943, Travis had been put in charge of a troop movement on its way to Camp Lee, in Richmond,
diers?
Virginia. It
the
life
POWs
I
was the
first
of the South.
time Travis, a Chicago native, had witnessed
Some
sights singed his northern eyes.
rode in the front of the
city's streetcars,
German
blacks in the back.
After Travis received a transfer to Aberdeen, Maryland, in 1945, he
came
across the rare white southerner
who seemed
to have been liber-
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
24 ated by the war.
A
major from Texas made Travis manager of an
inte-
grated PX. In the end, Travis "found the most sympathetic white in the
army were
men
White southerners were nothsome welcomed blacks; others brimmed with hostil-
actually southerners."
ing
if
not diverse:
ity.
In the memories of most black soldiers, however, the hostility far
surpassed the acceptance. 9
Alfred Duckett found few sympathetic whites.
who published
articles in
many
Duckett was drafted and sent night
we
to
know
over to terror
down
Camp Lucky
here,
Claiborne, Louisiana. "The
what the
rules were.
we hang
'em.'
"
down
When
.
.
.
first
'We
here, because
Duckett shipped
Strike in France, he found "an almost psychotic
on the part of white commanders that there would be a great deal
of association with the white in
Camp
we're not takin' any foolishness
don't shoot 'em
freelance journalist
of America's major black newspapers,
arrived, a white officer told us
want you
we
to
A
women." The company's chaplain
traveled
advance to each town, and informed the locals that blacks had
The commander with French
civilians.
When
conversed with a French a white
MP
shot
tails.
issued an edict that black troops could not associate
him
Allen Leftridge disobeyed this order and
woman who was
in the back.
serving coffee and doughnuts,
The white
officers
were so paranoid
about black soldiers that they locked up the regiment's guns. Blacks received arms only in combat.
myth
of the "happy Negro,"
black
men
When
with guns
As some white southerners clung
many
recoiled in terror at the prospect of
—
women. 10
or even worse, with white
the last battles were over and soldiers became veterans, whites
and blacks alike gazed back toward home. Many black ered that
if
soldiers discov-
their native Southland had begun to grapple with economic
and demographic change, racial
to the
attitudes.
Ben
little
Fielder,
metamorphosis had occurred
an African-American from Mississippi,
served in both Europe and the Far East, and staff sergeant. After returning to the
made
United
his
way up
States, Fielder
veteran embarked on a train ride from California back Mississippi.
As the
train
rumbled
and "became
tight."
When
felt
the ranks to
and
a white
to their native
across the country, the
together and passed the time telling stories. Fielder "this race nonsense"
in white
two dined
they transcended
the train passed into
Texas and Louisiana, Fielder realized his mistake.
The white
soldier
assumed a posture of superiority, and informed Fielder that the war was over, that they
was
still just
were back in the South, and
a nigger.
Not an American
that, as Fielder recalled, "I
soldier anymore. Just a nigger."
Prtlkdil In the
Wake of the War,
Black veteran
on the
German Levy
level of
white
hadn't turned over
you
left."
In
.
many
.
25
945-1955
1
of Brookhaven, Mississippi, concurred that
had changed. "The pancake
racial behavior, little .
you come back home right into the same world
ways, the South at war's end closely resembled the
prewar land. Reconstructed or not, white soldiers made their way back to factories, farms,
soldiers
and
moved into growing cities. While these wide world, some returned to communities that
families, or
had seen the
seemed much the same
as before
they
left.
Many
most whites contained potential
for
preferred
it
that way.
11
both acceptance of and
world
resistance to racial change. It often took powerful events, like a
war, and broad social processes, such as urbanization and industrializa-
Passos, "Looks like
and bad, in
As one Alabama man
John Dos the war has speeded up every kind of process, good
tion, to bring out those tendencies.
this country." In
told
southern states that had relied upon staple
crops for centuries, wartime industry and labor shortages accelerated the processes that diversified and mechanized the economy.
of things," Mississippi Delta planter
W.
"Our economics have been disrupted.
...
to ten years this country,
you
I
believe that in the next five
it,
As
areas.
"The South
revolutions, an industrial revolution
is
a dispatch
areas.
into
and explosive urbanization."
two
Num-
more than 15 mil-
(more than half of the region's people) lived in rural
Lured by job opportunities
ter lives
in
from News-
in the midst [of]
bers help to capture part of that story. In the 1930s, lion southerners
moved
sharecropping and tenancy
newly expanding urban and industrial bureau put
happened
Poor whites and blacks
in this Mississippi Delta."
who had known nothing but
a lot
reflected in 1946.
will see the greatest revolution that ever
happen
week's southern
Wynn
T.
"War does
—both whites and
—and more
blacks, during
southern as well as northern
cities.
vaguely, by hopes for bet-
and
after the war,
Four million of them
left
moved
to
the rural
South in the 1940s. In 1950, Mississippi was the only southern
state
worked on farms. By i960, the Souths
rural
where the majority
still
population had dropped to 7 million. tive effects of these
Many
whites
felt
the transforma-
demographic and economic changes. The Lemann
family ran a sugar plantation in Palo Alto, Louisiana, for centuries.
Arthur Lemann, who represented the fourth generation of that dynasty,
deemed the wartime changes
revolutionary. "I recall so vividly back in
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
26
the early '40s that there were no trucks on the farm. ...
I
rode a horse
The expanding
like every other overseer,
from can to
economy brought with
the mechanical cane-harvester, introduced the
tractor,
it
can't."
industrial
and displaced one hundred of Lemann's workers. "World War
II
brought about the drastic changes that we're enjoying, or not enjoying,
Lemann recalled in a 1991 interview. The days of mule, and human cane-cutter became the stuff of memory. 12 today,"
As farmers darity and
its
left rural areas, their
tendency toward
the horse,
absence often undermined white
mob
rule
and lynch
began to populate the burgeoning urban
areas.
law.
Small-town
soli-
sorts
Large factories like the
Shipyard in Pascagoula, Mississippi, attracted thousands of
Ingalls
workers, and
moved
many more
millions of dollars in industry. Corporations
plants southward, often with implicit promises that southern
localities
would stamp out the grosser manifestations of racism. Indus-
trialization
and urbanization brought economic changes and new hopes
"New
South," and they helped lay the structural groundwork for a
for a
loosening in southern race relations after the war. 13
The war
era altered the mind-set of
southerners into
new
jected
cities,
some white
soldiers,
nudged
rural
further industrialized the South, and also in-
streaks of progressivism into the politics of various states.
National and international forces thus pierced local fortresses of white supremacy. The Supreme Court destroyed a pillar of Jim
Crow when
it
outlawed the white primary in 1944. Before that time, the Democratic Party's all-white
primary had proved the most effective tool
for exclud-
ing blacks from politics. Yet while an influx of black voters helped
change
politics in
some
cities, rural areas
remained citadels of disenfran-
chisement. In rural Mississippi, Alabama, and Louisiana, for instance,
whites used violence, intimidation, and legal ploys to keep blacks away
from the polls long
where
fear
was
less
after the
white primary had been banned. In areas
pervasive,
some southerners voted
politicians rather than race-baiters.
The
states that trod this political
path contained smaller percentages of whites majorities. Often
white
fears,
it
for reformist
who
lived
was not the presence of blacks per
—
but their potential for power
a potential
heavily black areas. In Texas, Tennessee, Florida,
among
black
se that fueled
most evident
in
North Carolina, and
Virginia, less than 5 percent of whites lived in black-majority counties in
1940. Between 8 and 12 percent of white Arkansans, Louisianans,
Alabamians, and Georgians lived in such figure
was 20 percent;
areas. In
in Mississippi, 37 percent.
South Carolina, the
These figures help to
Pnlndt: In
Wake
tin
of tb% War,
1^4^-ic)^^
27
explain which states elected reformist politicians in the 1940s: Estes
won victories in Tennessee, Claude Pepper in Graham in North Carolina (though he was Sid McMath in Arkansas, and "Big" Jim Folsom
Kefauver and Albert Gore
Frank Porter
Morula,
appointed, not elected), in
Alabama. More to the point, the figures help to explain which
states
did not vote for progressives: notably, Mississippi and South Carolina.
On
14
the level of national politics, both reform and reaction touched
Dixie in 1948. Henry Wallace, Franklin D. Roosevelt's former vice president,
mounted
Progressive Party. Wallace
Upper South
campaign under the banner of the
a presidential
states like
made
substantial
—
North Carolina and
if
ephemeral
Virginia.
—
inroads in
He was
the
first
national candidate to publicly attack segregation in the South. Wallace
was
also fhe first politician to address
deliberate
way
crowds and a
though gation
his if
in
mixed audiences
mob
atmosphere. Wallace's efforts failed in the end,
al-
campaign showed that some southerners might oppose segre-
given a viable forum in which to do
similarly fleeting
—
yet equally significant
Rights Party nominated Strom
so.
While 1948 brought
to the South,
—
it
witnessed the
revolt of the Dixiecrats.
Thurmond
Wright of Mississippi
president and Fielding crats
for the
which he broke the taboo, he encountered angry
Henry Wallace and the Progressive Party States'
—and
of South Carolina for
for vice president.
unhappy with President Harry Truman's
The
Demo-
steps in the direction of
black civil rights bolted from the party, and fueled the fledgling Dixiecrats.
Both Wallace and the Dixiecrats scored breakthroughs
in south-
ern politics, yet neither shattered the one-party Democratic stronghold.
That would have to wait until the 1960s. 15
THE war provided some
southerners with novel experiences, brought
demographic and economic transformations, and portended wider changes in
life,
yet
it
also left
teemed with optimism later.
mixed
in 1945, he grappled
Whereas Guy Johnson
with new
realities a year
"The year 1946 has brought many things. Perhaps we can best
characterize
it
as a year of reaction,"
the Southern Regional Council in
down'
legacies.
after its great
tionary trend has
war
made
effort,
he said before the annual meeting of
November 1946. "The Nation
has
and the inevitable conservative and
itself felt in
'let
reac-
unmistakable ways." Johnson did not
have a difficult argument to make.
He
cited the revival of the
Ku Klux
Klan, the reelection of race-baiting politicians like Theodore Bilbo in Mississippi and
Eugene Talmadge
in Georgia,
and beatings of union
— THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
28 organizers, black veterans,
and others who threatened to disrupt the
sta-
1946 letter to Dwight Eisenhower, Alvin Owsley, chairman of the American Legion National Americanism Endowment Fund, pretus quo. In a
dicted racial violence
would mount. Reflecting on the new confidence
African-American soldiers had displayed overseas, Owsley wrote, not
know
.
.
.
where these Negroes come from, but
it is
do
"I
certain that if
they expect to be returned to the South, they very likely are on the
way
to be hanged or to be burned
men
of the South."
As
several
public lynchings by the white
alive at
grim
cases
showed, Owsley was not
far off
the
mark. In a four-week stretch during July and August of that year alone,
men were murdered
a dozen black
lynched Leon McTatie
Maceo
Mississippi. gia, after
when he supposedly
Snipes, a veteran,
he became the
ister to vote.
in the
Deep South.
A
white
mob
stole a saddle near Lexington,
met
a similar fate in Butler,
Geor-
African-American in Taylor County to reg-
first
16
Walton County, Georgia, and Columbia, Tennessee,
Incidents in
marked the "year of reaction." The executions of two young black men Roger Malcolm and George Dorsey law
—and
their wives,
(a veteran),
who were
brothers-in-
Dorothy Malcolm and Mae Murray Dorsey,
occurred outside the town of Monroe, Georgia, on July 25, 1946. Roger
Malcolm was
a laborer
on Bob Hester's farm.
allegedly stabbed Hester's son during a dispute.
eleven days in
jail,
until he
largest cotton grower,
On
July 14, Malcolm
Malcolm spent the next
was bailed out by Loy Harrison
and George Dorsey 's
colms piled into Harrison's
and headed
car,
—
the area's
boss. The Dorseys and Malfor his
farm near the
Apalachee River. Harrison sped past the Dorseys' house, across a bridge
toward a waiting white mob. Rumors of a lynching had swirled about
town
Malcolm's
after
arrest,
the rabble to a fever pitch.
and a
visit
from Eugene Talmadge roused
The gubernatorial candidate
told a
Monroe
crowd, "If I'm your governor, they won't vote in our white primary the
The Dorseys and Malcolms would never get that On July 18, Talmadge carried Walton County by seventy-eight
next four years." chance.
votes in the Democratic primary
—and with
it
the state of Georgia.
On
July 25, the Malcolms and Dorseys were lynched near Loy Harrison's plantation.
The
reaction
was
at its height.
The lynchings and Talmadge's restive
one
race issue,
for
victory
17
made
that
summer
of 1946 a
white Georgians. Talmadge ran his campaign around the
and made many pledges
enfranchise black Georgians.
He
like the
one in which he vowed to dis-
targeted rural white voters, in full
Wake
Prtludi: In thi
of the War,
29
1945-1955
knowledge that they could carry him
made
county-unit system of elections
number of
sessed a given
to victory. Georgia's
that possible. Each county pos-
unit votes, ranging from
counties to six for the largest.
Of
infamous
two
for the smallest
Georgia's 159 counties, 8 of
them
received six unit votes; 30 possessed four unit votes; and the remaining
The candidate that won a certain county received all of its unit votes. Talmadge captured the Democratic primary with 242 unit votes (twice the number of two-unit counties), to 148 for James Carmichael. More Georgians voted for Carmichael than for Talmadge a full 16,144 more but the county-unit system gave voters in rural areas disproportionate power. Urban Georgians expressed out121 had two unit votes apiece.
—
—
Owsley of Atlanta
rage. Cliff less."
felt
"completely disfranchised and power-
Frances Barnes of Marietta was "disillusioned and sick at heart over
the inability of the rural sections to understand what state."
The
happening in our
is
perspective tilted 180 degrees in the rural areas. Ira Butt,
editor of the North Georgia News, celebrated the fact that "We've got a
WHITE MAN's Governor coming forward now." Rural white Georgians Hardy of
reveled; those in the cities sought cover. Editor J. B.
the
Thomaston Times blamed Carmichael's defeat on rural prejudice. "In the
country counties where ignorance and prejudice rule his big votes,
ment
.
.
Ole Gene got
but in the city counties where education and enlighten-
reign Carmichael piled
breathed segregationist stitution attested to
fire,
up
a
huge
vote."
Not
every rural Georgian
and hundreds of letters to the Atlanta Con-
the fact that not every Atlantan took an "enlight-
ened" stance on race relations. ring of truth.
.
Still,
Hardy's generalization possessed the
18
Some white
German
southerners could not reconcile a battle against
racism with the mandates of
Jim Crow. One Georgian admitted
that
while he believed in black inferiority, he could not countenance Eugene
Talmadge's
racist
many and
don't see
I
demagoguery.
how we
baiter in Georgia." In the
"We
Ger-
are fighting a Jew-baiter in
can be consistent
if
we support
a
Negro-
wake of the war, Captain James Clark, an
air
corps veteran, expressed disbelief at Talmadge's victory. "Georgia has elected to follow the leadership of a
man, who by
same category
we
self in the
difficult to
understand
as the dictators
how
his actions, placed
so recently
him-
condemned.
It is
a freedom-loving people failed to grasp the
opportunity to banish the influence of Eugene Talmadge from state gov-
ernment." Some white southerners took seriously America's international posture
toward freedom
—and
realized
it
clashed with
Jim Crow.
— THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
30
Clark concluded,
my
"It is
preservation of the rights of
firm conviction that the struggle for the
men
has suffered
its
greatest defeat in the
back yard of its protector." 19
Thomas
Lovett and Henry Steadman, veterans from the college town
of Athens, believed that the war's lessons had escaped Georgians. They
their racial prejudice
We
what had happened
that if others understood
felt certain
would
would have withered away:
like to
put in a word of sympathy
Our sympathy comes from
Georgia.
for the
the fact that
defeat, as
we
Had
did.
they,
we
people of
more of the peo-
ple of the State did not have the opportunity to see its
Germany,
in
Germany
after
quite sure that the election
feel
of Eugene Talmadge would have been impossible. Those people thrived on racial hatred and intolerance, the very issues that elected Mr. Talmadge.
on the same
to be
believe Georgia
is
By
level
this election, the State has
with that of Mississippi
Talmadge showed
election of
Mississippi) disagreed.
by
this election
so
many
we
that
II left
many
are in
that white
in all their forms.
But the
whites (and not only natives of realize that
danger of having a form of government which
of our native sons died fighting against." Talmadge's victory
white southerners; neither could state
it
little to
remove
many
destroy prejudice in
racial politics or
corruption
governments.* The election results spoke for white Georgians
ways that
Two
we
an unquestioned legacy
"We wonder if the people of this State
demonstrated that the war had done
in
in fact,
humans would enjoy democracy and freedom, and
all
supremacy and totalitarianism would perish
from
—
itself
worse!
To Lovett and Steadman, World War that
proven
editorials
and
letters to the editor
could not. 20
days after the Atlanta Constitution published the letter from
Lovett and Steadman, the Malcolms and Dorseys lost their
lives.
The
lynchings in Monroe further shattered any notions that white southerners
*
were moving toward acceptance of democracy and freedom
When Eugene Talmadge died
Powered by
himself onto the legislature,
of cirrhosis before he could take
a suspect write-in effort list
for all. "It
office, a political fiasco
ensued.
and ballot box corruption, Talmadge's son Herman finagled
of candidates from which the legislature could select the next governor.
The
dominated by old-line Talmadge supporters, voted Herman Talmadge into the
governor's office.
He
succession illegal.
had served
for sixty-seven days
The previous governor,
Thompson. Thompson kept the statehouse
when
Ellis Arnall,
until 1948,
the Georgia
Supreme Court ruled
his
then installed his lieutenant, Melvin E.
when Herman Talmadge won
it
back.
Prthdt: In the Wake of the War, 1945-195 5 is
very regrettable that
was
try" in
54s
mob
with wartime
say, as
he equated the Monroe lynchoccurred in Detroit and
racial confrontations that
Few American
Chicago.
violence occurs in any section of the coun-
Eugene Talmadge could
all
31
were so
politicians
Senator William
glib.
Knowland of California called the lynchings "a blot on the whole United States," reflecting the new international atmosphere in which the killings occurred.
21
Some white Georgians expressed shame at the heinous crime. "Hitler and Germany were indicted at Nuremberg and our fair State was indicted at Monroe," wrote J. L. Thomas of Decatur. "I have reached the point where
I
do not think
my
boundless pride in youth."
many
The
it
heresy to say
am
I
rapidly losing that
Southern heritage that was instilled in
which Thomas
feelings to
me
in
my
would resonate with
testified
other white southerners in the age of civil rights, through the
1950s and
Rampant
1960s.
bigotry and violence against African-
much more than black them. Those who began to change
Americans often upset white southerners
demands and movements appealed their racial views
by
were often repelled by white supremacy, not compelled
That
rights.
civil
to
spirit
animated many Georgians when they
attended church on Sunday, July 28, after the lynchings.
and Athens to the issued resolutions
Church
in
Monroe
is
at
Monroe
First
condemning the lynchings. At
St.
Monroe, Dr. Lester Rumble declared, "The a guilt of us all." First
itself,
churches
Luke's Episcopal terrible
crime of
As Reverend H. C. Holland opened
services
Methodist, he read a statement that deplored the mur-
ders and asked all those rights
Methodist Church of Monroe
From Atlanta
and complete
said, as the entire
who
agreed to stand up.
justice for all
men
congregation rose to
stand for equal
in all stations of life,"
its feet.
Holland
22
White southerners might rise for racial justice few made that sentiment a genuine part of their pathy for the plight of blacks were isolated, and plays of violence like the
"We
Monroe lynchings
after the lynchings, lives.
it
but
Instances of sym-
often took horrific dis-
to instill even fleeting
compassion. Such sympathy rarely translated into changes in the home, school, church, or workplace,
box, or in the mind. election season
On July
on the bus,
in the cotton field, at the ballot
18, the Atlanta Constitution
on a note of hope. "Negroes swarmed orderly and with
dignity to the polls yesterday to vote for the
Democratic primary." Yet in the a
had rung in the
last
first
time in a Georgia
weeks of July, Georgia elected
demagogic governor and hosted the execution of four African-
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
32
Americans.
Nobody
knew
yet
whether the planter Loy Harrison
for sure
had intentionally driven the Malcolms and the Dorseys to their deaths.
It
would be 1992 before an eyewitness implicated Harrison in the murders, and named others. The criminals remained at large in 1946. "We have just sent millions of the flower of
our young manhood to Europe and to
Asia to stamp out Nazism, whose habit has been to take the law into
own hands and murder
helpless people," stated the Atlanta Methodist
"Now,
Ministers' Association on July 30.
something closely
in Georgia,
akin to Nazism in Europe and Asia has arisen, and in every sense as brutal." If white
supremacy was
reached Atlanta ministers rural places like
its
much more
just
it is
shaken by the war, those tremors
at all
than they touched any whites in
Monroe. Black leaders of the Walton County Civic
League pointed out in 1950 that the dissolution of the white primary was meaningless, because the white
man
"is
going to run things anyway." 23
White residents of Columbia, Tennessee, certainly hoped that they would continue to dominate. The trouble there began in February 1946, when Gladys Stephenson brought her radio to the Caster-Knott store to be repaired. Weeks later, the manager, LaVal LaPointe, told Stephenson's younger son, John, that the radio had been
sold.
When
the store reac-
quired the radio, LaPointe demanded an exorbitant fee for
it.
James
Stephenson, a nineteen-year-old just back from the navy, accompanied his
mother
to the store
ment ensued. tice Billy
injuries.
A
on February
fight broke out
25
.
Tensions mounted and an argu-
between Stephenson and
Fleming, a white army veteran. Neither
man
store appren-
sustained critical
Gladys and James Stephenson were both taken to
Fleming's father secured a warrant for attempted murder.
noon, a crowd of whites had formed on the
downtown
By
jail,
while
early after-
square.
When
the
Stephensons were released, they returned to the safety of Columbia's black neighborhood, the Bottom.
Stephenson
left
town
for
Amid rumors
of a lynching, James
Chicago and blacks in the Bottom armed them-
The white crowd downtown quickly lost its desire to invade the neighborhood of armed blacks, and African- Americans rebuffed Columbia police. Tennessee highway patrolmen hurtled toward Columbia in selves.
time for a predawn raid on the Bottom. State borhood, decimated blacks at random,
were killed in the
its
businesses,
ravaged the neigh-
and arrested more than a hundred
who were marched sheriff's office.
officers
An
to the
Maury County
investigator for the
Jail.
SRC
Two
asserted,
"Any estimate of property damage would not be too high." Columbia
— Wake of the War, 1945-1955
Pnittdt: In the
33
blacks were not lynched, but neither were they protected. In the years
World War
after
The events grand jury whites
—
in
in
II,
this passed for
Columbia
change in the South. 24
offered contradictory lessons. In August, a
Lawrenceburg, Tennessee
—comprised
and acquitted
tried twenty-five of the arrested blacks,
two of them.
If
entirely of poor all
but
two general stories about the white South unraveled in
the years after the war
—one
of racial reform and the other of reaction
the jury's decision added to the saga of reform. erners were no longer
wedded quite
as
suggested white south-
It
deeply to racial discrimination.
Yet seen from another vantage point, white southerners continued to
deny the humanity of African- Americans attempted to
LaVal LaPointe
Stephensons; Billy Fleming's father obtained a
fleece the
trumped-up warrant
at every turn:
for
attempted murder; a
town square; the highway
mob
patrol destroyed the
formed on the down-
Bottom, arresting more
than a hundred blacks, two of whom died in the
sheriff's office. Through Underwood could testify in court, "The relations it all, James better than any other between the races [in Maury County] has been classes on earth." It seemed like the same old myths still buttressed the same old oppression. Still, this was different: Underwood initially
Sheriff
.
released the Stephensons
with confidence, armed
from
jail;
itself and
.
.
the black community, newly fortified
fought back; whites
may have gathered
on the square, but they did not lynch anybody; and perhaps most amazingly, the
blacks.
Lawrenceburg jury of poor whites acquitted twenty-three
25
Perhaps white southerners had begun to
any understanding of the large.
War
Many
II felt
whites
jury's acquittal,
who
feel
the winds of change. In
southern class dynamics loom
ascended into the middle class after World
threatened by blacks. Will Campbell, a white reverend
became caught up
in the
movement
for racial justice,
who
argued that poorer
whites could better empathize with the unfairly accused: they, too, had
been dragged into court before, condescended
to, exploited,
and unjustly
indicted. "There continues to be less real racism in redneckism because
the redneck participates in our society from a base of considerably less
power than the
rest of us."
This line of thinking contends that the poor
whites in Lawrenceburg, having the least to lose, were most apt to acquit
World War II soldiers also supwisdom long had it that better edu-
the black defendants. Surveys of white
port this argument. Conventional cated southerners possessed
more "enlightened"
or "progressive" views
— THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
34
on
race,
for their
but that was not always
Of white
true.
southern soldiers asked
opinion about integrated work crews, 76 percent of those with a
high school or college degree said they would object, while only 57 percent of the less educated did. Status anxiety did not seem to afflict poor whites as
did the middle
it
many
Yet there were
who glimpsed Underwood at the
in
class;
the poor had
poor whites the most vicious aspects of racism. Sheriff
described
know
26
southerners, on both sides of the racial divide,
members of the white mob
phosphate plants and hosiery mills.
does not
little status to lose.
the
Negro
as
a reading of southern class
we do and
.
.
as
who work of white man
"people
This type
.
is less
friendly to him."
Such
dynamics could be buttressed by more than
One Columbia AfricanAmerican stated, "The white factory worker, who fears our competition, is the dangerous element in the South." He cited the "Fleming boy who just
white myths about "knowing the Negro."
prime example. Fleming was but one of
started the trouble here" as a
many poor
whites
who
despised blacks
— "Because they
are, if
anything,
more insecure than the Negro." Such notions about poor whites made the acquittals in Lawrenceburg that
For
all
the change the acquittals
tion of the
much more surprising. 27 may have highlighted, an examina-
crowd that gathered on the Columbia square challenges any
easy claims to progress. In that crowd, and during the
Columbia
distur-
bance in general, white war veterans displayed particularly deep hostility
toward blacks. Veterans who changed their
racial
those like Seth Lurie, Joe Gilmer, and Claude
views after the war
Ramsay
—
stuck out like
sore
thumbs. Most whites
who
exhibited newfound dignity and confidence. For the vast majority,
felt
immediately threatened by black veterans
the war's inclusive ideals of democracy, freedom, and antiracism rang
hollow. Even those
who
absorbed such egalitarian wartime ideals often
separated the war itself from what
of
World War
II
had
little to
came
As more southerners moved and
as veterans
Whites thought the legacy
do with the rights of black Americans. Of
course, African-Americans disagreed.
ized,
after.
28
to the cities, as the
economy
industrial-
returned home, the old paternalism started to die
out on both sides of the white boss-black worker dynamic. Black veteran
Wilson Evans returned
to Mississippi
with new
resolve.
But when Evans
attempted to lead voter registration drives in 1947, he ran smack into southern whites, as determined as ever to
resist
black gains. "You came
back with Northern ideas of niggers voting," the Gulfport sheriff told Evans. "But us Southern white folks hadn't swallowed
it
yet." After the
Pnlttdt: hi tin
Wake
oj the
War,
1945-1955
35
war, facades did not coat reality quite so heavily,
and
interracial interac-
assumed rougher edges. "The old expectations and
tions
John Egerton wrote. "A meaner game
applied,"
.
.
.
was
no longer
fears
in the offing."
Murders that swept the South in the year of reaction were "fueled by white
fears that
black veterans might become a revolutionary force, and
that blacks in general
son said as
"Up
would no longer
much when
George went
until
stay 'in their place.'
"
Loy Harri-
he spoke of the Monroe lynchings decades in the army, he
later.
was a good nigger," Harrison told
Clinton Adams, a boy in Walton County at the time of the lynching.
"But when he came out, they thought they were people."
as
good
as
when
Black veterans brought a double-edged sword with them returned
tfi
stereotypes
the
any white
29
—and many whites responded
Alabama
they
the South. Without deference, they challenged old white in kind. In a stinging irony,
1945 resolution argupeace and harmony to work
state legislature uttered a truth in a
ing that whites and blacks should be
"left in
out their mutual problems." African-Americans returned from the war
with the desire to shake the white South out of this unjust peace. Yet "no
good can come from changing the normal course of evolution and devel-
opment of race by
arbitrary legal means," the legislature maintained, for
"such attempts lead only to violence, misunderstanding, and destruction
now
of the normal and happy relationship in this state." If the state legislature
that a "normal and
prevailing between the races
was gravely mistaken in
accurately foretold the kind of violence that
challenged white myths. For
proved to be only that sure,
—
all its terror,
belief
however, the year of reaction
and international pres-
and under the weight of larger demographic and
social shifts, the
drastically decreased. Strange fruit still trees in the 1950s,
became horrible anomalies instead of standard
While lynching began
it
would erupt when blacks
a year. In light of federal
number of southern lynchings hung from the Souths poplar
late
its
happy relationship" prevailed under Jim Crow,
to disappear
but these episodes
practice.
30
from the southern landscape
in the
1940s, racial tension and white prejudice did not. "The tension in
the South today
makes
me
sick at heart," wrote A.
H. Sterne,
dent of the Atlanta branch of the United Council of Church
vice presi-
Women,
in
1948. Fellow Atlantan Helene Alford painted a similarly grim portrait of Georgia that year. political
"
'Civil rights' is
upheaval around
us.
.
.
.
The
dynamite
in this state
with the
picture looks pretty dark." Well
before direct action protests hit southern towns, fears of black equality
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
$6
gripped
many white
southerners.
problem facing the South was
When
asked what the most important
in July 1949,
30 percent
replied, "civil
Eighty percent believed blacks should be required to occupy
rights."
White southern support for segregation remained entrenched after the war. The student sit-ins were eleven years away, and few whites would change their minds in the separate parts of interstate buses or trains.
interim.
31
Many
continued to contest the legacy of World
War
When
II.
black
protest intensified and the pace of change quickened in the 1950s and
1960s, white southerners referred back to the war as a touchstone. After the Brown
Board of Education decision in 1954, a young Mississippi farmer who had served in the war cast his lot against civil rights. "Fight v.
integration?
Why I've just begun to fight," he wrote Congressman Frank
"When I was on a beach in the South know why. Now we know what we are
Smith. didn't
going to hold us back." white southerners
—and
Many began
rights.
Pacific
I
fighting
was fighting and for,
and nothing
A
certain notion of freedom crystallized
it
had
little to
to picture the
and the white southerner
I is
among
do with fascism overseas or equal
American government
as the victim.
When
as the fascist,
President Eisenhower
mobilized federal troops to integrate Little Rock's Central High School in 1957,
was
many
in the
"My
whites found the war analogy particularly apt.
Marine corps during World war two and spent 14 months in
the South Pacific fighting, and for what?" one Broxton, Georgia,
wrote Atlanta Constitution editor Ralph McGill. to see Soldiers
with
rifles
America and choosing
DICTATOR
their friends
tion of individual freedom animated to segregate oneself
many, World
ments
War
II
"I
woman
can answer that one,
and Bayonets pointed to the backs of his
dren being forced to obey a
dom
son
by
became
and
instead of enjoying a
associates."
many white
race, regardless of
A
FREE
peculiar concep-
southerners
what others
—
the free-
desired. For
a battle for that specific liberty.
for black civil rights that
chil-
The move-
unfolded over the following two decades
looked like villainous attempts to challenge whites' freedom. 32
One
Charlotte
man
believed the 1964 Civil Rights Act and
its
deseg-
regation of public facilities undermined his war efforts. "Six brothers in
my
family including myself fought in
World War
II for
our rights and
freedom," this veteran wrote to his congressman in 1965. "Then
am
I
why
.
.
.
being forced to use the same wash-room and restrooms with
negro[e]s.
I
highly resent
rights, but can't say this
this. ... I'd
anymore
be willing to fight and die for
for this country."
my
When the black free-
Pnludti In
dom
tin
Wake
War, i^^^-icf^j,
37
many white veterans World War II changed the
Struggle chipped away at southern customs,
began
to believe that they
racial attitudes it
oj the
had fought
in vain.
and behavior of some soldiers and some southerners, but
failed to transform the majority. As Seth Lurie remarked about the
izens of Dallas County,
Alabama,
"I
learn before they have to learn as civil rights
I
only hope the white people of Dallas
did
movement did not bring
1950s and 1960s,
it
The freedom struggle
came with
—through
war
military
a similar
a war."
Although the
to the
South in the
power and depth of
feeling.
forced sudden cataclysms and gradual transforma-
tions in southern race relations
only one other time in the
life
—
the kinds of changes that had been felt
of the South: after the Civil War. 33
ALTHOUGH AMERICA HAD WAGED many continued
abroad,
cit-
to
a
war against totalitarianism
condone Jim Crow
at
home. In
rhetoric, if
not in action, the federal government displayed an awareness of such hypocrisy. Violent racism in the South
to America's foes incon-
endured in the United
trovertible proof that injustice
writer Ilya Ehrenburg took a trip to sissippi as a place
handed
America
in
States.
Russian
1946 and described Mis-
where whites "shiver with fright thinking about the
mass of unfortunate, angry people
who may become
tired of singing
'Hallelujah' while waiting their turn to be hanged." In 1955,
Emmett
Till
was lynched near Money, Mississippi, and
his
into the Tallahatchie River. After Tills death, Dlisseldorf's
reported, "The
life
of a
Negro
in Mississippi
is
mill, but
encouraged other nations to
body thrown
Das
Fret Volk
not worth a whistle."
Racial violence in the South not only lent grist to the
ganda
young
communist propa-
criticize
America. White
southerners continued to use whatever means they wished to keep blacks in their "place" in the 1940s, but their heinous crimes no longer
occurred in a geographic vacuum. federal
As
government and international
their plight. In this atmosphere,
demanded more rights, the media became more attuned to
blacks
white southerners could no longer wield
the rope, the gun, or the knife with such impunity. 34
The coin of internationalism had another decreased, in light of America's Cold
side.
Even
as lynchings
War rhetoric and global
ambitions,
an ascendant ethos of anti-communism lent Jim Crow's defenders explosive
fuel.
Anti-communist hysteria spawned blacklisting and red-
baiting nationwide;
its
ability to
become tangled up
in race relations
was
— THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
38 especially pervasive in the South.
As names
like
Joe McCarthy, Alger
Hiss, and Ethel and Julius Rosenberg captured headlines across the
country,
anti-communism shaped the South with
—and
any challenge to the status quo
to
its
capacity to derail
Jim Crow, in particular. In
1946, the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) launched
its
"Operation Dixie" campaign to unionize southern workers. Instead of challenging southern traditions, however, the locals
CIO formed
and practiced anti-communism. The CIO's
segregated
fears of integration
and
communism resonated with the majority of white workers that it courted. The Scottsboro trial of the 1930s had first solidified many of these issues in southern minds. The Communist Party came to the defense of accused African- Americans, and focused an international spotlight on the horrors
of southern racism. Simultaneously,
its
prominent
role in the Scottsboro
case allowed white southerners to equate black civil rights
with com-
munist conspiracies. Many white southerners pictured the National Association for the
Communist
Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the
Party as one and the same, blacks
who
struggled for equality
became dupes of a Soviet scheme, and northern advocates of civil
rights
looked like communist-inspired "outside agitators." The black and red
menaces shaded into each ers'
other.
A central
tenet of many white southern-
worldview, anti-communism possessed staying power.
white southerners' perceptions of the federal government, the
movement, and the African-Americans
Of all
It
colored
civil rights
in their towns.
the forces that were unleashed in the 1940s, few proved
more
durable than anti-communism. White southerners' fears of the red menace were not confined to the high tide of the Cold War, but endured for
decades. "Before the tion,
Supreme Court decision"
Frank Smith wrote, "Negroes were
just
in
Brown
v.
Board of Educa-
one of the hate objects
Jews, Catholics, labor unions, and communists were indiscriminately intermingled."
soon coalesced,
The many challengers to white southerners' way of life and anti-communism stood as an inseparable part of that
amalgam. 33 Frank Porter Graham's 1950 bid
for reelection to the U.S. Senate
North Carolina showed anti-communism's southern
strength.
from
Graham
was the progressive former president of the University of North Carolina, beloved
by many. Governor W. Kerr Scott had appointed Graham
to the Senate in
1949
to finish out the
Broughton. Graham ran the Democratic primary.
for reelection,
He
term of the deceased
J.
Melville
and won a plurality of the vote in
finished ahead of attorney Willis
Smith by
— Pnludt: In tht Wakt of the War,
1945-1955
39
margin of 49 percent to 41 percent, but polled just short of the required outright majority. As a runoff approached, Smith's campaign
a
who
spearheaded by Jesse Helms, senator
—
realized
Graham's past
it
as a
later
had to gain ground
became
Smith and Helms played on
fast.
member of Harry Truman's
and the Southern Conference
Human
for
a leading conservative
Civil Rights
Welfare
Commission
(SCHW). The cam-
paign circulated a doctored photograph that pictured Graham's wife
dancing with a black man. North Carolinians found handbills in their
"WHITE PEOPLE WAKE
mailboxes that read,
UP!" and asked, "Do
you want Negroes working beside you and your wife and daughters?"
Helms tagged
the University of
North Carolina
as the "University of
Negroes and Communists." Smith and Helms alleged that Graham was "tip to his
races." It
neck" in communists and that he "favors mingling of the
begged the question, which did southern whites
communism closely
or integration? In this particular case, the
Smith defeated Frank Porter Graham a juggernaut.
Mississippi senator
SCHW,
James Eastland
SCHW
elec-
when he brought a 1954. Former members of
raised the ante
attracted southern liberals like Clark Foreman,
reform Dixie's politics.
SCHW
When
suffered for
sympathizers from
that
1950
an organization formed in 1938, became Eastland's primary
Williams, and Virginia Durr, as
ties
in the
36
McCarthy-like spectacle to the Big Easy in
War,
so
52 percent to 48 percent. For supporters of segregation, anti-
communism became
get.
two were
entwined in the minds of many that the answer did not seem to
matter. Willis tion,
really fear
its
its
it
previous refusal to ban
that
SCHW
as "explosive
destroying American democracy," and that
Negro
was
SCHW
November 1948. Many lished in January
of
to
disbanded its
Communist
Party
it
after
a
communist
front,
and revolutionary tinder in advocated "an independent
Soviet Republic in the southern Black Belt
call to civil war."
movement
House Un-American Activi-
ranks. In 1947, the
used the issue of race
Aubrey
America plunged headlong into the Cold
Committee (HUAC) alleged it
represented a legitimate
tar-
which
in essence
Henry Wallace's
members had
is
a
defeat in
joined an offshoot estab-
1946: the Southern Conference Educational Fund
(SCEF). In 1954, Eastland attempted to resuscitate the red ghost of the
SCHW in the minds of white southerners. He held a series of hearings in New Orleans,
and called to the stand various members of SCEF and
for-
mer members of SCHW. Eastland accused the defendants of communism, and planted witnesses who would corroborate his allegations. The
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
40
were a sham, and most of the public saw through Eastland's
trials
smears. In the short term, Eastland suffered.
main objective
plished his
between
Durr
civil rights
—he
asserted that while few of her fact that
we
tantamount
Supreme Court issued
months
later.
As
communism.
Montgomery neighbors are against segregation
Virginia
believed she
was blazoned
The curof The Crucible went up on March 16;
to being subversive if not actually insane."
tain for Eastland's southern version
the
Advertiser
Yet Eastland accom-
and in the minds of most Southerners
forth to all the Southern world, is
"
publicly reinforced the connection
activism and the specter of
was a communist, "the
that
The Montgomery
on 'Southern honor.'
called his hearings a ''blight
decision in Brown
its
v.
Board of Education two
that ruling approached, Eastland's hearings suggested
to white southerners that supporters of integration were subversive
munists
at the very least, if
Many caught
his drift.
any advance the
Little
Whites were poised
"communist"
to shout
at
—
movement might make from the Brown Montgomery bus boycott to school desegregation in
civil rights
decision and the
com-
not deranged. 37
Rock, the Civil Rights Act, and untold protests in towns across
the South.
The meteoric
rise
of Citizens' Councils in 1954 and 1955 sat-
urated the southern air with anti-communist propaganda. Soon after the Brown decision, Senator Eastland charged that the
Supreme Court
was under communist control. The Court has become "indoctrinated and brainwashed by left-wing pressure groups," Eastland contended. The
Supreme Court agreed. Jewell
Lamm
gressman, "Personally be exiled to Russia." state,
must be communists, many white southerners
justices
many white
of Middlesex, North Carolina, wrote to her con-
think
I
all
nine of the old political hacks ought to
When Emmett Till was
home hand of communism in
lynched in Eastland's
Mississippians glimpsed the
the grisly murder. Reporters descended on the courthouse in Sumner, Mississippi, to cover the trial of
Roy Bryant and J. W. Milam, who con-
fessed to the crime years after they
bespectacled old
woman
were acquitted.
A
well-dressed,
declared to television cameras, "I'm almost con-
vinced that the very beginning of this was by a communistic front."
Everywhere
civil rights
The anti-communist rural areas to
communist
38 appeared, white southerners saw red.
furor reached whites across the South
urban centers, Upper South and Deep South
—from
alike. Ideas of
conspiracies seized not only small Mississippi towns or white
supremacist strongholds. The constituents of Charles Raper Jonas
illus-
trate this point. Jonas was a U.S. representative from the North Carolina
Vrditdc: hi the
Wake
of the War,
1945-1955
41
Piedmont, and a Republican. His district formed the backbone of North Carolina's "progressive mystique,"
and represented a chink in the armor
of an otherwise one-party region. Yet Jonas 's constituents were as con-
cerned with
came up
bill
communism for
When
any other southerners.
as
debate in Congress in 1956,
Lamm
wrote Jonas,
of you to help defeat President Ike's 'Civil Rights' Bill.
communism
resist
at
home
and sovereign nation
New
'Marxist'
like
as well as abroad.
it
to L.
it
God and
Deal took over.
.
beg
We want
.
to
the U.S. a proud
Christ gave us segregation.
his .
.
.
us integration." Just the thought of intefears of a godless
G. Blodgett, another of Jonas
not the most pressing issue.
We want
.
"I
was before Franklin D. Roosevelt and
The commies propose to give gration dredged up in Lamm But
a civil rights
When
and
dictatorial society.
constituents, civil rights was
s
the bill
became law, Blodgett argued
was "not too important from the point of negro
'rights,'
though many
hereabouts would differ from me." Blodgett worried far more about
communism 1957.
used
"It
than about the toothless,
suddenly dawned on
me
as a 'popular front' for the
definitely
behind the
sive resistance,
'race' situation." It
his
'rights,'
but
Communism was
was 1957, the heyday of mas-
community would not
overnight.
More threatening than desegregation
behind
After the integration of Little Rock's Central
it.
Act of
that the Civil Rights Bill was being
negroes
and Blodgett knew
Civil Rights
if significant,
integrate
was the red plot
itself
High
School,
One University of North Carolina eyes when he saw the photographs in
however, others were not so sure.
alumnus could barely believe his
hometown
Charlotte News.
his
"Can
this
be America?
It
looks
more
like a
smuggled photo from behind the Iron Curtain!" The Charlotte man did not think communists were behind the desegregation in Little Rock, but
was certain the events would aid the Soviets in their deceitful plans. "Those persons behind the integration push have
finally
dividing our nation to an extent that must please
Moscow
degree!"
succeeded in to the 'n'th
39
Anti-communism was not
who
the sole province of whites
segregation. Liberal nationwide organizations like Americans for cratic
War
Action (ADA) raised the banner of anti-communism II,
and the
SRC
also dissociated itself
Schulz, minister of the First Congregational Florida, belonged to the state's Interracial
become
a
member
inquired about the council's stance on
DemoWorld
from communism. Louis
Church
in
Committee.
of the Florida Council on
after
favored
Human
communism
Winter Park,
When
asked to
Relations, Schulz
before considering
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
42 its offer.
possible
"I
seldom join an organization
means
to be assured that
like this
without using every
not infiltrated by
it is
Communism,"
Schulz wrote in 1956 to the SRC, the parent organization of the state councils. "There
no doubt of my interest in working
is
play and good citizenship rights for
they did not bend too far to the
white southerners
who
—from
advocated
—could
Through the mid-1960s, southerners
head Klansman
Sam Bowers and
—
and
fair
so long as
United in anti-communism, many
who
joined state interracial councils
tive.
Americans," he noted
all
left.
those
for justice
states' rights to
those
appreciate Schulz's prerogaas ideologically
opposed
as
progressive Mississippi newspaper edi-
Hodding Carter would agree that communists aided the black civil 40 rights movement. Dixie's leaders, from members of Citizens' Councils to elected officials, painted stark images of communist conspiracies. Most white southtor
and internalized the anti-communist
erners, in turn, easily accepted
message. Over time, resistance.
it
became an indispensable piece of the puzzle of
The anti-communism of the 1940s and 1950s rode more meaningful
of national paranoia, and became
the
wave
to white southerners
movement progressed. The direct movement added a new dimension to
as the black civil rights
action phase
of the civil rights
southerners'
anti-communism
communism had rated
it
in the 1960s,
it
such power for them
later
became apparent why
—why many
into their racial attitudes and behavior.
discovered a force they could
Postwar anti-communism
War
and
mold
may
so
anti-
smoothly incorpo-
White southerners had
to their needs, fears,
and confusions.
have been the product of
specific
Cold
circumstances, but once lodged in the minds of southerners,
power did not depend upon that gles challenged the southern
its
initial context. Later civil rights strug-
way of
life
head-on; white southerners
wielded anti-communism to rationalize their customs and combat those threats for as long as they persisted.
as
THE years unfolded
likely that southern cities
between blacks' desires
communities catalyst.
on the
as they
after
would
for
World War
II, it
act as arenas for an
seemed increasingly
impending
collision
freedom and whites' wishes to keep their
had been. Every southerner imagined a different
Richard Franco, an Atlanta doctor, always considered himself
liberal side of the race issue. Franco's
Jewish identity helped him
Prtludii In tbi
Wake of the War, 1945-1955
to
empathize with the plight of blacks.
of
universal
humanism
43
When presented
with the choice
versus provincial individualism, he always chose
the former. Franco was right that the postwar era
would bring changes
in
and
race relations to the South, but he incorrectly predicted their form,
"The emancipation of blacks would take place by the
their impetus.
enlightened evolution of the white community," Franco had long thought. "Politicians and leaders
make
tude
the changes."
.
.
.
would by
Mayor William
their enlightened atti-
Hartsfield ran a progressive
administration in Atlanta, and Franco thought that ethos would evolve, gradually, until
it
enshrined equality for
that the avenue of the change that they
make
the
all. "It
.
.
power and
exert the
'that this society isn't
.
me
would come from black people themselves,
would marshal the energy and
demand
didn't really occur to
basically
going to work unless you
us in the door. We're not going to abide by
let
That was not how
this.'
I
envisioned or anticipated the change." Franco was light-years ahead
many white
of
equality
—but
southerners in that he possessed a vision for racial
it
stemmed from
grant equality to blacks.
a belief that whites
Many more white
would voluntarily
southerners lived in a con-
new racial order even while they braced themselves for it. As blacks' demands for equal rights and white resistance both heated up after the war, many southerners waited for a spark. No one knew precisely what would ignite the flame. By 1954, the flicted
limbo; they refused to envision a
Supreme Court
reluctantly wielded the matches.
41
Straight lines did not connect events in the age of civil rights.
Groups
and individuals responded in ways that were rarely predictable to events that were even less so.
White southerners exhibited tendencies toward
both acceptance of and resistance to black
civil rights in
the 1940s and
1950s; upheaval finally forced those proclivities to the surface.
Brown decision did not usher ers,
in
new
tendencies
among white
but deepened existing trends. At the time,
whether the black struggle would advance or future promised larger
jolts,
fied the extent or racial
phenomena at once
—
just as they it
fall
southern-
was often unclear
back
—whether
the
or whether the previous tumult had signi-
change.
tomorrow's overwhelmed
it
The
Many
southerners grappled with both
attempted to adapt to yesterday's news,
and sent individuals on different
arcs
toward
different ends.
The
civil rights era
began in the
relative quiescence of the 1940s, in
the push and pull between the old and the new, the change and the reaction.
North Carolinians who tuned
into
Durham's
WDNC radio on Sat-
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
44
urday night, January 13, 1945, could hear Dr. James Shepard, founder of
North Carolina Central University. Shepard
North Carolina." "As you well know, the average
Racial Progress in
white Southerner
entitled his speech "Inter-
is
a fairly decent citizen
who wants
do the right
to
"He can be perarguments; he can even be shamed through a fair
things," Shepard quoted a letter he recently received.
suaded with reasonable
appeal to his [conscience], but he cannot be coerced into a course of
He is stubborn, proud, and utterly allergic to Many preferred tranquillity, meaning adherence to segregation,
action however right. threats."
over any kind of turbulence. Examining the civil rights era in
its
larger
postwar context, a report from Newsweek's southern bureau pointed out that race was "an unresolved issue except in the
on both
Nice people preferred not
sides.'
minds of the 'extremist
to discuss the issue."
With
every piece of legislation, every court decision, every local struggle, the civil rights years
came
how
eroded that silence and complacency. "The responses
them. Bit by bit people began to sound out exactly
as events forced
they did
feel."
toward change.
And
bit
by
bit the civil rights
Between the end of World War Brown
movement drew them
42 II
and the Supreme Court's decision in
Board of Education, the past dueled the future in the South. In
v.
general, big cities began to look ahead as rural areas clutched old cus-
toms. While some examples defied that generalization, the pattern held in Dallas County, trip to Dallas
Alabama. Harris Wofford, while
County
in 1952.
Wofford 's observations helped to recap-
ture rural white southerners' mind-sets rights struggles had
become
a reality
and ways of
woman
in charge of the Dallas
told Wofford. "I'd say this nitely
is
who wouldn't Selma
assumptions of black
knew
desires,
and
woman
riots.
.
.
.
The niggers know
come and
tell
you, and there
their place
around here. is
If
not a person
"their
with stereotypes, myths, epithets, and bedrock
inferiority. It rested
on a conviction that southern
Negroes" intimately, understood their needs and
fulfilled those
are the ones in the
Selma
County Chamber of Commerce
feed and clothe a nigger." Paternalism was alive and well
in 1952, replete
whites
well taken care of
place. They're the friendly sort
they are hungry, they will
lifestyles too
a nigger heaven. Segregation there defi-
of course. But no race
and seem to keep in their
in
is
is
before civil
life
—worldviews and
ingrained for a court ruling to upend. "The nigger here," a
a law student, took a
needs whenever they could.
whole United States who
assured Wofford. To prove
it,
love
she
"We
in the
South
the colored people," a
summoned
a black ser-
Pniitdi: In tin \X\d-c
the War,
f
1945-1955
and asked him, "Now, Bascum,
\aiii
45
down
here the white people and
colored people understand each other, don't they?" "Yes, ma'am," he replied.
A
"Down
here
Her
series
understand the colored people," the
since the
first
was not
paternalism continued to flour-
this
cruelty and tension. "That an underlying affection
all
between Southern blacks and whites seems
reiterated.
days of Jim Crow. 43
Wofford pointed out that where ish, life
woman
suggested that racial attitudes in Selma had not changed
beliefs
much
we
of questions and answers continued along these lines.
certain. ... In the tenant
along with the hostility
exists
and servant systems of the black belt
these relationships have been slow to die."
The old dynamics did begin
to recede, slowly but surely, as larger social processes blazed into Dallas
County
—
the
movement
of southerners from rural to urban areas, along
with gradual economic and political changes. "What the resulting
rela-
tionship between Negroes and whites will be cannot perhaps be known,"
Wofford continued, "but one thing
is
between a white cotton planter and
'his
cotton work
is
mechanized,
as the
become
stock ... as Negroes
certain:
the old relationship
niggers'
is
ending
—
as the
farms switch from cotton to live-
tempted to
displaced, or
city
employ-
ment." Race relations were beginning to change well before the Brown decision and the
Montgomery bus
boycott. Despite enduring paternal-
ism, perceptible shifts in consciousness
environment.
in the rural southern
Wofford saw signs
way
—
in the attitudes of
complemented transformations
44
subtle but substantial
white southerners.
—
An
that changes were under
influential
Selma
"We want the Negro to him to know just where his
asserted during a public meeting, place, but
buses
it's
it
must be hard
behind; on trains
generally speaking,
it's
for it's
up
front; in
down." This was
keep in his place
is.
In
it's
up, and
acknowledgment
that the
white churches
a rare
citizen
accepted customs and traditions out of which the fabric of the southern
way of life was woven smacked of absurdity. While no admission of black equality, the
even
if
remark possessed powerful implications.
suggested that
one believed in black inferiority and the idea of a
"place," that concept
made
was nonsensical in practice, dards. It
code
It
little
for
it
race's
proper
sense outside of white minds. "Place"
required obedience to confected stan-
assumed that blacks could understand a white code, when the
itself
was predicated on the belief that African-Americans could
comprehend nothing of the imposed upon them. 45
sort
—and
that they thus needed a code
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
46
The expectation
that blacks could divine whites' logic also suggested
that African-Americans
might understand whites quite
By
well.
con-
the age of civil rights demonstrated over and over that white
trast,
southerners in fact had no idea
problem
to assault
is
who
one of the
"their
Negroes" were. "To
state this
assumptions of southern whites,"
first
Wofford wrote, "that only they know the Negro. 'Come out and you about the
nigger,'
here and live and
.
.
.
work with them'
—
remained the constant white refrain
movement
rights
themselves
—
know them
'You can never this
is
until
I'll tell
you come
the constant refrain."
It
in a given locale until the civil
through that town, and until African-Americans
tore
the very substance of whites' assumptions
—exposed
such
Some whites simultaneously defended white supremacy and sympathized with blacks. The words be the cruel myths they were.
beliefs to
of one Selma lawyer exposed an underside of the white myth. "This
thing
a
is
problem and
it
has got us worried like the dickens," the law-
yer remarked about the prospect of integration, and admitted that
if
he were African- American, he would move out of Dallas County. This lawyer feared and loathed the possibility of equal rights for African-
Americans
—but he did not buy
into the idea that Dallas
had reason to be content with their
Many Selma
station.
County blacks
46
residents displayed similarly
mixed
racial feelings.
dreaded federally imposed integration even as they understood vation.
"We
haven't given
them
going to cause us a heck of a farmer
said. If
lot
a chance.
Now
of trouble, but
it is
whites could ensure that separate
equal, he contended, they
the
its
They moti-
Supreme Court
is
our fault," a white
facilities
might avoid struggles with the
were actually federal courts.
In 1952, whites in Dallas County already feared that the federal govern-
ment might
intervene against segregation. Schemes for massive resis-
tance and segregation academies predated the Brown decision. "We'll
away;
just let the public schools fade
once
.
.
.
but gradually we'll drop the
we won't sales
tax
cut
them out
all
at
which supports the
schools," as one Selma citizen laid out his plan in the eventuality of
"forced" integration. "We'll let private schools take over." Realities
in
Selma often clashed with those
Atlanta, Charlotte, or
New
Orleans.
Many
in
47
larger cities like
southerners themselves per-
ceived vital differences between rural and urban areas. During the 1940s
and 1950s, the South underwent
a shift
from a majority-rural region to
an increasingly urban one. In 1940, only one in metropolitan area home.
By i960,
five
southerners called a
15 percent lived on farms and
44
per-
— Wake
Priludi: In the
of the War,
1945-1955
47
cent in the cities. "In the strictly rural areas the feeling
is
.
.
more explo-
.
sive," NiWSU/eek's
William Emerson cabled from Birmingham
"The
has been
racial issue
made
a political football for so long
Alabamian has been convinced that
the rural
'pinks' of the cities
from de{s]ecrating his
The
be
fear
(whether
it
end of segregation
real or
imaginary)
in colleges.
.
.
.
But
is
his
it is
with
state
not so
.
.
.
that
duty to prevent the racial equality.
.
.
.
much concern with the
in grade schools 'Never.'
southerners could say whatever they wished in
in 1953.
"
White
the 1940s and 1950s, but
no one could predict how they would act when
civil rights struggles
heightened. During the years of the civil rights movement, opinions
would fice;
collide
with
Soon declarations of resistance would not
reality.
whites would have to support their words with action.
When
the
Supreme Court issued
its
decision on
May
ern leaders scurried to position themselves against Eastland,
Herman Talmadge, and Georgia
suf-
48
17, 1954, southPoliticians like
it.
senator Richard Russell
quickly condemned the ruling. Russell charged that the Supreme Court
had overstepped
its
constitutional bounds, and
demanded
a curb
on the
Court's powers. Across the South, elected officials and state bodies
renewed their oaths to uphold segregation. The Louisiana State Educa-
Committee passed
tion
a resolution,
by a vote of 83— 3, in favor of main-
taining school segregation. Southern newspapers also beat the
drum
Jim Crow. The
Supreme
Charleston
News and
Courier lamented the
Court's decision as "another nail in the coffin of states' rights." years before
and
it
Brown showed,
was not predicated
this defiance did not
solely
of
As the
come out of nowhere
on the Brown decision. Since the end of
the war, reformist politicians in the South had battled old-style racebaiters.
But the Brown decision gave
race-baiters a powerful target.
The
content of southern politicians' exhortations had gestated for years, and their
pronouncements revealed multitudes. 49
Southern leaders
who
and segregation
raised the flags of states' rights
betrayed worries that their lives would never be the same.
means can be found whereby the
traditional
"I
hope some
customs of the past will not
be upset in the South," said Robert Arnold, chairman of the Georgia State
Board of Regents. The Birmingham News made a
that those customs
might not have been
healthy.
rare
admission
"Admittedly segrega-
tion has produced emotional reactions that have not always been good.
But we feelings
are
much
concerned that the ending of segregation
and problems
far
more
.
.
.
may produce
difficult to deal with." Indeed,
white
southerners would at last have to "deal with" the fact that blacks were
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
48
human, and
that they, too, desired and deserved freedom and equality.
After a lifetime of being told that blacks were inferior, the end of segre-
many Many wished to
gation would most certainly generate "feelings and problems" for
white southerners that could well be called
postpone that trauma.
member
school board
"It really
"difficult."
wasn't going to apply to us," Selma
Morgan hoped. "A
Carl
ruling had been
made but
how it was going to be interpreted, and it Our initial thought was: 'Well, that's what they decided in Washington, but it may not affect us that much.' Whites hoped their lives could remain untouched. The superintendent of DeKalb, Georgia, schools, Jim Cherry, hoped the Supreme Court decision could stay "largely an abstraction." For many white southerners, it there were no guidelines as to
seemed
like a
bad dream.
.
.
.
'
remained
just that.
While the
50
Brown
Board of Education "Black Monday," few white southerners embraced such ManiCitizens' Councils proclaimed the day of
chaean portraits. Immediate signs of rupture in their apparent. "Well the Great Decision less
seemed tranquil than
I
to Durr.
had thought
before the storm." soon.
The Brown
whites.
"When
I
it
be,
but
19.
still
far
would," Virginia Durr wrote
it
May
A
week
things
later,
"The reaction here on the decision
would
Few
were not
lives
came on yesterday and has caused
excitement than anyone thought
from her Montgomery home on
v.
that
is
still
calmer
might simply be the calm
southerners saw the apocalypse coming anytime
decision did not even register on the radar of
picked up
a Courier-Journal at the
remembered John Egerton, who was
a student at
Western Kentucky
State College, "I took a quick glance at the banner headline
Court bans school segregation
—and then nipped
many
student cafeteria,"
—Supreme
to the sports section."
Atlanta native Phyllis Franco remembered hearing about the Brown decision, "but that's
about
it.
.
.
was sweetheart of AZA. ... I'm ashamed of it now. But erners, the
it
.
I
When
I
didn't
go
was
Brown decision had
in
was 16
I
got a driver's license,
to these subjects [civil rights].
my culture."
little
I
For most white south-
immediate impact.
It
may have
energized the careers of politicians and litigators, and nourished the
hopes and dreams of African-Americans, but for little
—
at least until integration actually
While the Brown decision loomed some white
as
came
many whites it meant own town. 51
to their
"an abstraction" for the majority,
the Atlanta area Fulton County Teachers Association sion.
Members of bemoaned the deci-
teachers and students felt thrust into the
fire.
"Negroes and whites in the same schools in Georgia
just
won't
Pftindt: In the
Wake of the War, 1945-1955
49 Roswell High School.
work,'' said Lucien Bell, a science teacher at
Other educators concurred.
Many
have been associated with Negroes for
"I
more than 40 years and some of them
are
my
good
but they are
friends,
happiest in their
own
cipal of College
Park High School. Few whites saw reason to abandon
schools," said Mrs. Gaither Cochran, assistant prin-
"We
are giving the
Negroes equal
and they have stated they are well
satisfied," said
Ben Hutchin-
their views about African-Americans. facilities
good
son, principal at College Park. "Lets maintain that built up."
Not
all
feeling we've
Georgia citizens agreed. While politicians threatened
to close public schools
and defy the Supreme Court
teachers thought that tactic unwise.
At
at all costs,
many
one had the courage to say
least
so in public. "I have taught in the white public schools of Georgia for 16
Veima Miller of Thomasville wrote. "Some of the
years,"
ating the impression that Georgia can go
it
alone.'.
our public schools would ... be a catastrophe.
Union
ready for Georgia to leave the
had to
ties
later, this
flare
up
argument
again.
felt
.
face the reality of school integration,
—between
.
Browns
room, he realized
Most of us
.
classes. Franco's
be
.
.
.
years or decades
it
public education and segregation
at Atlanta's
Grady High School
—would
in
1954 and
indirect effects through his teachers. In the class-
for the first
time that
racial prejudice
English teacher,
whom
was not the
among
sole
all social
he had deeply respected and
He
admired, was the agent of this realization.
tell
are not
southern communi-
province of poor white southerners. Bigotry thrived
fully
Doing away with
52
Richard Franco, a student 1955,
.
When
again."
.
defiant are cre-
"read poetry beauti-
and introduced us to Shakespeare and Wordsworth. You could
he had a
human
about the
real sensitivity
doxes of life, about the fact that
life is
condition, about the para-
painful, that there are lessons to be
learned, insights about the nature of our existence."
While leading
dis-
cussion on The Merchant of Venice, Franco's teacher insisted that Jews and blacks possessed racial characteristics inherently different from those of
Anglo-Saxon Protestants that sense of
—
that all races were not equal.
humanity that
I
got from
many others.
out he was as bigoted" as
decision, Franco's teacher acted
on
him
In the
"With
an individual,
as
it
all
of
turned
wake of the Supreme Court
his beliefs,
and resigned from the
public school system before racial integration could reach his classroom.
Yet in that
act, integration
to even be in a situation
that
had already shaped
where he might have
his
life.
"He
didn't
want
to teach in a public school
would eventually be integrated, even though there was nothing
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
SC
pressing. People were [saying]
decade or twenty years.
.
.
.
would never happen
it
or
it
would take
But he got out of that school system." As
a
his
teacher departed, Franco could no longer hold on to his notion that better
educated white southerners would gradually bring about integration
and
"My sense that it was going to be done by enlightdon't know how long that would have taken." He realized
racial equality.
ened people,
I
change to occur,
later that for
agenda
—and on
the timetable
would have
it
—
'would not have done
it
been a hundred years,
Along with
I
Now
otherwise.
2003, "who knows when don't
it
effects.
that
I
for
white southerners
look back on
would have happened.
It
it,"
Franco
might have
know."^
teachers and students,
Browns immediate
the
of southern blacks, and of the federal
government. Such impositions were necessary,
said in
come through
to
some southern churchmen
The Supreme
felt
Court's 1954 ruling forced
church bodies to choose between segregation and federal law. While southern politicians rallied to the segregationist cause, most religious organizations backed the law.
an
official
Baptist Convention issued
June 1954 meeting: "That we recogSupreme Court decision is in harmony with the
recommendation
nize the fact that this
The Southern
at its
constitutional guarantee of equal freedom to
all citizens,
Christian principles of equal justice and love for tion
commended
the Court, and reiterated
its
all
and with the
men." The conven-
support for public educa-
The vote on Broun garnered 9,000 in favor and only 50 against. While the General Assembly of Presbyterians also supported the desegtion.
regation decision, the margin was closer: 239—169. Those
who
repre-
sented the region's Catholic minority followed with statements of
agreement. The bishop of Little Rock, Albert Fletcher, urged Catholic churches and schools to admit blacks. "Persons of every race
be
made
to feel at
tember 1954. "All sion posed a
home
.
.
.
should
in every Catholic church," Fletcher said in Sep-
are His, not our, invited guests."
momentous dilemma
for
But the Brown
southern church leaders.
deci-
Many
ministers were forced to negotiate between the stances of their national 54 church bodies and the sentiments of their congregations.
In an article entitled "The
McGill articulated tates of conscience
of those floggers'
who .
.
.
Agony
of the Southern Minister," Ralph
this plight. "Ministers are
squeezed between the dic-
and church policy on the one hand, and the prejudices
'run' the
church, on the other. Save for the so-called 'Bible
and those who are sure that God himself is chief among seg-
5
Pr$l*d$: hi the
Wake of the War, 1945-195
regationists, this
heart
is
a
5
time of agony of spirit
and mind." Ministers either had to
their constituents.
Baptist
Church
for the ministers of sensitive
church policy or enrage
flout
Reverend Robert Trotman, a minister
in Terrell
at
Bronwood
County, Georgia, supported the Brown decision
during a sermon. In June 1954, the church deacons requested quickly received
1
—Trotman
—and
s
resignation. Events over the following year
proved that this type of episode
was hardly unusual. Ed Jones, pastor of
Fortune Baptist Church near Parkin, Arkansas, preached that segregation
was
February 1955, the church dismissed him. At a meet-
sinful. In
ing of Mississippi's Methodist Conference in June 1955,
was appointed to one of the
demned Jim Crow
Roy Delamotte
churches. After Delamotte con-
state's
found no church
in a speech, the conference
still
will-
ing to accept him. In Batesburg, South Carolina, U.S. federal judge (and father of South Carolina's governor)
campaign against eyes,
George Timmerman,
his minister at First Baptist
Reverend G. Jackson
Stafford's
Church. In
lines.
Timmerman
's
crime was to vote in support of
the Southern Baptist Convention's Brown resolution. Stafford resigned his pastorate.
led a
Sr.,
On
October 19,
The torment of ministers knew no
state
55
Across the South, congregants and deacons battled those ministers
who spoke
out for integration. Presbyterians in central Mississippi tar-
geted Durant's Reverend Marsh Callaway.
A
native of Texas and sixty
— wake two men—Dave
years old in 1955, Callaway served in Mississippi churches
Drew and Columbia
before
Durant
—
for twelve years. In the
Brown decision, Holmes County residents alleged that Minter and Eugene Cox, who ran a cooperative farm tors." Citizens of
first
—were
in
of the
racial "agita-
nearby Tchula called Minter and Cox before a mass
meeting, and condemned them as advocates of integration. Rev. Call-
away stood up and denounced the meeting christian."
The
elders of
Callaway's resignation.
Durant Presbyterian Church then demanded
He
reported to the Central Mississippi Pres-
bytery that the elders "kicked zens' Council."
He was
"undemocratic and un-
as
me
out because
I
spoke against the Citi-
referring to the audience at the Tchula
mass
meeting, where several white supremacist leaders played a prominent role.
In
November 1955,
the Central Presbytery voted to "dissolve"
Durant Presbyterian's "pastoral relationship" with Callaway. Callaway asked to stay on through the end of the following March, but the church
body terminated
his contract as of
December
3
1
.
Callaway vowed he
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
52
would appeal the decision
to the statewide Presbyterian body, but his
pleas proved futile. "I just believe deeply that the future of the church
is
The Presbytery's decision meant "that every minister will be under the thumb of his elders. The Sunday before the Tchula meeting, we had one of the largest crowds in several Callaway
at stake,"
reflected.
.
months.
.
.
.
But because
were boycotted and
I
dared stand up for what
was asked
I
tors lost their pulpits for less.
Few congregants and black
many vior
.
.
.
and
my services
56
One Methodist
accepting
the
just because
with a Negro boy,
believe,
I
detected connections between Christian teachings
civil rights.
is
.
to resign." In the age of civil rights, pas-
I
Brown
Lord Jesus Christ
don't want
don't see
I
what
why
layperson could not see
religious organizations supported the
Christian
.
so
decision. "Being a
as
my
personal
sa-
my granddaughter to go to school it has got to do with my being a
Christian or not." Denominational resolutions could not compel congre-
gants to change their views on race. tinued to rest with those
Many
who made
The
real
power
in the churches con-
financial donations
and ran
local life.
ministers were unconvinced, even enraged, by the declarations in
favor of Brown.
The majority of
the white southern clergy, like white
southerners in general, opposed the rising civil rights movement. the nation's largest Baptist church, Dallas's First Baptist, Reverend
Criswell lampooned the "bunch of infidels" dirty shirts
and make
lost their pastorates
all
who
"sit
up there
W. A.
in their
their fine speeches." In the face of ministers
and congregants who refused to change
At
who
their racial
views, the initial speeches in support of Brown seemed almost like flukes.
One Southern first
supported Brown. "They were just a
they got back with the it."
why
Baptist tried to explain and excuse
home
folks a lot of
his convention
little bit exalted.
.
.
.
When
'em wondered how they did
Southern churches were not exalted places; they were indisputably
defined and shaped by the customs, traditions, and attitudes around
them. At the 1956 Southern Baptist Convention meeting in Kansas City, Missouri, C. C.
cussion" of the
many
Warren declared
Supreme Court
it
"unwise
decision.
When
for us to
reopen any dis-
came
to integration,
it
southern ministers quickly learned to keep their mouths shut. In
the spring of 1956, Reese Griffin, the pastor at Bass Memorial Methodist
Church ought
in
Macon, Georgia, suggested that black and white children
to attend
church schools together. The usual chain of events
occurred, and Griffin resigned in June. "It has
come
to the place
where
a
Pnludt: In tbi Waktoftb* War, i()4j> -i()j> j>
minister will lose his pulpit Griffin wrote
how
he says
if
he says anything in favor of integration,"
on June 16, 1956.
He must
it.
53
not a matter of what he says nor
"It is
not dare say anything at
ONE did NOT have TO glance
all."
oppressed African- Americans,
at
rights supporters, or agonized ministers to see the
They were
57
coming
just as evident in the actions of steadfast civil rights
nents, from high school English teachers to southern politicians
Councilmen. At times, those who feared
izens'
their
civil
convulsions.
civil rights
oppo-
and Cit-
gains were
most accurate prophets. As the Albany Herald mocked King's claim
that he
would turn the town "upside down" soon before the community
was actually thrown into upheaval, so Citizens' Council members and Klansmerr who resisted for
it.
By 1955,
racial equality
movement against integration had Deep South and the Black Belt. "The
the Citizens' Council
established beachheads across the feeling
helped to provoke federal support
on the Supreme Court decision
wrote in January 1955. "These people
is
running high," Virginia Durr
down
here are so paradoxical
—
so
gracious and kind until you hit the race question and then they are as
hard as iron." White southerners, through their everyday mannerisms
and interactions, betrayed deep same.
fears that their
world would never be the
58
"The most serious challenge
to their social order since the Civil
loomed on the horizon, historian John Hope Franklin wrote
White southerners responded
"characteristically
combination of praising things that they abhorred."
as
in 1972.
by that remarkable
they were and resisting the change
The most important
would not be the pitched
War"
coming
years
protests, the charged confrontations, the
waves
parts of the
of demonstrators, or the impassioned crowds. "It
is
not the interracial
confrontations, important and tragic as they were, that are of prime significance. It
is
the Souths confrontation with change,
defending what
it
regarded as a perfect society, that
White southerners fought
—whose minds — fight
fire
hoses,
holders
Crow what
—
lines.
The
the Civil
instructive."
And
that
from kitchens and living rooms to
more about southern
and picket
is
response in
with myth, Franklin argued.
battlefields stretched
revealed
of Jim
reality
its
life
civil rights
War and
than armies of attack dogs,
movement showed
defenders
Reconstruction had taught slave-
that just as black slaves were not faithful and
happy Sambos,
neither were twentieth-century black southerners content with dancing
— THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
54
Jim Crow. And they never had been. As Franklin ideal rallied many in the white South:
obsession was to maintain a government, an economy, an
Its
arrangement of the
sexes, a relationship of the races,
system that had never existed of those
who would
the change that
The
civil rights
.
.
.
confronting
changes in hard
closer to reality.
to overturn all these interre-
59
World War
II
painted the backdrop for such changes.
Tales of white southerners in the postwar years
march toward
That meant not only
centuries of white myths, but attempting to force
reality.
years after
a social
not confront either the reality that existed or
would bring them
movement would attempt
many
and
except in the fertile imagination
lated parts of the southern lattice of discrimination.
The
argued, an illusory
racial progress. Instead,
frustrations, forward sprints
they are
do not full
reveal a steady
of ambiguities and
and backward stumbles. Moreover, white
southerners themselves had differing visions of "racial progress," of what
was "forward" and what was "backward." Few denied that World was waged
for
War II
freedom, but "freedom" admitted of different meanings in
movement would
different minds.
Soon the
of southern
that had always been partially concerned with race
life
politics, education, flicts
civil rights
everyday interactions with employees
that were, on their face,
"nice people"
still
became ever more
unavoidably about
difficult.
The
—
Those who had always accepted the way the rival gusts.
Montgomery bus in 1955, no one full-blown movement to come. White south-
might have detected subtle changes
felt their
in "their Negroes," but
everyday lives and beliefs being transformed. More had
into cities, fewer continued to lynch blacks in the light of day,
fought beside them in a war, and the United States strike life.
of
On
life
into con-
vast majority of
the time Rosa Parks boarded a
was yet able to predict the erners
it.
preferred not to discuss integration, a choice that
wind blew became caught between
By
translate facets
down
as
all
intact. Before the
boro or the school
crisis for
moved
some had
had witnessed the Supreme Court of
way of Montgomery, that way
unconstitutional a pillar of their
the eve of the 1955 boycott, for those in
was
few
i960 student
those in
sit-ins for
whites in Greens-
New Orleans; prior to the
1961
inte-
gration of the University of Georgia for Athens citizens, or before the
Albany Movement
in
1962
for
Southwest Georgians; before the massive
Pr$ind$: In the
Wake of the War, 1945-1955
55
demonstrations on Birmingham streets in 1963 or the 1964 Civil Rights Act; before the 1965
march on the Edmund Pettus Bridge
for those in
Selma, or the sanitation workers' strike in 1968 for whites in Memphis, the southern
way of life
reigned. In that sense, the years between the end
of the war and the beginning of direct action protests could be called a prelude.
The reckoning awaited.
TWO
No More
"Our Negroes"
an abyss separated
white
racial attitudes
southerners walked a tightrope.
from
civil rights
plain that prevalent beliefs about blacks had
lar
traverse
it,
all
movement made
the substance of thin
were too diverse to admit of a single "mind of the South," a
If whites
vast
To
While few were conscious of the mental
high-wire act they daily performed, the
air.
reality.
number
of
them
in
communities across Dixie subscribed
complex of views about African-Americans.* Before
gles hit their town,
many
to a simi-
civil rights strug-
believed that race relations were good, that
blacks were content with segregation, that white southerners understood
African-Americans and knew what was best across the color line
for
them, and that their love
was returned. Whites were shocked when African-
*In 1941, W.J. Cash argued that there was a discernible "mind of the South." Cash detailed
components
in a vivid portrait of
white southerners from colonial times to World
War
Williamson's The Crucible of Race argued that southerners were of more than one mind. lined three specific worldviews: conservative, liberal, and radical. clarification to
James Cobb
Cash presented
as a
and the 'savage
deeply flawed
ideal'
mind was
He
out-
welcome
of hostility to criticism or innovation, what
more
actually
like a regional
remarkably consistent behavioral pattern forged in the crucible of Civil still
Joel
Cash when he wrote: "Crippled by racism, an exaggerated sense of individualism,
a tragic proclivity for violence
and
offered a
dominant and unyielding more than
sixty years later."
To
temperament, a
War and
this list,
Reconstruction
one might add that
the southern temperament, in Cash's original formulation, marches from present to past.
Cash, The
Mind of the South (New York,
and the Mind of the Modern South," II on the
W.
J.
1941); Joel Williamson, The Crucible of Race: Black-White
Relations in the American South Since Emancipation
War
its
II.
in Neil
(New
York, 1984); James Cobb, "World
McMillen,
American South (Jackson, MS, 1987),
ed.,
p. 3.
War
II
Remaking Dixie: The Impact of World
Also see James Grossman,
"
'Amiable
Peasantry' or 'Social Burden': Constructing a Place for Black Southerners," in Rick Halpern and
Jonathan Morris, Context
(New
eds.,
American Exceptionalism? U.S. Working-Class Formation
York, 1997), pp. 221-43.
:
in
an International
"Our Ntgroes" No More
Americans rose up
57
in defiance in the 1960s.
sharply with white perceptions that
many
Black rebellion clashed so
disbelieved their
own
turn, white southerners insisted the struggles that hit their
the brainchild of distant enemies
northern
liberals.
—
of communists, the
"Their Negroes" were happy,
the 1960s, they had
many
become the dupes of "outside
eyes. In
towns were
NAACP,
or
reasoned; and in
agitators."
The claims
of bewildered whites collided with the reality of organized blacks,
who
exploded the myth that they were anyone's Negroes, or that they ever
had been.
White paternalism found expression ent degrees
—
—
in varying forms
and to
differ-
everywhere, from Dallas County, Alabama, to Dougherty
County, Georgia; from small parishes in Louisiana to urban centers of the
Upper South. Mississippi
native
David Cohn captured the mind-set
that prevailed a generation before the civil rights
movement when he
man of the Delta says to the world beyond his gates: I live with my family among an overwhelming mass of Nowhere do we receive them on terms of social equalNegroes. ity. Most of us have a deep and abiding affection for the Negro. Our described in 1935 what "the white
.
.
.
.
.
.
paternalism
is
not designed to enslave him.
Negroes on our plantations white
man
are
It is in
our blood. The
both our partners and our wards."
A
in rural Mississippi could possess racial beliefs similar to
those of a politically liberal
woman
in a Virginia university town. "I
loved Negroes," wrote Charlottesville resident Sarah Patton Boyle, "and, in
my
segregated way, respected and admired them. ...
I
believed that
our relationship was complementary and mutually satisfying. a
Negro
didn't 'keep his place'
I felt
outraged."
It
.
.
.
When
was a way of thinking
that had no definable year of death. Yet almost everywhere black southerners
waged struggles
deeply held
beliefs.
with shock and
for civil rights, whites
They responded
endured challenges to
in diverse ways:
some were gripped
fear as they gradually realized "their
Negroes" were no
more; others denied what their senses told them, unwilling to abandon teachings of a lifetime;
more exhibited ways of thinking
still
that
com-
bined fragments of a romanticized past with pieces of a perceptible future.
A
1
predominant white
before the Civil War, as
racial
temperament stretched
James McBride Dabbs
in
time back
said in an interview dur-
ing the late 1960s. "In antebellum days the Negroes were our people and the whites our whitefolk," tion in South Carolina.
remembered the native of Rip Raps Planta-
Too
often,
Dabbs maintained, whites believed
58
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
affection could take the place of fairness.
Some
justice
was denied African- Americans, yet they evaded the
and wrong. "In our inmost
justice
we knew we were wrong. And so
like a [quiet]
noon and
smoke on
in public
the piazza.
somebody
But
for
bad
isn't
such sen-
at twilight.
to be sentimental at high
are never clear,
you have
run over or
to get
we have run over the Negro and then reasthat we loved him." It was another weight that
else as
sured ourselves by saying
white southerners had long balanced.
when they
we
to be in great danger. Unless your eyes are clear,
is
and eyes of the sentimentalist to run over
...
talked about love. But love unsupported by
had serious limitations. 'This
it
that
issue of right
becomes sentimentality." There was a time and place
timentality, but It's
[ears],
we
didn't talk about justice,
knew
southerners
Many thought
said they cared deeply for blacks.
But
it
themselves sincere
was a care based upon
inequality, rooted in oppression, layered with discrimination, fully blind to those very facts.
and will-
2
In the popular attitude, white southerners not only cared for blacks
but knew them intimately. Such notions powered the myth of "good race relations." life,
Many
white southerners fancied themselves experts on black
an expertise they grounded in experience.
claimed to represent "the views of 'the
through the years a
Raper Jonas
lot
are
many
Charlotte resident '
"I
have employed
of negroes," he wrote to Congressman Charles
in 1957. "I
among them,
One
little people.'
understood them and treated them well and,
respected friends.
and are always glad to see
me
They know
and would do anything
I
am
for
their friend
me, and
I
for
them." Conditions for blacks had gradually improved, the Charlotte
man
asserted,
and he urged
ference in this process. gressive
his
congressman to oppose any federal
"Unwise misguided agitation" halted
improvement and
has, in fact, retarded
him
condition of a half century ago." Such views put
many
it
inter-
"this pro-
back toward the in the
company of
in Charlotte, as well as his rural brethren. Clarence Morrison, a
general contractor in Shelby, North Carolina, registered his disapproval
of school desegregation. "This letter ditches along beside Negroes.
befriended
them
in every
way
I
is
coming from
a
man who
has
have laid brick beside them. ...
possible,
and
I
am
still
I
their friend."
dug have
His
legitimacy established, Morrison then asserted, "The relation[s] between the races are the worst in
time." To
many white
nadir of race relations.
my community
than
I
have
known
southerners, the age of civil rights
They had considered black workers
in
my
life-
marked the close friends
"Our NigTOiS" No More for
many
years.
59
When
civil rights struggles
exposed black discontent,
3 whites despaired that the days of "good race relations" were gone.
Natives of the east Tennessee town of Clinton believed that race relations
had always been good. According to a Newsweek background report,
"What
the good' relations seem to
amount
to
absence of trouble and
is
submissive acceptance on the part of Negroes of a social system that excludes
them from everything except menial job opportunities streets, access to
down-
and the annual exchange of church choirs." Whites
inter-
community, occasional friendly exchanges on the
town
stores
in the
preted black veneers of deference as actual friendship. Furthermore,
whites insisted that blacks were content with the racial status quo; thus,
change must have derived "from 'outside influence'
attempts
at
NAACP,
the Communists."
was not necessary to
It
white supremacy on Mississippi cotton
glimpse the power of these ideas
—
fields or
.
.
.
the
travel to bastions of
Alabama plantations
to
they resonated powerfully in Ten-
nessee and Kentucky. In Sturgis, Kentucky, Berea College professor
Roscoe Griffin found in 1956 that "race relations in the community are described historically both by whites and Negroes as friendly." But the
two
races invested the concept of friendliness
caste system
with different meanings; a
maintained the peace. "Acquiescence of Negroes to the
dominant position of the whites was the condition of the peace. Negroes have 'stayed
When
in their place'
and whites in
theirs."
.
.
.
4
blacks attempted to desegregate the high school in Sturgis, old
patterns began to die fast
—much
faster in black
neighborhoods and
minds, however, than in white ones. Gone was "the old easiness of their relations within the rigid lines of separation,"
tension
—
a tension that
would
Negroes are
dissatisfied
lack of awareness ran
persist until a
"Whites
tions reigned. Griffin wrote,
and in
new
its
place existed a
pattern of race rela-
in general are not aware that the
with their status and bent upon change." This
smack
into whites' claims that they
knew
"their
Negroes." White assertions of black happiness stemmed more from whites' "psychological needs" to believe in social
harmony than from any
evidence that such concord actually existed. This truth defined white
communities from the border
states
and the Tennessee
hills to the cities
of the North Carolina Piedmont and Georgia's Black Belt. 5 If white southerners ever wrestled
only after black
with deeply held
civil rights struggles hit their
beliefs,
they did so
town. School desegrega-
tion in Clinton and Sturgis forced whites to confront their
myths
in
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
60
1956, while those in Albany, Georgia, could entertain beliefs about
"good race relations" into 1961
—and
well beyond.
Howard Zinn
elo-
quently captured white sentiment in Albany in a January 1962 report
published by the SRC:
Again and again
—
in the office of a political leader, in the ante-
room of a businessman,
sitting
with a newspaper
ing room of a middle-class white family
made, "Albany has always had good race ored folks have been satisfied. progress. ..."
.
.
.
We
Memories remain poor;
—
editor, in the liv-
the statement was
relations.
have
.
made
for the
.
.
Our
col-
considerable
same statements
were made in Montgomery before the bus boycott, in Atlanta before the sit-ins, and
all
through the South in the days of slavery.
Perhaps these claims had some substance, Zinn speculated. Interracial peace seemed to reign in Albany, and blacks did not voice widespread disapproval prior to the civil rights era. Yet whites mistook black silence
and when white claims were transported "out of simple
for acceptance,
isolation into the texture of life itself," they
began to unravel. In Zinn's
apt phrasing, "The white South has been notably unequipped with the
kind of social seismograph that would detect the unrest,
and too
loudest noises.
.
.
II
tremors of
Thus, southern whites have been hurt and shocked
by the eruptions of the past few
War
faint
out of touch with Negroes ... to hear any but the
far .
first
years." Certain that the era after
had brought increasing advancements in black
whites were seized with confusion for civil rights. "Intelligent
when
blacks
World
Albany
life,
mounted demonstrations
and good-hearted white people"
failed to
understand that token gains did not quell blacks' desires for progress, but whetted their appetite for more. "To the Negro community,
was
like
able to
improving the food inside
wrap
their
minds around
a prison."
all this
Few southern whites were
this point before black struggles for
freedom engulfed them. The paradox, novelist and native southerner
William Styron argued, was that few whites had any blacks. Instead, inequality
Many
claimed they
and pretense saturated
felt affection for blacks,
all
real contact
with
their interactions.
but, according to Styron,
whites actually harbored a racial animosity rooted in a lack of knowledge. "Whatever knowledge
I
gained in
my
as if
puppet show," he wrote
in Harper's in 1965.
would make
it
I
had been watching actors in an all-black
gained from a distance,
I
youth about Negroes,
The
civil rights
movement
"the moral imperative of every white southerner," Styron
1
"Our N$grO€S u No More
down
hoped, "to break
and
his real desires
6
fears, in fact rather
Many
of
them were born
"social
Negroes"
store
your
life
.
.
you
.
just take
owner John Carswell.
it
"It's like
on every day or brushing your
beliefs
about "their
more than psychological needs; they
seemed part of an unshakable landscape. all
seismographs" was
chicken and Bible lessons. Beliefs about
"excellent race relations" were
tom
6
into families, and reared in
communities, that served up traditional southern beside plates of fried
know the Negro,"
to
than in myth.
That white southerners lacked adequate little surprise.
come
the old law" and "to
teeth,
"When
you're raised in a cus-
for granted," said
Chapel Hill drug-
getting up and putting your clothes
you do
it
automatically."
Few ques-
tioned whether their upbringing was right or wrong; the most important thing
was that segregation (and the prejudices
spelled reality.
it
encouraged)
7
For most white southerners, the system of segregation inspired reflection.
Many
accepted
it
as a fact of life.
little
Birmingham's David Vann
pointed out that because segregation was so ingrained, few whites dis-
The system was simply a part of one's daily life. Little Rock native Craig Rains remembered that his family's yardman always ate outside. The African- American worker used a separate plate, and a separate Mason jar, that the Rains family reserved only for him. "That was something we all took for granted." Few whites secondplayed awareness of
it.
guessed such arrangements. "There was very
way things were,"
recalled
little
questioning of the
Ole Miss student Jan Robertson.
"It
all-white world." Like the lakes or the trees, racial separation
was an
came
to
possess the feel of something natural. Journalist Fred Powledge, a native
of
North Carolina, captured
that sentiment with particular effect.
Although segregation remained noted,
it
integral to whites'
was something they barely detected.
lives,
Powledge
"If they did notice
it, it
was in the way they noticed water flowing from a tap or hot weather the
summertime
—
century southern
it
life,
was unremarkable." The defining
fact
in
of twentieth-
a system of racial separation codified in the law
and
buttressed by everyday behavior, infiltrated the collective subconscious
and precluded conscious thought. 8 This reality produced a sort of helplessness. Many whites, like Joe Smitherman, witnessed habitual cruelty to blacks. Smitherman did not particularly enjoy
it,
and admitted feelings of shame, but, he
"wasn't anything you could do." the facts of southern
life
He
said, there
concentrated more on living with
than on seeing through them.
Many
resigned
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
62 themselves; as John Carswell remarked,
wouldn't be the one to change
"I
make
didn't
the custom and
Smitherman worked
it."
I
an appliance
as
salesman before he became Selma's mayor; Carswell ran a pharmacy. But their feelings of
and middle
impotence were not limited to whites in the working
Such emotions
classes.
marked Robert Penn Warren,
also
Kentucky native and one of the Souths most famous
Warren penned an
essay that he described as a
tion carried an
inhumane
"But
quality.
anybody could do anything about was
a
the South sive
I
it
my mind
never crossed
The
it."
carried in
that
idea that segregation could
my head," Warren wrote in
all
ways ...
1965, "was one of mas-
was an image of the unchangeable
it
condition, beautiful, sad, tragic." 9
White southerners would not transform to African- Americans. civil
"humane defense" of seg-
thought that had not occurred to many whites. "The image of
immobility in
human
writers. In 1930,
Even then, Warren "uncomfortably suspected" that segrega-
regation.
cease
a
When
life's
the civil rights
rhythms. That task
movement took
some observers thought such
disobedience,
the form of
would
protests
fell
signal
the death knell of white racial myths. Faced with undeniable images of rebellious blacks, white southerners
would be hard-pressed
to claim that
When
black North
African-Americans were happy with segregation. Carolina
A&T
down
students sat
Greensboro on February
at a
Woolworth's lunch counter in
i960, they sent ripples through the South.
1,
"The myth" that blacks were content, David Halberstam wrote "exploded with the
sit-ins."
in i960,
Students in Nashville followed closely on
the heels of those in Greensboro, and by April, sit-ins had spread to four cities in nine states. Halberstam was not the only one in these actions the
into the 'preacher,' the
of
.
.
who glimpsed
end of a white mind-set. Ralph McGill wrote, "One
of the most persistent falsehoods ...
'Mammy.'.
is
the 'stereotype' of the
'Amos and Andy,' 'Uncle Tom,'
Most Southerners do not know,
Negro development."
When
or
want
to
know, the
They
facts
the student sit-ins came, they shattered
the students in their sit-ins
effect.
Negro
'Boy,' 'Uncle,'
stereotypes and began a revolution in consciousness. "This
why
fifty-
.
.
.
is
one reason
have produced such a revolutionary
have fitted none of the stereotypes."
Some
southerners
asserted that the protesting students had rendered the old stereotypes
absurd.
The Southern Regional
ins "the first step to real
Negroes
just aren't
having
Council's Harold Fleming called the
change it
—when
anymore."
sit-
the whites realize that the
10
In the aftermath of struggles for freedom, some whites attested to
"Our NigfOis" No More
wrenching
63
realizations.
"The Negroes
I
felt that,
now knew
envisaged since childhood.
.
was a traumatic heart-twisting
by i960, she had stepped into a new world.
.
resemblance to the Negro
little
I
had
No greater dislocation of my thought and
.
if I
had been catapulted to another planet."
blacks exposed the old truths for myth, Boyle could feel the earth
shaking.
was
roles, "it
bore
emotion could have resulted
When
Sarah Patton Boyle discovered that blacks
Jim Crow
did nor cherish their experience." Boyle
When
Her
familiar.
way of seeing changed. "Nothing
entire I
had landed
ther liked nor understood me, and
woman from Natchez
rights
came along,
we knew
people
a lot of us
whom
"When
echoed Boyle's sentiments:
were shocked.
Negroes
who
nei-
could not understand."
I
A
civil
was shocked to find black
I
we many
participating in the marches, because
they were unhappy." Similar feelings penetrated
whenever and wherever
in
nightmare world, among people
in a
white
saw
I
southerners,
The
appeared.
civil rights struggles
know
didn't
sight of
blacks risking their lives for rights and freedom indicated that white
images of them were deeply flawed, and could no longer stand the reality.
But stereotypes died
slowly.
They proved
where
beliefs can persist in the face of occurrences that
them.
Many white
lion rather than
own
creation,
seem
to dispel
southerners would explain away acts of black rebel-
acknowledge them
Wakefield found this mechanism
at
for
what they were. Journalist Dan
work
in
years after the bus boycott rocked that city
the sit-ins elsewhere. Montgomery's black
through the boycott; lives.
heart of the table,"
it
and
problem
a
few months following
community wielded power
is
not that the white
man
man
blacks gained white audiences,
he
when
is
is
sitting across from."
good
can blame his blind refusal to see that
life
many
their respect for the
still
has prepared
Even
saw
in
him
to
ol'
Preacher Brown; and
it is
Martin Luther King
instead?" In the cradle of the Confederacy, the civil rights yet to change
down at the when he does,
communities, many whites
across the table
"The
they listed their grievances
the deferential figures of yore. "His whole
man
reach.
refuses to sit
Wakefield wrote in The Nation, "but rather that
believe that the
who
and
in i960, four
But the minds of many whites proved beyond
fearlessly organized their
them
Montgomery
forced changes in municipal laws and disrupted
he refuses to see the real face of the
when
of
rarely susceptible to logic,
reason, or even events. Myths thrive on worlds of their
white
test
11
movement had
whites. "The successful boycott did not increase
Negroes who carried
it
out, but rather increased the
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
64 mistrust and hatred of them." eyes and changed
While
embolden white support
further
some whites
civil rights struggles
some minds, they had the
who was
For every white
at last
direct action protests, there were
opened some
on others
Jim Crow, and more
for
to the old stereotypes.
reverse effect
tightly
—
to
wed
12
convinced of black dissatisfaction by
many
others
who
still failed
to hear
those pleas. Soon after McGill wrote that student protesters "have pro-
duced
a revolutionary effect," he received a deluge of mail
southerners a negro in
who had
"I
negroes and
I
man wrote to McGill. am quite sure that I am
every one of them
.
.
While the
.
have employed a great
"I
many
respected and liked by each and
but under no circumstances do
consider
I
direct action phase of the civil rights
change in some whites, many more joined
stirred
have never seen
my life that if given an opportunity would not abuse it," a Suf-
folk, Virginia,
equal."
experienced no such revolution.
from white
them
my
movement
in the Virginian's
endeavor to "hold [blacks] at arms length but practice being polite to
them and demand
it
in return." Black actions only occasionally
upended
white myths and transformed worldviews. Often, those actions nudged
white southerners closer to the comfort of traditional
the chasm between persistent
W.
racial visions.
13
the sudden reality of black rebellion and the
image of black
fealty
yawned wide
in
Albany, Georgia.
Du Bois immortalized the city of Albany, and the outlying areas
E. B.
of Dougherty County, in his 1903 classic, The Souls of Black Folk. "The corner-stone of the Cotton
Kingdom was
laid" in
Dougherty County,
Du
Bois wrote, and Albany stood "in the heart of the Black Belt." For the riches that called
sprung from Albany's
Du
"curiously mingled hope and pain,"
—
bare, unshaded,
ory of forced
and
human
their masters,
Bois mused. "It
toil."
Southwest Georgia rooted
White power its
tive "curious" to describe the .
a depressing
Albany
itself in a history
ruled the Cotton
naked
was obvious. Where, then, was the hope?
.
is
mem-
Populated overwhelmingly by black tenants
and exposed "the Negro problem in
.
area admitted at once of
with no charm of past association, only a
followed by sharecropping.
story
The
"the Egypt of the Confederacy."
it
place,
nineteenth-century observers
soil,
Du
dirt
of slavery,
Kingdom,
and penury." The pain
Bois again used the adjec-
area, layered as
it
tragedy and laughter, and the rich legacy of
was with "untold
human
life;
shad-
"Our NtgfOis" No More
Owed with
65
a tragic past,
and big with future promise!" Blessed with
the land itself held promise
tility,
people. blacks.
Du
so,
Bois suggested, did
its
Somehow all the toil did not beat hope out of Dougherty County Albany brimmed with life and spirit when they came to town on
Saturdays.
of the
—but
fer-
It
was, in 1903, "a typical Southern county town, the centre
14 often thousand souls."
life
Kingdom's
Sixty years later, one could detect the Cotton
expanding commercial installations,
shell in
an
Albany attracted industry, two military
city.
and had grown to 56,000 residents by 1961. Whites clung
though blacks
to a three-to-two majority,
far
outnumbered them
in the
Oglethorpe Avenue cleaved the white section of
surrounding rural
areas.
the city and the
downtown from
the black neighborhood,
Harlem. Though poor and disenfranchised, hope
known
as
mingled with pain
still
Many would say that the mass civil rights meetings held at Shiloh and Mount Zion churches flowed with fervor rarely
for blacks.
Albany's
attained in other cities. Perhaps the intensity of Albany's blacks during
the civil rights years could be matched only by that of
its
whites.
Com-
merce and growth had remade Albany, but white thinking about race
seemed relics
Du
ossified
—trapped
in a different time. Racial attitudes
of earlier days. "This land was a
little
Hell," a black
remained
man had
Bois. "I've seen niggers drop dead in the furrow, but they
kicked aside, and the plough never stopped."
Du
tall as
The
the 1960s dawned, but soon
civil rights
it
were
Bois remarked, "With
such foundations a kingdom must in time sway and stood
told
fall."
The kingdom
began to wobble. 15
struggle in Albany arose out of local blacks' long-
festering grievances. In 1957, African- Americans
began to lodge a
series
of formal complaints, ranging from unpaved roads and sewage problems to segregated polling places sioners' utter refusal to
Albany whites
still
and bus
stations.
meet with black
SNCC
campaign
in 1961,
organization tin
—
commis-
leaders magnified the problems.
life
and
with smiles of doting sub-
chose Southwest Georgia as the site of an organizing
and Albany blacks
the Albany
Luther King,
civil rights
city
treated blacks with paternalistic condescension,
expected them to embrace their lot in servience.
The white
Jr.,
came
also
formed a
local civil rights
Movement. At the movement's to the
town on December
request,
Mar-
15, 1961. Massive
demonstrations soon gripped Albany. Police Chief Laurie
Pritchett countered King's nonviolent civil disobedience with restraint
of his own.
While Albany
police imprisoned black protesters by the
thousands, and at times held
them
in
wretched conditions, prisoners
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
66
were rarely brutalized in public. Albany whites showered King with wrath, and Pritchett with praise.
The
local
newspaper served
forum
as a
for the expression of
white
Some citizens signed the letters they wrote to the editor the Albany Herald; many more preferred to identify themselves merely
racial beliefs.
"Caucasians," "readers," or "Albanians."
On
as
July 31, 1962, the Herald
published one reader's "Open Letter to Dr. King." sition of the interlocking opinions that
of
It
contained an expo-
animated many southern whites.
"For a century, the white race has lent considerations and provided assistance to the Negroes in overcoming the savage and uncivilized back-
ground from which they
Many thought blacks
—and
so recently emerged," the "Advocate" began.
paternalism proved equally beneficial to whites and
that
established a certain social harmony. "Citizens of
it
Albany (white and black) have heretofore mony, and offering mutual assistance ... informed King of his objection "to facilities) until
much more
your race." Whites
still
and in har-
lived happily
to
one another." The reader
total integration
progress has been
(we support equal
made by multitudes of
believed in the promise of Plessy
v.
Ferguson, the
landmark 1896 Supreme Court case that had established the "separate but equal."
More than anything
for the days of perceived peace
else,
"It is
of Albany to revert back to our normal status
whites in Albany longed
— —
and perfection
supremacy and habitual black deference.
legality of
of unquestioned white
the preference of citizens to continue assisting our
colored friends in whatever their needs be." Significantly, the writer
penned
his letter not to the Herald's
he represented. local
"I feel it
Negroes with
only
fair to
white readers, but to King and those use this
this message."
He
medium of news
to reach our
threatened "our local Negroes"
with economic retribution, and promised that African-Americans joined the fight for civil rights
would
find themselves
without
white pleas could not coax blacks into the straitjacket of types, then perhaps
economic
Albany whites mixed nostalgia
retaliation for
would do the
who
jobs. If
racial stereotrick.
an imagined past with
Many
fear of
an
uncertain future. To them, blacks were simultaneously docile and threatening.
16
A week later, ring thoughts
and that the tled
the Herald displayed a similar ability to marry two war-
—
that the civil rights
city could
movement had changed Albany,
somehow remain
the same. In an editorial enti-
"King Can't Change Albany," editor and publisher James Gray
"Our NtgTOiS" No More
67
described Albany "as peaceful as
which may come
known
to be
it
as
has ever been in the halcyon period
B.K.
flamboyant intrusion into purely local
—
before Martin Luther King's
affairs."
Gray saw no apparent
contradiction in identifying a fundamentally new era and simultaneously claiming that
it
was no different from what came
west Georgians "will find Albany today, as
community, interested
in filling their needs
dence upon their good
will.
feeling."
Whites
it
before. South-
was yesterday, a friendly
and
fully
aware of its depen-
Martin Luther King can never change that
insisted that
harmony had always prevailed
—but
if
blacks wished to disrupt that harmony, they were quite ready to take
Many
other measures.
professed love but threatened hate, a blend of
sentiments that only an upbringing and an entire way of ingrain
—
for
know how
reason and logic would never abide
precarious, tenuous, and conflicted
the civil rights
southern
cities.
Organizers
movement
was
life
could
Whites did not
it.
their
worldview until
sent shock waves through the tranquil air of
17
who
arrived in 1961 sought to shake Albany's foundations
of white supremacy. Determined to achieve full integration by means of
SNCC workers found allies in black students at Albany State College. After SNCC wrested control of the NAACP Youth direct action,
young
Council, local black organizations formed the Albany
Movement
—and
W. G. Anderson, as its head. While black students demonstrated, Anderson led community mass meetings. Over a threeweek span from the end of November through mid-December, five hundred black protesters were jailed. Demanding the integregation of installed a doctor,
public
facilities
and seeking an audience with the
city
commission, col-
lege students sat in at a Trailways bus station lunch counter, high school
students
waged
protests,
and two hundred blacks marched on City Hall.
Police Chief Laurie Pritchett imprisoned
them
all.
Despite the Albany
Herald's claim that demonstrators were "largely ignored," white citizens
took in the spectacles. "They herded us into those
community stood
across
jails,
while the white
Oglethorpe and observed what was happening,"
an Albany preacher remembered. 18
At W. G. Anderson's
request, Martin Luther King traveled to Albany King was arrested the next day, along with 264 other 15. demonstrators. The city agreed to release all the prisoners before Christ-
on December
mas, to desegregate train and bus complaints
—
if
the Albany
facilities,
Movement would
and cease
to hear further black its
protests. After the
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
68 protests stopped, the city reneged
on
its
King headed back
promises.
to
Atlanta, and Albany whites applauded as peace displaced black protest in the streets. In January, the
campaign.
A
buses, but
when
Albany Movement attempted
to revive its
successful bus boycott achieved desegregation
on
city
movement (on King's advice) pressed the city for company shut down. Despite black boycotts of
the
further measures, the bus
buses, businesses, and the local newspaper, whites yielded
Try
little.
as
they might to dismiss black protests, however, few Albany whites were unaffected.
"The boycotts
are hurting them," reported
Albany Movement's executive
secretary.
are we staying out of downtown because they
"Not only
the stores, but the white people are not going are scared." In February, a permit.
He was
King stood
trial in
Albany
found guilty, and returned
movement.
for
parading without
for sentencing in July.
summer, Albany attracted national attention rights
Marion Page, the
That
as a center of the civil
19
Through the spring of 1962, whites denied that black demonstrations had led to any changes. The kingdom of segregation stood tall, while paternalistic views of African-Americans flourished.
staunchly segregationist in
even 100 years ago
when
it
its
outlook today as
.
.
.
May
hundred
years.
speaking for
racial
as
its beliefs,"
the
31, 1962. "The South lost that belief." If Albany
but a ruinous defeat did not remove the
had their way, traditional
is
was 50 years ago and
fought a war in testimony to
Albany Herald editorialized on
war
it
"The South
views would reign for another
whites fifty
or
"That thinking will not change," the Herald concluded,
many Dougherty County
downtown wrote the turbulence.
in to affirm that she did not
"We
have
lots of
A woman who
whites.
worked
blame Albany blacks
good Negroes
for all
here," the "taxpayer"
wrote, "but until the City can throw those agitators out and get Albany
back to normal, Like
I
guess the other Negroes will be scared half to death."
many Albany
whites, this reader thought of herself as an advocate
for the local blacks.
Columnist H.
T.
Mcintosh
railed,
deliberately chosen to be the scene of a 'Movement' in
which the people
of Albany had no part." His perplexity reverberated with whites, as a
who
asked
why
this
municipal 'test-tube' for
Mcintosh, "Was
it
many Albany
"growing, progressive city was chosen racial conflict."
Many wondered, with
because relations between white and Negro citizens
had been cordial and friendly
Albany became
"Albany was
for so long?" In this line of thinking,
a target precisely because
it
was so harmonious.
On
"Our NtgfOts" No More
July
1
69
Mcintosh argued that Albany "has
},
injured,"
its
suffered," the city "has
people "were bewildered," and Albany
been
the victim."
"is
Fueled by convictions like these, Albany whites responded to African20 American protests with confusion and outrage.
In July 1962,
King was sentenced
to
While many whites thought
jail.
Mayor Asa Kelley, King would attract
prison stripes King's proper uniform, Chief Pritchett,
and other Albany power brokers realized that a nationwide publicity and sympathy for
jailed
civil rights
—and
potentially
him out of jail on July 12, after an anonymous person (whom we now know to have been city attorignite a
blacks. Pritchett tossed
fire in local
ney B. C. Gardner) paid his bond. "[Our] protest will turn Albany
King promised days
upside down,"
whites
made
known
it
going to stay in
Faced with this prospect, local
later.
they had no intention of idly watching. "I'm
my rightful place,"
D.
J. Gillis
of nearby Douglas main-
tained, "and I'm going to place the Negro in his or die trying." Mrs. C.
Brown
"A Negro is O.K. as long as they stay As African- Americans mounted protests throughout July
of Blakely, Georgia, agreed,
in their place."
and August, whites clung to notions that Albany blacks were for
one believe
leave
if
the outsiders
Albany colored
before this mess
all
would tend
to their
own
would
... be as
good
folks alone they
satisfied. "I
business and as
they were
wrote Mrs. Roy Logan of Albany. She
started,"
reported that her black workers seemed "happy and content" and they
opposed
"all this
hate to see the
carrying on
King has
to offer."
Logan continued,
good colored people of Albany have
when
to suffer
She pictured Albany citizens, black and white,
are innocent."
as
"I
do
they
victims
of outside schemes. 21
Agreement rang out on Albany and resided
this score.
W.
C.
Through
in Broxton.
Todd
ran a lumber mill in
his interactions
with black
millworkers since the 1940s, Todd could attest that "they are good
Negroes, and would continue to be good the outsiders."
Todd assured
judges "simply don't
know
his fellow
if
they were
Negro
concurred that local blacks would be happier
gation," wrote Mrs.
W.
.
.
.
alone by
white southerners that federal
the American
departed. "The thinking ones
left
as
you and
if civil
do."
Most
rights workers
realize they are better off
T Brightwell of Tifton.
I
"The others
with segre-
are easily led
by agitators." Even Mrs. David Edwards, a recent transplant to Albany, quickly embraced the local thinking on race. Confident that she was "not biased in
my
viewpoint," Edwards found,
when
she
moved
to Albany,
— THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
70
"both white and colored to be friendly and sincere, living together in
harmony strife,
until 'outsiders'
came
White rights
to our city."
.
.
.
troublemakers, and promoters of hate and
22
convictions about local blacks, "outside agitators," and civil
formed
a definable
worldview and buttressed a way of
worldview possessed a certain logic
(circular
though
and interpretation of history (inwardly consistent a
Jim Crow defender could
establish that
it
may
life.
This
have been)
grossly distorted). If
if
no past problems existed
between whites and blacks, several conclusions followed:
civil rights
demonstrations were unnecessary, people from outside of Albany devised
them, and the
local blacks
permeated each other
wanted no
at every turn.
part.
The
Whites
material and the mental
built prosperity
on the lack
of black opportunity. Exploitation of blacks both presupposed and
encouraged black
upon the white
inferiority.
belief that
it
The
health of this social order depended
was tolerable
—even
pleasant
—
for every-
one. That belief allowed whites to degrade blacks, to justify the degradation,
and
The
to then believe that blacks abided
seemed instantly legitimate. surely
it.
various premises commingled: If one claim stood, the others
good
If whites
were the best friends of the blacks,
race relations prevailed. If
Albany blacks were happy with
segregation, they were grateful to the whites
tem
—and
them from
they
felt
slavery,"
who powered
victimized by the outsiders in their towns.
that sys-
We "freed
Rex Knight of Remerton wrote, and "gave them the
right to vote." Instead of responding with grateful thanks, however,
demanded further rights. African-Americans gave the lie to these white notions when they demanded freedom and equality. If blacks were in fact unhappy, then whites' entire worldview would be false, and they might have to admit that, for blacks, their city was more purgatory than blacks
paradise.
23
On July
17, Herald publisher
sion station to praise criticized "the
Albany
as
James Gray appeared on his own televia "friendly progressive community." He
Albany Movement with
social quacks."
Gray extended
answer those claims on the
to
air.
its
get-rich-quick politicians and
W. G. Anderson
the opportunity to
Anderson's reasoned defense of black
demands moved one Albany white
to publicly sift the truths
from the
tropes and peer through the fog of racial myth. She was the rare white
who
dissented and possessed the courage to say
"came
as
something of a shock" to
"a shock in that
it
this
so.
Anderson's candor
native white southerner
brought into the open some questions which have
— 1
"Our Nigr
and Civil
id! Chicken,
ro
be believable.
Rights: The
Young
recalled that in the
before the law passed, a waitress had poured coffee
him with
served
a smile. Perhaps
and
full
same
restaurant,
on him.
Now
she
was the kind of extraordinary change
by people whose
racial
of paternalism and
fear.
that could be achieved only flicted, paradoxical,
it
201
1964 Civil Rights Act
behavior was con-
On
the other hand,
perhaps the transformation was not nearly as thorough as appearances suggested.
Days St.
30
Rights Act was passed,
after the Civil
many
businesses in
Augustine desegregated. Black marches died down,
Americans tested newly integrated regation had dawned, night
fell
facilities. If a
as African-
new morning
of deseg-
quickly. In the face of civic leaders'
unwillingness to take stands either for integration or a return to segregation,
white supremacist organizations stepped into the emerging power
vacuum. During some
civil rights
marches,
abused police and attacked reporters.
Ku Klux Klan members
had
On July 4, Klansmen chased blacks
from restaurants. The Klan began to picket businesses that integrated, including the
Monson Motor Lodge. On July
16,
Brock again barred
African- Americans from his restaurant. Yet even that act of resegregation could not save
him from
Although Brock reached zation, out-of-town
the punishment of violent segregationists.
a truce
with the
local
white supremacist organi-
Klansmen firebombed the Monson. Cowed by white
supremacist threats,
many
other
St.
Augustine businesses resegregated
by the third week of July. Lawsuits were prietors. In a series of hearings at the
filed against a
number of pro-
end of July, defendants confessed
that they stopped serving African-Americans after white segregationists
threatened violence.
The
ordeal of St. Augustine businesses exposed the
messiness in that sprawling process of social change. Segregation and integration were less permanent states than shifting realities, subject to
the powerful winds of the age.
The countervailing
forces of the federal
government, the black freedom struggle, and white resistance pushed southerners this
many
way and
different reasons.
ended and another began.
On
that, in
thousands of different directions for
When
integration finally came, one process
as
31
July 28, a host of restaurateurs appeared before federal judge
Bryan Simpson. They
all
attested to the
same
basic experience. Leonard
Grissom, owner of Grissom's South Seas, recounted a phone
call
he
received on July 5 — two days after he integrated. Asked if he was serving blacks,
Grissom responded, "Yeah, everybody
caller threatened, the
is." If
he did not stop, the
South Seas would be "closed up."
When
Grissom
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
202
window had been
arrived at the restaurant the following morning, one
shattered by a rock.
Whites picketed that
told them, 'you win.'
"
day. "I
my
put
hands up and
Segregation returned to the South Seas. After
Wallace Colley received a phone threat, Colley's Shrimp House also
Tom
began to ban blacks.
Xynidis, through a thick Greek accent,
detailed similar tribulations at his Seafarer restaurant. Xynidis, clearly
torment on the witness stand, constantly wrung his hands.
in
on July
recalled a beating he witnessed
upon
a black
nearby inn.
man and
On July
approached the
his
white attorney
told the waitresses they
would
people." Xynidis was "afraid didn't sleep
all
resegregated. ness owners
Sam
blacks.
anonymous
The
night."
men
Three white "see
my
if
Seafarer
gang of whites
after they
set
emerged from a blacks
five
entered at the same time and
whether or not
I
served the colored
place exists in the morning. ...
I
stood the next morning, but
it
still
White supremacists began
who buckled under
a
and orderly" group of
16, a "peaceable
Seafarer.
when
12,
He
to focus
more energy on
busi-
the Civil Rights Act than on protesting
Russo, owner of the Flamingo Cafe, recounted that one caller "told
me
that I've fed 'em, I'm a bigger sonofabitch
than the niggers." Russo, like Grissom, Xynidis, and Colley, soon
from an integrated business back to a segregated one.
moved
32
So did James Brock. After Brock took the witness stand, a Newsweek reporter
dubbed him "the
star of the show."
Brock embodied the deep
strains of the decade's social conflict. In the span of a
doused
civil rights protesters
During an age of intense
with acid and was bombed by the Klan.
passions, the
"You're the James Brock
month, he both
middle could be
a difficult place.
who poured muriatic acid in the swimming swimming there?" asked attorney Tobias
pool while the Negroes were
Simon. Brock admitted he was, and confirmed that weeks
swimming-pool received
bomb
incident, he served blacks at his motel. threats.
From July 9
Monson. "Delicious food, "Niggers sleep here,
eat
after the
Brock then
to July 11, whites picketed the
with niggers here" read one of their
signs.
would you?" asked another. Cars with Confederate
flags
watched over the motel, and few white customers crossed the picket
line.
"I'm scared," Brock said. "I'm scared of elements
I'm not scared of what uniquely situated, Jr.,
as
I
can
one
see,
I'm afraid of what
who drew
motel; the other
bombed
it
One
can't see."
to
me.
Brock was
the ire of both Martin Luther King,
and hard-line white supremacists.
threatened by both sides."
I
unknown
"I've
had the pleasure of being
side forced the integration of Brock's
after that desegregation occurred.
33
BsrbtOH, Fried Chicken, and Civil Rights: The 1964 Civil Rights Act
The Monson became
all
1,
1
after three days of pickets,
the powerful
thousand-member Ancient City Hunting Club. In heavily
leader of the St.
Brock requested
Manucy was
audience with Halstead "Hoss" Manucy.
Catholic
with Brock caught
a civil rights battleground,
On July
in the crossfire.
203
Augustine, the club served as a local complement to the
Ku
Klux Klan. Several members of the Ancient City Hunting Club doubled as
deputy
back."
sheriffs.
Manucy
Brock asked Manucy
to "get these pickets off
replied, "I don't think they
want you
my
to serve niggers."
Brock concurred, "Nobody wants to serve them." James Brock was not trapped by his conscience, but pulled in opposing directions by the law
on the one hand and Manucy on the explained the plight of
caught in a dilemma. hurts our business. If the business away."
.
we
As
a
We
.
Another motel owner
Augustine businessmen.
St.
.
other.
are forced to serve
"We
have been
Negroes although
it
serve them, the white pickets turn the rest of
Newsweek dispatch stated,
St.
Augustine busi-
nessmen "have thrust themselves between the grinding forces of the vigilantes
and the Civil Rights Act." Put another way,
Simon
said,
as attorney
Tobias
"These guys have committed suicide." Such was the predica-
ment of many white business owners
in the age of civil rights. For a
time, firebombs spoke louder than court injunctions. St. Augustine businesses endured segregation, integration,
and reintegration. enjoined
Finally,
Manucy and
on August
his followers
and processes of resegregation 5,
Judge Simpson
specifically
from disrupting desegregation.
He
also ordered the integration of seventeen segregated or resegregated
public businesses.
The Old
but segregation started to
Nothing about
Slave
fall.
that process
Market
still
stood at the center of town,
34
was smooth.
Amid ongoing white attacks,
African-Americans continued to fear for their safety through July and
August. Few
St.
Augustine whites accepted the decade's
racial changes,
and the events of 1964 left the city bitterly divided. While whites embraced traditional racial attitudes, few tried to claim that harmony still
existed.
A
Florida investigative commission issued a report in De-
cember that blamed the summer's
racial crisis
on Martin Luther King.
In January 1965, B. C. Roberts, superintendent of the Castillo de San
Marcos National Monument, articulated rights leaders]
The
come
again, they
local
white sentiment. "If [civil
would be met with the same
attitudes haven't changed." After
1964, race relations
reaction. lost
all
veneers of cordiality. African-Americans could eat in white-owned
St.
Augustine restaurants, but word would
travel
back to their bosses
—and
— THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
204
many
of those blacks then feared for their jobs. White-on-black violence
persisted into 1965 and 1966,
wrest control of the
PTA
when
at St.
the John Birch Society attempted to
Augustine High School. By 1968, Birch
supporters were finally defeated, and school desegregation came to
Augustine in 1970. Into the 1980s,
in
An old NAACP mem-
James Jackson, reported shock and amazement
Manucy.
Manucy
When
said,
bumped
the two almost
"Excuse me,
sir."
Club was
Manucy
at the
changes he saw
into each other
downtown,
To Jackson, these words marked
ously inconceivable transformation. But while
may have changed,
St.
Augustine saw change and stag-
Hoss Manucy embodied that antagonism.
nation. ber,
St.
Manucy
's
a previ-
racial etiquette
he continued to believe the Ancient City Hunting
during the 1960s.
in the right
said in 1985. "I
still
think so."
thought we was right,"
"I
35
OBSERVERS ARGUED THAT IF WHITES held out against the Civil Rights Act, and if the new law cultivated violent resistance, it did so in the Black Belt. Claude Sitton wrote, "The change
more quickly and
member
easily in
pliance. states
—
new Community
of President Johnson's
The
far
taking place far
urban areas than rural ones." David Pearson, a Relations Service, a
by the 1964 Civil Rights Act, commented,
race relations agency created
"The pattern so
is
has been:
The
larger the city
rural areas will be difficult." In
—
many
the greater the
cities across
com-
southern
Atlanta, Nashville, Charlotte, Mobile, Greenville, and others
blacks successfully tested the Civil Rights Act. Reports of violence most often
came from Black Belt
Alabama. "Restaurants,
areas like Grenada, Mississippi,
theaters,
and courthouse
facilities
and Selma,
seem
as segre-
gated as they were at the turn of the century," journalist Paul
Good
wrote from Grenada. Conventional wisdom had
came
most smoothly at the
Alabama and
Mississippi.
Watts Grill outside Chapel
tension permeated
St.
that integration
and Florida, and that the
to Texas, Virginia,
tance occurred in
it
Hill,
But there were beatings
North Carolina; violence and
Augustine, Florida. Blacks were served at Bir-
mingham's Town and Country Restaurant and Jackson, Sun-n-Sand Motel. In the summer of 1964, izations
and conformed to them.
Georgia exhibited
all
fiercest resis-
realities
Mississippi's,
both defied general-
36
of these clashing truths, and a study of the state
during July 1964 throws these patterns into sharp after the passage of the Civil
Rights Act,
many
relief.
In the weeks
of Georgia's larger cities
boasted compliance. In Atlanta, most hotels and restaurants quickly
Bsrbicut, Friid Chicken,
and Civil
Rights:
205
The 1964 Civil Rights Act
desegregated. Lester Maddox's Pickrick restaurant and Moreton Rolleston's
leart of
1
Atlanta motel were exceptions, though notable ones. But
away from the wealthier "island suburbs," high-
the Pickrick's location,
lighted the point that class lines occasionally revealed
and
"The City Too Busy
rural distinctions. In
pools,
and golf courses
whites had already racial transitions,
restaurants
often
poor
in those areas that
37 public places became hotly contested arenas.
Savannah had experienced
came
other business to parks,
Where urban neighborhoods grappled with
fled.
Elsewhere in Georgia,
protest
to Hate," the desegrega-
and —from — went smoothly
tion of various facilities
more than urban
to a place
cities
met desegregation
racial unrest in
where many
still
in varying ways.
1963. That year, direct action breathed the
lived in the
air,
mansions, and harbored the prejudices of the Old South. But demonstrations succeeded,
By
grated.
New
and on October
1,
public and private
facilities inte-
Day 1964, Martin Luther King could
Year's
Savannah "the most desegregated city south of the Mason-Dixon
call
line."
In Savannah, no resistance to desegregation followed the Civil Rights
Macon and
Act. Blacks in the state's third and fourth largest cities,
Columbus, integrated
Almost every Macon, as
like
anything
facilities shortly after
passage of the legislation.
and restaurant served African- Americans.
hotel, motel,
much
Savannah, experienced black sit-ins prior to 1964. As else, this fact
helped to explain which locales took desegre-
gation in stride. Those that had witnessed black protest before seemed
much more
willing to abide by the
new
law.
While Columbus hosted
protests in the early 1960s, the previous demonstrations were ineffective.
But
in 1964,
most businesses complied with the new
law.
Two
restaurants desegregated despite the threats of a segregationist county
commissioner, and a hamburger stand that initially banned blacks was serving tionist
them by July 20. In Augusta, the dominion of leading segregaRoy Harris, reaction to the Civil Rights Act was mixed. Tal-
madge Memorial Hospital and the
city golf course
refused service to blacks in
became an all-white private
its
club.
cafeteria,
But blacks
reported no other trouble in desegregating hotels, motels, and restaurants. General compliance
with the Civil Rights Act greeted blacks
in the southeastern coastal city of
teenagers approached a city pool,
northwest corner of the desegregate. at the
A
state,
black bellhop
it
was shut down. In Rome,
lunch counters and motels
who
Hotel General Forrest
Brunswick, but when a handful of
all
in the
agreed to
led an African-American to his
reflected, "I've
room
waited 33 years for this
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
206
moment." That moment came of 1964.
As
to
many Georgia
cities in
summer
the
38
a city
wedged
between urban and
firmly in the Black Belt,
rural.
newspapers ran stories about
were events to
fit
Albany blurred the
line
Because of Albany's previous infamy, national its
response to the Civil Rights Act. There
any argument.
Many
hotels, motels,
and restaurants
complied. But at the private pool, ten black would-be swimmers were arrested
and convicted
for "idling
in refused service to blacks.
An
and
loitering."
The Arctic Bear
drive-
who
tested
African- American reverend
new law had moonshine planted in his car and was arrested. In many national periodicals, shaded maps of the South appeared. Dark splotches the
colored Mississippi, Alabama, and parts of Louisiana and Georgia to
denote resistance to the Civil Rights Act. In Texas, Florida, Virginia, and
North Carolina,
light shades of gray appeared
a considerable degree of compliance.
But
—apparently
to designate
realities like those in
Albany
could not be shaded. They combined dark episodes of resistance with bright instances of smooth compliance.
The shade of gray captured noth-
ing and everything about that experience. "Compliance" and "resis-
many
tance" to the Civil Rights Act were difficult things to track. In
small towns, neither violence nor widespread desegregation occurred.
Black
fear
and white threats could leave towns without
law or
tests of the
mean-
with
affairs
of integration that were so orchestrated they had
ing.
News
reports often described towns as either "violent" or "quiet."
But those words described few southern
locales.
One
little
could not
say,
with
any precision, that either "compliance" or "resistance" reigned. The truth was far
more muddled. 39
The march toward than in the
cities.
integration was
more tortuous
in rural
Georgia
Northeast of Macon, motels and restaurants desegre-
gated in the town of Milledgeville. After the hospital forced blacks to the rear entrance for three weeks, the police reversed that policy. In
more small towns, violence propped up
segregation.
A mob
of
many
Winder
whites turned blacks away from a theater. Whites in Waynesboro and
Washington, two small towns in eastern Georgia, met the law with tance. Fights broke out at several
Waynesboro gas
stations
attempted to use the bathrooms. They tested no other
when
resis-
blacks
facilities there.
Businesses in Washington did not integrate because blacks were too fearful of violence to test
them. 40
To many Georgians, unless
it
sat in the
a locale did not truly qualify as rural Georgia
southwestern Black Belt
—among
the twenty-three
/>.//•/'
238.
New
York Times, January 14, 1970.
York Times, April 18, 1971; Atlanta
1971.
Paul Gaston, "The Region in Perspective," in The South and Her Children: School
Desegregation,
1970-1971,
p.
18, Southern Regional Council Papers,
1944-1968,
Reel 220. 112. Marshall Frady,
197
1 );
"A Meeting of
Atlanta Constitution,
May
Strangers in Americus," Life (February 12,
14, 1971.
.
, ;
.
37 6
Notes
"A Meeting of Strangers
113. Frady, 1
to
pages 1 80-193
in Americus"; Morris, Yazoo, p. 21.
14. "Decatur High School," Newsweek Collection, Box 11, Folder: School Desegre-
gation Situationer (November 1970); Gaston, "The Region in Perspective," p. 19.
FOUR Barbecue, Fried Chicken, 1.
and Civil
Rights: The
1964 Civil Rights Act
Atlanta Journal and Constitution, July 4, 1964; Sherrill, Gothic
Politics in the
Deep
South, p. 277; Frady, Southerners, p. 56; Time (July 17, 1964), p. 26. 2. "Lester Maddox Backgrounder," Newsweek Collection, Box 9, Folder: Lester Maddox (August 1964); New York Times, September 30, 1966, June 26, 2003;
Deep South,
Sherrill, Gothic Politics in the
191 5-2003" (Marietta, 3.
GA,
Sherrill, Gothic Politics in the
Newsweek Collection, Box week Collection, 4.
Box
p.
283; "Obituary: Lester Garfield Maddox,
2003).
284; "Lester
Maddox Backgrounder,"
Maddox (August
1964); "P.A.S.S.," News-
Deep South,
9, Folder: Lester
p.
2, Folder: Atlanta Racial Current.
Atlanta Constitution, July 4, 7, 1964; "Lester
Collection; Richard Cortner, Civil Rights
Atlanta Motel and
McClung
Maddox Backgrounder," Newsweek
and Public Accommodations: The Heart of
Cases (Lawrence,
KS, 2001),
p.
39;
New
York Times,
July 10, 18, 1964; Albany Herald, July 11, 1964. Cortner, Civil Rights
5
and Public Accommodations,
New
p. 5 6;
York Times, August
1 1
1964. 6.
New
7.
Ibid.,
August
8.
Ibid.,
February
9.
Michael Durham, "Ollie McClung 's Big Decision,"
Ollie's
York Times, August 12, 14, 1964. 14, 1964. 2, 8, 23,
1965. Life
(October 9, 1964),
Barbecue (December 17, 1964), Newsweek Collection, Box
p. 3
1
4, Folder: Civil
Rights Cases; Cortner, Civil Rights and Public Accommodations, pp. 78-79. 10.
Durham,
"Ollie
McClung
Collection; Cortner, Civil Rights 1 1
lic
Durham,
"Ollie
Big Decision,"
's
p. 31; Ollie's
and Public Accommodations,
McClung Big 's
Decision," p. 3
1
;
Barbecue, Newsweek
p. 79.
Cortner, Civil Rights
and Pub-
Accommodations, p. 64; Time{}\Ay 17, 1964), p. 25. 12.
New
York Times, September 3, 18, 1964; Montgomery Advertiser, September 18,
1964. 13.
Cortner,
Civil
Rights
and Public Accommodations,
McClung Big Decision," p. 31. 14. Durham, "Ollie McClung
p.
77;
Durham,
"Ollie
's
December 15.
's
Big Decision," pp. 31-32; Birmingham News,
16, 1964.
Birmingham News, December 14, 15, 16, 17, 1964;
New
York Times,
Decem-
ber 17, 1964; Ollie's Barbecue, Newsweek Collection. 16.
1963), ald,
members of Georgia Council on Human Relations (July 1, Frances Pauley Papers, Box 10; Gallup, Gallup Poll, vol. 3, p. 1829; Albany HerFrances Pauley to
July
17.
1,
1964.
Iredell
Hutton
to Charles
Raper Jonas (July
3,
1963), Charles Raper Jonas
Papers. 18.
to Sam Ervin (January Sam J. Ervin Papers.
Nathan Blanchard
Ervin (June 25, 1964),
10, 1964);
George Colclough
to
Sam
.
\
to
fei
paga
i
94—206
LJ. Moore
n)
to
377
Sam
Ervin (June 13, 1964),
Sam J. Ervin
Papers;
Tommy Moore,
interview with author, by telephone (April 29, 2005).
Raymond 2 cil
1
Infold to
Sam
Ervin (July 8, 1964),
Sam J.
Ervin Papers.
Benjamin Muse, "Memphis" (July 1964), pp. 33-36, Southern Regional Coun-
.
1944-1968, Reel 220. Interview with Jesse Boyce Holleman, by Orley Caudill (August 9-10, Septem-
Papers, j j.
ber 17, 1976), Civil Rights in Mississippi Digital Archive. 23. Albany Herald, July 3, 1964; Peter de Lissovoy, "Mixin' in South Georgia," The
Nation (December 21, 1964), p. 486. 24. Albany Herald, July 3, 1964; Atlanta Journal 25.
New
26.
Time (July 17, 1964), 25;
and Constitution, July
1964.
4,
York Times, July 6, 13, 19, 1964.
New
York Times, July 7, 9, 1964; Albany Herald,
July 7, 1964.
David Garrow, Bearing
27.
(New
tian Leadership Conference
Nonviolent Way," pp. 36-37, Florida,
28.
New
Martin Luther King, Jr., and
the Cross:
the Southern Chris-
York, 1986), p. 326; John Herbers, "Critical Test for the
York Times Magazine, July 5, 1964, p. 30; Branch, Pillar of Fire,
in; David
Colburn, Racial Change and Community
Crisis: St. Augustine,
1877-1980 (New York, 1985), pp. 46-47, 63. Colburn, Racial Change and Community Crisis, pp. 44-7 1
29. Garrow, Bearing the Cross, pp.
330-33;
New
York Times, June 12, 1964; Branch,
Pillar of Fire, pp.
354-55. 30. Colburn, Racial Change and Community
101; Garrow, Bearing the Cross,
Crisis, p.
p. 336; Bass and DeVries, The Transformation of Southern
31. Garrow, Bearing the Cross, p. 341;
Racial Change 32.
tion
"St.
—
St.
and Community
Augustine, July 29, 1964," Newsweek Collection, Box 14, Folder: Segrega-
Augustine.
"St.
and Community
344; Colburn, Racial Change and Community
p.
327. .
Colburn, Racial Change and Community
Southern Journey: 36.
New
A
Return
New
South
497. For incidents
Charles Jones,
Duke
Adam
lections.
to the
Crisis, p.
Crisis,
Civil Rights Movement
York Times, July 12, 15, 26, 1964;
1964; Paul Good, 2, p.
Crisis, p.
128.
Augustine, July 29, 1964," Newsweek Collection; Garrow, Bearing
p.
35
York Times, July 24, 1964; Colburn,
Crisis, p. 9.
33. Ibid.; Colburn, Racial Change 34.
New
Politics, p. 10.
(Summer
at the
pp.
1 1
(New
St.
the Cross,
112; Branch, Pillar of Fire
4-1 5 182,203; ,
Tom Dent,
York, 1997), pp. 201-7.
Petersburg Times,
November
9,
1966), reprinted in Reporting Civil Rights, Vol.
Watts Grill near Chapel
University Oral History Program,
Hill, see interview
Duke
University Special Col-
Fairclough argues that segregation remained the
Louisiana following the Civil Rights Act, while
many
with Rev.
norm
in
rural
cities integrated. Fairclough,
Race and Democracy, pp. 339-40. 37. Kruse, White Flight, pp. 38.
105-30, 205-33. "The Civil Rights Act: Compliance as Reported
Human
to the
Relations" (July 15, 20, 1964), Frances Pauley Papers,
Georgia Council on
Box
10, Folder 6;
New
York Times, July 14, 1964; Tuck, Beyond Atlanta, pp. 127-53; Pat Watters, "Brunswick at the
Time of the
Civil Rights Act," Southern Regional Council Papers,
1944-1968,
Reel 220. 39.
"The Civil Rights Act: Compliance
as
Reported to the Georgia Council on
8
378
Notes
Human
to
pages 2 o 6-2
1
Relations" (July 15, 20, 1964), Frances Pauley Papers. For examples of that
New
press reaction, see
York Times, July 12 (see map), July 26, 1964; U.S. News
November
Report (July 20, 1964); Birmingham News,
& World
29, 1964; "5 Years Ago," Delta
Democrat -Times, July 4, 1969. 40. "The Civil Rights Act: Compliance as Reported to the Georgia Council on
Human
Relations" (July 15, 20, 1964), Frances Pauley Papers.
41. Tuck, Beyond Atlanta, pp. 158, 176; "The Civil Rights Act: Compliance as
Human
Reported to the Georgia Council on Pauley Papers; 42. Ralph tion,
Box
New
Lowe
Relations" (July 15, 20, 1964), Frances
York Times, July 9, 1964. to
Richard Russell (May 30, 1964), Richard B. Russell, Jr., Collec-
39, Correspondence: June 5-6, 1964;
New
York Times, July 16, 1964.
43. Peter de Lissovoy, "Mixin' in South Georgia," The Nation (December 21, 1964),
pp. 487-88. 44. Ibid., p. 488. 45. Ibid., p. 489. 46. Ibid., pp. 489-90.
November
47. Birmingham News,
December
20, 1965;
48. Samuel Petersburg Times.
Adams, "Highways of
November
49. Ibid.; Samuel burg Times.
November 9, 1964. Hope Opening to Negroes
8,
York Times,
9,
in the South,"
St.
1964.
Adams, "Road of Hope Dotted by Ruts
November
New
in Carolinas,"
St. Peters-
1964.
Samuel Adams, "Scenic Trip Yields Warmth, but Color Barrier Cumbersome,"
50. St.
29, 1964, January 30, 1965;
Petersburg Times,
St.
November
Petersburg Times.
51. Thornton, Dividing
News and Observer
editorial,
10, 1964.
Lines, p.
469; Birmingham News, January 31, 1965; Raleigh
quoted in
New
York Times,
December
20, 1964.
52.
Birmingham News, December
53.
Frances Pauley, "Compliance with the 1964 Civil Rights Act" (October 6,
6,
1964.
Box 10, Folder 6. December 20, 1964; Pauley, "Compliance with
1965), Frances Pauley Papers,
New
54.
York Times,
Rights Act," Frances Pauley Papers; U.S. News 55. Mrs. Alton
&
the 1964 Civil
World Report ( July 20, 1964).
Bland
to Charles
Raper Jonas (May 28, 1963), Charles Raper Jonas
Bland
to Charles
Raper Jonas (June
4, 1963), Charles
Bland to Charles Raper Jonas (June
8, 1963), Charles
Papers. 56. Mrs. Alton
Raper Jonas
Papers. 57. Mrs. Alton
Papers; Booker
T
Washington, Up from
Slavery, in Three
Negro Classics
Raper Jonas
(New
York,
1999), p. 159. 58. Mrs. Alton
Bland to Charles Raper Jonas (June
8, 1963), Charles
Raper Jonas
Papers. 59.
Mr. and Mrs.
J. E.
Russell, Jr., Collection,
Redmon
Box
to Richard Russell
(June 12, 1964), Richard B.
39.
60. June Melvin to Charles Raper Jonas ( June 19,1 963), Charles Raper Jonas Papers; F.
M.
Bain,
Sr.,
and
David McDougal
F.
M.
Bain,
Jr., to
Sam
Ervin (May
1,
1964),
Box 40, Correspondence: May 27, 1964; Preston Wilkes, Jr., July 9, 1 963), Charles Raper Jonas Papers. As Jack Davis writes
(
Sam J.
to Richard Russell (May 1964), Richard B. Russell,
Ervin Papers;
Jr.,
Collection,
to Charles Raper Jonas in his study of Natchez,
\
to
t$s
pages
Mississippi,
218 227
379
"Whites were convinced that the
'civil
wrongs' legislation granted blacks
not only equal rights but spec id rights that 'seriously impaired' the liberties of others."
Davis, Race Against Time, p. 169.
fune Melvin to Charles Raper Jonas (June 19, 1963), Charles Raper Jonas
61.
M. Bain, Jr., to Sam Ervin (May 1, 1964), Sam J. Ervin Mrs. Romeo Powell to Sam Ervin (January 9, 1964), Sam J. Ervin Papers.
Papers;
F.
Papers;
M. Bain,
Sr.,
and
F.
Mrs. Alton Bland to Charles Raper Jonas (June 8, 1963), Charles Raper Jonas
62.
Papers;
F.
V. Taylor to
Sam Ervin
(April 30, 1964),
Sam J.
Mary
63.
Idol Breeze to Charles
Raper Jonas (June
Wood
Ervin Papers; Florence
(May 20, 1964), Richard B. Russell, Jr., spondence: May 20, 1964; New York Times, June 28, 2003. to Richard Russell
Collection,
Box 40, Corre-
12, 1963), Charles
Raper Jonas
Papers.
64. Nancy Anderson to Richard Russell (December 8, 1963), Correspondence: December 1963; Mary Ann Clarke to Richard Russell (October 24, 1963), Correspon-
dence: October 1963; Richard B. Russell, Jr., Collection; Melvin Rockleff to
Sam
Ervin
1964), Sam J. Ervin Papers. Nancy Collinson to Richard Russell (March 23, 1964), Correspondence: March 1964; James O'Hear Sanders to Richard Russell (December 2, 1963), Correspondence:
(May
3,
65.
December 1963; Richard
B. Russell,
Jr.,
Collection.
66. Harriet Southwell to Richard Russell
(December
8,
1963), Correspondence:
December 1963; Richard B. Russell, Jr., Collection. 67. Audrey Wagner to Charles Raper Jonas (June 27, 1963), Charles Raper Jonas Papers; Hugh Lefler to Sam Ervin (January 21, 1964), Sam J. Ervin Papers. The text-
Hugh Lefler and Albert Newsome, North Carolina: of a Southern State (Chapel Hill, NC, 1954).
book mentioned was co-authored by The History 68. B. lection,
1964),
F.
Wardlow
Sam J. Ervin
69. Mildred and sell, Jr.,
to Richard Russell
Collection,
American
does most closely
to
Sam
Russell, Jr. Col-
Ervin (January 9,
Gene Carr to Richard Russell (May 14, 1964), Richard Box 40, Correspondence: May 20, 1964.
Among
history, surprisingly
is
W Hines
Papers.
70. Albany Herald, July 3, 1964. ness" in
(May 22, 1964), Richard B.
Box 40, Correspondence: May 1964; O.
B. Rus-
the books on the construction of "white-
few of them focus on the South. The one that
Grace Elizabeth Hale's Making Whiteness: The Culture of Segregation
in the South, 1 890-1 940
(New
York, 1998). See also Roediger's The Wages of Whiteness,
Michael Rogin's Blackface, White Noise: Jewish Immigrants
in the
Hollywood Melting Pot
CA, 1966), Alexander Saxton's The Rise and Fall of the White Republic: Class and Mass Culture in Nineteenth -Century America (New York, 1990), Noel
(Berkeley, Politics
Ignatiev's
How
the Irish
Became White
(New
York, 1995), and Morrison's Playing in the
Dark. 71. Interview with Joe Smitherman, by Blackside Inc.
(December
5,
1985),
Wash-
ington University Libraries; Albany Herald, July 13, 1964. 72. Albany Herald, July 22, 1964; Birmingham News,
December
15, 20, 1964.
73. Atlanta Constitution, July 18, 1964.
74. Ibid. 75. Interview with Clara Lee Sharrard, by author. For different takes on the success
of the Civil Rights Act, see Tuck, Beyond Atlanta, pp. 193-94; Fairclough, Race Democracy, p. 376; Dittmer, Local People, p. 402.
and
1
.
380
Notes
Howard Glenn
76.
to
Sam
Ervin (May 15, 1969),
77. Robert Coles, "Civil Rights
(May
1967); Joseph
7,
Is
2, Folder:
New
York Times Magazine
(November 30, 1964), Birmingham, AL (December 1964); Martin Luther
King, Jr., "Letter from Birmingham City Jail," p.
Ervin Papers.
Also a State of Mind,"
Cumming, "Birmingham
Neu sweek Collection, Box
Sam J.
pages 2 2 8-2 4
to
in
Revisited"
Washington,
ed.,
A
Testament of Hope.
295. 78. Interview with Richard Franco, by author.
New
79. Veil:
York Times. April 27, 1985; interview with Margaret Rogers, Behind the
Documenting African- American Life in
New
versity Special Collections;
the Jim
Crow
South.
1
940-1 997. Duke Uni-
York Times. April 6, 1985.
80. Frady, Southerners, p. 71; Atlanta Journal
and Constitution. June 26, 2003.
81. Frady, Southerners, pp. 55, 71; Bass and DeVries, The Transformation of Southern Politics, p.
142; Sherrill, Gothic Politics in the Deep South, pp. 285-88.
Frady, Southerners, p. 56.
82.
83. Sherrill, Gothic Politics in the Deep South, p. 288.
p.
84.
Frady, Southerners, p. 57; Bass and DeVries, The Transformation of Southern
143;
New
Politics.
York Times. June 26, 2003.
85. Frady, Southerners, pp. 60, 74; Sherrill, Gothic Politics in the Deep South, p. 280;
Neu York
Times.
June 26, 2003.
86. Pomerantz, Where Peachtree Meets Sweet Auburn, p. 359; Sherrill, Gothic Politics in
Deep South, p. 280.
the
New
87.
York
June
Times.
191 5-2003" (Marietta,
GA,
26,
Garfield
Maddox,
31, 1998, September
n, 2001;
"Obituary:
2003;
Lester
2003).
88. Birmingham News, June 3, 1997,
December
Birmingham Business Journal. June 25, 1999, September 21, 2001.
New
89.
York Times. September 29, 2000,
May
4,
2004.
90. Frady, Southerners, p. 107. For the complete story of the Souths Republican
transformation, see Earl Black and Merle Black, The Rise of Southern Republicans (Cambridge,
MA,
2002); also see Bass and DeVries, The Transformation of Southern
Politics.
FIVE "Softly, the
Unthinkable": The Contours of Political and Economic Change
1
Garrow, Bearing
2.
Steven Lawson, Black Ballots: Voting Rights in
the Cross, p. 77. the South. 1 944-1 969
1976), pp. 12-13; Chandler Davidson and Bernard Grofman,
3.
n,
The Impact of the Voting Rights
Jimmy Couey
to
Act.
William Emerson (August 30, 1957), Newsweek Collection, Box
Folder: Segregation
4.
York,
196 5-1 990 (Princeton, 1994), pp. 29-30. C. Vann Woodward's The Strange Career ofJim Crow (New York, 1955).
the South:
See also
(New
eds., Quiet Revolution in
—
Story.
Davidson and Grofman,
eds., Quiet Revolution in the South, p. 38;
Garrow, Bearing
372; Birmingham News. January 24, 1965. Elizabeth Hardwick, "Selma, Alabama: The Charms of Goodness,"
the Cross, p. 5.
New
York
Review of Books (April 22, 1965); interview with Joe Smitherman, by Blackside Inc. (December 5, 1985), Washington University Libraries; Garrow, Bearing the Cross. p.
391; Thornton, Dividing
Lines, p.
481.
381
Sota topaga 242-254 (»
smut and Cass, Black
in Selma, p. 172;
(
lu
(
hestnut and Cass, Black in Selma, p. 154.
8.
Branch, Pillar of Pin, pp. 82, 554, 564.
9.
Thornton, Dividing
Lines,
Powledge, Free at Last?,
p.
616.
pp. 486-87; Carter, The Politics of Rage, pp. 246-47;
Branch, Pillar of Fire, pp. 593-606.
New
10. Politics
oj
York
Rage,
'limes,
March
Alabamian who often ruled see
Jack Bass,
Taming
New
Lines, p.
York Times,
White Southerner,"
The
(New
March Going
in
and suffered
in favor of black civil rights
the Storm:
South's Fight over Civil Rights 11.
1965; Thornton, Dividing
8,
487; Carter, The
249. For the compelling story of Judge Frank Johnson, a white
p.
Life
terrible ostracism,
ofJudge Frank M. Johnson and
and Times
the
York, 1993).
16, 1965;
Ralph
to the Territory
Ellison,
(New
"The Myth of the Flawed
York, 1986), pp. 86-87; Garrow,
Bearing the Cross, p. 407; Lawson, Black Ballots, p. 312; Renata Adler, "Letter from
Selma,"
New
Yorker (April 10, 1965); Carter, The Politics of Rage, p. 255.
12.
Adler, "Letter from Selma"; Thornton, Dividing Lines, p. 489.
13.
Garrow, Bearing
412; Adler, "Letter from Selma";
the Cross, p.
Jimmy
Breslin,
"Changing the South," New York Herald Tribune, March 26, 1965. 14.
Lawson, Black
15.
Lawson, Black
Ballots, pp.
321-31; Birmingham News, November
6,
1966.
337, 308; Thornton, Dividing Lines, pp. 498-99,
Ballots, pp.
559-60; Birmingham News, November 9-12, 1966.
New York Times, April 2, 1985; interview with Duke University Special Collections.
16. Veil,
17.
There
is
some debate about whether Wallace
Carter, The Politics of Rage, pp.
actually
New
Carter, The Politics of Rage, pp. 11, 262;
19.
Carter, The Politics of Rage, p. 417, also see the leaflet;
made
comment. See
this
95-96.
18.
"Wake Up Alabama"
Roosevelt Williams, Behind the
York Times,
photo
May
23, 1965.
insert to
view Wallace's
Birmingham News, November 25, 1972.
20. Carter, The Politics of Rage, p. 460; "George Wallace Overcomes," Time (Octo-
ber 11, 1982), pp. 15-16;
Demons,"
Boston Globe,
21. Interview with
New
York Times, April 4, 1986; "George Wallace Faces His
December
2,
1993.
George Wallace, by Callie Crossley, Blackside,
Inc.
(March 10,
1986), Washington University Special Collections. 22.
Ibid.
23. Interview with Joseph 24.
New
Cumming, by
author,
May
20, 2004.
York Times, April 17, 1966.
25. Bass and DeVries, The Transformation of Southern Politics, pp. 38, 206;
and Grofman,
eds., Quiet Revolution in the South, pp. 39,
Davidson
374; "Voter Registration in the
South, Spring-Summer, 1970," Southern Regional Council Papers, 1944-1968, Reel 170; Lawson, Black Ballots, pp. 233, 331. 26. Carter, The Politics of Rage, p. 247; tions in the Southern
Economy Since
the Civil
ration of Black Belt whites' traditional
Key's Southern Politics in State
and
Gavin Wright, Old South, New
War (New York, 1986),
dominance over southern
Nation.
South to the service of their peculiar
South: Revolu-
259. For an explopolitics, see V.
Key described black-majority
counties as the "hard core of the political South," and they entire
p.
local needs."
"managed
O.
plantation
to subordinate the
Key continued, "The
politics
of the South revolves around the position of the Negro." In the Black Belt, his position
was most prominent. C. Vann Woodward put
it
another way
when he argued
that
New
382
Notes
to
255-262
pages
South politics were not about white supremacy, but which whites would rule supreme. Politics in State and Nation, 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge, 195 1).
Key, Southern South,
Vann Woodward,
p. 5; C.
27. Bass and DeVries, The Transformation of Southern
Politics,
Origins of the
pp. 412-13; Sullivan,
Freedom Writer, p. 360; Kevin Phillips, The Emerging Republican Majority
ed.,
Rochelle,
NY,
New
(New
1969), p. 212.
28. Lawson, Black Ballots, pp. 130, 330; Norrell, Reaping the Whirlwind, p. 87; Breslin,
"Changing the South"; New York
"Greene County, Alabama
—
November
Times,
Softly, the
Cumming,
27, 1964; Joseph
Unthinkable," Newsweek Collection, Box 6,
Greene County (October, 1973).
Folder:
December
29. Birmingham News,
Lawson, Black
Ballots, p.
30. Norrell, Reaping the Whirlwind, pp. 31. Ibid., p. 165;
New
32.
New
1966;
1,
209; Norrell, Reaping
New
York Times,
the
York Times,
November
27, 1964;
Whirlwind, pp. 89, 92.
96-97, 10 1, 104.
November
27, 1964.
York Times, June 2, 1966; Birmingham News,
November 6—9, December
1,
9-10, 1966.
Gene Roberts, "A Kind of Black Power
33.
in
Macon County,
Ala.,"
New
York Times
Magazine (February 26, 1967). For developments in Wilcox County, see Gene Roberts,
"A Remarkable Thing
Is
Happening
in
Wilcox County,
Ala.,"
New
York Times Magazine
(April 17, 1966). 34. Norrell, Reaping the Whirlwind, pp.
Marriage," Roberts,
New
"A Kind of Black Power
"Greene County, Alabama
35.
200-204; Marshall Frady, "An Alabama
Times (March 8, 1974), reprinted in Frady, Southerners, pp. 261-78; in
—
Macon County,
Ala."
Statistical Profile,"
Student Nonviolent Coordinat-
ing Committee Papers, Reel 37; "Black Power at Work," Newsweek (February 19,
—
Cumming, "Greene County, Alabama Softly, the Unthinkable," p. 11, Newsweek Collection; The New Republic ( January 16, 197 1), p. 11. 36. New York Times, August 3, 1969, September 3, 1983; Marshall Frady, "Night1973);
watch Belt,
in
Greene County," Newsweek (May 16, 1966). Throughout the Alabama Black
was not
it
difficult to find
evidence of traditional white racial views. In Lowndes
County, during jury selection for the 1965 Viola Liuzzo
woman murdered when
Detroit
trial
(Liuzzo was a white
she traveled south to assist the cause of civil rights), a
"Do you
prosecutor asked C. E. Bender, a worker at an auto agency near Fort Deposit, believe that a white person
man
believes that."
is
superior to a Negro?" Bender responded, "Every white
As Charles Eagles writes
in his history of Lowndes County,
residents intuitively understood that the civil rights life.
An
movement threatened
end to segregation would, they believed, inevitably threaten not
nomic and
political
power but every aspect of their
lives. ... It
"White
their
way of
just their eco-
had to be stopped."
New
York Times, February 14, October 19, 1965, October 31, 1966; Eagles, Outside Agitator, p. 144.
37.
Frady,
"Nightwatch
in
Greene County"; Birmingham News, November
6,
1966;
Frye Gaillard, Cradle of Freedom: Alabama and the Movement That Changed America (Tuscaloosa, 2004), p. 319; Pat Watters and Reese Cleghorn, Climbing Jacob's Ladder:
The Arrival of Negroes 38.
Frady,
in Southern Politics
"Nightwatch
39. Birmingham News,
40.
in
(New
York, 1967), p. 302.
Greene County."
November
30, 1966;
New
York Times, August 3, 1969.
John Egerton, "White Incumbents, Black Challengers," Newsweek
Collection,
.
1
1
Box
to
pages 26
6, Polder:
383
271
]
Greene County (January
2,
Cumming, "Greene County
1973);
—
Softly,
the Unthinkable," Newsweek Collection.
Sweep of County Alarms Alabama Whites," New York
Bl.u ks
1
I
ber 5,
1970; Birmingham News, November
1,
Times,
Novem-
3, 4, 24, 25, 1970; Louisville Courier-
Journal, January 10, 1971. Louisville Courier-Journal,
2 I
43. Interview with Joseph
Learned
in
Black and White:
February 23, 1997;
January 10, 197
Cumming, by
An
1
author; Joseph
Cumming,
"Lessons
Irresistible Force," Times-Georgian (Carrollton,
Cumming, "Greene County
—
Softly, the
GA),
Unthinkable," Newsweek
Collection.
44.
Cumming,
"Lessons Learned in Black and White," Times-Georgian, February 16,
1997; interview with Joseph
Symposium on
the
Cumming, by
Media and the
author; "Covering the South:
Civil Rights
A
National
Movement," University of Mississippi,
April 3-5, 1987.
Cumming, by author. Cumming, "Greene County Softly, the Unthinkable," Newsweek Collection; Joseph Cumming, "Greene County, Ala.: The Hope of the Future," Southern Voices, 45.
Interview with Joseph
—
46. Ibid.;
Vol.
1,
No.
1
(March/April 1974), pp. 22-29.
— — — —
Softly, the Unthinkable," Newsweek Collection; 47. Cumming, "Greene County Cumming, "Greene County, Ala.: The Hope of the Future," pp. 22-29. Softly, the Unthinkable," Newsweek Collection; 48. Cumming, "Greene County Cumming, "Greene County, Ala.: The Hope of the Future," pp. 22—29. Softly, the Unthinkable," p. 14, Newsweek Collec49. Cumming, "Greene County tion; Cumming, "Greene County, Ala.: The Hope of the Future," p. 26. Softly, the Unthinkable," pp. 16, 18-19, News50. Cumming, "Greene County week Collection; Cumming, "Greene County, Ala.: The Hope of the Future," pp.
26-27. 51.
—
Cumming, "Greene County Softly, the Unthinkable," pp. 17, 19-20, NewsCumming, "Greene County, Ala.: The Hope of the Future," pp.
week Collection;
26-27. 52.
—
Cumming, "Greene County Softly, the Unthinkable," pp. 15-16, Newsweek Cumming, "Greene County, Ala.: The Hope of the Future," p. 26. The
Collection;
Birmingham News reported that Rogers was "one of the few whites in the cessfully seek
Cumming s
and gain the backing of the party
report
—
that the
NDPA
at the
county
approached Rogers
—
is
state to suc-
level." In this instance,
probably more
reliable,
given his extensive interviewing of Rogers, Banks, Branch, and other main participants politics. Birmingham News, November 8, 1972. Cumming, "Greene County Softly, the Unthinkable," pp. 23-25, Newsweek Collection; Cumming, "Greene County, Ala.: The Hope of the Future," p. 28. Softly, the Unthinkable," pp. 8-10, 25-29, 54. Cumming, "Greene County Newsweek Collection; Cumming, "Greene County, Ala.: The Hope of the Future," pp.
in
Greene County
— —
53.
24, 28-29;
Box
Eugene Johnston
to
Joseph
Cumming
(June 17, 1973), Newsweek Collec-
Greene County (October 1973). 55. Davidson and Grofman, eds., Quiet Revolution
tion,
6, Folder:
son, In Pursuit of Power: Southern Blacks
and
in the South, p.
376; Steven Law-
Electoral Politics, 1 965-1 982
(New
York,
1985), p. 265. For the story of the switch to black power in Fayette, Mississippi, see
Delta Democrat-Times,
May
11, July 6, 7, 8, 1969; Watters
and Cleghorn, Climbing
384
Notes
Jacob's Ladder, p. 32. For other episodes of the "unthinkable"
to
272-284
pages
becoming
political reality,
and DeVries, The Transformation of Southern Politics, pp. 191, 273-74. Also Watters and Cleghorn, Climbing Jacobs Ladder, pp. 336-39. see Bass
56.
Sam
Ervin to Mittie Pickard (June 23, 1964); Katherine Foster to
Sam J.
(June 20, 1964),
Sam
see
Ervin
Ervin Papers.
Nick Kotz, Judgment Days: Lyndon Baines Johnson, Martin Luther King, Jr. and the 57 Laws That Changed America (Boston, 2005), pp. 154, 223, 228; Birmingham News, November 8, 25, 1964; "The Morning After," The Nation (November 16, 1964), .
p.
,
346; Birmingham News, 58.
New
November
1964.
8,
York Times, September 30, 1966.
59. Newsweek (October 9, 1969), p. 52; Joe 5,
1968); Martha
Adcock
Denmark
to Charles
Raper Jonas (April
Raper Jonas (April 1968), Charles Raper Jonas
to Charles
Papers. 60. Atlanta Constitution, Bartley,
61
.
The
Atlanta Constitution,
lican Majority, p.
62.
November 2,3, 1968; Newsweek (October
New South, 1945-1980,
p.
November 6,
1968; Phillips, The Emerging Repub-
7, 11, 12,
286.
Peggy Ruth
Nixon (May
to Richard
5,
1969), Charles Raper Jonas Papers.
63. Delta Democrat-Times, October 2, 1969; Atlanta Constitution, Bartley, The
9, 1969), p. 45;
378; Lassiter, The Silent Majority, p. 237.
New South,
p.
New
389;
November 6, 1972;
Hundreds of local
York Times, July 25, 2004.
races
that occurred between
1968 and 1972 either confounded or confirmed this pattern. For more information on those elections, see Numan V. Bartley and Hugh D. Graham, Southern Politics
and
the Second Reconstruction (Baltimore, 1975);
Bass and DeVries, The
Transformation of Southern Politics; and Lassiter, The Silent Majority, pp. 25 1-74.
New South,
64. Bartley, The
p.
41
1
;
Bartley and
ond Reconstruction, pp. 166—68; Carter, The
Graham,
Politics of Rage, p.
Southern Politics
and the Sec-
426.
66.
November 3, 12, 19, 1972; Bartley, The New November 8, 10, 1972. Atlanta Constitution, November 1,2,3, 6, 9, 1972.
67.
Bass and DeVries, The Transformation of Southern
68.
Roy Reed,
65. Birmingham News,
South, p.
412;
Atlanta Constitution,
Politics,
pp. 127—28.
interview with Jack Bass, Southern Oral History Program; Edgar
Mouton, interview with Jack
Bass, Southern Oral History Program.
John Lewis, "From Rosa Parks to Northern Busing," New York Times, December 26, 1975; Howell Raines, "Revolution in the South," New York Times, April 3, 69.
1978; Time (September 27, 1976); John Lewis, Walking with
Movement 70. J.
(New
York, 1998),
Morgan Kousser,
the Second Reconstruction
p.
the
Wind:
A
Memoir of the
417.
Colorblind Injustice: Minority Voting Rights
(Chapel Hill,
NC,
and the Undoing of
1999), pp. 47, 145, 152, 171, 181, 256-57.
Overall, Kousser argues, "Redistricting, not racial attitudes, primarily determined congressional policies
71.
New
on
race in both the late nineteenth
York Times. September 3, 1983; Joseph
and the
late
Cumming,
twentieth centuries."
"Black Power
at
Work,"
Newsweek (February 19, 1973). 72. Bartley, The
New South,
pp. 2, 123, 134, 269; "Distribution of Agricultural and
Nonagricultural Workers in the South, 1950," Southern Regional Council Papers, 1
944- 1 968, Reel
21; Wright, Old South,
73. Bartley, The
New
New South,
row," Time (September 27, 1976), p. 99;
p.
257.
Vann Woodward, "The South TomorWoodward, The Strange Career ofJim Crow,
South, pp. 23, 262; C.
— Notts topagei
385
284 291
"The Souths Glowing Horizon," Saturday Review (March
[92; Ralph McGill,
p
[968), 74.
9,
21.
p.
Figures
based on author's calculations of data gleaned from Wright's Old
art-
South, Ncir South, pp. 245-46; Southern Regional Council Papers, 1944-1968, Reel $9;
Very Rony, "Sorrow Song in Black and White,"
75
.
New South (Summer
1967).
Memo from Stokely Carmichael, Bob Marts, Tina Harris, Alabama Staff to Staff,
"Who Owns
the Land in the Black Belt Counties of Alabama," Student Nonviolent
Andrew Kopkind, "Lowndes County, in Andrew Kopkind, The Thirty Years' War: Dispatches of a Radical Journalist (New York, 1995), pp. 259, 261-62; New York Times, December 30, 1975; Christian Science Monitor, JanuCoordinating Committee Papers, Reel 37;
Alabama: The Great Fear
Is
Gone," Ramparts (April 1975), reprinted
ary 15, 1986.
Mike Garvey
76. Interview with Unita Blackwell, by Civil Rights in Mississippi Digital Archive;
A Journey
Through
New South
the
(New
Through Mississippi
They Are 78.
1
Anthony Dunbar, The Will Words of
the
2,
80. Ibid., pp. 7,
Its
Citizens,
to Survive,
June
A
p.
3,
pp. 5—6.
13. Whether slavery was denned by brutal capicommunal bonds has been a matter of much debate.
Institution: Slavery in the
Roll, Jordan, Roll:
changed
Commu-
Southern Regional Council Papers,
Time, p. xviii.
—
or did not
—
their seminal works,
Kenneth
(New York, 1956) and Made (New York, 1974) still
Ante-bellum South
The World
frame the terms of that debate. To understand their bosses
12, 1969.
Study of a Mississippi Plantation
on the subject has advanced since
Stampp's The Peculiar
Eugene Genovese's
A Journey
to Survive, p.
talism, negotiated reciprocity, or literature
My Name:
1-12; Lawson, In Pursuit of Power, p. 231.
1
81. Dunbar, The Will
While the
Hear Them Calling
1969; Anthony Dunbar, Delta Time:
to Survive:
944-1 968, Reel 220; Dunbar, Delta 79. Dunbar, The Will
12, 1977),
York, 1990), pp. 169-70; "Mechanization of Scott: Times
a Changin'," Delta Democrat -Times,
Based on
nity
Fuller, /
May
(Boston, 1981), pp. 94, 97.
November
77. Birmingham News,
Chet
(April 21,
the Slaves
how
between black workers and
relations
after the abolition of slavery, see
Leon Litwack's
Been in the Storm So Long and Trouble in Mind. For an illuminating look at slaveholders,
not only on large plantations but also on small farms, see James Oakes's The Ruling Race:
A
History of American Slaveholders
82. Dunbar, The Will
and many others
—
to Survive,
York, 1982).
in the Mississippi Delta, see Wirt,
83. Dunbar, The Will in the
(New
pp. 13-14. For a thorough study of these themes
to Survive,
p.
14. In
Economy and Society of the Slave South
in effect, that slaveholders
(New
The
"We Ain't What We Was."
Political
Economy of Slavery: Studies
York, 1965), Eugene Genovese argues,
were not businessmen
—
or at the least, they were not cap-
italists.
84. A.
W.Joel Williamson Exams.
85. See Robert Korstad's Civil Rights Unionism: Tobacco Workers
Democracy in the Mid-Twentieth-Century South (Chapel Hill,
and
NC, 2003)
the Struggle for
for the story of
Winston-Salem; Robin Kelley's Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During Depression (Chapel Hill,
and
political struggles
86. Wofford,
Alabama,"
p.
NC, 1990)
the
Great
narrates a story of African-Americans, unionism,
during the 1930s.
"A Preliminary Report on
the Status of the Negro in Dallas County, Cobb, The James Selling the South: The Southern Crusade for Industrial 44; of
386
Notes
Development (Urbana, IL, 1993), p. 94.
Cobb
argues that, in
often misjudged the priorities of northern companies.
was not always the
s
pages
292-300
southern businessmen
Cheap and unorganized
labor
primary need.
"Interim Report on Survey of Southern Trade Unions and the Race Problem"
87.
(May
latter
fact,
to
10, 1957), Southern Regional Council Papers,
Minchin, Hiring
the
1945-1980 (Chapel
1944-1968, Reel 171; Timothy
Black Worker: The Racial Integration of the Southern Textile Industry, Hill,
NC,
1999), p. 237; Timothy Minchin, The Color of Work: The
1945-1980 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1991),
Struggle for Civil Rights in the Southern Paper Industry, p. 170.
Ginny and Buddy Tieger (August 12, 1965), Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers, Reel 40; interview with Thomas Knight, by Charles 88. Letter from
Bolton (February
Marc
89.
South
(New
7, 1992), Civil
Rights in Mississippi Digital Archive.
Miller, ed., Working Lives: The Southern
Exposure History of Labor
in the
York, 1980), p. 283; Local 65, Electrotypers and Stereotypers Union to
Richard Russell (June 1964), Richard B. Russell,
Jr.,
Collection.
90. Minchin, The Color of Work. pp. 178, 174. 91. Ibid., pp. 172, 184.
"How
92.
a Southern
Community Helped
1966), Southern Regional Council Papers,
1
Break a Union,"
to
Labor (March
Steel
944-1 968, Reel 170; "Vote Against the
Union," Moore County Neus, September 29, 1966, Southern Regional Council Papers,
1944-1968, Reel 170. 93. Time (September 27, 1976), pp. 75-76.
94. Interview with James Reynolds, by David and Carol
DC
Lynn
Washington,
(February 4, 1972), p. 25, Sanitation Strike Archival Project, University of
phis; Commercial Appeal. February 16, 1968; interview with Mr. Bill
Yellin,
Thomas, Memphis,
TN (July
and Mrs.
L. C.
Mem-
Reed, by
15, 1968), p. 8, Sanitation Strike Archival Project,
University of Memphis.
"Labor in the South," Southern Patriot (January 1968); Robert Analavage, "A
95.
New Movement
in the
White South," Southern Regional Council
Papers,
1
944-1 968,
Reel 219; Robert Analavage, "Workers Strike Back," Southern Regional Council Papers,
1944-1968, Reel 219.
96.
"Labor in the South"; Analavage, "Workers Strike Back."
97.
New
York Times. September 24, 197
White South"; Analavage, "Workers
New
98.
From Cotton
York Times.
May
19, 1969;
Belt to Sunbelt, p. 140.
1;
Analavage, "A
New Movement
in the
Strike Back."
Cobb, The
Selling of the South, p. 118;
Minchin, Hiring
the
Schulman,
Black Worker, p. 4.
"Occupational Employment by Race in the Textile Industry in the Carolinas,
99.
1966," Papers of the North Carolina Council on Allred,
Jr., to
Papers of the
Human
Relations; letter from Will
members and friends of Human Relations Councils (March 28, 1967), North Carolina Council on Human Relations. See Minchin's Hiring the
Black Worker for an illuminating discussion and tabulation of racial hiring practices, disparities in position,
and wage
rates.
members and friends of Human Relations Councils (March 28, 1967), Papers of the North Carolina Council on Human Relations; Union Voice, Vol. 2, No. 9 (April 19, 1967), Papers of the North Carolina Coun100. Letter from Will Allred,
cil
on
Human
Relations.
Jr.,
to
Notes to pages
Reese
[01. Times
387
100-311 C
A
Leghorn, "The Mill:
Giant Step
for the
Southern Negro,"
New
York
Magazine (November 9, 1969).
New
York Times,
June
May
19, 1969.
102.
[bid.;
103.
Wall StreetJournal, April 29, 1969; Minchin, Hiring
12, 1969,
the
Black Worker, pp. 16,
3;
Carolina Journal, September 22, 2003.
Henry Leifermann, "The Unions Are Coming," New York Times Magazine
104.
(August
5,
1973)-
James Hodges,
105.
and Merl Reed,
"J. P.
Stevens and Union: Struggle for the South," in Gary Fink
eds., Race, Class,
and Community
in Southern
Labor History (Tuscaloosa,
1994), pp. 57-59-
Coming"; Cobb, The
106. Leifermann, "The Unions Are
Selling of the South, pp.
256-58.
Coming."
107. Leifermann, "The Unions Are
Could Be Finer than
108. Barbara Koeppel, "Something Progressive
to
Be
The
in Carolina,"
(June 1976), pp. 20, 23. Historian James Cobb argues that by the end of the
1970s, "antidnionism had supplanted racism as the Souths most respectable prejudice."
Cobb, The
Selling of the South, pp.
259, 270.
109. Koeppel, "Something Could be Finer than to
Be
in Carolina," p. 2
1
;
Ron Dun-
"One Poor White," New South (1969), p. 49; The Nation (May 20, 1968), p. 668; McWhorter, Carry Me Home, p. 15. A white native of Birmingham, McWhorter wrote can,
grew up on "the wrong
that she 1
side of a revolution."
Duncan, "One Poor White,"
10.
p. 50.
in. Raymond Wheeler, "The Challenge No.
1
(Winter 1969),
Dunbar, Delta Time, 112. Diane
Home
(pp.
1
p. 4;
p. 17; interview
McWhorter
to Black
and White,"
William Alexander Percy, Lanterns on
New South, the Levee,
Vol. 24,
quoted in
with Clara Lee Sharrard, by author.
often writes about the "country-club Klanner" in Carry
Me
5-30); interview with Richard Franco, by author.
113. Chestnut and Cass, Black in Selma, pp. 176, 185; Fleming, Son of the Rough South, p. 244.
McWhorter, Carry Me Home, pp. 15, 17, 21. In an interview with Eyes on the Vann argued that Birmingham businessmen
114. Prize,
lawyer and former mayor David
never encouraged Connor's tactics. Interview with David Vann, Washington University Libraries. Harkey,
John Jennings
115. Papers,
The Smell of Burning to
Crosses, p.
Emory Via (August
65. 9, 1966),
Southern Regional Council
1944- 1968, Reel 70. six
The Price of Liberation 1.
William Faulkner, quoted
in
James
Times Magazine (July 19, 1964); Robert the South 2.
P-
(New
On
Silver, "Mississippi
Penn Warren,
York, 1956), p. 113; Sullivan, ed., Freedom
King's "Letter from
355» Watters,
Down to Now,
Rights, Vol. 2, pp.
Birmingham City Jail," p. 13;
John Hersey, "A
Must Choose," New
Segregation:
see
The Inner
York
Conflict in
Writer, p. 121.
McWhorter, Carry Me Home,
Life for a Vote," in Reporting Civil
223-24; interview with Fannie Lou Hamer, by Neil McMillen
(April 14, 1972), Civil Rights in Mississippi Digital Archive.
.
.
388
Notes
James Baldwin, The
3.
to
pages 3 1
Next Time (1963), reprinted in Baldwin,
Fire
1-324
Collected Essays,
pp. 334,293,342. 4. Ibid., pp. 294-95; James Weldon Johnson, Along This Way: The Autobiography of James Weldon Johnson (New York, 1933), p. 318.
David Blight,
5.
ed., Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass,
Written by Himself (Boston, 1993), pp. 59-60, 64;
phant," in Orwell,
A
(New
Collection of Essays
An
American
Slave,
George Orwell, "Shooting an Ele-
York, 1946), p. 152.
Atlanta Constitution, July 29, 1946; Sibley Commission, Fifth Congressional Dis-
6.
Atlanta,
trict,
Folder,
GA (March 24,
Emory University
Views the
Sit-in
Box 146, Witness Testimony "A Southern White Rights Newsletter (May 3, 1961), South-
i960), John Sibley Papers,
Special Collections; Margaret Long,
Movement,"
USNSA
Civil
ern Historical Collection. Coles, Farewell
7.
to the
South, p. 10; Leslie
Dunbar, "The Annealing of the South"
(1961), reprinted in Dunbar, The Shame of Southern
Dunbar, "The Annealing of the South,"
8.
Free at Last?, p.
the
Hodding
ters,
by Jack Bass (April
1,
1974), Southern Oral His-
New
in
York
1991).
Pat Watters, The South and the Nation
"The South and the Nation," New South
11.
1,
The Story of the Civil Rights Movement
York, 1977), pp. 23-24; Howell Raines, "Grady's Gift,"
Times Magazine (December 10.
Carter,
My Soul Is Rested:
Howell Raines,
(New
Deep South
265; Powledge,
64 1
Interview with
9.
tory Program;
Politics, p. 6.
p. 6; Frady, Southerners, p.
Interview with Florence Mars, by
(New
York, 1969), pp. 4, 374; Pat Wat-
(Fall 1969), p. 20.
Thomas Healy (January
5,
1978), Civil
Rights in Mississippi Digital Archive; interview with Warren Ashby, by William Chafe (September 25, 1974, and October Collection, p.
Duke
3,
1974), William
Henry Chafe Oral History
University Special Collections; Anderson, The Children of the South,
116. 1
2
Watters,
Down
to
Now, pp. 161,
11.
13.
Kotz, Judgment Days, pp. 336-37.
14.
Marshall Frady, "A Meeting of Strangers in Americus," Life (February 12,
1971). 15.
Ibid.;
Joseph Cumming, "Been
Esquire (August 197
1), p. 1
16. Atlanta Constitution,
Down Home
So Long
It
Looks
like
Up
to
Me,"
14.
November
13, 1972; Delta Democrat -Times, April 4, 1969.
17.
Interview with Richard Franco, by author.
18.
Sullivan, ed., Freedom Writer, p. 388; Time (September 27, 1976), p. 48; Joel
Williamson, The Crucible of Race: Black-White Relations cipation
(New
in the
American South Since Eman-
York, 1984), p. 499; P.M. P. (December 19, 1972), Joel Williamson
Exams. 19. cle,
Joseph Cumming, "A Final Farewell," Georgia (June 1972),
Joseph
Cumming
to Athens Observer
20. Congressional Record (Vol. 116, 21.
(November
No.
87),
May
p. 52; draft
of arti-
18, 1975).
28, 1970.
Ibid.
22. Ibid. 23.
Dunbar, Delta Time,
p. xx.
24. Goldfield, Black, White,
and
Southern. Goldfield has a section entitled "Civil
Rights and White Southerners: The Fruits of Liberation," pp. 169-73.
Notes to paps
26.
in Frady, Southerners, p. 373.
(
lampbell, Forty Acres
(
Ampbell, Forty Acres and a Goat, quoted in Fred Hobson, But
Southern Racial Conversion Narrative (Baton
Walker
Looks 28.
and a Goat, quoted
Will
Today, p. 78; It
389
J9
)
Will
The Whin 27.
]24
Percy, "Mississippi:
Thornton, Dividing
Up
like
to
Me,"
p.
1
The
Lines, p.
Rouge, 1999),
p.
Now
I See:
277.
Fallen Paradise," in Morris, ed., The South
582;
Cumming, "Been Down Home So Long
14.
Interview with James McBride
Dabbs (1965-1968), by Dallas Blanchard, "The Squire of Rip Raps," The South
Southern Oral History Program; Jack Bass, Today (December 1969).
29. Albany Herald, July 17, 1962; de Lesseps Morrison to Betty
New
ber 15, i960), de Lesseps Morrison Papers; 30.
Lowry (Decem-
York Times, July 13, 2004.
Wilkie, Dixie, pp. 299, 323-24.
Thomas Healy (January
31. Interview with Florence Mars, by
5,
1978), Civil
Rights in Mississippi Digital Archive; Clarion-Ledger (Jackson, MS), January 7, June 15,
2005;
New
York Times, June 12, 2005.
32.
"Southern Town Struggles with a Violent Legacy," New York Times,
33.
New
York Times, January 7-8, 2005.
34. Ibid.; Clarion-Ledger,
June
12, 2005.
35.
New
36.
Gary Younge, "Racism Rebooted," The Nation (July
June 37
12, .
May 29, 2004.
York Times, January 7-8, 2005.
2005;
New
Clarion-Ledger, January
38. Ibid.,
June
11, 2005); Clarion-Ledger,
York Times, April 3, June 2, 12, 2005.
15, 12,
8,23,2005.
2005;
New
York Times, June 12,21,2005.
June 22, 2005.
39. Clarion-Ledger,
40. Ibid. See James Silver, Mississippi: The Closed Society
McComb
Moses wrote from the
jail
that he
was
in "the
(New
York, 1964); Robert
middle of the iceberg." Branch,
Parting the Waters, p. 523.
41.
New
December
York Times,
The Battle of Oxford,
Mississippi,
15, 2002;
William Doyle, An American
1962 (New York, 2001);
Insurrection:
Ellis Cose, "Lessons of the
Trent Lott Mess," Newsweek (December 23, 2002), p. 37. 42. 43.
New New
York Times,
December
15, 2002;
York Times,
December
14, 12, 2002.
44. Ibid.,
December
Newsweek (December 23, 2002),
21, 22, 2002. Southerners
rible" racial episodes occurred
would doubtless point out
everywhere in America, in
New
York City
Pascagoula. The Nation opined: "In the end, as Martin Luther King,
Jr.,
p. 23.
that "ter-
as well as in
prophesied,
they liberated white Americans too, including white Mississippians, by removing this historic stain
from our
(December 30, 2002), 45.
Edward
Ball,
society.
Senator Lott was not saved, however." The Nation
p. 3.
"Ghosts of Carolina,"
New
York Times,
December
22, 2002.
46. Ibid. 47.
New
York Times,
December
21, 2002.
H. Butcher (New York, 1961), p. 78. 49. Joseph Cumming, "Lessons Learned in Black and White: Unforgettable Characters," Times-Georgian, March 2, 1997; interview with Will Campbell, by Orley Caudill 48. Aristotle,
(June 50.
Poetics,
8, 1976), Civil
translated by
S.
Rights in Mississippi Digital Archive.
August Meier, "On the Role of Martin Luther King," New
1965), in Reporting Civil Rights, Vol. 2, pp.
456-57.
Politics
(Winter
39°
Notes
to
pages
Hardwick, "Selma, Alabama: The Charms of Goodness,"
51. Elizabeth
340-353
New
York
Review of Books (April 22, 1965).
Down
52. Watters,
Now,
to
p. 54.
53. Interview with Jerry Clower, by Orley Caudill (July 12, 1973), Civil Rights in
Mississippi Digital Archive. 54. Interview with Peter Klopfer (June 5, 1974),
Duke
University Oral History
Program. 55. Sullivan, ed., Freedom Writer, pp. 56. Charles Longstreet Weltner,
318-19, 327, 342, 375.
"My
Friend Calvin," Atlanta Magazine (November
1969). 57.
Wyman,
Hastings
John Egerton, "A ter 1969), p. 47.
narrative,"
Visit
Chattanooga Times/Chattanooga Free
with James McBride Dabbs,"
Press,
New South,
February 16, 2003;
Vol. 24,
For an in-depth exploration of the "white southern
No.
racial
1
(Win-
conversion
probed mostly through a study of autobiographies, see Hobson, But
Now
I See.
58. Joseph
tember 1969),
Cumming, "The American Idea in the South," Atlanta Magazine (Sepp. 17; interview with M. W. Hamilton, by Orley Caudill (February 13,
1978), Civil Rights in Mississippi Digital Archive. 59.
Time (September 27, 1976), pp. 4-6.
60. Karl Fleming, "The South Revisited After a
Momentous Decade," Newsweek
(August 10, 1970). 61. Ibid.
An
62. Doyle,
American
173—74, 316; interview with Brodie 26, 1974), Civil Rights in Mississippi Digital
Insurrection,
Crump, by Orley Caudill (February
pp.
Archive. 63. Interview with Clara Lee Sharrard, by author (Springfield, 64.
Cumming,
"Lessons Learned in Black and White:
An
MA,
2003).
Irresistible Force," Times-
Georgian, February 23, 1997.
65. Ralph Ellison, quoted in George Tindall, The Ethnic Southerners (Baton Rouge,
1976), p. 19. 66. Interview with
(June 67.
(New
5,
1974),
Duke
Hugh
Wilson, by
Wendy
Watriss and Reginald Kearney
University Oral History Program.
Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy p. lxxvi. The phrase "this is a white man's country" comes from
York, 1944),
American Negro Slavery (191 8), by Ulrich Phillips, an early-twentieth-century historian
and apologist
for slavery.
68. Myrdal,
An American Dilemma,
pp. 997-98.
69. Ibid., pp. 1004, lxxv. 70. Editors of Ebony, The White Problem in America (Chicago, 1966), pp. 1-2, 4, 6. 71. Ibid., pp. 171, 154.
72. Ibid., pp. 174-7573. Ibid., pp. 180-81. 74. Time (September 27, 1976). See Schulman, From Cotton Belt
How the South
Applebome, Dixie
Rising:
(New York, 1996); New Times (March
Coles, Farewell 8,
to the
Is
Shaping American Values,
South; Marshall Frady,
to Sunbelt;
Politics,
Peter
and Culture
"An Alabama Marriage,"
1974), reprinted in Frady, Southerners, p. 263; Time (Septem-
topagu
Notts
In
i
j?,
1
p.
lH-357
976),
p.
39 l
29; Greene, Praying for Sheetrock, p. 2
97-i 76.
of 1
Fuller, /
Hear Them Calling
My
200.
75. Charlie LeDufT, "At a Slaughterhouse,
dents
1;
'1'ln
New
York Times,
How
Race
Is
Some Things Never Die," in Correspon(New York, 2001), pp.
Lived in America
s.
Ibid.
77. Ginger
Thompson, "Reaping What Was Sown on the Old
respondents of The
New
York Times,
How Race Is Lived in America,
78. Editors of Ebony, The White Problem in America, p. 32.
Plantation," in Cor-
pp. 141, 147.
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B ibliography
Schools File
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for Political
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Georgia
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at
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Charles Raper Jonas Papers
Sam J.
Ervin Papers
Papers of the North Carolina Council on
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Southern Oral History Program
New
Bern Oral History Project
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Jack Bass and Walter DeVries Collection
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Duke
Duke
University,
Durham, North Carolina
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Veil:
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New Orleans,
the Jim
Crow South,
1 940-1 997
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Friends of the Cabildo Oral History Program (transcriptions)
Special Collections and Archives Division, Robert versity, Atlanta,
W Woodruff
Library,
Emory Uni-
Georgia
Newsweek Collection Frances Freeborn Pauley Papers
John Sibley Papers Ralph McGill Papers
Book and Manuscript
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Sources in Author's Possession (audiotapes and/ or transcripts) Interview with Joseph
Cumming
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MS)
& Record (Greensboro, NC)
Greensboro
News
Greenville
News (Greenville, SC)
Jackson Daily News (Jackson,
MS) CA)
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Louisville Courier-Journal (Louisville,
KY)
Montgomery Advertiser (Montgomery, AL)
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The Nation The New Republic New South
Newsweek The
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The Neil York Review of Books 1
New The
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Progressive
The Reporter The Saturday Evening Post The Saturday Review Southern Voices
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A cknowledgments
When
I
first
conceived of this project, almost four years ago,
I
never could have imag-
ined the journey that ensued. As the seed of an idea developed into the book that fortunate to have produced, quite a few people lent
me
minds, and opened their homes. This book belongs to
all
feel
of them.
my adviser at the University of California, Berkeley, guided me He helped with the initial conception of the project, directed me
Leon Litwack, through every
I
their hands, exercised their
step.
through research treks to the South, cast a
critical
eye on each paragraph and chapter,
and offered tremendous help with the book contract. Waldo Martin also read the manuscript in
its
early stages.
Along with others
in the
much
of
UC-Berkeley History
—among them Robin Einhorn, Margaret Chowning, Reggie Zelnik, and graduate program. Jim Kettner— he shepherded me through Department
the
Patricia Sullivan's
thorough comments on the manuscript, and her general help launching academic world, have proved invaluable.
Tom Leonard
me
into the
read over every chapter, and was
always generous with his time.
Joe
Cumming
never tired.
He
sat
down
for
chapter whose incisive
my
title
me
opportunity to present
comments while
my work I
in his
NYU
was formulating
my
and
I
articles, clip-
feedback on the
Form wait
bears his mark: "Softly, the Unthinkable." Lee
comments on my chapter about Albany. Robby Cohen was
section on the integration of the University of Georgia,
helpful
me
an interview; sent
pings, and photographs; e-mailed his recollections, and gave
offered
a great help
thank him
with
for the
classroom. Joel Williamson gave topic,
and he provided
me
me
with a gold
mine of primary documents. I
am
ever grateful to Phyllis and Richard Franco.
their past,
and welcomed
Moore was
also friendly
New
me
stories
home.
from
Tommy
with photos and mementos
Bern. Clara Lee Sharrard not only took the time to
her Virginia childhood with me, but put up with Jeremy Sharrard, Daniel
Oppenheimer, and I
They shared many
like family into their beautiful Atlanta
and forthcoming, and regaled
from Moore's Barbecue in revisit
me
me
throughout our excellent years in Springfield, Massachusetts.
who was gracious enough to respond to Some who met with me, offered crucial advice,
cannot possibly mention every individual
my various entreaties or provided a
by phone or mail.
good meal or
shelter during
my
various research sojourns to the South
include William Chafe, James Cobb, Robert Coles, Paul Duval, Steve Estes, William
406
Acknowledgments
Dowd Hall, Tom Hallock, John Inscoe, Matt LasJim and Joan Martin, Gary Pomerantz, and Harry Watson. Any young historian quickly learns that his staunchest allies work in the archives.
Ferris,
Raymond
Gavins, Jacquelyn
Betsy Lerner,
siter,
Their prodigious knowledge, labor, and
would
like to
thank John White and the
Randy Gue,
lection in Chapel Hill;
Wayne
Special Collections;
Linda McCurdy and others
skill
became indispensable. In
Teresa Burk, and the staff at
New
Everard and his staff at the at
Duke
particular,
I
of the staff at the Southern Historical Col-
rest
Emory
University's
Orleans Public Library;
University's Rare Book, Manuscripts, and Special
Collections Library; the staffs at the Hargrett Library and the Richard Russell Library
and Chris Pepus
at the University of Georgia;
at
Washington University's Special
Collections.
Generous grants from the Jacob K. Javits Fellowship, under the auspices of the U.S.
Department of Education, and the UC-Berkeley History Department made these research trips
—and
this project
—
possible.
Two
of
my
colleagues in the History
Mao and Jen Burns, gave me helpful advice on several chapters. Camilo Trumper, Celso Castilho, Tim Rose, and many more dear friends made my Department, Joyce
graduate school years unforgettable its
—from
the
Bay Area's assorted basketball courts
to
extraordinary cafes.
My
undergraduate advisers
at
Oberlin College have been instrumental in
Gary Kornblith helped
lectual growth.
Norman
research project, and
me
to guide
Care taught
me
through
my
major
first
my
intel-
historical
countless lessons about the world of
learning.
As
for the title of this
book,
I
must acknowledge Dallas
My
penned the song "There Goes
My
Everything."
and Scott Sokol, helped
me
to arrive at that title
rison ject.
Which
hundreds of people ley tag
and
outsider.
welcomed me
My editors would
at
gestions,
hankering
for barbecue,
towns and into their
I
think captures
I
my
sub-
many
specifically to the
Alfred A.
Knopf have been
thank Ashbel Green
would
like to thank:
I
met, or with
whom I corresponded,
past.
helpful and gracious through this process.
for taking
on
and Luba Ostashevsky and Sara Sherbill
book. Others
and
Nina Mor-
could not help feeling at times like an
I
But almost every southerner
to their
like to
—one
to white southerners in general,
man who
Frazier, the
close collaborators,
have quoted. As a Springfield, Massachusetts, native with a Berke-
I
a suspicious
unwelcome
I
me
brings
two
my
project and offering varied sug-
for their help
on various
facets of the
production manager Tracy Cabanis, text designer
Wesley Gott, cover designer Carol Devine Carson, production editor Ellen Feldman, copyeditor Fred Chase, and proofreaders Susan Finally,
I
want
to
They have provided wish
for.
This book
to recognize
thank all is
VanOmmeren and
Laura Starrett.
Their achievements are mine,
as
mine
are theirs.
the love, compassion, thought, respect, and space that
dedicated to
and thank
Sokol, Mazie Sokol,
my family. my
parents, Fred and Betsy Sokol.
my grandparents,
Jim
Pirtle,
all
and Lucy
I
would
I
could
also like
of whom remain models of resilience: Saul
Pirtle.
My
brother, Scott Sokol, deserves the
me in the bad times and always revel upon me untold gifts. Her love has seen me
highest praise for his ability to commiserate with in the good.
Nina Morrison has bestowed
through each day in Berkeley, San Francisco, and now Brooklyn; together, we will brate
many more.
cele-
2
:
Index
Aaron, Hank, 2io«
Aberdeen, Md., 23-4 Abernathy, Ralph, 75, 78, 200, 264,
310 Adams, Clinton, 35 Adams, Elenora, 211-12 Adams, Samuel, 2 1 1-1
146 Alabama,
black candidacy and voting
Dallas County, 22, 37, 44-5, 46, 57,
294
240-1, 247-8,254
21, 292
Greene County, 13, 246, 254, 255, 258-71, 280, 284 Lowndes County, 74, 245, 246, 254,
African- Americans
changes in courtesy
titles of, 4,
108-9, 110-11, 268
contentment and happiness seen
in,
3,6, 12,20,24, 59,62,66, 69, 71, 92, 98, 109-10, 112,
153-4 of, 17,
288, 315
economic retribution against, 66, 81, 143
156,
of, 19,
22-3, 33,
no— 11,
317-18
260, 263, 271
70, 153, 154, 174,317 interracial marriages of, 162,
288
"our negroes," 12,15, 44~5> 54.
56-113, 153, 199, 259-60, 266, 295 Second Great Migration
and towns 2 io»,
of,
215
Alabama Advancement Association (AAA), 262,268 Alabama River, 243 98, 100,
no,
144, 213, 310,
326 Albany High School
in,
82-3, 93,
95 Arctic Bear drive-in in,
206
black boycotts and protests of,
127
no
white exploitation
of,
white fear
14, 15, 16, 19,
of, 4, 7,
Alabama, University
Albany, Ga., 4, 12, 60, 64-84, 93-7,
inferiority seen in, 3, 35, 44, 49, 64,
as
263, 284-5
Macon County, 247, 254, 255-8, see also specific cities
debt enslavement
in,
239-40, 246-50, 253-71, 285
affirmative action programs,
humanity
9, 25, 26, 27, 115, 127, 164,
213,248-71
Adcock, Martha, 92, 274 Aderhold, O. C, 150, 159
AFL-CIO,
Agnew, Spiro, 175 "Agony of the Southern Minister, The" (McGill), 50-1 A. H. Wilson School Cooperative Club,
70,
24,26,33,34-6,37,39,47,53, 57,74,97, 111-12, 135, 156
in,
67-8,
69,72,74,75,76,96, 316 black maids and cooks fired black neighborhoods
of,
in,
81
65, 75,
209-10 black protesters jailed
in,
65-6, 67
408
Index
Albany, Ga. {continued)
Cabin in the Pines restaurant in, 208 Catholic and Episcopal churches in, 82
Chamber of Commerce in, 77 City Commission of, 75, 77, 93 City Hall City Jail
in,
in,
civil rights
Alexander
in,
65-84,
67-8, 69,
of,
70, 71, 72, 80
v.
Holmes, 11, 169, 170, 171,
172, 173,277
208-10
Alexandria, Va., 320
desegregation of public
68
in,
facilities in,
208-10
in,
Church
Alford, Helene, 35 Allen, Ivan, Jr., 184, 234, 235
Allen, Milford, 295
"Egypt of the Confederacy," 64 expanding commerce and industry as
of,
81-2
formal demands of blacks
in,
Allen, Richie, 167
Almond, Lindsay, 118, 119, 166 Amalgamated Clothing Workers, 292
65, 67,
70
Amalgamated Garment Workers, 294
Holiday Inn
in,
Ambassadors, The (James), 352
196
integration of churches and public places in, 82, 96, 102
integration of restaurants in, 196
Jim Crow laws repealed in, 93 Mount Zion Church in, 65 municipal agreements in, 67-8
in,
in, 16,
white moderates
Albany Herald.
65, 75
in,
American Veterans Committee, 21—2
in,
82
Americus, Ga., 179-80, 207, 317
in,
67
Amerson, Lucius, 257-8 Amos and Andy, 3, 62, 99
94
Trailways bus station sit-in
Democratic Action
Electrotypers Union, 293
police actions in, 65-6, 67
Episcopal Church
for
(ADA), 41 American Stereotypers and
96 1 population of, 65 Oglethorpe Avenue in, 65, 67 1
Park Pool
Anderson,
70—1, 82
L. L.,
241
Anderson, Margaret, 116, 165, 316
4, 12, 70, 223, 224,
Anderson, Nancy, 219-20
326 "Albany Will Stand"
Anderson, Reuben, 248
editorial in, 72 "King Can't Change Albany" editorial in, 66—7 "Open Letter to Dr. King" in, 66 "People's Forum" of, 7 1—2 8 1 94, 96
Anderson,
white
Anguilla, Miss., 173
,
racial beliefs
(Myrdal),
ism Endowment Fund, 28
Americans
Shiloh Baptist Church
An
349-50 American Federation of State, Employees, 295 American Legion National American-
71,72-3,75,76
St. Paul's
American Dilemma,
County, and Municipal
national attention focused on, 68,
Tift
of,
74,75
208-9
desegregation of city buses
65, 94 First Baptist
of, 65, 67 mass protest meetings
Albany State College, 67
struggle
196, 206,
formation
white criticism
67, 75
74,
Albany Movement, 54, 74, 93-4, 95 "day of penance" declared by, 75
expressed
,
in,
53,
Anderson, S.C., 295
W
G., 67,
70-1
Andrews, Jimmy, 95, 96 Andrews, Red, 170
66-7, 68, 71-2, 78, 80-1, 82-3,
anti-Catholicism, 38, 89
84, 192
anti-communism, 57, 231
3
409
hnltx
Jim 1
(row
and, S7-42, 59, 83-93,
12, 184, 187, 199,
labor
movement
liberal
support
226, 272
Northside High School
41-2
123, 164
Parent Teacher Associations (PTAs)
and, 38, 291, 298
of,
in,
of,
122
Pickrick restaurant
anti-Semitism, 23, 29, 38, 49, 88, 112
in, 13,
183,
184-5, l8 6-7, 189, 191, 205,
231,232,235,236
Arabi Elementary School, 141
resegregation of schools in, 163, 176
Areola, Miss., 171
Arkansas, 6, 26, 27, 106, 115, 127,
Roswell High School Spring Street School
279-80
in,
in,
49 122
Arkansas National Guard, 116
Sweet Auburn neighborhood
Arkansas Travelers, 167 Armstrong, Neil, 261
Technical High School
Army,
U.S.,
21-4
Arnall, Ellis, 30//, 120, 232-3,
234
184,226,232,
277,278
Ashmore, Harry, 9 Askew, Jack, 257 Askew, Reubin, 276, 279 Associated Press, 127, 234-5
civil rights
Athens, Ga., 4, 30, 31, 54, 149-63,
"Pulse of the South"
High School
High School
in,
178
108
in,
column
in,
116
Atlanta Journal, 122, 313 Atlanta Journal and Constitution,
1
96,
22I«
178
in,
Atlanta, Ga., 4, 5, 29, 31, 35, 42-3,
Atlanta Methodist Ministers' Associa-
60, 68, 77, 97, 120-4, !49> I7 1 *
176, 183-7
tion,
32
Atlantic Steel, 184
Brown High School in, 164 High School in, 49
College Park
Ebenezer Baptist Church
Gateway Cafeteria
in,
in,
in,
Augusta, Ga., 219-20
Talmadge Memorial Hospital
242
205
186, 189, Bain,
205, 225
Henry Grady High School
in,
49,
123-4, 164
F.
182-7,204-5 64-5, 176-8
Maddox
185
Cafeteria in, 187
Lester's Grill in,
184
School
in,
164, 167
248
Baldwin, James, 112, 311-12, 351-2 Ball,
integration of schools in, 9, 48-50,
in,
Wade, 355
Baker, Wilson, 240-1, 247,
integration of public facilities in,
Lake wood Park
M., 217, 218
Bainbridge, Ga., 300 Baker,
in, 2 1
x
in,
Avants, Ernest, 330, 333
187
Heart of Atlanta motel
Murphy High
29, 30, 31,
176, 178, 318
help wanted ads
integration of schools in, 178
Lester
in,
Atlanta Exposition, 216
Clarke Central
76, 120-4,
coverage
36, 116, 123, 150, 152, 159-60,
217, 223
Hungry Club
184
Chamber of Commerce, 195
A tlanta Constitution,
Ashby, Warren, 316
Valdosta
242
of,
white flight from, 177, 178 Atlanta Board of Education, 167, 177 Atlanta Braves, 2ion Atlanta
Arnold, Robert, 47 Aschaffenburg, Lysle, 146
in,
Edward, 337
Banks, Jamie, 267-8 Banks, Phil, 267 Banks, Ralph,
Jr.,
Banks, Ralph,
Sr.,
267, 268-9, 270
267 Banks and Co., 267 Bannister, Mrs. B. R.,
96
410
Index
Barbee, Florence, 78-9, 82
1963 and 1964
Barnes, Frances, 29
Barnett, Ross, 220, 334-5, 341,
4, 87, 166, 226, 229, 252,
346
Barnum, Thelma, 180 Barton, Lewis, 19, 20 baseball, 167, 2ion, 262
Ollie's
Barbecue
330 187-91,
in, 13,
228, 235-6 school boycott in, 166
Batesburg, S.C., First Baptist Church
La., 130, 141,
1
6th Street Baptist Church
in,
330 Town and Country Restaurant
51
Baton Rouge,
demon-
215 1963 bombing of black churches in,
Barnes, Roy, 330
of,
civil rights
strations in, 54-5, 105, 199,
191
Battle of New Orleans, 125
166,
in,
189, 204
Bayou Academy, 170, 171 Beaulaville, N.C., 320
Birmingham News, 47-8, 87, 109, 213,
Beech, Nathaniel, 196
Birmingham Post-Herald, 253
Bell, Lucien,
Birmingham Restaurant
225, 250, 263, 264, 278, 286
49
Belle Glade, Fla.,
284
Bendet, Rita Schwetnet, 332 Bennett, A.
P.,
black churches, 94, 251
bombing
90
Bennett, Lerone,
Jr.,
Association,
189 87, 166, 226, 229,
of, 4,
330
350, 352
Bentley, James, 275
civil rights leadership in, 12, 65,
Berea College, 59
75
Bergen, Alex, 124
blacklisting, 37
Bergman, Leo, 133, 140 & Son Shift Corporation,
black music, 107
Bernstein
black newspapers, 24
294 Bessemer Galvanizing Wotks, 184 Bessinger, Maurice, 236
Black Panthers, 98, 229, 273, 318 Black Power, 4, 1 1, 74, 92, 98, 170,
237,263-4,273,318,351 black vote and, 255, 257, 271
Bevel, James, 247 Bible, 84, 100-1, 106, 182, 184,
329
Blackwell, Unita, 285
Biggers, George, 213
Blakely, Ga.,
Bilbo, Theodore, 27
Blanchard, Nathan, 193
Biloxi, Miss., 192
Bland, Ethelenida, 214-16, 218
Birmingham,
Blanton, Fred, 273
Ala., 9, 13, 16, 47, 86,
Blanton,
100, 104-5, 2 4°
Dinkler-Tutweiler Hotel as epicenter of civil
ment,
189 rights movein,
4, 54-5, 87, 105, 166,
183, 189, 199,204,215,226,
228-9, 2 49 "Good Friday Statement" of ministers in,
integration of public facilities in,
228-9
226, 229, 330
E., Jr.,
330
Blount, Roy,
Jr.,
Bogalusa, La., Bolsterli,
13
in
Margaret Jones,
6,
106
Bootle, William, 149, 152 Boston Globe, 251,
327
148 Bowers, Sam, 42, 330-1, 334
as "laboratory of segregation,"
murder of four girls
Thomas
Blodgett, L. G., 41
Bourdette, Marion, 128, 146—7,
105
189, 204,
69
in,
167
87, 166,
Boyle, Sarah Patton, 57, 63
Boynton, Samuel, 241 Braden, Anne, 87
1
411
Index
Burlington Merchants Association,
Braden, Carl, 88 Brahana, Thomas, 152, 155, 161, 162.
BraiK h, Taylor, 8, 105, 109,
243
263, 264, 268, 270
Mary
Idol,
buses, 19,
36
black boycott
219
149, 150
Busbee, George, 235
Bremer, Arthur, 277 Bresler, Susan,
80
Faye,
Tommy,
Burnside,
Branch, William McKinley, 259, 262,
Breeze,
193
Burnham,
165
20, 40, 45,
of, 4, 1 1,
54, 60, 63-4, 74, 191, 238, school, 175-6,
97
Bush, George W., 334, 336
Jimmy, 7-8, 246 Brewer, Albert, 250 Bridges, Abon, 143 Breslin,
Bridges, Ruby, 128-9,
310
277-8, 279
Bush
v.
Butt,
I3Ii J
42
>
Orleans Parish School Board, 125
Ira,
29
Butterball (pool shark),
209
Byrd, Harry, 118
143 Brightwell, Mrs.
W.
T.,
Byrd, Robert, 336
69
Brock, James, 199-203
Bronwood Baptist Church,
Cable
5
News Network, 335
Brookhaven, Miss., 25 Broughton, J. Melville, 38 Brown, Annette, 172, 173
Cain, Bobby, 116
Brown, Bradly, 267 Brown, Burnell, 172-3 Brown, Mrs. C, 69
California, 31,
Cain, Mary, 108
Calhoun, Callaway,
Brown, Tommy, 172, 173 v. Board of Education, 10, 36, 19, 124, 166, 208,
227, 239, 249, 292, 349,
355 as "abstraction," 48, 50,
religious reaction to,
Jr.,
Howard
"Bo," 232-3, 234
153
S.C., 265 Campbell, Cull, 75 Campbell, Will, 33, 101-2, 112,
324-5, 339
Camp Claiborne, La., 24 Camp Lee, Va., 23 Camp Lucky Strike, 24 Camp Shenango, Pa., 23 Cannon, Charles, 301
50-3
as target of race-baiters,
Cannon
white reaction
Carmichael, James, 29
to,
47 43—52, 87,
301
Mills,
Carmichael, Stokely, 98, 318
114, 118, 175, 176, 191
Broxton, Ga., 36, 69 Brunswick, Ga., 205
Carroll, Grady,
Carpenter, Charles
C, 105
169
Bryant, Bear, 2ion
Carroll, John,
Bryant, Roy, 40
Carroll, Paul,
Bumpers, Dale, 276, 279-80
Carswell, John, 61, 62
Burch, Selina, 292
Carter, E. L.,
Burlington, N.C.:
Carter,
Glenn's Frozen Custard stand
227-8 Paramount Theater
152
78
Camden,
Brown
1
Wendell,
Callaway, Marsh, 51-2
Brown, Claude, 241, 242 Brown, H. Rap, 98
38, 40,
P.
in, 193 Burlington Industries, 299, 302
in,
326 300
83 Hodding,
9, 42, 90, 108, 171,
314-15,327,346 Jimmy, 179, 235, 276, 280,
Carter,
304 Carthage, N.C., 294-5
412
Index
Cash,
W
J., 5 6«
Civil Rights
Cashin, John, 261 Castillo de San
Civil Rights
Marcos National
Act of 1957, 41, 256 Act of 1964, n, 13,36,
40, 55>94> !o6, 108, 169,
Monument, 203
182-237, 240, 271, 272, 297
Caudle, Bradley, 300
agencies created by, 204
Centrala fatm cooperative, 270
ambiguous legacy
Central Georgia Advertising Co.,
public debate over, 204—31, 247 Senate filibuster against, 16, 183,
222-3 Holmes Academy, 169, 173 Central Mississippi Presbytery, 51-2 Central
Chafe, William, 8
199,293 Title II of, 183, 190, 195,
white opposition
Y, 97 Chaney, Fannie Lee, 332 Chaney, James, 89, 210, 226, 327-9, Chancellor, A.
332 "Changing Mind of the South, The" (Dunbar), 100
Chapel Hill, N.C.,
106-7, 222 2 99> 3 2 ° integration of Chapel Hill
Watts
in,
Grill,
of,
2 50,
318-19
black skepticism about, 242
disobedience
62, 65—6, 73,
in,
85 140-1, 176,
class struggle in, 128,
High
283, 287-8, 304-6
communism
107, 167
204
Chapel Hill Daily
associated with, 39-42,
83-93
Tarheel,
day-to-day
299
Chapel Hill School Board, 167 Chappell, David, 73W Charleston
black leadership
61,
>
School
civil
218
182, 183,
to,
185-95, i97" 2 04, 2 Q7-37> 271-2, 292 rights movement, 3—8
civil 3, 4, 15, 16,
214, 227
of,
News and Courier, 47
by,
4—5,
105
175-6
disparate avenues of change in, 4,
18-19,
12, 13,
106
inevitability of change in, 106,
196
Chatham Manufacturing
Co.,
n,
direct action phase of, 42, 55, 62—4,
214, 218,222,273,276 school busing controversy in, 1
changed
154 delay and tokenism in, 60, 115, 118, 128
Charlotte, N.C., 36, 41, 58, 181, 204,
Charlottesville, Va., 57,
life
12, 118, 143,
299
legacy and lessons
Chaupette, Ben, 168
27
1,
310
19-20,
of, 12, 14,
309-13
219—20
Chauviere, Claire, 147
moral imperatives
Bobby Frank, 330 Cherry, Jim, 48
opportunity for white liberation and
Cherry,
Chestnut,
Chicago,
J. L.,
111.,
redemption
31,32,229
principles
221
Citizens' Councils, 13, 126, 288, of,
309 10— 1 1,
48, 53,88, 125, 137, 167, 171
rise of,
40, 53
of,
actualities in,
radical factions in, 98,
Christianity, 71, 98, 100-6,
anti—civil rights agenda
becoming
177-80
Children of Crisis (Coles), 9 Christian, Charlie, 149
anti-communism
102, 103,
179-80, 309~ 2 5
242
23,
in,
of,
42, 90
1 1
1-12, 273
reshaping of South by, 3-8, 18, 309 resistance to, 4, 6, 8, as
10-1
1,
36—7
"Second Reconstruction," 16,
272,309,319,348 shock component
of,
70-1,75,76, 107,
56-7, 63, 67,
in,
112, 173
4i3
Index
.is
kx 1
revolution, 8, 75, 98, 102,
ial
159,
>3,
74~5>
1
l
Colmer, William, 335 Columbia, S.C., Maurice's Piggie Park
J23-4, 327 trials for
murder of workers
in,
restaurants in,
327-34 white freedom seen challenged by, 11, 36-7,
216-18, 223-5, 310 for, 16-17, 3^, 42-3
white support see also
Civil
210 220
Collins, Leroy,
Collinson, Nancy,
7^> 264,
desegregation;
specific
236
Columbia, Tenn., 32-3, 34 Columbus, Ga., 76, 103, 1 16-17, 205 Coming of Age in Mississippi (Moody), 107
organi-
zations
Commercial Appeal, 296
War, U.S., 53, ^6n, 57, 165, 238,
Commission on
battles of, 16 civil rights
39
Committee
of,
198
struggle compared with,
153, 158, 159 lessons
Civil Rights,
Florida Advisory
319,323
and legacy
southern defeat
of,
in,
159, 326
68,
1
12-13, 159
"War of Northern Aggression," 9i,333 Clark, James, 29-30 as
Committee for Public Education, 126 Communications Workers of America (CWA), 292-3
Communist
Party, 38, 39,
85-6, 89,
91-2
6,
Community
Relations Service, 204,
247-8, 252, 255, 285, 307, 311 Clark, Kenneth, 175
210-11 Compromise of 1877, 238 Compton, Mary, 272-3 Compton, Ray, 273, 274
Cleghorn, Reese, 86, 93
Concerned Parents Association, 176
Clements, Nelda, 145 Cleveland, Ohio, 273
Cone
Clark, Jim, 78, 240-1, 242, 244,
Clinton, Tenn., 120, 171,
bombing of homes and
316
flag of,
schools in,
High School
in,
116
159
257
Congress, U.S., 91, 94, 189-90, 193,
240, 244, 281
115-16, 165,239, 316 Close,
129, 159, 200, 202, 236,
245,334 soldiers of, 6, 197,
integration of schools in, 59—60,
Clio, Ala.,
299
secession of, 10 1,
116, 165
Clinton
Mills,
Confederacy, 63, 245, 249, 275, 295
248
civil rights
Tommy, 149
debate
in,
civil rights legislation
Clower, Jerry, 341-2
41, 235 passed by, 11,
13,41,213,237,320 House of Representatives,
Cobb, James, 56^
see also
Cochran, Ga., 207
U.S.; Senate, U.S.
Cochran, Mrs. Gaither, 49 Cohn, David, 57, 108
Congress of Industrial Organizations
Coinjock, N.C., 168
Congress of Racial Equality (CORE),
Colburn, David, 9 Colclough, George, 193
Connerjim, 135, 136, 137-8, 147,
(CIO), 38
in
Cold War, 10, 37, 38, 39 Coles, Robert, 5, 7-8, 9, 142, 143, Colley, Wallace,
Collins, Joe, 152
202
167
314
Conner, Margaret, 135-9,
I
4° _I
,
147, 148, 155, 162, 167, 172,
347
1
1
4 i4
Index
Connor, Bull, 109, 240, 249, 285, 304, 307-8, 311 Constitution, U.S., 84, 189, 219, 220,
22m
Daspit, Laurence, 140 Davis, Jefferson, 249, 335 Davis, Jimmie, 125, 126, 166
Deacons
for Defense,
in, 112
Cook, Rodney, 278-9
Dearman,
Cooper, Johnny Mae, 81
Decatur, Ga., 31, 180-1
Cooper,
Owen, 173
Stanley,
328
DeCell, Herman, 173
Cooper, Roland, 246, 255
Deer Creek Day School, 171
cotton, 28, 31, 45, 59, 64-5, 94, 164,
Deering-Milliken, 302
210, 282, 286-90
Defenders of State Sovereignty and
Council of Federated Organizations, 87 Cox, Eugene, 5
defense-related industries, 65,
Cracker Barrel restaurant, 236—7
DeKalb, Ga., 48
Craig, Calvin, 232, 343,
de
346
Craig Field, Ala., 22 Criswell,
Croom,
W.
A., 52,
Sylvester, 2
106
Delta
300 251-2
&
Pine Land Company, 286
170-1, 277, 286, 314-15, 346 democracy, 10, 17, 30, 39, 71, 98, 156,
221,254
in
Crucible of Race, The: Black-White Relations in the American South Since Emancipation (Williamson),
56W
Democratic National Committee, 338 Democratic National Convention of 1964, 210, 229
Democratic Party, 27, 31, 229, 232,
237,248-9,271-2
Crump, Brodie, 346 Crump, Ed, 281
Cumming, Joseph,
1
all-white primaries in, 26, 28—9,
239 black voters
14-15, 164,
228-9,253, 255, 259,262, 264-9, 2 7i 282, 318, 320, 325, 338-9, 344, 346-7 Cunningham, W.J. 103-4, 10 & ?
,
Dabbs, James McBride,
7,
57-8, 80,
112-13,221, 325-6, 337, 343-4 Dahmer, Vernon, 330, 331-2
Mary Caperton Bowles, 344
Dallas, Tex., First Baptist
Church
106
County Chamber of Commerce,
44 River Mills, 299
Danville, Va.,
C&E
Darby, Bruce, 174
Grill in,
civil rights
liberalism in, 273, 275,
progressivism
in,
278
276-7
white shift away from, 253, 271 Denmark, Joe, 273-4 Department of Transportation, Miss.,
33i Depression, Great, 183—4
ambiguous legacy of, 176-7 black and white negotiation on, 76 experiencing realities of, 48-50, 137 federal mandates of, 114, 1 16-17, 152, 156 forced,
212
in, 31, 247, 257, 285 advocacy in, 273
desegregation, 8 of,
Dallas County Voters League, 241, 243
Dan
5
Delta Democrat-Times, 90, 107, 108,
Crowley, La., 135 Crown Zellerbach Corporation,
Dallas
Beckwith, Byron, 330, 333
de Lissovoy, Peter, 196, 208-10
ion
Crouch, Sam, 219
52,
298^
Delaware, 115
Crossley, Callie,
Dale,
la
Delamotte, Roy,
crop liens, 17 Cross, Rufus,
Individual Liberties, 119
1
16-17, I2 6, 128-48,
277 of private business, 13, 182-237
1
,
4i5
Index
of public
facilities, 5, 13,
Durr, Virginia, 39, 40, 48, 53, 254-5,
36,99,
310,314,319,342-3
182-237 of schools, 5 9, ,
1 1
,
1
2
36, 40, 4
,
1
48-50, 58, 59-60, 96, 99, 109, 1 14-8 terminology and semantics white alternatives white opposition
of,
175
Eastland, James, 39-40, 47, 90,
273 East Tallassee, Ala., 272
35-6,47-54,58,62,71, 115, 124-48 to, 12,
10-1
for,
350-1,352,357
Ebony,
Edwards, Mrs. David, 69—70
115, 138,
Edwards, Edwin, 276
Egertonjohn, 35,48
150, 155-6, 159
white support
Eagles, Charles, 9, 10
to, 12
to, 8, 12, 14,
white resignation
Dylan, Bob, 229
1,
20, 21-4,
40,75, 106-7, 131, I33-4 1 of workplace, 5, 215, 291-4, 299,
Ehrenburg,
Ilya,
Eisenhower,
37
Dwight
D., 28, 41
federal troops mobilized by, 36, 116,
302-3
264
Detroit, Mich., 31,
elections, U.S.:
273
Dittmer, John, 8-9
county-unit system
Dixiecrats, 27, 254, 335-6,
of 1944, 26
337
Dlugos, Anne, 146
of 1946, 28-30, 31-2
Doar, John, 246
of 1948, 27, 39 of 1950, 38-9
Domino,
Fats,
128
29
in,
Dorminy, John, 185
of
Dorsey, George, 28, 30, 31-2
of 1956, 272
Mae Murray, 28, 30, 31—2 Dos Passos, John, 25 Dougherty County Courthouse, 75
of i960, 125, 126, 127-8, 256, 272
Douglas, Ga., 69, 162
of 1966, 232-3, 257, 260-1, 265
Douglass, Frederick, 312
of 1968, 249, 254, 261, 274-5,
of 1958, 249
Dorsey,
of 1964,
Downs, Mrs. Edward, 160
decision,
of 1970, 250, 262-3, 2 68,
E. B.,
353
of 1984, 252
64-5, 91, 210
Elizabeth City, N.C., Albemarle
Bowling Center
Duckett, Alfred, 24
Duke
University, 342
in,
193
Ellender, Allen,
245 Prioleau, 130
Dunbar, Anthony, 287, 288, 289,
Ellis,
324 Dunbar, Leslie, 100, 314, 319 Dunbar, Peggy, 152 Duncan, Mark, 329, 332 Duncan, Ron, 304-5 Durant, Miss., Presbyterian Church 51-2 Durden, Adie, 94
Ellison, Ralph,
Durham, N.C., 43-4, 274, 304-5
279-80
of 1972, 254, 269, 277-9, 334> 335 of 1974, 269
Drolet, Jerome, 131
Du Bois, W.
237,272-3
276-7, 278, 334
Doyle, Helen, 344 Drake, Jack, 262, 263
Dred Scott
1952,249
244-5, 3 X 9> 347 Emancipation Proclamation, 247 Emerson, William, 5,47, 115, 1
Emory in,
17-18, 124-5, 264 University, 162
Engelhardt, Sam, 255, 256 Episcopal Church, 82, 10 1, 105, 270
Equal Employment Opportunity
Commission, 182-3
1
416
Index
Ervin, Sam, 16, 193-4, 217, 222, 223,
227-8, 237, 245, 252, 271-2 Erwin Mills, 300—1 Eskew, Glenn, 9 Eutaw, Ala., 4, 258-9, 260-3, 2 ^5»
266-7, 2 7°> 27 1 2 ^2 Cotton Patch Restaurant, 267 '
Jimmy's Restaurant
in,
in,
354
Merchants and Farmers Bank
in,
267 Evans, Rowland, 89-90
Ewing,
see also
Folsom, "Big" Jim, 27, 249 Ford, Johnny, 258, 314
328
Foreman, Clark, 39 Foreman, Lloyd Andrew, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 167, 172 Foreman, Pamela, 131, 132, 133, 135, 142, 167 Fort Myers, Fla., 344 Sill,
Okla., Artillery Officers in,
21
Fortune Baptist Church, 51
331-2
286 251-2
Foster, Katherine,
272
Fowler, Don, 338
Early, Jr.,
Eyes on the Prize.
of,
Committee of, 41 specific cities and towns
Training School
298
Evers, Medgar, 199, 330,
Relations
Interracial
Fort
Evans, Wilson, 22, 34-5 Evers, Charles, 112,
Human
41-2
Fordice, Kirk,
263, 267,
269 Judge William McKinley Btanch Courthouse
Council on
Frady, Marshall, 6, 183, 231, 258,
260-1, 264, 265, 316, 317, 318, Fairclough,
Adam,
9,
14
353
Faubus, Orval, 116, 117, 166, 279-80 Faulk, Frank,
Jr.,
82
Franco, Phyllis, 48 Franco, Richard, 42-3, 49-50,
Faulkner, William, 100, 309-10, 314 Fayetteville, N.C., 15, 217,
300
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI),
229-30, 306, 319 John Hope, 53-4
Franklin,
13-14
Free at Last? (Powledge),
freedom, 10, 105
13.85,330 Feminine Mystique, The (Friedan), 229
competing visions
of,
n,
Fields, Harlon,
Freedom Rides, 345 Freedom Summer (1964),
Fifth Circuit
Friedan, Betty,
195 Court of Appeals, U.S.,
173, 177, 186, 189-90 Fifth District
Court of Appeals, U.S.,
126 Fire
29-30,
Frist, Bill,
1 1
229
336
Front Royal, Va., Daughters of the
Confederacy
Finian's Rainbow,
17,
36,42-3,54, 156, 181
Fernandez, Mercedes, 355 Fielder, Ben, 24
Museum
in,
118
Fulbright, William, 252
313
Next Time, The (Baldwin), 311,
Fuller, Chet,
285, 353
Helen, 125
312,351-2 Fitzgerald, Ga., 224
Fuller,
Fleming,
Fulton County Criminal Court,
Fullerwood, Fannie, 198
Billy, 32,
34 Fleming, Harold, 14-15, 21-2,
185 Fulton County Teachers Association,
62 Fleming, Karl, 307, 344-5
48-9
Flemming, Cora, 108-9 Fletcher, Albert,
Gabrielle, Daisy, 131-3, i34», 135,
50
Florida, 26, 27, 109, 204,
279
139-40, 148, 162, 167
4i7
Indtx
Gabrielle, James, 131, 132, 133, 134,
Georgians Unwilling to Surrender
39-4o, 167, 172 >7. >5. Gabrielle, Yolanda, 13 1-3
(GUTS), 185 Georgia Restaurant Association, 196
Gammill, Stewart, Jr., 197-8 Gandhi, Mohandas K. "Mahatma," 74 Gardner, B. C, 69
Georgia State Board of Regents, 47 Georgia State Legislature, 159
Germany, Nazi, 29, 31, 32
Garrow, David, 8
Gerrard,
Gaston, Paul, 178
Giarusso, Joseph, 129
gay rights movement, 229
Giles, Alice,
Geer, Peter Zack, 184-5
Giles, B.,
General Assembly of Presbyterians,
Gillis,
'
'
1
50 Georgia, 9, 12, 26, 28-32, 35-6, 92, 115, 120-3, 176-80,
Hyram, 173 108
96 D.J.,69
Gilmer, Joe, 19, 20, 34 Gilmore, Thomas, 260-1, 262, 263,
204-10
268
Baker County, 74, 207 Black Belt of, 153-4, : 79> 204-10
Ginn, Dewitt, 172 Glenn, Howard, 227-8
Butts County, 230-1
Glover, Buddy, 196
Dougherty County, 57, 64-84, 207,
Golden, Harry, 304 Goldneld, David, 324
209 General Assembly
122-3
of,
Goldwater, Barry, 186-7, 22 5, 2 37,
Hancock County, 271 Lee County, 74W, 207
252,272-3,274 Good, Paul, 204 Goodman, Andrew, 89, 210, 226,
Mcintosh County, no, 353 Marion County, 124 poor whites secession Terrell
in,
3 2 7~9>
from union
by,
159 County, 51, 74, 75-6, 207,
230 Walton County, 28, 32, 35 see also specific cities and towns Georgia, University of (UGA),
Gordon, Marcus, 332, 334 Gordon, Robert, 198 Gore, Albert, 27, 245 Graham, Frank Porter, 27, 38-9 Grant, Bill, 285 Gray, James, 66-7, 70, 71-2, 73, 94,
12,
123, 165,335
alumni
of,
144,
Arch
essays
in,
15 1-2
on integration by students
Future" (Cumming), 265-6 of,
152-9 "passive resistance" at, 167
violent struggle over integration of,
149-63, 177 Georgia Council on Human Relations, 12, 54,
76, 84, 192
Greene County Golf Course, 270 Greensboro, Ala., 239 Greensboro, N.C., 8, 115, 299, 316
Chamber
87 Georgia Institute of Technology, 121,
of Commerce
i960 student
sit-ins in,
of,
321—3
n,
54, 62,
191 Greenville, Miss., 90, 108, 171, 204,
Georgia Education Commission, 84,
151, 184
223-4
Greene, Melissa Fay, 9, 353 "Greene County, Ala: The Hope of the
159, 160, 163
of, 149 Center-Myers Hall
33 2
Goodman, Carolyn, 332
216—17
314-15,333 Green
v.
New Kent County, 169-70
Greenwood, Miss., Greer, Rudolph, 77
no
1
4i8
Index
Grenada, Miss., 169, 204 Griffin, Marvin, 84 Griffin, Reese,
Highlander Folk School, 84
High
52-3
Griffin, Roscoe, Griffin
Hester, Bob, 28
95-6 Emmett, 262, 263 Hill, Lister, 252 Hindsville, Ga., Chuck Wagon Drive-
Board of Education of Prince
v.
Edward County, 164 Grissom, Leonard, 201-2 Gulliver, Hal, 176,
Point, N.C.,
Hildreth,
59
in
in,
211
Hines, Eugene, 107
318
Hines,0. W.,223 Halberstam, David, 62
Hiss, Alger, 38
Dowd, 10 257-8
Hall, Jacquelyn
Holcutt, Lillian, 169
Hall, L. O.,
Holland, H.C., 31
Hamburg,
Hamilton, Eula, 82
Holleman, Jesse Boyce, 195 Holmes, Hamilton, 12, 149—50, 152, 157-8, 160-1,
Hamilton, M. W., 344 Hamlet, N.C., 219
Holton, Samuel, 167
Ark.,
294 Hamer, Fannie Lou, 180, 310— 1
162-3
Hanes, Art, 109 Hanoi, 296 Hardwick, Elizabeth, 240, 340 Hardy, J. B., 29
Hood, Jim, 329 Hood, Orley, 331-2
Hare, James A., 307 Harkey, Ira, 308
House of Representatives,
Hoover, Ala., 236 Hoover, J. Edgar, 85
279,321 House Un-American
Harpers, 60-1, 173 Harris, Roy, 205,
220
mittee
Harrison, Loy, 28, 32, 35 Hartsfield, William, 43, 121, 123,
Billy,
Activities
(HUAC),
Com-
39, 84, 86-7, 89
housing:
184
Hartshorne, Charles, 161
Harwood,
U.S., 183,
355
discrimination banned
in,
274, 305
public, 305
segregation
in,
216, 222
Hattiesburg, Miss., 292
Hudgins, Ed, 8
Hawkes, Danny, 82 Haygood, Wil, 251
Huey, Ann, 145 Huggins, Nathan
Hayling, Robert, 198, 199
Hulett, John, 263, 285
Hayneville, Ala., 285
Hazel wood, Terry, 151
Humphrey, Hubert, 254, 274-5, Humphreys, Robert, 106-7
Health, Education, and Welfare
Hunter, Charlayne, 12, 149-50,
Department, U.S., 169 Heard, Susan, 180
Helms, Jesse, 39, 279 Help Our Public Education (HOPE),
Irvin, 17
151-2, 157-8, 160-1,
162-3 Hutchinson, Ben, 49 Hutton, Inedell, 193
12 1-4
Henry, Aaron, 112
Indianola, Miss., 163
Henry, Patrick, 185
Indianola Academy, 171
Henson,
Indianola Times,
W C, 159
Herndon, Dennis, 260-1, 262, 263,
264
108—9 26
Ingalls Shipyard,
Inside Agitators (Chappell), 73*2
2 77
7
,
419
InJcx
integration,
m desegregation
International Ladies
clash of American ideals with,
Garment Workers
Union, 295 International Paper Company, 21 International
29-30 emergence
gradual dismantling
Woodworkers of
instruments of oppression
North
26, 240, 243, 249,
Carolina" (Shepard), 44
legal
system
myth and Jackson, Andrew, 125, 268
Lee,
304
322
stereotype inherent in, 3,
64, 66, 69, 76, 77, 82, 85, 92,
243
Jackson, Maynard, 235
97,98-9, 100, 112, 153, 156,
Jackson, Miss., 109-10, 328-9,
259-60,355 violence used in defense
333-4
Chamber of Commerce
197 Galloway Methodist Church in, in,
in,
304
in,
Robert E. Lee Hotel
in,
to, 19,
21-3,
138 white support
197-8 King Edward Hotel
53,
29-30, 51, 81, 82, 101,
197
accommoda-
integration of public
of,
129, 145, 240, 243, 244, 249,
white opposition
103-4, IQ 6 Heidelberg Hotel
of,
in, 17, 19,
4,6, 12, 14, 15, 16,20, 24, 33, 35, 44-5, 53-4, 56-61, 62, 63,
Jackson, James, 204
Jimmie
26, 93,
of, 7,
229-30, 321, 323
America, 297 "Inter-Racial Progress in
Jackson,
of, 1
tions in,
for,
20, 23, 37-8, 47,
53-4, 62, 64, 74, 95, 100-6,
197 197-8
104 Sun-n-Sand Motel in, 197, 204 Jackson, Ron, 199 state capitol in,
Jackson Clarion-Ledger, 3 2 8-9 3 3 0-2 ,
117, 200 John Birch Society, 199, 204
Johnson, Charles Allen, Jr., 172 Johnson, Frank, 244
Johnson, Guy, 20, 27, 283, 284 Johnson, Helen, 96
333 Jackson Daily News, 85-6, 91, 197
Johnson, James Weldon, 312
Jacksonville, Fla., Morrison's cafeteria
Johnson, Lyndon B., 198, 204, 231,
in,
237,252,272,274,280
196
James, Henry, 352 Jaynes, Helen, 177
civil rights legislation
championed
by, 11, 103, 183, 186, 192, 196,
Thomas, 118, 312 Jefferson County Community Action Jefferson,
216, 223, 244-5, 247, 271-2,
316-17
"We
Board, 97 Jemison, D. V., 241
of the South" speech
of,
245
Jenkins, Linda, 328
Johnson, Myra, 328
Jennings, John, 308 Jessup, Ga., Holiday Inn in, 213
Johnson, Tom, 335 Johnston, Arthur, 77, 82
Jews, 15-16,42-3, 101
Johnston, Eugene, 255, 270-1,
see also
anti-Semitism
Jim Crow, 82, 125, 168, 191 anti-communism and, 37-42,
347 Johnston, Reed, 302 59,
83-93, 112, 184, 187, 199, 226, 272
Jonas, Charles Raper, 40-1, 58, 218,
219,274 Jones, Albert,
87-8
1
420
Index
Jones, Ed, 5 Jones, Mrs.
holiday proposed
M.
Jones, Nancy, 144
of,
for,
105, 310, 318
Jonesboro, La., 111
mocking
Jordan, Crystal Lee, 303
nonviolent principles
Jordan, Vernon, 319 J. P. Stevens,
335
Birmingham City Jail"
"Letter from
D., 275
53,73, 3 2 6
of, 4,
of,
65, 74, 75,
98,273
299, 302-3
smear campaigns against, 84-5, 88,
Justice Department, U.S., 231,
256
Civil Rights Division of, 186,
92,234 King, Martin Luther,
Sr.,
242
King, Tom, 109
189
Kinman, H. W.,81 Kannapolis, N.C., 301
Klopfer, Peter, 342, 343 Knight, Rex, 70, 80 Knight, Thomas, 292
Kansas City, Mo., 52, 196 Kasper, John, 116 Keever, Charles, 256, 257, 258 Kefauver, Estes, 27
Keith, Walling, 225 Kellet,
Rosa Freeman, 128
Kelley, Asa,
Knowland, William, 31 Kopkind, Andrew, 285 Korean War, 143, 220 Kruse, Kevin, 9 Ku Klux Klan, 13, 42, 53, 83,
69
Kenloch, Robert, 81
90, 105, 151, 169,232,234,
Kennedy, John E, 71, 127, 272 assassination of, 183, 221 n, 229,
332,343
300, 304, 309, 329, 330, quasi-religious appeal of, 102
civil rights
advocacy
of,
166, 183,
192, 193, 198, 199, 215, 219,
revival of,
27
violent activism of, ill, 166,201,
222
202, 203, 238, 266, 297, 298,
Kennedy, Robert, 71, 187, 189, 193 assassination of, 92,
307 white warnings against, 10 1-2
229
Kentucky, 59, 62, 88, 115, 212 Killen, Edgar Ray, 329-30,
331-4
King, C.
B., 75, 94, 208,
King, Martin Luther, Jr.,
209 7, 63, 71, 78,
integration
opposition of,
67-8,75, 105,200 1
1-12, 92, 96, 229,
271,273-4,329 biographies
movement, 291—303
291,297 communist taint
79, 95, 233, 278, 334 arrests, trials, and sentences
assassination of,
labor
black membership
KillenJ. D., 329 Killens, John, 351
of, 8,
74
civil rights leadership of, 11, 53,
65-6, 67-8, 69, 72, 73, 74, 75, 78, 79, 83, 84-5, 90, 93-4, 96,
of,
111,215,
38, 291,
298
215, 291-2
of,
to,
in,
27-8, 291-2, 294-5,
301-2,303 organizations in, 27-8, 184, 292,
295,302 segregated unions
in,
38
seniority system in, strikes
293 and picketing in, 55, 98,
137,295-8,299-300 see also
workplace;
specific
labor unions
98-9, 105, 106, 158, 199-200,
Lamm, Jewell,
202, 203, 224, 229, 238, 242,
Lanier, Chip,
244-6, 248, 260, 264, 291, 315,
Lanier, Joe, Jr.,
318-19
Lanterns on the Levee (Percy), 305
40, 41
180 295
9
421
hiihx
287-9
Ltpham, Mrs. John, 82
Louise, Miss.,
LaPointe, LaVal, 32, 33
Louisiana, 9, 26, 27, 57, 90,
Matthew,
Lassiter,
297-8 Lawrence, David, 225
Orleans Parish, 125
Lawrenceburg, Tenn., 33, 34 Lazarus, Ernest, 124
St.
Plaquemines Parish, 74, 125, 168-9 Bernard Parish, 129, 141
and towns Louisiana Criminal Bureau of see also specific cities
Ledford, Henry, 94 LeDuff, Charlie, 355
Identification,
259-61, 262, 263, 264, 270
88-9
Lee, Clay, 8,
Lee, Robert E., 159,
87
Louisiana State Education Committee,
47 Louisiana State Legislature, 128, 141,
198
142
Leftridge, Allen,
24 Lemann, Arthur, 25-6 "Letter to
115
Jefferson Parish, 147
9, 274/2
Laurel, Miss.,
Lee, Bill,
1 1 1,
My Nephew"
Louisiana State Senate, 125 (Baldwin),
311-12
Louisville, Ga.,
97
Louisville, Ky., 115
Levison, Stanley, 85
Louisville Courier-Journal, 48,
264
Lexington, Ky., 326-7
Thomas, 30 Lumberton, N.C., 19 Lumberton Robesonian,
Lexington, Va., 101, 227, 305-6, 346
Lurie, Seth, 22-3, 34, 37
Lexington Herald-Leader, 326—7
Luther, Martin, 82
Liberty County Truck Center, 211
Lykes Brothers Shipbuilding, 135, 137 lynching, 17, 30-2, 35, 37, 40, 54,
German, 25
Levy,
Lovett,
Lewis, John, 247, 251, 265,
Lincoln,
280
Abraham, 196
Lindley, Neil, 141
313,323,330 mobs involved in,
Ling, Peter, 10
Rock, Ark., 50, 61, 120, 151,
Little
170,
Central
171,229 High School desegregated
in, 11, 1
36,40,41,74,77,
16-17, 166-7, 2 39
closing of schools in,
economic
117— 18
losses of, 77,
117
federal troops mobilized in, 36, 116,
264 school board politics in, 117, 167
West Side High School
in,
167
1
28, 30-2
wartime, 20
white condemnation
of,
30-1
Mableton, Ga., 275
Macmurdo, Charles and Edwanda, 1 34 Macon, Ga., 76, 205, 206, 208 Bass Memorial Methodist Church in, 52-3 Maddox, Dean, 183, 233 Maddox, Lester, 7, 183-8, 195, 222 character and personality of, 182,
Loeb, Henry, 296
183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 231-2,
Logan, Mrs. Roy, 69 London, Angela, 334
233-5 childhood and adolescence
Long, Betty, 300 Long, Jefferson, 278
as "cracker
Long, Margaret, 313-14 Los Angeles, Calif., Watts
death
Lotto, Jack,
85-6
of,
183-4
Quixote," 183, 187,
232 riots in,
of,
235
desegregation fought by, 92, 177, 182, 183, 184-7, 225-6, 231-5
273,351 Lott, Trent, 279,
Don
334-8
early jobs of, 184,
lawsuit against,
233 185-6
1
422
Index
Maddox,
McLean,
Lester (continued)
political career of, 182,
184-5,
of,
267
McMath,
186-7, 231-5, 281 religious bent of, 184, 187
restaurant business
Peter,
McLeansville, N.C., 223
182, 183,
184, 185-7,205,231,233 Maddox, Virginia Cox, 184, 187 Malcolm, Dorothy, 28, 30, 31-2 Malcolm, Roger, 28, 30, 31-2 Malcolm X, 318 assassination of, 229, 351
Sid, 27 McMillan, James, 175—6 McNeill, Robert, 103
McTatie, Leon, 28
McWhorter, Diane, 9, 86, 307 Meadows, J. L., 189 Meany, George, 292 Mehlman, Ken, 338^ Meier, August, 339
Mansfield, Mike, 245
Melvin, June, 217, 218
Manucy, Halstead "Hoss," 203, 204 Marietta, Ga., 29, 220
Members
Marion, Ala., 243 Mars, Florence, 315-16, 327 Marshall, Burke, 210
Memphis, Tenn., 98, 271
of the
Dads and Mothers
Club, 145 desegregation of public accommoda-
196
tions in, 195,
Martin, Harold, 150
The Flame
Martin, H. R., 167
1968 sanitation worker's
Maryland, 115, 250-1
55,98,295-7 The Pancake Man restaurant in, 195 Public Works Department of, 296
Masonite, 297-8, 302
Matthews, Zeke, 75—6 Mattson, Kevin, 10
restaurant in, 195
voting patterns
in,
strike in,
281
Maury County Jail, 32
Memphis Restaurant
Mayersville, Miss., 285
Merchant of Venice, The (Shakespeare),
Mays, Willie, 2ion
49
McCarthy, Joseph, 38, 39
McClung, James Ollie, 187-8 McClung, Ollie, Jr., 188, 190, 235-6 McClung, Ollie, Sr., 187-95, 222 integration resisted by, 182, 187—9,
190-1, 192-5, 225, 228, 347-8 religious bent of, 188, 190 restaurant business
of,
182, 188-91,
192-5, 225, 228, 235-6
McClung McClung
v.
Katzenbach.
189-91
v. Kennedy. 189 McCullough, Joe, 294 McDougal, David, 217
McDowell, Constance, 333 McGill, Ralph,
9, 36,
Association, 195
50-1, 62, 64,
102, 109-10, 116, 150-1, 232,
274, 284 McGovern, George, 254, 277, 278 Mcintosh, H. T., 68-9
McKinley, Marion, 134—5 McKinley, Mrs. Marion, 134—5
Meredith, James, 166, 334, 341, 346 Merts, Milton, 77, 78, 79, 82
Methodist Church, 101, 102, 103-4 Metropolitan Association for Segregated Education (MASE), 124
Mexicans, 354-5 Michaux, Mickey, 281 Middlesex, N.C., 40 Milan,
J.
W.,40
Military Order of the Stars and Bars,
235 Milledgeville, Ga.,
206
Velma, 49 Miller, Zell, 235 Miller,
Minimum Wage Law
of 1966, 287
Minter, Dave, 5 Mississippi, 5, 7-9, 24-5, 26, 27, 30,
34-5, 37, 40, 57, 87-92, 103-4, 112, 115, 325 black population of, 88 black voting in, 240, 253
1
423
hi J*, x
(
.irmll
Money, Miss., 37, 327 Monroe, Ga., 28, 30-2, 35, 313, 330 Monroe, La., 291
County, 170
hardship of black
life in,
107-12
Holmes County, 51, 169, 173 Humphreys County, 287, 288 Jones County, 297-8
Monteagle, Tenn., 84, 88
Montgomery,
Neshoba County, 89, 316, 327-9, 33 >334 I
Ala., 8, 40, 48,
change in municipal law
63 Dexter Avenue Baptist Church
Rankin County, 333-4 rural areas and farming
integration of public in,
25, 59,
tions in,
196
1955 bus boycott
285 Sunflower County, 171 activities
90 Washington County, 171 Wilkinson County, 172-3
federal troops mobilized in support
149, 166, 249,
at,
310 1965 march from Selma
Moore,
Mississippi, University of, 61, 10
341,346 Sigma Nu fraternity
246 20, 40,
to, 4, 7,
105,243-6,249,257 Moody, Anne, 107
and towns
at,
in, 4, 11,
45, 54, 60, 63-4, 74, 191, 238,
committee
of,
of integration
accommoda-
Jefferson Davis Hotel in, 7,
98, 101, 143, 164, 170,283,
see also specific cities
334-5
Mississippi Chemical Corporation,
L. J.,
193-4
Moore, Mike, 329 Moore, Tommy, 194
Morgan,
Carl, 48 Morgan, Edmund, 17 Morris, Carill, 149, 150
Morris, Willie, 173, 174, 175
Morrison, Clarence, 58
173
Morrison, de Lesseps "Chep," 125, 126,
Mississippi Delta, 21, 25, 57, 89,
108-9, in, 170-5,
129-30, 133-4, I39-40, 143-4,
258,
158,326
289-90, 305, 311 Department of Education,
Morrison, Toni, 17
90
Moses, Robert, 88, 89-90, 112
Mississippi
Mississippi Education Association,
Mount Freedom Democratic
Party,
180, 210, 245??, 310, 351
Handbook for
grams,
Political Pro-
88
Mississippi Legislature, of,
House
Bill
459
90
Mississippi Methodist Conference of
i955,5i Mississippi State Sovereignty sion,
145,
Moultrie, Ga., 96
172 Mississippi
Mississippi
in,
242
Panola County, 170
un-American
249
in,
Commis-
87-8, 91, 93
Mississippi State University,
Missouri, 115 Mitchell, Clarence, 345
Mobile, Ala., 134, 204, 293 Molpus, Dick, 328
2ion
Gilead, N.C., 194 Mouton, Edgar, 109, 280 Moyers, Bill, 272
Mulholland, Joe, 330 Munford, Luther, 171
Murphey, Arthur, Jr., 160
Murphy, N.C., 219 Murphy, Reg, 278 Muse, Benjamin, 195 Myers, Frank, 179 Myers, Mary, 179 Mylcraft Manufacturing, 292
Myrdal, Gunnar, 349—50 "Myth of the Flawed White Southerner, The" (Ellison),
319
1
1
424
Index
Nashville, Ga.,
219 115,204,222,239
Nashville, Term.,
i960 student
sit-ins in,
11,62, 191
Eighth Ward
Garden
heterogeneity
Nation, The, 63, 196, 273,
McDonogh
140
127
of,
idiosyncratic history of, 128
304
National Association for the Advance-
ment of Colored People (NAACP), 38, 57,59,84,96,
School No. 19
McMain High
School
Mardi Gras
126
in,
in,
127-8, 129, 130,
of,
147, 169, 305, 347
North Galvez
Street in,
Pontchartrain Hotel
in,
128 146
postwar industrial and population
236
boom
National Collegiate Athletic Associa-
(NCAA), 2ion
in,
144
Preservation Hall
144
in,
National Democratic Party of Alabama
Robert Lusher School
(NDPA), 254, 261-3, 264, 269 National Guard, 116, 170, 264
Sewage and Water Board
National Labor Relations Board
St.
National Lawyers Guild, 89
1 1
New
34-43>
Newport News,
Society of
118
93, 97, 118
Newsweek, 5,25, 44, 47, 59, 102-3, 114-15, 124-5, I2 7> 164,
180-1, 202, 203, 228-9, 239, 253, 255, 259, 260, 264, 282,
in, 9, 12,
163, 167, 176,216, 305
"Desire" streetcar in, 128
Va.,
New Republic, The, New South, 264
128, 140—
Mi
Times -Picayune, 126, 130,
Christian Service, 134^
129, 130
Desire Public Housing Project ?
J
Classroom Teachers'
New Orleans Women's
54, 117, 125-48, 151, 155, 158,
I35
Elementary
128-33,
141, 146
127
desegregation of schools
in, 12,
Federation, 142
in,
124-48, 154, 170, 171 A. H. Wilson School in, 146-7 in,
in, 12,
New Orleans
New Deal, 10, 41, 89, 265, 342 New Left, 92 New Orleans, La., 4, 22, 39-40,
class divisions in,
131
145, 147 Orleans Baptist Theological
New Orleans
of,
in,
133
Seminary, 134
328
193-4
City Hall
T. Frantz
School
Neshoba Democrat, 328, 332 New Bern, N.C., Moore's Barbecue
black population
in,
125-6, 129-48, 163, 168
William
Neilson, Melany, 10 1, 169 Fair,
132,
Mark's Methodist Church
in, 139 white boycott of schools
Native Americans, 130, 354 Navy, U.S., 32, 270
Neshoba County
145 of,
Walgreen's
National Spinning Co., 299 National Urban League, 319
"Negroes with Guns" (Williams),
in,
139 Touro Synagogue
3° 2
2 99>
145
133-4, I39-40, 141, 143, 145,
National Association for the Preserva-
(NLRB), 294-5,
in, 12,
128-30, 139, 141, 143, 145
Ninth Ward
165, 198, 199,204 communists purged from, 91 legal work of, 185 Youth Council of, 67
tion
127, 128
of,
District of,
Natchez, Miss., 63, 167, 330 Natchitoches, La., 356-7
tion of White People,
127-8
of,
French Quarter
307, 344 in,
New New New
Times,
258
Yorker, The,
311
York Herald Tribune, 89-90,
246
,
425
Index
New
York Mtts, 262
New
York
Neu
)
'
Renew
ork limes,
10 1st Airborne troops, 116
of Books,
240
279,298,315,355,
Organization of American States, 144 Orleans Parish School Board, 125-6, 128, 129, 130, 142
civil rights coverage in, 71, 72, 75,
New
Orwell, George, 313
93, 94, 103, 177, 207, 210, 230,
"outside agitators," 12, 38, 57, 59,
244, 264, 281, 300-1, 336 York Times Magazine, 257
69-70, 77-9, 83-4, 94, 98, 199,224,241, 291,296 Owsley, Alvin, 28
Ninth Ward Private School Association,
Owsley,
145
campaigns
of,
249, Page, Marion, 68
274-6, 277-9, 334 "Southern Strategy"
of,
274-5, 334
for Public Schools,
25-6
122, 128, 204 Parkin, Ark., 51
119 Norrell, Robert, 8
North Carolina,
in,
Palo Alto, La.,
Parent Teacher Associations (PTAs),
Norfolk, Va., 118, 119
Norfolk Committee
29
Oxford, Miss., 166
Nixon, Richard, 127, 226-7, 2 54 presidential
Cliff,
1 1 1
17, 26, 27, 61, 74,
115, 281
Bladen County, 354 Hertford County, 99-100,
paternalism, 44-5, 57-8, 68, 85, 270,
no, 112
Moore County, 294-5 Nash County, 289-90 Northampton County, 292 Piedmont district of, 40-1,
of,
65,
113,295 love vs. justice in, 58,
59,
of, 16,
1
13
"new," 290
white defense
and towns
North Carolina, University
287,289 condescension and prejudice
95-6, 289, 299-300 "progressive mystique" of, 41 see also specific cities
Parks, Rosa, 54 Pascagoula, Miss., 26, 334, 335 Paschall, Davis, 119
38,
of,
57,
Patterson, Mrs.,
142-3
Patterson, John,
249 142-3
Patterson, Paul,
66
Patton, George,
North Carolina Bureau of Investiga-
240 Pauley, Frances, 76-80, 83-4, 192, 207,213,214 Payne, Charles, 8-9, 13-14
tion, 87 North Carolina Central University, 44 North Carolina Council on Human
Peabody, Endicott, 199 Peabody, Mrs. Malcolm, 199 Pearson, David, 204
39,41,99,222,299, 320 North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University, 62
Relations, 115
North Carolina Fund, 98 North Carolina State University, 16 Novak, Robert, 89-90 Nunn, Sam, 235, 279 Nuremberg trials, 31 Ocean Springs, Miss., 21 O'DellJack, 85 O'Neal, Harmon, 331
Pennsylvania, 212 People's Association for Selective
Shopping (PASS), 185 Pepper, Claude, 27 Percy, Walker,
325 William Alexander, 305 Perez, Leander, 125, 129, 168
Percy,
Perkins, James, Perry, Ga.,
248
207
Petersburg, Va., 196
426
Index
Pett, Saul,
127
Protestantism, 127, 278
public accommodations, 182-214
Philadelphia, Miss., 8, 74, 88-9,
331-2
black employees
of,
187, 188
Carousel Gifts, Pools, and Spa
in,
blacks barred from, 65, 67, 183,
328 murder of civil rights workers 89,210, 3i5~ l6 3 2 7-9
in,
integration
185, 186, 187-91, 192, 195
-
Abby, 334
Philley,
sit-ins, 4,
Phillips, Kevin, 254,
274^ Pillowtex Fieldcrest Cannon, 301 Pineville, N.C., 214-15 Pique, Mrs. Dan, 141 Pittman, Paul, 170-1, 277 Plains, Ga.,
n,
cotton, 28, 31, 45, 59, 64-5, 282,
286-90
36, 54, 60, 62, 63,
and towns
see also specific cities
Pulliam,
W.
H., 298
racism:
images
plantations, 57
19, 183, 187, 189,
177, 185,229
complexities
179
of,
of,
13-15, 16
13-14
international criticism of, 17, 18
white inhumanity and, 312-13
sugar, 25
see also
tobacco, 291 Playboy, 105,
of,
191-2, 194, 195-6, 212-13
Jim Crow;
lynching;
segregation
Raeford, N.C., 217
265
Pleas, Robert,
Rainach, William, 125
Plessy
Raines, Howell, 315
310 Ferguson, 66
v.
Plunkett, Amelia, 129 Polhill,
Jim, Jr., 97
Polhill,
Jimmy,
III,
Raleigh, N.C., 300
97
Poling, Everett, 134^ politics,
26-31, 65, 238-308
see also
voter registration drives;
vot i ng rights;
specific elections
Populism, 238—9, 249 Port Huron Statement, 229 Posey, Billy
Wayne, 329-30
Powledge, Fred, 13-14, 21, 61 Presbyterian Church, 103
321-2
Prince, James, 328,
330 Prince Edward County Board of Supervisors, 119—20 Prince Edward Educational Foundation,
163—4
Pritchett, Laurie, 65-6, 67, 69, 73, 74,
75,78,93,95-6,210 Proctor-Silex, Progressive,
Ramsay, Claude, 21, 22, 34 Ramsey, Brooks, 81—2, 83 Randall, Robert, 95
Reagan, Ronald, 226-7, 2 5 2 2 8o, 334 Reagan Democrats, 280 >
Reconstruction, 53,
294-5
303
Progressive Party, 27
Promised Land school, 168—9
5 6n,
91, 232, 238,
263,272, 319 "tragic era" of, 6,
Red and Black
Powell, Dallas, 84
Preyer, Richardson,
Rains, Craig, 61, 117
(UGA
222 newspaper),
151
Reeb, James, 244 Reed, Roy, 279-80, 298, 301 Reed, Sarah, 142 Reese,
F.
D., 243
Reliance Manufacturing, 292
Remerton, Ga., 70 Republican National Committee,
338* Republican Party, 232, 237, 242, 249, 272-3 increased white southern support
9,253,254-5,275-6,280, 285-6
for,
427
Indtx
black activism
Reynolds, James, 296 Reynolds, J. Rich, Frank,
198-201, 203,
in,
204
224 336-7
S.,
integration of public facilities in,
Kits, Bernard,
200-4 Monson Motor Lodge
right-to-work laws, 295
202-3 Old Slave Market
Richmond,
Va.,
23
302 Riggins, Bo, 208 Ritter, Josie,
racism
Robbins, Clarke, 98
tourism
E. Lee
Management Company,
St.
in,
in,
198—204 198, 200
in,
George, S.C., Green's Restaurant
C, 203
"St.
Marc," 99-100, 112
1— 12
Roberts, Gene, 257
St.
Roberts, Georgia, 245
Sanders,
Roberts, Pat, 286
Sasser, Ga.,
Robertson, Jan, 61
Savannah, Ga., 76, 85, 205, 214
Robinson, Jackie, 2io«
Save
Rockleff, Melvin,
Petersburg Times, 2
1
James O'Hear, 220
75-6
Our Schools, 125-6
Scarbrough, Tom, 88
220
Rocky Mount, N.C., 289-90
Scharfenstein, Leo, 141
Roediger, David, 17
Schiro, Victor,
Rogers, Breck, 269
schools,
1
144-6 14-81
Rogers, Margaret, 230
aptitude tests in, 170
Rolleston, Moreton, 186, 205, 225
busing and, 175-6, 277-8,
Rolling Fork, Miss., 171
Roman
279
Catholic Church, 50, 82, 10 1,
children as closing
127, 203
Rome,
pawns in, 12, 171 7-2 1, 122, 125-6,
of, 1 1
186
Ga., 292
Hotel General Forrest
in,
205-6
debate about survival of public
Roosevelt, Franklin D., 27, 41
education
Rosenberg, Ethel and Julius, 38 Rosenthal, Henry, 333
169-70
Rowan, Carl, 357 Rumble, Lester, 31,313, 314 Rupp, Adolph, 2 ion Russell, Bill, 2ion Russell, Richard, 47, 85,
207-8, 216,
217, 219, 220-1, 222-3, 2 79>
in,
desegregation
114, 117-24, 126,
of, 5, 9, 1 1, 12,
99, 109, 114-81,216, 305
dual systems abolished
in,
169-70
faculty desegregation in, 177,
in,
169 169, 177
integration of sports in, 107, 167,
178,317 integration taken in stride by
Saint Andrews, Tenn., Scotty's
Augustine,
180
"freedom-of-choice" plans adopted
of,
Ruth, Peggy, 276
restaurant in,
36,
40, 41, 48-50, 58, 59-60, 96,
funds withheld for non-integration
293 Russo, Sam, 202 Ruth, Babe, 2ion
St.
in,
212
198 Roberts, B.
198, 203
in,
198
129
Roanoke Rapids, N.C., 302-3 Robert
199-201,
quadricentennial celebration
142
Rittiner, Lloyd,
in,
212
Fla., 9,
some children
in,
165, 178-9
198-204
neighborhood, 278
1
17, 148,
1
428
Index
"Bloody Sunday"
schools (continued) parochial, 135, 141
Brown Chapel
private, 12, 118, 120, 124, 127,
143, 146, 147-8, 154, 163, 166,
168-9, 170-4, 176, 177.
r 79.
255,270,282 114— 15,
163, 170
of,
12, 115, 125-6,
129-43, ^3 -4»
J
66, 168, 169
286-7
gomery from,
4, 7, 105,
243-6,
249,257
in,
241,
voting rights struggle
240-8
in,
Selma Times -Journal, 212-13
W.,77,80
Senate, U.S., 38-9, 235, 279, 334, 335
126
anti-civil rights filibuster in, 16,
segregation:
183, 199,293
de facto, 356
Judiciary
growing up with, 149, 153-9, ^2, 164 "humane defense" of, 62 as natural order to whites,
58—61
of public accommodations, 65, 67,
183, 185, 186, 187-91, 192, 195 religious justification of, 41, 50-1,
100-6, 329, 333
two separate
Church in, 242 march to Mont-
civil rights
242
Kerr, 38
secession, 10 1,
55,
242
Scottsboro case, 38
Scruggs, J.
in,
Tabernacle Baptist Church
327-9, 332
W.
Pettus Bridge
in, 23, 44-5, 46-7, 240-8 Reformed Presbyterian Church in,
41-2
Schwerner, Mickey, 89, 210, 226,
Scott, Miss.,
291
facilities in,
racism
see also schools in specific cities
Schulz, Louis,
in,
212-13
19,
1965 I
242, 243—4
in,
of Commerce
First Baptist
17 1-2
Scott,
Chamber
243-4,249,251,252,306
in "segregation academies," 12,
white boycotts
African Methodist
Episcopal Church
Edmund
169 of,
243-4, 245,
desegregation of public
radical transformation of,
resegregation
in,
257
societies
8, 16, 61, 66,
white opposition
mandated
by,
100 to, 19,
20-3,
29-30, 51, 81, 82, 101, 138 white support for, 8, 12, 14, 35-6,
47-54,58,62,71, Jim Crow
115, 124-48
Committee
sexual revolution,
Shakespeare, William, 49 sharecropping system, 17, 25, 64, 180,
284,288,310,334 Sharkey-Issaquena Academy, 171 Sharrard, Clara Lee, 101, 227, 305—6,
346 Shaw, Sheila, 333 Sheffield, Johnny, 179 Shelby, N.C., 59 Shepard, James, 44 Sherrill, Robert, 183, 234 Sibley, Celestine,
Sibley,
160-1
John, 123
"segregation academies," 12, 17 1-2
Sieverman, Frank, 278
Segrest, Mrs. J. B.,
Simon, Tobias, 202, 203
272
Simpson, James, 307-8
257
Sellers, Granville,
Sims, Charles,
297
Selma, Ala., 6, 62, 74, 78, 204, 224,
240-8, 249-50, 270, 271, 281 black businesses
in,
193
Sibley Commission, 123—4, 3 I 3
see also
Segrest, Marvin,
of,
229
in,
Sitton, Claude,
75-6, 93, 204
Skolund, Julie, 141
241, 242
black disenfranchisement
1 1
Singreen, John, 126, 127
240-2
slavery, 53, 60, 64, 165, 179,
236, 259
1
429
//;./< \
abolition of, 17, 153, 196, brutality of, 222,
288
rural areas of,
312
204
"of debt," 17, 288, 315
myths about,
6,
suburban, 9, 13
53
religious justification of, 101
slave-landowner relationship
Sunbelt, 122, 352 in,
53,
288 white freedom and dependence on, 1
10, 284,
17 Slaves in the
Family
(Ball),
transformation
108
wartime in,
Lillian,
61-2, 108, 224,
in,
57, 325
236
state legislature of,
Southern Baptist Convention (SBC),
240, 248 Smithfield Packing Company, 354-5
Smyer, Sid, 228
socialism,
specific
and cities
Rip Raps Plantation
Smith, Willis, 38-9
"social equality,"
riots
South Carolina, 22, 26, 27, 51, 75, 115, 164, 211-12, 319
129 6,
and military
white southerners;
states
97 Smith. M. M. "Muggsy," 121, 122,
civilian
20
see also
Smitherman, Joe,
3-8, 18, 309
of,
Upper, 27,40, 57,98 urbanization of, n, 25—6, 34, 46-7, 54, 127,282-4,287,
303-4
337
Smith, Ben, 16-17, 333 Smith, Frank, 21, 22, 36, 38, 90, 91,
Smith,
25-6, 29, 44, 45,
46-7, 57,65,98, 99, 115, 127,
50, 51, 101, 103, 106
Southern Bell, 292-3 Southern Christian Leadership Confer-
16
ence (SCLC), 12, 73, 74, 75, 78,
231
Sons of Confederate Veterans, 235 Souls of Black Folk, The (Du Bois), 64-5
90, 93, 96, 199-200, 240, 314
SNCC feud with,
243
Southern Conference Educational Fund
South:
Black Belt towns in 4, 39, 53, 59, 64-84, 99-100, 119, 122,
153-4, l6 6, 179,204-10,
(SCEF), 39, 298
Southern Conference for
254-68 Deep, 5, 12,28-9,40,
Human
(SCHW), 39
Welfare
Southern Pines, N.C., 217, 294—5
53, 74, 115, 125, i52«, 163, 166, 167, 170,
187,222,227,233,240,272, 277,283
Southern Regional Council (SRC), 14, 20, 21, 27, 32-3, 41-2, 60, 62,
97, 100, 120, 178, 265, 283,
287,305,314
fractured communities in, 4, 11, 12,
Southern Tenant Farmers' Union, 291
1 3 1-4 Gulf Coast
Southern of,
industrialization of, 11, 25-6, 65,
94,
in, 282-6,
influx of Latinos to,
move
287, 292-304
"New," 26, 122, 124, 165, 174,
211,251,258,
10, 25-6, 27,
290-1
Sparta, Ga., sports,
265
170
262
integration
354-5
of corporations to, 26, 94,
294
of,
107, 167, 178, 210,
317 workplace, 303
Spotted Horse Party, 262, 268
327,35 2
"Old," 16-17, 197, 352 post- World War II economy
Voices,
Southwell, Harriet, 220-1
7-8, 130
Spring Street Parent Teacher Associaof,
282-3, 284-5,
tion,
Stafford,
121
G. Jackson,
Statesboro, Ga., 302
5
1
1
43Q
Index
states* rights, 42, 47,
Swannv. Charlotte-Mecklenburg, 175-6,
156, 220, 223,
224-5 States'
276
Rights Party, 27, 127
Sweeney, James, 139 Swinney, WH.,77,79
Steadman, Henry, 30 Stebbins, Charles,
Steinbeck, John,
99 130—
Talmadge, Eugene, 27, 28-31, 140 Talmadge, Herman, $on, 47
Stephens, Alexandet H., 159
Stephenson, Gladys, 32, 33 Stephenson, James, 32, 33
Tar Heel, N.C., 354-5
Stephenson, John, 32, 33 Sterne, A. H., 35
Tate, William, 151,
Stovall, Walter,
Tate, Curtis,
162
Tennessee, 26, 27, 59, 115, 212
Committee (SNCC),
Maury County, 32—3
13, 65, 67,
73,74,75,78,87,88,89,93, 96, 158,224,247,251, 309 communist affiliation charged to, 90 integration activism
of,
of,
94, 240, 241,
243 Students for Passive Resistance (University of Georgia), 160, 161
student sit-ins of i960, 4, 60, 62, 63, 177, 185,
1 1,
36, 54,
59-60 Styron, William, 60-1 Suches, Ga., 161
64
Miss., 108
Sumner, Miss., 40 Sumter, S.C., 178
Supreme Court, Georgia, 30/z Supreme Court, Miss., 248 Supreme Court, U.S., 252, 261
43-5 2
,
26,
54, !Q9, 129,
153, 157, 164, 169-70, 175- 6
,
190-1, 225, 227, 233, 236, 254,
256,276,277 communist sympathy
317 Texas Western University, 2ion
298—303
Workers Union of America
(TWUA), 295, 301-3 Thomas, J. L., 31 Thomas, Steve, 179 Thomas, R, 159 Thomasson, Hugh, 332
W
Thomasville, Ga., 49, 152, 207
Thornton, J. Mills,
9, 14,
325
Thurmond, Strom,
9, 27,
273, 275,
220 Emmett, 37, 40, 306, 309, 330, 331-2,333
Tifton, Ga., 69, 207, Till,
Time, 251,
353
Timmerman, George, seen in,
Todd,
40
"separate but equal" legality
white defiance and condemnation Sutherland, Matthew, 126, 127
Norman, 16 1-2
Dempsey, 23—4 Trotman, Robert, 5 Truman, Harry, 27, 39 Tuck, Edwin, 263 Travis,
of,
Sr.,
W C, 69
Tolbert,
affirmed by, 66
40,47,49,53, 125, 129
230
335-6
civil rights decisions of, 10, 1 1,
36, 38, 40,
Clinic,
Thompson, Allen, 109-10, 197 Thompson, Era Bell, 351 Thompson, Ginger, 356 Thompson, Gregory, 139 Thompson, Jim, 80-1 Thompson, John, 139-40, 172 Thompson, Melvin E., 3072 Thompson, Michael, 139
229
Sturgis, Ky.,
Summit,
County Medical
Texas, 23, 26, 51, 115, 204, 275, 316,
Textile
Students for a Democratic Society, 229
Suffolk, Va.,
Terrell
textile industry,
207, 257
feud with, 243
voting rights drive
159-60
tenant farming, 25, 64, 287—91
Student Nonviolent Coordinating
SCLC
356-7
51
1
431
InJtx Tuc k, Stephen, 9,
Prince
730
Tuck, William, 263, 282
126
16,
1
19-20,
68, 169, 171
see also specific cities
Virginia, University of, 118
Tumblen, Unita, 81
Virginia
Tupelo, Miss., 353
Committee
for Public Schools
(VCPS), 119
259
Tuscaloosa, Ala., 189,
Tuskegee, Ala., 8, 166, 250, 255-8
Tuskegee Institute, 166, 251, 255,
Virginia
Supreme Court of Appeals,
119 voter registration drives, 34-5, 89, 94,
256,257 Twin
J
Warren County, 118 and towns
Tulane University, 139 Tulsa, Okla.,
Edward County,
163-4,
City, Ga.,
in, 240-8, 256 n, 94, 109, no, in
102
voting rights,
Underwood, James, 33, 34 Union, Miss., 329 Union Camp paper factory, 294 Union of American Hebrew Congrega-
black disenfranchisement and,
tions, 140 United Council of Church
white reaction to black gains
Women,
35
238-42 black gains
in,
28, 31, 239-40,
247-8,253-73,281-2 28, 34-5, 266-7, 2 88 Voting Rights Act of 1 965
,
United Transport Service Employees Union, 308 universities,
in,
149
54, 149-63, 177.
215-16 2ion
increase in black
and white
voting promoted by, 253-4, passage
15 1-3, 156, 159-60, 161
of,
237, 246-7, 248, 259,
264,281-2,353 southern politics changed by, 253—5,
see also specific universities
264, 266, 269, 282
U.S. Steel, 248
Valdosta, Ga., 207
Wagner, Audrey, 222
Valentine, Tim, 281
Waiteman,
Vance, C.
Wakefield, Dan, 63
J.,
333
Vanderbilt Chapel, 10 Vandiver, Ernest, 122-3,
49>
I
5°>
ate States,
Army
of the Confeder-
197
296
Vietnam War, 92, 277 casualties of, 170, 229 opposition to, 278 Virginia, 26, 27,
83
Walker, Wyatt Tee, 78, 314 Wallace, Cecil, 345 Wallace, George, 7, 9, 87, 166, 185,
Vardaman, James, 140 Veterans of Foreign Wars, 99 Veterans of the
Bill,
Walker, Jack, 123 x
152, 177, 179 Vann, David, 61
Viet Cong,
,
264
integration of sports in, riots in,
3 94,
264
divided public opinion of, 12,
1
231,244,280,316,317 federal examiners assigned by, 253,
148-63
integration
n,
in, 13,
57,64,74, 115, 118-20, 204, 212
186, 208, 215, 220, 225, 236,
246,248-53,304 assassination-attempt paralysis
of,
249,250-1,277 national political career of, 226-7,
231, 248-51, 252, 261, 262, 263, 268, 274-5, 277-8, 280,
298 racial reconciliation
251-3
sought
by,
1
1
432
Index
Wallace, George (continued) racial rhetoric of,
deference interpreted as friendship
249-50, 251-3,
275 religious rebirth of, 251,
253
segregationist stance of, 166, 215,
D Y> 59> 63, 66, 70 defiance of white
mobs
mob violence
28, 30-2, 112,
of,
Wallace, Henry, 27, 39 Wallace, Lurleen, 342
131-48
116, 128-48
moderates among, 13,
244, 249-50
by,
1
31-41,
172-3 profound change in way of life
of,
Waller, William, 277
3-8, 10-13, 17-18,38,42,
Walterboro, S.C., 211-12, 230
53-4, 106-9, 139, 158-9, 181,
Walton County Civic League, 32 Wander, I. Q., 83 war on poverty, 273 Warren, C.
C,
309-10 realization of injustice by,
10— 11,
15,62-3,70-1, 106-7, 157 resistance to racial equality by, 4, 6,
52
Warren, Charles, 317-18
8,
Warren, Robert Penn, 62, 112, 310,
10-12, 14-15, 18, 23-4, 35-6 seismographs" lacking in, 60,
"social
61,98
314 Warrenton, N.C., 218
status anxiety of,
Warrior Academy, 270, 282
suburban
Washington, Booker
traditional food of, 3, 182, 184, 185,
166, 216,
T.,
256 Washington, D.C., 231, 273 Washington and Lee College, 227 Watson, Plez, 293
33-5
flight of,
177
187-8, 191,231,236,237 "Ugly Southerner" image of, 151 violent reactions of, 11-12, 17, 20,
23, 26, 116, 124
Watters, Pat, 75, 315, 316, 34 - 1 Waycross, Ga., Ware Hotel in, 2 1
white supremacy, 30, 31, 32, 40, 66, 93, 109, 125, 165, 195, 202, 240
Waynesboro, Ga., 223
Whiteville, N.C., 299
WDNC radio, 43-4 "We
Shall
Whitney,
Overcome,"
7,
257, 340—1
West, John, 276
Western Kentucky State College, 48
West Point-Pepperell, 295 West Virginia, 115,212 Wheeler, Raymond, 305 White, Ben Chester, 330
of,
Williams, Hosea, 243 Williams, Joseph, 152
82, 102, 103, 104,
movement of,
as liberation
Williams, Wadine, 262
102, 103,
Williamson, Joel, ^6n, 319-20
179-80, 309-25 confusion and uncertainty
Wills, Garry, 98 of,
14-16,
43-5,60,69 culture and history cherished by, 6, 16, 31,
112-13
Williams, R.J. ,79-80 Williams, Robert R, 1 1 Williams, Roosevelt, 248
white southerners:
and redemption
Wilkie, Curtis, 327 William Carter Co., 295
Williams, H. O., 263
106 civil rights
283-4
Williams, Aubrey, 39 Williams, Grady, 315
White, Theodore, 89 white churches, 81-2, 100-6 integration
Eli,
Wicker, Tom, 244 Wilkerson, Steve, 332
Wilmington, N.C., 299, 308 Wilson, Hugh,
3, 4, 15,
Wilson, Imogene, 108 Wilson,
Sammy Lee,
107
17-18, 348
1
hi Jcx
433 World War
Winder, Ga., 206
Winston-Salem, N.C., 220, 291, 299,
302 Winter Park,
Fla., First
Congregational
Church of, 4 Wisconsin primaries, 248-9
II,
10, 11, 54, 60, 122,
220, 249, 259 black and white veterans
of, 10,
19-25,28, 32,34-5, 36-7, in,
273 conservative and reactionary trend
Wofford, Harris, 44-5, 46, 108
following,
27-9
Women's Emergency Committee to Open Our Schools, 117 women's liberation movement, 229 Wood, Florence, 219 Wood, G. H., 285 Woodlawn High School, 168 Woodstock, N.Y, 261
economic changes
Wood ville,
Pacific theater of, 19, 21, 24, 36,
Miss.,
Woodward,
172-3
C. Vann,
283 Wordsworth, William, 49 Workman, Claude, 304-5
19-20,21-4, 32, 34,79 of, 30, 34, 36
legacy
black soldiers
programs
in,
of,
in, 282-6, of, 5,
POWs vs.
23
Hastings, 343
Wynn,WT.,25
292
integration
in,
Wright, Fielding, 27 Wright, Skelly, 125, 126, 130, 170
Wyman,
industrialization of, 11, 25-6, 65,
94,
19-25, 34 integration of blacks and whites in,
273
294 design
25-6, 27,
hostility vs. acceptance of blacks in,
treatment of German
workplace: affirmative action
after,
282-3
Wynne, Ken, 330
287, 292-304
215, 291-4, 299,
Xynidis, Tom, 202
302-3 intramural sports and, 303 paternalism in, 295
Yanceyville, N.C., 272
picketing
Yazoo
137, 298
of,
unfair labor practices in,
299-300,
302 unsafe conditions in, 295 see also
labor
movement;
corporations
World Series, 262 World War I, 220
specific
Yarbrough, Mary, 262, 263 City, Miss., 99,
1
10,
173-5, 176, 180 Yazoo High School in, 173-4 Young, Andrew, 200-1, 278-9
Young, Cindy, 332 Younge, Sammy, 257 Zinn, Howard, 60
Permissions Acknowledgments Grateful acknowledgment
is
made
to the following for permission
to reprint previously published material:
Brown and
Little,
from Children of Crisis:
Co.: Excerpts
Courage and Fear, Volume
I,
A
by Robert Coles, copyright
Study of
©
1964,
1965, 1966, 1967 by Robert Coles. Reprinted by permission of Little,
Brown and Co.
Routledge: Excerpts from Freedom Writer: Virginia Foster Durr, Letters
©
from the Civil Rights
Years, edited
by Patricia Sullivan, copyright
& Francis Books, Inc. Reprinted Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, LLC. 2003 by Taylor
by permission of
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thank the following indi-
viduals and institutions for permission to reprint images in the art insert:
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1
Page
2:
:
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3:
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4:
&
Thoma Kersh
Tommy Moore Copyright by The Birmingham News, 2005, photographer:
Jones. All rights reserved. Reprinted with permission.
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5: (top)
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(bottom) Portrait of Frances Pauley,
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&
Southern
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author
A
Note About the Author
Jason Sokol grew up in Springfield, Massachusetts, and attended
Oberlin College and the University of California, Berkeley, where he received his doctorate in
American
New York,
Cornell University.
and teaches
at
history.
He
lives in
Brooklyn,
A The
text of this
book was
Note on the Type
Garamond No. Claude Garamond
set in
copy of any of the designs of
but an adaptation of his types.
It
3. It is
(ca.
probably owes as
not a true
1480-1561),
much
to the
designs of Jean Jannon, a Protestant printer working in Sedan in the early seventeenth century. This particular version
is
based on an
adaptation by Morris Fuller Benton.
Composed by North Market
Street Graphics,
Lancaster, Pennsylvania
Printed and bound by Berryville Graphics, Berryville, Virginia
Designed by Wesley Gott
10
t}(p
BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY
3 9999 05166 553 5
revolution taking place around them.
Drawing on
recorded interviews, magazine bureau dispatches,
newspaper
iiiil
editorials, Sokol seamlessly
weaves
rag it her historical analysis with firsthand accounts. I
;
:
rv
i
re
the stories of white southerners in their
own
words, presented without condescension or moral
judgment.
An
unprecedented picture of one of the historic
periods in twentieth-century America.
Jason Sokol grew up in Springfield, Massachusetts,
and attended Oberlin College and the University of California, Berkeley, where he received his doctorate in
American
New York,
history.
and teaches
With
He
Brooklyn,
lives in
at Cornell University.
8 pages of photographs
Jacket design by Carol Devine Carson Jacket photograph: William Eggleston, Untitled (Sumner, Mississippi,
© 2005
C assidy Bayou
in Background),
1971
Eggleston Artistic Trust, courtesy Cheim
New York.
Used with permission. All
Alfred A. Knopf, Publisher, www.aaknopf.com 8/2006
&
Read,
rights reserved.
New
York
IN
PRAISE OF JASON SOKOL'S
THERE GOES MY EVERYTHING
Tor most
of
us,
'white southerners' remain an undifferentiated
mass
forces hostile to the social and political progress of African-Americans civil
in
of
the
rights era. Jason Sokol brilliantly reveals, for the first time, that this
image was only one dimension
of a vastly
more complex range
of
emotions
and opinions within the white southern community between 1945 and 1975. There Goes
My
Everything
that explores the ways
in
is
a subtle,
nuanced, and strikingly original study
which the white community was not only threatened
by but also conflicted about the black revolution that engulfed so with sympathy and grace."
—HENRY
it,
and
it
does
LOUIS GATES,
JR.
ISBN 0-307-26356-8
HISTORY
52 795
9
'78030
7"
263568