Theodoros Metochites: Poems 9782503570396

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ΤHEODOROS METOCHITES POEMS

CORPVS CHRISTIANORVM IN TRANSLATION

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CORPVS CHRISTIANORVM Series Graeca 83

THEODORI METOCHITAE CARMINA

EDIDIT Ioannis POLEMIS

TURNHOUT

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ΤHEODOROS METOCHITES POEMS

Introduction, translation and notes by Ioannis Polemis

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© 2017, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher.

D/2017/0095/57 ISBN 978-2-503-57039-6 e-ISBN 978-2-503-57040-2 DOI 10.1484/M.CCT-EB.5.111915 Printed on acid-free paper.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Ιntroduction 7 Bibliography 22 Translation and Notes 45 1. A Glorification of the Lord together with an Account of the Author’s Life and a Description of the Monastery of Chora 47 2. To the Virgin Mary, and Another Section on the Monastery of Chora 93 3. To Gregory, Former Archbishop of Bulgaria 112 4. Advice Addressed to the Wise Nikephoros Gregoras, and a Section Concerning the Author’s Own Writings 123 5. To St Athanasius the Great 136 6. To the Three Prelates, Basil the Great, Gregory the Theologian and John Chrysostom 151 7. Funeral Verses in Honour of the Empress Eirene, Wife of the Most Divine Emperor Andronikos Palaiologos 171 8. Funeral Verses for the Young Emperor Michael Palaiologos, Son of the Most Divine Emperor Andronikos Palaiologos 182 9. Funeral Verses for His Kinsman, the Caesar John Palaiologos 192 10. On the Mathematical Branch of Philosophy, and 202 Harmonics in Particular

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11. To the Wise Xanthopoulos, and a Section concerning His Own Misfortunes 12. To the Wise Nikephoros Xanthopoulos, and a Section on His Own Writings 13. To His Cousin the Protoasecretis, and a Section on His Life in the Past 14. To Himself concerning His Own Troubles 15. To Himself, and a Section concerning the Travails of His Own Life 16. To Himself, together with a Section concerning the Inequities of Life 17. To Himself after the Change in His Fate 18. Another Poem to Himself, Written after the Change in His Fate 19. To Himself once more, after the Change in His Fate 20. To Himself once more, after the Change in His Fate

235 245 256 265 274 286 295 306 318 330

Indices 337 Index of Scriptural References 339 Index of non-Biblical Sources 342 Index of Personal and Place Names 365

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ΙNTRODUCTION

Theodoros Metochites and his Poems Theodoros Metochites was born in Constantinople in 1370. He followed his father George Metochites, a clergyman of the patriarchate of Constantinople, into exile in Nicaea, after his protector the pro-Latin patriarch John  XII Bekkos had fallen from power in 1282. The young Metochites led an inconspicuous life in Nicaea, a provincial town in Bithynia, but he completed his studies with success. In 1291 the emperor Andronikos  II Palaiologos visited Nicaea; Theodoros Metochites managed to attract attention of the emperor, who decided to employ the talented young man as an imperial official in Constantinople. This was the beginning of a brilliant career: Theodoros Metochites became logothetes ton agelon, logothetes ton oikeiakon (1295), ­logothetes tou genikou (1305), and finally megas logothetes. The emperor entrusted Metochites with the conduct of the negotiations for the marriage of his son Michael IX with Rita-Maria of Armenia in 1295 and later with the negotiations for the marriage of the young princess Simonis with the Serbian leader Stephan Uron  II Milutin (1298/1299). Metochites succeeded his rival Nicephorus Choumnos as mesazon in 1305, becoming thus the most powerful man in the Empire. He took a special interest in the restoration of the old monastery of Chora in Constantinople, which was completed in 1321. Metochites took care to gather new monks there, so that the monastery could properly function. He

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fell from power in 1328, after emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos was forced to resign in favour of his grand-son Andronikos III. Metochites was exiled to Didymoteichon in Thrace, but he managed to return to Constantinople in 1330. He died in the monastery of Chora in 1332. Metochites was not only a powerful statesman, but a very cultivated man of letters as well. He composed an introduction to astronomy on the basis of the work of Claudius Ptolemaeus, and he composed a series of commentaries to some important works of Aristotle (Physica, De anima, Parva naturalia). He wrote many rhetorical works: praises for saint Marina, saint Gregory of Nazianzus, the archangels, John of Didymoteichon and Michael the New of Egypt, two encomia for the emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos, funeral orations for the empress Theodora Palaiologina, and his friend Joseph the Philosopher, two invectives against his enemy Nicephorus Choumnos, a praise of the city of Constantinople, and an important treatise on the value of education and philosophy entitled Ethikos. A series of short essays of miscellaneous content was written at a later stage of his career. His Poems were written at a later stage of his career too. His first Poem is a long autobiography: he describes his life from his early years until the years of the reconstruction of the monastery of Chora, which is the culmination of his services to the empire and the emperor; he also describes the monastery. His second Poem is an exhortation to the monks of Chora to keep the rules of the monastery and to remember him in their prayers; a short ekphrasis is included too. The third Poem is a short poetic letter addressed to his friend Gregory, former archbishop of Bulgaria, who lead the life of a solitary in a hermitage near the Bosphorus. The fourth is a poetic letter addressed to his student Nicephorus Gregoras; he urges him to take care of the books he had written, which are deposited in Chora. In this way he finds the opportunity to speak about his works in some details. Poems 5 and 6 are poetic encomia of saint Athanasius of Alexandria, and the three hierarchs Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of Nazianzus, and John Chrysostom respectively. Poems 7, 8, and 9 are monodies, i.e. short funeral orations for the empress Eirene, wife of Andronikos  II Palaiologos, the

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co-emperor Michael IX, son of Andronikos II, and his son-in-law John Palailologos respectively. Poem 10 is a long poetic encomium of the science of harmonics. Poems 11, 12 and 13 are poetic letters addressed to Theodore Xanthopoulos, his brother Nicephorus Xanthopoulos, and his cousin Leon Vardales: they contain nostalgic reminiscences of the years of his youth, when he was devoted to his studies, enjoying the company of his young friends. Poems 14-20 are addressed to himself. He expresses his fears about the future of the empire (14), about his own destiny after death (15), and he speaks extensively about the inequality of human life (16). In Poems 17-20 written after his fall from power in 1328, he urges himself to behave with dignity in front of all disasters menacing him, remembering the precepts of philosophy he held in esteem at the time of his happiness. Poem 19 contains a long description (ekphrasis) of his house and his various estates near the capital.

The Date of Metochites’ Poems The earliest Poem which can be roughly dated is Poem 17, a monody for the empress Eirene who died in 1317. This monody cannot have been written long afterwards. Poem 7 was written for the death of the co-emperor Michael IX Palaiologos in 1320, while Poem 9 was composed on the death of his son-in-law John Palaiologos in 1326. Poems 1-2, describing the restored monastery of Chora, were written after the completion of the restoration of the monastery of Chora in 1321, and certainly before Metochites’ fall from power in 1328. Poems 17-20 were written after his fall from power in 1328, as its is explicitly stated in their title; Poem 19 was written at the place of his exile in Didymoteichon, since Metochites writes that he has learned that the monastery of Chora is still intact. The same probably applies also to Poems 1718 and 20. The other Poems of the collection cannot be dated; however, most of them (if not all) may have been written after 1317. It should be noted that in Poem 12, addressed to Nikephoros

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Kallistou Xanthopoulos, Metochites, referring to his Poems, calls them “my late products” (hystatia) (v. 225).

The Genre of the Poems and the Imitation of Gregory of Nazianzus The Poems of Metochites clearly imitate the Poems of Gregory of Nazianzus. Poems 1-2 present certain similarities with the autobiographical Poems of the great Cappadocian. Metochites combines autobiographical elements with evident features of hymnic literature: one should not forget that both Poems bear the title “Doxology”. The same applies to Poems 14-20, which in the MS bear the title “To himself”, imitating the poems of Gregory of Nazianzus “To himself”. The Poems addressed to his friends (Poems 3, 4, 11-13) are poetic epistles, reminding us of several poems of Gregory of Nazianzus, to which their first editors gave the title “Poemata quae spectant ad alios”. The Poems 7-9 are poetic monodies, while Poems 5-6 are poetic praises of saints. Accordingly, we see that all the Poems of Metochites both in respect of their structure and their smallest details owe much to the paradigm of Gregory of Nazianzus. This should not surprise us. Gregory of Nazianzus was considered the Christian poet par excellence in Byzantium. To give just one example, Poem 14,  1 begins with the same phrase with which Gregory of Nazianzus begins one of his poems to himself: Alas, what I have suffered, poor wretch that I am.1 Clearly Metochites identifies himself with Gregory and his own trials and tribulations with those of the father of the church. He felt that a special bond linked him with Gregory: both were talented young men devoted to literary studies; both at a certain juncture of their lives decided to abandon the so-called vita contemplativa in order to embrace the vita activa. Both were rejected by their environments, both had to abandon their public duties, and to live their last years in seclusion and disappointment. Both were painfully aware of the ups and downs of 1 

PG 37, 1353A.

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this life. Thus, the constant imitation of Gregory of Nazianzus helps Metochites to create his own poetic persona. To put it another way, he wears the mantle of Gregory of Nazianzus in order to present himself as a late Byzantine Gregory, and to justify his own acts and his own decisions. Metochites was preoccupied with his posthumous literary fate: the mantle of Gregory facilitates his onerous task of self-justification.

The Structure and Art of Metochites’ Poems In his study of Byzantine poetry Marc Lauxtermann is somewhat dismissive of Metochites’ poetical output: “There can be little doubt that Metochites was a bad poet in the eyes of the Byzantines because he had no feel for the language, often erred in prosody, lacked stylistic dexterity, and failed to achieve rhetorical grandeur”.2 I do not share this negative view of Metochites’ poetry. My study of the entire corpus of Metochites’ Poems has convinced me that he was a skilful writer, who was able to vary his style to a remarkable degree and to construct his Poems carefully. In order to appreciate fully Metochites’ art, one has to read his Poems in Greek. I  have already examined the structure of Metochites’ Poems in the introduction to my critical edition of them, so here I shall limit myself to an examination of just a few Poems from his collection, which will serve as an example of his poetic dexterity. The first Poem is Poem 19, which was composed after Metochites’ fall from power in 1328. It belongs to the tradition of those Byzantine poems entitled eis heauton. The author addresses his soul and tries to persuade it not to despair because of the disaster that has befallen him. The introduction to the Poem is long. Metochites speaks to his soul directly (vv. 1-56). He then moves on to a description of the wealth he has lost (vv. 57-232). This section is framed by a phrase that appears both at its beginning and end: these things have been taken from me altogether (vv. 71-73, and 232). (Metochites is fond of framing whole sections of his Poems with 2 

Lauxtermann 2003, 46-47.

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the appearance of the same, or almost the same, phrase at their beginnings and ends). Within this section there is a subsection describing his home (vv. 156-212): this part of the Poem begins with the strong particle atar hod’ oikos. A reference to his home marks the end of the subsection (v. 207). A new address to his soul follows (vv. 232-368). It is notable that at the end of this section occur the words I was stolen (apoeremai aphar) (v. 367). Metochites repeats a phrase he has used earlier (v. 232 aphar apoeileto): by means of this repetition he indicates the internal boundaries of the new section. The phrase so repeated serves to hold together the whole structure. A new section begins somewhat abruptly in v. 369: he refers to his anxiety lest the monastery of Chora be plundered in the days of his fall from power. Metochites composed this Poem far away from Constantinople, in Didymoteichon, the place of his exile. The limits of this section are marked by the repetition of a new phrase (lest it has been destroyed, mepot’ oloiato vv.  371-372, and 390). The Poem ends with a short prayer to the Virgin (vv. 392399). The example of Poem 19 is not unique. Most Poems of Metochites’ collection are carefully constructed, displaying a cyclic structure. The repetition of certain key phrases permits Metochites to frame whole sections of his Poems. giving them a coherence, which becomes evident to the reader, only after carefully analysing each one of those Poems. Metochites displays considerable skill in his descriptive passages. This skill can be appreciated if we study the description of the monastery of Chora in Poem 1, 963-1269. It is a unit carefully divided into several sections. After a short introduction dealing with the previous state of the monastery of Chora, which had fallen into ruin, Metochites moves on to a description of the main church of the monastery (987-1016). It is no accident that Metochites speaks of the harmony of the whole structure relative to its constituent parts (998 all are harmoniously combined). This harmony is reflected in the regularity of the syntax of the text. Metochites says that he paid great attention to both the safety of the construction and the provision of the best materials (990: one should note the repetition of the adverb well on which two

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genitives depend). The description moves from the pavement to the dome, from the less important to the most important parts of the whole. The description of the pavement and the walls of the building occupies vv. 994-1000, while the description of the roof alone occupies vv.  1001-1008. It is also notable that the description of the dome is introduced by the strong antithetic particle atar, a particular favourite of Metochites whenever he introduces new, important sections of his Poems. Following the precepts of the ancient teachers of rhetoric Metochites emphasizes that an overview of the building generates a powerful emotional reaction in onlookers. The chiasmus of vv.  1005-1006 (participle-objectobject-participle) is probably intentional: the first part describes the emotions in a negative way; the other emphasizes their positive aspect. A new section about the treasures of the monastery (1017-1045) is followed by another section (1046-1100) describing the icons of the monastery. Introduced by a new atar (1046), signalling its importance, that section is a tour de force of oratorical dexterity. We can cite here just one example of the author’s sense of harmony which is reflected in the small details: in vv. 1053-1054 a small doctrinal detail (he was an invisible son of a visible father, a limitless son of a limitless father) is expressed with a remarkable sense of proportion, enhanced by the alliteration which is audible only if we read the text in Greek. A new atar introduces the description of the monastery’s library (1100-1173). The sense of the architectonic construction of the whole is enhanced by several syntactic equivalences encountered in this section (see, e.g. vv.  1109-1112). The next section of the description is devoted to the monks of the monastery (1174-1197), while the last (1198-1269), closely connected with the previous one, deals with the immovable property of the monastery, which covers the material needs of the monks in a sufficient way. It is worth pointing out that there is a climactic development in Metochites’ thought: the section on the icons is more extensive than the section on the buildings, which is not as extensive as the section dealing with the library. It seems that Metochites puts the section concerning the monks at the end on purpose: they are the living treasure of the monastery, Metochites’ ultimate hope for

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the salvation of his own soul. After rounding off the section dealing with the monks, Metochites comes to the final prayer of the Poem, where he humbly asks for the intercession of the Virgin for his own salvation. The Poem thus reaches its culmination. It started as a description of the public career of Metochites. But through the description of the monastery Metochites is able to pass to his inner life and to deal with what is most important to him: his own salvation in future life. The climactic construction is certainly to the author’s credit. Let us now look at Poem 10, a lengthy encomium on music, combining a presentation of various technical details with an enthusiastic account of the merits of harmony that enables man to penetrate into the mysteries of the universe. Metochites begins his Poem with an introduction on the value of mathematics in general and of harmony in particular. In vv. 303-304 Metochites writes: I admire this science greatly and a sense of pleasure and admiration occupies my mind whenever I contemplate it. In v. 305 begins the technical account of the laws of harmony, which is completed in v. 841. In vv. 842-844 he repeats what he stated earlier in vv. 303304: I  love this science and a great desire for it reaches my heart, while I feel a happiness combined with an admiration for it. Then a new section begins, containing renewed praise for the power of harmony, which permeates the entire world and gives it coherence. This last section has many similarities with the first section. One has the impression that vv. 303-304 and 842-844 frame the technical part of the Poem, creating thereby a small ring. A greater ring is created by the initial and the last verses of the Poem. Vv. 1-2 run as follows: My mind urges me to say (ereein) some things about the philosophy of mathematics in a fitting manner. In the last vv. 10121013 the same infinite ereein is employed (I have said many things but even these things are very few when compared to what I ought to have said). Accordingly, Poem 10 is structured as two concentric circles: the larger one is formed by the initial and the last verses, the smaller one contained within the larger is formed of the initial and last verses of the section presenting the technical aspect of the harmonmic science.

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Metochites’ Audience To whom were these Poems addressed? The answer that his audience was very limited is not adequate. The Poems are written in a language that is far more difficult than that of the other Byzantine poems. It is certain that Poems 3, 4, and 11-13 were sent to the recipients indicated in their titles; the possibility that they were read in the so-called theatra, i.e. the literary salons of Constantinople, should not be excluded. It is also possible that Poems 1-2, composed before his fall from power, were circulated among the admirers of Metochites while he was still powerful. We may conjecture that the emperor Andronikos  II himself was one of his readers; one should not forget that Poem 1 contains many passages flattering the emperor. To a certain degree, the same applies to Poems 5-10 and 14-16. Despite their difficulty, the Poems were written with an eye to their reception by his admirers, who were eager to praise Metochites their idol for whatever he composed. But what about Poems 17-20, which were written after his fall from power, when he was exiled in Didymoteichon? Who was prepared now to read the poetic output of a man who was in disgrace? One should not neglect the danger to which anyone who maintained contact with Metochites was exposed. In all probability the recipient of the last poetic products of Metochites (17-20) was his faithful disciple Nikephoros Gregoras and his circle, and/or the monks of the monastery of Chora. The same applies to the whole collection of the Poems, which was made after Metochites’ fall from power. Metochites entrusted his poetic products to his beloved student and to the monks of Chora, in order to preserve them for posterity. Metochites did not care so much about his present fame. What occupied his mind constantly was his posthumous fame. We need to bear this in mind when seeking to answer our initial question. Metochites writes his Poems, particularly his last ones, with an eye to the future. He does not write for his contemporaries. His Poems are a literary monument erected by himself to his own memory. He considered himself a new Gregory of Nazianzus, a genius misunderstood by his contemporaries, a man who let himself become involved in the affairs of this life, abandoning his beloved literary

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studies. It is significant that in Poem 20, when speaking about the reversals in his fortune, he calls himself an “obvious example” of the vicissitudes of human life (v. 114), and points out that no one can escape the laws governing human destiny, whether now or in the future (things will not be different v. 119-120). It is evident that Metochites addresses the men of the future, warning them not to heed his own case.

Can we Read Metochites’ Collection of Poems as a Whole? In my view the whole corpus of Metochites’ Poems presents a remarkable inner coherence. This coherence is formed by the order behind the arrangement of the Poems into two separate groups. The first group consists of Poems 1-10. In those Poems Metochites speaks as a public person: as the powerful servant of the emperor Andronikos II (Poem 1); as the restorer of Chora (Poems 1-2); as the official orator of the imperial court, mourning the death of two prominent members of the royal family (Poems 7-8); as an intellectual caring about the preservation of his library and his literary achievements in the future (Poem 4); as a friend of a prominent ex-bishop, extolling his virtues in a rather conventional way (Poem 3); as an innovator in mathematics (Poem 10), and as an orator writing poetic encomia for the saints (Poems 5-6). Even Poem 9, in which Metochites mourns his son-in-law, in spite of the expression of his inner feelings, is written in his capacity as a pater familias responsible for the protection of the younger members of his family. Poems 11-20 have a rather different function: they form a group in which the author gives voice to his inner anxieties, first regarding his own close friends (Poems 11-13), then concerning his own soul. One might argue that the same applies to Poems 3-4. However, the case there is rather different: Metochites was not on intimate terms with archbishop Gregory of Bulgaria, and the whole tone of Poem 3 is rather solemn. Metochites tries to flatter him throughout. In Poem 4 Metochites addresses Gregoras as a teacher, not as a friend; despite his confiding tone, Metochites

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does not reveal to him his inner anxieties. One need only compare Poem 4 with Poem 13, where Metochites, feeling at ease with Vardales, let his sentiments pour out without restraint. Does this division of the Poems into two groups imply that each addressed a different audience? This may be true for the Poems at a certain stage in their evolution. It is certain that Poems 17-20, written at the time of Metochites’ exile, were not addressed to the same audience as Poems 1-2, which were certainly intended as a public and rather solemn confession by their author, the powerful minister of the emperor Andronikos  II.  However, the inclusion of both groups in the same collection is a sign that the author’s intention was for his Poems to be read as a whole. The inner coherence of the group is evidenced by some close correspondences between Poems of the two groups. It is not my intention here to give a complete list of these correspondences. Some motifs pervade the entire corpus: the vicissitudes of life, the fickleness of fortune, the image of life as an ever-changing sea, the mercy of God, the wickedness of human beings, the utter inability of men to overcome the difficulties of their lives—these are some of the themes repeated again and again in these Poems. But I have been able to discover a case where Metochites himself, in one of the Poems of the second group (19), undermines the assertions made in one of the first one (1). In 19, 320-337 Metochites wonders how many persons were endowed with special gifts like him, but were not as fortunate as him. This, he says, is a reason for being profoundly grateful to the Lord: Metochites remembers especially his exalted position in the imperial court, which was a result of his experience (dokimies 320), his wisdom (sophies ktesios 321), and his resourcefulness and constant activity (energou tinos ethous). He now realizes that these exceptional abilities were not his special privilege, but were shared by many others; in any case, everything derives from God, nothing belonged to Metochites. In vv. 485-485-493 of Poem 1 Metochites’ tone is rather different: he boasts of his wisdom (sophies v. 485), his usefulness in the conduct of public affairs (chresei pregmateon politikon 486-487), and his faithfulness to his Lord (eunoies 488). In v. 404 Metochites says that the emperor Andronikos chose him because of his wisdom

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(kat’ ara kleios emoi sophies). In v. 421 he speaks of the qualifications needed for the admission of someone into the closed group of the state senators (dokimasies). I  think that it is evident that Metochites, while composing Poem 19, had Poem 1 in mind: it is, in essence, a bold refutation of it. The whole poetic corpus is more than an attempt to enhance his literary fame; it is a reflection of the inner journey of Metochites’ soul: from self-satisfaction to utter humility, from self-confidence to the realization of the limits of his own powers, and of his own achievements. We need to read carefully: in Poem 17 Metochites makes it clear that he wants his readers to consider the works written before his fall from power, in order to see that he was not excessively confident of his own fortunes and that he was aware of the constant changes that can occur in human affairs. This much is true. Metochites was far from believing that his happiness would last forever. But this seems rather to complement the reading of the poetic corpus of Metochites as a whole I proposed above. The two parts of this corpus form a diptych, complementing and undermining each other at the same time. It is also significant that Metochites in Poem 1, 972 presents the restoration of Chora as a monument to his own glory and as a ransom for his own soul. In Poem 19, 378 he speaks only of the contribution of the monastery to his own salvation, using the very same word he had employed in Poem 1 (oneiar). This is indicative of the complete reversal of the author’s perspective: from self-confident assertion of his own merits to anxious thoughts about the salvation of his soul. The author’s ideas remain the same: a somewhat pessimistic outlook is evident in the whole corpus; this is attributable to his readings of specific texts of the Greek philosophical and theological tradition, underlining the negative aspects of human life, such as the works of Gregory of Nazianzus. But his sentiments are not always the same: the great logothete of the empire cannot have the same feelings as the poor outcast of Didymoteichon. That is what the twenty Poems make clear, and that is what Metochites wanted to record both for the sake of his own contemporaries and for the sake of future generations. In the final analysis the Poems of Metochites form the counterpart to the famous mosaic

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of the narthex of Chora, presenting Metochites prostrate before the Lord and offering him the restored monastery. This prostration before the Lord is a broader, comprehensive process, amply documented by the Poems.

Τhe Style of Diatribe: A Mode of Self-consolation Poems 14-20, especially 17-20, adopt a special style, closely resembling that of the ancient diatribe. Metochites speaks to himself, trying to console himself for the trials and tribulations of his life. Τhis is not something new. Soliloquies are not uncommon in Antiquity, and become quite numerous in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages,3 as part of the tradition of the author’s speaking to himself. Several topoi of the ancient diatribe are employed in these texts. Metochites refers to these topoi as spiritual medicines (pharmaka:4 17, 2, 19, 339), as thoughts healing his soul. In referring to these thoughts Metochites uses the terms logismon (17, 234, 18, 231, 20, 155), nouamata (20, 196), dogmaton (20, 207) and the verb epilelogismai (18,  88). This vocabulary is technical: the term epilogismoi appears in the works of Plutarch,5 while the term dogma is quite common in Epictetus.6 I give a list of those dogmata below: i. All men, without exception, suffer; so it is pointless for anyone to complain (20, 2-8). ii. If one suffers because one has lost many things, one must console oneself by realizing that one has enjoyed all those things for a long time (19, 280-298, 20, 77-86). iii. Even if one’s sufferings are greater than those of other men in the past, one has to bear in mind that one’s good fortune was great too, and one should accordingly be grateful to the Lord (19, 299-304, 20, 90-92). Stock 2010, 65-76. On the ancient background of this idea, see Hadot 1995, 110, n. 15, see also Stock 2010, 22-26. 5  Hadot 1995, 85 and 113, n. 43, and Hadot 1969, 59, n. 111. 6  Hadot 1969, 58, n. 107. 3 

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iv. My adversaries, who are now pleased with my misfortunes, may suffer the same fate in the future (20, 106-113). v. Great happiness is followed by great unhappiness; this is a universal law; therefore no misfortune befalls anyone unexpectedly (17, 75-81, 19, 67-85). vi. Misfortunes in this life may be a way of preparing our souls for the life of the future (18, 62-70). vii. No one can remove from us our real treasures, i.e. the virtues of our soul (19, 8-29). viii. Every good thing comes to us not as a reward for our own merit, but as a gift from God, who has every right to take it back whenever he wishes (19, 330-337). It is easy to see that Metochites is suggesting to himself a set of spiritual exercises that will help him to overcome his grief. Topoi i-iv may be listed under the general term praemeditatio malorum, i.e. special arguments which one can repeat to oneself, whenever hardship arises.7 This term, which comes from ancient philosophy, aptly describes what Metochites wants to suggest to himself. This dialogue with oneself is a sort of meditation, a spiritual exercise enabling man to transform himself radically.8 In this way man will be able to understand what depends on him, and what does not; in the end everyone will come to realize the validity of topos vii, which is of special concern to Epictetus.9 This is the purpose of the ancient diatribe,10 many topoi of which are employed by Metochites, who follows the example of the Christian Fathers.11 What is of special importance is the insistence of Metochites on applying the ancient technique to his own case; such an insistence is indicative of the seriousness of his purpose and of the special value of this procedure in curing the sorrows of his heart. We should note that Metochites is fond of the style of the ancient diatribe which he learnt through his study of the Moralia of Plutarch, and Hadot 1969, 59-61, Hadot 1995, 85. Hadot 1995, 90-91. 9  Hadot 1995, 192. 10  On the interrelationship between the diatribe and spiritual exercises, see Hadot 1995, 114, n. 53. 11  Hadot 1995, 126-144. 7  8 

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Ιntroduction

the anthology of John Stobaeus, which preserves many fragments of late antique diatribai. Some passages of the Ethikos clearly imitate the style of the diatribe.12 Metochites’ use of various topoi of the ancient literary genre is a product of his inner mental state, the proper mode to give expression to his inner thoughts, and not just a stylistic mannerism. The text I translate is that of the new edition Theodori Metochitae Carmina. Edidit Ioannis Polemis (Corpus Christianorum. Series Graeca 83), Turnhout, Brepols Publishers 2015.13

Polemis 2002, 27*-30*. I take the opportunity to draw the attention of the reader to a few mistakes: II, 479 read φιλτάτᾳ … ἐντυχίᾳ instead of φιλτάτα … ἐντυχία, IV, 247 read τά δ’ instead of τάδ’, VI, 573 read ἅ τε instead of ἅτε, VII, 8 read τίς instead of τις, VII, 27 possibly ἅπασαν αἶαν is to be corrected to ἅπασ’ἀν’αἶαν, VII, 239 read κοινωνίᾳ instead of κοινωνία, IX, 58 read ἀμφὶ θανόντα instead of ἀμφιθανόντα. XV, 68-70 read τά δ’ … τάδε instead οf τάδ’ … τά δε, XVII, 344 possibly ταναεικέι is to be corrected to ταναηκέι, ΧVIII, 157 read συνίεμεν instead of συνιέμεν. 12  13 

21

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abbreviations BZ

= Byzantinische Zeitschrift, Leipzig-MünchenStuttgart 1892-.

Christ-Paranikas = Anthologia graeca carminum Christianorum. 1871 Adornaverunt W. Christ et M. Paranikas, In aedibus B. G. Teubneri, Lipsiae. LBG

= Lexikon zur byzantinischen Gräzität besonders des 9.-12. Jahrhunderts. Erstellt von E. Trapp, Wien 2001-.

LSJ

= A Greek-English Lexicon Compiled by H. G. Liddell and R. Scott, A New Edition Revised and Augmented throughout by H. S. Jones with the Assistance of R. McKenzie (with Supplement), Oxford at the Clarendon Press 1968.

ΟDB

= The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, 3 vols, prepared at Dumbarton Oaks, A. P. Kazhdan (Editor in Chief), Oxford University Press, New York-Oxford 1991.

PG

= Patrologiae cursus completus. Series graeca, ed. J.-P. Migne, Paris 1857-1866.

Philocalia 1991

= Φιλοκαλία τῶν ἱερῶν νηπτικῶν. Τόμος τέταρτος, Athens.

PLP

= Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit. Faszikel 1-12, Wien 1976-1994.

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Moraux 1984  = P.  Moraux, Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. II. Der Aristotelismus im I und II Jh. n. Chr. (Peripatoi Band 6), Walter de Gruyter, Berlin-New York. Mueller 1979 = I. Mueller, Aristotle on Geometrical Objects, Articles on Aristotle 3. Metaphysics. Edited by J. Barnes, M. Schofield, R. Sorabji, Duckworth, London, 96-107. Mueller 1987 = I. Mueller, Iamblichus and Proclus’ Euclid Commentary, Hermes 115, 334-348. Mueller 1990  = I.  Mueller, Aristotle’s Doctrine of Abstraction in the Commentators, Aristotle Transformed. The Ancient Commentators and their Influence. Edited by R. Sorabji, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, New York, 463-480. Nadaff 2005 = G. Nadaff, The Greek Concept of Nature, State University of New York Press, Albany. O’Meara 1988  = D.  J. O’Meara, Proclus’ First Prologue to Euclid: The Problem of its Major Source, Gonimos. Neoplatonic and Byzantine Studies presented to L.G.  Westerink. edd. J.  Duffy and J.  Peradotto, Buffallo, NY, Arethusa, 49-59 (Id., The Structure of Being and the Search for the Good, Ashgate, Variorum, Aldershot 1998, no. XVΙ). O’Meara 1989  = D.  J. O’Meara, Pythagoras Revived. Mathematics and Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Clarendon Press, Oxford. O’Meara 1990 = D. J. O’Meara, La Question de l’être et du non-être des objets mathématiques chez Plotin et Jamblique, Revue de Théologie et de Philosophie 122, 405-416 (Id., The Structure of Being and the Search for the Good, Ashgate, Variorum, Aldershot 1998, no. XV). O’Meara 2005  = D.  J. O’Meara, Geometry and the Divine in Proclus, Mathematics and the Divine: A  Historical Study. Edited by T.  Koetsier-L.  Bergmans, Elsevier, Amsterdam-Boston-New York 2005, 133-145. Ousterhout 1987 = R. G. Ousterhout, The Architecture of the Kariye Camii in Istanbul (Dumbarton Oaks Studies XXV), Washington, DC Panagiotides 1997 = P. G. Panagiotides, The Musical Use of the Psalter in the 14th and 15th centuries, Byzantine Chant. Tradition and Reform. Acts of the Meeting held at the Danish Institute at Athens, 1993. Edited by C. Troelsgard (Monographs of the Danish Institute at Athens, Volume 2), Athens, 159-171. Pépin 1964 = J. Pépin, Théologie cosmique et théologie chrétienne (Ambroise, Exam. I, 1, 1-4), Presses Universitaires de France, Paris.

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Stock 2010  = B.  Stock, Augustine’s Inner Dialogue. The Philosophical Soliloquy in Late Antiquity. Cambridge University Press. Taylor 1928 = A. E. Taylor, A Commentary on Plato’s Timaeus, Oxford at the Clarendon Press. Taylor 2003  = J.  E. Taylor, Jewish Women Philosophers of First-Century Alexandria. Philo’s “Therapeutae” Reconsidered, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Theiler 1964  = W.  Theiler, Die Vorbereitung des Neuplatonismus, Weidmannsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, Berlin-Zürich. Theiler 1982 = Poseidonius, Die Fragmente. Herausgegeben von W. Theiler. II. Erläuterungen (Texte und Kommentare. Band 10, 2), Walter de Gruyter, Berlin-New York 1982. Underwood 1966  = P.  A. Underwood, The Kariye Djami. I.  Historical Introduction and Description of the Mosaics and Frescoes (Bollinghen Series LXX), Pantheon Books, New York. De Vries-van der Velden 1987  = E. de Vries-van der Velden, Théodore Métochite. Une réévaluation. J. C. Gieben, Amsterdam. Vlastos 1973  = G.  Vlastos, Platonic Studies, Princeton University Press (19812). Vogel = M. Vogel, Die Enharmonik der Griechen. I. Teil: Tonsystem und Notation. II. Teil: Der Ursprung der Enharmonik (Orpheus, Band 3-4), Dűsseldorf 1963. Völker 1965  = W.  Völker, Maximus Confessor als Meister des geistlichen Lebens, F. Steiner Verlag, Wiesbaden. von Ivanka 1984 = E. von Ivanka, Die Quelle von Ciceros De natura deorum II. 45-60 (Poseidonios bei Gregor von Nyssa), Aufsätze zur byzantinischen Kultur, Verlag A. M. Hakkert, Amsterdam, 1-12. Wellesz 1961 = E. Wellesz, A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography, Oxford. Wille 1967  = G.  Wille, Musica Romana. Die Bedeutung der Musik im Leben der Römer, Verlag P. Schippers N.V, Amsterdam. Wille 1997  = G.  Wille, Schriften zur Geschichte der antiken Musik. Mit einer Bibliographie zur antiken Musik 1957-1987. Durchgesehen von C. Walde (Quellen und Studien zur Musikgeschichten von der Antike bis in die Gegenwart 26), P.  Lang, Frankfurt a. Main-Berlin-BernParis-New York-Wien. Williams 1971  = Edward  V. Williams, The Treatment of Text in the Kalophonic Chanting of Psalm 2, Studies in Eastern Chant. General Editors E.  Wellesz and M.  Velimirovič. Volume  II. Edited by M. Velimirovič, Oxford University Press, London, 173-193.

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44

TRANSLATION AND NOTES

1. A GLORIFICATION OF THE LORD TOGETHER WITH AN ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR’S LIFE AND A DESCRIPTION OF THE MONASTERY OF CHORA

O most powerful, only begotten Son (Jn. 1, 18; 3, 18) of the great God,a ruling on high,b eternal light of the world (Jn. 9, 5), O ray emanating from the splendour of your Father,c brilliance of his glory (Hebr. 1, 3), please accept this finest product of my poetry,d which is not swept along by the misfortunes that befall all the other products brought by us wretched human beings. Have mercye upon me, O Lord, and be willing to give me strength to accomplish it; I dearly need your earnest assistance,f since I have no strength and On the expression “Great God” see Tuilier-Bady-Bernardi 2004, 138-140. The adjective hypsimedon refers to Zeus in Hesiod, Theogonia 529. It is commonly used with reference to God by Gregory Nazianzen, see, e.g., Carm. mor., PG 37, 536A. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 524A. d  Metochites is possibly influenced by an image used by Pindarus quite often, see Pythia 10, 53 (Turyn 1952, 138: aotos hymnon). See also Callimachus, In Apollinem 112 (Williams 13: akron aoton, with reference to his own poem, see also the comments of Williams, 95-96). e  Hilathi is a common imperative in the poems of Gregory Nazianzen, see, e.g., Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1459A. f  Cf. Homer, Il. 1, 77. a 

b 

47

5

POEM 1

power in my breasta to handle my verses in the customary way of men. But since you are always favourably disposed towards me, defend me, O my Lord, you who keep all things together through your unapproachable strength and power;b it is through your own willc that all things come into existence all together. So nowd that I implore you at the beginning of my verses, please hearken unto me. You have brought all things into light by means of your ineffable strength, O most wise God, being always the same before all time, guarding like a father because of your goodnesse everything that has been created (Jn. 1, 3) by you in your realm, so that no ill befalls them. You govern everything that has been created from above, that is, the broad sky,f what is below the sky, the earth, and what is under the earth, but before them you also rule those creatures that can be perceived only by the mind, whose essence is pure mind too;g all these are your products, and it is your eternal power that keeps them together, so that you are the unique ruler both of the things that are noble by nature, and of those that are inferior; none of these is without beginning, but they are products of your powerful hand; they do not lead an independent existence,

Cf. Homer, Il. 3, 45. Cf. Homer, Od. 6, 197. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 20, 9, 11 (Mossay-Lafontaine 74), where it is stressed that everything was created by God’s will. The ultimate source of this idea is Plato, Timaeus 29e, see also Pépin 1964, 505-506. d  Here begins the so-called epic part of the prayer, where the petitioner advances the reasons why his request should be granted (Pulleyn 1997, 132, n. 2). Thus Metochites takes the opportunity to start a new section concerning the creative activities of God in the traditional Du-Stil of an ancient prayer. e  Ιt is a common Christian doctrine that God created the world because of his goodness. Of course it is an original idea of Plato, adopted by later philosophers as well, see Runia 1986, 132-136. Metochites stresses this theory in his writings quite often, see, e.g., below, Poem 10, 994. See also below, Poem 1, 160, and Ethikos 6 (Polemis 26,  2-4). Cf.  also Nikephoros Choumnos, De materia et formis (Benakis 2002, 563, 124-125). The ultimate source of this idea is Plato, Timaeus 29e. f  Cf. Homer, Il. 15, 36. g  A reference to the immaterial nature of the angels. On such “tableaux du monde” in similar contexts, see Delatte 1942, 169-170. a 

b 

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A Glorification of the Lord

contrary to the will of you who gave them life,a and granted them their essence. They are proof of your strength, and heraldsb of your own power, proclaiming with a loud voice to all people who have eyes to see that you are able to accomplish whatever you rush to create, eagerly wishing it, and that nothing is unattainable for you, whatever you conceive; you can bring together those things that seem to be opposites,c life and death,d mortal things and things eternal, things that have a beginning but no end,e and things that have both a beginning and an end.f This was your plan,g O ruler of everything, both of beings that are intelligible and eternal,h and of those things that are mortal, created by you through matter;i in this way you created this world using both matter and spirit, O most powerful creator of all things, and you produced them all immediately, upon conceiving them in your mind, since there was nothing that caused you pain, offering resistance to you; there was no interval between the conception of your plans and their accomplishment, O most powerful Lord. But as soon as you produced all those things, you also started guiding j the whole world with the plans of your wise providence, which is indefatigable, a  An ancient etymologizing word-play, explaining the name of Zeus (Dia-dia), which is probably due to the influence of Hesiod, Opera et Dies 3. Cf. also Homer, Il. 1, 278. It is significant that this particular passage of Hesiod appears in Dio Chrysostom, Or. 12, 24 (Cohoon 26), an author much admired by Metochites. b  That the whole creation is a herald of God’s greatness is a common idea both to Greek philosophers and Christian fathers. Christians interpreted in this sense Ps. 18, 1. Metochites seems to have been influenced by Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 38, 11, 1-4 (Moreschini 124), and id., Or. 6, 14, 9-11 (Calvet-Sebasti 158). c  An ancient proverb, see Karathanasis 1936, n. 183. On this idea, see Spanneut 1957, 378-379. d  He is probably referring to the creation of man, who is a composite of his immortal soul and his mortal body, see what Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 38, 11, 4-17 (Moreschini 124) points out; Metochites seems to have been inspired by that passage. e  i.e. the human soul, or the angels. f  i.e. material things. g  Homer, Od. 18, 136. h  i.e. the angels. i  The word hypostathme is used by Plato, Phaedo 109c. j  The verb agein is traditional in such a context, see, e.g., Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 431A.

49

6

POEM 1

7

holding it like the helm of a great vessela masterfully,b travelling through the waves of the barren sea,c i.e. this life, in the midst of a great storm. Your impetus is never overwhelmed by dizziness; you are in no doubtd how to direct the affairs of this world, and nothing of the things properly conceived by your mind is disorganized, having no order; rather, you settled everything in the proper way, according to your plans. Everything is governed by a rationalee we cannot understand; most of those things are hidden from us completely; all these are settled in proper measuref by your wise, glorious mind. Therefore, all prudent men who examine everything carefully admire them, putting faith in them,g and showing reverence for their Lord, being favourably disposed towards him; but they have no desire to investigate the deep mysteries those things have. On the other hand, foolish are those who,h misled by their own disposition, their arrogant, violent minds,i seek to explore everything, or profess that otherwise they are not going to accept that all those things created in the past are prudently guided by our Lord; they even claim that all things wander here and there The word skaphos, referring to the whole world, is employed by Philo Judaean, Quis rerum divinarum heres 301 (Cohn-Wendland III, 58, 26-27). b  The ultimate source of this passage seems to be Plato, Politicus 272e, where the world is compared to a vessel and God to its governor. Τhese expressions became quite common among Christians, cf., e.g., Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1425A. c  Homer, Il. 1, 316. d  Homer, Il. 1, 189. e  See Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 32 (Polemis 144, 24-26; it is a passage inspired by Philo, see Polemis 2002, 55*). The image of God governing the universe through the laws of harmony is to be found in Poem 10, 511sqq. as well. f  One may compare a passage from Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 28, 28, 29-44 (Gallay-Jourjon 164), where the inability of man to understand the divine measures is stressed. g  Cf. Homer, Il. 1, 218. See also Cleanthes, Hymn. in Jovem, where the participle peithomenoi is employed in a similar context (Stoics, von Arnim 1921, 122, 21). Οn the admiration of mortal men contemplating the mysteries of the creation, being willing to accept the commandments of the most wise creator, see Festugière 1949, 322. h  Cf. Homer, Il. 8, 177. i  On the combination of the words atasthalie and hybris cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1304A. a 

50

A Glorification of the Lord

without purpose, governed accidentally by the unpredictable impulses of fate.a These are the unclean, unacceptable desires of sinful men resembling dogs, who have no fear of God; wretched figures indeed, devising their own disaster! I  avoid their company. Let them be destroyed; their thoughtlessness provokes their defeat. Poor creatures! O Lord Jesus Christ, I have acquired knowledge of you; therefore, I venerate only you together with your Father and your Holy Spirit who is bound together with you indissolubly;b you constitute together one essence and a single power which is the only creator of everything; both lights emanate from the first light, and all three are consubstantial to each other: the Son and the Spirit are twin lights proceeding from one light; those three share one common essence,c being indivisible from one another. They are three immortal, almighty persons, fellow-workmen, existing forever, sharing the same power,d which can neither be grasped by our mind nor expressed by our tongue, but create everything in an orderly fashion; this is why our world is called kosmos,e which depends upon God, who provides for everything; God is the sourcef of all good things, giving to everything the gift of its existence and proper conduct, in a way that is fitting to it, so that everyone may contemplate it with his mind admiringly, filling his heart with pleasure for the immense gifts bestowed upon all creatures by the powerful, acting without pauseg grace of the immortal God and by his beneficial mind. See Aristotle, Metaphysica 1071b34-35. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 14, 32, 46, PG 35, 901A. On the rejection of the automatic theory of the universe, see Sykes 1997, 178-179, and Pépin 1964, 311. Cf.  what Plutarch, Mor. 420B, writes about Epicure and his followers who believed that the world was created accidentally. b  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 2, 38, 13 (Bernardi 140). c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 413A d  On the term homodynamon see Lampe 1961, 653, s.v. e  Τhe word kosmos means order. According to the ancient tradition the heaven was called kosmos by Pythagoras for the first time, see Diogenes Laertius, Vitae 8, 48 (Hicks 364). See also Spanneut 1957, 371-372. f  The word paga is frequently employed as an image of the divine power suffusing the entire creation, see, e.g., Synesius of Cyrene, Hymn. 1, 157 (Lacombrade 49), and ibid. 8, 60 (Lacombrade 96). g  Cf. Homer, Il. 17, 413. a 

51

8

POEM 1

9

I have come to realize all these things, and I have become a herald,a proclaiming them to all people in a loud voice, so that they may stand in awe before our Lord, realizing that all these things were created by a wise creator, our Lord God through his great mind and his love for the whole creation. It is not right for anyone who has eyes to see to judge things in a different way from what I explained above, going through all these things, that is, all sorts of natural things, either comprehended only by the mind or clearly visible by the eye; it is not right to believe that the universe has no beginning and, being independent of its own creator, moved into action before all time and that it has remained the same, wandering endlessly without purpose and proper direction ever since.b Who is so wicked and ignorant, who is possessed by the evil one, being reckless and impetuous to such a degree as to utter such a blasphemy? And who is so insane or thoughtless,c accepting such ineffable theories? Such a person would resemble a vessel without ballast, swept by the waves and the winds, roving over the roaming sea, adrift in the middle of it; it will be smashed on the rocks quickly. But I consider you the cause of everything, O immortal Lord, consubstantiald beloved Son of your Father. You have created everything,e you have guided all things, you have adorned all creatures, putting into them a stable nature,f a proper way of existence and a proper way of acting, giving them a grace, and an everlasting admirable order. Everything—the sky, the See p. 331, below. Cf. Nikephoros Choumnos, De materia et formis (103-105, Benakis 561), and 112-113 (Benakis 561). Many similar patristic passages may be attributed, see Lampe 1961, 754, s.v. κινέω, 7b. See also above, p. 48. c  Homer, Od. 4, 371 and 19, 530. d  Strictly speaking, this is a doctrinal mistake. Christ is not similar (homoios) to his Father but consubstantial with him. Whatever the case, Metochites seems to use the adjective as synonymous with the correct term homoousios, see also below, Poem 1, 244-245. e  On Christ as a creator of the universe, see Lampe 1961, 342, s.v. demiourgos, 1c. f  The Greek text has hedrasma. See the similar term hedra employed by Plato, Timaeus 52a. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 32 (Polemis 144, 1-2), employs the terms hedrasmon and mone. Cf. also the expression mone and hidrysis employed by Pseudo-Dionysius The Areopagite, De divinis nominibus 4, 7 (Suchla 152, 18-19). a 

b 

52

A Glorification of the Lord

earth, and what has been alloted a place between them—is full of your glory (Is. 6, 3), as Holy Scripture says; they are like heralds proclaiming loudly, but without opening their mouths,a your immense powerb that accomplishes all things, and your immense strength, stressing the fact that you who brought them into light protect them from all misfortunes that may occur. You are the untiring attendant of their existence and permanence, without any sense of toil, not abandoning them after you created them stably, until the time comes for you to decide with a powerful decision to dissolve them; that will come at a time predestined by you when you will transform in a radical way the whole universe you created in the past, giving it a better shape than the one it had before coming into light; indeed from that time on, it will be safe for ever, without suffering any change, free from horrible illnessesc and every kind of misfortune. Only those men who have committed sins are thrown into an uncontrollable, unrestingd fire, crying (Mt. 8, 12), groaning and shedding rivers of tears as a result of the righteous judgment of our Lord God. It is not unjust that a sinner gets his punishment, since he holds in contempt the commandments of the Lord,e and does not appreciate the gifts he had promised to us truly because of his bad mental disposition and his unfaithfulness; it is right for him to be punished for the crimes he committed against himself, since he improperly ignores those things he should have cared about. It would have been better for him (Mt. 26, 24) who was destined to live in such a way, not to have been born at all, it would have been better for him to have died, as soon as he had been brought into light; that would have been more profitable for him,f since he would not have had the Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 6, 14, 9-11 (Calvet-Sebasti 158). On the motif of the silent praising of God, which may be a sign of mystical union with him, see Zuntz 2005, 185, and Reitzenstein 1966, 264, n. 3. See also the note of Terzaghi 1947, 174 on Hymn 2, 80-86 of Synesius. b  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 623 (Tuilier-Baudy 42). c  Cf. Homer, Il. 13, 670. d  See Homer, Il. 2, 285. In Homer akamaton is always an adjective for fire, see, e.g., Homer, Il. 5, 4. e  Cf. Homer, Il. 24, 570. f  Cf. Homer, Il. 3, 41. a 

53

10

POEM 1

11

opportunity to display publicly his ignorance, his sinful disposition, which is against his own will, and his constant neglecta of the commandments of our most generous God, who has provided him with innumerable benefits, keeping him safe from all harm in advance; it is the habit of my powerful Lord, bestowing bliss,b to act in this way. But I and all those who are devoid of any sense like me, destroy themselves, throwing away all these gifts. But who would pity me, after I have committed such crimes, or anyone else who behaved like me because of his folly, acting in a criminal way,c taking no account at all of the commandments given to us by God, who wished us well, and gave everything to everyone, so that we might be happy living in this way and obtain goods that no mind can grasp and no tongue can describe? These gifts can be neither named nor described by any human mind (I Cor. 2, 9) or tongue; they were offered to us by God in advance, as soon as we were created, or even before we were created by him, who took such a step only because of his goodness; these gifts are admirable creationsd of God’s powerful mind and hand,e joyfully produced by his immense power. Oh, oh, my Lord Jesus Christ, can any man describef your fine, superb, dexterous, wise artistry? You brought everything to light before me, but you also brought me so afterwards, honouring me by creating me with your own hands; you dressed me like a diligentg king who is going to enter his palace; by palace I mean all those marvellous things which you produced most willingly, causing deep satisfaction to your mind, in perfect order, shining with glory, beauty and all graces.h However, Cf. Homer, Il. 17, 413 and 16, 388. Cf. Synesius of Cyrene, Epist. 8 (Garzya 29, 11), and Homer, Od. 8, 325. See also Aeschylus, Septem contra Thebas 3. On the use of the verb nomo with reference to the government of the universe by God, see Sykes 1997, 187. c  Homer Il. 5, 876. Cf.  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1265A. d  Possibly a recollection of the prooemium of Herodotus, Historiae 1, 1. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1272A. f  Cf. Homer, Od. 3, 113-114. Similar expressions are employed by Metochites in other poems as well, see, e.g., Poem 1, 200, and Poem 10, 380. g  Homer, Od. 14, 170. h  Homer, Il. 1, 24. Οn the background to the theory that the world resembles a building (a house, a temple or a palace), see Festugière 1949, 233-238, Delatte 1942, a 

b 

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A Glorification of the Lord

all these were taken from us because of the envy of mischievous Satan,a who fell (Is. 14, 13-14) from the place of light to deep darkness because of his insolence. He was not satisfied with the gifts the generous Lord had offered him, honouring him more than many other angels like him, and appointing him glorious leader of all immaterial creatures. He revolted against his Lord because of his audacity and his baneful boldness; thinking that he would make himself an eternal king, he lost the glory given to him by the only true Lord, causing both his and our own destructionb afterwards, since he introduced sin into mankind.c He could not bear to live in the darkness alone in a miserable state, seeing us enjoying our happiness, but, full of wrath, he became our implacable enemy for all time, prompting sinful thoughts in our minds;d he never wearies of doing this. As a result, our true Lord became angry with him and threw him into darkness, where he was rewarded with punishment, and since then he has never tired of causing us great pains, attacking us both openly and secretly,e and creating great misery. As a result, even he who was most exalted among us fell victim to his bad counsels.f Therefore, pain, groaning, tears,g and every kind of misery, unutterable wailing, painful childbirth,h illnesses that bring us near death, and every disaster imaginable flow upon us without pause. As a result of that original sin we became the laughing-stock of the evil one, being full of all miseries.i Oh, oh, who can describej those innumerable, unexpected 167, and 209-210, Boyancé 1936, 115-119, Dragona 1976, 228, and Spanneut 1957, 377, n. 114. a  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1476A. See also Sykes 1997, 208. b  Cf. Homer, Od. 1, 244. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 443A-444A, where the revolt of Eosphoros is described. See also Sykes 1997, 206-207. d  Cf. Homer, Il. 23, 176. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 492 (Tuilier-Bady 34). f  Cf. Homer, Il. 15, 412. g  Exactly the same expression is found in Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 781A. h  The same expression is used in Ps.-Gregory Nazianzen, Christus patiens 13 (Tuilier 128). See also Lycophron, Alexandra 829-830 (Mascialino 38). i  Cf. Michael Gabras, Epist. 155, 5 (Fatouros 265). j  See above, p. 54, n. f.

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disasters that befell us, wretched human beings, in a shameful manner, after we were throwna into the depths of the material substance,b and instead of being slaves of a good master we came under the yoke of slavery (Gal. 5, 1) of the evil one, who without interruption revels in doing us harm tirelessly? But, O my Lord, you did not stop caring for your creature amidst all the changes of this life, helping us in all possible ways; you did not become angry with us, as you should have done; instead you had compassion on us always, doing whatever you thought that it was profitable for us: you gave us natural reasoning, by which we became self-taught,c you gave us heavy blows so that we might come to our senses, you helped us experience all good and bad things, opening the door, so that we might come to a better understanding of the whole of creation and decide to adopt what would lead to our salvation with a graceful disposition, abandoning our disgraceful life and the veneration of idols; last of all, on mount Sinai you gave us the law, which you had written yourself with your own hand, formulating your thoughts as succinctly as possible, pregnant with meaning. And you honoured this law in a very special way by means of your miracles: the top of the shiningd mountain resounded with the noise of trumpets (Ex. 19, 16-19) and thunder and the light of fire shone upon it, because you were present at that time, speaking with your servante Moses, whom you honoured among all men in a special manner as if he were your good friend (Ex. 33, 11); his great glory has come down to usf after so many centuries. Since, however, you did not manage to move your creature away from that sinful life with the help of those laws, as should See Plato, Phaedo 66b, and Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 580. Homer, Od. 17, 316 (with a different meaning). On the history of this image, see Zuntz 2005, 159, and Van der Berg 2001, 211. c  Cf.  Philo Judaean, De migratione 167 (Cohn-Wendland II, 293, 10). A similar idea is found in the works of Gregory Nazianzen, see Sykes 1997, 92. See also Rom. 2, 14. d  Homer, Il. 1, 532. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 2 (Tuilier-Bady 2). See also Homer, Il. 17, 204. A lengthy digression on the glory of Moses may be found in Metochites Theodoros, Or. in sanctum Demetrium (Laourdas 67, 438-454). f  Homer, Od. 19, 108. a 

b 

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have happened, and you did not make them abandon their erroneous faith and the awful tyranny under which death kept us, you decided that you could not watch the situation any longer without doing something, allowing your enemy to control your most precious creaturea on which you had spent so much effort, providing it with all good things through the plans of your tireless mind. So because of your great compassion you did something indescribable, unexpected. How can I speak about it, how can I conceive it with my mind? When I only think about it, my mind is struck with awe. How did the belovedb Son of the great immortal God the Father come down from heavenc with the approval of his Father and the Holy Spirit, taking our own nature and becoming man, although he was an imperishable God? His two natures were not confoundedd with each other; he remained one person in both natures; that was a great miracle.e He was born from a virgin motherf without human seed; his divine nature remained consubstantial with the nature of his Father, while he became a man like us, taking mortal substance similar to our own, and not rejecting as unfitting to his divine nature all those features of human nature that are not to be blamed. Thus he became a perfect man, similar to us. He did not give the impression of taking a human form (Phil. 2, 7),g deluding us with something false and a theatrical form. It would have been unworthy of God to put on an act in such a malicious way, intending to save us and accomplishing only a false salvation instead. No, he became a real man, similar to us, with both a human soul and body,h and acting like a natural man in every respect; the only difference from us was that he did not Homer, Od. 2, 312-313. Homer, Il. 5, 152-153. c  Homer, Od. 6, 280-281. d  In a christological sense, see Lampe 1961, 1494 (s.v. phyrsis 2). e  Homer, Od. 19, 36. f  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 460A. g  A common expression, cf., e.g., Maximus Confessor, Ambiguorum liber, PG 91, 1048C, referring to the heresy of Docetism, which denied the reality of Christ’s incarnation. h  The criticism of Gregory Nazianzen against Apollinarius of Laodicea is reflected here, see, e.g., Carm. dogm., PG 37, 464A-465A. a 

b 

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commit any sinful acts,a which, in any case, are unnatural even for us. Since the eternal Word and Son of the immortal Father, who has no beginning, became a man like us, he was able to lead to life (cf. Act. 3, 15) all of us, who were perishing, breaking the chains that kept us prisoners in Hades for such a long time, and transporting us high upb to heaven; we have fallen from heaven to the depths of material substance,c and he came down to the paths of earth from heaven. Afterwards he died, of his own volition, descending into Hades. He was condemned to die fastened to the cross, his hands and feet nailed, by an unlawful decision. But after lying dead in Hades, he rosed on the third day, proving in the most decisive way that our enemy had no power at all, liberating his own creature in a fair way, which had been held prisoner by the tyrant who boasted of this. Christ partook in man’s nature, and took his human nature up to heaven. Resurrecting it, he brought it forthwith to heavene as a precious gift to his Father, saving it from the misery of life on earth and from the captivity of Tartarus, where man was bound in fetters that could not be broken.f What a great miracleg was that, what an unspeakable gift of our Lord, who gave eternal life to the dead, his miserable servants, who endured immense hardships in Hades! That is why I honour you, O most powerful Lord, both for your indescribable goodness and for your unimaginable power, which cannot be conceived by anyone who has undue confidence in his own visual powers. It is most prudent for a wise man to admire all of this silently; he should not employ his rational faculty, believing that it may be possible to understand how you manage to create all of this through your profound divine wisdom and your immense power, able to accomplish everything, encountering no obstacles; no one a  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 30, 14, 12-13 (Gallay 256). Τhe same is said by Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 6 (Polemis 28, 5-6). b  Homer, Il. 10, 465. c  See above, p. 56, n. b. d  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1328A e  Ps.-Gregory Nazianzen, Christos paschon 588 (Τuilier 174). f  Possibly Metochites had in mind a passage from Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 532A-535A. g  See above, p. 48.

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should rush to understand the depths of your goodness, your mind or the reason behind your creation in a foolish manner; these matters cannot be approached by anyone; he would resemble someone who, being foolish,a puts his hands in fire; he would be in great danger, asking for things beyond his powers. As I said, man will be wise to limit himself to admiring the works of God, past, present, and future,b both as a whole, and each one separately, full of fear, refraining from questioning any of these;c they do not go through any deterioration; they are all good without exception, in concord with each other, from the beginning of time until now. It is our duty to glorify all these great works of the divine art and to be grateful to the Lord. O wicked fortune, get ye hence, envious Satan, go to hell.d Our true Lord God, who is goodness itself, from whom all good things, all gifts which are perfect come (James 1. 17) to mankind, has made me most prominente in the theatre of this life.f Almost See above, p. 50, n. h. Homer, Il. 1, 70. c  The idea that man should avoid any theological investigations is a common motif in the writings of Metochites, see, e.g., Ethikos 7 (Polemis 30, 9-22). d  Adrasteia is a term that appears quite often in the writings of Metochites, see, e.g., his Stoikheiosis Astronomike 1, 1, 412 (Bydén 430). It is originally a title of Nemesis, see Plato, Respublica 451a. It is also employed by Aelius Aristeides, Or. 24, 2 (Keil 395, 16), and by Plutarch, Mor. 564E. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1265A. e  Cf. Homer, Il. 2, 318. f  On this expression, cf. Synesius of Cyrene, Aegyptii 1, 13, 7 (Lamoureux 123). See also Kokolakis 1976, 177-185. Metochites spent thirteen years studying his lessons. In v. 382 he says that after completing his twentieth year, his life took another turn. So we may reasonably assume that he started his course of education at the age of seven, as most Byzantine children who enjoyed the privilege of an elementary education usually did. Nikephoros Blemmydes, Autobiographia 1, 3-4 (Munitiz 4) gives us a more detailed description of his education: he studied grammar for four years, and then proceeded to the study of poetry, rhetoric (Hermogenes and Aphthonios), and logic, until he completed his sixteenth year. Metochites does not refer to the study of poetry. Gregory of Cyprus, Autobiographia (Lameere 179, 19) writes that in Cyprus he studied grammar, and logic in an inadequate manner, until he reached his fifteenth year. In any case, the pattern of the so-called enkyklios paideia has remained the same through the centuries (see on the subject the recent treatment of the subject by Markopoulos 2008, 788-789). Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis Astronomike 1, 1, 27-40 (Bydén 418) rea 

b 

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as soon as I was brought into light in this life, my parents brought me to speech, and I was not unhappy, since God gave me a love for speaking from that time; I was naturally disposed towards learning, and I had the ability to endure pain. While living with my parents I made great progress, as soon as I was brought to speech. And when the time came, all of a sudden, to lose my parents,a my spirit was not broken, as usually happens to young men whose mind is unstable; although at the time I had a fate that was not good, I went to the trouble of learning my lessons in a great hurry. My labours and my hopes were a great comfort for my heart.b In my home I spent some time in those laborious studies, which were so stimulating. Thirteen years passed by: I  attended the classes which were necessary for a young man, hearing the lessons of other men, who were guides in matters of wisdom and the art of speech. I attended those lectures concerning the rules governing language, which constitute what we call grammar; it is essential to take those lessons at the beginning, and it is impossible to proceed any further if you do not know grammar; the foundations of your knowledge will be stable or unstable, depending on your first study of grammar, which is fundamental, and it would be silly to try to build something upon an unstable foundation. Next I trained my tongue according to the precepts of that science, which provide the rhetorical equipment of our tongue in rhetorical contests, so that it could move incessantly in the hardc battles of publicd speaking, turning easily now in one direction, then another; so that it becomes the vehicle of our hard-won thoughts that propeats this information. In his Or. funebris in Josephum philosophum (Treu 11, 1-32) he limits himself to a description of the course of higher education, without giving any chronological indications. See also Hinterberger 1999, 354-366. a  The father of Metochites, George, had been exiled to Asia Minor as a collaborator of the ex-patriarch John Bekkos, see Loenertz 1978, 41-42, and Ševčenko 1975, 25. His mother may have died when Metochites was still young. See also Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis Astronomike 1, 1, 21-22 (Bydén 417). b  Cf. Homer, Od. 22, 59. Likewise Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 11, 112-113 (Tuilier-Bady 62) stresses the fact that he loved wisdom from his childhood. c  Homer, Il. 19, 46. d  Cf. Synesius of Cyrene, Calvitiae elogium 4, 3 (Lamoureux 54), where the imagery of war is also used with reference to the art of rhetoric.

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ceed from the inner parts of our mind, and our speech acquires a brilliant way of expression and a proper style, very pleasant to all men who are able to see and appreciate it, and take advantage of it. Next I dealt with the study of nature, which is a part of philosophical studies in this life, and afterwards I proceeded to the study of the very complexa science of logic, according to the technical precepts of Aristotle; I paid great attention to these. After I completed these studies, I proceeded to the study of arithmetic and the three other mathematical sciences, as far I was able, and as long as time permitted me to do so; philosophy is divided into these four branches only;b this is a valid, scientific discovery. , because that time did not permit to study those sciences properly; that has been the situation among men for many years.c For this reason, as far as I could, I managed to gain some profit from them, the very best; it was a very limited knowledge of them; like all other people I learned it as well as possible by those instructors who were available to me at the time: it was, so to speak, a superficial knowledge of that subject. Afterwards, I abandoned the attendance of those lectures, and for all I was worth I turned both my eyes and my mind to the laborious study of the books of the wise men of the past. As a proverb said, I took care to share the company of these men of the past, to form my character, and to mould myself,d constantly associating myself with those men; I tried to copy them, training myself according to their precepts; that had to do especially with the vocabulary I employed, the way of my speech and the exercise of my style, so that I expressed my thoughts in a proper way. It is true that one can benefit from paying attention to the men with whom one On the difficulty of the style of Aristotle, Metochites has devoted many pages of his works, see Bydén 2003, 49-104. See also Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis Astronomike 1, 1, 54-57 (Bydén 419). b  On the traditional division of mathematics, as expounded in Metochites’ writings, see Bydén 2003, 216-225. c  The decline of mathematical studies in late Byzantium is frequently deplored by Metochites, see Bydén 2003, 225-262, and Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis Astronomike 1, 1, 67-68 (Bydén 419). d  Metochites has in mind a passage of Xenophon, Memorabilia 1, 6, 14. See also Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 20 (Polemis 92, 6-12). a 

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comes into contact. In that particular area I took great pains; I am referring to the figures of speech and to the proper style, and I managed to compose a few writings which are perhaps worthy of some praise; I published some texts which have an accomplished style, and those texts brought me fame disproportionate to my age. I exercised myself vigorously, writing some pieces of fiction;a I chose some Greek stories of the past, as was the custom, so that, labouring very hard, I could become an effective fighter in those rhetorical contests I entered willingly. With some other speeches I expressed my veneration towards several saints, servants of the Lord,b as occasion served. As I said, I took great pains in the area of rhetoric, but I studied philosophy as well, digging up the hidden treasuresc we had at our disposal, as the ancient proverb puts it. In this way I deposited whatever I gathered into the treasuries of my mind.d It was also necessary to deal with and study laboriously the Holy Scriptures, and I did so very carefully, learning the doctrines of our true faith, which are obligatory for all of us, and I made my mind happy; my heart took pleasuree in the doctrines of God, in the true laws of our faith, and in the laws determining the proper conduct of our life.

a  The word dramati implies that Metochites had composed several progymnasmata, i.e. small rhetorical exercises, the subjects of which are taken from Greek mythology and history. It is notable that Hermogenes distinguishes four kinds of diegema (a category of progymnasmata), one of which is called dramatikon (the same term is employed by Nicholaos of Myra, see Hunger 1987, 165-166). However, none of these works of Metochites’ youth has survived, unless some of them have been incorporated into the Miscellanea, which contain various pieces referring to Greek history (Ševčenko 1962, 136). b  He is probably referring to his Orations composed in honour of St Marina, St Demetrios, the archangels Michael and Gabriel, Gregory Nazianzen, and the neo-martyr Michael. Ηis speech on John of Didymoteichon was composed later on, during his exile in that city. All of these are preserved in MS Vindobonensis phil. gr. 95. See also Ševčenko 1975, 25. c  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 17 (Polemis 80, 17). d  Α common expression in the writings of Metochites, see Polemis 2006, 15, n. 17. e  Homer, Il. 9, 186.

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However, after reaching the age of twenty (or slightly more), my life took a radical turn. I abandoned the path I considered the most pleasant one until then: Fate changed the austere, unpleasant Dorian tune of my life, transforming it into the Lydian onea which is much more pleasant; it opened the door leading to a new way of life,b full of hopes, for until then my future had looked gloomy. In the past I did not expect at all such a change for the better coming from the emperor; it did not happen to me to expect any good thing from him, since my father was an enemy of his,c and had been banished from his native town. In any case, things changed indeed in a way I did not even dare to wish for or to imagine with my mind; anyway our mind has a tendency to make unreal dreams very easily, and to invent imaginary situations which cannot be realized.d But my good ruler, who always takes an interest in good things, liking whatever is good, and who values learning more than anything else, summoned me,e prompted by the fame of my wisdom, because of his love for the beautiful; that is how he always acts when he finds something precious; I hope that what I am now saying does not cause indignation. Nemesis and Envy,f stay far from me. The initial desire of my emperor was to add to his other pieces of property my own oratorical skill, if it was indeed of some worth, as it looked to be. Accordingly, he placed me among his courtiers, and he was friendly towards me, and he felt happy deep in his heart,g thinking that he was very fortunate to have come across me. After a short time, rather preSee Leutsch-Schneidewin II, 302, 1-2. Cf.  Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 51 (Polemis 214, 2). b  The same phrase occurs in Anthologia graeca 1, 24, 4 (Beckby I, 136). c  See Loenertz 1978, 46-48. Ηe refers to his father George Metochites, who disagreed with the anti-Latin policy of the emperor Andronikos  II Palaiologos. Ηe was banned to Nicaea in 1283, when Metochites was about thirteen years old. d  The power of the human soul is a common theme in the works of Metochites, who, however, also stresses the inability of our flesh to accompany the mind in its journeys, see, e.g., Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 294. e  Probably during the sojourn of the emperor Andronikos  II in Asia Minor in the years 1290-1293, see Polemis 2007, 56-59. Metochites was living in Nicaea at the time. f  Possibly a reminiscence of Plato, Phaedrus 247a. g  Homer, Il. 9, 186. a 

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20

21

maturely, although I was so young and not many years had passed since my birth, and a year had not yet passed since I had joined the other courtiers at his palace, my sovereign honoured me with one of those titles the emperors used to bestow upon whomever of their subjects they wished; this may be given to someone as a gift, although he has achieved or offered nothing in advance through his labours; sometimes the recipient is a kinsman of the emperor, or somebody may receive it as a reward for his services to him, or after he has been subjected to an examination. People address these men with their honorific title, according to the custom of the royal court, and their number is limited. In any case, as I said, our sovereign emperora honoured me in this way, though I was very young, and he appointed me a senator.b Afterwards he decided to try me in several political or royal affairs. He did that in various cases in which it was fitting for the emperor to do so, both in some affairs in which learning was not useless, and in those diplomatic missions in which he was especially interested, preferring me over many others and sending me abroad. And his decision was proved right, since I fulfilled my duties properly and quickly, and then came back to my dear country after executing all my Lord’s orders successfully. O Christ my Lord, how much you honoured me when I was still a young man! I was twenty-five years old;c you helped me to return safe from a distant place, after having crossed many seas, and passed through many enemies who lay in ambush, having heard of our fame that had spread to all peoples, since our mission was a prestigious one. But not only that. The fact that I was graciously received by all those men and peoples I visited, accomplishing all those tasks I was entrusted with by the emperor according to his own wishes, . I was sent to Cyprus and Cilicia with seven well-built ships:d the fact

An epic adjective, see, e.g., Homer, Il. 3, 118. See also Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis Astronomike 1, 1, 412 (Bydén 430). c  Αround 1295. See also Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis Astronomike 1, 1, 170-173 (Bydén 422-423). d  Homer, Il. 2, 170. a 

b 

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that seven battleships fully equippeda were assigned to me, for my departure from my country, to accompany me on my mission, was considered most honourable.b It was a miracle to see for all those who saw us approaching their country from the seac and for all those to whom we came ambassadors. But as soon as they experienced our way of conducting affairs, they formed a high opinion of us, so high that it is not right for me to record it; so they stopped wondering how it had been possible for the emperor to send a man like me as an ambassador; they did not wonder any more how I had come to them and for what particular reason, and how it had been possible for the emperor to entrust me with such a delicate mission, giving me full powers. The main guarantee for my emperor’s confidence had been myself; therefore, having no fear, he entrusted me with the mission quite openly. The reason for sending me as an ambassador to both the rulers of Cyprus and Cilicia was to bring a virgin as a future wifed for his dear son, the coemperor, from those lands; the emperor wanted his son to receive the imperial power from him as a heritage, and he had made all his subjects swear a relevant oath to him.e As I said, that was the main purpose of that mission, to find out in which place the best wife for his successor could be found, and the task the emperor had entrusted me with was quite complicated. But all the wishes of his heart and his decisions were proved justified, since I brought from Cilicia a royal wife for his son, whom he liked very much, preferring her above all others,f and he was very satisfiedg with the result of my mission. In this way I discharged my honourable duties. Afterwards I made steady progress, acquiring more glory, and wealth, undertaking several other honourable tasks, and being honoured by the emperor with the higher titles of the royal Homer, Od. 17, 288. Homer, Od. 3, 202. c  Homer, Il. 1, 312. d  Cf. Homer, Il. 1, 114. e  He probably refers to the coronation of the co-emperor Michael IX in 1294, see Failler 1999, 218, nn. 2-3. f  He refers to the negotiations for the marriage of Michael IX Palaiologos with Rita-Maria of Armenia (1295). See Ševčenko 1975, 26. g  Homer, Il. 1, 24. a 

b 

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23

court; so according to the royal custom I continuously rose high up in the senatorial ranks I mentioned earlier; those most prestigious posts had been created by our gracious and wise emperors in a most orderly manner, and I undertook them, one after the other,a as soon as I gave proof of my abilities: I do not mean only my wisdom, which was steadily growing, but also my experience in public affairs, and my sincere goodwillb towards the emperor. A good and favourably disposed man under his command has a duty to be faithful towards him, being always sincere, not in some cases more and in some cases less; he should always be most zealous. It is improper for myself to claim that I was such a servant towards my master. The decisions of the emperor concerning me cry out my own merits, which had been detected by him. For let us see: what prompted him to pour on me so many and various gifts,c which came to me one after the other continuously until the present time? There is nothing that is not given to me, he grants me whatever is available to him. If he had been urged to do so for another reason, i.e. because I was his kinsman, whom he would have been obliged to honour, or because I had been his beloved companion from childhood,d brought up together with him (such a relationship would have made him eager to act in such a way), or because of some other relationship that brings men together in the usual way, there would have been a reason for offering those gifts to me. But there had been no such previous relation between me and the emperor; moreover, my father had been a prisoner,e being an enemy of his. Therefore, it is obvious to anyone who has no envy that the reason is what I mentioned above. Of course, it is prudent to avoid Adrasteiaf and Nemesis; many are the envious Around 1296 he became Logothete of the Emperor’s Private Estates, see Ševčenko 1975, 26. b  Eunoia is a terminus technicus in the vocabulary of the Byzantine court, referring to the devotion of a courtier towards his sovereign, see, e.g., Pachymeres, Historiae 5, 19 (Failler 1984, 17, 19-20). c  Cf. Homer, Od. 18, 228-229. d  Cf. Homer, Il. 3, 175. e  The father of Metochites, George, was imprisoned because of his collaboration with the ex-patriarch John Bekkos, see above, Poem 1, 393. f  See above, p. 59, n. d. a 

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eyes and the malicious tongues that lie in ambush hidden in the darkness. However, let them go to hell, let my speech go on, narrating how I proceeded, and led a happy life, being bestowed with numerous gifts, and how I continued each time to be even more useful to my emperor. Afterwards the emperor sent me on other diplomatic missions, which occupied his mind, choosing me among many other men who were available: I accompanied his dear daughter as a bride to the ruler of the Serbs,a in order to conduct the necessary negotiations with him and settle several disputes between the Romans and the Serbian people that were caused by the enmity that existed between those two nations for many years. I took great pains to settle all the disputes concerning lands, our common frontier, various small towns, and the men who were to be exchanged as hostages between the two sides; they were to be a guarantee for the safety of the dear daughter of the emperor who was still a virgin; she was to travel to those places at a very tender age and her father was anxious lest something unexpectedb might happen to her because of her husband who had been our enemy for so long a time. Accordingly, I took great painsc to conduct that great affair in a safe way, and to avoid any neglect concerning the hostages and the other things we would get in return; that would have caused great harm. I was very anxious and made strenuous efforts to accomplish that: for these reasons I went there as an ambassador five times in order to perform my dutiesd to the emperor’s satisfaction. The time that has passed since then, which is rather long, has proved that I concluded those affairs safely. The leader of the Serbs took great pleasure in me, as soon as he saw me in his palace, although he was completely uncivilized, and he honoured me in a a  He refers to his mission to Serbia, where he arranged the marriage of the daughter of the emperor Simonis with king Stephan Uros  II Milutin (1298/99). Metochites describes his mission to Serbia in his Presbeutikos. On these events see Laiou 1972, 96-99. b  Cf. Aeschylus, Persae 265. In fact Milutin raped the young girl as soon as she was married to him. c  Cf. Homer, Od. 23, 189. d  Cf. Homer, Il. 1, 82

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totally unexpected way:a he allowed me the privilege of approaching him and speaking to him without any fear, sharing his table joyfully and all the other glories and advantages enjoyed by his friends, who were honoured by him more than anyone else: I took part together with those friends in all discussions and deliberations with him, and I participated in all those affairs that were of interest to him. I can say that none of those who came to him for any purpose was honoured by him like me. To put it more accurately, no other ambassador coming from foreign countries, for whatever reason, was received so well and honoured as I was by a foreign ruler. Just imagine: I was a foreigner who had come to him from far away on a diplomatic mission, sent by my emperor who had been the Serb’s advsersary for many years. That was a miracle for those people who saw all these things.b As soon as that task was accomplished, I  progressed further in all respects because of my emperor. My perfect Lord wished me to acquire even more wisdom, since he loved all good things. Look now at the great benefaction of the emperor who supported my steady progress, giving me more power and more authority as far as learning was concerned; that was really glorious. For a long time, Greek nations were completely ignorant of the science of mathematics; only a small and negligible number of them had acquired a superficial knowledge of the science of arithmetic, a faint image of the truth—I do not know how to describe it. They were also acquainted with that part of Euclidean geometry that deals with a plane, but even that knowledge was partial, since the tenth book of the Elements dealing with rational and irrational lines and formsc was completely incomprehensible to them; no one could even speak about these subjects. On the other hand, if someone claimed that he was knowledgeable in astronomy and music, he was ridiculed. “Why do you act foolishly Metochites Theodoros, Presbeutikos (Mavromatis 112, 832-840) speaks about his cordial relations with Milutin. b  Cf. Homer, Il. 24, 482. c  Cf.  Euclides, Stoicheia 13, 17 (Heiberg-Stamatis 178). See also Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis Astronomike 1, 1, 593-594 (Bydén 436), and ibid. 1, 1, 83-85 (Bydén 420). a 

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like a crazy man? You cannot name anyone as your teacher, since no one in recent times has offered peoplea any instruction in these most important lessons. On the other hand, no one can acquire a knowledge of this immense subject through his own efforts. No prudent man would think that it is possible for anyone to become even a fisherman or a shoemaker by himself or to learn any other vulgar art without being taught by someone else.” In the past I wondered, too, how anyone could learn a difficult subject such as astronomy without a teacher, and I tried to persuade other people not to waste their efforts and precious timeb in vain,c since there was no point . But I changed my mind quickly, and I shall here explain how that happened. There was in this city a man called Bryennios,d who was known to have practiced for many years astronomy and the other mathematical sciences. Everyone, including myself, used to ridicule him, arguing that he laboured in vain, having taken a wrong path and led other people astray as well (II Tim. 3, 13), which was easily proved; even worse was that he thought that other people would not notice that he was wrong. But both I and most of my fellow men did not judge things correctly. That man was sincere and he knew his subject thoroughly, though he gave the impression of not really knowing it and being foolish. As he confessed, he had learned the principles of the science from a man who had come from a distant land, from Persia,e since it was not possible to learn it without a teacher (whoever claims the opposite is a liar). Cf. Homer, Il. 3, 287. Cf. Plutarch, Antonius 28, 1 (Ziegler III, 87, 15-16). c  Cf. Homer, Od. 17, 537. d  Οn Manuel Bryennios see Jonker 1970, 17-34, ODB I, 330 and PLP 3260. See also Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis Astronomike 1, 1, 513-540 (Bydén 434), where Metochites’ relations with Bryennios are referred to. An oblique reference to Bryennios is to be found in Michael Gabras, Epist. 322, 5-6 (Fatouros 509), which is addressed to Metochites. e  On the connections of Manuel Bryennios with the world of the East, see Jonker 1970, 32, and n. 84, and more recently Bydén 2003, 241-261, who, examining the evidence provided by our Poem concerning the teacher of Bryennios, writes that “it is not absolutely necessary to take all this information seriously”. George Chioniades, who had travelled to Persia in order to collect books on astronomy, also contributed to the revival of mathematical studies witnessed in the works a 

b 

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Indeed, in Persia the study of this science is pursued vigorously, as we are all aware. After received the principles of the science from the Persian, he worked very hard studying it, and he managed to achieve his aims, though other people did not realize it, believing that he would lead men astray. He was indeed endowed with great natural aptitude for this particular science in the same way other people possess an aptitude for other subjects. In any case, men who can learn all sciences, or at least most of them, are very few. But our wise emperor easily appreciated his wisdom from just one interview he had with him, and immediately asked me to learn the new science he had just discovered, because he wanted me to acquire all good things. He pointed out that a prudent man does not avoid adding something new to his property, taking great pains, even if he has already accumulated a great property and wealth, and he does not refrain from adding new glory to his old glory; all men wish for something more and they do not stop having desires, as long as they breathe and their soul remains in their bodies.a “Even if you are mostb famous for your learning and your speech, being honoured by me in all respects, do not refuse, in addition to learn that beautiful science, the glory of which is widespreadc in all ages; there is now danger that it might disappear from human life. But you will give it strength by learning it. Do not care if you shall have to be a student of an obscure man much inferior to yourself as far as learning and glory are concerned; it would not be prudent to care about that. Your only concern must be to become great even in this respect, and prestigious among other people”. Thus he spoke, and immediately a great love for that science devoured my heart.d I  took Bryennios into my house, and I managed to cover the entire subject in just a few days and to complete

of Manuel Bryennios and George Pachymeres. It is possible that Metochites had Chioniades in mind in this particular passage, see Ševčenko 1975, 28, n. 72. a  Homer, Il. 4, 152. b  Cf. Homer, Il. 1, 78. c  Homer, Od. 1, 344. d  Homer, Od. 16, 92.

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my study. Clear proofs of that are the writings I have composed,a not only explaining previous theories, but also expressing my own views concerning the better handling of the material in each particular case in a safe way. I composed and brought out new writings on astronomy, so that might understand whatever was necessary in each particular case better than previously, and be able to predict accurately and truly the future movements of the sun, the moon, and all the other stars, without fear lest he make a mistaken prediction and be ridiculed together with that illustrious science, the glory of which was great among all men because of its accuracy and its safe conclusions. I was the first to give the emperor and all other people a proof that astronomy was a true and unblemished science, since I predicted the eclipses of the sun and the moon,b and not one of my predictions was proved wrong. Thus I obtained great glory,c bringing again to life which had disappeared from the sight of the Roman people for so many years, and showing clearly that what had been considered false, because they looked dubious, had indeed been true; so fortune smiled on our emperor in that particular case too, and I gained much more glory. This is what happened with astronomy, and it was another great proof of my emperor’s love for the beautiful; he wanted to extract all good things from me in all respects, especially in respect of learning, which since childhood I had loved more than anything else, enduring all the hardships required in order to acquire learning, which is so valuable; the glory coming out of it more than anything else. But since I digressed, let us return to what I was previously saying concerning the benefactions of the emperor and my uninterrupted employment in public affairs. As soon as my missions to the country of the Serbs (where I

a  He refers to his Stoikheiosis astronomike, the main part of which is still unpublished. b  On Metochites’ ability to predict eclipses, see Ševčenko 1962, 258-260, Ševčenko 1975, 43, and Mogenet-Tihon 1977, 147-150. c  Homer, Il. 7, 203.

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went five times,a as I already said), came to an end, the emperor decided not to send me far away from our country any more, instead offering me employment in his own court,b entrusting me with the further conduct of his various affairs that occupied his mind, and giving me certain instructions; for he was sure that I would settle whatever matters he had in mind according to his orders,c in a way he would approve of, and I did so. He ardently wished to keep me near himself, working for his own affairs, which were so many; who can enumerated the personal needs of a great emperor? An emperor needs a collaborator who has great natural aptitudee for these things in every respect. After I had spent a few years working in this way, the need arose for the wife of the gloriousf emperor to move to the western part of the empire for the improvement of the situation in the area of Thessaloniki, which lacked a guardian at that time; she also wanted to be near the country of the Serbs, because there lived her kinsman the ruler of the country and her beloved daughter,g whom she ardently desired to visit. Her wish was to accomplish her objective in the best possible way according to her own plans. Since our empress was to go there for a serious purpose, it was necessary for her to be accompanied by an advisorh too, or to say it better, by a man entrusted with the administrative worki and

Τhis is the only information concerning the number of his trips to Serbia, see Ševčenko 1975, 27, and n. 55. b  Ševčenko 1975, 27, and n. 56 thinks that this passage implies that the emperor continued to send Metochites on missions within the empire. An example of the affairs implied here is given below, Poem 1, 684 sqq. c  Homer, Il. 11, 646. d  Homer, Od. 3, 113-114. e  Dokimotes is a traditional virtue of those working in the imperial court, see, e.g., Michael Attaleiates, Historia (Tsolakis 132, 7). f  Kydalimos is an adjective used mainly for Menelaus in ancient epic, see, e.g., Homer, Il. 13, 591. g  Milutin and Simonis. h  Homer, Il. 2, 24. i  Koina dioikein is a terminus technicus, see, e.g., Pachymeres, Historiae 2, 34 (Failler 1984, 225, 3-4). a 

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with the responsibility for official correspondence,a essential for the implementation of imperial orders according to the imperial custom; such a task is most useful and nobody can do without it. Accordingly, both the emperor and the empress herself chose me to carry out this task;b in their view such a job required a man who had proved himself competent in overcoming great difficulties and who was faithful to them; they thought that I was such a man. For this reason for almost two years I discharged the duties of a chancellor, and it was so to speak a period of probation: my abilities to help my sovereign in the conduct of the affairs of the whole state were tested; if I was able to perform those duties in the manner to which the emperors were accustomed. It was, it seems, a time to exercise my abilities for the future, and I offered proof of my sincere devotion to my emperor, since his soul urgedc him to overlook the man who had helped him so fard and appoint me in his stead. That was his ardent desire; let others explain the reason for that, since it is not permitted to me to do so: either he was displeased with that man, or he favoured me a long time before, or both. In any case, I  was happy to return from Thessaloniki to the court of my emperor, who had summoned me back. As soon as I arrived there, all sorts of good things overflowede onto me, given a  A reference to the delicate task of composing imperial letters of all sorts. Obviously the diplomatic activities of the empress needed to be controlled by someone who enjoyed the emperor’s absolute confidence. b  In 1303 the emperor Andronikos II sent Metochites as counsellor to his wife Yolanda-Irene of Montferrat, who had left for Thessaloniki, irritated by the behaviour of her husband. On the diplomatic activities of the empress in Thessaloniki (or rather her machinations against her husband) and her relations with the kingdom of Serbia, obliquely referred to in vv. 688-691 below, see Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 7, 5, 1-10 (Schopen-Bekker I, 233-244), see also Laiou 1972, 229-231. The term tapi Thessalian refers to the region of Thessaloniki. On the passage see also the comments of Ševčenko 1962, 275-279. c  Homer, Il. 4, 263. d  An oblique reference to Nikephoros Choumnos, Metochites’ great adversary, see Ševčenko 1962, 145-149. e  A common term in Byzantine court language, denoting the immense philanthropy of the emperor, see, e.g., Michael Attaleiates, Historia (Tsolakis 3, 11-12).

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to me by God and by my open-handed emperor; he increased my own goods in all respects, overflowing me with wealth, showing his caring love for me and offering me all sorts of things that bring glory, most appreciated by mortal men: immediately the emperor honoured me with a new, more prestigious titlea than the one I held previously, and he married my beloved daughter to his own nephew, whom he honoured more than the others, who were numerous; he was the son of his first brother and had held the first rank in the senate since his boyhood. The emperor elevated him more than all his other kinsmen, though he was young;b only the children of the emperor were ranked above him. That made my glory even greater,c since I became related to the royal family by marriage, and I was addressed by that habitual, glorious name of an emperor’s . But the emperor did not cease glorifying me and his love for me increased, since, to say the truth, he thought that I made a contribution to the conduct of public affairs and all other affairs far more important than anyone else, helping him both in the administration, in his decision-making and in the implementation of those decisions in a way that satisfied him.d His heart was most happy with what I was doing, with the advice , with my sincere devotion to him and with my expertise; I was always faithful to the emperor both in good and bad situations, and I preserved that frame of mind always. And in his turn he did not stop offering me gifts, or rather he bestowed more and more gifts on me as time passed by, his mind wishing to give all good things to me. To my five sons the emperor offered as brides girls from his own family, and married

a  After his return from Thessaloniki in 1305, he became Logothete of the Treasury, see Ševčenko 1975, 27. b  Τhe daughter of Metochites married John Palaiologos, a nephew of the emperor Andronikos II (the son of his brother Constantine who had fallen in disgrace in 1292-1293), see Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 7, 11, 2 (SchopenBekker I, 271-272). See also PLP 21479. c  Homer, Il. 22, 207. d  Cf.  Homer, Od. 1, 310. Cf.  also Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 61 (Polemis 262, 2-4).

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two girls who were daughters of two his nephews,a and took as a dowry great property, both chattel and real estate. Who could enumerateb all the gifts presented to me by my emperor? In return, I offered him whatever I could at all times, whether favourable or unfavourable. Many misfortunes, difficult circumstances, coming one after the other, totally unexpected, surrounded our emperor, threatening to bring total disaster to him. These great, unexpected misfortunes, coming constantly one after the other and keeping him in their midst always, from the beginning, did not allow him to breathe freely; they were totally unexpected disasters, which had no end. Some of these were caused by our external enemies, who are godless and enemies in every respect, though they bear the name of our great Lord Jesus Christ; they are our adversaries in all respects. They fail to abide by the oathsc they have exchanged with us,d which would normally serve as a guarantee for those who might come to some sort of arrangement with them, after reaching mutual agreement concerning their common affairs; some others were caused by our rebellious fellow-citizens, who are completely depraved men, taking no heed of the word of God and of the divine justice, having no mercy upon their fellow-men, disregarding their own nation, in which they were born and brought up;e they are thoughtless of the whole order and essence of beings, of this world, they hold whole world and the nature of God in Αccording to Ševčenko 1975, 27, n. 61, “the most likely candidates for wives of these two sons of Metochites are to be looked for among the granddaughters of (a) Theodore Palaiologos. … (b) Irene Palaiologina … and (c) Mary of the Mongols”. b  Homer, Od. 3, 113-114. c  Homer, Il. 2, 124. d  Cf. below, Poem 16, 34-37. Metochites probably refers to the Serbs, the Bulgarians and the Western enemies of the empire (like the Catalonians, see Laiou 1972, 147-242, or the leaders of the principate of Achaia, see Laiou 1972, 38-43), who, although they were Christian, did not hesitate to do great harm to the Byzantine empire. The godless ones are the Ottomans. e  He might refer to those Byzantine enemies of the emperor, who conspired against him, like the emperor’s brother Constantine Palaiologos, the general Alexios Philanthropenos, or to the leaders of the so-called despotate of Epirus, who clashed frequently with the Byzantine army. But most probably Metochites had in mind the rebellious grandson of the emperor, the future Andronikos III a 

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contempt, being agents of disaster;a God created everything, and those enemies are trying to destroy everything,b fighting against him fearlessly, each differing from the another; they have nothing in common, whether good or bad. As a result, many frightful difficulties confronted our emperor during his reign, to a greater extent than any other emperor during his path of life in the past, so to speak. Some of those misfortunes took place before I undertook responsibility for public affairs; I refer to the destruction of the eastern provinces of our emperor; some of those disasters were caused by the wars that broke out, which were greater than those of past times; they were a punishment for our numerous sins, causing destruction; some others were caused by the revolts of some generals and their armies,c who had been entrusted with the protection of those areas from attack and with the war against our enemies. Those men revolted against our emperor, and it was inevitable that those imperial provinces were destroyed by them, since they became the cause of our enemies defeating us and being powerful. O Lord God, how can you take pityd on them? That is how the destruction of the affairs of our emperor began; later on, I was involved in the conduct of those affairs, but the eastern provinces were already in a bad condition by that time; but equally bad was the situation in the other part , partly for Palaiologos, who had unleashed a devastating civil war against his grandfather in the years 1321-1328. a  Cf. Homer, Od. 21, 28. b  One should notice the tendency of Metochites to give cosmic dimensions to the fight of the rebels against their emperor. c  He might be referring here to generals of the early period of the reign of Andronikos II, such as Alexios Philanthropenos, who revolted against the emperor in 1296 after being sent to Asia Minor to campaign against the Ottomans. Metochites seems to attribute the successes of the Turks, and the other enemies of the empire, to the criminal negligence of the empire’s generals. Similar rebellions also occurred during the years of the civil war (1321-1328), for example the military leaders John Kantakouzenos (the future emperor), Syrgiannes Palaiologos, and Theodore Synadenos were all too happy to join the rebellious Andronikos III in 1321 (see Laiou 1972, 288-289). Most probably Metochites had the followers of Andronikos III in mind, while writing these verses. d  A form commonly used by Gregory Nazianzen, e.g., Carm. II, 1, 11, 400 (Tuilier-Bady 74).

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other reasons and partly because of those reasons I have already mentioned: first, because of our neighbours, who are our enemies; though they are called Christians, their behaviour towards us is like that of the infidels (they even make common cause with the infidels against us!); second, because of the many insurrections that took place there, which requires too many words to describe. The only thing I can say is that my lot was to struggle together with the emperor in the midst of these immensely disastrous affairs.a Demades the orator in Athens asked the indulgence of his audience, since he was a politician at a time when his country was a mere wreck.b But what can I say, being involved in those affairs? I can repeat the old proverb: my pains resemble the shoe made by Istiaios, which Aristagoras was forced to wear.c Such awful things I am forced to endure because of my bad luck. But it was absolutely necessaryd for me to stand firm in front of these difficulties, which happened to me, or rather which I was obliged to face, each one in its turn, as a servant of my emperor; I could not abandon the post allotted to mee during the fight. It was my wish and desire to stay there rather than be called a coward or an unfaithful servant; both are equally detestable things for me. May I never be accused of these. It would be better for me to enter the precincts of Hades before such an accusation should be levelled against me, and before I should become aware of committing either of these two detestable crimes, before God and mortal men.f This is why I would accomplish whatever task was entrusted to me by the emperor, constantly collaborating with him with great pleasure, facing both good and bad situations,g performing both easy and difficult tasks to the best of my ability, with all my love for him. Homer, Il. 2, 873. Plutarch, Phocio 1, 1 (Ziegler II, 1, 5); cf. id., Μοr. 803A. See also Poem 14, 261-262. c  Cf. Herodotus, Historiae 6, 1. See also Leutsch-Schneidewin II, 682, 4-5. Did Metochites hold responsible for the situation of the empire his predecessor Nikephoros Choumnos? d  Homer, Il. 6, 85. e  Cf. Plato, Crito 51b. See also below, p. 78. f  See above, p. 53, n. d. g  Cf. Homer, Od. 4, 230. a 

b 

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I thought that my duty was to endure all hardships for the sake of my emperor, since I had received many good thingsa from him; most willingly he overwhelmed me with precious gifts, offering me ineffable wealth, which becomes manifest by all those things: immovable property, gold, silver, herds of many kinds of beasts,b all sorts of wealth. He also gave me great power and glory among all men, which reached its utter glorious limits, as I proceeded forwards, since I had the privilege to share all those things which confer power: I came into contact with the emperor constantly, for various reasons, I participated in all his plans and in all his affairs, happily and faithfully; no one had seen a sovereign trusting his servant so much in the past, and no one will be able to see such a trusting sovereign in the future; even if someone is a kinsman of a sovereign, which is a guarantee for trusting him, or if he is associated with him in a different way, as happens to mortal menc quite often, . Many good things have been given to me by the emperor, and that is the reason for my working very hard under him in all cases, sharing all his pains, and all the distresses he has to endure. It was necessary for me both to work hard and suffer. And I worked very hard indeed all day long and I shared all his sufferings,d confronting together with him all those difficult situations that he had to manage, being inseparable from him. Full of love for him, I shared with my sovereign everything in this life, exposing myself to all kinds of danger most willingly.e My decision was not to live apart from my sovereign, since he, who had been given to us by God for our own glory, had offered me so many prestigious things, beneficial both for my body and my soul. Thus I served him continuously both in favourable circumstances and unfavourable circumstances that caused him distress. I did not abandon the vanguard position I had chosen, fighting on the front, thinking that this was the best thing God and men prescribed. In my mind I conHomer, Il. 9, 330. Homer, Il. 18, 521. c  See above, p. 53, n. d. d  Homer, Od. 17, 573. e  Homer, Il. 24, 140. a 

b 

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tinuously drew up plans useful for my emperor and I carried them out in all circumstances of life, even when the waves of misfortune came upon us, threatening us in those years; that happens now to a greater extent than at any other time; some of them—cruel things—were caused by ourselves beyond destiny,a some others by our enemies who dwell around us, fighting relentlesslyb against our country; they are either infidels, i.e. Scythians and Persians,c or those who bear only the name of Christ, but fight us implacably, not differing from the infidels; they look at us enviously, respecting neither the laws of Godd nor their oaths—I mean the Mysians, the Triballians,e and the Italians,f who rage against us incessantly. They are arrogant and haughty nations, thinking that everything belongs to them. Some old rebelsg us as well; they have been cut off from the body of the Roman state for many years; they enjoy fighting like rebels against their own kinsmen and our emperor. They are mischievous men, totally unpredictable, behaving now in one way, now in another, like Eurybates,h and they hate us. I refer to those who inhabit Aetolia, Thessalia, and Acarnania near the river Acheloos, the part of our state that formerly belonged to Greece, Illyricum and Epiros.i Sometimes The word hypermora occurs in Homer, Il. 2, 155. Homer, Il. 6, 256. c  A reference to the Ottomans. He does not seem to make a clear distinction between Scythians and Persians. d  See above, p. 76, n. a. e  The Bulgarians and the Serbs respectively (see Laiou 1972, 93-101). f  The reference is not very clear. He might be referring here to the Catalonians, or to the Venetians and the Genoese, who controlled Pera in Constantinople (Laiou 1972, 43-76). He may also be speaking in more general terms. g  See above, p. 76. h  Οn this expression, see Demosthenes, Or. 18, 24 (Butcher 232, 19). See also Polemis 2007, 383, n. 267. i  He refers here to the leaders of the so-called despotate of Epirus (with Arta as its capital), and to the small independent state of Thessalia (with Neopatras as its capital), both controlled by the Angelodoukai family (Laiou 1972, 38-43). The despotate of Epirus, which extended to Aetolia and Akarnania, had closely collaborated with the Franks of Achaia against Byzantium, especially during the early years of the reign of Andronikos’ father Michael VIII Palaiologos, while during the reign of Andronikos it sought to obstruct the Serbo-Byzantine alliance (Laiou 1972, 98). a 

b 

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38

they ally themselves with our emperor against their will, sometimes with the Italians most willingly, and at other times they even join the Triballians. They behave this way against us, their fellow-Greeks, doing unholy things, taking advantage of our great difficulties, gladly following the foreigners against their own people; sometimes they even incite the foreigners to attack us, admonishing them in advance, being a shame of human nature, a disgrace to their nation, wretched, disastrous men, always intriguing, rejoicing in evil;a they only care about machinations.b I wish those unholy men would be cast straight into Hades,c into the dark depths of Tartarus; that is the place they deserve, since they are unworthy of the light of human life. Through their mischievousness and treachery they always cause great troubles to our emperors, being totally untrustworthy and unhealthy.d The constant worry about them gives the infidels the opportunity to wage successful, disastrous wars against their fellowcountrymen who have the same religion without interruption; to destroy our holy churches and defile the holy services, causing my emperor great distress and pain, which breaks both his heart and his body. For these reasons I was obliged to keep my mind busy with these affairs, both for my own sake and for the sake of my emperor, and to work as hard as I could, keeping my spirits up. I would do whatever pleased my sovereign, and I offered him my toil as a gift in return for his benefactions, maintaining a most favourable disposition towards him; and there was no gift which I did not receive from him in return. His offerings were various, becoming even greater as time passed by; I refer both to the material goods, and to the gifts he offered to my soul; I also refer to the pious doctrines he kept inside his heart; the constant memory of death,e of the common resurrection and the future judgment, when will Kakochartos is an adjective of Eris in Hesiod, Opera et Dies 28. Homer, Od. 9, 19-20. c  Homer, Il. 22, 389. d  Plato, Phaedrus 242e. e  The idea comes from Plato, Phaedο 67d, but it is also very common in Christian, especially ascetic, writers. a 

b 

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judge us for our lives, paying back each one of us for our conduct in this world, rewarding us for our good deeds or punishing us for breaking his laws, conducting our lives full of arrogance, infringing on God’s rights, which is not permitted, since our duty is to pay attention to the commandments of the Lord and to his promises of those innumerable, ineffable goods that could not be perceived by the human mind, and which could neither be heard nor seen (I Cor. 2, 9). Since we have neglected those great indescribable things that our gracious God offered us, what can we say? What dread judgment will there be? How shall we stand (Mt. 25, 33) , full of fear? What shall we say to the judge? What excuse shall we find for our ignorance and our sinful acts? The judge is merciful but does not neglect to do justice, since it is not good for someone to act without having fear of any retribution; lack of responsibility has disastrous effects. Our emperor keeps all these doctrines in his mind, and he explains them to other people. It is possible that even I may get great profit, listening to him constantly. That is how things happened. But I now recall with my mind how the emperor encouraged me to undertake another of my works, which was most glorious, dearest to Christ our Lord and divine. My heart is filled with an ineffable joy, whenever I look on it or whenever I think of it. I took great pains to complete it, and I dedicated it to God who has everything, so that he might receive it as a gracious offering, a pious sacrifice. Once upon a time, in the great city there was a most glorious, renowned monastery, which was called Chora, containing all good things within it.a But it had been almost destroyed by time, who sweeps away all good things as he passes by.b The emperor long had a desire to erect it again and to make it better than before;c he strongly urged me to undertake this task, since I had the same wish; it was my purpose to offer The pun on the name Chora is lost in the translation. Cf. the initial phrases of the prooimion of Anna Komnene, Alexias 1, 2-3 (Reinsch-Kambylis 5). See also Kertsch 1978, 95-96, who adduces a very similar passage from Gregory of Nyssa. The restoration of Chora is also described by Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 9, 13, 3 (Schopen-Bekker I, 459). c  Regarding the ardent desire of Andronikos II to restore delapidated churches see Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 7, 12, 2-3 (Schopen-Bekker I, 274-275). a 

b 

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a gracious gift to God, which, at the same time, would give our emperor great pleasure and would be profitablea for my own soul; it would also bring me immortal glory,b if I managed to erect it, constructing it better than in the past and making it safe in all respects, as best I could; thus I would bring it before Christ and my sovereign as a great, glorious offering. As I have already stressed, the emperor wanted me to obtain all sorts of material and spiritual goods. Thus an ardent desire to undertake the reconstruction of the monastery entered my soul. I cleared the place of all rubble, demolishing those buildings of the past that were in ruins, and I rebuilt the monastery without delay, as may be seen now.c Everyone can enjoy the spectacle, as he wishes, or as his eyes permit, provided that mournful envy, which prevents people from seeing any pleasant thing, blinding them willy-nilly, does not deter him. I restored the monastery quickly to its present state. Envy, may you stay far from it! Envious eyes, keep away! It is most beautiful, and soundly built. The structure is solid. I used the best materials, decorating the walls with marble and other excellent stone. All sorts of colours that can be observed in nature are to be seen on its walls; being beautifully combined with each other, they also contribute to the beauty of the whole building.d I refer both to the colourful floor tiles, and to the tiles of the walls on both sides, which are high. It is a miracle to see it; is mixed with joy, how all these are combined together harmoniously; the colours may be contrasting, but their combination is sound; that is combined with this, this is combined with Homer, Od. 4, 444. Homer, Il. 9, 413. c  On the reconstruction of the monastery of Chora by Metochites and its date, see Underwood 1966, 15, and Ševčenko 1975, 28-29, and n. 78. What follows, is a traditional ekphrasis of the building. d  This passage is full of the loci communes of the so-called Byzantine ekphrasis. Α similar description of the variety of colours of the marble decoration of the walls of the church of Saint Sophia is to be found in Paul Silentiary, Descriptio sanctae Sophiae, 617-646 (Friedländer 244-245). On the marble panels with which Metochites faced the lower parts of the walls of the nave, see Underwood, 1966, 18, and Ousterhout 1987, 35. Cf. also Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 14, 16, PG 35, 877A, and ibid. 39, PG 35, 1037AB, where similar expressions are employed. a 

b 

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that and there is nothing that does not match with the others. But the ceiling is lined with gold, decorated with beautiful, bright mosaics, dazzling men’s eyes like a shining fire; they do not disturb their hearts with a lighta that scares them, being terrifying and violent, but sends to their eyes a sweet radiance, which is most welcome and desirable.b Their sight delights man’s heart. Of the same quality are the numerous buildings that are built in front of the main church or around it.c They are very beautiful. I have faced their walls with well-polished marble, too, and all sorts of other ornamentation, which match each other and go well with the main church. No one would faultd the buildings which are built in front or around the main church from both sides: they are all well constructed like the church and equally beautiful.e I also gathered all sorts of precious, gold and silver liturgical vessels, and dedicated them to the church. They are used during the great, immaculate, holy Eucharist:f some of them are used for that purpose, others for another one; there is a variety of them, but all are equally precious, beautiful, creating a feeling of reverence in our hearts when we behold them. I took care to have them decorated as best I could; they are manufactured from the best materials, as artfully as possible. I had them decorated, fixing on them precious stones and pearls that sparkled with a glitter, most pleasant to our eyes, a great satisfaction for all those who behold them. I have also furnished the monastery, with many precious pieces of furniture, encrusted with gold, multi-coloured,g all beautiful and well-suited, some in this place, some in another. They are suitable for all the needs of the monastery: some are woven with gold, not artifiHomer, Il. 1, 104. Ιn Paul Silentiary, Descriptio sanctae Sophiae the dome is described in similar terms (668-670, Friedländer 246). On the dome of the monastery of Chora, see Underwood 1966, 18. c  On those pronaoi see Underwood 1966, 17. d  Homer, Od. 8, 239. e  Cf. below, p. 322-323, where the church of Metochites’ house is described in a similar way. f  On the term thyma referring to the Holy Eucharist, see Lampe 1961, 656, s.v., 1c. g  See Koukoules 1948, 35, and 42-43. a 

b 

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cial, without seam, others are sewn with a sewing needle,a full of gold,b cunninglyc wrought of two kinds,d manufactured by good artisans, who always invent something new for their fellow men, adding it to what already exists in life; that is what I mean. But as far as the silk-threaded garmentse are concerned, how can mortal menf understand the way those silk-threaded garments, liturgical or otherwise, are skilfully manufactured, laced with gold, so that they become even more beautiful? Everything is just so; these pieces of furniture I have supplied too, more than necessary; they have a great variety. Next the holy icons of the monastery, those valuable and glorious representationsg of the human nature of our Lord Jesus, who is the Word of his Father, being his only-begotten Son, consubstantial with him, an invisible Son of an invisible Father, an infinite Son of an infinite Father; though for our sake he became like us, a true man,h taking oni all the characteristics of our nature, except for sin,j which brought us into Tartarus in chains, transforming us into prisoners of dark Hades; he lived among us as long as he desired, and then he was arrested, suffered and died, in respect of the human nature he had assumed; he went into Hades, destroyed him and took as preyk all the dead who were imprisoned there, bound in unbreakable fetters; that was a great miracle;l he resurHomer, Od. 19, 226. See Koukoules 1948, 47-49. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 901A. d  On Byzantine textiles see ODB III, 2193 (Weaver). e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1370A. f  See above, p. 53, n. d. g  On the term typoma denoting images, icons, see Lampe 1961, 1420, s.v. It is also used by Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 5 (Polemis 18, 4). h  A well-known theological position of the Byzantine church is implied here: the icons are a visible manifestation of the incarnation of Christ; anyone who is against them is a monophysite, denying the reality of Christ’s human nature. Moreover, they help people contemplate the invisible realities. See the concise exposition of the orthodox response to Iconoclasm in Beck 1959, 300-301. i  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 39, 13, 14 (Moreschini 176). See also above, Poem 1, 225-300. j  See Lampe 1961, 112, s.v. anamartesia (B1), and anamartetos (2). k  Homer, Il. 15, 343. l  See above, p. 57, n. e. a 

b 

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rected them all, after he had risen himself first (Col. 1, 18). These events are depicted by the painters who take great pains to paint such icons, and we are filled both with joy and horror when we behold them, realizing how merciful God is, who accomplished this ineffable, totally unexpected miraclea for our sake; this divine, unique act is beyond our mind, and even more beyond our speech. When beholding the icons and venerating them, we are necessarily reminded of God’s mercy and we become humble-minded and act accordingly; we are also reminded of our great debt to our God who suffered for our sake: our duty is to act and suffer for his sake too, in the same manner. But let us return to our previous theme. First of all there are holy icons of Christ, then there are icons of his mother, who remained Virgin after bearing him, untouched , most pure; then there are icons of the friends of Christ, who are his good servants, whom we venerate both because of themselves and because of Christ; we are most happy to look at the icons of the saints, full of love for them, since all mortal menb like to look at the pictures of their friends, filling their hearts with joy.c For this reason we venerate the icons of Christ, his dear mother, and his servants,d but men do not worship them;e they simply honour the persons depicted on them, because they love them; that is why we decorate the icons with precious decorations, we beautify them with gold, silver, pearls and precious stones; this happens to a greater extent than in the case of other artifacts, when mortal menf do not work under coercion, decorating whatever they hold in esteem with all their heart.

Cf. Euripides, Andromache 1285-1287. See above, p. 53, n. d. c  See above, p. 74, n. d. d  On the icons of the Chora (mosaics and frescoes), see Underwood 1966, 27-38, and 187-191. Οn the representations of saints on the walls of Chora, see Underwood 1966, 152-163. e  There was a distinction between proskynesis of the icons, which was permitted, and their latreia, which was forbidden, see Lampe 1961, 1177, s.v. proskynesis, 2k. f  See above, p. 53, n. d. a 

b 

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45

That is how things happen, and that is why I had an ardent desirea to decorate the monastery with valuable icons as well, performing a valuable job. Accordingly, the icons there are covered with gold, silver, precious stones, and shining pearls.b It is an exciting spectacle, and I took great care that the art of each one should be fine, so that anyone beholding it should admire it. I also transformed the monastery into a treasury of numerous booksc of all kinds. Some of them treat subjects of our own divine science , which are most useful; they are numerous, and many of them treat the same subjects; some others treat subjects of the Greek sciences, and they are also numerous; almost all the books of the Greeks we scholars know and study without interruption are collected there; anyone, who has an ardent desire for learning and an unchanging love for the logoi, can take whatever he wishes from them easily, my library being like a common treasury, having many treasures. Such an immense, eternal treasure, not liable to perish or to wane,d even after its exploitation in all respects, is stored in my monastery. It is a fountain of all good things, a common benefaction to all men, being open to everyone like the gift of air or water, with which God has supplied every man living on earth, both rich and poor or needy; all can enjoy them without pain.e The same applies to my library: everyone can use it; it is the product of my own efforts; the library is full of books, dealing with both our holy wisdomf and with the alien, Greek learning, which is useful to all mortal meng of all times; they are more useful to those who bear the name of Christ, for many other reasons, and because they offer them the opportunity to make a study of their own religion and the Greek one and understand its Homer, Il. 11, 89. On gold, silver, bronze or enamel icons, see ODB II, 980 (Metal Icons). c  That phrase appears in Aelius Aristeides, Panathenaicus 354 (Behr 250). d  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Or. in sanctum Demetrium (Laourdas 81, 966-967), where the myron of the saint is described in similar terms. e  Cf.  Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Josephum philosophum (Treu 18, 24-26), where a similar image is employed. f  On the distinction between holy and secular wisdom, see Podskalsky 1977, 16-34 (especially 21, n. 58). g  See above, p. 53, n. d. a 

b 

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superiority; thus they will be steadfast, and they will know how to fight their enemies with their own weapons.a I offered these various booksb as a common gift to all men; but that applies to a greater extent to you, who have decided to dwell in this monastery all your life, because you are my foremost concern, and I take care to provide you with whatever might be profitable to your soul. My ardent desire has always been to provide you with all good things and I do not stop wishing that, so that you may live according to the wishes of Christ, and enjoy proper and most sweet rest and happiness in your heart,c making it leap with joy and relief; at the same time good medicined against weariness that is caused by those unceasing pains that you suffer after deciding to abandon the world and all its joys. What great courage! What great stoutheartedness! Most admirable is a mortal man’s leaving behind his own self and his own nature, and raising himself up to heaven, free from all weight of matter.e However, it is inevitable that he may sometimes tire, being unable to preserve his momentum constantly, and to move upward uninhibited. Thus, it is sometimes necessary for him to compromise ,f so that he does not come to harm. Is there a better medicine for those men against weariness than to study the books of wise men and cheer their unsteady minds? As I said, this will give moderate pleasure to your heart, which is free of all danger. They may also derive profit from this preoccupation: it will enable them to go on with their task . That was the purpose of my collecting these excellent books here as a beneficial treasure; a  See a similar passage referring to the importance of secular wisdom, in Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Josephum philosophum (Treu 11, 5-32). b  Οn Metochites’ collection of books held in the monastery of Chora, see Ševčenko 1975, 34-37, who cites various passages from his works referring to his library. c  The term glykythymos rastone is used by Metochites quite often, see e.g. the beginning of Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 1 (Polemis 168, 6). d  See Plutarch, Mor. 103F, and Aelius Aristeides, Panathenaicus 330 (Behr 236). See also Kassel 1958, 4-5, and Lain Entralgo 1970, 32-33. e  Cf.  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 785A. Τhe image comes from Plato, Phaedrus 247b. f  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 5 (Polemis 20, 5-22, 7).

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in fact there are too many useful books, more than necessary. I also provided books for the cantors in the church. The other books are most profitable both for those outside the monastery, and for the monks, as I pointed out. I have assembled many monks here from different places, choosing always the best ones. They are men who take care to lead a decent life, being noble servants of you, O Christ, all-mighty God. They have dedicated their lives to studying your illustrious words and your commandments. Their desire is to follow your light without interruption, just as our shadow follows . O Lord, O goodness itself,a it is you who raise up to yourself through gracious love all those men who are in a position to understand your goodness and are truly ready to follow you eagerly, being wise enough to realize the importance of their Lord, whom it is good to follow in everything, obeying and clinging closely to him. O Christ our Lord I have gathered here these your servantsb who enjoy this way of life, and I have installed them in this new monastery. Custom dictates that some be cantors, and nobody examining them would find faultc with those monks, considering how hard they try to sing properly, humbly, decorously and graciously the holy hymns sanctioned from ancient times;d all these hymns make us remember our God, something most desirable. Alas! Nature has linked our miserable, wicked flesh with our souls, like husband and wife,e so we cannot escape our constant obligation to pay attention . It is impossible to evade that obligatory tax we have to pay according to the laws of nature. Our mind escape from the body,f which is a tomb of the soul,g raising itself high up; it See Lampe 1961, 267, s.v. autoagathos. The term latris is used for the monks by Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 611 (Tuilier-Bady 42). c  See above, p. 83, n. d. d  On the choirs of monks of Chora singing hymns to God, see Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Lucam abbatem Chorae 9, 15-20 (Ševčenko 1975, 66). e  Cf.  Gregory Nazianzen, Comparatio vitarum 17 (Werhahn 22), and Philo Judaean, De posteritate Caini 60 (Cohn-Wendland II, 13, 16-17), where the same image is employed. f  A favourite (Platonic) theme in our author’s works, see, e.g., Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 293-294. g  The idea that the body is the grave of the soul derives ultimately from the Pythagorians, cf. Plato, Gorgias 493a. See also Courcelle II, 345-380, and 394-414. a 

b 

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tries to leave behind it those numerous ambushes, visible and invisible, which it encounters as it proceeds further;a but they are fettersb that cannot be broken easily. Thus our mind is willing to liberate itself even by killing the body,c but this is not to be done; it is unjust and is not permitted by the laws of God, because he himself has yoked together and he ordered that we would give this our attention; so we must take care of it also. Aware of our inescapable duty to look after our bodies, I provided for this in a such way that none could object;d indeed, after considerable effort, I think I found a highly effective way :e I gave a great landed property and many other regular incomes to the monks, thus providing for all their needs lavishly. I accordingly covered their bodily needs through my own efforts in advance, so that they could concentrate on their proper task, free from all care and fear, of carrying out their duties towards God, and putting into practice his commandments, fulfilling their own wish to act in this way for as long as they lived; so they had no cares, whether collectively or individually. A part of that property had been bought by me in the past. I mean the vast areas of huge, fertile, arable and wheat-yielding land in various locations, and the immense, excellent vineyardsf around the great city, which I had planted myself. These lands I had bought in the past, as I said. Another part—the most beloved of all—I inherited from my own ancestors; that inheritance usually goes intact to our children alone; nothing can diminish it, being an eternal profit. It belonged only to me and to my beloved childreng all the time; being most sufficient and Homer, Od. 17, 466. See Courcelle II, 341, n. 95. c  Τhe Platonic prohibition on suicide was reiterated, of course, by the Christian Fathers, see Courcelle II, 385, n. 312. On the difficulties of the human mind in approaching the divine, see, e.g., Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 582. d  See above, p. 83, n. d. e  See Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Lucam abbatem Chorae 18, 1-4 (Ševčenko 76), where the author speaks of his monastery’s property once again. f  On vineyards in Byzantium, see ODB III, 2169-2170 (Vineyard), and Anagnostakis 2008, 78-82. g  Homer, Il. 9, 437. a 

b 

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49

everlasting, as I said; the monks are not accountable to anyone for its possession.a Those estates were far more precious than any great mass of silver, or yellow, shining gold, which is such a good spectacle. They are fertile estates, of good quality, laden with every revenue we need in life. Other estates have been given to the monastery by my emperor for my sake, and these are far more numerous than those many lands given to his other illustrious servants, whether my contemporaries or those who came before me. This is the greatest of all gifts our emperor offered to me, providing the monastery with a substantial income; most of the estates are nearby, others are further away. The income they yieldb is sufficient and guaranteed for all time. It is an everlasting, stable gift, like all the other gifts of the emperors; he has fortified us with written guarantees, which cannot be overruled. All these were granted to me for the sake of the monastery by my good emperor who desires what is good for everyone, and especially for me. He granted me many privileges in the past; no one can easily enumerate them. But those that he granted c were the most desirable of all the numerous gifts he ever offered me. Accepting all these graciously, most graciously, adding to them what I have taken from my own property, and many other good things, I offered them all to you, O Christ my Lord; all these, though belonging to me, are not really mine, for they come from you, and I offered them for the expiation of my sins, so that you may be merciful to me, looking on me with compassion when I, wretched one, come to your court (Rom. 14, 10); of course I am not worthy . O, what will happen to me when you appear to us, making each one of us tremble with fear, administering justice to all See, for example, an act of donation to the monastery of Vatopedi on Mount Athos, Bompaire 2001, 227, 19-20, where similar terms referring to the possession of the monastery’s estates are employed. b  Prosodos is a terminus technicus, see Dölger 1948, 127 (n. 13, 11). Cf. also Bompaire 2001, 336, 81-82. c  He is referring here to imperial chrysobulls confirming possession of the landed property by the monks or favourites of the emperor, see Ševčenko 1975, 32. Similar terms may be found in Byzantine archival documents, see, e.g. Dölger 1948, 37 (n. 5, 174-181). See also Nikephoros Choumnos, Chrysoboullos Logos (Boissonade II, 60, and II, 79), where similar terms are employed. a 

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sinful men like me, and casting us out into Tartarus, where we shall shed many tears, and groan and grind our teeth (Mt. 8, 12; Lk. 13, 28), being burned by the scorching firea of hell which has no end? O good, merciful Lord, who looks with compassion on all those whom you want , save me as well; you anxiously try to find a pretext to save us, forgetting your justified anger and the laws of justice; there is no other way to escape punishment, which is inevitable; only your goodness can overturn everything easily, if you find a pretext for applying your mercy; you try very hard to find such a pretext, because this is your only desire,b and there is no other desire like this, however strong it may be. That is why I prayc to you, O my good Lord. Please accept my offering as a sacrifice,d satisfying your mind, and have mercy,e being sympathetic to me when you take your seat to judge the sinners (II Tim. 4, 8), condemning them justly and instilling in them great fear; there will be no escape from this punishment. May I not hear such a verdict against myself; I am most anxious, considering the innumerable crimes I have committed. My mind, dwelling on all these things and contemplating your frightful last judgment, trembles with fear; already before mef the heavenly orders of the angels, surrounding you, ready to carry out your orders. O Lord,g when the time comes, save me from that frightful verdict, which you may justly pronounce against all those who have sinned like me in a most obvious way; at that time they will not be able to say anything. And to you, O pure mother of my God, clean temple of the all-mighty king, I offered that most clean, prestigious temple, Homer, Il. 12, 441. The participle chatizon is employed at the end of the verse in Homer as well, see, for example, Homer, Od. 11, 350. c  The phrase litomai se is very common in Gregory Nazianzen, see, e.g., Carm. mor., PG 37, 774A. d  For the old comparison of a poem to a votive offering, see Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1325A. e  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 402 (Tuilier-Bady 28). See also Synesius of Cyrene, Hymn. 1, 113 (Lacombrade 48). f  See a similar prayer below, p. 316. g  It is possible that Metochites had dedicated the monastery to both Christ and the Virgin Mary, see Underwood 1966, 27-28. A clear instance of the very ancient type of prayer known as “da quia dedisti”, see e.g. Chapot-Laurot 2001, 51. a 

b 

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POEM 1

that most desirable, illustrious monastery; I called it Chora, O you who have become a huge chora, a place where the incomprehensible God dwelled; O you, immaculate, holy and beautiful palacea of the Lord, protect me at the time of the last judgment, of which I am afraid, and save me, becoming my safeguard and place of refuge, so that I may not be condemned by your Son who will be the judge; ask the heavenly, eternal Lord, your Son, with your prayers to show mercy to me, since he is ready to take pity on all men, being most willing to do good to them, giving them all kinds of gifts.

a 

On the Virgin as palace of God, see, e.g., Lampe 1961, 998, s.v. palation, 9.

92

2. TO THE VIRGIN MARY, AND ANOTHER SECTION ON THE MONASTERY OF CHORA

Βuta now the streamb of my words rushes towards you, O blessed queen; it offers to you as an ornament garlands of evergreen, pure flowers, which grow as if in the many-fountainedc meadowd in my prestigious monastery of Chora, to you, the immaculate Virgin mother, a great miracle, to you who in recent years gave birth to the Son of the Father, who had no mother as a God,e the eternal Word of the eternal, great God, who had no father as a man; he was both God and man, one in both natures, though his divine, a  The particle de indicates that the Poem is intended as a continuation of the previous one. On poems beginning with the particle de, see Campbell 1967, 140141. b  Ιt is a common motif of ancient Greek poetry to view the poem as a path to be trodden, see, e.g., Pindarus, Isthmia 3, 19 (Turyn 204), ibid. 5, 25 (Turyn 209), and id., Nemea 6, 47 (Turyn 170) . c  Polypidax is an adjective of mount Ida in Homer, Il. 8, 47. d  See the address to the Virgin Mary in Ps.-Gregory Nazianzen, Christos paschon 2581-2585 (Tuilier 336), where the words are also compared to a garland of flowers. See also Synesius of Cyrene, Hymn. 1, 397-399 (Lacombrade 54), and the note of Terzaghi 1949, 67, where several parallels are adduced). Cf.  Nikephoros Choumnos, Or. funebris in Theoleptum metropolitam Philadelphiae (Boissonade  V, 187). Τhe ultimate source is Euripides’ Hippolytus 73-74. One may also discern an oblique reference to Metochites’ poetic art, which strives for variation, subtly indicated by the word “flowers”, see the Introduction. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 459Α-460A.

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53

eternal nature did not undergo any change;a his two natures did not mingle with one another.b He was both one and two: distinct, while safeguarding the unity of his one divine hypostasis, which existed before . But, O our Queen, you became an agent of that miracle, which guaranteed the well-being of men; that is why I built this monastery as a votive offering to you, and I named it Chora because of you who became the chora of unlimited God,c O you who are a divine, holy precinct of God. No human invention, however prestigious or beautiful, making things more attractive and brilliant, is fitting for you. However, we offer to you whatever each one of us is in a position to offer;d one person gives you more, another gives you less, whatever each one wants to offer. Truly speaking, he who offers more, is the one who loves you more than others, being more willing to give you a greater gift each time. Let us now continue. You, O divine empress, most glorious among all women, know if I really loved you, being most willing to give you more, taking even more pains and making this monastery even greater, although I was not in a position to satisfy my hearte in spite of each of those works of mine; you know very well that I was most willing to make any offering, but although I offered whatever I could, I afterwards came to believe that this was nothing, or was something unimportant. Such an ardent desiref to give you whatever I could as quickly as possible had burned me, O purest empress, although I wished to offer you something more. My heart urged meg to give you those very few things as a ransom for Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 11, 613 (Tuilier-Bady 83). A concise confession of the Chalcedonian faith, see Lampe 1961, 1493, s.v. φυρμός. c  Ιn the lunette above the entrance door of the church of the monastery of Chora there was a mosaic of the Virgin with the Christ child. The inscription runs as follows: The Mother of God, the Chora of the achoretos. Οn the theological implications of this image, see Underwood 1966, 40-41, and 168. d  It is a common idea, especially in Christian hymns, that man offers to God, who has no needs, whatever he can afford. e  Homer, Il. 1, 24. f  Eros is a common term in Byzantine hymnography, see, e.g., Christ-Paranikas 1871, 208 (Canon I, 117). g  See above, p. 73, n. c a 

b 

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To the Virgin Mary

the numerous sins I had committed, since I lived contrary to the commandments of Christ, not heeding them as I should, as I proceeded along the road of my life.a For this reason, as I said, I have made these small offerings to you, in order to be granted forgiveness for my numerous sins, and to regain as a reward my soul, which I had surrendered as a prisoner to our worst enemy, oh foolish I. Is there anything worse or more pitiable than this? Although I had the opportunity to live well, after I embarked on life, I chose a bad life instead of my own free will, destroying my soul; but a man should take great care of and be most anxious for its safety, so that he may deliver it safe to God.  However, I  did great damageb to my soul because of my imprudent mind, and I brought disgrace on it through my sinful actions and through the shameful passions of my frenzied heart. But I discovered that there is something that may be profitable for my soul and safe:c I took refuge in your monastery, which is as a safe sanctuary. I built this holy and glorious monastery at great expense, in order to regain my soul as a reward, and to be in a position to take shelter in it in difficult circumstances, as if it were a safe haven and a place without wind under your protection, whenever I face problems in my life, O my Lady. Therefore, I beg you, receive me as a refugee, and save me from every kind of disturbance.d I dedicated myself to you, O Virgin mother of the eternal God, the great immortal Christ, who came to us in recent years, similare to a man in every respect; being an almighty God, had created everything previously, both the world that is visible and the world that is invisible, using only his will,f and his immense powerg and bringing everything into being instantly, by virtue of his goodness; and he arCf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 779A. Homer, Il. 9, 116. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 598A. d  Homer, Il. 16, 80. e  See Lampe 1961, 955, s.v. homoios C4. f  Metochites, in accordance with the belief of those who claimed that the world was uncreated, stresses the fact that God created the word by his own free will, not compelled by any inner necessity, see above p. 49, and Ethikos 6 (Polemis 26, 1-6). g  See above, p. 48, n. b. a 

b 

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ranged everything perfectly through his incomprehensible wisdom and his providence: like a father, he provides for everything, so that it may always be safe and in perfect condition; to you I dedicated myself and whatever belonged to me in this life; my life is surrounded by the waves and the winds of that barrena sea which is the world,b changing constantly and moving in different directions: sometimes that sea is calm, sometimesc it swells with many dire wavesd threatening us, washing ashore many miserable wrecks, which cause great sorrow to mortal men; as a result, sometimes those wretchede men whose mind is unstable fall into the depths of despair, which resembles an abyss (Sap. 10,  19); they do not cast anchor in the haven of faith; they observe only the part of the divine wisdom they are able to see with their eyes, not proceeding any further, being totally ignorant and having feeble minds. But I fastened the head-ropes of my hope to you, O my Lady;f this monastery, which I built, giving it your own name, is my anchorage, so that I may cross the rolling surface of the sea of life undisturbed in good and bad times—I had experienced both descending on me one after the other. That is why I now pray to you to support me both in good and bad circumstances, and protect me from fits of insolence when I am content, and from fits of despair when I face troubles, lending me a hand and leading me away from all excess,g both when the sea is calm with a fair wind, being a cause of wickedness, and when the winds are dangerous (may they disappear in a miserable wayh), preventing us from travelling without troubles and living quietly, enjoying our peace of mind. Such a hope I have, such a refuge in my life, O pure Lady, protector of my life in all the Homer, Il. 1, 316. See e.g. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 11, 176-182 (Tuilier-Bady 64). On the sea as a figure of this life, see also Lampe 1961, 610 (s.v. thalassa, 2). c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1252A d  Homer, Od. 4, 422. e  Homer, Od. 11, 19. f  See Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Lucam abbatem Chorae 2, 19-20 (Ševčenko 60), where the monastery of Chora is called a safeguard of his hope. g  See below, p. 217. h  Oulomene is a common Homeric adjective, see, e.g., Homer, Il. 1, 2. a 

b 

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difficult circumstances that mortal mena have to cope with in their lifetime; some of these situations are due to mere fortune, whose toys we become,b but others befall us because of our own folly, and the extreme sorrow caused by them destroys our hearts,c since in those cases our minds, plunged into despair and being feeble,d are unable to decide what to do in the face of those disasters that afflict us one after the other continuously. I have learned it very well, after experiencing this myself, since I have faced many troubles when managing the affairs of the state as well as my private business. But public affairs caused me a greater pain, not only because I was obligede to share the bad fate of my country together with my fellow-citizens; I  was also drowned because I was appointed by the emperor to deal with public affairs, compelled to take great pains; this office;f thus I stood in the midst of all difficulties, and I performed my tasks as best I could before God and the emperor, and all Romans, always paying attention to the words of God.g This post seems prestigious, but in reality it is extremely onerous, since inevitably its holder has greater joys than others when the affairs of state are in good order, but he also endures greater strife when troubles arise; our time, indeed, has brought many such troubles. My heart was annoyed, broken by those great pains that disturbed me every day, so to speak. Being in such distress because of the troubles that fall heavy upon my heart each time and fearing for my own existence, I turn to you, O my Lady, as readily as possible, and I find solace, hope and respite forthwith. My soul, which was fainting (Ps. 141, 4) with sorrow, recovers, and takes delight in returning to itself;h thus it endures its pains, escapSee above, p. 53, n. d. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 19, PG 35, 1048C. c  Homer, Od. 22, 188. d  Oligodranee is a word used by Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 620A. See also Aeschylus, Prometheus vinctus 548. e  Homer, Il. 6, 85. f  On the term taxis, which seems to be a terminus technicus, cf. Pachymeres, Historiae 7, 21 (Failler 1999, 71, 18). g  Homer, Il. 16, 388. h  See Homer, Il. 23, 598. On the old philosophic theme of the conversion, or return to oneself, see Hadot 1995, 96. See also Metochites Theodoros, Or. fua 

b 

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ing from the prison of hopelessness and despair to which it had come very near. I resemble someone who has been buffeted severely by the waves of the barren seaa and whose life has been jeopardized; suddenly, however, though he had come near death because of his fear,b he finds a nearby haven, taking a breath of life. Likewise, I realize that I came near despair, because of the troubles I had to endure, but I rushed to take refuge to your haven, and I felt comforted, taking a breath, and renewing my desire to enjoy the promising life under your protection. Many times my heart sank deep into the great sea of misfortune, but I came to your own monastery of Chora as if to a haven, O you, most pure Virgin, mother of the true, eternal God, who cannot be contained anythere, dwelling-place of God, broader than heaven (Ps. 10, 4; Is. 66, 1),c which is the throne of the almighty Lord, as the holy Scripture says. O mother of the eternal, invincible God, as soon as I entered your shrine, my heart became calm,d and drew a breath; it was exhilarated to be there; as I looked around, an ineffable joy entered my soul; all my pains were alleviated, as soon as I gazed upon the graceful beautye of your church, as soon as I looked at the image representing Christ’s human nature, that fills the heart of any spectator with great pleasure and ineffable amazement, as well as the image of his mother, who stood nearby imploring him.f I am not in a position to describe how gentle my heart became at that time, filled with a calmness, and no longer feeling pain from all those troubles that strangled my soul in the past. If circumstances permitted me to join the chorus of the cantorsg who prayed nebris in Lucam abbatem Chorae 5, 11 (Ševčenko 62); here the author speaks about conversing with God and caring for ourselves, i.e. prosoche. a  See above, p. 60. b  Homer, Il. 15, 4. c  See ODB III, 2177 (Virgin Platytera). d  Homer, Il. 9, 639. e  See Paul Silentiary, Descriptio ambonis sanctae Sophiae 257 (Friedländer 264), where the phrase himeroessa kharin is employed. f  On the representation of the Deesis οn the walls of the main church of Chora, see Underwood 1966, 45-48. g  Metochites may have been inspired by the description of the choral chants by Philo Judaean in his treatise De vita contemplativa, (Taylor 2003, 322-325), which had been thoroughly studied by him.

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to Christ our Lord pleasantly in a quiet, harmonious and orderly fashion,a as had been ordained by god-like men in the past, who had been taught by God, and who guided our lives, giving pleasure to him, then, O, how can I explain with words, bringing before your eyes that undescribable pleasure;b how my mind forgot all its pains, as soon as I joined them with all my heart!c Be happy, blessed men, singing songs of praise for Christ,d throwing away all disasters! Be happy, too,e O my Lady, mother of Christ, you who gave all these things! You are the cause of all these. You remedied my distress,f sweetening my long-sufferingg hearth which was surrounded by so many troubles, and giving it good humour, after it had been covered by those dangerous waves in the past, during my voyage on the great, barren sea of human life,i which is so difficult, taking now one direction and then another. As I have already pointed out, I have experienced this, and my lovej for your monastery has become even greater, O Chora. O my love, O most beloved part of my property, more pleasant than any other pleasant thing I accomplished or came across by chance during my lifetime; these things belong to me and I entertain the hope that because of them I may be remembered by men in the future more than other men, whose names have been preserved over a long course of time because of what they accomplished in

a  Metochites speaks of the subject of the harmony of the melodious liturgical chants in Poem 10, 984-991. b  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1388A. On the Neoplatonic background of these images in Gregory Nazianzen, see Wehrahn 1953, 52. c  Homer, Il. 2, 171. d  See Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Lucam abbatem Chorae 9, 15-17 (Ševčenko 166), where he speaks about his chanting in the monastery of Chora. e  A traditional chairetismos of Virgin Mary. f  See LBG 1249, s.v. pausolypos. g  Homer, Il. 6, 523-524. h  Homer, Od. 22, 58-59 and 188. See also above, p. 87. On the use of this traditional image by Gregory Nazianzen, see Simelidis 2009, 160. i  See above, p. 50, n. c., and Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 570A. j  In the Greek text there is an alliteration which cannot be reproduced in the translation.

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their lives, whether by chance or by their own efforts.a These accomplishments are in the safe treasury of human memory, as we see: the safest possessions of men are those which are worthy of praise and honour. Even if I have accomplished such things, in any case I am sure that these things are very few. But I have a hope that my memory will be preservedb among future generations of mortal menc after my death because of the works that have to do with this job. O mother of God, more important than anything else, so generous you have been towards me, giving me many precious gifts; you bring glory to my life, making me prestigious and giving me the opportunity to be happy! As a result I am able to enjoy the sweet lightd of the sun, and to see you who give so many giftse both now and in the distant future; I mean those eternal gifts pertaining to our souls and the gifts pertaining to our bodies you have granted me; this can be clearly seen in the case of the monastery of Chora, which I have built for the sake of my soul, as a holy, pure and beautiful votive offering, so that I might be absolved from my sins, after spending much money and taking many pains; may those pains become an atonement for my soul, so that I may escape the prison of that life and the awful condemnation that awaits all of us who have sinned, the terrifying, outermost darkness (Mt. 22, 13; ibid. 25, 30) mentioned by the almighty Lord God, the most righteous judge, in Holy Scripture, which is true. because it gives me glory in the present, and because it will preserve my memory among men in future times, which is something most important for all mortal men.f All men are ambitious. Who would not seize the opportunity to create eternal

a  Metochites had dealt with the problem of human glory and its preservation after death in Ethikos (see Polemis 2002, 142*-146*), arguing against those who believed that only famous writers can be remembered in eternity, pointing out that even builders of prestigious buildings can be remembered as well. b  Homer, Il. 6, 358. c  Homer, Il. 3, 353. d  A Homeric formula, see Homer, Od. 16, 23. e  Homer, Od. 8, 325. f  See above, p. 53, n. d.

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glorya for his achievements and his laudable accomplishments, if he has such an opportunity? It is a glory that will be kept in the treasury of human memoryb for many years to come. We see many ambitious and proudc people who enjoy being glorified among men, even among those who have never seen them, and they take great care so that their posthumous fame may be kept as long as possible. This is why I said that no mean glory would come to me because of that monastery. But even this is your own gift, O my Lady, pure mother of Christ our Lord; for your sake I took pains to build it, the prestigious monastery of Chora, which will bring me eternal, undestructible gloryd till the last days; of course, there are also other things that bring ever-flowing, shining glory to other men. I, for my part, built this excellente monastery in this illustrious city, more beautiful than other monasteries. That city is a great treasury of all precious things, since all goods are to be found in it; but most important of all are its monasteries, which are more numerous than the monasteries of any other glorious city all over the world. These monasteries are most famous and more beautiful than all other important monasteries, wherever they may be, displaying all those advantages that bring to them admiration and glory; all call them very beautiful. Among the numerous, illustrious monasteries of the city, which is really your personal shrine, raised above all other visible ornaments and cities of the world, I placed this prestigious abbey, O my pure Lady. Our city dependsf on your protection in every respect, O my Lady, and you are its protector, its leader and its saviour both in good and bad times,g O my queen. Therefore, our great city is full of churches; most of them have been dedicated to your glorious name, O ever-virgin mother of our glorious Christ. They are scattered in the city at Homer, Il. 9, 413. Cf. Plutarch, Mor. 9E. c  Homer, Il. 21, 519. d  See above, p. 82, n. b. e  Homer, Il. 6, 242. f  Οn the philosophical undertones of this verb in Metochites, see Polemis 2006, 109*, n. 145. g  On the special relationship between the Virgin Mary and the city of Constantinople, see Baynes 1960, 248-260. a 

b 

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short intervals. They resemble guardiansa appointed by their leaders to protectb the cities from their enemies, attacking them openly and in secret, so that their inhabitants may live without fearing anything and without caring about their safety, but look after their own affairs, while their leaders provide for their safety, having many soldiers under their command, who protect them from all kinds of attack. Likewise in your beloved city your churches have been placed like guardians by your citizens, who have no need of any other protection during the dreadful battle;c defend them from all sorts of odds. You are the vigilant and indefatigable garrison commander, taking great care of your city, O pure Lady, and your churches, which are built in every part of the city, are your firm and unshakeable helpers in every difficult situation; they resemble havens, to which one may take refuge during a storm that breaks out suddenly, threatening them either openly or in secret; all of them give them the opportunity to come back and hide themselves. I provided your own famous monastery as an addition to the beautiful, outstanding churches of the city, which were more prominent than the others and I adorned it with all sorts of ornaments; it is sturdily built and well constructed. In the middle of the whole complex stands the main church, which is most beautiful and stable; its length is absolutely proportionate to its breadth. Everything is combined harmoniously; there is a marvellous symmetryd everywhere and there is a reasonable plan everywhere, so as to provide us with all sorts of good things. The buildings around the church look like abutments surrounding the main building on all sides, securing its strength, so that it may be unafflicted by any attacks that might break the powerful walls, Metochites reproduces here some ideas he first expounded in his praise of Constantinople, the so-called Byzantios. The relevant passage οf this unpublished Oration is quoted by Polemis 2007, 112. The author is clearly influenced by the passage of Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 42, 26, 9-11 (Bernardi 108-110), referring to the churches of Constantinople. b  Homer, Il. 5, 644. c  A Homeric formula, appearing in Homer, Il. 4, 15 at the end of the verse. d  On the ideal of symmetry see Mango 1986, 69 and 74 (translation and commentary on texts referring to the symmetrical construction of the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople and St Stephanos of Gaza). a 

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and transform into ruins all those buildings that were once so beautiful and stable. On entering the whole complex the spectator sees before him the buildings in front of the main temple,a which are very beautiful and high, being a proper prelude of what is to come afterwards. There are also two long buildings,b marvellous to look at, giving pleasure to the heart, which shine inside the whole complex like the first rays of the day, giving a foretaste of the rising sun, that is, the main church. Their pavement and the walls of each side are covered with slabs of well-polished, multicoloured marble,c adjoining each other harmoniously, while their roof is covered with brilliant, golden mosaics, giving ineffable delight to our eyes.d Nearby is built the common refectory,e a beautiful, sacred building, very long indeed. It is all decorated with paintings: it is shining with an excellent colouring, resembling various, colourful flowers,f and the paintings represent the mysteriesg and the miracles of Christ; the monks look at them while eating, and a pleasure sweetens their hearts, while the food strengthens their bodies; beholding these, they can give material food to their bodies and spiritual food to their souls; thus they raise their minds high up to God, not concentrating on their food, and they do not wallow in the filthy mud like pigsh or wolves, looking after prey, or like dogs eating the flesh of dead bodies of animals; they do not

a  On the pronaoi (i.e. the two narthexes) cf. Poem 1, 1000-1007, and Underwood 1966, 19-21. b  See Ousterhout 1987, 51, and 61-62. In all probability it is to be written doumemata instead of droumemata of the MS. c  Cf. Choricius of Gaza, Laudatio Marciani, 2, 40 (Foerster 38, 4-5). d  Similar expressions are to be found in Paul Silentiary, Descriptio sanctae Sophiae 669-670 (Friedländer 2008, 246) and id., Descriptio ambonis sanctae Sophiae, 188-189 (Friedländer 2008, 262). e  On the problems of the identification of the refectory of Chora, see Underwood 1966, 2. Probably the refectory was a separate building, which has been destroyed. No remains of it have been found so far. f  Α similar expression is to be found in Paul Silentiary, Descriptio ambonis sanctae Sophiae 98-99 (Friedländer 260). g  Αre the mysteries identical to the miracles, or should we imagine that a painting of the Eucharist was to be found on the walls of the refectory? h  Homer, Il. 4, 471, and 1, 4, and Od. 10, 283.

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behave like scavengers. Of course it is necessarya to provide food for the body, because otherwise the body shall die; this cannot be avoided, as long as we live together with our bodies; however, we should provide it with as much food as is necessary for its survival, no more. But have decided to look after their minds, raising them up to the great, eternal God, to whom they have devoted their whole lives, escaping from the fetters of their bodies and of the whole world, being pure and seeking Christ always. This is the reason—most wise—for acting in this way.b For this purpose I have built the spacious holy refectory for their common use, as I said. I wish I lived with them. I wish I was a monk like them in your beautiful monastery of Chora, O pure mother of God, being your servant, relieved of all my troubles, that keep me their prisoner, willy-nilly, oppressing me because of the numerous misfortunes they bring on me; I wish I could escape these fearsome unbreakable fetters, which keep me bound, twisted as they are around my whole body, head, hands, feet; oh miserable I, I am leading a horrible life indeed, although people consider me happy; my hardships are far more numerous than my privileges, but people think that these privileges are numerous indeed. I wish I had no children, no wife, enjoying my prosperity;c however, people consider me lucky especially because of my children, since they have made prestigious marriages, which brings me great honour. But I wish I enjoyed no such things, so that I might return to myself absolutely free, released from those many troubles, which are as numerous as my children; parents are obliged to be concerned about them; children resemble fetters; parents are not free to live alone as they wish. I have experienced this too: although I longed after another way of life, I became involved in those things which I do not really like, and I am forced, against my own wish, to love what caused Homer, Il. 6, 85. Like the writers of the Byzantine monastic typica, Metochites stresses the fact that the monk, while eating, should not be distracted from his main task, that is contemplation, see e.g. what Neophytos of Cyprus writes in his Typicon in the early thirteenth century (Thomas-Hero 2000, 1364-1365). c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 782A. a 

b 

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my misfortunes, like a slave.a I  spend all my time caring about these things, as if they were my most ardent wishes, and I must concern myself continuously with what my mind is in no way interested in. That is why I said earlier that my wish was to live with you, O happy men, inhabitants of my beloved monastery of Chora, servants of Christ our Lord; my life would have been happier, free from all sorts of cares, and I would have had the opportunity to breathe freely and happily;b my heart would have been absolutely calm, sweetened by the gentle windsc of a life free of any cares; I would have avoided being the target of the malicious hatred, lying in ambush, and the awful envy of all my mischievous enemies,d who conspired against me both openly and in secret. If free of all these, I could have led a quiet lifee together with you, untroubled by the war waged against my mind by every kind of difficulty and anxiety;f and thus my mind, undisturbed,g would easily and perfectly have put into practice the commandments of the Lord without distraction. It is much easier to hold Christ in respect and keep the commandments of the Lord when living as a monk than when involved in the sordid affairs of this world; in such a case one does not proceed forwardsh with great difficulty, in danger of drowning; one does not wander aimlessly now here, now there, committing grave sins; one is not forced to fight relentlessly, striking at one’s enemies and being attacked by them both openly and in secret—such a man is full of arrogance in the darkness of night, and is afraid to come into light; he will be eager to Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 50 (Polemis 206, 25-208, 1). Μore details on the problems he had with his children are to be found below, Poem 15, 289-381. Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 8, 5, 6 (Schopen-Bekker I, 308) too speaks of Metochites’ disillusionment with family life, which had become a source of anxiety in his own turbulent times. b  Cf. Polemis 2002, 59*, n. 23, where similar passages of Metochites are quoted; See also see Kertsch 1978, 22, and n. 3. c  The image of the refreshing breeze seems to come from Philo Judean, see Polemis 2002, 59*, n. 123. d  Homer, Il. 5, 444. e  See above, p. 54, n. a. f  Homer, Il. 11, 164. See also Ethikos 13 (Polemis 60, 16-18). g  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1457A. h  See above, p. 95, n. c. a 

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attack his enemies , while he will be afraid to combat his opponents in wretched, open fight; sometimes he will defend the wrong cause, sometimes he will become the enemy of other men unjustly, or vice versa. Who can describe all these easily?a But everything is easy for you, being far removed from our affairs, O happy men, contemplating only our Lord God;b you have left behind everything else. That is why I wish I could live with you, being relieved of that life and of my fortune, whether good or bad. I  am telling the truth: I  would have given all my property in exchange for such a life, if that were possible, not only because pious faith and works of virtue are more important than anything else, but also because life without caresc is delightful; man is not troubled by any care, and is not embroiled in the everchanging affairs of this world, which resemble an ever-moving tide. God has given to you, his own servants, such a tranquil life, O men walking in the heights :d he has helped you to escape from the earth and now you are contemplating the eternal, indestructible tabernaclese of heaven; it is a good residence, since you live together with Christ,f offering as a gift all See above, p. 54, n. f. Possibly a reference to the concern of the monks of Chora to follow the commandments of the Lord without further implications; however, we should not exclude the possibility that Metochites is referring here to the mystical vision of God. The vision of God is the crowning moment of the spiritual ascent of the monk. In the early fourteenth century it was emphatically proclaimed as the ultimate goal of Christian life by certain monastic leaders and certain practices leading to this goal were quite widespread in certain monastic circles, see e.g. Meyendorff 1998, 15-27. c  The theme is first developed in Pindarus, Pythia 2, 26 (Turyn 82) and Euripides, Fragm. 193, 2 (Κannicht 292). See also Grilli, 1953, 26 (and n. 2), and 9497, and Joly 1956, 64-68. See also Plutarch, Mor. 101D. The theme is also encountered in Pachymeres, Historiae 2, 18 (Failler 1984, 169, 24-25). d  Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 13 (Polemis 60, 18) describes the men who leave behind them this world in similar terms. e  See Lampe 1961, 1237, s.v. skenoma. f  Dwelling in Christ is a widespread theme in the monastic literature of the early Palaiologan period, see, e.g., Theoleptos of Philadelphia, Or. 1, 15 (Sinkewicz 1992, 94, 176-178). Some motifs of the mystical theology of the Byzantine church are encountered in Metochites Theodore, Or. funebris in Lucam abbatem Chorae 5, 11-13 (Ševčenko 1975, 62). a 

b 

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kinds of precious virtues to almighty God, from whom all good and perfect things come (James 1, 17) to mortal men; God accepts all our offerings, whatever we are able to give him with forward mind; he does not refuse to accept anything, whether significant or not; he accepts our offerings, providing us, with his right hand, with all sorts of good things in exchange, overwhelming us; God accepts everything like those voracious men who take with pleasure everything they did not possess in the past. That is why he offers us everything abundantly, his offerings becoming greater and greater as time passes by. Afterwards he accepts gladly what we give him, as if it did not already belong to him; it is a most satisfying gift, for which he considers himself obliged to repay our benefaction afterwards, not interrupting his beneficial activities. For this reason with forward mind you dedicated yourselves both to God and to the practice of virtue; from God all good things and all virtues come to men.a God gladly accepts your prompt offering and your good intentions, and he strengthens and fortifies your resolve, helping you to perform your obligations; he increases what you already possess, and he makes easy and happy your way forwards; your heart is sweetened as if by the fair wind of spring, and is relieved of all illnesses forever; and this helps you to show your soul happy to Christ always. Who can really describe in just a few words and explain this ineffable joy? I feel happy even when I just observe your spiritual achievements. This happens quite often. My heart becomes happy and every distress burdening it disappears from it, especially when I join your choir in the church sitting in your midst, O cantors servants of the Lord God; then my ears, my mind and my whole soul become calm because of you, enjoying this privilege; it is a most happy circumstance:b at such a time I forget completely the instability of this life, which is prey to the winds that take now this, now that direction, shaking the mind of men who lack strong faith in God. My temper becomes a  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 21, 1, 7-8 (Mossay-Lafontaine 110). One may also compare Theoleptos of Philadelphia, Or. 14, 1 (Sinkewicz 1992, 270, 10-16). b  Metochites’ frequent attendance at the services of Chora is referred to by Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 8, 5, 2 (Schopen-Bekker I, 303).

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happy, so that I get an ardent desire for heavenly things, rejecting at the same time all things of this world and everything that has to do with unstable matter. O blessed two choirs of monks, standing in the church in front of Christ, singing praises to our almighty Lord God, and extolling the marvellous mysteries shown to mankind by Christ our Lord! These mysteries are sung by the angels high up in the sky, the second most brilliant lights proceeding out of the first,a though you also sing them on earth all day and even all night in some cases, giving glory to our Lord cheerfully in all circumstances, now from one side, now from the other. Who can now explain the joy created by the hymns to Christ the king sung alternately? Monks are divided into two choirs,b equal in number, singing in accordance with the ancient custom of the old most wise fathers, who have laid down all those precious and pure lawsc inspired by God, ordering every aspect of the monastic life in a pure and admirable way. Sometimes your voice proclaims loudly the power of the great God (Ps. 61, 13) in everything, as you sing all together with all your strength and love, filled with enthusiasm by the hymns. Sometimes you sing quietly and calmly; then your voice becomes pleasant and modest, resembling the whisper of a stream, and asking the almighty good Lord God to forgive our sins and have pity on us,d since he is always ready to have mercy on men; such is his nature, and the cantors, full of hope, pray to the Lord to do what his nature predisposes him to do, and to look on us with pity, accepting the eyes that are filled with humility and do not dare to look up, and the heart which is humble (Ps. 50, 1-2), Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor, PG 37, 523A. Ηe is referring here to the two choirs singing in the church. Theoleptos of Philadelphia, Or. 1, 22 (Sinkewicz 1992, 100, 262-266) speaks of the spiritual joy that enters the heart of the conscientious monk, who pays adequate attention to what the real meaning of the text of the liturgy or of his personal prayer is. Νikephoros Choumnos held similar views to those of Metochites (Boissonade II, 133). See also how the same author describes the psalms sung in the monasteries of Thessalonike in his De justitia (Boissonade II, 145). See ODB III, 1903-1904 (Singers), and Lampe 1961, 160, s.v. ἀντίφωνον 1. c  He is referring here to the church canons regulating monastic life. d  Probably a reference to Ps. 50, and 102 frequently recited in Byzantine monasteries. a 

b 

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and overlooking as a result the numerous sinsa of miserable men, those nefarious crimes hated by God, committedb because of our impudence, our neglect of the commandments of the Lord and our arrogance; he forgives such a person all these trespasses easily, provided he abandons his former way of life and comes to God as a suppliant, so that he may grant him forgiveness for all those sins and protect him from his righteous, frightful, unending wrath, that creeps as the result of his crimes. O Christ my Lord, save me from that wrath, and you, O blessed monks of Chora, appease him towards mec with your prayers for me; I may say that this is your duty towards me, since I took great pains for your sake with great pleasure, so that you may enjoy a life free of cares, devoted to Christ; I erected this monastery founder of this beautiful community. I hope that you will plead with our merciful God for me always, since you are on intimate terms with our merciful Lord, being his own servants; he is always ready to pity us because he is good. to have compassion on me, protecting me from all adverse circumstancesd both on the day of the last judgement (Mt. 10,  15) and in the present time, relieving me from all sorts of trouble and pains, and from the enmity of the evil one who fights against us both openly and in secret. I entertain these hopes regarding you; so be ready to help me with all your heart and strength, appeasing on my behalf Christ, who hates sinnerse like me, but accepts the intercessions of his servants like you, who care about what he himself cares most about, when you beg him for the salvation of people like me; they entertain well-grounded hopes that they may achieve that from their Lord who is always most willing to have pityf on those who See the Prayer of the Small Apodeipnon. Homer, Il. 5, 403. c  A motif encountered in almost all Byzantine foundation documents: the monks should pray for the soul of the founder of their monastery. d  The word kakotes appears in Gregory Nazianzen, I, 1, 1, 254 (Tuilier-Bady 19), and Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1287A. e  A same phrase appears in Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. I, 1, 1, 26 (TuilierBady 4). f  The verb eleairein occurs in Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1489A. See also Van Opstall 2008, 176. a 

b 

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ask his help and not be angry always, casting all pity far away from him. O inhabitants of my beloved, excellent monastery of Chora, who walk on the marvellous road that leads to Christ, fall down on your knees on my behalf, and filling your eyes with tears ask God to show pity on me; ask also for the intercession of his most pure mother, who exercises a great influence upon her royal son, that he may protect me from every disastera acting as a mediator between you and him. I  am so anxious about this, since I have committed grave sins and my heart is always depressed by a great sorrow.b O my queen, appease your Son, who is both fearsome and merciful; O you who became the chora of the achoretos, who is present everywhere and beyond everything, fearingc your Son, I have built your monastery of Chora as a refuge, so that I may be protected from the attacks of the enemy and from whatever causes harm to both our souls and our bodies, whether anticipated or unanticipated; many are indeed the accidents that befall mortal mend in the course of their lives;e some are common to all, others are private; but they come one after the other, without interruption, bringing great pain and distress to our hearts; they throw us into the whirl of disappointment leaving us without any hope, especially if our faith lacks firm foundation (Mt. 7, 25; Lk. 6, 48-49) and we wander like rudderless ships in the waves.f But I founded this monastery of yours, O my queen, mother of my God, as a safe, neighbouring haven that protects me from all tempests, so that I may be able to take refuge here, saving myself from all sorts of bad weather I come accross in my life, and from the piratesg who wish the death of both my soul and my body; both openly and in secret since I was born and saw the light of the sun for the first time. Buth O my Lady, anchor of my faith, I have Homer, Od. 4, 167. Homer, Il. 15, 208. c  Homer, Il. 15, 4. d  See above, p. 53, n. d. e  See above, p. 95, n. a. f  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 542 (Tuilier-Bady 37). g  The term is used metaphorically of demons, see Lampe 1961, 1057, s.v. h  Α common transitional expression in Greek prayers, see Pulleyn 1997, 133. a 

b 

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taken refuge in this Chora as if in a calm haven; therefore do not allow the stormy winds of this unstablea life to carry me away from you, because in such a case I will sink into the bottom of the sea through the waves. O my empress, save me from that bad weather, save me from the frightful, boiling storm, which destroys all those who travel by sea without enjoying your guidance.

The word polyplagktos appears in Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1252A. a 

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3. TO GREGORY, FORMER ARCHBISHOP OF BULGARIA

O my dear heada of Gregory, sweet-speaking, glorious friend, lover of both our own and of secular wisdom, servant of Christ, I  ardently desire to address to you this poem, a product of my feeble mind. You prudently gave up all those things desired by most mortal men. a dream, a phantom (Job 20, 8) that cannot be caught, resembling the shadow (Job 8, 9) of smoke, as was pointed out by men of the past,b who showed that all things belonging to this life are useless for prudent men; thus you deserted all these not against your will, but voluntarily for the sake of Christ our Lord, whom you preferred , and you chose to live in him (Gal. 2, 19) alone.c You are not disturbed by anything,d you do not care about any of the things that captivate the attena  A common form of address (cf. the well-known address of Antigone to Ismene in Sophocles, Antigone 1). It is also used by Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 12, 2, 6 (Calvet-Sebasti 350). It is very common in Late Antique and Byzantine letters, see, e.g., Synesius of Cyrene, Epist. 58 (Garzya 97, 1). It is fitting for Metochites to use this phrase in this Poem, which is a poetic letter to Gregory of Bulgaria. b  Gregory Nazianzen, Οr. 19, 4, PG 35, 1048BC. c  Cf.  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 907A. See also Metochites Theodoros, Vita Iohannis junioris (Delehaye 681B), and Nikephoros Choumnos, Or. funebris in Theoleptum metropolitam Philadelphiae (Boissonade V, 218). d  The word atropos appears in Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1252A.

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tion of men, binding them up with unbreakable fettersa forever. Is there really any experienced, swift-footedb combatant, indefatigable in might, having confidence in his own strength,c absolutely unconquered, exulting in his successes, who can escape from all these? But you managed to leave them behind, looking at the heavenly treasures (Mt. 6, 20) of our open-handed God, which are ineffable, innumerous,d everlasting, having no end at all. Your only concern is to acquire more knowledge, working relentlessly, and straining your heart every day; that makes it happy. That’s why your heart takes pleasuree in the various writings I compose for different occasions; the desire of wisdom keeps me like you, and you love my books as a father loves his good children,f because orations are your dearest things, and you also love the creators of speeches, even if they are mediocre, provided they preserve traces of the knowledge of past times. You think that my various writings, each one treating another branch of wisdom,g are not completely devoid of such traces. In any case, wisdom is divided into so many different branches;h very few people are able to bring them together into a system their competence in each one of them. Probably what I just said was beyond the permissible, and it may cause indignation. O Nemesis, be gone, O envious mind and ears, go to hell. But, as I said, you are free, having left everything behind you: your precious fortune, your holy and great bishopric, the chair of the bishop,i the glory of which is obvious to all mortal men always, your prestige, your attendants, the crowds that obeyed you, See Courcelle II, 345-429. Podarkes is a formulaic Homeric adjective for Achilles (e.g. Homer, Il. 1, 121), while blemmeainon refers mainly to Hector (e.g. Homer, Il. 8, 337). c  Homer, Il. 4, 303. d  Α reminiscence of Euripides, Hecuba 714. e  Cf. Homer, Il. 4, 272. f  Homer, Il. 16, 192, and ibid. 9, 481. g  A common phrase in the works of Metochites, see Polemis 2007, 413, n. 298. Possibly it comes from Philo Judaean, De somniis 1, 208 (Cohn-Wendland ΙΙΙ, 232, 15). h  On the division of the parts of philosophy in Metochites, see Bydén 2003, 263-361. i  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1500A, and id., Or. 24, 3, 9-15 (Mossay-Lafontaine 44). a 

b 

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the applauding audiences, and, above all, that association with the emperor whom you loved, that was so dear to him. But, although you now live alone, far away from the city,a in tranquility, always before the almighty Lord Jesus Christ, for whose sake you have rejected everything else,b you did not abandon your love of wisdom, but keep it constantly alive.c Nothing can wipe it out of your heart. This makes the solitude you chose yourself most pleasant. This love helps you very much with the proper worship of Christ, and you have that love as a sound advisor concerning the proper wayd of your life, which is most beloved to Christ. Your constant concern is twofold: to acquire more knowledge and to worship God. O blessed mane in both respects, who loves these things and whose love is not unfulfilled, you manage to make progress in both respects: your virtue becomes ever greater and you come thus nearer to God, but you also increase your learning, acquiring more knowledge, which is desirable, both ecclesiastical and profane;f one can derive profitg also from secular knowledge, in order to walk easily along the pathh of the contemplative life, not encountering obstacles, not adulterating any of the doctrines of the pure faith of our Lord God.i You follow the example of those blessedj and famous leaders of our faith, the pillarsk of our Α favourite idea of Metochites is the seclusion of the sage, see Polemis 2002, 63*-68* See, e.g. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 13 (Polemis 58, 11-14). b  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 19, 1, PG 35, 1095A. c  See Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 13 (Polemis 60, 15-16). d  See above, p. 95, n. a. e  A typical makarismos. See also above, p. 106. f  Α favourite idea of Metochites, who stresses the usefulness of secular wisdom for any scholar who wishes to attain divine knowledge. This theme is prominent in Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Josephum philosophum (Treu 8, 13-17). Οn similar views of other scholars of the same period, see Kourouses 1988, 206-242. g  Homer, Od. 8, 239. h  Homer, Od. 17, 466. i  A special concern of Metochites was the preservation of the true faith, and the avoidance of any doctrinal innovation, see Ethikos 8 (Polemis 36, 7-16). j  See below, Poem 6, 53 (referring to the three great prelates, Basil of Caesarea, Gregory Nazianzen, and John Chrysostom). k  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 21, 26, 1-2 (Μossay-Lafontaine 164), where Athanasius of Alexandria is characterized as a pillar of the church, and Lampe 1961, 1265, s.v. στύλος, 5. a 

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church of past times, who resemble a foundation that can never be shaken. Imitating both their virtue and their love of knowledge,a O divine man, you consider divine worship as your first task, but afterwards you direct your attention to knowledge, and you busily engage, every day, upon wisdom, thoroughly enjoying your labours.b Nobody will see Gregory occupied with anything except for prayers to God, singing hymns both in the company of other people and alone; those hymns are a kind of sweet communion of ourselves with Godc giving our hearts great pleasure,d which both you and all people like you have the benefit of experiencing,e so you can testifyf to the truth of what I am saying. We, who are impure, remain outside the gates that are locked,g being in mental

a  To combine virtue with learning—this is the ideal of our author, see Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 15 (Polemis 66, 4-7), and id., Or. funebris in Josephum philosophum (Treu 30-33) See also Michael Gabras, Epist. 84, 34 (Fatouros 136). It is significant that this letter was sent to Theodoros Metochites. Gabras praises Gregory of Bulgaria both for his virtue, Epist. 103, 44-45 (Fatouros 167), and for his learning, Epist. 362, 8-9 (Fatouros 568). b  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 1 (Polemis 2, 4-5), where the author describes the endeavours of a youngster to attain wisdom as a pain that one may enjoy. The view that the contemplative life is not only useful, but also ensures man’s happiness can be traced back to Aristotle, Protrepticus, fragment B41 (Düring 64), see also Düring’s comments ibid. 207, and Mansion 1960, 60-66. c  On the power of liturgical music, according to Metochites, see Poem 10, 992995. On the contemporary background to this idea, see above, p. 108, n. b. d  See above, p. 74, n. d. e  Ιt may be a reproduction of an old motif referring to the value of experiencing God’s presence. One may be tempted, however, to adduce some passages from contemporary ascetic writers, who stress the value of experiencing union with God, which is a rare gift. See, e.g., Gregory of Sinai, Capita, 97, Philokalia 1991, 47. Nikephoros of Mount Athos speaks in similar terms in his Or. on the sobriety of the heart, Philokalia 1991, 18, 8-9, about experiencing union with God. Τheoleptos of Philadelphia also speaks of people who have no experience of divine things (2, 6162, Sinkewicz 1992, 112). In the so-called Methodos of Pseudo-Symeon the New Theologian, a text of the thirteenth century, the importance of hymns sung in church is stressed in a similar way (Hausherr 167, 5-10). f  Homer, Il. 2, 301-302. g  An old motif of the language of prayer, see, e.g., Callimachus, In Apollinem 2 (Williams 9, see also his comments, p. 17). Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1367A, and id., Carm. mor., PG 37, 523A. See also Zuntz 2005, 187.

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confusion, and having certain imaginings because of our striving after pleasure; our wandering has no end. This is the situation of most people: everyone like you has a pure, unblemished pleasure,a which does not cause him any trouble; on the other hand, all those who are involved in the affairs of this world, are sunk deep in matter,b swept away by the backwater of their lives, which causes much grief, and they suffer too much.c They do not breath freely in the journey of this life,d being devoid of any real pleasure. People consider some of them fortunate, rich and glorious because of the favourable turns of their fortune,e which happens to be generous. Those who examine things superficially think that they have many reasons to be happy, being fortunate, but in reality they are miserable, wretched, pitiable fellows; their condition is lamentable. They resemble luxurious graves,f richly adorned outside, but full of the insufferable stench of decomposition (Mt. 23, 27-28) that rises from within, as soon as someone opens them. Such are the things considered most desirable and enviable by many people. In fact these very things cause our heart continuous pain, destroying every kind of joy. But, O excellent servant of God, you have escaped strife and envy, battleg and glory; glory is the target of visible and hidden arrowsh during the battle; you have left behind you the acclamations , your pleasure and everything else, embracing instead the tranquility and stability of the monastic life that ensures your peace in this unstable, miserable life, which is full of thunderingi storms a  Metochites is here speaking of the pleasure of wisdom, making use of certain arguments of Synesius of Cyrene, see Polemis 2002, 105*-120*. b  Homer, Od. 17, 316. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1252A. d  See above, p. 95, n. a. e  Οn the theme of the instability of tyche in Metochites, see Gigante 1981, 204224. f  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 2, 70, 7-8 (Bernardi 182). g  Homer, Il. 11, 164. See also Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 13 (Polemis 60, 16-18). h  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 885A. See also Homer, Il. 5, 171. i  Erigdoupos is an adjective of Zeus in Homer, see, e.g., Homer, Il. 10, 329.

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and resembles a sea full of waves.a The quiet life brings peace to their hearts, which become stable, and are thus in a position to speculate increasingly about heavenly things, removing their souls from the mud of material lifeb and leading them to God. Sometimes this material mud dampens our soul’s enthusiasm, casting it into the depths of Tartarus. In these swamps our soul is stained, being stuck in the mud, and it becomes formless and ugly, losing any possibility to breath freely. But, O best of all men, you prudently took away your precious soulc from all this ugliness, thereby keeping her healthy. Your soul, being in comfort, cares only for itself, leading a most pleasant life, away from all pains that are inherentd in human life, which is full of fetters. You kept yourself away from all these, being like a master of your own destiny.e You live in this graceful, holy, beautiful hermitage,f which is inaccessible to all your enemies, far awayg from the city. Only you can enter it. You enjoy dwelling in this excellent and pure monastery, having gratefully received it as a gift from our great emperor.h You do not need any of the things necessary for other people, which keep them . You have no need of them,i because you thrust away from yourself all of them,

Οn the storms of the sea of human life, cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1244A, and 1376A. See also id., Or. 43, 60, 27-28 (Bernardi 256). b  The origin of this image is to be found in Plato, Phaedrus 247b. Cf. also Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 561A. On the use of this image by Gregory Nazianzen, see Simelidis 2009, 143-144. Cf.  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 11, 485 (Tuilier-Bady 77). See also Courcelle II, 502-519. c  The old Platonic motif of anachoresis, see Courcelle I, 128-130, and Festugière 1954, 52-67. d  The anaphyrtai of Metochites reminds us of the sympephyrtai of Plato, Phaedo 66b. e  Οriginally a Stoic ideal, cf. Philo Judaean, Legum Allegoriae 3, 198 (CohnWendland I, 154, 5). f  Probably a reminiscence of Philo Judaean, De vita contemplativa 30 (Cohn-Wendland VI, 37, 3). See also Metochites Theodoros, Vita Iohannis junioris (Delehaye 682Β). See also Taylor 2003, 266-287. g  Homer, Od. 4, 811. h  Probably Gregory received the monastery from the emperor as a charistikion (see ODB I, 412-413, s.v.). i  Homer, Od. 6, 136. a 

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not keeping any of those things deemed necessary and desirablea by other people, because you alone are self-sufficient always.b You have no need of attendants, you have no need of servants, you have no need of waiters to serve your food and your wine, you do not care about landed property, arable landc or vineyards that produce gentle wine.d You do not care about grazing beasts, or breeding horses; you neglect everything that occupies the attention of most other people. You live like a bird (Mt. 6, 26), which is homeless and cannot be caught, flying in the air and living by mere chance.e It does not worry about anything, leaving everything to chance and breathing always the sweet air of freedom. It is self-taught and has learned to be self-sufficient,f troubling itself about no worldly things, not trying always to invent new incomes and new, clever methods for improving its life. You live in similar manner, making no provisions for your life at all, being totally unprepared.g You eat and drink whatever you find in front of you, being a man of frugal habits. You consider all delicacies,h eatable or potable, as perversionsi of no use, inventions of men, whose minds are ignorant of the beautiful, struggling in vain; mistakenly to attain things for which there is no real need; it is better for someone to despise them in order to turn his constant attention to noble

Homer, Il. 14, 368. Cf. Philo Judaean, De Abrahamo 30 (Cohn-Wendland IV, 6, 30-32). See also Metochites Theodore, Vita Johannis junioris (Delehaye 682B). See also Nikephoros Choumnos, Or. funebris in Theoleptum metropolitam Philadelphiae (Boissonade V, 202), and Michael Gabras, Epist. 422, 31-32 (Fatouros 655). c  Homer, Il. 1, 469. d  Homer, Od. 12, 30. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 639A. Οn the life of birds as a symbol of freedom in antiquity, cf. Euripides, Hippolytus 1292. The freedom of the man who chose the contemplative life was stressed by Aristotle in his lost Protrepticus, see Bos 1989, 73, n. 7, and 75, and Joly 1956, 107. f  A Stoic ideal, see Pohlenz 1964, 241, and 291. g  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 36, 6, 15-17 (Moreschini 254). h  Homer, Od. 4, 788. On manganeumata, see Gregory Nazianzen, Comparatio vitarum 123 (Werhahn 25), and the note of Werhahn 55-56, where several parallels are quoted. i  See above, p. 80, n. d. a 

b 

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ideals instead. You are relieved of any care for this unstable life,a overlooking these things that lead us astray, and looking at our vain efforts, which resemble buildings built upon sand,b easily destroyed by the winds like houses of cards. Although they give the impression of having strong foundations, they collapse immediately at the slightest breath of wind. Worldly things can never be stable and harmonious, even for a short time. Men are buffeted by the tides of life unceasingly,c following now this, now the opposite direction. Observing these constant changes from the monastery in which you have decided to live, as if from a watch tower,d you realize that our life is full of contradictions; nothing remains the same. I suppose that looking at the ever-changing streams of the Bosporus, on the shores of which the monastery you enjoy living in is built, you are taught and reminded of the instability of our life, which you compare to a tide, which moves up and down:e sometimes the tides of the sea of our life, which is unreliable and unstable, flow normally, sometimes the sea becomes unexpectedly rough. Probably these ever-changing tides of the Bosporus, the only constant characteristic of which is continuous change of direction and instability, help you understand the realities of our a  Οne may be tempted to compare what Metochites says with a passage of Theoleptos of Philadelphia Or. 23, 420-424 (Sinkewicz 1992, 378), where he speaks about the man who despises the goods of this life, Cf. also Nikephoros Choumnos, Epist. 82 (Boissonade 101), and Michael Gabras, Epist. 177, 15-18 (Fatouros 294). b  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 29, 9, 14-15 (Gallay-Jourjon 194). Probably Metochites also had in mind Homer, Il. 15, 362-364. Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 13 (Polemis 60, 7-8). c  Cf.  Nikephoros Choumnos, Epist. 5 (Boissonade 6) , and a poem by Manuel Philes (Miller I, 419). Τhese views were widespread in this period of anxiety. It is noteworthy that Boissonade himself pointed out the similarity of Choumnos with Metochites, quoting Miscellanea 583, and several other texts from the same period (Boissonade, 6, n. 2). d  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 32 (Polemis 144, 3-4). This passage takes its inspiration from Philo. Τhe motif of the “Schau aus der Hohe” is quite common in texts of the period, see e.g. Michael Gabras, Epist. 130, 44-45 (Fatouros 216), ibid. 300, 270-271 (Fatouros 480; to Joseph the Philosopher). See also Courcelle 1967, 355-372, and Reinsch 1974, 19, where several texts referring to this theme are gathered. e  Homer, Il. 23, 116.

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lifea which present a similarity: instability is the only thing we can be sure about; change is never ending. This is what happens to mortal men. But you, seeing all these, each one in its turn, live alone, far from worldly cares, turning your thoughts to Christ our God. You decided to escapeb voluntarily from all these things, which leave us behind them, abandoning us always, being totally unstable. They do not give our mind a fixed point to look on, but go through constant change, shifting easily from one direction to another, lacking any order and decency. However, you examine all these prudently, and you live happily in your celebrated monastery,c worshipping the archangel Michael, the leader of all angels,d who are numerous—this glorious and most beloved monastery has his name. It is a pleasure just to look at this building, and all those who sail by ,e admiring its greatness (it is very high) and its beauty.f Anyone whose heart does not leap when he sees it, sensing an emotion in his heart that leads his mind up towards Christ our Lord, ruling on high, being our highest desire,g must be senseless and totally insensitive to beauty. It is Christ that kindled his turbulenth love in your heart. He breathes his breezesi upon those souls, which are sensitive, making them cheerful and hilarious. Τhis entire section seems to have been inspired by Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 26, 8, 1-9, 17 (Mossay-Lafontaine 242-246), where the author describes his walk near the sea, and the sensation created by the spectacle of the waves, which resemble the various trials and tribulations of human life. b  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 20, 1, 5-9 (Mossay-Lafontaine 56). See also id., Or. 2, 7, 1-13 (Bernardi 96). The first instance of this image occurs in Plato, Theaetetus 176b. See also Philo Judaean, De sacrificiis Abelis et Caini 129 (CohnWendland I, 233, 29-31). c  On the exact location of this monastery of the archangel Michael, see Ševčenko-Featherstone 1981, 9. d  Cf. the beginning of the first oikos of the Acathist Hymn (α, 1, Trypanis 1968, 30). e  Homer, Il. 3, 342. f  A common motif in the description of cities, see, e.g., Himerius, Declamatio 41, 72-73 (Colonna 171). g  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 21, 1, 25-26 (Mossay-Lafontaine 112). h  Homer, Il. 12, 177. i  On that expression, see Polemis 2002, 56*, and 59*, n. 123. a 

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You have experienced these gifts more than anyone else, both in the past and now, inclining towards God. Please, pray to Christ, our Lord, to be kind and favourable towards your beloved emperor, who is dailya surrounded by many difficulties, which come by turns, one after another, exhausting him and taunting his heart for many years. Although these woes befell him quite unexpectedly, being unbearable and tormenting his heart,b he never stops placing his hopes in God, looking up to the skies. Nowhere else does he seek salvation from all these pains of his heart, that consume his soul like a violent flame;c his only hope is God’s mercy, since his nature is full of great compassion for people afflicted by hardships, especially those pious men who suffer unjustly like our emperor of godly mind. The emperor is sweet-tempered. He loves good deeds and truth, having always before him the commandments of God.d He is just and keeps his oaths faithfully. He is merciful towards all those who suffer, sharing the sorrows of his fellow men. This is why you too love our emperor so much, O you, best of all people. It is right for you to love him, since he leads a life similar to your own, caring only about virtue and good deeds. Therefore, it is right for you to pray to Christ to drive away from him all hardships that cause him great pain. While praying to the Lord, use as a mediator Michael the archangel, the divine leader of all heavenly powers, whose beloved servant you remain, taking care of his illustrious church, which is prominent among all the other most beautiful and admirable churches of this great city, both ancient and new. It is a miracle to look at those graceful churches. Ask this great leader Michael to pray constantly before our Lord, so that he may save our emperor from these great and numerous woes that cause his heart great pain. Be ready to help him with your prayers to the Lord, so that his affairs, both private and public, may improve; then you will gladden his poor heart, and you may cast out all his dire problems. Thus it will become evident to all people that God does not forget his servants who Homer, Il. 8, 539. Homer, Il. 7, 431. c  Homer, Il. 9, 242. d  See above, p. 76, n. a. a 

b 

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are suffering unjustly, but honours them,a especially when disaster comes accompanied by many other woes, and wickedness and arrogance triumph; but then the justice of God comes immediately, honouring those who are just and changing the situation of those who suffer; by contrast, many woes come to sinners at the end. May Christ our Lord be kind towards us by virtue of your prayers, casting every woe far from us.

Α common motif in many Byzantine rhetorical texts referring to the emperor’s reverence towards all men of the church, see Polemis 2007, 233, n. 107. a 

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4. ADVICE ADDRESSED TO THE WISE NIKEPHOROS GREGORAS, AND A SECTION CONCERNING THE AUTHOR’S OWN WRITINGS

O my dear heada of Nikephoros, I  give you the following commandmentsb in verse, since my desire is to leave you as the heir of my wisdom,c whatever that wisdom might be, an inheritance that cannot be destroyed by anything, being the best of those numerous gifts God has offered me. We, mortal men,d are accustomede to offer our best advice to our children our wills, urging them to follow each one of our counsels forever in the way we ordain each one of them; in the same vein, I offer you my best counsels concerning my own books, but also concerning wisdom, which you wish ardently to inherit from me. God took away from me the privilege to have children who are wise, although that was my ardent wish. But God has given me a faithful followera who pays attention to me and holds in great esteem whatever is mine and especially whatever is produced by my wisdom; you, O my dearest friend. For that reason your welfare is close to my heart, and I made, in you, a copy of my own wisdom,b to be shown both now and in the future to all mortal menc whose heart loves wisdomd very much; that copy will in fact advertise my own achievements. Such is the way of things. But listen to what my heart urges mee to tell you, my friend. Take care of the good style of your speech; it must be successful and clear; the expressionf of your inner thoughts must be graceful, conforming to the example of those meticulous orators of past times, and their successors who are numerous, from the distant past until our own days; all orators pay great attention to the exercise of their style, employing several rhetorical devices, most inventive in the use of language;g they give a soul to their little words,h so to speak; they give an additional, external, shining a  Opaon is a Homeric word, referring to the companion in battle. It is to be remembered that our author very often employs military vocabulary to stress the difficulties the wise man encounters in his life, cf., e.g., Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 58 (Polemis 246, 23-25). b  Cf. Philo Judaean, Quod Deus sit immutabilis 4 (Cohn-Wendland II, 57, 2-5). c  See above, p. 53, n. d. d  The phrase epistemes himeron is employed by Philo Judaean, De somniis 1, 51 (Cohn-Wendland III, 200, 16). e  See above, p. 73, n. c. f  The word hermeneian is a reference to the rhetorical style, to the appropriate language, by which the thoughts of the mind are revealed and expressed. Cf. Philo Judaean, De congressu eruditionis gratia 17 (Cohn-Wendland III, 65, 12-14), and Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 43, 65, 14-15 (Bernardi 270). Similar observations concerning the value of rhetoric are to be found in many Byzantine texts, see, e.g., Michael Psellos, Chronographia 6, 41 2-10 (Reinsch 123). g  Οn this word, see LBG 323, s.v. h  The anonymous author of a treatise that is contemporary with Metochites, on the differences of style between contemporary authors and older ones, published by Ševčenko 1962, 293 (12, 18-21), speaks with contempt of those contemporary authors who try to exhibit their literary talents by choosing small words (lexeidia), which are rare. The term lexeidia is similar to the term rhematia of Metochites.

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gracea to their minds, dressing their inner thoughts with a beautiful garment, I mean their words, a gracious body. Endeavour to achieve elegance of style, which is the external dress of your inner thoughts; it is good for a man to be wise, but it is also necessary to express his inner thoughts decorated in a gracious way;b thus he will be justly admired for the achievements both of the soul and of the body (i.e. the style), who has a strong body and good, bright-shining weaponsc as well. This is the best solution, since one of them alone is not only insufficient, but also shameful among men. Please cultivate them both arduously; do not forget to concern yourself with the improvement of your gentle style as far as possible; in most cases good style is what catches first the attention of those who see it, creating a good impression, and subsequently all listeners feel a pleasure deep in their hearts.d Do not forget that most men confine themselves to superficial observations during their lives; their hearts are easily bewitched by whatever makes a good impression at first sight. Few are those people who, investigating such things, refuse to pay them any attention. Therefore, you have to exercise your style ardently, following the example and the instructions of the men of the past most willinglye as best as you can. Even if you are occupied with something else, you should never abandon the Like the anonymous author, Metochites is careful to point out that it is necessary for them to combine those words with their proper meaning (vv. 38-40). a  The term charis epithetos appears in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De Isocrate 3 (Usher 110). Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis astronomike 1, 1, 47 (Bydén 418), speaks with contempt about the kallesin epithetois which destroy the purity of Attic style. b  This is the ideal of most Byzantine intellectuals, cf., e.g., Michael Psellos, Chronographia 6, 41, 15-20 (Reinsch 123-124). Cf.  Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea, (Hult 164, 29-166, 1). When considering the tοtal indifference of most philosophers about the style of their works, Metochites admires the fact that Synesius is able to combine rigorous thinking with clarity of expression, ibid. (Hult 166, 7-14). See also id., Or. 14, 14, 12-14 (Ševčenko 1962, 203). c  Homer, Il. 9, 596 and 18, 144. Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis Astronomike 1, 1, 30-31 (Bydén 418) employs similar terms. Cf. also ΙD., Or. funebris in Josephum philosophum (Treu 11, 5-6). d  See above, p. 74, n. d. e  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis astronomike 1, 1, 37-38 (Bydén 418).

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company of those perfect men, the glory of whose perfect style has reached us.a If someone takes pains with his mind to copy them, paying close attention to their example and obtaining an impressionb of their style on his own heart, in order to write in a similar way, he will be most successful in his endeavours. But if someone alienates himself from their company for a long time, he will lose the elegance of his style unwittingly, no matter how elegantc it may have been previously. speech, if properly and continuously irrigated, is quite swift in every respect and gracious, but if it is not watered, being remote from the fountain for a long time, it cannot move anymore. For this reason it is necessary for us to exercise our style continuously:d and the best exercise is to practise imitating the style of those perfect men of the past. The wise men of the past realized long ago that every educational activity must make a good start, acquiring a brilliant facade;e most people take great pleasure in looking at this façade—I do not know if there is anything sweeter for the heart.f Therefore, you should take great pains this . But then you should move on to the contemplation of nature, occupying yourself with the study of the books of the ancient philosophers. You must enthuse yourself with the best of these writings; you must follow the most reasonable laws of nature as revealed in every creature in a reasonable way, proceeding from the smallest to the biggest. Philosophy is the most important part of education:g it undertook a noble, glorious, and most Homer, Od. 8, 74. Cf. Plotinus, Enneads 4, 3, 26, 26-27 (Henry-Schwyzer 54), where the same phrase (anamattesthai … typous) occurs. c  I translate this passage adopting the correction ἢν of Ševčenko. However the form ἣν may be retained as well. d  Cf. Ethikos 2 (Polemis 4, 12-15). e  Pindarus, Olympia 6, 3-4 (Turyn 28). A common expression in Byzantine rhetorical texts. f  See above, p. 74, n. d. g  See Plutarch, Mor. 7D. Another very similar passage comes from Philo Judaean, De opificio mundi 54 (Cohn-Wendland  I, 13, 27-14,  9). Ιt is a passage directly inspired by Timaeus 47ab, which is the source of many other passages of Philo, see Runia 2001, 201-210, and Runia 1986, 270-276. Similar passages from Latin authors, especially Cicero, are quoted and discussed by Pfeiffer 2001, 43-50. a 

b 

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exalted task,a i.e. to explore each one of the plans of God, who created the universe, ; man tried to comprehend the mind of his creator, the almighty Lord of everything; his ambition was to prove that everything had been created according to a plan, and not by chance, as a result of the creative movement of a wise leader, who had brought into being everything in a rational manner from the beginning, and had continued to guide everything after its own interest always, according to specific preordained laws. Such a desire caused philosophy to be born among men: some mortal menb who looked at what took place in our world did not proceed any further, but lived like prisoners of their senses, resembling the souls of the other animals that have neither reason nor mind.c But some others, observing things diligently, investigated them, spending great effort; it was necessary not only to look at them but to examine what they saw, i.e. their condition, their nature, the way they were created, why they remained stable, how things that were identical remained always the same, while things that differed from each remained always different;d they needed to look closely at the way differences remained there always: some are blended, some are unmixed, some are disunited and some united. They took great pains to explain all these things, and they wanted to prove them stable, self-sufficient and wisely made, since it was impossible that such beautiful things would be created most stable and remain stable for ever by mere chance.e Accordingly, philosophy became a champion of the excellent works of God.f Man is proud because Οn the importance of recognizing the existence of God the creator through the study of his creatures in ancient philosophy, see Untersteiner 1963, 24-26, and his comments 172-175, cf.  Moraux 1984, 127, n.  159. Οn Metochites’ theories on the division of philosophy see Bydén 2003, 263-361. See also chapter 32 of Ethikos (Polemis 144, 4-28), where similar theories of late Antiquity seem to be reproduced. a  Homer, Il. 5, 403. b  See above, p. 53, n. d. c  See, e.g., Aristotle, De juventute et senectute 469b4. Cf. also Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 5 (Polemis 14, 25-27). d  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 28, 22, 18-23 (Gallay-Jourjon 146). e  Cf. Aristotle, Metaphysica 1071b34. See also above, Poem 1, 64. f  Cf.  Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Josephum philosophum (Treu 11, 3-4).

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he has managed to investigate the wise plans of God and to understand the functioning of each creature and the wise purpose of God; the nature of all beings, both natural and artificial, discerning in a proper manner how each of them was rational, a harmonious and orderly whole, so that their material existence was safeguarded and they remained stable because of their material basis, and their proper end, for which they have been created by the initial creative movement of our good God,a who created them perfect, and did not leave them without a deeper, necessary purpose, which could be discerned by anyone who observed them.b For this reason you must go to the trouble of studying philosophy, concentrating on the works of those famous philosophers of the past, whose glory has come to us continuously, and especially the books of Aristotle, adding to them something new through the efforts of your own creative mind. You should study very carefully whatever books by those men of past times we have in our possession. But as for Aristotle—who can describe the enormous, sufficient profit that men, who love wisdom and devote themselves to the contemplation of the world, obtain in their lives from the study of his works?c That single man has proved himself equal to many others,d being more prolific than all men,e both those who lived before and those who were born after him. Whatever he wrote is most admirable, being produced out of a great mind. I  advise you to learn these things as best . You must keep his doctrines concerning logic and physics in your mind, because he alone has been most successful, discovering what is most Probably a reference to two Aristotelian aitia (hyle-hou heneka), see Polemis 2002, 74*. The verb kines’ is to be connected with the theory of Aristotle on the proton kinoun akineton. b  Μetochites was not particularly impressed by the achievements of the investigators of nature, as his criticism of Nikephoros Choumnos demonstrates. See also the analysis of the significance of physical science in Antiquity in Mittelstrass 1962, 1-2. c  Metochites had expounded his views on the magnificence of Aristotle’s literary achievements in Miscellanea 81-96. See also Bydén 2003, 40-49. d  Homer, Il. 11, 514. e  Homer, Il. 1, 70. a 

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important in those branches of philosophy;a he did not omit anything of those things which should be said concerning them. It is a great miracleb how he became prominent among all scholars both of the pastc and of the future, and how he came to the peak of human wisdom and brought to its completion; nobody else has invented more valuable things for all mortal men.d Take profit you too, O my best friend, as a prudent man, studying carefully all these useful, precious and excellent writings, most useful to scholars. Afterwards you should study the four mathematical sciencese which you love so much; but of all four most the glorious and precious science of astronomy, which you have inherited from me, thus attaining great glory among scholars. I have brought to prominencef again that science, renovating it among mortal men,g because it had been neglected in the past; from a few hidden sparks I managed to light the great fire of that scienceh through my own efforts, and thus I obtained shining glory for myself both now and in the future in all ages, since I renewed the study of what has been considered the most precious of all human acquisitions from old times until now, which had disappeared from the sight of men for many years, and I inspired in you a great desirei On this phrase see, e.g., Syrianus, In Metaphysica commentaria (Kroll 58, 12-13). Metochites is referring here to Logic and Physics, which were considered integral parts of philosophy. b  See above, p. 57, n. e. On the use of the phrase in the Poems of Gregory Nazianzen, see Simelidis 2009, 213. c  Cf. Homer, Il. 1, 70. d  See p. 53, n. d. e  He is referring here to the quadrivium. On the division of philosophy in Metochites, see Bydén 2003, 216-225. f  Homer, Il. 21, 307. On Metochites’ contribution to the revival of astronomy, see Bydén 2003, 225-257. One is tempted to compare Metochites’ assertion with Psellos’ boastful comments on his own contribution to the revival of secular studies of Michael Psellos, Chronographia 6, 37, 5-7 (Reinsch 122). See also Michael Gabras, Epist. 322, 84-85 (Fatouros 512), which is addressed to Metochites. g  See above, p. 53, n. d. h  Cf.  Philo Judaean, De specialibus legibus 2, 47 (Cohn-Wendland  V, 83, 1-2), and Synesius of Cyrene, De regno 29, 1 (Lamoureux-Ajoulat 139). Is Metochites tacitly comparing himself to Prometheus, who brought fire to mankind? i  Homer, Il. 23, 14. a 

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to learn it, trying very hard. You learned it thoroughly, having obtained it , and you penetrated deep into its mysteries. I explained all the principles of this science to you diligently, and you listened to me carefully. So you have managed to acquire a perfect knowledge of it from me without my feeling any envy . I was totally free from this feeling;a my only desire was to impart my knowledge to you most willingly, so that you might learn everything without exception concerning this science, the principles of which are most complicated and difficult to understand. Your heart was very happy at this time,b since you were learning to understand the precious principles of astronomy, which require much effort by those who love this science;c they become exhausted by hard work sometimes; your purpose was to become famous among all scholars, lovers of wisdom. Your dreams came true: you acquired what you tried to learn so hard, becoming qualified in every respect, and you contributed to my own glorification as well,d because it was made clear that I had chosen a good and receptive student and my decision to work laboriously for your sake had not been wrong, but my efforts had been profitable both for myself and you, contributing to our common glory and happiness. You are my own honour and I am your honour too, because you managed to learn everything from me correctly. That is why I have decided to bequeath to you my own wisdom, which I think you consider most precious: I  entruste to you my most beloved Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 8, 7, 1-2 (Schopen-Bekker I, 322327) writes that Metochites was reluctant to give him instruction on astronomy. b  The author describes the effort of the wise man to attain wisdom as a pleasant labour, see Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 1 (Polemis 2, 1-6). c  A favorite phrase of Philo Judaean, Quis rerum divinarum heres sit (CohnWendland III, 19, 6). d  Homer, Il. 18, 121 and 21, 307. Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 8, 7, 2 (Schopen-Bekker I, 323-324) points out that the glory of Metochites may be enhanced if he imparts his knowledge to his disciple. e  Partithem’ in a technical sense: deposit or commit into another’s hands. Metochites considers his writings as his own children who need protection; he employs a motif of testaments, as we can see from Nikephoros Choumnos, Testamentum (Boissonade V, 331). See also Cf. Philo Judaean, Qui rerum divinarum heres 101 (Cohn-Wendland III, 19, 15-16), ibid. 298 (Cohn-Wendland III, 58, 9-10). a 

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books I have written on various occasions, because I want to keep them safe forever. I care for them very much, as if they were my own children,a since they were born of me with great pain.b My wish is that they will live for ever, protected by the rush of time, which carries along everything, both good and bad things, like a rapid stream, and throws them into the depths of oblivion.c But I urge you to become their watchful guardian in times to come, so that their glory may be preserved in the future; this is my hope. I may or may not be right. In any case, this is my hope: may they be preserved unharmed throughout the course of time for the sake of future generations. It is not so much a matter of proving your own diligence and care in protecting them from the disastrous effects of envy, but there is something more serious, which I shall not hesitate to say openly; this is what my mind urges med to say: I think that they may be usefule for those who love wisdom, which is divided into several different branches, most desirable for all prudent mortal men.f Being most willing to win glory, I have written books dealing with many different branches of human wisdom,g which demonstrate amply my deep knowledge;h no one who knows the selfishness of our common human nature would blamei such a desire: all men enjoy to be or to look glorious; give the impression of being knowledgeable in all subjects, in all the sciences invented by men, proving that their own wisdom is unrivalled. That is why my heart urgedj me to write books on every subject of wisdom, taking great pains. So I wrote See above, p. 81. See above, p. 55, n. h. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 44, 1, PG 36, 608A. See also above, Poem 1, 966. d  See above, p. 73, n. c. e  Homer, Il. 22, 486. f  See above, p. 53, n. d. g  See above, p. 113, n. k. h  On the problem of the posthumous fame of intellectuals the author is more pessimistic in Ethikos, see Polemis 2002, 143*-145*. One may compare a similar passage from Libanius, Or. 18, 303 (Foerster II, 368, 20-369, 3). i  Homer, Il. 4, 539. See also above, Poem 1, 1014. j  See above, p. 73, n. c. a 

b 

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several pieces of rhetoric,a demonstrating my rhetorical skill and good style, which I cultivated always. In addition to them,b I composed several philosophical treatises, the style of which is simple and unstudied; their words are not beautifully chosen; they are totally unadorned; they explainc those physical works of Aristotle,d which are most complicated.e Some others deal with the science of mathematics.f I took great pains in that respect, trying to understand the meaning of the astronomical work of Ptolemy and I collected all the marvellous teachings concerning astronomy in my relevant book.g I did all this and attained my goal, inventing new methods for this science, and making everything easyh for the sake of our contemporaries, so that they might learn accurately, without any pains, everything concerning the sun, the moon and the other stars. Nobody could find faulti with these books when he reads or uses them in the way I thought profitable. You have personal experience of that, since you have made frequent use of my methods and you have been successful always and you have worked safely.j You have decided to employ my own methods, whenever you need them, certain that you will always easily achieve success, whatever your need might be.a Since you had great respect for my achievements and you also believed that my methods were useful for you as an astronomer in order to attain your goals more quickly and simply than by using the old methods of Ptolemy, you decided to use my methods as a guide for your study of astronomy, whatever may have been the subject your mind urged youb to investigate each time.c Accordingly, endeavour to keep my works safe from the damage that time may inflict on them, so that they may be usefuld in the future. Your own care, O my best friend, will be a constant protection for them, saving theme from destruction. I entrust these dearest products of my soul to you, appointing you as their guardian, so that you may save them from destruction.f You are greatly indebted to me, as you yourself and all those many people among whom I am most prominent will readily admit. Those many people who held my own works in esteem, expressing this openly both by their deeds and by what they say, know very well that you are my follower and your own achievements depend on my resources. Since you are indebted to meg to such a great extent, you are not justified in forgetting me. I do not ask any greater favour from you as a reward for all those numerous things I have given you: only take care of my most beloved books after my death, keeping them safe and unharmed for the future. I do not mean only my treatises dealing with astronomy, but my other treatises as well, which are numerous and deal with various subjects; I entrust them all to you, so that you may preserve them forever for the sake of men. They Cf. Homer, Od. 6, 136. See above, p. 73, n. c. c  It is noteworthy that Nikephoros Choumnos, Ad eos qui refutationes non amant (Boissonade  III, 388) denies the utility of the astronomical work of Metochites. d  See above, p. 120, n. e e  Homer, Il. 5, 644. f  Homer, Il. 16, 75. g  Another common motif in Byzantine testaments: a reference to the previous benefactions of the deceased or his kinsmen, cf. Nikephoros Choumnos, Testamentum (Boissonade V, 339). a 

b 

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will probably help all future people of to keep my glorious, most desired, memory alive. Is there anyone who will not be ready to preserve his memory forever, if there is such a possibility, even if he will not be able to experience that glory he loves anymore, either because he will be dead, or because he will be abroad and no longer seen by those men by whom he most wishes to be praised? That is how people think always; they have an ardent desire for glory, even if they are not in a position to experience the honours rendered to them anymore; that is why we wish to be glorious even after we die, taking pleasure in the shadows of future time, when we will not be able either to hear or to see anything as in the past, or when we will no longer exist. This is the reason for my urging you to take pains in this matter, my good friend. Try as diligently as you can to preserve my books, which are more precious for me than any other good thing I obtained or did in my life, working very hard. I regard the preservation of my works as far more important than the guidance and care you would have taken of my young children if by chance I had appointed you their guardian after my death, and you had performed your duties most diligently,a protecting them; these works are my true children. In the name of God who protects friendship, in the name of God who protects learning,b do not neglect my pleading,c but protect the books I took such great pains to produce, and save them harmless. I have appointed you their guardian, because I am sure that you held my works in esteem and you have an ardent desire to fulfill even my most demanding wishes as quickly as possible, in the way I wish. So fulfill this wish of mine as well, and become a refuge (chora) for the most beloved products of mine, saving them, since you inhabit the most beautiful a  Metochites asks Gregoras to protect his books as if they were his children (see v.  334). Nikephoros Choumnos, Testamentum (Boissonade  V, 348) begs St Nicholas (and his kinsmen) to protect his small child. Another instance of Metochites employing a common motif in Byzantine testaments, in a slightly different sense. b  Possibly a reference both to philios Zeus (e.g. Plato, Phaedrus 234e) and to logios Hermes. c  Α cyclic repetition of the protreptic formulae of the first verses of the poem (see above, p. 124).

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monastery of Chora,a which I built as an excellent, calm retreat for your sake, protecting you from the storms and troubles of this life always; so you lead a quiet life, far from all cares, being devoted to the life of contemplation. Therefore, please take the products of my own wisdom under your protection, as a safe haven (chora) which protects them from all envious destruction forever. But you must also be ready to take care of all the other important books I have collected in this monastery; some of them are theological, others are secular; they include books of rhetoric, books dealing with the glorious mysteries of philosophy or books of poetry, i.e. beautiful works composed in various verses. In this way you will be of service both to myself and to those people in the future who love excellent wisdom.

a 

Gregoras was living in the monastery of Chora at this time.

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My mind has incited mea to commemorate the blessed and most glorious Athanasius, who was the archbishop of the glorious city of Alexandria in Egypt. To be more precise, he was the archbishop of the whole earth; through the whole earth indeed ranb the divine, beloved, redeeming doctrines of almighty God, who raised men high upc from the doors of Hades. my mind to speak about the glorious Athanasius may be unwise, but possibly it may not be so. In any case, my mind incited me to state by means of these feeble versesd Athanasius’s unparalleled, and glorious deeds, preeminente for those singing them. These deeds inspire admiration even in those who hear about them: his sufferings for Christ, his tireless and unceasing struggles for the faith of the Holy Trinity, and the way he proved that the persons of the Holy Trinity are consubstantial with one another. He was the leaderf of all those who had the Cf. below, p. 202. See also the first v. of the Hymn. homer. VII in Dionysum (Allen-Haliday-Sikes, p. 76). b  Cf. Dionysius Periegete, Orbis descriptio 41 (Tsavari 37), where the verb peridedromen is employed, referring to the Ocean. Is Metochites comparing the saint with the great Ocean? c  Homer, Il. 10, 465. See also Simelidis 2009, 199. d  The same phrase is employed by Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1474A. e  Cf. Anthologia graeca 15, 9, 1 (Beckby IV, 262). f  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1245A. a 

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same faith as him in every aspect, and an opponenta of all those wretched creatures who held views contrary to the true faith, whether evil kingsb or bad clergymen. These people separated the single essence of the Trinity, introducing lower and higher grades.c They were sowing false doctrines like weeds (Mt. 13,  25) in the midst of the pure seeds of the church, so that the bad fruits of heresy might appear, wreaking terrible damage on the true faith. But that man, struggling more than everyone else,d did not stop cutting those weeds relentlessly with the knife of the holy Spirit (Εph. 6, 17). He was strong, crying loudly,e and his spirit was always stubborn. He exulted furiouslyf in the horrible battle, always undefeated in his struggles, never yielding to force, never wearying, never retreating before the enemy. Many wise theologians, like him, holy and glorious men, diligently composed numerous speeches for him. In some cases the praise of Athanasius was their only concern. That was an adequate subjectg for their eulogies, requiring much care on their part, in order to make a proper speech, achieving thus their aims.h In some other cases the subject of their writings had nothing to do with Athanasius, but when they mentioned Athanasius for some reason by chance (that happens quite often), they stopped there, devoting themselves to his praise being like men inspired by God, making thus a long digression. They did not think it proper to pass over this subject. After spending much time praising Athanasius, they came back to their original subject, accomplishing their initial task. Even some people who did not share the same faith with him,i said many things about Athanasius in their own books which they left to posterity. Therefore, Cf. Homer, Il. 15, 584. See also the Life of Athanasius by Symeon Metaphrastes, PG 25, CCXXIIICD. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 18, 16, PG 35, 1005B. d  Homer, Od. 19, 247. e  Homer, Il. 2, 408. f  Blemeaino is used for Hector, see, e.g., Homer, Il. 8, 337. g  Οn the use of the term hypothesis in Metochites, see Polemis 2007, 303, 177. h  Prothesis is a rhetorical term, see Polemis 2007, 129, n. 1, and 293, n. 165. An indication that the Poem is an encomium. i  He refers to the opponents of Athanasius (Arians, semi-Arians, etc.). a 

b 

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Athanasius is held in esteem by all people, and his praises are numerous. This is why I am afraid lest someone blame me,a thinking justifiably that I am foolish, since my soul urgesb me to add my dull,c useless verses to those many panegyrics written for this gloriousd man in the past,e like someone who gives something very cheap as a present to a very rich man.f However, my desireg to compose a poem in honour of this great and holy man overcame my heart long ago. This desire is greath and irresistible. My ineffable love for him is burning. Sometimes, the very thought of Athanasius (how can I say it?) converts me into a Bacchant, bounding with joy. My expressions of joy reveal that my heart leapsi within as well, full of indescribable pleasure, revealing its sentiments with many laudatory words for this priest of God. This insistent love which pierces through my heart stirs me now to compose this poem in your honour, O Athanasius.j Have mercy on me, O blessed man, and grant me your pardon for my desire or for my recklessness, because you always wished to imitate God, your Lord, who accepts favourably whatever we are in a position to offer him, whether big or small, not rejecting anything. He examines our hearts only to see if we make this offer with all our hearts, desiring to offer something more each time. Thus my mind has now sucSee above, p. 83, n. d. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 10, 33 (Tuilier-Bady 56). c  The word amblechra is not recorded in any dictionary. d  In Homer kydalimos refers always to Menelaus, see, e.g., Homer, Il. 13, 591. e  A typical feature of many Byzantine encomia or epitaphioi: the fear lest one accuses the author of composing a useless speech. See Metochites Theodoros, Or. ad imperatorem I, 1, Polemis 2007, 134, 6-7. f  Homer, Il. 5, 544; 6, 14 and 14, 122. g  Οn the motif of the desire of the orator to praise someone, though recognizing his own limitations, in Metochites, see Polemis 2007, 137, 13. On the combination of pothos with the verb damnemi, cf.  Archilochus, Fragm. 196, 1 (West 77). The term is also used in the preface to his praise of Athanasius by Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 21, 5, 9 (Mossay-Lafontaine 118) h  Homer, Il. 1, 156. i  Cf. Homer, Il. 17, 535. j  A common motif in Byzantine hymnography: the hymnographer asks the saint he praises for his help to overcome the difficulties in his effort to compose a proper hymn. a 

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cumbed to my love.a My intention was to bring you many more gifts; however, finally, I offer you what I can.b But I am going to say accuratelyc at least what I know very well: even a man who is able to say far more appropriate things than myself, falls short of composing a text equal to your merits, really corresponding with your innumerable achievements, with which you adorned both your own soul and other mortal men;d moreover, with these achievements you glorified your precious church of your God, the Lord Jesus Christ. Christ himself, who is immortal and became man, with his own blood laid the foundations (Hebr. 8, 2) of the church upon himself because of his great wisdom; he himself is its stable and unshakeable foundation, which cannot be destroyed by any calamity, falling upon it, whether covert or manifest. Building upon this foundation, you worked hard night and day,e raising the church up high,f enduring many storms, and rainstorms that threatened it. You were tireless, indomitable, uncompromising, enduring both the heat of the day and the night’s frost (Gen. 31, 40), in order to save your flock from all misfortunes, being the patriarchg of many tribes. From a tender age you were always a holy servant of our Lord Jesus Christ,h prominent among all people, who had the same holy rank,i distinguishing yourself among all your fellow-churchmen like the sun, who stands alone among the stars, causing their disappearance;j you outshone them all. Because of this, although you were still a young deacon, you were the first fighter in the council of Nicaeak against Arius the heretic, Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 450 (Tuilier-Bady 31). Α similar idea in Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 43, 82, 6 (Bernardi 304). c  Cf. Homer, Il. 10, 413. d  See above, p. 53, n. d. e  See above, p. 121, n. a. f  Homer, Il. 10, 465. g  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 11, 53 (Tuilier-Bady 56), where the author refers to his own father. See also id., Carm. dogm., PG 37, 475A. h  Cf. Anthologia graeca 8, 2, 2 (Beckby ΙΙ, 448). i  A terminus technicus denoting the particular position of a cleric in the church hierarchy. j  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 18, 35, PG 35, 1032B. See also id., Epist. theologica 101, 44 (Gallay-Jourjon 54). k  The first ecumenical council (325). a 

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that wicked and wild dog, who rageda against the glorious,b timeless, incorruptible, consubstantialc Son of the Father who has no beginning, the great Christ, who was born out of the great God.d At that time, though still very young, as I said, you rose up as a champion fighting against the mad enemy. You were not yet proud to be a bishop,e but the whole council decided to appoint you as a chief fighter in everything, in order to confront the dangerous enemy, since you had experience in quarrels,f and you were able to defend our pious doctrines. Your final achievements did not fall short of the council’s expectations, but you shattered the wretched sinnerg completely, and you were glorifiedh because of that. Afterwards, still very young, you were raised to the great bishopric of the great, glorious city of Alexandriai and you threw yourself into a great fight immediately. A  terrible warj was declared against you by the partisans of Arius, who you resisted with such vigour. Afterwards the land and the sea greeted the glorious deeds of Athanasius, as well as his frightful and great sufferings. started slandering him and spreading false rumours, organizing many conspirancies against him. The unholy priests misledk the emperorl with their heretical, deceptive doca  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 21, 13, 16 (Mossay-Lafontaine 134). See also the Life of Athanasius by Symeon Metaphrastes, PG 25, CLXXXVIIB. b  Of an only son in Homer, see, e.g., Homer, Od. 4, 11. c  On the term isophyes, referring to the common nature shared by the Father and his Son, see Lampe 1961, 678, s.v. d  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 400A. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 21, 14, 4-5 (Mossay-Lafontaine 138). f  The vοcabulary is Homeric (but amphimachomai is followed only by genitive or accusative in Greek epic). g  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 408 (Tuilier-Bady 28). h  Homer, Il. 18, 121. i  The same verb (anagomai) is employed by Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 21, 8, 4 (Mossay-Lafontaine 124). j  Cf. Homer, Il. 2, 338. k  The verb parapapho is used in the description of Zeus’ seduction by Hera, Homer, Il. 14, 360. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 894A uses the verb in the narrative of Eva’s seduction by the evil one in paradise. l  On the Arians cheating the emperor Constantine I, and later Constantius II, see Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 21, 21, 9-10 (Mossay-Lafontaine 152). See also the Life of Athanasius by Symeon Metaphrastes, PG 25, CLXXXVIIC.

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trines, into a fight against the consubstantial Son of the Lord God, arguing shamelessly that he has a different substance to that of his Father,a being a creature of his hands, not his child born by him timelessly, before all ages. The emperor at that time, after readily adopting these impious doctrines, in an irrational manner rushed at all those who had proclaimed the orthodox doctrine concerning the nature and the glory of our saviour, the almighty Lord Jesus Christ, which are absolutely equal to the nature and the glory of the Father, as well as to those who proclaimed the Holy Spirit who is consubstantial with them in a proper manner. The emperor declared an unjust, awful, irrational warb against those pious men, placing absolute reliance on people holding such a false doctrine about the Son. His special target was Athanasius, because he was first among all the orthodox Christians, eloquently defending the truth, fighting always tirelessly with ardourc for the true faith, and waging a fierce war against his lawless enemies. As I pointed out, that was the reason for the fact that all fell on him, scheming ceaselesslyd against him. trial in order to kill him, and they did everything : killing someone who was alive, e the hand of the man supposedly murdered by him ! But Athanasius proved that the man had both hands intact like all men in nature, and no hand of that healthy man was cut off by himself, as his slanderers argued, thinking that by hiding this able bodied man their crime would not be detected. But by presenting that man in the middle of the council intact, the wise Athanasius humiliated his enemies, whose

See Athanasius of Alexandria, Or. contra Arianos I, 19, 5-6 (Metzler 128). Homer, Il. 4, 65. c  Cf. 2 Macc. 9, 7. See also Polemis 2007, 325 for other occurrences of phrase pyr pneo in the works of Metochites. d  Cf.  Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 21, 14, 8-10 (Mossay-Lafontaine 138), and ibid. 15, 6-9 (Mossay-Lafontaine 140). He is referring here to Arsenius, bishop of Hypsele, supposedly murdered by Athanasius, who, however, appeared in front of the judges at the council of Tyre (333), which had been convoked in order to condemn Athanasius for the alleged murder. e  Homer, Il. 5, 886-887. a 

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plots were easily detected. Afterwards they armed themselvesa against him like shameless dogs, eagerly wishing to murder him; however, he escaped them alive, so that he would remain the secret fire of the church,b which would enlighten faithful men thereafter, being the foundation and the beginning of a new life. That is what happened: from this seed which was left behindc sprouted the fertile, precious, graceful crops of our Lord Jesus Christ. If I may express it differently, he did the same thing as an experienced ploughman, who clears the immense dry earthd of all the useless, harmful weeds, making the soil fertile with his careful ploughing and sowing the field with good, fruit-bearing seeds, creating thus an exciting and harmonious sight: this man, an experienced ploughman of the faith, transformed with the help of his doctrines into a beautiful, arable land the soil of the whole church of the Lord Christ, which was dry and barren for many years, full of the wild herbs of heresy; only wild animals inhabited that land in the past pasturing there; he worked very hard, enduring all kind of winters, storms, snows, as well as the blazing sun. Clearing the soil of all kinds of weed (Mt. 13,  25), of all bad habits, he cured completely the dangerous disease of the church, restoring its health, with his doctrines. A good doctor treats a body, worn out by frightful diseases,e which have followed one another for many years, bringing it to the verge of death many times, by finding out with his mind the necessary treatment: he first establishes the reasons for these bad symptoms,f which have fallen upon this man en masse; by what means these bad things can be kept in check and cured,g driving away those illnesses and restorHomer, Il. 2, 818. Cf. Anthologia graeca 5, 124, 4 (Beckby I, 322). c  A clear reminiscence of Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 21, 24, 8-9 (MossayLafontaine 158). d  Homer, Il. 20, 58 (at the beginning of the verse). e  Homer, Il. 13, 670. Cf. also Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 21, 12, 9-10 (Mossay-Lafontaine 134). Οn this image in Gregory Nazianzen, see Simelidis 2009, 203. f  Μetochites refers to a well-known principle of ancient medicine, see, e.g., Hippocrates, De locis in homine 31, 1 (Littré 324). On the figurative use of iatros, see Sykes 1997, 108. g  Cf. Homer, Od. 4, 167. a 

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ing the healthy condition of the body which is so desirable. By doing this, he cures the body and wins great, precious glory among men. This holy man did exactly the same: he cured the body of the church, which has Christ as its head (Εph. 5, 23; Col. 2, 17) and is built upon the gates of Hades (Μt. 16, 18), with the help of his own mind and of the orthodox doctrines, which had been taught not by any man, but by God himself, although the body was nearing its complete destruction; he managed to accomplish everything , in order to be in a position to live safe, full of health, not neglecting to fulfill any of the tasks that were to be found necessary afterwards, not failing to safeguard the church from everything that causes disastrous diseases, like a prophet sent from God, who averts any future danger in advance,a checking all kinds of epidemics, everything that destroys the orthodox faith. I swearb by the name of Lord Jesus Christ, who sees what is hidden in our hearts (Rom. 8, 27), nothing dark escaping his attention, that I feel deep admiration,c looking at each of his writings, how he managed to contain all the laws of the faith in them, omitting nothing. His books even contain those doctrines not yet disputed until this time. because heresies always zealously try to bring forward new doctrines, comparable to the orthodox ones, and at the height of battle false doctrines not mentioned by anyone in the past, are suddenly brought into discussion. But by the grace of God this man (I cannot express adequately what my mind urges my heart to say), this man evidently gave a most accurate and complete exposition of all the mysteries of God, collecting them all in advance, and this was to be a great help for all those future theologians, wise in the things of God, in their struggle against their opponents. Who can enumerate all those doctrines that were expounded by Athanasius in advance? But that prudent man was to come across the way of pious and wise men later on. God glorified Athanasius long ago in the midst of his church, appointing him foremost leader of the orthodox faith, Homer, Il. 1, 67 Α common way of introducing oaths, see Ps.-Gregory Nazianzen, Christos paschon 525 (Tuilier 168). c  Homer, Il. 3, 342. a 

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whom all Christians should obey. He was so prestigious in his church, that we call him equal to the apostles, attributing this glorious name only to him. We recognize twelve (Mt. 10, 2) apostles according to the holy scripture, which enumerates by name those men, elected by Christ our Lord himself, but we add to their number Athanasius as the thirteenth.a This was the verdict of those men inspired by God, who knew wellb the commandments of Christ our Lord, and of the fact that he likes to glorify his beloved servants according to their merits, repaying them for the pains they have taken fulfilling his commands. So great is the reverence towards Athanasius that we have inherited from those men of the past. That reverence is not liable to perish, but, rather, grows steadilyc and becomes immense. I call Christ to witness that: many times, meditating on the episodes of Athanasius’s life, I  clearly see the similarity of his activity for the faith with that of the apostles, who, in the same way, benefited the church, travelling to many nations and leading many peoples to the light of the true faith, taking them away from a dark life and bringing to them the love of Christ, who always looks after the interests of men. Athanasius too benefited his fellow-men like the apostles, working very hard and converting all people to Christ our saviour. Like the first partisans, eyewitnesses and students of our Lord, those few mend who were elected by him and entrusted with the salvation of the whole world, he never ceasede throughout his life from making great the church by his words, his labors, the dangers , within the bounds of the possible. He was one of them, since, taking the same path as them, he made efforts to improve the affairs of the church, as far as possible, See the anonymous Contacium ad Athanasium β΄ 1-2 (Maas-Trypanis 59), where the saint is described as equal to the apostles. See also the Life of Athanasius by Symeon Metaphrastes, PG 25, CCXXIIIC. It is to be remembered that each patriarch of Alexandria is called thirteen apostle in his solemn pheme. b  Homer, Od. 6, 233. See also below, p. 165, n. c. c  Homer, Il. 8, 192 and 9, 413. d  Cf.  Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 13 (Polemis 60, 22-23). The idea comes from Philo Judaean, De specialibus legibus 2, 47 (Cohn-Wendland V, 98, 4). Metochites is speaking about men devoted to the contemplative life. e  See the Life of Athanasius by Symeon Metaphrastes, PG 25, CLXXXVIIIA. a 

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always and to protect it from all his enemies, keeping it safe.$1$2 He worked tirelessly, preventing the many predatory wolvesa from taking away the flocks of Christ deceitfully. These shameless, numerous wolves were always making war on him. Paul, Peter and each of the glorious disciples of Christ were engaged in a similar battle. In the same way, Athanasius benefitedb greatly all mortal menc and the church of Christ with his great struggles and his orthodox doctrines. He was full of care, mobilizing all his powers in order to make the church great. He was enthusiastic, sleepless, indefatigable, sweet-tempered, affable,d fair to the eye, an exciting spectacle to look at, cheerful to his friends and fearful to his enemies, exulting over them wildly like a lion. He wanted to fight them without interruption, giving them as a reward for their aversion to Christ, whom he loved more than anything else, more even than himself, a deadly hatred. There was no peace treaty, no oaths, no solemn agreement between Athanasius and the Arians, only truceless, bitter conflicte against one another. Athanasius fought them because they waged war against Christ, while the Arians fought him because he was ever their worst opponent, bitter, and unyielding. They desired to eliminate him more than anyone else. That is why they all fell upon him,f being hell-bent on killing him, though he managed to escape them, protected by God,g striking at them in secret, without a break, and prevailed over them. Turning every stone, he exposed them as furious advocates of impiety, as well as murderers, offspring of vipers (Mt. 23, 32-33), children of the evil one, targeting Christ like Judas (Mt. 23, 32-33; Jn. 8, 44) their ancestor.h They loved Christ very much and they were ready to suffer everything for the sake of their saviour, who surrendered himself to the executioners for our own sake (Tit. 2, 14); that is why we Homer, Od. 18, 105. See Jungck 1974, 162. c  See above, p. 53, n. d. d  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 21, 9, 24-26 (Mossay-Lafontaine 128). e  See above, p. 102, n. c. f  Homer, Il. 13, 182. g  The verb hypalysko is Homeric, see, e.g., Homer, Od. 5, 340. h  Possibly there is a lacuna in the text. a 

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are also obliged to die for him. In the same way Athanasius was prepared to take his stand against ,a defending his Lord courageously, ready to die for his sake. That was his burning desire, but God, the king of all, his protector, rescued him from all the machinations of his impious enemies, the wretched opponents of the orthodox faith, the instruments of the evil one, the originator of all bad things, who were plotting against him, both secretly and in the open. Not only did he save him, but he also stirred his heartb to launch a great war against his enemiesc making him strong and arming him with the weapons of the Holy Spirit (Eph. 6, 17) who is very strong. He also incited him to give an easy and clear proof with his god-inspired teachings to all those who have eyes to see that their heresies constitute a futile,d shameless attempt to wage furious war against God; the fire of the Spirit kindled by Gode burned them like a straw (Mt. 3, 12; Lk. 3, 17), transforming them into smoke, lacking any substance. Many times examining them I admired in my mind those composed by this divine man, which are numerous, venerable, most learned and valuable. They are the unbroken foundations of the church, a mighty dam against the heresies of his time as well as those that fell upon men in later years. So useful for human life, for his fellow mortal menf and for the church of Christ was Athanasius. offer us ready-made material, prepared in advance, inexhaustible, of great assistance in the hour of need.g Indeed, when Athanasius moved to the beautiful tabernacles of heaven,h difficulties emerged many times, but each time we had the possibility to deal successfully thanks to the help of that material prepared by Athanasius in advance. Who can de-

Homer, Il. 1, 535. Homer, Il. 9, 595. c  Homer, Il. 11, 190. d  Homer, Il. 4, 355. e  Homer, Il. 12, 177. f  See above, p. 53, n. d. g  Homer, Il. 10, 142. h  Homer, Il. 17, 308. a 

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scribe its usefulness? the leader of a well-built city, who, caring very much about its future safety, in order to be able to repel all attacks and to confront all dangers, especially if they are great, stores up all kinds of good weapons, which are useful at the time of the dreadful fight,b both in close combat and in fight from the battlements. In this way the city escapes all the disasters that befall any city occupiedc by enemies; our good Lord God, who is imperishable, controlling all things, seems to have made similar provisions for the future, for the good of the church, his beautiful city,d for which he cares so much: he stored up in advance all necessary protective arms against our evildoing enemies—I mean the weaponse of Athanasius that have been most useful for the doctrinal disputes of future times. He knew very well that these writings would be insurmountable obstacles for the enemy, who would sow many weeds (Mt. 13, 25), setting traps for us always, being hostile and envious of our goods. Therefore, all the books left by Athanasius to the church are a valuable treasure, most useful for the life of mortal menf at all times. With the help of these books he managed, when still alive, to crush Arius,g who shamelessly declared war against the great Son of the eternal Father; Macedonius,h who became mad fighting against the Holy Spirit; and last of all Apollinarius, who said a  This is a way to introduce a parable that is reminiscent of Homer, Od. 6, 162-168. A similar image is to be found in Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 17 (Polemis 80, 5-18). b  See above, p. 102, n. c. c  Homer, Il. 4, 290-291. d  On the image of the church as a city, see Lampe 1961, 1112, s.v. polis, 2a. e  Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 16 (Polemis 72, 8), calls paideia an incomparable preparation for all difficulties, while later on (ibid. 18, Polemis 82, 6-8) he points out that old books are to be considered remedies for every kind of trouble. f  See above, p. 53, n. d. g  He is referring here to the three famous Orationes contra Arianos, and to his other polemical writings on the Arian controversy. h  On Athanasius’ efforts (somewhat incomplete) to proclaim the divinity of the Holy Spirit, see Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 21, 33, 32-33 (Mossay-Lafontaine 182). Macedonius was bishop of Constantinople, condemned by the Second Ecumenical Council as a pneumatomachos. The Dialogi contra Macedonianos attributed to Athanasius were not written by him.

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many vain, arrogant things, trusting his own wisdoma with the investigation of things divine: he declared that the imperishable Word of the immortal Father assumed an imperfect mindless man; he also expounded many other doctrines contrary to the teaching of the church, because of his wickedness. But Athanasius with his thunderous words coming from above and with his irrefutable arguments, proved clearly that he was a heretic,b though he was always fighting against the Arians for the sake of Christ. Athanasius did not want Apollinarius to be an imperfect teacher of the true faith, but that he should be absolutely healthy, as far as each of the true doctrines was concerned. These three , who were led astray, were defeated by Athanasius while he was still alive, defending the consubstantial Holy Trinity. He also crushed many other impious, wretched men, who were cast out by the church. But like someone who foresaw what would happen in the distant future, he defeated in advance with his refutationsc those who would be exposed as heretics in later years. He was an advocate of the orthodox when he was alive, but continued to be the first champion of the truth even after his death, by virtue of the books he left behind. With them each time he attacks heretics masterfully and manifestly. With the help of his speeches he proves them to resemble colossal, terrifying waves, which, however, break foaming against the rocks of a coastd with good harbours. are his own writings, which are solidly built upon the foundations of the true doctrines of the church. Using scriptural evidence, he criticizes heretics pointedly, proving that they are evil-minded men, holding in contempt the divine commandments; and he strangles them with his wise, irrefutable arguments. These arguments spring up in your heavenly mind abundantly, Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 555A. Αpollinarius, bishop of Laodicea, initially a friend of Athanasius, believed that the human soul of Christ was mindless, the divine Logos having taken the place of the mind. Metochites is probably referring here to the two books De incarnatione contra Apollinarium, falsely attributed to Athanasius. Cf.  Gregory Nazianzen, Epist. theologica 102, 9 (Gallay-Jourjon 74). c  Homer, Od. 20, 323. d  Homer, Il. 4, 426. See also Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 26, 8, 15-17 (Mossay-Lafontaine 244). a 

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and it is impossible for our enemies to evade your subtle contrivance, your intricate and most complex reasoning. O blessed Athanasius, looking at them in my mind, I am filled with astonishment quite often, and I am not in a position to put my thoughts into words, giving expression to my great admiration. My mind is quite bewildered, my tongue is at a loss for words giving voice to my inner thoughts, which are, in any case, inadequate.a I will say only this, and I am begging for your forgiveness, O you, most blessed man, and all of you, who will read my poem in the future. What one can say about Athanasius is this, and it is true: he studied Greek learning and the knowledge he acquired was not negligible; however, he did not spend much time studying secular lessons,b applying himself to the study of divine things instead—I mean both the pious doctrines and the divine words and works. This was the only thing he cared about, putting aside all those beautiful worldly things and secular knowledge. But he was endowed with many natural talents. His intellect was most powerful, being able to work out any complicated problem. It had enormous breadth, it was wholly able to move easily and quickly from one subject to another. Because of this was able to accomplish many things perfectly well, with an incredible vigour, in such a way that experts in these subjects would admire the sharpness with which his mind accomplished whatever was necessary. Being most learned in both the Old and the New Testament,c and being able to make most appropriate use of them, being more prudent than anyone else, because of all those things I just mentioned, he distinguished himself as a fierce and brave fighter of the enemies of Christ. No opponent dared to approach him during the battle, however experienced he might have been, measuring his meritd in battle. I am going to express clearly what my heart Our author had serious doubts about the ability of the human word to communicate to the others man’s inner thoughts in an effective way, see on this point, Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 50 (Polemis 206, 10-12). b  This seems to be derived from chapter 6, 1-2 of Or. 21 of Gregory Nazianzen (Mossay-Lafontaine 120). c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 21, 6, 8-9 (Mossay-Lafontaine 120). d  Homer, Il. 21, 357. a 

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urges me to say:a he was perfect in every respect: his mind possessed a natural strength, and he was also very well trained.b He was strong and quick. He also possessed all the advantages of a powerful mind, which were necessary for his struggles, but he also had great experience in battles for the true faith, thanks to his acquaintance with Holy Scripture. But if someone pays attention to the books he left behind as a valuable treasure for the church, the admiration he will feel for them will exceed the admiration he feels for his other manly gifts. These valuable and venerable books, being born of his divine wisdom, are left to us, being special gifts by the grace of our heavenly Lord, who ensured that the church remained unharmed in all the wars against her enemies.

See above p. 73, n. c. Μetochites seems to have been concerned with the problem of the acquisition of knowledge, concluding that knowledge is a result both of the inner abilities of man and of his own efforts, see, e.g., his Or. 13, 3, 1-6 (Ševčenko 189-191). The distinction between physis and askesis in that passage may have been drawn from Philo, see Daniélou 1958, 194-195, although we should bear in mind that this is a topos in Byzantine texts. a 

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6. TO THE THREE PRELATES, BASIL THE GREAT, GREGORY THE THEOLOGIAN AND JOHN CHRYSOSTOM

O eternal, consubstantial Trinity, all powerful, indestructible, sovereign of things both visible and invisible, beneficent creator of everything, praised by the rational beings above,a who enjoy those blessed, lovely visions, the angels, who are ever advancing, never reaching, however, their destination, striving always for something more,b have mercy upon me now that I wish to offer these verses as a small gift to your servants, the three immaculate prelates, John, Gregory and Basil. Persuade them to be kind to me; they gracefully contemplate your works, since they taught us that however many are the gifts one offers to your all-powerful majesty, from whom all sorts of goods have poured out for the sake of mortal men,c they can never be worthy and equal to your glory. But how can I use the word “worthy”? It is ridiculous even to utter such a word. In any case, they taught us to offer to you, O holy Trinity, Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 28, 4, 14-15 (Gallay-Jourjon 108). This idea is expounded by Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 28, 21, 23-27 (GallayJourjon 144). He is referring here to the insatiable desire of the human mind to enter the divine mysteries, which, however, cannot be apprehended by anyone. Is this an echo of the mystical investigations of Metochites’ contemporaries? c  See above, p. 53, n. d. a 

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whatever one is in a position to offer, because you accept cheerfully both small and great gifts, provided that one is offering them with a forward mind, loving one’s king from the bottom of one’s heart. Therefore, being godlike themselves and desiring always to imitate their king, may they now accept my offerings graciously. Receive with leniency my few verses, born from a loving heart, O divine men. Even if an author, however experienced he may be, decides to write about only one of the three, cutting him off from his company and confining himself to praising him alone as best he can, he will end in failure and will be ridiculed by all mortal men,a proving himself most imprudent, since he dared to violate sacred things because of his recklessness, going after impossible things,b full of temerityc and audacity.d Imagine then what will happen, if someone tries to praise all three. What could one say? This would be clear proof of madness. If someone make such an attempt, thinking that he is able to carry out his duties satisfactorily, then he will be justifiably considered a madman, as I have already pointed out. However, if someone praise them because of his love for them, carried away by his own heart, offering a gift to them in full consciousness of his inability to compose a worthy encomium and the inadequacy of his mind for such a task, in my view he cannot be censurede by any judicious judge; nobody can ever offer an adequate gift even to our Lord Jesus Christ.f Bearing all this in mind, I decided to bring you now as a gift this small poem, O blessed men, although it is totally insignificant and feeble. Forgive me, O servants of our God, you who previously taught us to offer willingly and eagerly whatever we are in a position to give as a gift to the Lord himself or to his good companions like See above, p. 53, n. d. See above, Karathanasis n. 167 (*p. 87*). Cf. also Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 7 (Polemis 30, 9-22), and id., Or. in sanctum Demetrium (Laourdas 59, 108). c  Homer, Il. 10, 28. d  Cf. John Mauropous, Or. in tres hierarchas (de Lagarde 107-108). e  See above, p. 143. f  This is a common motif of most prooimia of rhetorical speeches, employed also by Metochites Theodoros, Or. ad imperatorem I, (Polemis 2007, 138, 2-4). a 

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you,a who proved yourselves glorious, loud-voicedb heralds of the true faith of Christ, defeating your enemies, always winning the day, whatever battles you were fighting, secretly or in the open. That is how matters stand. But I now feel a great joy, deep in my heart, realizing that Christ our good Lord brought those three prelates into existence at the right moment in order that they might become the most competent leaders of the church and defend his faith, fighting against those shameless heretics, who were numerous at that time, who attacked viciously the true doctrines, being furious with the orthodox, and did not care at all about God,c whose church they divided in a dreadful manner. The result was that they destroyed the church, throwing its bones to the depthsd of Hades (Ps. 140, 7) and laying waste the faithful,e whom our great Lord redeemed with his own blood (Act. 20, 28); they cut into pieces his property, which he had bought himself, splitting up without fear, in a miserable way, the holy, beautiful body of the church, the head of which is Christ (Eph. 5, 23) himself. Therefore, Christ foresaw that a safeguard might be created, so that the church would not be destroyed completely, and brought into life those noble men. He elected them as good leadersf because of their merits, since they were really god-like men, and because of their virtuous deeds and their wisdom, which enabled them to display a fighting spirit against their enemies. Thus the three prelates were able to raise the Christian army to action against their enemies, who had inflicted many blows upon them. They saw to it that the fugitives might be saved and take courage.g Thus all Christians were drawn together as a coherent group, and they became the holy, most valuable and strong army (Hebr. 13,  13) of almighty God.  They constituted an indissoluble, compact alliance, fighta  Οn the motif of the ardent desire of the orator to offer something, though inadequate, to the subject of his praise, see Polemis 2007, 137, n. 13. It is also to be found in Byzantine hymnographic and hagiographic texts. b  The word occurs in Aristophanes, Ranae 202. c  See above, p. 76, n. a. d  See also Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1405A. e  Homer, Il. 6, 327. f  Homer, Od. 15, 310. g  Homer, Od. 9, 381-382.

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ing under the guidance of these three men. Like the leaven, which leavens a big quantity of dough (I Cor. 5, 6; Gal. 5, 9), making it uniform and edible, these divine men transformed a multitude of men resembling dough into the delicious bread of Lord Jesus Christ, who came from above (Jn. 6, 41-48) as an edible bread, giving eternal life to mortal men. They also resemble the cream of the milk,a produced by the ever-flowing breast of the church.b the people I mentioned above, whom they organized under their own guidance, though it had been completely disorganized in the past, so that it could no longer be quickly dispersed by those tempestuous winds that had buffeted the church of Christ our Lord both before these men appeared and in recent years. Christ, who foresees everything, brought to light all those men as our eminent leaders, and through them he restored everything to his satisfaction. For these men, with the help of their wise minds and the incitement of the divine Spirit, brought everything to orderc in a most decorous manner, both the doctrines of the true faith, and the laws regulating matters of the divine clergy. They did not leave anything without bringing it to a noble, praiseworthy and beautiful completion, since they arranged everything brightly, in a way that commands respect. I mean all of those matters concerning the mysteries and the proper worship of God; through them men praise God, the Lord of everything, giving honour to him for all he has done for us by means of his goodness; also his ineffable power, through the function of which he satisfies all his wishes. Through them we also plead with Christ to have mercy upon us,d turning a blind eye on the numerous trespasses that keep prisoner each one of us. In this endeavour the great and most admirable culture of the three prelates proved a  Homer, Il. 5, 902. See also Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 600A, and Plutarch, Mor. 95AB. On the expression galakti laro, cf. Oppianus, Halieutica 1, 661 (Fajen 62). b  Origen speaks of the breasts of the church in his explication of some passages of the Canticum Canticorum (e.g. 1, 2, 1, 4, etc.), interpreting the relevant references of the Old Testament allegorically, see PG 13, 213B. Paul also speaks about the milk of faith in 1 Cor. 3, 2. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 528A. d  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 386 (Tuilier-Bady 27).

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to be a great help, contributing to the realization of their wishes; it helped them to express easily in an appropriate style through their rhetorical ability whatever they wished to say, concerning either the doctrines of the orthodox faith or other necessary affairs, like those I have mentioned; in any case I was not able to say everything. They moved easily, since their language resembled an easily moving chariot that brought them to the completion of their aims.a The power of their language was a great help for them in each one of the undertakings of their minds. But how can one describe the immense wealth of their wisdom, which is glorious among men, not only among us, who bear the precious name of our immortal saviour, the universal God Jesus Christ (I Cor. 1, 2), but also among those who have another faith, not honouring Christ our God, but being our enemies, like those Greeks of the past who worshipped seductive spirits? By all these people those blessed and glorious men were justly admired for their wisdom. However, they offered their wisdom as a gift to Christ most willingly, sacrificing both their whole selves, their whole lives and their learning as victims without blemish. I am surprised to think in my mind that these divine men came to our lives as models of human behaviour,b showing to every prudent man who can see their progress what is really the best possible conduct suitable for men according to our nature. They give me the impression that they are like some iconsc in our lives, given to us by God himself, providing us with an example; they proclaim loudly what the extreme limit a  Cf.  Theodoretus Cyrrensis, De providentia, PG 83, 589, 39. Cf.  also Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 23 (Polemis 114, 18-20). b  On that term see my comments in Polemis 2007b, 92, n. 160. Nikephoros Choumnos, Epist. 151 (Boissonade 174) seems to be in slight disagreement with Metochites, arguing that there are limits to human virtue and to literary accomplishment. Cf. also Philo Judaean, De legatione 75 (Cohn-Wendland VI, 134, 27-28), id., De posteritate Caini 91 (Cohn-Wendland II, 20, 3), and Aelius Aristeides, Panathenaicus 401 (Behr 274). Gregory of Nyssa, Vita Macrinae 1, 2729 (Maraval 142) employs similar terms, speaking of his sister Macrina. Gregory Nazianzen does the same addressing Gregory of Nyssa (Or. 11, 3, 22-24, CalvetSebasti 334). Οne may also adduce Aristotle, Politica 1295a 39, though here the author is speaking about the virtue of the whole city. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 43, 80, 33-35 (Bernardi 302).

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of human naturea is, and how one may become perfect, acquiring all those things that contribute to the good condition of men, in word and deed; in this way they themselves became prominent; they were the first fruits of the human race offered to the Lord, like a perfect, most venerable, excellent and extremely valuable votive offering, more beautiful, precious and famous than anything else, and the glory of manhood, since it was proved that nature could bring into life such perfect human beings. Therefore, they became defenders of human nature and of human virtue, refuting those awful accusations brought against human natureb and virtue by other people: they argued that nature cannot acquire perfect virtue, saying that virtue is an invention of human speech, which can easily create all sorts of things, like a painter who paints with his hands whatever occurs to his mind, without restrictions, even things that do not exist.c Therefore, in the past human nature was considered unable to achieve virtue in its entirety, while virtue was regarded as a defective fiction which could not be realized through our deeds; that two words without any material basis had together, concerning things without any basis in reality. But those men became defenders both of human nature and virtue, proving that human nature was in a position to display perfect virtue through the deeds and the words of men, while perfect virtue was not a fiction consisting of mere words, which could not be realized, like that perfect beauty depicted in paintings, which was not to be seen anywhere in real life, since nature did not allow the appearance of absolute beauty; did anybody ever see the beauty as depicted by the painters? That conviction was shared by most people in the past, but the situation changed completely because of the activity of these three men who were perfect in every respect, not defective in any respect. This was due to their wisdom which was a product of their Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 13 (Polemis 60, 18-21). Cf. Homer, Od. 1, 32. c  On the problem of the nonexistence of virtue according to Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 38 (Polemis 164, 18-20). Possibly Metochites had in mind Gregory Nazianzen Or. 4, 44, 10 (Bernardi 144). See also Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 36 (Polemis 158, 3-11). a 

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mind, as well as to their conduct in life. Their deeds were perfect in both respects. Nobody among mortal mena has become godlike in the past, or will become so in the future, as they managed to become, because of his god-like deeds, or equality in wisdom. But what can anyone say about their wisdom? Even if I was much wiser than I am, even if I had many tongues, like those mentioned by Homer in the pastb and many other qualifications enumerated by him, I would not have been equal to the occasion, nor would my speech have remained uncensoredc by those people who knew the wisdom of the three prelates. Only their own tongues would have been in a position to praise them in a manner really worthy of their wisdom,d provided it were possible for someone to eulogize himself. In any case let us say something, since we remember their wisdom and the need has arisen . They studied attentively, learning Holy Scripture in its entirety, both the Old and the New Testament, that glorious book proclaiming the grace of Christ. They also elucidated those texts with their own teaching, accomplishing a tremendous task, very difficult indeed and requiring great care and the help of divine grace, which supplemented their knowledge, helping them from above to make clear those . Some in them can be understood easily, while the meaning of others is hidden, resembling a much-twisted labyrinth, or a deep cave.e It requires so much pain and a mind set in motion by our God above for someone to bring out the treasures from those treasuries, giving them to his fellow-men in abundance; God breathes upon him from above his eternal, excellent grace which is most useful for mortal men.f In addition to divine knowledge they had also acquired secular Greek wisdom, a thing unspeakably great, more it than any other man who bears See above, p. 53, n. d. Homer, Il. 2, 489. A common quotation in Byzantine rhetorical prooimia. c  See above, p. 83, n. d. d  See Polemis 2007, 77, n. 132, where a similar passage from the unpublished speech of Metochites for Gregory Nazianzen is quoted. e  Homer, Od. 1, 15 and 12, 317. f  See above, p. 53, n. d. a 

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the name of Christ (Act. 9, 14). Thus in their own times they became renowned in both divine knowledge and secular Greek wisdom, which is most useful, if someone takes advantage of it for the affairs of the church.a That is what these divine men did, using both of them, and bringing great benefit to us from both. Like a strong man who gives a resistless strength to those fighting with him during the fierce battleb in order to attack their enemies, if he carries appropriate weapons in addition to his bodily strength, these men defeated their enemies completely by carrying the weapons provided by secular wisdom and combining them with their divine power;c thus they glorified the church greatly, since they proved that its entire position was strong, valuable, lovely and respectable, while the opinions of their enemies were clearly false, objectionable, shameful, unhealthy.d Accordingly, the appearance of these three men in the world greatly benefited our lives, bringing honour to human nature and to all mortal men,e and helping the church. Their glory is imperishable,f prominent and permanent in eternity, since their memory from the past comes intact to all of us and to all nations that confess the name of Christ and his true doctrines, as well as the names of these three men. These men were of Greek origin and wrote their books in Greek, our own language, which possesses a natural beauty, but they were also considered most valuable by all other nations that employ different languages in order to express the thoughts hidden inside their minds.g In fact cannot be altered, when translated into other languages, but remains always the same. It is the same in the case of a body that is always the same, even if dressed in different clothes. Thus the numerous and excellenth books left The Byzantine axiom: secular knowledge may be useful, if one knows how to take profit of it. See a relevant extract from Basil of Caesarea, De liberis educandis 4, 1-3 (Wilson 22). b  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 675A. c  Homer, Il. 18, 121. d  See above, p. 80, n. d. e  See above, p. 53, n. d. f  See above, p. 82, n. b. g  Cf. Homer, Od. 24, 474. h  Cf. Homer, Il. 9, 330. a 

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behind by these holy men were dressed by all nations with different linguistic dressings,a and they have been held in reverence as valuable treasures of the faith, most honoured because of the divine wisdom, as well as the secular knowledge which came from outside, from men alien . Their ineffable influence grows even greater because of their wisdom. Few mortal menb in history among the members of the church, as far as the matters of the immortal Lord God were concerned. I will say something which I hope will not cause indignation. My opinion is that the great wisdom of these men looked down with contempt on everything else, for the sake of the faith of Christ, considering them useless, misleading and futile. These wise prelates regarded all theories concerning nature and the world put forward by men in the past as nonsense and erroneous, since these men of the past had confidence only in their own wisdom and strong minds.c Accordingly, the three wise prelates, considering all these theories inferior, put all their confidence in Christ instead, leading a life of pain for the sake of their love of him. Therefore, they built the church upon the foundations of the faith of the apostles (Hebr. 8, 2) and the prophets, giving us the opportunity to be unshakeable in our true faith in Christ and to be full of hope. It was right for us to obey and follow those few men, who willingly disregarded all ancient doctrines, as well as their immense learning, for the sake of Christ, adopting without any hesitation instead the doctrines of some illiterate, unsophisticated, obscure fishermen, extremely poor and miserable people, who had no ambition to teach anyone in the open; however, from these they took their all-surpassing strength, i.e. the miracles, through which they attracted large crowds and a  He is referring here to the translations of the works of the great fathers of the Greek church into foreign languages, see ODB III, 2106-2107. Ι do not know if Metochites had any particular translations in mind or not. On the word as a dress of our thought see Demoen 2009, 60, n. 45, who underlies the stoic origin of the idea. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 4, 118, 15-21 (Bernardi 282-284). See also Nikephoros Choumnos, Epist. 167 (Boissonade 186). b  See above, p. 53, n. d. c  Cf. 1 Cor. 2, 13.

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persuaded them quickly to believe their doctrines and to consider them safe because of their supernatural deeds, which they could see with their own eyes taking place one after the other, manifestly and in an easy manner. These miracles were guarantees of the faith the apostles preached to the whole world, not hesitating to give themselves up to torture and to death. Although in other cases they were totally defenceless, humble, quailing with fear, in these particular cases they stood bravely before savage and cruel tyrants, stout-hearted,a holding out, ready to suffer martyrdom for the sake of Christ our Lord governing everything, who chose them among many people, though they were very few, powerless, and obscure, strengthening them himself. And the three god-like, great-hearted prelates whose virtue reached the heavens, obeyed these , believing that what they were saying was godinspired, in spite of the fact that they were totally ignorant of human wisdom and of all kinds of learning, which most people try very hard to acquire, being taught only from above, by the Holy Spirit; to persuade others by way of their supernatural miracles, which they accomplished easily by the invocation of the name of Christ (Act. 4, 7-10, and 30) in every occasion. In this way they caused all those who were not blind to have an unshakeable faith to the doctrines of Christ our Lord, dispelling any doubts prudent men might have had, even if some people had been most stupid or deceitful, since even a treacherous, faithlessb man does not dare to look with impudence directly at the bright sun. Thus first of all the apostles laid the foundations of the faith of Christ by means of their miraculous deeds, unsophisticated as they were. But the three wise prelates, coming after them, confirmed the teachings of the true faith of Christ, using all their power, and they raised upc our church, utilizing their wonderful minds; exactly like the miracle-worker apostles, they performed a really apostolic, glorious task with the help of their wisdom. The Talasiphron is a formulaic adjective of Odysseus, see, e.g., Homer, Od. 1, 87. Homer, Od. 2, 188. c  Homer, Il. 10, 465. a 

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only difference is that the three glorious prelates accomplished their mission by means of their accurate learning, while the apostles carried out their job doing miracles. In this way the faith of Christ has been secured from both sides: has been given a secure foundation, beginning with the miracles of the apostles and then through the most powerful wisdom of the three glorious prelates. In my view that is the most wonderful miracle of all: that those men, the pride of human nature, the glory of wisdom, dedicated themselves and all their learning, all the immense power of their minds and their arts, being at their apex, to the unsophisticated teachings of some fishermen, although they themselves were most wise, having learned all sorts of arts and being endowed by nature to accomplish everything, even the most difficult tasks. They had no reservations, but devoted themselves to all those teachings, not making any exception, considering each one of them valuable and most venerable. They accepted them faithfully until their deaths, not making light of anything, being ready to face all kinds of danger rather than neglect any article of the faith in Christ our Lord they embraced most eagerly. Christ, being always eternal God and before all time, became a mortal mana in time, like all other mortal men.b He was raised high up (Jn. 3, 14) and died on the cross.c The sund (Lk. 23, 45) hid itself at noon, the earth quaked (Mt. 27, 51),e stirring up everything, and causing great dismay, because God was killed by men for the sake of men.f Thus the living God died a mortal death; this event was a great miracle,g unthinkable, unspeakable, beyond human comprehension; it is true that no human mind can accept it.h Greek wisdom was offered the opportunity to ridicule this. But the three prelates, though well grounded in Greek learning, and most wise Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 517A. See above, p. 53, n. d. c  See also Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 1366A d  Homer, Il. 8, 480. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 461A. f  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1480A. g  See above, p. 57, n. e. h  Homer, Od. 4, 314. a 

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themselves, had no doubts concerning the unsophisticated and unadorned faith adopted by them in the Lord Jesus Christ. Like small children, who take little carea to verify with subtle distinctions what they came to believe, accepting easily and gladly whatever they hear without any fear, the three most wise, great-hearted prelates adopted the simple articles of the faith they had learned with great joy and confidence. They did not entertain any doubts within their hearts, whether because they had been excessively deliberating, as learned men usually are, or because they had taken into account the humility of the first men who led us to that faith, the unsophisticatedb and seemingly foolish voice of whom had come to the ends of the earth (Ps. 18, 5). They willinglyc abandoned all those complicated, convincing arguments, full of snares, that they had learned in the past, embracing the faith of the apostles instead. They subordinated all their learning to the cause , giving thus great strength to the church of God, both because and because of the virtuous life they led, humiliating the body, which is our furious, eternal enemy. No man who is proud of his prudence would decline to follow those men willingly, accepting all their verdicts concerning God’s worship. Who will refuse to join their company, obeying each one of their orders without any reservation? I  cannot find any human virtue, or any argument of theirs that could deter any prudent man from joining them. Is there anyone else who has spoken more accurately and prudently about the nature of God, the creation of the world, the providence of God,d and, generally speaking, the contemplation of all immortal natures and mortal essences? Who has been more able to discover the truth in advance, and who has really managed to communicate his knowledge to other people more successfully than these three men? Is it possible that these men could have held erroneous, unchecked and false views conHomer, Il. 2, 338. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1180A, where the speech of the apostles is called eutelei. c  See PaR 236. d  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 43, 67, 1-24 (Bernardi 272-274), where the literary and theological achievements of Basil of Caesarea are recorded. a 

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cerning religion, the only thing truly valuable and true thing there is? Was there anyone wiser than them? Was there anyone of all noteworthy men, recorded in history, more experienced on account of his learning and his associations than these men? The three prelates had examined everything closely, not omitting any one of all those false, unhealthya theories formulated in the past by learned men, who had embraced philosophy with love in order to come to God, which had been safely deposited in books, as if they had been treasures. The three prelates were thoroughly schooled in all these things, but they left them behind, even if they appeared to be safe, based on solid and sophisticated arguments; with the river of their wisdom they proved them to be fragile like the spider’s web (Is. 59, 5),b totally untenable and groundless,c an easy prey to any counterarguments from outside. They demonstrated that they were nonsensed in comparison with the prized commandments of Christ.e That is why they eagerly adopted his infallible doctrinal commandments, rejecting all others, and took care to embrace them wholeheartedly. They respected Christ’s wishes so much, that they rejected everything else, escaping the world because of their great love of Christ and leaving behind them all worldly goods, such as glory, nobility of birth, coveted posts in the royal court,f attendants, servants, loud acclamations, great wealth, beautiful clothes,g and all kinds of luxury. They rejected all those things desired by all mortal men,h although they could have easily acquired them, preferring Christ instead and leading a frugal life. They were poor, suffering greatly. They were dressed in rags, wearing garments of hair, shivering all over with cold, not caring for their bodies. Their food and drinki were of a See above, p. 80, n. a. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 11, 602-603 (Tuilier-Bady 83), and the notes of Jungck 1974, 178. c  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 568 (Tuilier-Bady 39). d  Cf. Plato, Leges 803c and 644d. e  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 500A. f  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 43, 3, 14 (Bernardi 122). g  Homer, Od. 24, 277. h  See above, p. 53, n. d. i  Homer, Od. 17, 603. a 

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very poor quality. They were ready to die, if necessary, sacrificing their lives they loved so much for the sake of Christ. These were not empty words and a choice of life, but they made known their intentions by virtue of their deeds, when necessary, accepting openly martyrdom for the true doctrines of Christ and going through every kind of suffering and danger to their bodies and to their lives; they were even ready to die, expecting as a reward, at the last judgment, an eternal, blessed and safe life near to God. Is there anyone, who, looking at all the wonderful, everlasting of these three men, or contemplating them in his mind, would not decide to join them, being ready to obey them? This is why I called them a great advantagea for the church, arguing that they built it firmly upon their own judgments and their own words. Anyone who prefers miracles as proofsb of our faith, can find many indeed which have been performed by the apostles, those earliest leaders of the faith, who sowed the seeds (Mk. 4, 26; Lk. 8, 5) of Christianity all over the inhabited part of the earth, and produced much wheat of faith, thanks to their numerous miracles. But if someone else prefers to follow the precepts of pure reason, he can follow the three ; if he does not realize that these three were truly the most learned and most virtuous of men, leading venerable and decorous lives, most fitting to their great wisdom, he is mentally deficient.c I can express my view repeating the words of the apostle Paul: the Jews are looking for miracles (I Cor. 1, 22) confirming the Christian faith, being previously accustomed to them, since in every previous circumstance they would ask the almighty God to perform miracles for their sake, and when they received them, be convinced by them. On the other hand, the Greeks ask for learned arguments (I Cor. 1, 22), since it is their habit too to have absolute reliance on human reason. Now the church of Christ offers to them both sorts of guarantees, miracles to the Jews, and a truly glorious wisdom to the Greeks (I Cor. 1, 22). If I were to speak more See above, p. 131, n. e. Epipeithomai is Homeric, see Homer, Il. 1, 565. c  Cf. Pindarus, Pythia 9, 87 (Turyn 132), and Synesius of Cyrene, Epist. 150 (Garzya 268, 7). a 

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accurately, I would say that this is more than what they had been accustomed to in the past: to the Jews are offered most persuasive arguments, while the Greeks receive miracles (I Cor. 1, 22) that they did not have before, things unexpected to both of them. As a result they may be persuaded by them, being provided with strong guarantees for their faith. That is why I described those greathearted men as a great advantage for the church, arguing that, imitating the apostolic way of life,a they founded the church, persuadingb their fellow men with their wisdom and their virtuec that the doctrines of the faith of Christ our Lord were true indeed. I regard it as a great miracled that at the beginning Christ our Lord thought that it was advantageouse for his church to be led by the illiterate apostles, who travelled all over the earth proclaiming the doctrines of a novel faith, although they were poor, obscure persons, and totally uneducated; all people were persuaded by them and abandoned all their laws, which had turned into habits after being kept in their minds so many years. But then Christ decided that after the apostles the great and glorious wisdom of the three prelates should follow, so that the celebrated preaching might be strengthened from both sides for the sake of all future generations,f though it is an old tradition among mortal meng that the power of wisdom comes first in every respect: uneducated common men following the leadership of those who are educated, since this is the only wise thing, to accept the leadership of those who are our betters; it is a natural law that the irrational part of our soul is in a normal state, if it obeys the rational part of it.h However, here, in the case of our piSee above, p. 95, n. a. Homer, Od. 23, 12. c  Τhe combination of virtue and wisdom once more. d  See above, p. 57, n. e. e  Homer, Od. 2, 320. f  Cf. John Mauropous, Or. in tres hierarchas (de Lagarde 115, 31-36). A similar view is expounded by Metochites’ contemporary Pachymeres, Quadrivium 1 (Tannery-Stephanou 3, 15-21). g  See above, p. 53, n. d. h  A quite widespread distinction of the parts of human soul, ultimately derived from Plato. a 

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ous faith, things took the opposite direction, since Christ is in a position to transform everything according to his own wishes: the uneducated lead the learned, and the fact that they were followers of totally uneducated men was a great joy to them, in harmony with their outlook and their pride. Basil confesses in one of his speeches that he is a student of fishermen, and loves that, praying that this may be an adornment of his mind and of his wisdom, glorious all over the earth.a The same was affirmed in the writings of the other two prelates,b who were proud of this most desirable thing, believing that this would be a great gloryc for them, as others took pride in other things, either secured for them by their good fortune, or by their noble families. It was a source of such joy and pride for them to be called students of illiterate, obscure fishermen, who had caught in their nets all people,d those prominent for their learning and those who were uneducated, the glorious and the humble, kings and much-suffering poor men, foreigners, beggars,e barbarians and Greeks. the net (Mt. 13, 34), which caught everything that is in the water (Mt. 13, 47), all the innumerable species of fishes swimming in the depths of the unharvested sea,f both useful and useless ones, great and small. The same occurred with the apostolic snares: all sorts of people, wise and unwise, bringing them to Christ, our all-ruling Lord. The most important preyg of the apostles were the three prelates, most glorious for their virtue and their wisdom. But what can we say about their wisdom? witness the long time that has passed since then, strengthening their immortal glory,h and those many books they left behind,i displaying their immense learning. Both See Basil of Caesarea, Epist. 356, 1, 3 (Courtonne 218). Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 5, 25, 3 (Bernardi 340). c  Homer, Od. 1, 344. d  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 720A. e  Homer, Od. 17, 84. f  Homer, Il. 1, 358 and 316. g  Homer, Il. 2, 480. h  Homer, Il. 9, 413. i  Μetochites speaks about the glory of scholars that is a product of their books, in Ethikos, see Polemis 2002, 142*-143*. a 

b 

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To the Three Prelates

we Christians and those strongly opposed to our faith, the Greeks, admire them, because of their wisdom and the beauty of their style. Is there anyone who seeing them fails to admire the strength of their nature and their eloquence? The eloquence of Gregory was the product of a thorough training in every respect. someone is in love with eloquence of style; if he gets accustomed to imitating the style of Gregory, he can achieve eloquence more successfully this way than by trying to profit from all other authors whose unique ambition in life was to achieve a refined Greek style. This is an ideal of some people, both in the past and nowadays, who appreciate the great glory of learninga very much indeed. No one could profit more greatly, from whatever source, than from the writings of Gregory, whose language is famous for his innovations, being totally unconventional among men, and exhibits a cheerfulness, most fitting to the strength of his mind.b It avoids all indecency and licentiousness,c which were zealously pursued by those who came afterwards, although they constituted a serious corruption of the laws of harmony governing the noble Greek language, producing just empty words making a great noise. However, Gregory’s all-powerful nature managed to combine grace of style with vigour in an admirabled way.e This has been a great advantage for all mortal menf who came afterwards, a standard of style, so that they are in a position to achieve their aims by studying his works. On the other hand, the language of the god-like Basil and John Chrysostom is not so embellished and beautiful, though whatever these two write comes out of their minds easily, being most persuasive, since strong arguments with their minds, Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 43, 73, 19-20 (Bernardi 290). Cf. Hermogenes, De inventione 4, 4 (Rabe-Kennedy 164, 15-16), where the meaning of the term akme is discussed. embellishments c  The term is employed with the same meaning by Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 11, 267-268 (Tuilier-Bady 68). See also the note of Jungck 1974, 164, where more passages are cited where the term is used in a pejorative sense, to denote the excessive of rhetorical speech. d  See Homer, Od. 8, 366. e  Cf. John Mauropous, Or. in tres hierarchas (de Lagarde 113, 26-27). f  See above, p. 53, n. d. a 

b 

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admitting no escape, whatever their subject happens to be. Who can escape the net (Mt. 13, 47) of John, the labyrinths of his rhetoric, his much-twisted arguments that flow out of his mind, captivating his audience? No one has ever seen such a versatile language or such an inventive mind giving forth easily, whether among the Greeks in the past, or among ourselves, who are Christians. When John Chrysostom decides to persuade his audience about something which is true, following the instructions of Christ, our all-governing Lord, everlasting streams flow vehemently , neverending, as if it were an everflowing spring of the Holy Spirit (cf. Jn 7, 38), which can never dry up; it bursts forth , possessing a natural strength, or rather a vigour provided by the inexhaustible grace of God, for whom all these are possible, things supernatural, incomprehensible by the human mind, totally unhoped-for. Such were the minda and the speech of John, ever-flowing, untiring, whatever his subject may have been. As soon as something—whatever it was— crossed his mind, vehement streams of speech flowed from his tongue abundantly,b easily, without pain and admirably. Who can express his admiration for such an ineffable, totally unexpected thing in a proper way? Many times, when he starts speaking about something small, one may wonder what an orator can really say about that. But when he starts his speech, arguments come out of his mouth continuously, each one better than that which precedes it, all powerful and most fertile, driving the listener out of his senses, being totally unexpected,c violently forcing him to accept them without any reservation.d It is a miracle that at last his strong flowing source stopped gushing those unchangeable streams of water (because of his death), flowing most easily, not blocked by any dam, being proofs of his sagacity.

See above, p. 49, n. g. Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Comparatio Demosthenis et Aristeidis (Gigante 1981, 20-22). c  See above, p. 85, n. a. d  Cf. John Chrysostom, In illud: Habentes eundem spiritum, PG 51, 289, 57290, 54. See also Manuel Philes (Miller II, 231). a 

b 

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To the Three Prelates

Let us now examine the depths of Basil’s minda as best as we can. His shots are most accurate, well-timed always, but he does not pay great attention to his style. In any case his language is majestic, dignified, decorated with the garments of eloquence, being most successful, and treating with force each subject most appropriately and thoroughly, whatever the subject may be. Many powerful thoughts are hidden in very few words. No envious , lying in ambush, can find fault with them; it is as if someone were to try to shave a wild lion,b as the proverb has it, exposing himself to great danger; in the same way nobody can reproach,c in any respect, either what Basil says, or what he teaches about the conduct of our lives and the doctrines of the true faith, proclaiming most accurately what is safe for us, and fighting against our enemies, whether those who listen to or those who teach heretical doctrines concerning the Holy Trinity, damaging those who listen to them. All these evil devices were easily destroyed by Basil, as if they were feeble children’s’ toys.d One may admire them on account of their wisdom, for which they have gained great, eternal repute among all people forever. All we who bear the glorious name of Christ have profited from it, because they offered their wisdom and whatever belonged to them to Christ most willingly. Because of this they were in a position to teach their fellow mortal mene whatever was most profitable for them, as far as the faith, the world, and the proper conduct of our lives were concerned. how it was possible to live here, entertaining good hopesf for a better life afterwards, which lasts forever, bringing both rewards and punishments. Thus persuaded us to escape those punishments, getting rewards for our virtuous lives instead, by giving us foolproof instructions in each case. They resembled leaders and guardians sent from above by merciful God, who always wishes mortal Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 43, 76, 9-10 (Bernardi 294). Cf. Plato, Respublica 341c. c  See above, p. 169, n. a. d  Cf. Homer, Il. 15, 362-364. e  See above, p. 53, n. d. f  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 43, 65, 20-23 (Bernardi 270) a 

b 

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mena well. Accordingly, the three prelates, carrying out faithfully all the orders of their great-hearted Lord,b like good servants, persuaded all of us, through their words and their deeds, to choose what was most profitable for us.c In order to fulfill this task, they were eager to do whatever was necessary. They were ready to suffer anything in order to save all peoples, bringing them all to the flock (Jn 10, 16) of Christ. Although I have already said it, I repeat it now once again: these god-like men,d by displaying apostolic zeal, profited the church of God greatly. And so it is right for us to honour them through our words and through our deeds.

See above, p. 53, n. d. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 500A c  See above, p. 53, n. e. d  The word theoudea is employed by Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 1277A. a 

b 

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7. FUNERAL VERSES IN HONOUR OF THE EMPRESS EIRENE, WIFE OF THE MOST DIVINE EMPEROR ANDRONIKOS PALAIOLOGOS

Alas,a what shall I sayb now in this calamity? Alas, once more! I would prefer to be devoid of speech, devoid of my mind in this unexpectedc disaster, so that I might live harmlessly,d devoid of any sense,e not feeling any pain in my heart, being ignorant. That would have been far more profitable for mef than coming up against this terrible, inconceivable catastrophe, and being conscious of it. Who is able to express our grief with dirges and moans, as the human custom is, in an appropriate way? however eager he may be. As soon as he rushes upon this task, he realizes that he has no tears,g no moans, no words to say; I mean those words we mortals usually say in funeral orations, pouring them out like libations to the a  Pathetic exclamations are typical features of the style of monodia, which have to be continuously repeated, so that readers do not regard the text as an epitaphios. b  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 757A. c  On the sudden death of the empress in Drama in 1317 see Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 7, 12, 1 (Schopen-Bekker I, 273). d  Cf. Pindarus, Olympia 8, 87 (Turyn 44). e  Cf. Ethikos 59 (Polemis 252, 24-254, 3). f  See above, p. 53, n. e. g  Cf. Synesius of Cyrene, Catastases II, 1, 1, 4-6 (Lamoureux-Ajoulat 204).

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dead. The disaster which has befallen us is so immense that we are struck dumb because of its enormity.a It is so excessive that even a stout-heartedb man, who is used to those situations, collapses. It is impossible either to say anything or to remain silent. Who will manage to bear such a calamity without uttering a word, remaining unbroken, even if the heart withinc is made of stone? On the other hand, what sort of funerary oration would be appropriate for the occasion? O my empress, who now lie dead in a small grave, traversed the entire world.d You have departed for the dark halls of Hades,e though you were the brightest pride of human nature,f famous all over the world, shining from your highness in high-honoured radiance,g precious and pleasant for all eyes to see it, though you are now covered by darknessh in the dark grave. Alas what am I saying?i What is this that I have seen? I wish I had never seen such a thing. Where did you go, leaving usj sighing deeply, O my empress, who were so merciful to us in the past, eagerly wishing to banish all our cares far away from us? Your compassionate heart urged you to try to find with great love all good things in life for us, ensuring our happiness. But now—it was our destiny to be afflicted by great grief because of your sudden, unexpected death. You left us living in despondency, although you always wanted to fill our hearts with joy in all circumstances, a  b 

1, 87.

See Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Theodoram (Sideras 249, 10-11). Talasiphron is used mainly as an adjective of Odysseus, see, e.g., Homer, Od.

Cf. Homer, Od. 2, 315 (endothi thymos). Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1231A. e  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1569A. See also Homer, Il. 22, 482-483, Euripides, Hecuba 1-2. Οn the theme of darkness in Greek and Latin epitaphs, see Lattimore 1962, 161-164. f  Cf.  Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 13 (Polemis 60, 18-22). See also Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 24, 6, 8 (Mossay-Lafontaine 50). g  Homer, Il. 2, 458. h  Homer, Il. 16, 325. i  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 757A. j  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 22, 1, 11-12 (Mossay-Lafontaine 218). On the common theme in the epitaphs that the dead never gave cause for grief except by dying, see Lattimore 1962, 198. c 

d 

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whether good or bad, to a larger or to a smaller extent; everything happens according to certain proportions. Those proportions may be regarded by some people, who examine things superficially, as unfair.a However, you, O my empress, imitating God through your deeds, because of your great prudence, transformed whatever was unequal into equal, providing everyone with a fair portion of good things. Your most ardent desire for all of us was to enjoy a happy life, without any tribulations, within the bounds of reason, which is the law of our Lord God, applying to all his creatures, offering goods to all of us, more to some people, less to others, always in our own best interests; this is the providence of the great Lord for all things. You acted in a god-like fashion, wishing that everyone lead a happy life,b within certain reasonable limits. But now, that you have abandoned us, making your way into Hades, the sun has also abandoned us,c and the darkness of griefd has covered us all.e You have become the cause of our sorrow. But you have now exchanged the kingdom that perishes for the one that is eternal, glorious, imperishable in every respect, pleasant, always flourishing with the delights of spring,f absolutely stable and graceful, reserved by the immortal God for his own friends,g so that they may live in it happily forever, having no illnesses, enjoying all its aspects. You had fallen in love with that kingdom, when you were still in this ever-changing life, which resembles the much-twisted tide, following now one direction, now anotherh every day,i leading everyone astray at all times. As I said, you have now achieved Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 496A. The motif is fully developed in Poem 16. b  Cf. Pindarus, Olympia 8, 87 (Turyn 44). c  Homer, Il. 7, 465. d  Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica 3, 79 (Way 120). e  Homer, Il. 16, 350. f  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 44, 12, PG 36, 621A. Τhe image of Εlysium is probably present in Metochites’ memory, see on that theme Lattimore 1962, 313314. g  He is referring here to the saints, see Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 63 (Polemis 276, 8-9). h  A locus communis in all the works of Metochites, see Gigante 1981, 217-244. It is also common in Gregory Nazianzen, see, e.g., Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1252A. i  See above, p. 121, n. a. a 

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what you desired so ardently,a but you have left behind only tears, moans,b groans, awful grief,c rending our heart. It is impossible to cease our dirges, remembering you always; I mean those who still possess a sober mind,d and manage not to go mad because of this awful, dark disaster that has befallen us, becoming blind. I wish we had never seen you, O my gloriouse empress, since, after you had offered us so many good things, being generous to us so often and to such a great extent in the past, you were destined to leave us behind to live in misery like unhappy orphans. Who is able not to feel bitter disappointment, being violently deprived of all these goods he was used to enjoy in the past? He is immensely sad, full of sorrow;f how can anyone bear his own mutilation? That is how we look now at the time of our beating our breasts. Who wants to continue livingg after your death? Who is still going to dream of a happy life, as he did in the past, if he has a prudent mindh and is sane? Happy life, bringing joy to our hearts, because of the benefits provided by the empress, is gone for ever. Everyone is cut to the heart by those immeasurable pains, which have no end, leaving our hearts no hope of recovery from that incurable passion in the future. Men in life will never forget that grief; they will remember it forever. This is a human habit: men always keep the memory of great things intact, whether good or bad,i inside the treasury of their minds. Whatever was yours, was excellentj if compared to the good things of many other people, O my empress. Your family was most glorious, you were endowed both with an outer and an inner beauty, most beloved to Christ our Lord. Your capacity of a  Cf.  Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Josephum philosophum (Treu 28, 12), and id., Or. funebris in Theodoram (Sideras 258, 18-19). b  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 781A. On the various elaborations of the theme of mourning see Lattimore 1962, 179. c  Cf. Homer, Od. 17, 7-8. d  Homer, Il. 11, 813. e  Agaklees is a Homeric word, see Homer, Il. 17, 716. f  Akhnymenos at the beginning of the verse in Homer, Il. 1, 103. g  On the theme of the unwillingness to survive the dead, see Lattimore 1962, 203-204. h  Prapidessin at the end of the verse in Homer, Il. 18, 482. i  Homer, Od. 4, 230. j  Homer, Il. 2, 480.

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mind far surpassed that of all other women, who had been glorious for their prudence, both now and in the past.a Because of these gifts, each one separately, and all together, we cannot begin to measure the extent to which you stood out from all other illustrious women. You surpassed each one of them in whatever particular virtue, in which alone she distinguished herself, but you also surpassed them in all other virtues, . But you also surpassed other women as well, who possessed more than one virtue to a small extent, since you excelled in all. For this reason you were the most suitable wife for our great emperor. Christ himself, the all-governing king married you, joining you together in a proper manner, after bringing you here, O empress, from afar quite unexpectedly, driving you across the seab with swift shipsc easily, and bringing to completion an undertakingd for the sake of mortal mene beyond any expectation,f i.e. the happy marriage of our king, which was most harmonious in every respect. Has anyone seen a more happy marriage among men than the admirable union of our masters that we have witnessed? Has anyone heard anything comparable in the past? But now, what can I say, what caused their separation? Probably our numerous sins, or the evil-one,g who is always envious of good things, . In any case they were separated in a manner most cruel, both for themselves, and for us, who are distressed no less, seeing our most delightful empress dead. O my tongue, what do you dare to utter? the most gracious queen, who happened to be the most precious flower of human nature,h the crown of virtue and beauty? Because of her virtue and beauty she was admired , both in our country and abroad, by all nations that chanced to behold her. And A clear comparison of the empress with Penelope, see Homer, Od. 23, 166-173. Homer, Il. 1, 34. c  Homer, Il. 1, 421. d  Homer, Od. 4, 663. e  See above, p. 53, n. d. f  See above, p. 85, n. a. g  Homeric adjectives, see, e.g., Homer, Il. 5, 461, and ibid. 5, 191. h  See above, p. 172, n. g. a 

b 

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145

many were the nations indeed that looked on her, since she was the glorious imperial wifea of our glorious emperor. All those who saw her admired her most distinguished appearance, her stature,b and her mind. But those who were able to understand the commandments of God,c realizing what virtue is, caring about the holy deeds of virtue,d admired how much care she took to please God (I Jn 3, 22) by behaving, speaking and thinking always in accordance with his commandments;e she spent all her life before our Lord, always in fear of him, never neglecting his commandments, which she explained to all mortal men in order that they might lead good lives. She delighted herself with the words taught by God,f which are sweeter than honey or wax in our mouth (Ps. 18, 11; ibd. 118, 103) according to the song of the god-like king David. All day and nightg she sang divine songs diligently, praising our Lord continuously, with an ardent desire to offer proper, bloodless sacrifices to Christ, the king of all creatures, which are more precious than the sacrifices of young lambs, calves, horned bulls and flocks of sheep;h indeed Christ is satisfied with the prayers and songs by the clean mouths of men practising virtue in their lives, rejecting all evil, foolish deeds of wickedness.i Our empress abhorred all those deeds and those shameless people whom she saw committing such crimes, but she was always well-disposed towards all servants of God, whom she respected and who respected her in their turn.j I call to witness (Eph. 4, 17) the invisible God; what I am saying is true. As soon as she appeared in front of them all, they were astonished:k they had a Akoitin at the end of verse as in Homer, Od. 21, 325. Homer, Il. 22, 370. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 472A. d  Homer, Il. 2, 338. e  Homer, Od. 21, 28. f  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 472A. g  Homer, Od. 2, 345. h  Homer, Od. 4, 336, and 413. See also Ps. 68, 31-32. i  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1265Α. See also Homer, Od. 24, 458. j  Aidoie is a formulaic adjective used for Penelope, see, e.g., Homer, Od. 17, 152. k  Homer, Il. 3, 342. a 

b 

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great respect for her, looking upon her and being filled with joy immediately. But, alas, you are now lying lifeless, speechless,a O my graceful empress. Your well-turned, sweet-voiced tongue does not utter any more those graceful, elaborate, and high-spirited words, moderate and decorous, whenever your mind urged you ; these words were neither dull, nor unfitting for your sex. On the contrary, they were highly suitable for every occasion, according to the judgment of all those who listened to them both respectfully and happily. But your delightful lips are now closed, and your mind, leaving behind your deadb body, has escaped that grave ,c and breathless, without understanding, no longer hearing anything. Where is the highly honoured brightness of your face, which was the first thing that encountered the eyes that looked upon you, O my empress? Is there anyone with a stony heart who is not going to shed tears welling out abundantly as if from an ever-flowing, deep fountain coming from a rock in the mountains,d looking at your dead body that lies in front of him? But is there anyone who is in a position to shed tears enough for this enormous calamity in a worthy manner? I wonder how anyone will be able to shed adequate tears, even if he sheds a lot of them. All the tears that a much-weeping man may shed are but few compared with the enormity of our disaster. We cannot bear our misfortune silently, without shedding tears,e but, on the other hand, our tears are not enough. Therefore, all we who shed tears lament her as best as we can, but some of us lament her silently, deep in our hearts, because we are well aware of the fact that we are unable to shed enough tears. This unanticipated great distress has seized our hearts to such a bewildering extent, that we are left speechless, since both our senses and our minds no longer function because of our astonishment. Our eyes are dry, See Homer, Od. 5, 456 (anaudos). Οn the use of the verb keisai, see also Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Theodoram (Sideras 257, 12) b  Cf. Homer, Il. 12, 386 and 16, 856. c  Οn similar phrases in Greek and Latin sepulchral inscriptions, see Lattimore 1962, 304-306. d  Homer, Il. 9, 14-15. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 43, 20, 4-5 (Bernardi 164). a 

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not filled with tears,a as if they are inanimate resembling a rough rock. We resemble lifeless, breathless statues deprived of any sense.b This is what usually happens to men: a great calamity deprives men of their senses, and that is what we observe now: some people, because of their astonishment, are left without speech, without understanding, without tears. On the other hand, all those who shed tears, when necessary, stop their lamentation at a certain moment involuntarily,c in order to repeat it later on; in fact, they will not stop it as long as they are alive; only death can stop them, when they depart for Hades.d Everyone is at a loss; who is more willing or justified to shed more tears, since this wretched calamity is commone to us all. Therefore, our common and most unpleasant task, admitting no escape, is to wail aloud and to groan. Everyone is forced to turn his mind to it; all without exception hasten to enter the contest, and no one is willing to let another take a share of the bereavement greater than him; the bereavement and the grief are common to us all.f Nobody can except himself from this passion, in order to console the others who are in distress, everyone hastening to moan like the others. Probably the fact that the calamity affects us all is a small consolation for our hearts. On the other hand, however, this has its disadvantages: we all lament her, and thus noone—above the common grief, stubborn, with a light heart, shedding no tearsg—is in a position to assist us. That is what we observe in most other griefs: some people are plunged into despair,h feeling very sorry, their eyes blurred with great tears,i while some others do not participate in that grief, being above it; therefore, they are in a position to help Homer, Od. 10, 248. Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 5 (Polemis 18, 3-5). c  Α common motif in many monodies, see Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Theodoram (Sideras 257, 8-10). d  Homer, Od. 11, 277. e  The phrase koinos athlos is proverbial, see, e.g., Philo Judaean, De specialibus legibus 1, 125 (Cohn-Wendland V, 25, 24). f  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 496A. g  Homer, Od. 10, 248. h  The word tolypeuontas is homeric, see tolypeuse Homer, Il. 24, 7. i  Homer, Il. 6, 496. a 

b 

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others eagerly, consoling them and placating their hearts with sweet words, that relieve pain and check their wailing and distress, like drugs banishing care.a This is what happens in most of the woes of mortal men,b but this is not what happens now that you are dead, O my glorious empress. Who is now above grief? Is there anyone who thinks that he must take a bigger or a lesser share in that grief for your unexpected death, which is common to us all and equally unbearable for everyone? It was considered something unexpected in the past, because whatever we do not desire does not come to our minds. That is why I said that your death came to our lives unexpectedly; it was something undesirable, quite unthinkable. In the same way, it does not occur to anyone that the sunc will descend on Hades, and that deadly darknessd will cover everything. However, the unthinkable has now come to pass. We saw you dead, O empress, and darknesse has covered your bright eyes. Your soul has abandoned your body, leaping out to the heavensf not seen , where it always wanted to go, when it was here, where other god-like souls have migrated as well, standing around God and contemplating those ineffable, everlasting, imperishable unspeakable beauties, which no human mind can imagine (I Cor. 2, 9) or understand. You are now contemplating them with the eyes of your immaterial soul,g O my empress, but you have left your graceful and most esteemed body, which was lavishly decorated with numerous graces, a miracle to be seen, now dead, lifeless, unmoving. O, what did I suddenly see?h O poor I! How is it possible that my word and my mind are still steadfast,i and have not abandoned me yet? What a dreadful spectacle! Really, poor men can endure Cf. Homer, Od. 4, 220-221. See above, p. 53, n. d. c  Homer, Il. 1, 605. d  Homer, Il. 22, 102. e  Homer, Il. 13, 580, and 5, 696. f  Homer, Il. 3, 364. g  Cf. Plato, Sophista 254a. h  An accumulation of pathetic exclamations and rhetorical questions is what follows below: a characteristic of monodies. i  See above, p. 174, n. d. a 

b 

179

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everything and still keep their eyes in their places in a way I could not imagine in the past. Could I ever imagine that I might survive after seeing your dead, speechless body lyinga before my eyes? O my miserable tongue,b how do you dare to utter such a thing?c It would be better for youd to be cut to your roots than to say such mournful, unspeakable things. But a demon has preserved you intact, in order to utter these words most boldly. O eyes, why can you still see? Why are you left unharmed as before, now that you look on these things, which it would be better for you not to see at all? It really would be better for you to be destroyed, before seeing such things. That would be much more profitable for you, than to look at our noble empress lying dead alive. Really, the former splendid imperial palace is now all dark, like the dreadful palace of Hades; nobody can live in it anymore, it is a horrible spectacle to look upon. a house of groaning and dreadful wailing, having lost its former brightness, most graceful to be seen. Tears and dark shivering are there instead. A concert of moanse is everywhere. The same applies to the leader of the chorus,f who gives the tune: everyone imitates the lamentation of the palace:g the marketplace resounds with lamentation,h all streets are filled with the wailingi of both women and men, forced to mourn together their common passion. I think that even inanimate beings, such as stones and wood, are forced to shed tears.

Homer, Od. 5, 456-457. Τhe address to his tongue (see also Poems 8, 310, and 9, 18) occurs in the Poems of Gregory Nazianzen as well, see Carm. mor., PG 37, 891A. See also Simelidis 2009, 157. c  Homer, Il. 4, 350. d  See above, p. 53, n. e. e  Cf. Aelius Aristeides, Or. 20, 7 (Keil 10, 13-15). f  The tragic vocabulary is especially stressed in the description of the now desolate palace, resembling palaces of Greek tragedy, such as the palace of the Atreidai. g  Homer, Il. 24, 720-722. The word koryphaios reminds us of the chorus in Greek tragedy. h  Homer, Il. 2, 149. i  Homer, Il. 22, 409 and Od. 2, 388. a 

b 

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Thus our much-lamented empress filled us all with tears and weepinga because of her death, although these tears were not enough for her. Only if the springs , the sea and the rain from the sky be transformed into tears, might that dreadful event be appropriatelyb mourned. What else can I say now in my own lamentation? I have already said many things, but there is no point in continuing, since neither I nor anyone else, even an experienced orator, is going to say anything appropriate for this sad occasion. Since everything that is said is inappropriate and falls short of her, I shall now desist. But we shall lament her silently forever.

Homer, Od. 4, 801. Α very common motif in Byzantine monodies, see, e.g. Libanius, Or. 61, 20 (Foerster IV, 339, 11-340, 3), and Anthologia graeca 7, 10, 7-8 (Beckby II, 20), Nikephoros Gregoras’ Monody for his teacher Metochites, incorporated in his Historia Romana 10, 2, 1-6 (Schopen I, 476). a 

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8. FUNERAL VERSES FOR THE YOUNG EMPEROR MICHAEL PALAIOLOGOS, SON OF THE MOST DIVINE EMPEROR ANDRONIKOS PALAIOLOGOS

What can I say, oh poor I?a What have I seen?b O my emperor, why did you leave us and life itself, suddenly, migrating to the houses of Hades? Why did you decide to depart from the royal palace and inhabit those wretched, dark palaces instead, in the depths of Tartarus, most inappropriate for you, and in a prison from which there is no escape? How much pain you causedc to your beloved father! You were the only light, the only resource in his life. You were his luminous eyes and the sole guarantee of his own life. Now that you have abandoned him, a dark nightd has enveloped his heart, bringing him much wailing and groaning. Life is totally indifferent to hime now that he is deprived of your company. He has no desire to live any more, since you, who were his breath,

Cf. Homer, Od. 5, 299. Pathetic exclamations and rhetorical questions indicate that this Poem too follows the rules applying to the composition of a typical Byzantine monody. Cf. the beginning of Poem 7, 1. c  Aristophanes, Ranae 1353. See also Homer, Il. 5, 156. d  Homer, Od. 13, 269, id., Il. 5, 659. e  Homer, Il. 10, 142. a 

b 

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bringing joy to his heart,a are now dead. O my dear king, how did you become separated from your father, who loved you so much, living only for your sake? How can we explain your behaviour? because you did not take pity on him,b you who loved him more than anyone else, being loved by him in return?c Or did you not foresee the numerous woes that would befall him?d O, how enormous, dreadful are the disasters your death caused us all! Who among mortal men can really describe them?e What am I going to suffer, lamenting ceaselessly those sorrows we all experienced after you died, abandoning your friends? Is there anyone, who did not wail and groan, looking at your graceful beauty descending— alas—to Hades, being mindless, as if made of steel or of any other material, and deprived of any sense? Who can bear to behold that dire and unexpected thing, a frightful storm of death breaking out in the middle of the spring of youth?f Nobody had imagined such a thing, expecting instead that something normal and natural was in store for you. However, we saw your unthinkable misfortune, O emperor. You became separated from us, dying in untimely manner. Death took your life prematurely.g But we can surely state this: in any case, we would say at the time of your death that you had died prematurely, even if you had died full of years, having white hair, because your life had been always necessary for us; even if you had lived to ripe old age, your life would have never been regarded as superfluous or beyond age-limits by any your fellow-men.h All pruSee above, p. 174. Homer, Il. 6, 407. The traditional theme that the dead never gave cause for grief except by dying (Lattimore 1962, 198) is found here too. c  Hesiod, Opera et Dies 353, see also Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1481A. d  A reference to the civil war (1321-1328). A similar expression is employed by Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 8, 1, 3 (Schopen-Bekker I, 286) referring to the problems caused to the old emperor by the death of Michael. e  See above, p. 54, n. f. It is possible to detect here an oblique reference to the civil war that broke out soon after the death of Michael IX, in 1321. See also, above, p. 54, n. f. f  Οn the theme of the flower of life in epitaphs, see Lattimore 1962, 195-198. g  Death of the young is an important theme of funeral poetry, see Lattimore 1962, 184-187, and Skiadas 1967, 69. h  See above, p. 53 n. d. a 

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dent men are insatiable of good things.a Men can never satisfy their desire for good things,b even if these things are innumerable. They never turn down a offer, but they want their goods to remain with them for ever. That is why I said that your death would have never been considered timely and welcome by your fellow men. All those who had experienced have an immense desire of . But now, alas, death has engulfed youc in the prime of your age and most beloved strength in a violent manner. A dreadful night has covered all people,d and we, miserable creatures, are left in the darkness shedding tears, having endured many unexpected woese because of our bad luck. On whom can we take more pity, on your father or on you? What has befallen your father, the emperor, is lamentable and unbearable, because death has taken you away from him suddenly, breaking violently your seemingly indissoluble bonds of affection, binding you together: the one lived for the other and nobody could imagine that the father would outlive his son, or vice-versa; such was your unanimity. But now the wide-rulingf father is left alone without you, leading a very constricted life, deprived both of his beloved wifeg and of his beloved and excellent heir, for whom he took so many pains,h praying to the Lord God that he might ascend the throne after him, being his first-born and the best one from his numerous brothers. Thus you left your father groaning. You were his only hope! Can we find a worse disaster than this one? One would justifiably take pity on him. But who would not take pity , grieving for him very much, bearing in mind his youth, his stature, his most

Homer, Il. 19, 221. See a fragment of Aristotle, Protrepticus B39, 1-2 (Düring 62). See also Homer, Il. 13, 733, and id., 19, 221. c  Homer, Il. 5, 68. d  On the motif of darkness in funeral poems see Skiadas 1967, 69, n. 3. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1346A. f  The word eurykreion is a Homeric formulaic adjective used for Agamemnon, see, e.g., Homer, Il. 1, 102. g  He is referring to the death of the empress Eirene. h  Cf. Homer, Il. 1, 162. a 

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desirable beauty, the strength of his body that have gone to Hadesa prematurely, migrating from this palace, from our great, glorious kingdom to the darkness of Tartarus and to the wretched, dreadful, palaces of darkness, the frightening residence of the dead? Of course he will take pity on the son, suffering very much; but he will also take pity on the father, our glorious emperor,b since the calamity was common to both of them. , because death has engulfed his graceful, lovely youth,c taking him away from his beloved father,d but because he witnessed the day of his son’s death,e for whom he lived and was happy to live, and he has been left alone, like a man who is blind,f deprived of his illustrious heir,g whose life he considered safe, being gratifiedh to see in him his own copy in every respect; understandably he believed that he would have a collaborator in all the affairs of our great state, so that he would settle matters easily. But now that he has reached old age, he has been bereft of him, and now lives alone without the company of such a man, who was his collaborator in everything, being of one mind with him, competent in every respect. O my lord, how did you dare to cause this unexpected, unbearable, most dreadful loneliness of your father now? O what did I see, miserable I? I saw you separated from each other, one of you alive, the other dead, carried lifeless to the houses of Hades, those awful caves, from which there is no escape, to the dreadful, dark depths of horrible Tartarus under the earth.i O strong hands, O tireless feet, O unconquerable limbs, strong in the war,j how have you been defeated, being feeble and lying dead now? Where is your strength, how did it disappear? How was it possible that you, who were unbeatable in the past, are now to be Homer, Od. 11, 277. Homer, Od. 22, 238. c  See above, p. 66, n. d. d  Homer, Il. 14, 296. e  Homer, Il. 15, 613. f  Eunin is a word used for Cyclops in Homer, Od. 9, 254. g  Homer, Od. 11, 492. h  Homer, Od. 1, 310. i  Homer, Il. 18, 333. j  Homer, Il. 2, 338. a 

b 

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154

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POEM 8

156

seen bound hand and foot in a prison from which there is no escape? You have fallen, full of wounds inflicted by the arrows of death and your heart stopped beating. Your invisible soul abandoned your body, leaping out of ita and disappeared, and your eyes have been covered by that black darkness, which is the ray of Hades. You who were so glorious , are now in the grave,b and the limbs of your body and the flower are rotting away.c The graceful, compact frame of your body is now destroyed, though you were strong, unshaken by the weapons of your enemies in the past, which, falling upon you, could easily have killed you; but they could not do you any harm, being totally ineffectual in front of your strength, when they tried to attack you. , asked for the moon, going after something impossibled and labouring uselessly.e Your body and your joints remained unharmed,f exceedingly manly always, amidst the great dangers that befell you. But now the fierce, baneful arrows of Hades have suddenly killed you,g O my Lord, striking you who were unshaken in the past, very hard indeed, and you are now sharing the same hearth with dead, lifeless men; brought to us many groans, laments that do not cease. If only we had not experienced with our senses those things! It would have been better for us to die before experiencing that.h Who can long for life any more, even if he has an insatiable desire for it, now that you have died? Everyone prayed that they would arrive in Hades before you, but they are now looking at your body lying dead, speechless before them. As a result, some of them are shedding tears, as if from a strong-flowing fountain,i gushing out much water that irrigates the ground downwards. Others Homer, Il. 5, 518-519 and 696. Cf. Homer, Il. 15, 118. I think that Metochites here uses the vocabulary of the Homeric androktasiai on purpose: he wants to depict the death of the (not so) young prince, who died in his bed, as gloriously as possible. See also Poem 8, 92. c  Homer, Il. 7, 16. d  See above, p. 152, n. b. e  See Karathanasis 1936, n. 186 (p. 94). f  Apsea is an epic word, see Homer, Od. 18, 189. g  Homer, Il. 5, 106. h  See Lattimore 1962, 205-210 (the desire of the survivors to die). i  The image is to be found in Homer, Il. 16, 3. a 

b 

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remain speechless, struck with amazement, resembling dead men, the mind of whom has fled their body,a leaving it behind, because of this unexpected calamity; they have no tears to shed. This happens to some people. by the unexpected horror of a great calamity, their tongues, their souls and their minds no longer function. Their hearts resemble a rock that is not moved by any passion or grief. This is what happens to some people now that you have diedb and gone to Hades,c O my king: they remain silent, because they are witnessing something totally unexpected, that did not occur to anyone in the past; all things undesirable, such as your death, O our beloved, glorious,d great-heartede emperor, are unconceivable. But now we see before us something that if someone had dared to predict it in the past, he would have been considered a madman, totally deprived of his mind. It would have been like predicting that the sun would disappear, and mortal menf would live in darkness, beacause would have been bereft of all its life-giving brightness. So unexpected was your death, causing to us the same destruction . We breathed the air full of the hopes we placed in you in the past, we enjoyed the light looking at you. You loved us in return, or, rather, if I want to speak more accurately, you loved us before we had started to love you, and you took care of us in every respect. Your life was a blessing for us. You breathed so that we might live happily. O how many times you exposed yourself without taking any protection to great dangers during the fightg against our arrogant, shameless, brutal enemies, who always did us harm, attacking us without pause in a spirit of mischief! Their ardent desireh was to destroy the glorious Roman state completely, to erase our lands from the face of the earth and sack all our territories, in Homer, Il. 16, 469. Homer, Il. 22, 288. c  Homer, Od. 11, 277. d  An epic adjective, Homer, Il. 17, 716. e  An epic adjective, Homer, Il. 6, 145. f  Homer, Il. 17, 455. See also above, p. 53, n. d. g  See above, p. 140, n. j. Metochites uses here the military vocabulary of the ancient epic in order to enhance the reputation of the dead prince. h  Homer, Il. 10, 28. a 

b 

187

157

POEM 8

158

order to satiate the desire of their merciless heartsa for blood, fireb and murderous, sharp-edged iron. All day and night they were trying tirelessly to find a way to do us harm, sometimes in the open, sometimes secretly. In any case, they were constantly devising plans to destroy us mercilessly, like deadly, dangerous beasts, eating raw flesh.c But you always wrestled against them, suffering eagerlyd great pains, throwing yourself into the terrible battle tenaciously, being surrounded by archers but remaining unyielding, striking them with your arrows and being wounded by theirs in your turn,e not caring about your body at all. In dreadful fighting at close quarters the future is uncertain. The outcome of a terrible warf may or may not be favourable. Nobody knows his destiny in the battle, which brings death to all people without discrimination, making no distinction between kings and poor slaves. All those who take part in battle risk their lives equally, as if playing draughts.g They abandon themselves to the yoke of fate, the streams of which are unresting, totally unstable, taking now one direction, then another, making many unforeseen turns; they can easily take the opposite direction. Thus the outcome of the terrible battleh is always unpredictable for mortal men,i it may take both turns: it can be disastrous, but it can also be favourable, bringing glory to us. But for our sake you threw yourself into the fight eagerly, O our emperor, rushing to the battle, putting up stout resistance against our enemies,j being always unshaken, tireless, confident of your own strengthk in the midst of all A similar expression in Homer, Od. 9, 287. Homer, Il. 14, 12. c  Homer, Il. 24, 207. d  Homer, Il. 24, 140. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1239A. f  Homer, Il. 9, 64. g  On the image of pessoi which is quite often paralleled by the use of the image of kyboi in Byzantine literature, see Kokolakis 1965, 93-104 (especially 97, and n. 2, on Plato). See also Werhahn 1953, 97, and n. 32, Jungck 1974, 222, and Simelidis 2009, 244-245. h  Homer, Il. 4, 15. i  See above, p. 53, n. d. j  Homer, Il. 8, 453. On the (somewhat modest) military achievements of Michael IX, see Laiou 1972, 90-91. k  Homer, Il. 4, 303. a 

b 

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difficulties. However, first and foremost you trusted God the almighty; you did not pin your hopes on your arrows (Ps. 43, 7) and your bows, as the Holy Scripture puts it, or even on your own sword or your own might. That is why the eternal God protected you, fighting before you in every battle and causing all those dangerous shots directed against you to misfire; so your enemies struggled in vain, even if they did not miss their target sometimes. Even if the arrows of the enemies touched your body sometimes, they left just a small scar to remind us of your bravery and your glory, for which the human mind is forever striving, desiring it very much. Such a great defendera was Christ for you, protecting you from your enemies under his strong, always victorious hand, from which there is no escape, keeping you safe in many wars. What I am going to say is true; I swear,b and I am invoking the testimony both of my contemporaries and of all those men of past times who experienced all the wars of the ancient kings,c and their glorious, illustrious battles: no one became involved in so many wars in so short period of time as my own emperor, attacking without interruption, one after another, many enemies, full of war-like frenzy, arrangers of chariots,d making a rattling noise with their murderous weapons made of iron.e But you always saved him, O Christ our Lord,f when he eagerly attacked them, protecting him from deathg in dangerous skirmishes, while he moved easily in the midst of the lines, directing the fighters who were armed with corselets,h and accomplishing great, unexpected, miraculousi deeds, striking easily with his right hand.j You kept him safe, while he was attacked, for the sake of his friends, who obeyed him.

The word epitarrothos in Homer is mainly an adjective of the gods. See above, p. 140, n. j. c  Homer, Od. 7, 157. d  Homer, Il. 2, 1. e  Homer, Il. 3, 292. f  Οn this common phrase in Gregory Nazianzen, see Simelidis 2009, 162. g  Homer, Od. 12, 157. h  Thorektaon is an epic word, see Homer, Il. 21, 277. i  Homer, Il. 10, 439. j  Homer, Il. 24, 284. a 

b 

189

159

160

POEM 8

161

But, oh, what can I say now? How is it possible that we see dead that very man you protected in the past, O Lord Jesus Christ? He cannot help himself any more. He can no longer protect himself against the disastrous, inescapable fate death, bringing immense groaning, wailing and infinite tears to many people; this man who is now dead took away with him all our hopes. Our hearts leapt up at the prospect of his great deeds, since we thought that he was an extremely promising man, because of his glorious mind, because of his bravery, which persuaded him to take an interest in greathearted deeds always, because of his great concern for our welfare and because of all his other merits, which really befitted an emperor. But all these have now disappeared, since he has died, taking away from us all our good hopes, that made our hearts leap upa with pleasure, when we looked at him, expecting similar things in the future. Anyone, who had experience of your character or had even just looked at you, having the ability to see in a limited degree and being prudent enough, would not have criticized our view,b futile, since it was expressed openly, without any second thoughts at the back of our minds. But now you have abandoned us unwittingly, against our own wishes, not fulfilling our futile hopes. You have proved that we were in fact empty-minded, and bereft of our good hopes, though your ardent wish was that we should be prudent, living well. You left us crying miserably, and bringing cheer to our enemies. These hopes gave us the possibility to be proud because of your royal accomplishments against our enemies, distinguishedc among all people because of your great mind. But now things have been upturned: we are overcome by sadness, and groaning. we entertained before, taking strength from you, have now been dashed. Alas, O our lord, why did you abandon us in such a miserable condition? We shall not stop our weeping and groaning-this is something just-, although we shall never be able to lament your death in a proper manner, however many tears we might shed for this Homer, Od. 18, 323. See above, p. 83, n. d. c  Homer, Il. 14, 257. a 

b 

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heavy, unexpected calamitya that has brought joy to our enemies, being due to our numerous sins.b The Persian, the Mysian, and the Triballian,c who do not keepd their oaths,e having fear neither of God, who sees everything, nor of men, who respect their promises, and all our other enemiesf will feel great satisfaction deep in their hearts.g They are always on the look-out for an opportunity to attack us, especially when a disaster befalls us, in order to damage the affairs of our state. Now they are all rejoicing over your death, making noise because of their happiness, now that you do not exist any more, you who were our defenderh against all adverse circumstances, against the bad turns of fate. Truly, is there anything more devastatingi than your own death? O my fearless tongue,j what do you dare to utter, O miserable eyes, how can you look at this spectacle, without being damaged? Why do you not fall down, but only shed tears, which at the end will stop flowing by natural necessity? Is there anyone among those struck terribly by this misfortune in a position to shed tears continuously? I wish that this were possible for human beings,k but it is not, since we are all creatures of a day.l This is the reason too for my stopping the lament unwillingly. However, I shall never recover from your death.

Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Theodoram (Sideras 267, 3334). See also above, p. 85. b  The most common Byzantine explanation of their own misfortunes: their sins! c  Turks, Bulgarians, and Serbs respectively. This was a period when Byzantium had no particular problems with the Serbs, see Laiou 1972, 233. Cf. Libanius, Or. 17, 30 (Foerster II, 218, 14-16), who calls the enemies of the empire to rejoice after the death of the emperor Julianus. See also id., Or. 18, 290 (Foerster II, 363, 18-364, 3). d  Homer, Il. 1, 180. e  Cf. Anthologia graeca 8, 128, 4 (Beckby II, 512). f  Possibly a reference to the rebellious grandson of the emperor, Andronikos III. g  Cf. Homer, Il. 7, 189, and Homer, Od. 23, 266 h  Homer, Il. 10, 20. i  Homer, Od. 20, 18 j  Cf. above, p. 180, n. a. k  See above, p. 53, n. d. l  This idea is prominent in Greek literature as early as Pindarus, Pythia 8, 99 (Turyn 126). a 

191

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9. FUNERAL VERSES FOR HIS KINSMAN, THE CAESAR JOHN PALAIOLOGOS

Alas, oh dearest lighta of my eyes! You went to Hades, and sorrow has cast a dark shadow over my eyes. Alas, once more!b Alas for as long as I live! In any case for a long time, since you, who were my breath, my lifec and my life-giving soul, have died, depriving me of all these things. Ιndeed I do not really know now if I am still alived or if my soul has already abandoned me,e going to Hadesf to join other dead people there. I swearg that what I am going to say is true: I have no desire to breathe any more, being alive, now that you are dead.h Survival and longevity were valuable, pleasant and desirable for me only because of you. But as soon as I saw you dead, my daughter widowed and your children left orphansi (O my tongue, how do you dare utter such painful, inefHomer, Od. 17, 41. Cf.  above p.  172. A  common tragic exclamation, see Sophocles, Oedipus Rex 1317. c  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm II, 1, 11, 183 (Tuilier-Bady 65). d  Homer, Il. 23, 47. e  Homer, Od. 14, 426. f  Homer, Il. 22, 362. g  Homer, Il. 1, 233. h  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Epist. 6, 8 (Gallay I, 8). See also Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Theodoram (Sideras 260, 31; probably the word aera has been omitted). i  Homer, Il. 6, 432. a 

b 

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Funeral Verses for His Kinsman, the Caesar John Palaiologos

fable things, O my heart, how do you stay in your place within my chesta), I set my heart upon joining the deadb as soon as possible. I do not benefit from life any more after your death, since there is nothing left to console me. Everywhere I see dreadful things surrounding me. All those things that gave me great pleasure in the past now cause immense distress for me. Merely to behold these awful things with my eyes makes me cry, causing great tumult in my poor heart.c Was there anything more desirable in the past than your children? But now there is nothing more distressing for me than looking at these very children crying, because they have been left abandoned. I took great pleasure thinking about their future prosperity, but now, it is a grief to think about them. I was justified to expect these things, bearing in mind your own glory, your wealth and your own care for them, so that they might be conspicuous in all the good things in life, giving me great satisfaction in my old age and attaining an ever-growing glory among mortal men,d which is eternal according to the laws of human nature. But now my destructive fatee took away from me all these things and as I am now looking at your dead body lying in front of me and at your children which you have left to me now that I am approaching old age,f forcing me to take care of them constantly, I lose my mind because of this unexpected disaster. Miserable I! Would that I had diedg before seeing the terrible things I am experiencing now crowded together. How did you cause me such great distress, O my dear, you who were always trying to gratify me, seeking always to please me, being never angry or malicious towards me, your father? How did you abandon meh in such an immense grief, without pause, from which I cannot escape, as long as I live? These disastrous woes, destroying my heart, will never abandon me. How did Homer, Il. 2, 142. Homer, Il. 5, 886 c  See below, p. 243, n. c. d  See above, p. 53, n. d. e  Homer, Il. 16, 849. f  Homer, Il. 22, 60. g  Cf. Lattimore 1962, 205-210. h  See above, Poem 8, 16. a 

b 

193

164

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POEM 9

166

you embitter me so much, causing me great troubles which broke my heart because of their strength, you who wanted to close my eyesa with your own hands, when I would die, as pious children do to their fathers,b honouring them? These ineffable troubles are in fact the result of my own sins, being a prelude of the great, endless, numerous torments awaiting me in the next life. O, what can I say?c What is this that has befallen me because of my wickedness? I fear that much more painful, ineffable, eternal griefd may follow my present distresses caused by your death. But who can enumeratee all those present, innumerous woes, visible and invisible? My tongue is not in a position to do this; their noise disturbs my mind within. O my dear, why was your heart so pitilessf towards me, why did you cause such pains to your father you revered and loved so muchg in the past, wishing him all good things, in order to live undisturbed always? What sort of envy threw upon us these awful things? Who could imagine that this unimaginable disaster would struck me because of you? There is no hope of this grief abating as a result of other things considered pleasant, that sometimes console menh in distress,i changing sorrow into happiness? What can really change my own sorrow, and cause me joy after your death? I cannot find such a thing, or such a joy. For, when I think of your dead, lifeless body buried under the earth,j rotting in a cruel manner and losing its gracious, admirable beauty, I cannot feel any joy in my heart.k No medicine can cure my grief, giving me life without pain. Truly I do not know from where such a remedy might come, to appease , to banish the cares of the soull and to reHomer, Il. 4, 503. An adaptation of the old theme of epitaphs, that a father is forced to bury a child, who should have buried him instead, see Lattimore 1962, 187-191. c  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 757A. d  Homer, Od. 15, 399, and 20, 203. e  See above, p. 54, n. f. f  Homer, Il. 19, 229. g  Homer, Il. 13, 176. h  Homer, Od. 12, 40. i  At the beginning of verse in Homer, Il. 15, 44. j  Cf. Homer, Ιl. 4, 482. See also p. 186, n. b. k  Homer, Il. 2, 36. l  See above, p. 178. Cf. Homer, Od. 4, 220-221. a 

b 

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lieve, through treatment, the dire mental pain of every kind that overwhelmingly wounds my heart. Only complete unconsciousness can cure me, depriving me of any sensation of both happiness and unhappiness. Death can also cure me, detaching me from all things that bind us, poor mortal men,a with inescapable fetters to this life. Only death, the savage doctor,b can relieve us of all these, curing all illnesses and dreadful cares with his incisions, not employing any other means of therapy in order to relieve us, although many methods of therapy exist for the medical treatment of those whose bodies are ill. Such are the incurable illnesses that you have created inside my heart.c There is no other cure for them than the one I described above, if someone is really willing to be healed. Painful is their prolongation, painful also is their cure. What can I say, what is this dreadful calamity that has befallen me? O poor I! I behold your dead body, you whom I had hoped I would not survive. It was my desire ; I considered this profitable for me, because I thought that what good children are accustomed to do for the departed souls of their parents, being of great benefit for them, might help me to escape punishment for my sins. I was confident that you would perform all these duties towards me, and that you would also look after all funeral ceremonies and a proper funeral, which are the last honours for the dead.d I had hoped that you would also look after my own children, so that they might not be harmed by my enemies after my death, thanks to your own care, and that they might lead happy lives, enjoying all those good things provided through your great prudencee and glorious life; I always prayed to our open-handed Lord, from whom all goods come to us continuously, to secure those good things for them. That is what I used to think;f these were my hopes. But all these have now disappeared, as if in a See above, p. 53, n. d. Οn the desirability of death as a remedy for the pains of survivors, Lattimore 1962, 203-205. c  Homer Il. 21, 547. d  Homer , Il. 16, 457. e  Cf. Hesiod, Theogonia 608. f  Homer, Od. 18, 136. a 

b 

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dream.a You are now lying lifeless and my woes have been intensified, since I have to care for your children besides my own, a toilsome burden indeed. It is an urgent necessityb to take care of them, so that they might live well. If I had entertained a hope for my soul that I might eventually give up all public affairs, being freed from the confusion of this dreadful life, driving always from one course to the other like backwater which has no set course,c and reach at last a safe, peaceful haven,d now you have killed all these hopes of my heart, binding me up again with this life, which is more desolate than ever. I am now wandering in this labyrinth from which there is no escape. There is no end to this roaming, there is no rest for my pains, nothing which can stop them; one pain comes after the other without pause; thus my woes have no end,e being most difficult, and forcing my mind to wander without direction and always in distress in the midst of these dreadful occupations.f Personal and foreign affairs alike draw my mind to themselves. In any case, there can be no escape from my problems, but there is no way of enduring them; they are unbearable. My dearest friend, you are responsible for all these problems, binding me up with them, and forcing me to wander among innumerous sorrows, although my ardent desire had been to adopt another way of life, calm, stable, bursting my fettersg—I mean both good and bad experiences that kept me a prisoner of this life in a painful manner. That is why I resemble a ferryman navigating a sea full of waves in a small vessel, who has roamed over barren sea,h wandering in many places,i sometimes with an easy, fair wind, sometimes experiencing a host of difficulties because of adverse winds; in any case he hopes, full of joy, that at last he will see a safe haven, and that this will be the end of his tribulations, so that he may put the Homer, Od. 11, 222. Homer, Il. 11, 610. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1252A. d  He is possibly referring here to his desire to become a monk. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 11, 1858 (Tuilier-Bady 132). f  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 470-471 (Tuilier-Bady 32). g  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 538A. h  Homer, Il. 14, 204. i  Cf. Homer, Od. 1, 2. a 

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tiller above the smoke,a as is the custom for all those who have abandoned the loud-roaring sea,b the waves and every kind of tempest, yearning for a quiet, stable life in land,c without fears, without any troubles. But you have now thrown me backd into the lapping waves of the open sea,e making me a prey to violent winds, which do not put an end to my sorrows, but raise wretched storms on all sides.f These horrible winds blow hard, one after the other, now from one direction, now from another, while I am in their midst, tied with fetters like a prisoner without any hope of escape. No one is going to break the bonds that keep me tied, even if he is very eager to do so. Such are the troubles that your death has brought to me. I can neither escape nor bear them. However, it is necessary for me to endure this life,g which so wearies me, although I am in a great distress of mind and my heart is a prisoner of my sorrows.h My mind is slave of everything, even those things which I had no need to concern myself with in the past: I mean mortal men or dreadful circumstances. Alas, these troubles will be multiplied, now that I have lost you and am left alone in this life, if life is what it can be called. O, why did you abandon me, depriving me of your most pleasant company, leaving me alone in the midst of these innumerable sorrows! However, you could not live apart from me in the past; everything, both my good fortune and those anxieties that all mortal meni have to feel. Alas, now I am left alone, surrounded by numerous difficulties that destroy me, wandering like a relic of past From Hesiod, Opera et Dies 45. See also Gregory Nazianzen, Epist. 11, 180 (Gallay Ι, 17). b  Homer, Il. 1, 34. c  Homer, Il. 17, 308. d  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1375A. Cf. also Homer, Od. 10, 47-48. According to the Neoplatonic allegorical interpretation, the shipwreck of Odysseus stands for the soul in the material world, trying to reach home, see Van der Berg 2001, 176, and 271. e  Cf. Homer, Il. 13, 798-799. f  The image is probably borrowed from Libanius, Or. 17, 11 (Foerster II, 211, 12-18). g  The motif of patientia et constantia, see Lattimore 1962, 215. h  Homer, Il. 5, 399. i  See above, p. 53, n. d. a 

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happiness!a I am a toyb in the hands of the Erinyes. In the past I cried almost continuously, but now nothing else is left to me except for groaning and moaning as long as I live; in any case I am not going to live for long. Therefore, I am a lasting warning to all wicked men,c showing them the punishment meted out to all wretched people who do not follow the commandments of God, committing grave sinsd instead; they do not care about our Lord, but commit serious crimes,e which are gravely punished afterwards, either in a short time all at once or in a longer time, quite unexpectedly. Now this can be seen in my own case: all my sorrows are the punishment I received for my sins. Thus after your death, I am left alone, a miserable singer of my sorrows, being deprived of your gracious, most glorious company, which filled my heart with joyf in the past. My wish was that we would be inseparable, for as long as God, who determines the limits of the life of every one of us, mortal men,g granting longevity to some of us and brevity of life to others in due measure, permitted me to live; the reason for his behavior can neither be explained nor understood by any of us. Will anyone be in a position to understand our Lord God’s mind (Rom. 11, 34)? Who will be able to discover his wishes and to penetrate the unattainable depths of his great and ineffable wisdom? This is why I said earlier that the limits of everyone’s life are unknown; how long I am going to live. In any case for as long as I live I will necessarily lead a miserable life, full of unending sorrows, shedding tears for your death, groaning endlessly. I wish that I shall not live for a long time— that would be betterh for me, because otherwise I cannot escape the mourning, the groans for your death, and the dark cloud of grief. I wish that the end of your life had come, while you were Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 541 (Tuilier-Bady 37). See below, p. 199, n. g. c  Homer, Od. 15, 408. d  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 39 (Tuilier-Bady 5). e  Homer, Od. 18, 139. f  Homer, Il. 9, 705. g  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 28, 28, 30-31 (Gallay-Jourjon 164). On the problem of the limits of human life in Byzantium, see Βeck 1937, 139-144. h  Homer, Il. 15, 226. a 

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fighting in the battle,a which your heart had enjoyedb so much from your young age, when people started to take pleasurec in glorious fighting,d since in any case it had been fated that your life would be short. That would have been at least a remedy healing my distress,e consoling me in my grief of your glory, which you always sought, desiring it from the bottom of your great heart, as most noblemen did. But now you have died, O my dear kinsman, descending to Hadesf in the way you did, depriving me of all happiness, not providing any sort of medicine for my grief. As a result great sorrows come upon me unchecked from all directions, as if gushing out from a strong-flowing fountain. You give me countless pains that rush forth, causing total destruction, in which my heart is submerged. There is no hope of any cure for it. I am surrounded by the hostile, wild powers of the deities of revenge,g mixed with gluttony, who hold wild orgies in the darkness, forcing me to dance in an improper way, turning now here and now there, and making me cry aloud, in a way not permitted by the harmonious laws of decorous manly thought and behaviour. In such a shameful manner leaps my heart because of this disaster. It resembles the Cyclops after he had been blinded,h who was leaping in a state of frenzy, without any direction:i the Cyclops wandered among those disasters like a madman, without any any purpose. In the same way that disaster had me wandering like a man deranged, in a manner not fitting for prudent men. I am rushing without any purpose, not having a place to stay in a way not befitting a healthy mind. My mind is veiled in a cloud of darkness,j which hates the sun enlightening the eyes of our mind. Homer, Il. 8, 453. Homer, Od. 1, 310. c  See above, p. 74, n. g. d  See above, p. 140, n. j. e  Cf. Plutarch, Mor. 114C. f  See above, p. 193. g  On the dance of the Erinyes see Euripides, Orestes 337-338, and ibid. 835-836. h  Cf. Homer, Od. 9, 394-395. i  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1327A. j  Cf. Homer, Il. 5, 659. See also Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Theodoram (Sideras 250, 25-251, 9). a 

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These eyes have been now turned blind and useless by the darkness of this distress,a and resemble the lifeless, unmoving eyes of statues made of stone,b which are not in a position to move or behold anything. In a similar way, my intense, burning passion has made the eyes of my soul useless and unhealthy, while the eyes of my body, which were in a position to see clearly in the past, now shed ever-flowing tears. O my dear, these are my conspicuous, hard-to-control sufferings that your death has brought all together. They are a punishment for my sins.c I worry lest many other similar punishments might follow these ones. Of course nothing worse than this may now come, since there is really nothing worse than this . What can be more horrible for my heart than your death?d What do I say now, what do I see? Who could imagine that I would survive you and that I would speak about you, beholding your dead body—you who have departed to the deep caves of Hades?e Would anyone imagine that I could remain sane seeing your noble, great, flourishing, gracious stature, your body lying dead,rotting below ground?f But, O my tongue, what do you dare to utter, O my miserable heart, how can you still be intact within me? Truly, a man can endure all kinds of unexpected things, although previously he could not bear even to hear about them. This is proved in my own case: although I saw you dead, I am still in life, my soul did not leave my body lifeless and speechless, flying away immediately;g in any case I resemble a statue, which possesses only the external features of a man, and I am now voiceless because of this great calamity, resembling the mythical

Homer, Od. 5, 492. See above, p. 178. See also Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 5 (Polemis 18, 3-5). c  Cf. Aeschylus, Prometheus vinctus 112. d  See above, p. 184. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1405A. Probably there is also a reminiscence of the first verse of Euripides, Hecuba (a school text in Byzantium). f  See above, p. 184. g  Homer, Il. 5, 696. See also Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 448A. a 

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Niobe, who was transformed into a standing rock,a shedding tears for her children, who were engulfed all together by the evil fate of death.b I think that the death of you alone causes me a horrible, destructive grief, which is not lesser than that of Niobe for her children, but is equal to it, causing me an equal number of sorrows. I think that all the happiness of human life one can imagine cannot change my grief into joy, giving peace to my soul and taking away her sorrows. Grief for your death is superior to all other feelings, whether of happiness or of disgust that life brings upon us, mortal men,c leading us sometimes in one direction, sometimes in another.d Truly speaking life gives us all of these, mixed in due measure, as time goes by,e never beyond certain limits. But now your death, my dear, this bitter drink, has wiped out all past happinesses, or even the joys that may come to us, feeble creatures,f in the future, God willing. Its bitterness overcomes every pleasant thing, past or future. For it transforms them completely, making them feeble and powerless, taking away their delight and transforming them into nothing; therefore, only unpleasant things are left for me because of your death, sorrows, moans and groans,g which will follow me as long as I live. I  will shed tears always, wearing myself out with these awful pains that destroy my heart.h Groaning and moaning will wear out my soul, like grassi or like a worm that eats our bones (Prov. 14, 30) inside.j I will now cease to groan, although I will never stop crying in these last years of my life, as long as I am alive. Cf. Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica 1, 294 (Way 24). Homer, Il. 12, 116. c  See above, p. 53, n. d. d  See above, p. 119, n. e. e  Homer, Il. 23, 833. f  Gregory Nazianzen had composed a whole poem Peri tou epikerou tes anthropines physeos (PG 37, 753A). See also Plutarch, Mor. 475D, and Marcus Aurelius, Ad se ipsum 6, 47, (Dalfen 52, 15). g  Homer, Il. 24, 741. h  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1421A. i  Homer, Il. 24, 532. j  See also Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 924A, and Aeschylus, Prometheus vinctus 437. a 

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10. ON THE MATHEMATICAL BRANCH OF PHILOSOPHY,a AND HARMONICS IN PARTICULAR

My mind urges me to sayb a few things of what ought to be said about the mathematical branch of philosophy. It is possible for us to realize that this particular branch of philosophy attains its goal without any material resources, being absolutely stable; , matter is wholly unstable, all material things can be easily dissolved, since whatever is material has no health at all;c are not constructed with the help of the mind, so they have no proper, imperishable limits that would be able to resist the attacks of contradictory arguments; things based on matter can be interpreted in different ways, since they belong to mortal nature. Accordingly, the leaders of philosophy, fighting against one another, came to conclusions concerning material things which

a  For the title, cf. Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 45-46, 59, 107, 454. On the use of the term mathemata see Ritoόk 2004, 57. On the meaning of the term “mathematics of philosophy”, see Ritoόk 464, n. 78. Festugière 1971, 325, n. 2, adduces some passages referring to the peri ta mathemata philosophia. On the use of the term eidos in similar contexts, see Saffrey-Segonds 2002, 75, n. 8. b  See above, p. 73, n. c, and below, p. 256, n. a. This is a Homeric formula, see Homer, Il. 4, 263 and ibid. 7, 68. c  See above, p. 80, n. d.

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can be easily reversed;a plead the cause of natural creatures, arguing that they have been created for a certain purpose; but censure one another they prove that their assertions are baseless, since they have material foundations, and matter is always in a fluid state; being unstable, it is also unreliable; nothing material can be unblemished; material things change direction constantlyb like the streams of Euripos,c which now go in one direction, and now in the opposite; therefore, whatever the most wise and industrious researchers of nature may say cannot be admitted without objection, but may be easily refuted, being very feeble. In such a state are all material things, belonging to that nature which is unstable, always producing unstable things; as a consequence, everything, whatever is said about them [material things] is a lie. But this illustrious branch of glorious philosophy, which is accurately and infallibly divided into four branches, as all wise men possessing knowledge,d who have been initiated into those mysteries,e know very well, has well-defined, immaterial and invincible limits; these have nothing to do with the nature of this world, which is so mixed, being constantly in a state of flux.f Even if the uses this sometimes, as soon as possible, full of contempt, easily raising itself up with the wings of our mindg that leaps up, being most precious; the instruments this science employs for the attainment of its goals are immaterial arguments, which have no See Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea (Hult 202, 12-16). Cf.  Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis Astronomike 1, 3, 83 (Bydén 452), id., Or. funebris in Josephum philosophum (Treu 11, 1-5), and id., Stoikheiosis Astronomike 1, 3, 100-101 (Bydén 453). b  See Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 459 Α. c  See Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 470-471 (Tuilier-Bady 32). See also below, Poem 15, 199, and Poem 20, 111. On the meaning of this metaphor, see Theiler 1964, 12-14. d  Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica 3, 203 (Way 130). e  On the terminology of mysteries with reference to the physical sciences, see Hadot 2004, 77, 87-88. See also Mansfeld 1979, 134, and n. 19, and Wellesz 1961, 55-57. f  See Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea (Hult 200, 29-202, 4). g  See Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 522 C, and Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 293. The image comes from Plato, Phaedrus 246d. a 

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connectiona . Accordingly, it is much more glorious than the other branch of philosophy, i.e. physics, since its subject is totally unblemished and stable. Aristotle saidb that a particular art or science may be considered more precious than anotherc on the basis of its subject, or according to the degree of the attainment of its goal, and the comprehension of its subject;d both try as hard as possible to know the essence of beingse and attain their goals. In this respect the doctrines of mathematics are much betterf than the doctrines of physics, and mathematical knowledge is betterg and more precioush than physical, both because its subject is unblemished, as I have already said, and because it knows its subject more comprehensively; accordingly, the results of its researches are absolutely stable and cannot be refuted at all. There is also another important advantage: the science of mathematics is not cut off from the world of the senses completely; mathematics comes into contact with the world of the senses, although it deals with the proceedings of pure mind which has nothing to do with the senses; to begin with, for the sake of us who live with our body, it uses our senses as a chariot. In any case the sensible things on which we place confidence in this life are most desirable. makes use of our senses in order to carry out its task in a way both accurate and pleasant to us, and afterwards its

a  See Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 61 (Polemis 264, 11-13). See also Polemis 2002, 265, n. 194. b  See Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis Astronomike, 1, 3, 164-167 (Bydén 455). See also id., Or. 14, 21, 1-7 (Ševčenko 245). These passages are based on Iamblichus, De communi mathematica scientia (Klein 72, 6-12). Cf. Aristotle, Metaphysica 982a 25-26. See also Merlan 1960, 141-159, Festugière 1971, 323-333, O’ Meara 1988, 156-166, and Mueller 1987, 334-348. c  See Proclus, In Primum Euclidis elementorum librum commentarii (Friedlein 59, 10-15). See also Aristotle, Topica 157a 9, id., De anima 402a 2-3, and id., Analytica posteriora 87 a 31, Metaphysica 982a25-26. d  See below, p. 254. e  The problem of essence is discussed by Aristotle, Metaphysica, books Ζ and Λ. f  See Homer, Il. 6, 479. g  See Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea (Hult 198, 18-22). h  See Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea (Hult 62, 23-26).

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doctrines are deposited in the treasuries of our minda as something most valuable, remaining harmless, always trustworthy. Anyone wishing to inflict harm upon these shamelessly wastes his energy, trying to move what is immovable; he resembles someone who tries to shoot with a bow the peak of Olympus in vain, or someone who boils stones, as the proverb has it.b Thus functions the science that is called mathematical by scholars, and that has four branches: it is evident that its first basis is matter, and for that reason it is easily perceptible to our own senses, managing to persuade human beings; but afterwards it rises up, leaving this material world behind, liberating itself from its bonds.c As a result, people of a narrow mind, led by that science, are in a position to obtain superficial knowledge of this science at once with the help of matter, so as to be satisfied. Other people who are more intelligent are able very effectively to assimilate this knowledge internally, because the science in question lays the foundations of its immaterial doctrines deep in their minds, so its knowledge can neither be taken away nor blemished at all by any attack;d on the contrary, doctrines that have a material foundation can be easily turned upside-down, being unhealthy. That most illustrious mathematical science happens to reach its own limits with the assistance of three senses: I  mean the senses of vision, a 

343).

See Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 8, 9, 15 (Schopen-Bekker I,

See above, p. 80, n. d. On the criterion of the science of harmonics, see Lippman 1964, 148-149, Ritoόk 2004, 480-487, and Barker 1989, 43, n. 61, 150, n. 13, 276, n. 4, and 212, and n.  2, and the texts translated by him, 241-244; on the same subject in Claudius Ptolemy, see Solomon 2000, 4, n. 13. On the procedure from sensus to ratio as explained by Boethius, see Heilmann 2007, 35-37, 206-212. On the gradual approach of the pure rational element contained in the sensible experience of harmony in Augustine and its Neoplatonic background, see Heilmann 2007, 268-272. See also Wille 1997, 21, (and n. 36), 30-39, Bélis 1986, 100-102, 204-210, Moraux 1984, 188, n. 357. The followers of Aristoxenus focused on the senses, while the Pythagoreans, though not absolutely neglecting the senses, stressed the importance of reason: see the comments of Porphyrius, Commentarii in Ptolemaei Harmonica (Düring 25, 26-30). See also a relevant passage of Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 2, 2 (Jonker 150, 35-152, 3). d  See below, p. 80, n. d. b  c 

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hearing and touch.a On the basis of these it attains its own limits and its fundamental laws, as I said. On the basis of these it reveals several mysteries, which are born out of mind, being most admirable. With the assistance of hands and eyes it founded arithmetic and the most desirable doctrines of geometry, the conclusions of which are fixed. The doctrines of music of our hearing,b hands and vision, while astronomy is based only on our vision. With the help of our eyes, which have seen the marvellous sights of both the fixed stars and the planets in the sky,c moving swiftly in various directionsd in a most surprising way, our powerful mind has managed to obtain a thorough vision of each one of these things, and has conceived a great plan: it has discovered the complex mysteries of astronomy, a labyrinth; truly speaking, they are variouse and most wise, since they are the laws governing the marvellous creation of our great Lord God, who is invisible; being most good, only because of his goodness,f he created all things, both visible and invisible through his great wisdom and his ineffable power; he sustainsg the whole of creation from the time of its coming into being until now by way of his providence, which governs everything in the most beneficial way;h this can be realized by all those wise men who look at them. On the contribution of the senses to the discovery of mathematics, see Hadot 2005, 116-130. See also a relevant passage from Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea (Ηult 128, 18-130, 5). b  On a similar view of Ps.-Plutarch, De musica (Mor.) 1140AB, see Ritoόk 2004, 618, n. 98. On the opinion of Claudius Ptolemy, see Barker 1989, 373, 32. c  On the meaning of the word Olympos, which is equated with ouranos even in the Presocratics, see Tarán 1975, 237, commenting on Epinomis 977b, and Festugière 1932, 228, n. 3. d  On antistropha see Cleomedes, De motu circulari corporum caelestium (Ziegler 1891, 30, 8-12). On the ancient theme of the concordia discors of the elements of the universe, see Pfeiffer 2001, 116-117. e  On the various movements of the stars, see the comment of Tarán 1975, 237 on Epinomis 977b. f  See Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 6 (Polemis 26, 2), and id., Miscellanea 353. On this idea, which is derived from Plato, Timaeus 29e, see Runia 1986, 132-136, and Lippman 1964, 29-31. g  On this idea, see Moraux 1984, 37-38, and n. 122, and Völker 1965, 60. h  See Plato, Phaedo 97c. a 

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What I wish to point out is this: our industrious mind, discovering the most orderly, beautiful and complicated movements of the stars,a managed to lay the foundations of the most subtle, wise and mysterious doctrines of the good and illustrious science of astronomy;b it was successful in every respect, committing no errors at all; made no mistakes that might lead it astray, and did not abandon the correct road that led to the truth, being well prepared, since it had assembled experience for many years; therefore, our mind demonstated in a clear way that managed to expose everything in a most accurate fashion, forming its views in accordance with the laws of astronomy without making any errors.c I assembled much experience too, and I communicated it to all people: I explained the mysteries and the laws of astronomy both through my words and my deeds. Accordingly, I  gave everyone who wished to understand both now and in the future the opportunity to study the subject without consternation, since I set down in my books whatever I thought might be necessary for the study of astronomy; I wrote these new books for the sake of mortal men,d those who live in our own time and those who will live in the future.e If one studies these books carefully, one will fully comprehend the laws of that most exalted science, the great glory of which reaches us, those late generations of present time.f Many people feared that these doctrines would not be easily learned and understood by all people,g but I explained them in my books in a perfect way and I made everyone realize that all doctrines of mathematics are stable and cannot be refuted at any time, since they do not change as occasion serves, provided that one has a true Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1402 Α. Οn the discovery of philosophy cf. above, p. 127. See my comments on the passage (Polemis 2002, 70*-81*). See also Untersteiner 1963, 22-26, and Hadot 2005, 122. c  The rare word hamartoepes occurs in Homer, Il. 13, 824. d  See above, p. 53, n. d. e  See above, p. 53, n. d. f  Homer, Il. 11, 227. g  See below, p. 254. Οn the handbooks of mathematics as a means for facilitating the study of the subject by the students, see Mansfeld 1998, 70. a 

b 

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understanding of them; no contradictory interpretations may be proposed, as happens with the doctrines of physics which we all have the opportunity to observe: these doctrines are susceptible of different interpretations, lacking a lowest common denominator. As I have already pointed out, the reason for this is that matter is in a state of constant flux, which never stops; whatever is said or conceived about matter in a subtle way, concerns something that we cannot cling to, so we cannot maintain the tranquility of our mind, that comes from having obtained a doctrine that cannot be interpreted otherwise, because it is not susceptible of just one interpretation; each phenomenon in nature can have two different interpretations. Therefore, what is said about physics is always twofold, sometimes even three or more different interpretations can be proposed, and these are sometimes contradictory. This is why many different schools of thought have appeared, which hold totally different views about the true essence of all beings, about the creation of the world and the different principles of it, fighting each other; they argue whether the world is eternal and perfect,a everlasting and imperishable or not, and they discuss all other significant things as well, worthy of serious investigation;b in any case research is something most desirable to all wise men, who are not satisfied with the mere observation of what they see with their eyes, as if they were deprived of reason like animals, which are only capable of sense-perception,c not being able to abandon their bodies and be raised above the material world; on the contrary, such men aim to go beyond their senses, moving towards their a  See Plato, Timaeus 32d-33a, where the world is described as perfect. On the interpretation of this passage in antiquity, see Runia 1986, 180-185 and 114-118, and Moraux 1984, 28. b  Probably the discussions of chapter 3 of book I of Aristotle’s Metaphysica are reflected here (983a24-b4). Metochites seems to reproduce the basic headings of the philosophical handbooks of late antiquity (e.g. the Didascalicus of Alcinoos): beginnings, creation of the world, creation of men, and nature, see Festugière 1971, 378, and Schmalzriedt 1970, 83-100. c  See Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 5 (Polemis 14, 25-27) , and id., Miscellanea 320. The ideas of Aristotle regarding the inferior soul of animals are reflected here; on the history and development of the idea, see Moraux 1984, 189 (particularly n. 362)-190. Cf. also Plutarch, Fragm. 193 (Sandbach 356). See also below, p. 233.

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minds, and judging with their thought whatever they see or hear with their senses; afterwards the assembly of all their mental faculties, which takes place under the presidency of their minds;a the mind presides over those excellent proceedings, instructing everyone about what to do and what to think about the experiences with their senses, since all men live in the world of the senses in a miserable way; nothing good from this way of life. As we said, those men who were eager to study such things had many problems, not being able to reach a common conclusion because matter is flexible and changes always in an unpleasant manner:b whenever the mind receives the uncertain messages sent by our senses, which play the role of secretaries,c our reason is led astray by these deceptive messages, which are always written on the tables of our untrustworthy imagination, transmitting false signs to the mind,d and it is necessary that the instructions given by our minds are in most cases unsuccessful, so we fail to take the right decisions;e they order instead what someone with eyes to see may condemn.f Therefore any mistake we make is due to the senses, on which our mind places its confidence, in order to take its necessary decisions afterwards. Aristotle said that science is a product of our experience, but experience in its turn is born out of our senses.g Accordingly, since the first foundation is our senses, a  See Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 32 (Polemis 144, 20-24). This expression is borrowed from Philo Judaean, De vita contemplativa 27 (CohnWendland VI, 37, 16-17), see Polemis 2002, 62*-63*. Cf. also Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 327. See on that idea Moraux 1984, 66, n. 229, 68, n. 240 and 69, n. 242, Boyancé 1963, 110, and Bydén 2003, 319. b  See Hult 80, 15-16. c  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 578. d  See Plato, Philebus 39a. Cf. Michael of Ephesus, Commentarii in Parva Naturalia (Wendland 9, 4-7). The same image occurs in Metochites Theodoros, Or. funebris in Josephum philosophum (Treu 30, 19-20). id., Miscellanea 473, 508. e  See Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis Astronomike 1, 2, 172-173 (Bydén 449). f  See above, p. 131, n. i. g  See Aristotle, Metaphysica 980a1-981a3. See also Polemis 2002, 83*, and Ševčenko 1962, 84, n. 3.

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on which, first, experience and, second, knowledge are built, and the senses are not a safe foundation, but something deceptive, it is inevitable that many times our knowledge is ill-founded, and rather feeble. As a consequence, although sometimes those who study physics manage to discover the truth, choosing the right direction, most often, taking the wrong path, they fall down. On the other hand, it is natural that those who study mathematics have all their knowledge and the proofs for it inside their minds; they use those sensible things as mere examples, in order to persuade all those people who live in the sensible world;a but those sensible things are the most inferior examples in nature. are beyond matter, their nature being imperishable; they are self-sufficient,b remaining totally stable, being born of pure thought;c they are ideas, which become visible only by pure thought; this is a natural characteristic of them;d immaterial can see what is immaterial too—I mean those intelligible things, which are clearer and plainer than most sensible, material things we observe with our eyes, which behold only material things. The objects of mathematics have a natural priority, but afterwards for the sake of us—miserable prisoners of our bodies—they take this material form, which is necessary, so as to become audible and visible in a most brilliant manner through their examples and to enter into our souls, resembling the reflections of the sun we observe on the surface of the waters:e exists by itself, but since it is difficult for us to look See above, p. 204. See Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea (Hult 44, 32-46, 1). c  See Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea (Hult 198, 18-26), and Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis Astronomike 1, 2, 82-97 (Bydén 446). d  See Iamblichus, De communi mathematica scientia 1 (Klein 10, 8-24). See also Ross 1924, liii-lvii, Heath 1948, 9-11, 224-226, Mueller 1979, 96-107, Merlan 1960, 11-33, O’Meara 1989, 19-23, 44-45, O’Meara 1990, 413, Sorabji 2005, 3, 293303, Whittaker 2002, 93, n. 119, and Moraux 1984, 123, and n. 143. e  The ultimate source is Plato, Respublica 516b, and 510a. See also Iamblichus, De communi mathematica scientia 6 (Klein 28, 1-16). On the background of this passage of Iamblichus, see Romano 2000, 8. For the views of Philoponus, see Giardina 2000, 159-160. Similar views are expounded by Asclepius of Tralles, Commentaria in Nicomachi Introductionem arithmeticam 1, 53, 61 (Tarán 24-25). The same view is widespread among authors of late antiquity. a 

b 

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directly at it, if we want to behold it, we gaze at the surface of the water. Evidently the same applies to the nature of the mathematical objects that exist in pure thought initially; but since they cannot be contemplated there, they take a material form afterwards, so we who live here in this way can take a first and easy look at their examples. , they abandon matter once more, so they give the false impression that they come to the realm of the mind at a later stage, not being intelligible from the beginning; the truth is that they belong to the mind from the beginning, being above that mischievous material world, since whatever belongs to nature cannot be separated from it and become intelligible at a later stage; they are always bound to matter, both before and afterwards.a It is futile to try to prove the existence of immaterial patterns of natural things;b whoever claimed such a thing was castigated afterwards. Such a theory is just empty words, since all natural things have a material existence and cannot be thought separated from matter; the shape of a snub nose cannot exist by itself in our minds,c it is something belonging to matter always, from which it cannot be separated; it can exist neither before matter, nor above that nature which is visible, supposedly joined to matter at a later stage; in reality its separation from matter takes place only inside our minds. Natural things, which are beheld by our eyes or contemplated by our minds, are always mixed, bound with the fetters of material existence, from which there is no escape;d it does not allow their independent existence outside itself. This is the truth. But what I wanted to stress was that the doctrines of mathematics can be contemplated beyond matter and can be explained in a safe manner independently from any boda  On the discussion about whether species are pro ton pollon, en tois pollois, or epi tois pollois, see Benakis 2002, 119-133. b  The term aylon eidos is employed by both Plotinus and Proclus, see Heilmann 2007, 54. c  See Aristotle, Metaphysica 1035a4-6, and id., Physica 194 a12-14. Cf. also the contemporary treatise of Nikephoros Choumnos, De materia et formis (Benakis 533-575). d  Possibly a reminiscence of Plato, Timaeus 48a, where the distinction between mind and necessity is explained.

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ily existence, since they are not prisoners of necessity, and there is no need for them to be always together . As soon we contemplate them, they become visible inside our minds, being impressed upon the tablets of our imagination,a which is an easy messenger both of those things which really exist and those which do not exist. I mean all those things, whether true or false, which are made out of matter, and thus necessarily come to our minds mixed with their bodily nature; there is no other possibility: only the mind is able to separate them from matter at a later stage, though in the beginning they were material. Only the doctrines of mathematics are not mixed with matter, coming to the mind totally free, and remaining permanently there, being always stable, immaterial, and blameless; they do not carry anything corporeal with them; accordingly, nothing improper comes into the treasury of our minds.b It is true that for all of us living in this life our senses are necessary, so that we may be able to comprehend each thing separately; we need senses. However, the mind holds our senses in contempt, thrusting away from itself whatever is material, in order to be able to devote itself exclusively to the study of that blessed science of mathematics, without any consternation, and being self-sufficient in every respect.c What I said applies to all branches of mathematics, i.e. to astronomy, to the subtle science of arithmetic, to admirable geometry, and to the marvellous and most wise science of harmonics, for which I have a particular admiration. An ineffable joy and admiration seize my mindd whenever I contemplate how harmonics can be discovered everywhere: it arranges both what belongs to See above, p. 209. Homer, Od. 13, 402. See also Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea (Hult 198, 22-30). On similar views of Proclus see Breton 1969, 111-122, Cleary 2000, 71-72, and Cleary 2000b 90. c  Anaxagoras stresses the fact that the mind is autokrates … kai monos autos eph’eautou [absolutely independent … and ruling alone by himself] (see Kirk-Raven-Schofield 2001, 369). See also the comments of Themistius, Commentaria in De anima (Ε (Γ4), 178 (Heinz 97, 3-7). See also Nikephoros Choumnos, Epist. 155 (Boissonade 177). d  See Anthologia graeca 8, 162, 1 (Beckby II, 528). See also Homer, Il. 4, 79, and below, p. 271, n. e. a 

b 

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nature and what is artificial, making them beautiful, consonant to each other, not leaving anything without care; as a result, all these things are well-arranged in every respect, and can reach their goal. At first philosophy discovered the science of harmonics in songs that have a pleasant effect on our ears, being well-composed, with fitting metres: it determined the relations,a i.e. all the intervals between the sounds of a good song; these can be measured in the right way by our hearing, which proceeds to very subtle distinctions. For everyone who can understand what is happening, this is a cause for great admiration, since it is comparatively easy for the eyes to discover the measures of visible things, i.e. length, palms, hands, and dactyls;b but it is much more difficult for the ear to discover the measures of hearing, the length of the intervals, whether large or small, the numerous distinctions of the parts of a song that are so subtle.c Not even I know how many there are. But , through hearing, managed to make several distinctions, establishing laws, which are fixed and cannot be violated. On the basis of those rational intervals of voice, on the basis of their combination, after they are bound together in various ways, creating one system, several songs, consonant or dissonant, may be produced. What I wished to point out was that philosophy, beginning with the study of song, came to the conclusion that all things are beautiful because they contain the laws of harmonics. Accordingly, anyone who observes with his eyes will see all beautiful things, whether well-constructed and mixed by their nature or well-built by art; thus he will realize that it is impossible for them to be so well-built unless they function according to the laws of harmonics, some of which are known to us and some of which are unknown. In this way the mind is able to discover the power exercised by the laws of harmonics both upon the works of nature and the conHere logos is used in the (mathematical) sense of ratio, see Barker 2000, 113, and Lohmann 1970, 17-19. Metochites is referring to the discovery of musical intervals, see Hagel 2000, 15-16. b  See Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 500. See also Aristoxenus of Taras, Fragm. 24, 1-3 (Wehrli 15). c  See Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea (Hult 128, 23-130, 14). a 

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structions of art.a It is God himself, the wise creator of all things past, present and future,b who has put this power of harmony into everything; thus the existence and the beauty of everything depend upon it: first of all the great skyc which turns hither and thither without interruption, quickly or slowly, taking many different directions, following an admirable, circular road, well-determined by various ratios, obeys the laws discovered by harmonics in an evident way; this is well-known to all the scientists who study the mysteries of the stars, which wander in all directions, and their orderly movements. All these beautiful things have been ordained by the admirable thought of God, according to the laws of harmonics. So well-ordained are the beautiful dancesd of the stars in the sky, that some scientists came to a foolish conclusion. Anyway they argued that a beautiful song was produced by those movements of the stars, which was not audible, because our ears had become accustomed to it from the time of our infancy. This foolish theory was expounded by them;e they were led to such erroneous, untrue theories by the obvious fact that each movement of the sky obeys the laws of harmonics. Is there any mortal man who is in a position to examinef all these circular movements of the stars, which in a highly rational way approach each other and then move away? These have been settled in the most fitting way by the wise mind of our almighty Lord, who sets everything easily in motion through his own power and his ineffable wisdom. To On the relations between nature and art, see Nadaff 2005, 32-34. See also Aristotle, Physica 194a 21-22. Plato and other ancient philosophers believed that all the sensible arts must manifest the abstract features of harmonic order, see Lippman 1964, 104. b  See Homer, Il. 1, 70 and Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 222. c  Homer, Il. 3, 364. d  On the image of the dance of the stars in Plato see Taylor 1928, 241-243, and Moraux 1984, 69. See also Van den Berg 2001, 159. e  See Aristotle, De caelo 290 b 12-29. It is possible that Metochites draws his inspiration from Philo Judaean, De somniis I, 36-37 (Cohn-Wendland III, 197, 11-25) See also Maximus of Tyre, Or. 37, 90-100 (Trapp 299). For a survey of the theory of the musical spheres, see Wille 1967, 438-442. See also Lippman 1964, 116-117, Barker 1989, 33-34, Ritoόk 2004, 136, nn. 38-39, Chadwick 1981, 179, and Delatte 1915, 259-264. See also Boyancé 1936, 104-115. f  See above, p. 54, n. f. a 

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be more precise, is there any immaterial, heavenly creaturea whose glorious duty is to stand high up, near God the almighty, contemplating him, who, as much as he may want it, is in a position to understand how each one of these things is settled, or to question their Lord God—who sets them in motion through his decisions in a way most beneficial for them—about these things? In such a way God has settled all heavenly things with fitting laws, which are obvious. But the same applies to all the various, most admirable creatures of God which are under the sky: they are adorned in accordance with the laws of harmonics. Whoever wishes to examine all these with his mind carefully will realize that all things in nature are beautifully woven according to a necessary design and their essence is a mixture of different elements,b which are kept together in a perfect manner; these cannot be kept together without the help of the intervals discovered by the science of harmonics, which are consonant. Thinking all these over, I admire the great power exercised by that science on all creatures, I  admire the glory given to all those people who observe these bondsc and the laws of that glorious science by which everything in this world has been determined; I mean those things created by the divine wisdom, as well as those constructed by the human mind, following the patterns of God, who created everything, in a most orderly, brilliant and wise way. Some of these creatures are known to us; others are beyond our mind’s comprehension; in any case their beauty is unsurpassed; I mean both those things comprehended by the mind and those which remain unintelligible because of the feebleness of the mind. All these are in that condition, proving the great power of the science of harmonics that is exercised both upon those things created by nature, and those created by inventive men who endeavour to imitate nature through their artsd in the way suggested by the marvellous laws of this science. We, mortal men, were amazed a  i.e. the angels, see Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De coelesti hierarchia 4, 2 (Heil-Ritter 21, 3-5), and 7, 1 (Heil-Ritter 28, 2-4). b  Cf. Plato, Timaeus 41d, and 35a. See also Richter 1989, 79 c  On the history of this term, see p. 230, n. d. d  Cf. Aristotle, Physica 194a 21-22.

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to discover the intricate proportions of this science, above all in melody and song. When trying to discover the traces of this science through their ears,a men discovered the harmonious systemsb which, along with the consonant and dissonant scales, constitute the metres and the marvellous, intricate, most wise laws of this science; these become clearly intelligible to us through the examples found in the material world. The first elements here are the musical notes,c whose combination with one another produces the scales;d some of the scales are harmonious and are called consonant by those men who know music, some others are not pleasant to the ears, and are called dissonant, being ill-composed.e There are the calculations and the metres determining each note, the number of which is calculated by our ears on the basis of the tension of the string: the tension of the string, which is not always the same, whether the melody is consonant or not; either high, or low in a proportionate way.f But there is also the difference of one note, which may be long, from another which may be small, and the intervals between the notes, which the experts call diastemata.g Their number is unlimited, since a certain size by its nature may be divided into an unlimited number of smaller intervals.h Therefore, both a long and a short interval can be divided to infinity, with regard both to their height and to their lowness; a  See Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea (Hult 10, 23-25). Οn the term investigare employed in a similar context by Boethius, see Heilmann 2007, 213. b  Homologos systasis in all probability means symphonon systema. c  See Excerpta ex Nicomacho (Jan 277, 13-277, 2). See also Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 2, 1 (Jonker 126, 5-16). Plato in Philebus takes rhythmics and harmonics as parallels to grammar, see Lippman 1964, 99-101, Lohmann 1970, 1-15, and Riethmüller 1989, 274. d  See Baccheius, Isagoge artis musicae 1, 5 (Jan 292, 18-19). See also Ritoók 2004, 669. e  See Nicomachus, Enchiridion 12 (Jan 261, 22-262, 6). See also Lohmann 1970, 21. f  See Theon of Smyrna, De utilitate mathematica (Hiller 49, 20-50, 1), Ptolemy Claudius, Harmonica 1, 3 (Düring 8, 19-20). Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 272, and 633. g  See Kleonides, Isagoge harmonica 1 (Jan 179, 11-12). h  Cf. Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 4 (Jonker 88, 19-22).

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the number of the intermediate divisions is infinite. As a result an unlimited number of intermediate intervals is produced;a these are either rational or irrational, and extremely complicated; their combination produces a number joining their ends; the combined whole is called a scaleb ; sometimes a scale is based on a rational and proper combination of its parts in an excellent manner; that scale, being melodious, is called consonantc and is most pleasant to our hearts; sometimes a scale is produced by an improper combination of its intervals; this scale does not produce a harmonious and pleasant song and call it dissonant,d since it is produced by an unseemly combination of its elements, and its limits are unapproachable and unpleasant to our hearts; it resembles a body which is composed of many parts incompatible with one another, lacking proper form; crippled, and do not match together as a whole, offering a horrible sight. In such a state are the scales which are called dissonant by those who are experts; they are composed of ratios lacking the ability to be combined with one another. The number of the dissonant scales is infinite, and cannot be described; the reason is that what is bad has no limits from either side, while whatever is good has proper limits and cannot be swept away, being unattainable in a displeasing way. I have alreadye said that the number of the intermediate intervals is infinite; both to those that are high and to those that are low because the size of an interval can be divided from both sides to infinity. If we remove the number of intervals that can be counted and spoken, those that are left are unnumerable; if you cut from a number which is infinite, a few definite See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 4 (Jonker 90, 3-4). Kleonides, Isagoge harmonica 1 (Jan 180, 2-3) and Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 6 (Jonker 102, 24-25). See also Levin 1994, 181, and Michaelidis 1982, 298. c  On the term emmeles, see Wolfram-Hannick 1997, 132-133. See also Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 4 (Jonker 96, 8-9). d  On the term diaphonon, see Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 4 (Jonker 96, 2-23). e  See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 5 (Jonker 98, 27-28). a 

b 

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numbers, whether numerous or very few, what is left is a multitude which is uncircumscribable and infinite.a Therefore, if from the obviously infinite number of all these intervals some people take away those that produce consonant scales, having a certain number and limitsb from both sides, since all good things have limits,c no good thing may obscure and boundless; it is swept away, moving in all directions like the waves in the sea, which come one after the other unceasingly, wishing to reach the beach;d there they are dispelled and become foam;e a foolish manf struggles to count them all, although they are uncountable. But these have nothing to do with the nature of good things, one of which is the science of harmonics. But the scales that are taken away from the infinite number of the intervals and the combinations of ratios we spoke about can be easily counted and can be easily limited; they leave behind them an infinite number of dissonant, disparate scales, which are the product of unpleasantness; our science does not pay any attention to them, letting them wander aimlessly,g it takes pains to studyh those intervals that are necessary for it, extracting from them through their combination the melodies which give pleasure to our heartsi when we listen to them; these songs reaching safe ports, being directed to their ends by the See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 5 (Jonker 102, 16-22). See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 2, 7 (Jonker 190, 14-16). c  See Plutarch, Mor. 48Ε, and Proclus, De malorum subsistentia 14 (32), 10-12 (Isaac 155). On the use of the terms “boundless” and “limited” in the description of the structure of harmony, see Lippman 1964, 174, n. 6. Cf. also Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 61 (Polemis 262, 10-13). d  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 801 Α, and Homer, Il. 13, 798-799. e  See Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 26, 8, 12-17 (Mossay-Lafontaine 244). See also Homer, Il. 4, 422. f  See Leutsch-Schneidewin  II, 517, 10-11, and Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 510. See also Metochites Theodoros, Vita Iohannis junioris (Delehaye 685D). g  For similar terminology, see Krämer 1964, 52, n. 101. See also Homer, Il. 5, 516-517. h  Homer, Il. 5, 516-517. i  See Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 10, 13 (Tuilier-Bady 55). a 

b 

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excellent rowing of wisdom;a by this the functioning of the mind,b which directs and sets in motion everything from the beginning, is revealed. All these have been discovered by the science with great zeal; it has managed to find out the path taken by that invisible thing which resembles the traces of a shipc travelling in the sea. A great miracle indeed:d it has managed to establish the whole course taken by an invisible thing: the beginning, the prescribed end of each one, the direction it follows at the beginning, its intermediary stations, its last stops.e It was a great miraclef to be able to establish the meters of these things altogether. This is why I have saidg that our minds, full of desire, follow the wonderful path of the science of harmonics, which consists of numbers and can be described only with numbers; this path has nothing obscure in it, it is not devoid of any limits. Since it is ordained by the laws of encomium, let us now say something about this science, as my mind prompts me,h or rather as poetic verse—which is not so easy to handle—allows me to write. I said beforei that between a high and a low note there is a socalled interval, which is the length and the differencej observed between the lowest and the highest point. If there is just one interval, there will be no song, but if several intervals are joined togeth-

a 

451).

See Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis Astronomike, 1, 3, 53-55 (Bydén

b  Μetochites is speaking about the divine mind, not the human one. Cf. Plato, Timaeus 47b. A similar image is to be found in Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 61 (Polemis 260, 21-26). c  See Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 780A. d  See above, p. 57, n. e. e  Homer, Il. 15, 634-635. f  See above, p. 57, n. e. g  See above, p. 66. h  Homer, Il. 8, 322. i  See above, p. 217. j  See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 5 (Jonker 98, 15). See also Levin 1994, 180. Cf. Aristoxenus , Elementa harmonica, 1, 15 (da Rios 21, 1-5) , and Gaudentius 3 (Jan 330, 1-4).

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er, a scale is produced;a a scale may be consonant and melodious,b or dissonant and unpleasant, hard to understand.c The consonant system we are referring to here is necessarily based on the combination of three intervals at least, and those three ratios or intervals must necessarily be found between four notes, four tones or four strings, since three intervals are interposed between those four points; therefore, the primitive scale has four strings;d we must now examine the intervals of the those musical strings, which are much clearer: the stretching of a string produces a high note, and the loosening a low note;e these have certain melodious limits, proper to themselves, since a string can neither be stretched nor loosened ad infinitum; if they surpass a certain limit, the notes of the songs will not be melodious, but will be mere noises, not to be considered as songs, hollow and booming, like the noise of a cough. The limits which exist at both sides of the note are called by that science principals and finals. These, according to experts on harmonics, are the so-called Hypate and Nete in the four-stringed instruments first,f in the polychords afterwards; there is a limit to the number and the divisions of their strings, since the divisions cannot continue to infinity; that is why I spoke about the limits of their stretching and loosening. The first melodious scale is that of the four-stringed instrument which has three intervals; this is the smallest and the most elementary of all.g But the best one and the most perfect belongs to the fifteen-stringed instrument, which reaches the outmost limith from both sides: it is composed of four See Kleonides, Introductio harmonica 1 (Jan 180, 2-3), and Aristeides, De musica 1, 8 (Winnington-Ingram 13, 3-4). See also Duysinx 1999, 40, and above, p. 216. b  On consonant scales see Levin 1994, 181-182, and Ritoók 2004, 668. c  See above, p. 217. d  See Theon of Smyrna, De utilitate mathematicae (Hiller 54, 6-9), and Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 2, 1, (Jonker 132, 26-28). See also Duysinx 1999, 40. e  On the terms anesis and epitasis, see Lohmann 1970, 28, Mansfeld 1992, 188, n. 98, and Barker 1989, 133, n. 42, and 134, n. 43. f  See Nicomachus, Enchiridion 3 (Jan 241, 18-22), cf. Duysinx 1999, 32, n. 8. g  See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 6 (Jonker 104, 11). h  See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 1 (Jonker 54, 1-7). Cf. Barker 1989, 415, n.  90, and Winnington-Ingram 1936, 63. See also a relevant passage from Philo Judaean, De opificio mundi 48 (Cohn-Wendland I, 12, 5-6). a 

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tetrachords;a these instruments are combined two by two; gives seven strings—the middle one is common, binding these two together, since between these two instruments, each one of which has seven strings, an eighth string (octave) is interposed, which binds them together;b that string is the fourth one of each one of the two four-stringed, independent instruments, being the necessary bond between them, binding together the two scales, either simple or double, so as to be able to be united, producing a song. Otherwise division is the only result; there will be no common song. If someone tries to sing in this manner, all those men who have ears to hearc will pour ridicule on him. That is why I saidd that the best and most perfect scale is produced by fifteen strings. I am telling the truth, all the excellences of harmony may be found in them. Here all the scales and the intervals discovered by the science of harmonics may be observed; all are present and nothing is omittede or left outside: each song has four intervals which are well-established within the scales, produced by the combination of several intervals; their number is limited too, not infinite, left to their fate; they are consonant; the way in which they are combined is determined and these are most outstanding: the first is the so-called tetrachord in an epitritic ratio;f then comes the socalled pentachord in an hemiolic ratio; the third is the double tetrachord, which is called diapason, and the last is the so-called dis diapason, which is the longest interval, being a double octave; this is the limit of every song, because its high and low notes cannot See Hagel 2000, 21-22. On the discovery of the eighth string by Pythagoras, see Barker 1989, 255. Cf. Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 1 (Jonker 56, 1-2). Cf. also Pachymeres, Quadrivium 2 (Tannery-Stéphanou 102, 1-9), and ibid. 3 (Tannery-Stéphanou 103, 12). See also Levin 1994, 74-79. c  See Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos (Polemis 248, 19-22). d  See above, p. 220. e  See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 6 (Jonker 110, 23-25). See also Pachymeres, Quadrivium 18 (Tannery-Stéphanou 150, 9-13). They copy Ptolemy Claudius, Harmonica 2, 5 (Düring 50, 15-17), and ibid. 2, 5 (Düring 51, 12-16). f  Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 1 (Jonker 54, 21-23) and Pachymeres, Quadrivium 11 (Tannery-Stéphanou 124, 30-31). See also Wellesz 1961, 63, where the similar exposition of that theory by Nikolaos Mesarites is discussed. a 

b 

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be further divided, so as to produce another song. These are the four lengths of all the scales contained within the most perfect scale, which is the best of all,a as I have already pointed out; it also contains all the intervals, which produce the four systems I just discussed; it is a natural law that the whole contains all its parts.b Moreover, in this the so-called echoi are contained; they were called tonoi in the past.c They are eight and have been given the names of the people who used them first;d some of them have an additional name besides their national one; all these are bound together with some strings common to them.e The strings that are common to them become higher as we proceed to the next tone; as a result, those that were higher in the previous tones, being called netai, are lower in the next ones, being transformed into hypatai; they change their original place within the scale, and gradually those which were last take first place.f This is what happens to the eight tones contained within the perfect system, which displays all those glorious and decorous mysteries of this science; these are most admirable to look at, most profitable. One is amazed to find out how many marvels are contained in it: all the consonant scales useful to singers are to be found there; there are also the higher and the lower limits of our

See above, p. 221. See, e.g., John Philoponus, De aeternitate mundi 9, 5 (Rabe 334, 4-5). c  See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 3, 5 (Jonker 322, 9). On the Byzantine theory regarding the genetic relationship between the ancient tones and the echoi of the Byzantine church, see Wulstan 1971, 5-20, Hunger 1994, 393, n. 45, Levin 1994, 48-49, Wolfram-Hannick 1997, 113-114, Barker 1989, 154, n. 33, and Mathiesen 1999, 657, and 666. Cf.  Pachymeres, Quadrivium 18 (Tannery-Stéphanou 146, 29-30). d  See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 8 (Jonker 118, 24). Cf. Ptolemy Claudius, Harmonica 2, 10 (Düring 62, 20-21). See also Barker 1989, 154, n. 33. e  See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 2, 3 (Jonker 152, 22-24). f  See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 2, 3 (Jonker 154, 12-15). See also Pachymeres, Quadrivium 11 (Tannery-Stéphanou 127, 15-19). Cf. Barker 1989, 1427, Lohmann 1970, 34, Levin 1994, 110-112, and Duysinx 1999, 45-46, n. 2 (“…la meme note (par ex. la) peut être mése ou paramése, etc.: tout en restant le même son, elle change de fonction selon que l’on passe d’une tonalité dans une autre”). a 

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voice,a as well as the various species of the eight tones,b all together, and the various modificationsc that take place in the strings; the only thing that changes is the order of the strings, the intervals between the strings remain always the same; the stretches and the notes as well—this is really a most wise and graceful construction.d one may also find all the four scales I enumerated,e which start from the smaller one, the epitritic, and endf with the quadruple, beyond which there is no other. One may also observe the double tetrachords I mentioned, bound together by their common string;g there is nothing bigger than these. These were given those names by the wise men who venerate the graceful science of harmonics: the first, which is produced by the lower notes, is called Hypaton, i.e. of the four principal strings;h they are always first;i the second is called Meson, because its nete is to be found in the middle of the whole scale;j the third is called Diezeugmenon, because from that point on the two tetrachords are divided from one another;k the fourth is called Hyperbolaion, because it surpasses all the others;l it is impossible On the term peras see Nicomachus, Enchiridion 2 (Jan 240, 17-20). See also Solomon 2000, 14, nn. 65 and 68. b  See above, p. 222. c  On the term allagma see Williams 1971, 174, n. 3, Schartau 1998, 158, and Panagiotides 1993, 161. However, it is often used by Metochites in different contexts, see above, Poem 2, 42, and below Poem 17, 201, and Metochites Theodoros, Or. in sanctum Michaelem martyrem (Delehaye 672 D). On the term metabole, see e.g, Kleonides, Introductio harmonica 13 (Jan 204, 19). See also Winnington-Ingram 1936, 53-54, Lohmann 1970, 34-38, Hagel 2000, 33-38, and Ritoók 2004, 664. d  Homer, Il. 1, 254. e  See above, p. 222. f  See above, p. 89, n. a. g  See above, p. 220. h  See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 1 (Jonker 64, 28-29). i  The translation is far from certain. j  See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 2 (Jonker 78, 3-4 and 70, 10). See also Ritoók 2004, 663-664: “Von den zwei verbundenen Tetrachorden ist die mese der höchste Ton des unteren und gleichzeitig der tiefste Ton des oberen”. k  See Ritoók 2004, 655: “Im grösseren vollstandingen System ist das (der Tonlage nach) zweichöchste Tetrachord das der diezeugmenai, weil zwischen diesem und dem nach der Tiefe zu folgenden die diazeuxis ist”. l  See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica, 1, 2 (Jonker 70, 1-5). See also Gömbösi 1939, 2, Hagel 2000, 25-26, and Ritoók 2004, 660. a 

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to stretch the strings more, so as to produce a melody; this is the utter limit of the stretching of the strings, which produces a distinct sound and a pleasant melody, based on proper intervals, determined by the good laws of the science of harmonics, causing an inner pleasure to the heart,a which is touched by that consonant song. All these beautiful things are to be found within the perfect scale we discussed above;b they are precious and marvellous; there are also many other things, which cannot be easily described in our verses, being quite complicated, so I leave them unmentioned. Let us now turn our attention to the other merits of the science of harmonics we are praising, and endeavour to say a few things in the limited space of my verses, although they would have been worthy of a more leisurely exposition and a longer investigation; in any case, let me try to speak in due measure, since that is my intention.c The experts in harmonics distinguish three melodic genera, which we are allowed to use within the four melodic scales that can produce a song: I mentioned above, beginning with the epitritic and finishing with the dis diapason;d no one is allowed to proceed any further; these have been discovered by the science of harmonics and are based on the combination of several intervals that may be sung, each time a different one. Each song is a product of those four scales;e these scales can be accomplished in three genera, which are called diatonic, chromatic, and harmonic;f the last took the name of harmony itself, because the song it produces is most melodious, being based on intervals woven togetherg in a perfect manner, although it is very See above, p. 74, n. d. See above, p. 222. c  On the technical sense of the world prothesis, see Mansfeld 1998, 68, and 122. d  See above, p. 222. e  See above, p. 223. f  See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 7 (Jonker 112, 9-10). See also Vogel 1963, 28, Raffa 2002, 339, and Ritoók 2004, 644. On the disappearence of the harmonic genus in Byzantium, see Panagiotides 1997, 160, and Husmann 1981, 169200. g  On the meaning of the verb “to weave” in such a context, see, e.g., Harl 1966, 90, n. 1. a 

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rare, most admirable, and is very difficult. Let us speak first about it, saying a few things clearly. From those logoi on the basis of which each system may be performed, some are called dense, some others, which have a greater length, are not; these are called not dense. It is evident that those horoia that have a few intervals between their extreme limits are called pyknoi, while those that have many intervals between them, not being adjacent to each other, are called apyknoi.b However, since each scale is performed on the basis of three intervals at least,c the intervals between the logoi will either not be very distant from each other, or some will be very narrow and some will not. Since there are at least three intervals, all three cannot be very narrow simultaneously, because the distance between the two limits must necessarily be small, so they may be performed on the basis of those in a rational way;d therefore, inevitably one of the logoi must be longer than the other two: if the two intervals are longer, the third one alone must be narrow; in such a case the other two intervals cannot be very long; if only one interval is longer, this must be much longer, while the other two that are left must be narrow: in such a case either the two compressed intervals should be equally dense, or one of them should be much narrower than the other;e but it is not possible for the three of them to be narrow or to be long simultaneously; that would make the existence of their two extreme limits impossible, and no consonant scales could be produced—I mean those four consonant scales, which are the only ones that can be produced, as I said above. Since we have already given some hints, let us now add that the melody produced by the combination of two scales that are very compressed with a third one that This term is synonym to the term logos. See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 7 (Jonker 112, 15-16), and Ptolemy Claudius, Harmonica 1, 12 (Düring, 29, 5-9). See also Ritoók 2004, 645. c  See above, p. 222. d  The translation is tentative. e  See Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 6 (Jonker 106, 11-13). See also Aristoxenus , Elementa harmonica, 1, 24 (da Rios 31, 3-5), and Pachymeres, Quadrivium 8 (Tannery-Stéphanou 120, 20-21). Cf. Bélis 1986, 184, Vogel 1963, 29, Barker 1989, 142, n. 96, and 302, n. 109, Solomon 2000, 40, n. 196, and Mathiesen 1999, 446. a 

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is much longer, is very good indeed, but its performance is very difficult. Such a song is very rare; only the old musicians, who were very learned, managed to perform it, though with much difficulty. It is so difficult for such a scale to be produced that some people claim that it is impossible for a man to produce a song on the basis of two extremely narrow intervals combined with another which is very wide, and whoever may try to sing in such a way will realize afterwards how difficult it is. As a result they cut off the harmonic genus from the glorious science of harmonics,a because it is based on two narrow intervals, combined with a third one which is too wide, much longer than the other two taken together, and the combination of two extremely narrow intervals with a very long one that comes afterwards causes great problems; so they recommend that one sing safely on the basis of the other two genera, which are produced by properly arranged intervals, avoiding all hazards and accidents. As a result the harmonic genus is approved by very few musicians; all singers prefer to use the diatonic one. It is very easy to perform a song belonging to that genus; this is very pleasant to our ears. As far as the chromatic genus is concerned, it may be placed between the other two genera.b The diatonic genus is produced by intervals which are all wide and not compressed; the great difficulty for singers is created by the presence of logoi which are very narrow, since it is difficult to produce consonant scales based on such dense logoi; this difficulty disappears when we move to the diatonic genus, since all its logoi are wide, and the distance between them is quite long,c and accordingly it is possible to produce a proper song, singing skilfully. Even if one interval is longer than the other two, the difference between their distances is not so great, but their length is as similar as possible, since it is veryd hard to produce consonant scales on the basis of non-equal See Ps.-Plutarch, De musica (Mor.) 1145AB, Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 7 (Jonker 112,  22-113,  1), and Pachymeres, Quadrivium 5 (TanneryStéphanou 110, 27-29). b  Manuel Bryennios, Harmonica 1, 7 (Jonker 112, 17-20), and Pachymeres, Quadrivium 5 (Tannery-Stéphanou 110, 19). c  See Michaelides 1982, 94, s.v. diatonon. d  Homer, Il. 1, 169. a 

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intervals that are very different from each other. This is why I said that diatonic scales is very easy. In the diatonic genus the two intervals may be more narrow than the third one, or the third one may be more narrow than the other two, but the difference in their density is not so great, as happens in the case of the harmonic genus, where the intervals are very narrow and subtle through the intersections of their intervals, as we have already pointed out. The narrow intervals of the diatonic genus are not too narrow, the lengths of their logoi are approximately the same: the logoi, by which the song is produced in a proper manner are neither too narrow nor too long and the distance between their extreme limits is quite reasonable; so when they are combined with different intervals, which are definite, as I said, that combination is well-ordained. Accordingly, performance in the diatonic genus is quite easy and most musicians, both contemporary and of past times, prefer it. The chromatic genus comes second in their preferences. Its performance is also easy and is popular too; it is placed between the other two genera, since it shares some characteristics of both:a it possesses the precision of the harmonic genus, because its logoi are quite narrow, but not too narrow; their intervals are longer; in this respect it resembles the construction of the diatonic genus, the intervals of which are longer.b However, since it is more compressed than the diatonic genus, the chromatic genus is not as popular among older and contemporary musicians as ; in any case, it is much more popular than the harmonic one, since its logoi are not so narrow. It is placed in the middle of the other two genera: it is more accurate than the diatonic genus, but it lacks the severity of the harmonic genus, since it possesses neither its harmonious melody, nor its difficulty; all good things are difficult and cannot be accomplished without pain;c but afterwards great reward and great glory are attained for those pains. I see that this applies to the harSee above, p. 226. See Ptolemy Claudius, Harmonica 1, 12 (Düring 29, 5-6). c  See Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 60 (Polemis 258, 16-17). a 

b 

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monic genus, which is the most preciousa of the other two genera of harmony; it is most prominent and desirable, resembling the sun, which is most prominent among the stars of the sky,b sending forth its brilliant rays unceasingly, most beloved to all men, to the earth; God, the king of all things visible and invisible, has made the sun most prominent and beautiful;c a spectacle we are used to, we can never satisfy our desire to look at it; the sun is constantly working, without interruption; nothing can prevent it ; but all other excellent things are rare. That is the case with the noble harmonic genus of music, which is the best of all, having the appropriate name of harmony: it is very rare and its performance is very difficult, so it is not popular either among the musicians of old times or the new ones; it is performed with so much difficulty, that some people claim that it is non-existent, and only the other two—the chromatic and the diatonic—genera exist, the most common both in old times and now, more popular than the other one. Therefore, all songs are performed in these two genera: of course the chromatic genus is not as common as the diatonic genus, which is the musicians’ favourite, though it has not fallen entirely out of use. I love the science of harmonics very much. A greatd love, distinguished above others, takes possession of my heart,e as I take delight in it, admiring the fact that it is a habit inherentf in all Homer, Il. 1, 276-278. The image occurs for the first time in Sappho, see Campbell 1967, 280. See also Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 764 A, and Metochites Theodoros, Or. in sanctum Demetrium (Laourdas 58, 102-103). c  Homer, Od. 18, 292. d  See above, p. 223, n. d. e  Homer, Il. 8, 147. f  On the terminology employed here, see Pohlenz 1964, 95, Festugière 1932, 210, n. 3, Pépin 1964, 375, Moraux 1984, 45, and n. 149, Spanneut 1973, 126-128, and von Ivanka 1964, 71-73. Although this terminology was popular among Stoics, it was adopted by many fathers of the church as well, see for example Festugière 1949, 609, and Spanneut 1957, 334-335. One may also adduce a passage of the Platonic Cratylus 413c. See also a parallel passage from Pseudo-Dionysius, De divinis nominibus 11, 2 (Suchla 219, 14-23). Similar terminology is employed by Theodoros Laskaris, De communione naturali, PG 140, 1277A. See Richter 1989, 70-71. a 

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the good things of this life, giving them their essence and beauty, safeguarding their proper conduct and pouring out a glorious grace that reaches the eyes of both body and mind in a most evident manner. I try to put myself in its footprintsa as best as I can: I  see some of its marvels and my heart takes pleasure in them; some others are invisible, so I try to see them with my imagination, imprinting their design on its tablets;b so I have a sweet hope, so I acquire a shadow outline of the perfect order.c With great joy I admire all these myself and I meditate upon the great, ineffable and incomprehensible power and creative wisdom of my Lord. O blessed, invisible, most wise and powerful king of everything, the sky, the earth,d and what lies between, Lord of all beings visible and invisible, that is, the angels, the intelligible servants of your glory,e I feel a great pleasure mixed with fear:f how did you manage to bring into light all these through the most effective power of your mind and your ineffable wisdom? (Rom. 11,  34)g How impudent it is for someone to wish to reach the depths of all these things! He tries in vain! Who is able to count the grains of the sand of the sea (Sir. 1, 2), who is able to find out the traces of the course of a ship in the barren sea,h or the traces of the flying of a glorious eagle (Job 9, 26), which is the fastest of all birds, in the sky? It is equally impossible for us to determine the course of your According to Metochites (Laourdas 1955, 59), St Demetrios becomes more than a link (hyper panta syndesmon), and a divine governor for Thessaloniki. An influence from Aelius Aristeides, De oratione (Dindorf II, 128, 5-7), where rhetoric is praised as the binding instrument (syndesmos) of wisdom as a whole, may be detected as well. a  On the meaning of the term ichnia, see Van den Berg 2001, 215. b  See above, p. 209. c  On the reflection of the divine reality on earth, see Baltes VI, 240-241. d  See Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1552Α. e  The accumulation of adjectives is a traditional characteristic of ancient (and Byzantine) prayers, see Festugière 1949, 315-316. f  See Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 593. On the combination of admiration and joy, see Festugière 1949, 213-214. See also Polemis 2002, 47*, nn. 95-96. g  See below, p. 277, and above, p. 50. h  See Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1187 Α and Homer, Il. 1, 439.

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thought, how you manage to create everything most easily, and how you manage to preserve them stable, binding them with the laws of the science of harmonics; you do not leave anything to chance, you do not allow anything that is ugly to be created; nothing unreasonable can be seen, resembling an ill-fitting cloth, the inferior producta of the inexperienced mind of a bad tailor. O most powerful Lord, whatever you create with your wisdom is adorned in a most reasonable way, being most prominent for all those who observe; its construction is regular, based on the laws of harmonics, being the product of the combination of logoi, each one of which is perfect; their combination with one another is perfect too; the innumerable, unutterable creatures high up in the sky and to those which are on earth, or beneath it: all the creatures on the shoulders of the earth, mortal men or animals, whether speaking or mute, standing or crawling; all these things are bound together with most visible bonds, having a noble stature; they praise the glory of God (Ps. 18, 2), crying aloud through their silence,b and explaining how he created them in an excellent way, paying homage to the laws of the science of harmonics, by means of which he constructed everything; their power and the beauty are eternal, and they are most desirable and admirable to look at. Everything remains in perfect condition, both what is created by nature and what is constructed by human hands, through the wise mind of men imitating nature, as long asc their harmonic bonds, which safeguard their existence in a reasonable and measured manner, remain indissoluble.d These a  Homer, Il. 5, 403. On the idea that no creature has been created in vain, see Groh 2005, 29-30. b  See above, p. 53. Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 10, 2, 2 (Schopen-Bekker I, 479) in his monody on Metochites, points out that he managed to make the silent heavens speak out the glory of his creator through his astronomical works. c  Homer, Il. 10, 444. d  See Plato, Timaeus 32c. On the interpretation of this passage in antiquity, see Runia 1986, 233 and 238. On the history of the term desmia see Festugière 1949, 216-217, Runia 1986, 238-241, Moraux 1984, 26-27, n. 85, Moutsopoulos 2004, 188189, and nn. 38-41, Lapidge 1989, 1384, and 1394, Mansfeld 1992. 188-189, and Pépin 1964, 432-433.

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bonds belong to the great science of harmonics, which makes beautiful all the creatures of this world, pervading them all;a the forms bring to perfection the essence of all material things,b bringing into action their natural habits, and giving to each one its existence; the same happens with the harmonic principles: they pervade our world in its entirety, putting into it a form that brings everything to perfection. the nerves of our body,c which contribute to the good health of human organism, giving it the permanent gift of its existence; matter, lacking these harmonic principles, is useless—only those fulfilment-bringing principles safeguard our permanent existence.d When an experienced man constructs a kithara or another percussion instrument, and places its strings on it, taking into account the laws of harmonics,e he feels great pleasure in his heart, looking at his artifact; his delight becomes even greater when he listens with his ears, full of admiration, to the sound of the instrument, which is pleasant both to the ears and to the eyes. This instrument is a material object, but the harmonic laws are concealed within it; and thus, the instrument—the guitar—is mainly fabricated through the inventive mind of the glorious artist according to the laws of his art. In the same manner, the all-powerful creator,f gathering all matter together,g created this most beautiful world; its natural beauty is a result both of the material used by God during its creation and of the principles that make everything decorous,h putting into practice the commandments of the most-beloved science of See Plato, Cratylus 413c, and Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De div. nom. 11, 2 (Suchla 219, 14-23). b  One of the four causes of Aristotle. c  See Hahm 1977, 153-156, who points out that the word tonos can mean “nerve” in some specific contexts. d  See Theiler 1982, 152, and Long 1996, 53, 207. e  See Theon of Smyrna, De utilitate mathematicae (Hiller 141, 4). See also Cornutus, De natura deorum (Lang 67, 17-18). Cf.  Theiler 1964, 80-81, Reinhardt 1926, 119, Mansfeld 1974, 39-40, and Kaimakis 2001, 167. See also p. 233 below. f  Homer, Il. 1, 428. g  Cf. Plato, Timaeus 30a. See also Runia 1986, 144, and Baltes 1978, 84-86. h  See Plato, Phaedrus 246e. See also Long 1996, 43, Hellenistic Philosophy 437, Mansfeld 1992, 188, Daniélou 1961, 335, and Pépin 1964, 46. a 

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harmonics; some of them are evident to us, some are not to be seen.a Therefore, our most-powerful, eternal God created the world like a guitarb with many strings,c tuned up in a perfect manner; its parts, whether big or small, function in perfect harmony; it is a lovely spectacle for the eyes both of the body and of the mind; the different but consonant sounds of the guitar are combined into one harmonious song;d is one and the same; it sings through its silence like a herald with a loud voice:e the power and the wisdom of the creator are so great, that can neither be described nor comprehended by our mind. I have the impression that I hear this song too and I am amazed by how this song is performed in front of my ears and eyes, praising our Lord Jesus Christ, who invented all admirable things as well as that glorious and admirable science of harmonicsf through the laws of which he created all the much-twisted creatures of this world; afterwards he made us understand all these things, tracking the tracesg left by that science, and the most-beloved course it takes, which is difficult to grasp, a labyrinth, its course being crooked. It is very hard to progress through it, as it splits up into many paths, which are very narrow. But those who have experienced it do not seem to us to have tried in vain like foolish persons; on the contrary, we believe that their laborious studies and searches are most beautiful and worthy of that great miracle that brings sweetness to our hearts;h this sentiment is most On the idea that nature is hidden, see Hadot 2004, 55-65. Homer, Il. 3, 153. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 28, 6, 6-11 (Gallay-Jourjon 110-112), and Nikephoros Gregoras, Phlorentius (Leone 105, 1143-1145). Αccording to Boethius, Orpheus made the strings of his lyre inspired by the order of the seven planets, Heilmann 2007, 246-247. See the similar views of the anonymous contemporary of Metochites, who wrote the dialogue Hermodotos (Εlter 17, 448-452). d  On this idea, see Harl 1966, 69, n. 1, and 76, n. 2. See Synesius of Cyrene, Hymn. 1, 339-342 (Lacombrade 53). e  See above, p. 230. f  God is the inventor of the harmony of the whole world, see Moraux 1984, 26, n. 81. g  Τhe term may come from Plato, Timaeus 53b. See also Proclus, Commentaria in Euclidis Elementa (Friedlein 89, 4-5). See also Homer, Od. 19, 586. h  On this term in Metochites, see Polemis 2002, 47*, n. 97. a 

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desired by all prudent men. I am proud to be one of them. I do not want to be insensible like a donkey who listens to a guitar, as the proverb, coming from very old times, puts it referring to ignorant men;a I do not want to be an idiot. I can speak sincerely: I still preserve in my ears the powerful sound created by that science in our world; its sound is easily recognized through the ears of the mind; it sings through all creatures melodious songs, easily perceptible by all prudent men; these songs declare the glory of our immortal, most powerful, and wise Lord, who created all things, and revealed to us the laws of this science afterwards; besides being so beautiful, these laws give a great and measured pleasure to those people who are prudent enough to realize this; but even those who lead a life determined only by their senses can listen to a percussion instrument with many strings, like a guitar, or to a wind instrument, when these instruments praise our Lord God as he was praised by men in past times (Ps. 150, 3-4);b they can also listen to the songs of the admirable cantors of the Lord Jesus Christ. In any case, even this is no small merit of the science of harmonics; on the contrary, it is very fitting and proper to offer songs to our God, praising his power, his ineffable goodness, and his gifts;c this gives joy to our hearts; it makes us god-inspired; it is an incitement leading us to union with God, arousing our love for him, exciting the feeble mind, which is tranquil, and making us shed tears; these tears beg God, who is always inclined to forgive, to feel pity for our trespasses. How can I explaind all those various benefits of the science of harmonics, as far as our relations with God are concerned, in the limited space of my humble poem? But who can describe the benefits of this science for men in their lives, who can describe the excitement of our hearts,e the calmness created by it in our souls? , when-

See Leutsch-Schneidewin I, 291, 18, and Karathanasis 1936, n. 221 (p. 105). Several passages of Byzantine authors referring to musical instruments are collected by Wolfram-Hannick 1997, 125-126. c  Homer, Od. 8, 325. d  See above, p. 54, n. f. e  Homer, Il. 2, 36. a 

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ever necessity comes to men,a and many other gifts besides. Who can describe each one of them? In any case, since its merits are so many and my poem has become very long, let us stop now, paying heed to the laws of harmonics in that particular case as well; I have already said many things about this, but frankly speaking, these are very few in comparison with what ought to be said.

a 

See above, p. 196, n. b.

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11. TO THE WISE XANTHOPOULOS, AND A SECTION CONCERNING HIS OWN MISFORTUNES

I have experienced your graceful company many times, O most perfect of all men. Your company gave peace to my heart, which was exhausted as a result of my involvement in public affairs and my personal sorrows,a which were numerous, healing that frightful, stormy nausea caused by the wild, roaring tempest threatening me with those loud-sounding,b awful plights, blowing from all directions.c My heart, breathing with difficulty because of all those griefs that made it whirl constantly, could not find any solace from its sorrows, which would give some sort of hope to the mind, and heal its pains gently. But the vernald breezes of your company made my heart leap with joy,e and they helped it to cast off its awful pains. We were sitting next to one another having a pleasant discussion, which soon led us to a careful contemplation of the whole worldf and of all those unstable worldly Homer, Il. 7, 428. See also above, p. 97, n. c. Cf. Homer, Il. 8, 321. See also Homer, Il. 7, 411, where the word erigdoupos (always an epithet of Zeus) is employed. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1252A. d  The image of spring is quite common in Byzantine letters, see Karlsson 1962, 53. e  Cf. Sophocles, Ajax 559. f  On the theme of contemplation of the whole of nature in Metochites, see Polemis 2002, 42*-105*. a 

b 

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affairs, which turn now one way, now another, from good to bad and vice versa. We were entertaining each other, following the path of those discussions, and as we continueda we gathered all things together, both recent and past times;b thus we whose destiny was to be born in these times came to realize our misfortunes; Lamenting our own situations, we thought that we were most unlucky, since we were destined to live in the worst period of human history, being the dregs of human lifec and enduring dire hardships. Afterwards, having confessed to one another the sorrows that were ravaging our hearts because of our anxieties, we were somewhat relieved, lightening the burdens of our souls,d relieving them of our terrible pains. This was the profit of your company, which was most desirable and sweet. But it has been a long time since, willy-nilly (I do not know), you took that most desirable profit out of my hands, and you deprived me of your graceful company that I liked so much,e since it gave me such a great, most necessary pleasure; its loss makes me now unhappy. Why have you committed such an unexpected injustice towards me, causing me great distress?f Neither you nor I nor anyone else familiar with you expected from you such a thing! Why did you leave me alone in the midst of these innumerable misfortunes without a faithful friend,g now that my heart is sunk in despair because of the sorry state of my private and public affairs for so long a time? I loved you so much and you loved me too,h while you hated those who hated Homer, Il. 6, 375. Homer, Od. 24, 51. c  On this Platonic image, see above, p. 49, n. i. The matter comes last in the evaluation of all things that are to be found in nature. This Platonic theme is developed in many late authors, see, e.g., Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1243A. d  Cf. Plato, Phaedrus 248c. e  On the pain caused to the writer of a letter by the neglect of his friend, which is a common idea in many Byzantine letters, see Karlsson 1962, 44. On the term homilie see relevant passages of Byzantine letters quoted by Karlsson 1962, 25, 41, and 49. f  Homer, Il. 4, 169. g  Homer, Il. 15, 331. h  From Hesiod, Οpera et Dies 353. See also Anthologia graeca 12, 103, 1 (Beckby IV, 68; see also the note of the editor Beckby IV, 520), and Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1481A. See also above, p. 185. a 

b 

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me. Whenever I had some misfortune, you sat near me, trying to cure my grief with your words, which refreshed my heart, calming it down, and you soon comforted me with your wise thoughts, offering me effective remediesa for my painful wounds, a different and appropriate one for each particular case. But (what can I say?) now you display no interest in me anymore, either forgetting what you used to say to me in the past, or being ignorant of my ongoing misfortunes,b which came to me quite unexpectedly,c impaling me. Each one of these misfortunes causes me unbearable pain; each one of them is so great, that nobody can be unaware of it. In any case, it is clear that I am not an obscure person, unknown to most people, since I hold a high position, regardless of my being happy or not in this unstable life; I am visible to all even from afar, whether friend or foe, as if I were standing on a high peak;d they are able to see whether fair or adverse winds buffet me. This is why I said it was not possible for you to be ignorant of the misfortunes that had befallen me, one after the other, on account of my private and public affairs. My sorrows are well-known to everyone, and my concerns are not unknown to you. Is there anyone who is not aware of the death of my noblee kinsman, who was glorious for the esteem he was held in and for the numerous honours he received from our emperors? He was also renowned for his honours, his courage,f the beauty of his athletic body, and for his praiseworthy humility, in spite of his great glory; he behaved gentlyg to all people. Is there anyone who has not heard the news of his death? You were the first to learn about his death, since

Homer, Il. 4, 218. Homer, Il. 5, 399. c  See above, p. 85, n. a. d  Οn the image of the watching-point in Metochites, see Polemis 2002, 43*-53*. The image is taken from Philo Judaean, De specialibus legibus 3, 2 (Cohn-Wendland V, 129, 15-16). See also Kertsch 1978, 139-140, n. 5 and 200, n. 1. See also Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 32 (Polemis 144, 3-4). e  Two Homeric adjectives used for Menelaus in Homer, Il. 23, 529, and id., Od. 4, 16. f  Homer, Il. 6, 156. g  Homer, Od. 2, 230. a 

b 

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you loved him and you were loved by him as well.a But in spite of that great grief, that great misfortune, which was the result of my own sins, and all the other pains that bring a great damage to my heart, not unknown to you, you forgot to come to me, or you neglected to do so—I do not know what to say. This was wholly unexpected; no one could have predicted such behavior. Where are our mutual discussions,b the mutual plans we considered, spending many hours together and speaking to each otherc confidently, full of joy? We would speak of all the extreme hardships we were destined to endure, and we were very sorry to see all the attacks of our implacable enemies threatening us; some of them were infidels, while others were behaving like infidels, since they cared nought for any oaths in the name of God,d and were devoid of any sense of shame; shame is a feeling shared by all good men, the wickedness that comes from inside ourselves. There is nothing to preserve our inner peace, so that we may take the necessary steps to cast out all discord in the face of the bad situation of our common affairs; but we also wage a greater, constant war against one another,e being irreconcilable enemies to each other, injuring ourselves, and satisfying our foreign enemies, since we accomplish ourselves what they always wanted to do against us; these are awful deeds. We are most unwilling to do what was good and most profitable; each one of us avoids to act in this way, not taking any care. We all behave in this way without exception, quarrelling against one another; we take a sinister pleasure,f in observing the fearful, total destruction of our mutual affairs approaching us, caring little for our own disaster.g O Christ our Lord, is there anything we can do? It is our destiny to live in this time. Have pityh on our sins, and knock some See above, p. 185. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Epist. 240, 2 (Gallay II, 130). c  HOM, Il. 22, 128. d  Homer, Il. 16, 388. e  Homer, Il. 16, 765. He is probably referring to the period of the civil war between Andronikos II and his grandson, Andronikos III (1321-1328). f  Kakochartos is an epithet for Eris, see Hesiod, Opera et Dies 28, and ibid. 192. g  Homer, Il. 15, 106. h  Cf., e.g., Anthologia graeca 8, 47, 4 (Βeckby II, 472). a 

b 

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sense into us,a so that we may be converted in order to do and say what is necessary. That is my prayer to Christ our Lord.b For your part, you used to console me in the past,c but now, when I need your company urgently, since I am surrounded by more sorrows , you have abandoned me quite unexpectedly; being abandoned, my heart within is destroyed by these pains,d which are damaging me without making any noise, crashing like waves upon me, whose pain is immense; it gets greater and greater. These are mixed: some sorrows are private, while our common disasters are all unbearable. However, almost all people who live now have the impression that I am leading a happy life, being the luckiest of all people living in this world, and they always speake about my good luck, because I have been greatly honoured by God in the first place, then by my sovereign, who has chosen me among many others and appointed me as a guardian of the state, and by all other men, both our fellow-countrymen and foreigners, who have dealings with our emperor. Although everyone thinks that I am proud of this great, far-famed glory, I wish I had never obtained it; in other words, it would have been better for me not to be born at all (Job 3, 1-3), since I was destined to suffer all these undesirable hardships.f for me to be involved in all these, being in charge of the state; it is hard even to look at them from a distance. Being pressed by all these sorrows,g I have come to hate life itself and even detest my happiness. I believe that it would have been better for me not to have enjoyed such a supposedly happy life but to have lived free of all troubles. I wish such a thing could be possible: many times I have prayed to return to my previous way of life, to be alone and quiet, and to devote myself to the study of literature. If only I could return to that time, when I had not yet seen the imperial palace, a spectacle most Homer, Il. 6, 326. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 774A. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Epist. 76, 5 (Gallay I, 94). d  See above, p. 97, n. c. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Epist. 249, 3 (Gallay II, 139). f  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. I, 1, 1, 340 (Tuilier-Bady 24). g  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1365A. a 

b 

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desirable to all people, and had not yet obtained positions in the court, much sought-after by all people, being glorified to such an extent and being forced to stick to it willy-nilly. Most people like such glory, and I used to like it too like the others, before experiencing the great difficulties attaching to this life, which I had chosen because of my lack of foresight. I often said: who can really give me back those months of past years (Ex. 12, 2), when I lived totally free, being at an age when I was still innocent, having no troubles at all, and ignoring all the woes of this unstable life?a I was devoted to literary studies . Envy, be gone from me: I shone among my beloved fellow-students,b being the most brilliantc of them all; everyone recognized my preeminence; I was renowned even among those far away from my country;d both my fellow-students and my teacherse admired me,f both my friends and my enemies . O, why did the recollection of those past times make me lose my reason? It made my mind forget for a moment how many envious people are lying in wait, ready to do harm both to my own affairs and to my literary studies.g In any case, these things are well-known to many people, and you especially keep in mind the memory of those pleasant more than anyone else. As I said, whenever I remember these things, I  realize that my heart takes pleasure in them, how great was my fame in the past; but at the same time it grows very sorry since I abandoned that easy life, choosing a difficult and always painful one instead. But you have no cares at all;h those cares resemble ropes strangling men. You lead a happy life far away from the barren seai of this world, and you look at us who seek

Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 11, 333 (Tuilier-Bady 71). See above, p. 66, n. d. c  For the participle lampetoon cf. Homer, Il. 1, 104. d  Homer, Od. 2, 365. e  Cf. Plato, Respublica 600a. f  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1368A. g  Possibly a reference to the criticism of Nikephoros Choumnos. h  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 540A. i  Homer, Il. 1, 316. a 

b 

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profit by navigatinga on this turbulent, deepb and fearful sea, which brings us so near to Hades. It is a great miraclec if one manages to escape unharmed from it; in any case he might escape, after suffering many hardships and sorrows, swimming in it. But you have no troubles at all. You look at the waves of life from a distance, and you realize that we who pursue happiness resemble those who have a dream; in fact we are always in the midst of a tempest that brings awful disasters before our eyes, especially in our own days, when those misfortunes become bigger and bigger, day by day;d I am a prisoner of my own position, being forced willy-nilly to endure more than anyone else all kinds of hardship and to enjoy whatever might be considered a pleasure; but I do not really know if there are at all. In any case I wish I had never had such an experience.e If I had known the situation in advance, I  would have kept as far away from it as possible. But now, although I have an ardent desire to escape all of this , I cannot do so, since I am tied up with unbroken fetters. Even someone more experiencedf than myself could not manage to free himself, once he has become involved in these grubby affairs. These are my hard-pressing problems, prohibiting me from all sides. However, you live absolutely free, enjoying your literary studies, and remaining always in that most desirable place where you lived in the past: you serve as an attendant in the greatg shrine of the Wisdom of our great God,h which is built so greati in a way befitting the palace of a king; it is a safe and calm haven for you; is a marvellous sight,j resembling the vault of heaven (Ps. 102, 19),k a  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1262A. See also Homer, Od. 12, 69. b  Homer, Il. 18, 38. c  See above, p. 57, n. e. d  See above, p. 121, n. a. e  See Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 45 (Polemis 186, 10-11). f  Daiphron an epithet of Odysseus, see Homer, Od. 1, 48. g  Homer, Il. 17, 26. h  The church of Saint Sophia. i  Homer, Od. 24, 40. j  See above, p. 167, n. d. k  Cf. Paul Silentiary, Descriptio sanctae Sophiae 489-491 (Friedländer 241). The dome of each church is built as an image of the vault of the sky.

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which is the place of the almighty Lord, the king of all visible and invisible creatures, whether animate or not. As soon as you enter and see that most beautiful,a well-built shrine, which rises high up to the sky,b any sadness for whatever may veil your heart like a dark cloudc ; you take a breath of fresh air and your soul is filled with that joy of past times, making you forget all sorrow; you become calm, as if entering into a holy shelter; it helps you to forget your sadness, driving it out from your heart and sending away all frightful anxiety.d The hot iron which is red turns cold as soon as we dip it into the water,e losing that dangerous gleam that causes fear; in the same way the firef of your distress that torments you is extinguished as soon as you enter that church, which is like a safe haven; leaving behind your sorrows, you have an ineffable joy, and a refreshing breeze enters your heart. I experienced the same feelings in those years of the past, when I was still young, when I had encountered the first difficulties in my miserable life. Of course, I  was not excessively unhappy, since I was not yet tied up with the fetters of this much-erring life, but I pursued my literary studies, which gave my heart great satisfaction;g I served in that church and admired its beauties.h O my past, vain studies,i why did your sweet memory come to my mind now? I cannot take this happiness back! So as a result, I am now both happy and sad. I am happy, only because I remember my past occupations, but I feel sorrow, because time has deprived me of all these. O, how often I entered that shrine deeply depressed, but as soon as I looked at the beautiful sight I was immediately relieved! An ineffable joy entered my heart when I looked high above, trying to see everything, turning my eyes in all directions,j left and Homer, Il. 1, 39. Homer, Od. 18, 219. c  Homer, Il. 17, 243. d  Homer, Il. 22, 457. e  Homer, Od. 9, 391-394. f  See above, p. 215. g  Homer, Il. 1, 517. h  Homer, Il. 9, 705. i  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Epist. 46, 2 (Gallay I, 59). j  Homer, Il. 20, 325. a 

b 

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To the Wise Xanthopoulos

right, up and down, before me and behind me. I call upon all those who have experienced this to verify . You are the first among those people, being the most knowledgeable of them all. Those who are profane must stay outside the doors of that temple,a since they are totally ignorant. There is an old, sacred saying: we cannot explain the sweetness of honey to those who have not tasted it (Ps. 33, 9).b But the really unbearable weight of my sins became the cause of my losing that much desirable happiness while still alive: The memory of that grace preys upon my mind constantly, especially now that I am surrounded by many problems; all those troubles make me remember my former way of life, and the delight brought to my heartc by the vision of that quiet temple, which made it leap with joyd in the midst of my terrible distress. I lost that safe haven, which was a ready refuge waiting for me all the time, and a painless cure for the awful pains of my heart. But although you do not suffer at all, you make me suffer, not coming to me as in the past, in order to become my sweet companion, alleviating with your gentle discoursee the pain of my heart, which is constantly inflamed as a result of my misfortunes. But O almighty Lord, O incomprehensible Wisdom (I Cor. 1, 24) of your Father, the eternal God, the creator of all things, visible and invisible, you who are present everywhere and beyond everything simultaneously, you who are beyond all limits and incomprehensible to the impetuous human mind,f though it is wide enough, you who are beyond all time, both past and future, you have chosen that marvellous churchg as your abode, although you a  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1367A. Probably this idea is derived from Callimachus, see Sykes 1997, 81. b  This is a phrase encountered in Basil of Caesarea, Homilia exhortatoria ad baptizma (PG 31, 425D), and in the Klimax of John the Sinaite (PG 88, 988B): we also come across it in certain mystical texts of the early fourteenth century Metochites describes a sort of mystical experience while visiting the church of Saint Sophia and contemplating its beauties. c  Homer, Od. 5, 454. d  See above, p. 173. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1497A. f  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 23, 8, 1-2 (Gallay-Jourjon 296). g  Homer, Il. 2, 854.

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do not inhabit buildings built by human hands (Act. 7, 48); your throne is heaven (Ps. 102,  19) itself, or rather you live in a place higher than that,a far beyond it, since you are nowhere in reality, being infinite; please, take under your protection our emperor, save him from those innumerable plightsb that destroy both him and his people; he has placed his trust in you,c and he has complete confidence in you, whatever he says and whatever he does; you are his only hope. Give him a respite from all those troubles, throwing all his sorrows away. Throw away all his distresses. Save me as well, overlooking my numerous sins, and keep me safe from all this conflict,d from all the cruel attacks of the arrows, whether hidden or not, of my fellow men and from every kind of unending quarrel coming from people eager to entangle me, who am tied with unbreakable fetters, living most miserably.

The problem of the place of God’s dwelling had been discussed in antiquity both among pagans and among Christians, see Pépin 1964, 108-110. Although Christians tended to believe that God was beyond any place, some pagans believed that God was to be located either inside or outside this world (Pépin 1964, 110, n. 3). The problem was touched upon in the Prologue to the Almagest of Claudius Ptolemy, a work read by Metochites. b  Homer, Il. 17, 562. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 2, 12 (Tuilier-Bady 45). d  Homer, Il. 11, 164. Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 13 (Polemis 60, 16-18). a 

244

12. TO THE WISE NIKEPHOROS XANTHOPOULOS, AND A SECTION ON HIS OWN WRITINGS

Whatever I said previously to my best of all friends Theodore,a your own brother, that most wise man, applies to you as well, since your way of lifeb is the same: you love wisdom, you have the same friends,c you are unmarried (being satisfied thus),d and you have left behind you all the things of this world, which torment us all, buffeting us,e who have become their slaves, because our lack of providence made us choose them, unstable as they are. We cannot escape them; instead we are forced to remain under their yoke. Such miserable folk! However, people who look from afar think that we are very happy, leading a highly desirable life. Moreover, I have been your common friend for many years: you love me more than anyone else and I love you as well.f But now I can reproach you both with the accusation that you have both abandoned me now that I am facing serious troubles, although your brother is a  See Aristophanes, Acharnenses 326, and Euripides, Iphigeneia Taurinensis 708. b  See above, p. 95, n. a. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 11, 434 (Tuilier-Bady 75). d  Azygie is a term designating the monastic life: see, e.g., Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 537A e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1365A. f  See above, p. 236.

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to be blamed more than you for that. In any case, you have both abandoned me in the midst of sorrows,a which come to me incessantly; I have to cope both with private and with public sorrows, quite unexpectedly. That is why I said that whatever I said to him , and I am making the same complaintsb to both of you. Now my heart urges mec to tell you a few things, O my dearest Nikephoros, you who have the surname “the wise”d because of your literary achievements; I  am addressing you because you love me and you consider my own works admirable:e whatever you think about those , my character and my glorious science, which is the result of my ardent desire and the efforts I made while I was surrounded by many troubles, does not seem to be true. However, is false, you are not to be blamed for thinking and saying this, since everyone is always blind and does not see the faults of the person he loves, as the proverb rightly says.f That is why your friendshipg for me has blinded you towards my shortcomings, turning you from the right way. It is the only lie which is excusable, because it is due to an involuntary illness. Although you are most prudent and an objective, wise judge in all respects and you have sound judgment, your views concerning me are false and your judgments are not convincing at all, being unacceptable to all clever men who listen to you. I am ashamed in front of these men, and most of all in front of our contemporaries who listen to you always singing my numerous praisesh without any hesitation; my fellow men realize that my fell short of all Homer, Il. 22, 412. The word egklema is frequently used in Byzantine letters. See, e.g., Gregory Nazianzen, Epist. 150, 1 (Gallay II, 42), and ibid. 193, 1 (Gallay II, 84). c  Homer, Il. 4, 263. d  See above, p. 73, n. c. e  Many Byzantine letters refer to the love of the addressee for the literary works of the epistolographer, see, e.g. Nikephoros Choumnos, Epist. 1 (Boissonade, 1). f  Plato, Leges 731e. See also Plutarch, Mor. 90A. The same is said by Nikephoros Choumnos, Epist. 32 (Boissonade 38; it is addressed to Theodore Xanthopoulos). g  Homer, Il. 14, 360. h  Homer, Od. 18, 329. a 

b 

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To the Wise Nikephoros Xanthopoulos

expectations, and for that reason I am ashamed; it might also be a disgrace to you. But on the other hand, this may or may not be considered a dishonour for you, since you believe—because you love him very much—that the achievements of your friend are important, although they are not; what you do is not reproachable; with your words you may be successful afterwards, contributing to the reputation of my science and my experience in writinga in the future, after I die, giving me credit for things which are not at all good; however, men of future times are unaware of this, and they accept easily whatever they hear about the past; moreover, envy, which fights against glorious men living on this earth, does not touch dead men,b and so the glorification of dead men is easy. But stop glorifying me with your words, stop speaking to all men who are in communication with you about my own wisdom,c stop glorifying my natural endowments or my arduous training as an author or my literary achievements in front of all those men who are gathering around you as if you were a cup of honey;d stop saying that those marvellous achievements come one after the other, and that I display all kinds of learning;e stop singing my praises thoughtlessly according to your habit, so that you will not be punished for your judgment and I may avoid humiliation, which will be the result of the truth and of disastrous, blind envy. In fact your efforts may have exactly the opposite effect. My advice is profitable both for you and for myself. In any case your love and your best wishes for me through the praises you constantly utter about me seem to put fire in my heart, filling it with a new enthusiasm for learning,f O my dearest of all wise men. It is clear to everyone that whatever is praised rises high. Dio Chrysostom had composed an entire Oration (n.  18) entitled Peri logou askeseos. Cf. also, Plutarch, Mor. 472B. b  Cf. Aeschylus, Agamemnon 904. c  See Philo Judaean, De vita Moysis 1, 4 (Cohn-Wendland IV, 101, 21-102, 1). Xanthopoulos had probably written a letter to Metochites, extolling his rhetorical skills. d  Homer, Il. 2, 87. e  See above, p. 113, n. g. f  Cf. Philo Judaean, De Abrahamo 65 (Cohn-Wendland IV, 15, 21). See also Dio Chrysostom, Or. 21, 2 (Cohoon 1939, 274). a 

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In fact you urge me to love wisdom even more, by loving my learning and the truth so exceedingly and magnifying my own spiritual achievements; you think that wisdom is selected from many fields of human life, and you consider it a most important achievement, appreciating it more than anything else in our world; you also myself who prefer wisdom above all other happiness; all those mortal mena who are prudent and possess saneb minds, strive after wisdom in this life.c I want to be one of them. In any case, you are not absolutely wrong, making such an assessment of me, since in my view all human happiness is due to good luckd and all desirable material goods are inferior to wisdom, and nothing, however pleasant it may be, can be compared to it. This is obvious to all, and especially to you. I am a prisoner of this love for knowledge, which remains undiminished in the face of all my affairs, whether fortunate or not; nothing in this life, whether good or bad, can distract my thoughts from wisdom. You know all these things and you admire me, thinking that my love of learninge is a true miracle. But I shall remind you of what you told me once upon a time;f I think that you still hold the same view. You said that God gave me many gifts, about which it is improper even to speak, and you went on enumerating them: from the time I was a child, and you praised my nature, which was revealed in my deeds, the sophistication of my thought, and my untiring love of learning which remained unchangeable in the face of all situations, favourable or not; you also enumerated the graceful gifts of fortuneg and of the emperor, which were given to me readSee above, p. 53, n. d. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1457A. c  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 52 (Polemis 216, 14-19). This idea is ultimately derived from Aristotle, Ethica Nicomachea 1095a14-24. d  A Stoic term. e  Cf. Philo Judaean, Quis rerum divinarum heres14 (Cohn-Wendland III, 3, 23). f  Possibly a reference to a (lost) letter of Xanthopoulos to Metochites. g  The distinction between the gifts of nature and the gifts of fate is quite common in Byzantine encomia, see Metochites Theodoros, Or. ad imperatorem I, 6 (Polemis 174, 5-176, 3). See also Synesius of Cyrene, De regno 4, 4 (Lamoureux 89). a 

b 

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ily, all the wealth, the numerous honours bestowed upon me, all together, and the precious gifts which would be inherited by my children; who could enumerate all these in the course of a short speech? After describing all these numerous things, which had been awarded to very few men indeed, you said that it was a miracle that I retained my love of learning undiminished in spite of all these material goods,a and that I retained my intellectual preoccupations, preserving my resolve, my delight in my own studies, and my working habits in the face of good and bad fortunes; I do not want to live without them; these preoccupations are for me like the air which is essential for the survival of all men. This is what you believed about my undiminished love of learning in the past and your views remain the same. Your thoughts concerning my own happiness may or may not have been correct in the past. All good things on the road of this lifeb are deceptive, and even those things considered good by somebody cause great pain; all those prudent men who have experienced them know this. Let me not be ungrateful to God or the good emperor.c But what can I say now? In spite of my happiness I have became prisoner of these sordid affairs, both public and private. What can I say? These are obvious to everyone. Is there anyone who ignores them? In any case you are well aware of them, because you are very interested both in my private affairs and my public dealings. But although I am tormented by the waves of my frightful misfortunes every day,d I  cannot abandon my love of learning; that is really a celebration having no end,e and whatever a  The author himself denies that a scholar involved in the affairs of this world like himself is able to pursue his own studies, see, e.g. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 47 (Polemis 192, 20-198, 10). However, Thomas Magistros, Epist. ad logothetem 1 (PG 145, 404C), like Nikephoros Xanthopoulos, praises Metochites for his ability to combine his duties as a statesman with his scholarly studies. The same is affirmed by Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 7, 11, 3 (SchopenBekker I, 272-273). b  See above, p. 95, n. a. c  Homer, Od. 1, 29. d  Homer, Il. 24, 12. e  See Philo Judaean, De specialibus legibus 2, 46 (Cohn-Wendland  V, 83, 29-30).

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may be considered good in this life, here becomes better: all my sorrows, whether of a public or private nature, become milder as a result of my studies, and learning prohibits me from becoming fully conscious of the true magnitude of my own calamities; my heart becomes calm, being distracted from my troubles. My inflammation is somehow cured, as if a pleasant breeze refreshes my inner selfa by giving it life-giving breath. Often my mind, which is in distress, becomes calmer in this way,b leaving all troubles behind. Turning its attention to my literary studies, it forgets all its anxieties immediately; these studies give my heart strength, saving it from the effects of that bad sorrow, which brings it so many cares. As soon as I am reminded of the beloved productsc of my literary studies, I draw a deep breath; clear proof of my own labours are the books I have composed, which are more numerous than those of any other wise man of the past or our own times who, being a worshipper of wisdom, had the ambition to bring them forward as the glorious offspring of his mind.d Some deal with philosophical subjects, quite elevated, explaining their mysteries, which can be grasped by only a handful of scholars; it is truly difficult for anyone to expound them. Some others are products of my oratorical skill; the careful job of rhetoric is to produce an artful style, and makes our way of expressing ourselves more pleasant, colouring the meaning of our writings,e which derives from the mind, with delicate ornamentation. I have composed many philosophical treatises and numerous orations; whenever you read them, you praise them, believing that they are very useful for our fellow men and that they may bring me great See Philo Judaean, De specialibus legibus 3, 5 (Cohn-Wendland V, 130, 9). Similar passages from the works of Metochites, who is inspired by Philo, are cited by Polemis 2002, 59*, n. 123. b  See above, p. 55, n. h. c  See above, p. 55, n. h. d  The comparison of the author’s works with children is traditional, see, e.g. Nikephoros Choumnos, Epist. 39 (Boissonade, 48). e  See the similar terminology employed by Michael Psellos, Or. forensis 1, 2628-2630 (Dennis 96), and id., Or. panegyrica 17, 411-414 (Dennis 158). On kekhrosmenois logois, see also Simelidis 2009, 25, Demoen 2009, 56 (with reference to Gregory Nazianzen). a 

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glory in this life, a sort of glory admired by most people. I love my books like my own children,a and I offer them now as a gift to all wiseb men, both now and in the future; such men will be in a position to judge them objectively, especially when death comes upon their author,c and the dire arrows of envy will not be able to harm him any more. Whatever I say about each subject may be profitabled for future generations, but it is left to your wisdom and to all other righteous judges to verify my own judgment. My writings are preserved in various copybooks in my private lodgings; each of them was a product of a different occasion. They may or they may not be appreciated as adequate writings. In my view, of all these works the following seem to have accomplished the task for which I composed them in a most satisfactory way: the first, as you know, is the speech I called Ethikos, dealing with the problem of education, which you thought at the time was meaningfule in all respects; but in my view it is the herald of my mind,f bringing forward all my inner thoughts; some of them can be easily comprehended, some others are hidden deep within, waiting for the man who could penetrate my mind in order to understand them. It is also beautifully written, and its style is not devoid of some grace. I  think that after that comes Byzantios, which is modelled on those ancient patternsg composed by illustrioush authors, the fame of which is great; it follows the example of those ancient prestigious writers, who fought in the contest of speech, on account of its whole structure, its following of the laws of rhetoric, its content, its beautiful vocabulary and its eloquent style: to the shining and pure Attic dictioni and the beauty of language. After those speeches I composed a praise of the god-like Gregory, Homer, Il. 16, 192. Homer, Il. 14, 217. c  Homer, Il. 18, 465. d  See above, p. 53, n. e. e  Homer, Il. 8, 366. f  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1400A. g  He is referring here to the Panathenaikos of Aelius Aristeides, a key source of inspiration for Metochites, see Polemis 2007, 395, n. 278. h  Homer, Il. 9, 189. i  Cf. Anthologia graeca 1, 23, 4 (Beckby I, 136). a 

b 

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called the Theologian by pious men.a I prefer these three books on account of their style. As for the others,b judge them as you wish. But I also hold in esteem the poems I composed recently the grace of poetry, trying to refresh a little my heart which is constantly tormented by my sorrows,c and to relieve it from my mischevous cares. Thus I bring a refreshing breath inside, which comes from the spring-time flowers of the evergreen meadows of poetry;d I am playing in a situation which is quite serious.e That is how things are. What I have said is probably true. But the other three books I have written may be profitable for future generations; they may also be profitable for me, enhancing my reputation forever,f and serve as an indication of my strong philosophical vocation, which extends to all the numerous branches of philosophy: I  mean physics, mathematics, logic, ethics, and dialectics,g which judgments on every subject. The results of my philosophical investigations are written down in that book which I called a Record of my own views;h whoever takes pains to read it carefully will understand what I am saying now. Examples of all the things I have just mentioned, dressed in a proper style, ; they gush out of my mind as if from a treasury, various theories being shaped by the subcategories of manifold wisdom,i both old and new, being most prestigious. This book may be considered a testimony to the strength of my mind and to my erudition. May envy remain far from us. The speech on Gregory the Theologian is also unpublished, see an analysis of it by Ševčenko 1996, 221-233. b  His other rhetorical works, preserved in Vindobonensis phil. gr. 95, e.g. the Speeches, on St Marina, the two archangels, etc. c  See above, p. 97, n. c. d  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1534A. Α similar image is employed by Metochites in Ethikos 17 (Polemis 76, 15-17). e  A proverbial phrase, see, e.g., Eustathius of Thessaloniki, Commentarii ad Homeri, Iliadem (van der Valk 3, 767, 20). f  See above, p. 82, n. b. g  Οn the division of Philosophy according to Metochites, see Bydén 2003, 263285. Here physics is substituted for ethics. h  He is referring to his Miscellanea. i  See above, p. 113, n. g. a 

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You remember that you frequently spoke to me about the value of this work of mine, and nobody would dare to say that you were deceiving me, since such behaviour is improper for a man of your character; there are also many witnesses who expressed the same views with you. I consider that book an image of my mind, or rather a statue for the sake of future generations. Some people in the past used to keep diaries in order to retain a memory ;a that book will be a diary of all the thoughts that passed through my mind in various times. The other two books are also products of philosophy. These books are most useful for men in their lives: I  am speaking my mind freely, caring not at all about the envy of other people. the new succinct expositionb of astronomy I have written in our time. Both I and many other mortal men who deal with the science of mathematicsc are aware of the fact that for many years the accurate study of the four mathematical sciences, and especially of astronomy, has been neglected. But I am speaking now freely: I studied all more carefully and diligently than anyone else at any time, and attained a full grasp of that marvellous and glorious science. But, with regard to astronomy, an unspeakable enthusiasm for it fired my heart,d since that science had disappeared from the sight of men. I wanted to be of some benefit both for my contemporaries and for future generations on account of that science and to succeed in that. To this end I composed new textbooks,e trying to investigate the admirable depths of astronomy through them. There I present the material in an orderly fashion, making everything clear to my reader, so that he may graduallyf come to a position of hearing with his ears only and understanding the great, marvellous mysteries of that a  Possibly an influence of Philostratus, and Synesius of Cyrene, who term the Sacred Tales of Aelius Aristeides ephemerides, see Polemis 2007, 71-72. See also Poem 10, 200. b  On the meaning of the term paradosis see LSJ , s.v., 2. c  See above, p. 53, n. d. d  Homer, Il. 10, 523. e  The so-called Stoikheiosis astronomike, the main part of which is still unpublished. f  See above, p. 89, n. a.

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science.a I explained them all in my writings, sparing no words, making them look like an easy lesson for all those who wish . I composed handbooks different from those of Ptolemy and Theon, those two great scholars of the past, removing all difficulties, so that they might be adapted to our own time.b Frankly speaking, I accomplished a most useful task for all those who love astronomy. Is there anyone so ignorant and insensitive that they would fail to understand the importance of this science, which was the object of love of so many illustrious men in the past, in succession? My achievement is truly greatc and most desirable; it is impossible for anyone to grasp it; it is a marvel listening to it. It is a glorious gift of mine to humankind. I also wrote a third book, making easy the physical philosophy of Aristotle, which is so obscure. Both the meaning and the language of the texts he gave out are deliberately difficult. His teachings are obscure and treacherous. But through my painful labours and my laborious aid I managed to bring them to light, making them easily comprehensible, explaining them to all those who wish to understand the laws of nature, whether partially or completely.d No one will find faulte with my most desirable work, which proceeded from my love of mankind. Anyone who studies that book of mine will be able to understand whatever he wishes or needs to learn from those difficult and greatly desired doctrines of Aristotle, readily and easily. You expressed your esteem for that labour of mine and this book,f admiring the way I managed to investigate the profound wisdom of this man and to explain to our On the difficulty of the works of Ptolemy, see Metochites Theodoros, Stoikheiosis astronomike 1, 1, 655-669 (Bydén 439). See also Michael Gabras, Epist. 322, 36-45 (Fatouros 510). b  The same is stressed by Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 10, 2, 2 (Schopen-Bekker I, 479) in his monody for Metochites. c  Homer, Il. 11, 310. d  He is referring here to the Paraphrasis of Aristotle’s Physica. See Metochites Theodoros, In Parva naturalia (Drossaart Lulofs 12, 16-18). e  See above, p. 83, n. d. f  The way he speaks suggests that Nikephoros Xanthopoulos had an opportunity to praise the Paraphrasis of Aristotle’s Physica rather recently. a 

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contemporaries in my own words the meaning of each part of the work of that great man who first revealed those complex natural laws with his clever, unapproachable mind, investigating everything and successfully finding the right solution to each problem, like no one else before or after him. This is my judgment concerning my beloved books I have brought to lighta like my own children with great pains, in the midst of the numerous difficulties that constantly surround me, permitting me no flexibility at all. If this judgment is wrong, and I was led astray by the natural passion I feel for my own products like all men, you are responsible for that mistake of mine, because with your praises you lead me astray.

a 

Homer, Il. 19, 118.

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13. TO HIS COUSIN THE PROTOASECRETIS, AND A SECTION ON HIS LIFE IN THE PAST

O my beloved friend, you who are the best of all men, now my soul urges mea to record in a few verses our past renowned and graceful relationship, when we were most prominent among our numerous fellows; we were unseparable in the midst of the various circumstances we shared. Our family bonds were very close; we shared the same house,b and both of us had an ardent desire for learning.c We played together, and we shared the same bad fortune. All dayd and night we were together, not separated from each other. Together we went to church, together we walked in the street. We were an agreeable pair for all to see, but we were also known as a pair to those far away who had not seen us.e O, how painful for See above, p. 73 n. c. Homer, Il. 17, 308. c  The model was the relationship between Basil of Cesarea and Cregory Nazianzen. d  Homer, Il. 18, 453. e  See above, p. 245. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Epist. 240, 2 (Gallay II, 130), id., Carm. II, 1, 11, 228 (Tuilier-Bady 67), id., Or. 43, 22, 12 (Bernardi 170). Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Or. in Greg. Naz. (unpublished; cod. Vindobonensis phil. gr. 95, f. 141). Α similar passage from the same speech referring to the close relationship between Basil of Caesarea and Gregory Nazianzen, is to be found ibid., f. 105v. a 

b 

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me is the recollection of those timesa when we had no cares at all, living only for each other,b and our minds were devoted to our studies! That was our only care, which was really a pleasure without pain. We devoted our time to our studies: we had neither children nor wives to distract us, so we had neither pleasures nor misfortunesc such as those we are experiencing now. more numerous . We used to say to each other that no life could be happy, even if one’s life gave the impression of being fortunate, rich and glorious; one happy circumstance is followed by two misfortunes, according to the poem.d it was better for us to live far away from all those things of this world, whether good or bad. Indeed we lived according to that principle at the time, leading a quiet life,e looking on the ordeals or the happiness of other people. In fact we had no opportunity even to observe those things ourselves, but we learned about them from the accounts of other people, who were persuaded that they were in a most unstable situation, swept along by those unreliable things of their lives now in one direction, then in another;f their thoughts were always unstable, . What decision or speech can be safe and stable,g when the situation is unhealthyh and fluid?i It is like trying to keep water within our fingers.j This is the situation in life, and these are the opinions of most people concerning themselves. But as long as we were free from all the snares of life, we lived for learning, we Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 43, 20, 4-5 (Bernardi 164). Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Epist. 6, 8 (Gallay I, 8). c  Homer, Od. 4, 230. d  Cf.  Pindarus, Pythia 3, 81 (Turyn 91). Elsewhere, Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 341, and ibid. 818, attributes the passage to Homer. e  Cf. Euripides, Hercules 698-699, and Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 2, 100, 8 (Bernardi 220). f  Cf. Krause 1976, 190-205, and 272-285. g  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1567A. h  See above, p. 80, n. d. i  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 2, 42, 12-13 (Bernardi 144). See also Plato, Phaedrus 242e. j  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 91 (Tuilier-Bady 9). On this image see Kertsch 1978, XII. a 

b 

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lived for each other, leading a pleasant life in conformity with our own principles, which were different from the principles of other people. We were free to do whatever we wished: we did not need to take care either of children, or the inescapable bonds of family, or those who envied us, or those who loved us. We were not eager to escapea from any difficult situation, or to endure it willy-nilly, suffering like other people; however, now we are obliged to act in this way involuntarily. O, whenever I remember those happy years and our pleasant occupations at that time, which gave no pain to our heart, liberating it from all kinds of cares,b I wish I could put the clock back, experiencing that life once again. I thought that this life could not be damaged, before I became involved in those things with which I live now, that give the false impression to mortal menc of ensuring our happiness. These valuable things were given to me by almighty God and by our good emperor, who follows the commandments of the Lordd in all respects; he does whatever seems to be fitting for a king; they gave me all sorts of goods, desirable things, much more than I would have dared to wish. They made me prominent among my fellow-men, , precious to all men. But there are innumerable bad things mixed with them. Who can enumerate them all?e There is no point to teach you about them since you are well aware of them. Being in distress because of them, I yearn for those times of the past when we lived together gloriously, having no pains at all; we breathed the air of freedom, which was absolutely free from any pollution. We both felt at ease, since no adversity could do us any harm. How can I put it? We were lords of ourselves. If I am permitted to use such an expression, I might say that the whole world was at our disposal without any difficulty. We could accomplish whatever we wished most easily and readily, Cf.  Philo Judaean, De specialibus legibus 3, 5 (Cohn-Wendland V, 130, 9-10), a passage that inspired Metochites in ch. 32 of Ethikos. b  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Epist. 30, 2 (Gallay I, 38). See also Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 236. c  See above, p. 53, n. d. d  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 463A. e  See above, p. 54, n. f. a 

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in the way we liked, having no obstacles at all. Was there really anything, either private or common, preventing us from carrying out our plans conceived by our free minds, which were not tied? Whenever I remember these plans in my mind, full of sorrow I rail at my fate. How did I come to adopt a different way of life, exchanging gold for copper,a as the proverb has it? But that would have been a slight mistake, as another proverb says;b something much worse is involved: in reality I exchanged my happiness for the fetters of death, my pleasant life for constant anxiety. How different are those things with which I now live, both happy and unhappy, from what I had in the past! Who would be so stupid as to be in doubt about this? One must be deprived of his mindc through the agency of the envious demon,d the eternal, frightful and wakeful enemy of all men, not to believe me. So I came to abandon my tranquil life of the past of my own free will, not yielding to violence; I caused problems for myself, and now I am yearning for that life of the past, which I remember.e O you, who are the best of men, who would make disappear all those events, whether fortunate or not, that occurred since then, if there was a way to do so, so that I might reach that haven of tranquility again? your pleasant company once more, as when we lived together, and meet all our good friends of that timef again, with whom we breathed a sweet air, leading a unrestrained life, being most prominent among them? No one would dare to censureg what I now say, speaking frankly; many trustworthy people still living will testify to this. All those who know me may realize that what I have just said is not exaggerated: I was really prominent among our friends in all respects; no one of those who were of our age, or Homer, Il. 6, 236. I have not found the source of this proverb. c  Homer, Il. 9, 377. d  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1347A. e  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 45 (Polemis 188, 9-12). f  Homer, Il. 3, 175. See also Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1386A. g  See above, p. 83, n. d. a 

b 

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of those who were older or younger than me, wanted to dispute my supremacy, all were content with second place. I was the first, and you were second, being most glorious too; you considered the glory of my learninga your own because you loved me and you exalted me as highly as you could.b In this way your words excited my love for learning.c On the other hand, you occupied yourself ardently with advertising my achievements to all those you came in contact with, praising my wisdom and my strength in learning. That was your ardent wishd and your burning ambition, to magnify my glorye in literature by all possible means, saying that my fame was greater than my age would have permitted, and that it was not commensurate with the effort to learn I had undertaken from the time I devoted myself to my studies. Indeed, the most generous distributor of good things, our God, gave me a natural inclination for learning and an ardent desire for literature from my tender age, when I first started my studies; my love became even greater, as time passed by, and I continued to study my lessons with great passion, taking even greater pains, and my love for hard work grew greater and greater. Many people are aware of this, and most of all you, with whom I lived together day and night at the time, urging youf to do the same, devoting yourself to learning and working hard for it. Joining forces with each other, we were rather diligent, and we became a pair most prominent among our fellows in respect of all good things.g Each of us shared the well-considered opinion of the other concerning everything: about learning, about all good things in our lives. How I suffer,h now that I come to remember all these things! I am fainting and a dark cloudi prevents me from seeing anything. Cf. Anthologia graeca 8, 98, 4 (Beckby II, 496). Homer, Il. 20, 325. c  See above, p. 247, n. g. d  Cf. fragment 191, 1-3, of Archilochus, preserved in the anthology of Stobaeus (West 190). e  Homer, Od. 24, 33. f  Cf. Nonnus Panopolitanus, Dionysiaca 19, 1 (Keydell 395). g  See above, p. 256. h  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1396Α. i  See above, p. 173. a 

b 

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O my soul, return to yourself,a O my heart, retain your stability, remember how many people suffered like you in the past,b enduring extreme hardships continuously because of their own foolishness; like me, they had not predicted how dreadfully they would suffer afterwards. O my heart, look at all those people who endured more hardships than you, from the moment they entered life. At least you may take comfort from the memory of your pleasant life in the past, which is like a small breath of fresh spring air, giving you some pleasure, and making you forget your hardships, as it enters your heart.c In the midst of those terrible sights you see that make you so unhappy, turn your attention to your past life, as if it were a meadow full of sweet-smelling flowers, giving pleasure to your heart, which takes a breath of fresh air.d It is both a cause of sadness and a great pleasure for me to bring back the memory of those days of the past; it is like experiencing a much desired feast,e given to me by God himself; it sets me free of all cares and sorrows of that life and makes me calm. For this reason I am very happy to narrate and remind all people of those past incidents of our life, whether our laborious, uninterrupted studies, or our times of repose, when we took a rest like all men, considering it a fit medicine, after our intense efforts; then we amused ourselves in a blameless way. O renowned, glorious church of the Wisdom of our great Lord God, O light and breath of my soul, O my pleasure, receive me now as you did in the past, when I was your servant,f being in passionate love with you like a servant of Dionysus; I was both acting and speaking inside that temple; my heart was flourishing; it became

Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1432A. The theme of the return to oneself was a major philosophical theme from Late Antiquity onwards, see Courcelle 1974, 110, n. 52, and Meyendorff 1954, 188-206 (for the Late Byzantium). b  Homer, Od. 20, 18. c  Homer, Il. 16, 52. d  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 17 (Polemis 76, 15-19). e  A widely used image of human life in several authors of Late Antiquity, see Philo Judaean, De specialibus legibus 2, 48 (Cohn-Wendland V, 84, 8-9), and Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 930A. f  See above, p. 197, n. a. a 

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calm immediately, and was full of joy,a as soon as I looked at you, fulfilling my duties quickly; that happened every day. You were like a nearby haven for me, protecting me from all the tempests of my mind. So I remained calm. If anyone does not feel that calmness created by you inside him, he is totally insensitive, being unawareb of all these marvellous things. Is there anyone who does not forget all his pains the moment he beholds you or even just enters within your presence? His mind, full of admiration, contemplates that ineffable, marvellous sight of the temple constructed not by a human mind but by the Wisdom coming from above, is overcome with emotion. As soon as I think of that church, that exact copy of the heavenly abode of almighty God which is built upon earth, my heart is overcome with an ineffable joy and admiration. Therefore, any servant of that church, full of admiration, is raised high up to heaven.c All those who have experienced that know that an ineffable joy enters their hearts suddenly, but those who have no such an experience, cannot be taught about this. Those who are aware of these sentiments cannot speak about their own feelings; they cannot voice their sentiments to each other; only their hearts bear testimony to prove the sincerity of their feelings. Now as in the past you and I, being like-minded, discuss those things with confidence, narrating to each other the feelings of our hearts which were identical; each of us bears eloquent testimony to the fact that we led a most pleasant and tranquil life at the time, wholly free of cares. O my friend, I cannot forget all these things, and I am sure that you cannot either.d But one may think that after all the glories I attained in my life, which look most prestigious to other men, I have forgotten my humble life of the past. But the eternal God,e who is invisible, seeing everything clearly, knows very well that I am not going to tell a lie: I have never forgotten those happy days when we had no sorrows at all, and I hope I shall See above, p. 74, n. d. Homer, Il. 9, 63. It is possible that Metochites was inspired by a passage of Aelius Aristeides, Or. 19, 21 (Keil 37, 5-8). c  Homer, Il. 1, 221. d  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 45 (Polemis 188, 10-13). e  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 517A. a 

b 

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never forget them. Even though I go on attaining more glory each time, I still remember those most desirable days of the past, when we lived free of all cares and troubles; however, although I do not stop experiencing everyday happiness, I have to endure innumerable pains, which come together with that happiness; in the middle of my painful sorrows which bring numerous and frightful difficulties, disastrous for all men, I remember those days of the past always, when we were absolutely free, and you and I lived for each other: we led a life devoted to the acquisition of knowledge (cf. Prov. 4, 5); we enjoyed the company of our common friends; we used to visit the holy shrines together; all our occupations were common, as all were able to see: we even played together as young men do, when we felt the need for that,a and there is no reason to censure such a thing.b Is there anyone who does not need to relax a little from his various labours sometimes, unless he be made of stonec or of hard wood?d It is true that the mind is a prisoner inside the flesh, so it cannot work continuously without pause,e enduring constant hardships during those toilsome occupations; it needs to take some relaxation, abandoning wise thoughts for a while; it resembles the string of a bow that cannot be kept taut all the time.f The human body is feeble: it can endure hardship for a short time, but it needs respite too. So it was impossible for us not to be tired after enduring so much pain and uninterrupted work at that time; for that reason we both amused ourselves a little, in an irreproachable way; no one who saw us could say that those amusements were not fitting for prudent men; he could not find fault with us. I remember, too, those diversions we enjoyed together with our fellow-students at the time, and I also recall in my mind those places we liked to visit together, those beauHomer, Il. 10, 142. Homer, Il. 3, 156. c  Homer, Il. 15, 273. d  Homer, Od. 19, 163. e  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 293. f  Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 26, 8, 3-5 (Mossay-Lafontaine 242). See also Ethikos 45 (Polemis 188, 10-13). The mystical feeling resulting from the contemplation of the marvels of the Saint Sophia, which we came across in Poem 11, is to be found here as well. a 

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tiful monasteries and other shrines, or certain deserted districts near the city walls; we preferred those places which were far away from the marketplace, being uninhabited; we also met in certain well-built, shady porticosa or elsewhere, in those places we used to gather, taking a walk alone, avoiding the noisy company of other people who were plunged in those sordid, mundane cares which were incompatible with our own interests. I recall all those things in my mind, although I am in constant distress because of my present troubles, both private and public, which come to me like the great strong waves of the sea, one after the other, bringing certain things with them, which are deemed most prestigious, fortunate and worthy by all those who see only the surface, not caring to look into the depths. But now, having experienced both of them, I prefer those humble, few things of the past which brought me so little pain, although they were not prestigious, to the supposed happiness of the present, that great, prestigious wealth most desired by all, friends and foes alike, which is mixed with so many dreadful sorrows; no one can escape them; all those glorious men have realized their value (poor they!), and all wish they had never attained such glory; that would have been far better for them. For the same reason, being a prisoner of these unpleasant things, not being in a position to escape, full of sorrow I often recall in my memory all those things of the past I mentioned above. Freeing myself from the awful fetters of the present in my imagination, I  brought joy to my heart, recalling them in my mind as far as possible with the help of my imagination. Since you are an old friend of mine and a very close one indeed,b and you have sharedc all those experiences of mine in the past, I thought it right to address this poem to you.

Homer, Il. 12, 36. Homer, Il. 15, 11. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 11, 227 (Tuilier-Bady 67). a 

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O wretched I,a how many dreadful, unexpected things,b disastrous for our nation, have I suffered and seen in my life! On hearing them men are horrified. They are truly beyond description; those disastrous things have been brought on us by the great enemies of our nation. It is clear that with our grave, innumerable sins we angeredc our Lord Jesus Christ who is normally very indulgent towards us, not willing to punish us; however, he is now justified in destroying us, sending awful hardshipsd upon us, because we constantly neglect the law and the divine commandments given to us by him because of his providence, for our own sake, and live sinfully. He never brings misfortunes on humankind of his own free will; he took care in the past to teach us a good lesson by explaining to us how we might avoid the punishment of sinners who were punished, because they did not pay the necessary attention to those commandments;e since they rushed to commit

Cf.  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1353A. See Simelidis 2009, 67. b  Homer, Il. 2, 321. c  Homer, Il. 22, 94. d  kydesi should be corrected to kedesi, cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 28 (Tuilier-Bady 4). e  Homer, Il. 19, 213. a 

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great sins without any fear,a he punished them for their sins afterwards. But although we listened to those lessons continuously in the past, we did not pay attention to them, being most impudent, going against our own interest, not caring at all about the disasters that would come to us afterwards. And whatever God predicted has been clearly accomplished, his judgements have been fulfilled. Moreover I am worrying and my inner self is seizedb by a great fear;c I see before my own eyes, as if already present, the future disasters and the final destruction of our people that may come upon us in addition to our previous accidents, which cannot be averted; the glory of that nation was once upon a time celebrated among all other peoples; it was an imperishable, eternal glory.d This view of mine took shape earlier, as soon as I started to accumulate a certain political experience: we have been in great trouble indeed for a long time; it seems that we have lost our strength; accordingly, it is to be expected that we will suffer great hardships because of our previous difficult situation, and of those things that come to pass; but now the situation has become more critical. I  wish no such difficulties had come upon us, but I see disasters coming one upon another without pause like the frightening waves of a rough sea that break upon the shore; their roar is heard from afar,e making feeble men tremble with fear in their minds.f My fear is similar to this; my mind may or may not be so feeble, but it is reasonable for anyone who has confidence in his prudent mind studying the affairs of this world to fear the worst. I hope these things will never take place, and that my judgments will be proved wrong and that my fears will not come true, lacking substance. That would be most profitableg for me and all my fellow men. I hope that my thoughts will not be proved wellCf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1274A. Asperches is an epic word, see Homer, Il. 4, 32. c  Homer, Od. 9, 445. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1274A. d  Homer, Il. 9, 413. e  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 801A. See also Homer, Il. 1, 34. f  Homer, Il. 10, 538. g  Homer, Il. 15, 226. a 

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founded, as happened in the past. I  hope that it will be proved that my fear is unjustifiable and that my timid heart is afraid, having an unreasonable anxiety about certain dangers which can be easily avoided. But even if my fears are not to be realized, thanks to an unexpected miracle of the Lord, who is accustomed to intervene in our affairs in a miraculous, totally unexpected way, still my anxious thoughts wear me out like a worm destroying my bones (Prov. 14, 30) from within, and I lead a miserable life which I am unable even to describe. I resemble a man who is fatally ill and breathes his last: he expects that he will be among the deada soon, since there is no possibility for anyone to escape death and to come back to life; that has been our common lot since men were created and have lived on the earthb and since the sunc began to turn around it. Likewise my thoughts are fixed on that point and because of those thoughts my life has been transformed into a constant pain which I feel day and night;d I am groaning always, and more so, since I am responsible to a greater extent than anyone else, since I am invested with that dignity that brings so many troubles to its holder; everyone had considered it most valuable and desirable previously. I cannot say if that dignity made its bearer happy in the past—let others give their views . But now it has brought many cares and sorrows, incessant anxiety and great fear both for my private and public affairs; the latter is yet greater; all sorts of anxieties surround me, coming one upon the other without any pause. How many times have I cursed myself, saying that it would have been preferable for me not to have led that prestigious life (cf. Job 3, 1) at all and to have been free of all those anxietiese for all those unfavourable situations which are pregnant with grave, mortal dangers threatening to bring our total defeat! It is far better for a man to lead a humble life and to care only for his own affairs, being calm,

Homer, Il. 5, 886. Homer, Od. 11, 365. c  Homer, Od. 1, 8. d  Homer, Il. 12, 133. e  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1359A. a 

b 

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than to be glorious among his fellow citizens,a being obliged in various times to struggle against innumerable difficulties, public and private, which bring disaster, and to be obliged to play the role of the shieldb against all those things that threaten the welfare of the Roman people and our emperor, being vigilant at all times, day and night,c trying to find out what is better to accomplish, both with his words and with his deeds, and working very hard; this is the duty of any man who is eminent, towards God, towards our emperor and towards our fellow men;d it is really much better for him to have such a prestigious post when the circumstances are favourable. These are the great sorrows of all those to whom God has given the privilege of holding an exalted position like the one I hold now, being prominent in this difficult, wretched time; it is my inescapable duty to do whatever it is possible and to work hard; as a result I am the first to suffer because of the disastrous events that have overcome us unexpectedly. I will speak frankly, and the great, invisible God who sees everything may bear testimony to my sincerity.e It is daring to say such a thing; may God have pity on me and on my impudent words:f even if I lead a humble life, being far away from all public cares and all public sorrows, and even if I looked at the disastrous affairs of our nation, I would not be able to bear those numerous common hardships that strike us all, one after the other, destroying us. This is not something unreasonable; most unreasonable is the behaviour of those who believe that in the midst of a common disaster it is not necessary to suffer alongside all the parts of the same social body. Is it really possible for our feet or hands or any other part of us to remain alive when the whole body is dead?g Therefore, if God has not deprived me of my Homer, Il. 1, 169. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1245A. c  See above, p. 265, n. e. d  See Homer, Il. 6, 194. See also above, p. 53, n. d. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 610A. See also Homer, Il. 7, 76. f  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1271A. g  The idea that society is a body is quite common in the political thought of Late Antiquity, see, e.g., Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 6, 8, 19-26 (Calvet-Sebasti a 

b 

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senses, it is necessary for me to share the unhappiness of my fellow men who suffer because of our common disasters, and to die with them, when they die. Is there anyone, even a foreigner, living apart from those public, hazardous affairs, who is not worn out by all those wretched, extreme sorrows of our nation, he observes with his own eyes, being full of tears? This nation was once the most prestigious among other peoples from the time the life-giving eartha was created and the nations started to graze on it.b He is surely a scoundrelc if he is insensitive to our sufferings, unless he has been transformed from a man to a lifeless stone, or, to speak more accurately, to one of the demons—those godless enemies of humankind—who always derive pleasure from our disasters both secretly and in the open, fighting against the all-mighty God; God loves the stability and preservation of all beings, while demons from their own nature strive for our destruction incessantly. This is the situation. But what can I say now? What is better— to be the first man in the state, and to work very hard, coming face to face with the danger of all people, and caring about those public woes, as I do now, or to lead a simple inconspicuous life, avoiding all these wretched cares? In any case, sorrows and pains are inherent in both ways of life; it is clear that the parts of the social body are doomed to perish by common misfortunes, as we have already pointed out. Of course the first way of life may secured our glory and fame, deemed worthy by most people, while the second safeguards our deliverance from all vehement sorrows and lack of painful cares, as we all know. However, is it possible for anyone in the midst of those common disasters to enjoy a better life than others, whatever his way of life might be? Let us take my own example: what is the benefit of my great luck,e my glory

1995, 142-144). The same image is employed by Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 240-241. See also Beck 1952, 83-89. a  Homer, Il. 2, 548. See also above, p. 53, n. d. b  Homer, Od. 11, 365. c  See above, p. 262, n. b. d  See above, p. 131, n. e. e  Cf. Euripides Fragm. 81, 2 (Kannicht 215).

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and my great fortune?a On the other hand, is it really better for someone to be apart from all other people, but in the end to perish alongside them, being destroyed by a common, inescapable disaster, even if he tries to escape it,b hidden in the darkness,c and unknown to everyone? It seems that it is impossible for anyone to escape the common lot of our people, which is so heavy. We are all miserable, each one of us without exception, in this wretched time, both those who are lucky and those who have experienced bad fortune, leading an obscure and restricted life. Fortune is very inconstant and usually reverses.d Really, I do not feel an excess of enthusiasm at her numerous gifts, which come to me one after the other, being well aware of the mischievous character of her gifts, although in my case she has proved herself most generous and stable. However, being well aware that she is totally untrustworthy and inconstant, I  do not take great pleasure in her gentle gifts, and I decided that my heart should not enjoye her obscure benefits which were not to be trusted either; they can be easily dispersed by the blizzards of this life, which bring disgrace to all those who place their hopes in them. I am afraid of their threatening weight, greatly for our nation, which has been under assault for many years and has been exhausted by those trying circumstances, threatening to bring it to extinction. These fears trouble my heart all the time, day and night,f leaving me no time to sleep; I am constantly consumed by my anxieties, since I see with my own eyes the dangers approaching us mercilessly; they threaten to sink our ever-glorious state like a ship in rough sea, full of waves. How can I entertain any good hope, my thoughts being in constant distress? Is it possible for me to hope for anything better than death?g It would be better for me to abandon this life and go to the kingdom of Hades before seeing our glorious state, which was most Homer, Il. 5, 544. Cf. Homer, Il. 15, 62. c  Cf. Homer, Il. 14, 282. d  See above, p. 119, n. e. e  See above, p. 74, n. d. f  See above, p. 267, n. d. g  Homer, Il. 16, 856. a 

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prestigious among all the states that have existed on earth from the time men were created, become extinct. O Christ our Lord,a if you have really decided to cross our nation’s name off your list , and to wipe it out, this decision is certainly nothing else but the result of our numerous crimes, which have angered you so much—you, who are always ready to pity , having no anger at all, throwing anger away because of the mildness of your mind; that was contrary to your own nature. But have mercy on usb once more, do not forget your own nature, remember those celebrated miracles of the past you yourself performed;c those unexpected, indescribable miracles are praised proofs of your love for mankind: through your formidable interventions you saved men from great, various dangers many times in the past and you gave a new life to those who had been dead, bringing them forcefully out of Hades and the kingdom of darkness,d freeing them from their fetters. That caused great amazemente to all those who witnessed in the past, but it still fills with great admiration us, who live now, many years after, hearing it. O our Lord, remembering the miracles you performed in the past and which you still perform, your own power, and the mercy you have shown us, stop being angryf against sinners, restrain the frightful powers of destruction you have unleashed against us most justifiably, which threaten to bring our total extinction, making a great noise. Change things for the better, giving us unexpected happiness once more and a safe, calm life, liberating us from all those things that make us unhappy. Stop wearing out your own blessed people with great, continuous, innumerable sorrows that come from all sides; in fact we resemble a dead body which is prey to

See above, p. 238, n. h. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 632A. c  A prayer in which God is asked to do something because he has done the same thing in the past, see Pulleyn 1997, 65. Metochites may refer to the miraculous intervention of God during the siege of Constantinople in 626, and to other similar miracles. d  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1405A. e  Cf. Anthologia graeca 8, 162, 1 (Beckby II, 528). f  Homer, Il. 1, 192. a 

b 

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dogs eating raw flesh,a dragging it here and there—dogs indeed are our enemies; what a miserable spectacle! This is not real life at all;b we were most glorious in the past, respected by all peoples, causing fear both in our friends and in those who envied us; it was necessaryc for all peoples to pay attention to us, to seek our friendship and alliance, which brought them great prestige. But now—oh miserable I! What do I see now! It is my destiny to be a politician, managing the affairs of our formerly blessed empire which is really a miserable shipwreck now, although in the past the ship of our state travelled in full sail with a fair wind; the sea in its calmness enjoyed the waves that were gentle,d offering a marvellous spectacle. However, I, being a politician, undertook the responsibility of a terrible shipwreck at the time of disaster, like Demades, the Athenian orator in the past;e the tempestuous sea and the frightful storms have carried me close to the gates of Hades; there are dark clouds all around me, and the air is misty;f Olympus high up is dark, a dark night has descended , making all things invisible, and noisy thunder fills the hearts of all with fear, leading their minds astray.g Being in the midst of such a dreadful storm, I live under constant fear that at any time our state may be brought down.h I am near death; the lack of any good hope is wearing me out. It is as if the frightening, swelling waves come upon me one after the other; I try to escape them; but then other waves come, without pause,i trying to sink me into the depths of Cf. Homer, Il. 22, 42-43. Karathanasis 1936, n. 121 (p. 68). c  Homer, Il. 6, 85. d  Homer, Il. 1, 34 and 481-482. Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 268. The whole chapter seem to have been inspired by Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 28, 27, 1-19 (Gallay-Jourjon 158-160). e  A dictum of Demades, see, e.g., Plutarch, Mor. 803A. It is also quoted by Plutarch, Phocio 1, 1 (Ziegler II, 1, 5). See also above, p. 77. f  Homer, Il. 24, 653, and ibid. 20, 417. See also id., Od. 5, 291-294. Οn the allegorical interpretation of the shipwreck of Odysseus, see Van der Berg 2001, 176. g  See above, p. 267, n. g. h  According to Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 8, 5, 6 (SchopenBekker I, 308) a similar image was employed by Metochites when speaking to his family about the dangerous situation of the state. i  Homer, Il. 13, 798-799. a 

b 

272

To Himself concerning His Own Troubles

the barren sea, and thrusting me into the kingdom of Hadesa from where there is no escape. Is there a life worse, more painful and more miserable, abominable than my own? My numerous, dreadful sins have made me a prisoner of this fate. Seeing my many sins since I was born, and how many crimes I still commit, holding in contempt all the commandments of our almighty, good Lord Jesus Christ, who has given me innumerable gifts (though I have proved myself unworthy of them all because of my wickedness), I sink into the depths of despair; I have the impression that no other good thing may come to me from my generous Lord, and justifiably so. But I still pray to you, O my good Lord. What else can I do? To whom shall I turn now? O eternal fountain of mercy, O my Lord, I beg you,b stop being angry against us; we brought your just anger upon ourselves, and we are now full of incurable wounds caused by our crimes that destroy our souls; grant us happiness after these disasters; change the situation for the better, your hand being indeed so generous.

Homer, Il. 15, 27 and Od. 13, 419. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 515A, and Carm. mor., PG 37, 774A. Cf. also Proclus, Hymnus in Athenam 45-46 (Van der Berg 2001, 276). a 

b 

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15. TO HIMSELF, AND A SECTION CONCERNING THE TRAVAILS OF HIS OWN LIFE

Who, following the commands of the all-ruling Christ,a will feel pity for me, who am now wailing and sighing because of my disastrous pains, being filled with misery? Who, because of his goodness,b is willing to show compassion for me? Probably no one can take pity on me, since not even I have mercy on myself. If I had really taken pity on myself, I would have taken all necessary action and I would now lead a life free from any sorrow, not being afflicted by all these awful woes that were caused by the constant, mischievous changes of the material world, which lacked any true delight, any constancy. But both I and all those who made the course of their lives,c are always shaken by the ever-changingd streams of that loud-roaring sea (I mean this world),e which rise and sink.f We never have peace inside us, but our minds being immersed in the affairs of this world, we are swept along by the currents of that sea, having many sorSee above, p. 165, n. c. Homer, Il. 1, 275. c  See above, p. 95, n. a. d  See above, p. 49, n. g. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 26, 9, 6 (Mossay-Lafontaine 244). See also Kertsch 1978, 93, n. 3. f  Homer, Il. 23, 116. a 

b 

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rows that come upon us one after the other, resembling a plaything of the unpredictable winds of fortune in a miserable way. But anyone who places reliance on the winds will not be able to think correctly or to have settled beliefs. These things are really windy, as certain authors call them, resembling shadows, lacking any stability. All these obscure, unstable, ever-changing things are carried away by the winds easily like dust,a since they offer no resistance. I  and all people like me, who are swept away, put our trust in them senselessly and are happy, believing that their goods will remain the same forever, not suffering any changeb and damage, although they change even at the time we possess them, being transformed from good things into bad ones, and as a result we are overcome by sorrow when we lose those things that gave us pleasure in the past, thinking that no power would take them away from us. Our sorrow and our sighs wear us out, since our hearts are deeply attached to them. Nothing can bring us relief from these pains, since the things we desire change always, being unstable, like dreams. If I may exaggerate a bit, using an old , they resemble those vague, shadowy shapes we see in our dreams,c which cannot be touched. Who is able to escape such sorrows in his life, even if luck favours him? Everyone is embroiled in these snares. Is it possible for anyone to have peace of mind, and to be undisturbed by the roar of the waves, which are raised by the winds, that stir, one upon the other, the loud-sounding sea incessantly? Winds, one after the other, stir the sea without interruption. Continuous, swelling waves are always to be seen in the shuddering red sea, coming from opposite directions. The same applies to the terrifying waves of this life: they swell up continuously against us,d one upon the other,e in a horrible manner, bringOn this image see Kertsch 1978, 17. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1515A. c  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 18, 42, PG 35, 1041B. This combines several images, see, e.g., Pindarus, Pythia 8, 95-96 (Turyn 126), Homer, Od. 11, 29, and ibid. 11, 207-208. On the image of dreams, see Kertsch 1978, 17, n. 4. d  Homer, Il. 9, 4. e  See Homer, Il. 13, 799. Cf.  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 801A. a 

b 

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ing awful sorrows to us. Can any mortal man enumeratea all these sorrows? They are so many! Some of them can be known in advance, others are totally unpredictable, none may understand them; they are uncontrollable. Some of them are private, others are common to all men. More misfortunes and disastrous groaning, urged on by evil spirits, befall those who are cleverer than their fellow men. Their hearts feel the pain more acutely than the hearts of all other people. But then quarrels break out, they fight against one another, envious of their fellow-men, and, hidden in dark corners, secretly launch poisonousb arrows against their enemies. All these things, besides many others, whether describable or not,c which held the mind captive, not allowing it to look up to the sky, since it desires only those things of the present, break the miserable minds of human beings. It is inevitable that all men must suffer most, or at least one, of these misfortunes in their lives. Even those who enjoy precious divine gifts along the twisting paths of their lives,d being happier than others, have to endure some bad things in addition to the good, and those bad things are more abundant than the good ones. The poet said that one success is followed by two disastrous calamities,e a horrible mixture. More precisely, we may clearly see that not only two, but sometimes many more grievous disasters are mixed with one good thing, which is rather feeble.f Therefore, poor meng always have reason to groan and weep.h Misfortunes that each time befall us because of our own faults,i and especially because of the folly of our minds, never abandon us. Men feel extremely despondent if they lose Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. ad al., PG 37, 1466A. Homer, Il. 23, 850. c  See Hesiod, Opera et Dies 3. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1316A. d  See above, p. 95, n. a. e  See above, p. 257. The passage is quoted by Plutarch, Mor. 107B. f  Metochites seems to have been inspired by Aelius Aristeides, Rhodiakos 45-46 (Keil 84, 20-27). The same view is expressed by his student Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 8, 7, 1 (Schopen-Bekker I, 322-323) in an oration supposedly addressed to Metochites. g  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 456A, and Homer, Il. 22, 76. h  Homer, Od. 16, 144. i  Homer, Od. 24, 455. a 

b 

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things that are unstable and not to be trusted: let us suppose that our father, or our wife, or our beloveda son, who gave us a certain glory,b so desirable and precious among men, either because of our prayers or because of his good luck, or for some other reason, dies. Immediately we go into mourning,c and we moan, full of grief, not paying any attention to all our numerous goods, which are left intact with us. On the contrary, sometimes even these good things become a cause of grief for us, being completely transformed. But is anyone really in a position to enumerate all the disastersd that afflict our lives, making a tumult that is heard everywhere: in streets, both big and small, in markets, both nearby and far off? Mournful, unexpected sorrows befall all of us without exception; because of them, coming all together unexpectedly, sometimes men, who considered things of this life eternal, carried away by their follye and their love for them, lose their minds. Sometimes these people even dare to utterf impudent blasphemies against our God, ruling on high, as being unfair to them, not taking into account the providence of the great Lord, who oversees everything from above, governing all things reasonably.g Nobody can penetrate into the depths of God’s mind. Who can understand with his mortal mind the mind of his Lord (Rom. 11, 34)? However, sometimes wicked and ignorant servants, driven by their grief for the disasters that befall them, not understanding the designs of God, which are totally incomprehensible for them, rise up against providence unjustly and impudently. that both good and bad things happen to men, of themselves, without any external agency,h without any providence or reason. Such is the extent to which these imprudent people are led astray by their grief; however, their recklessness and their wickedness are Homer, Il. 16, 460. Homer, Il. 8, 141. c  Homer, Od. 2, 70 d  See above, p. 54, n. f. e  Cf. Homer, Od. 10, 27. f  Homer, Od. 23, 70. g  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 28, 30, 5-6 (Gallay-Jourjon 168). h  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 28, 16, 15-18 (Gallay-Jourjon 134). a 

b 

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punished later on. But even the grief of those who manage to keep their wits in the midst of their pain, refraining from displaying disrespect for their Lord by their bold utterances,a fearing him, is immense, since they are equally overwhelmed by the sorrows of this life; nobody can see them without pains at any time. Only those men who place their hope in God alone think that it is not right for a prudent man to feel sorry either for good or for bad things, since they regard them as shadowy dreamsb or a sort of theatrical performance on the stage, which has no true substance, being just a play.c So, being prudent,d they maintain their composure, escaping from the earth to the sky. They think that they must bypass things that do not belong to them, whether good or bad, considering them deceptive toys, thoughtless reasonings of empty, confused men, and they behave as mere visitors to this world. The prudent, profit-seeking merchant on board ship does not pay attention to the affairs of the fish that accompany the seafaring vessel,e roaming the depths of the seasf aimlessly and eating each other in the depths. Likewise such men think only of their heavenly rewards, not paying any attention to the wanderings of other people, who are prisoners of the good and bad things of this life, which lead them astray; being prudent, free from any passion and utterly composed, they consider all things of the present time wholly worthless, desiring only the constant and precious gains in heaven. I  admire such people, who see the truth, being in a position to implement their decisions, but I realize that they are very few.g On the other hand, we have put our

Homer, Il. 10, 376 and 5, 403. See above, p. 276. c  On the comparison of life to a theatrical performance in Metochites, see Beck 1952, 96-114, cf. Polemis 2002, 34*-35*. Cf. also a passage from a poem of Manuel Philes (Miller I, 424). See also a relevant passage from Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 4, 9, 1-2 (Bernardi 98). d  Homer, Od. 9, 445. e  Homer, Il. 16, 1, and 1, 439. f  See above, p. 50, n. c. See also Pseudo-Homer, Hymnus ad Cerem 38 (AllenHalliday-Sikes 3) and Homer, Il. 1, 358 g  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 13 (Polemis 56, 2-3). a 

b 

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own heads, our own hands and feeta into unbroken chains thoughtlessly, and we are held by them willy-nilly. Once , it is hard for us to escape: suppose that God sends me a desire to break these chains, escaping from my prison; I might be able to break some of them, yet some others are not to be broken, and new ones may be added to them quite unexpectedly; thus the chains become many. All those who have experienced these things have first-hand knowledge of each one of them. Thus, as soon as I decide that it is time to free myself from life’s worries, immediately new chains, than the previous, are added to the old, and keep me bound, prohibiting my escape, which I desire so much. the inescapable duty towards my lord, which obliges me to be faithful to him, offering proofs of my sincere devotion always. It is more indecent to show an ungrateful mind, when our lord’s need calls us, than to abandon the postb to which we happen to be attached in battle, out of fear. the care of our children, which is a duty towards them, imposed by the laws of nature and by God himself. This care becomes more pressing when one’s wife dies, leaving the children orphans in a pitiful state. There are also many other worries in our lives: friendships, disastrous enmities, quarrels, grudges, terrible, life-destroying passions, vanities, ambitions: many people do not want to be seen yielding to the power of their deadly enemies; they are not willing to give ground to those who ardently wish to win the wars of this life in an arrogant manner. Such wretched, futile, ridiculous things occupy the minds of mortal men continuously, though life is so short. They fight one another tenaciously for the sake of the shadow of a donkey, as the proverb has it,c having so much trouble because of this.

Cf. Homer, Il. 23, 772. Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 13 (Polemis 54, 19-56, 2). See also Plato, Crito 51b. c  Leutsch-Schneidewin II, 202, 5. a 

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O poor, ignorant men,a bereft of mind, struggling without purpose, why do you roam thus? You yearn for things that do not exist, you try to find something unreal. You struggle in vain. It is like trying to hold water within your fingers, as the proverb says. But like water everything in this life goes on flowing, changing direction all the time, up and downb like the unceasing streams of Euripos. It is as if you reap asphodels, a worthless plant:c if you put them in your stores, you have no profit; if you throw them away you have no loss. Τheir ends might be good or bad, but their profit for us is always the same, i.e. nought. In any case, we are prisoner of these unhealthyd things, which offer us no durable good,e and if we lose one of them, we have the impression that our misfortune is immense, unjust and unbearable; being mad about them, we behave in an improper manner. But such misfortunes never abandon us. They always come upon us, one after the other, bringing us to reason and reminding us that we should not rely on those uncertain things, aware that these goods can be destroyed at any time, quite unexpectedly, since fortune has its ups and downs and is totally inconstant. Anyone who is misled by its deceptive gifts, placing his trust in them, will be ridiculed because of his ignorance, becoming a plaything of the winds, blowing each time from a different direction. But although I am aware of all these things, I cannot avoid them,f being their prisoner because of my folly; as a result, willy-nilly, I am carried away by the winds, turning me hither and thither; to say the truth, my sorrows are innumerable. See infra, p. 331, n. a. See also the relevant Poem of Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso PG 37, 1301A. On this Stoic-Cynic motif, see also Zuntz 2005, 137. Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 380. Ιt seems that this particular passage was inpired by Dio Chrysostom, Or. 13, 16 (Cohoon 100-102). See also Plutarch, Mor. 4E, and Epictetus, Dissertationes 3, 22, 26 (Schenkl 298, 21-299,3). Α similar passage is to be found in Libanius, Or. 18, 123 (Foerster II, 288, 9-11). The ultimate source seems to be Ps.-Plato, Clitophon 407a. See also Delatte 1942, 236. b  See above, p. 119, n. e. c  Cf. Aelius Aristeides, Ad Platonem pro quattuor (Dindorf 405, 2-3). d  See above, p. 80, n. d. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 2, 42, 12-13 (Bernardi 144). f  Cf.  Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 46 (Polemis 190, 23-26). See also the following passage from Dio Chrysostom, Or. 16, 3 (Cohoon 176-178). Our Poem may be compared as well with the passage of Dio vv. 91-97. a 

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No one who has come to this state because of his ignorance is in a position to escape the disastrous affairs of this life, which necessarily accompany him, as I have already said. I will not mention all those sorrows of mine, which are common to all those who occupy such an envious position in the state. These bonds are tighter for me than for others, since I am the first one who has to cope with the problems of the state and consequently the first to feel grief for the numerous, disastrous calamities this time has brought upon us; these misfortunes are so many, attacking us from all directions. But what can I say of the wretched, private sorrows, that befall all mortal mena against their will? How can I speak about the sorrows that sicken my heartb without pause, leaving no place for joy? We are all accustomed to them. The disasters that have befallen me are greater than those that befell my contemporaries. It is true that I obtained many good things in my life, much sought after both by myself and by other people. However, these were followed by many dire cares, which clearly proved that these goods were feeble and unsubstantial: I mean the serious illnessesc that brought me close to death,d and I was badly jarred by them; some of these illnesses overcame me while I was at home; but much worse was the fact that I became ill while I was abroad, as everyone wishes to die among their beloved relatives and to enjoy the concern for their souls, , which consists in the fulfillment of all the old traditional rites for the dead, which have been established since mortal mene appeared on earth and started to die. The most painful experience for me was to be at death’s frightful door abroad, far away from my dearest ones; this happened more than once. How painful were those days! Even their memory catches my breath and I lose my wits; but I also give glory to the Lord God who unexpectedly saved me from these difficult See above, p. 53, n. d. Homer, Il. 9, 496. c  On Metochites’ trips abroad, see p. 64, sqq. d  Metochites Theodoros, Or. in sanctum Demetrium (Laourdas 81, 977982, 999) is referring here to a serious illness, the cure for which he attributed to the intercession of the saint. e  See above, p. 53, n. d. a 

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situations. O my Lord God, my survival would have been worthwhilea if I cleanse myself from the filth of the awful sins I committed, disregarding the commandments of our Lord Jesus Christ.b But, oh miserable I, I am afraid that I have added new grievous sins to those unholy ones committed in the past, thus flaring up the fire of hell, which the righteous God has prepared to punish sinners.c This has been my constant fear since that time. In any case, sometimes I think that it was really a gain for me to preserve my life. But at other times, when considering the numerous sins I have added to the burden of the previous ones since then, being still alive, I  lose all good hope; I have never stopped sinning, I have not changed my mind after those ordeals, resembling at least Epimetheus, not shedding any tears in order to clean myself. But may God, who does not wish any sinner to perish, but to change his life (Ez. 33, 11), grant me my salvation at last. That is the way things are. However, in spite of my sorrows caused by the grave illnesses I fought against, which brought me to the gates of Hades (Mt. 16, 18), I still gave the impression that I was wandering aimlessly because of my stupidity, taking pleasure in the other delightful, but deceptive things of this life, which I had at my disposal at that time or before that. But what can I say of my children? The two youngest, who were admirable both on account of their beauty and their minds, died prematurely.d These children gave me much pleasure to look upon and my heart was full of good hopes for them, but God took them away from me. It seems that this was bettere both for them and for me, their father. In any case, I suffered very much, and I was full of cares because of my children, having to cope with their illnesses; now one child was ill, then the next; sometimes many children were ill simultaneously and I had to share their sufferings. But what can I say about all my other cares concerning the education of my children, the welfare Homer, Il. 1, 229. See above, p. 165, n. c. c  Cf. Anthologia graeca 8, 205, 3 (Beckby II, 550). d  Μetochites’ two children were dead by the time of the Poem’s composition. e  Homer, Od. 2, 169. a 

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both of their immortal souls and their bodies, and all the good things of their lives? I have been truly consumed, taking care of them continuously, day and night, trying to provide them with more good things in all respects and to secure them from every kind of harm that assails mortal mena during the course of their lives;b these harms are either manifest, or secret, due to the unpredictable turns of fate and the arrows of our enemies shooting at us secretly and insidiously. This is necessarily my foremost concern, both whatever comes at this moment and for the future. These are the labours of all of us wretched human beingsc who are bound by the chains of this uncertain life,d and who have children: we have their concern at heart always, so that their lives become easier and painless and they do not encounter any troubles from their enemies; we want them to be glorious, as far as possible.e All people are wandering among such , myself included. I admit it openly: if anyone wants to criticize us, he may do sof fairly on this account, stressing the vanity and the precariousness of the great and constant efforts of all men. Men cannot accomplish these things as they wish, but are always involved in various labours, fighting with their enemies who struggle against them, both secretly and in the open. I took great pains for the sake of my numerous children, and I accomplished my tasks successfully, thanks to the benevolent mind of my open-handed lord in all respects; he grants me whatever gives me glory, since my lord is moved by God himself; indeed he always takes his inspiration from God. No other explanation can be offered either by me or by anyone else, these things cannot be attributed either to my mind or to fate. In any case I undertook many troubles in order to ac-

See above, p. 53, n. d. See above, p. 95, n. a. c  Homer, Il. 22, 31. d  See Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 538A. e  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 47 (Polemis 196, 8-198, 10), where the author laments his constant fear and his concern about the future of his young children. f  See above, p. 131, n. i. a 

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complish all these (O disastrous envy,a be gone from me), and I still consume my heart because of those cares for the sake of my children. I  exhaust myself through my constant concerns, trying to find out what is profitable for their souls and their bodies, both now and in the future. Even external goods are desirable for long-sufferingb parents, who try tirelessly to secure goods for their beloved offspring, imagining that these goods will be in their possession for ever. We live for the sake of our children, even after we are dead. Because of the excess of our love for them, which is egoistic, we always hasten to secure for them profits that will be ours in eternity, having no end. This is the reason for our working very hard for their sake. In reality we gladly suffer for our own sake, because our children are a part of ourselves, mortal men thoughc we be, who remain alive after our own death. We are immortal, because our life is continued in our offspring.d Lord God has placed this unbreakable bond in nature, linking the father with his children. That is why we feel so glad, but we also endure much mental hardship for their sake, being always full of fear for their future, lest they have an accident. I have spent many difficult days and nights without sleep in order to find a way to keep them safe if they encounter difficulties in their lives; I try to secure everything that they may need; as a result they may be able to lead a happy life, having plenty of good and glorious things, escaping the attacks of their enemies and being always happy; I put up as much resistance as I can to the enemies who attack them, both secretly and in the open.e I took all precautions as far as possible so that they stopped envying them; dreadful envy really destroys men.f Anyone who is a parent knows very well how many pleasant things as well as hardships befall them; truly speaking, hardships are more numerous of course and cannot be compared On the subject of envy in Gregory Nazianzen, a certain source of Metochites in this case, see Simelidis 2009, 158. See also Hinterberger 2001, 285-319. b  Talasiphron is an adjective of Odysseus, see Homer, Od. 1, 87. c  See above, p. 53, n. d. d  Cf. Menander Rhetor, De orationibus 2, 401 (Russell-Wilson 138, 18-20). e  See Simelidis 2009, 179. f  Phthisenor is a Homeric adjective for war, see Homer, Il. 13, 423. a 

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to the good things. And if sometimes children happen to be disobedient, not following the commandments of their fathers, this is the worst calamity for men; this happens quite often, as we see: poor parents have to wage war simultaneously against their enemies to safeguard the interests of their children and against the children themselves, for their own good. Who can describe these unspeakable sorrows? For my part, I have mentioned just a few of the sorrows of this life, most of which had to do with the problems of parents and their children. I  left unmentioned other troubles; I  tied myself with their bonds. I am considered happy by most people; but if someone had foretold to me those troubles, I  would never have chosen that path of life, even if there had been the likelihood of gaining even more good and desirable things. I would never have exchanged my freedom, that painless, quiet life I led in the past, for all these things; I was unharmed by the arrows of envy at the time and my heart was calm and happy, not disturbed by any troubles, since there was no place in it for any sorrow; so my dreadful enemies could not take advantage of any vulnerable part of me in order to defeat me and deprive me of my freedom. But I abandoned such a life, making a terrible mistake, wretched I,a and I suffered immensely afterwards, unexpectedly, due to my own foolishness. O Christ, my Lord, save my mind, providing me with your good hope, and deliver me from the snares (cf. Ps. 140, 9) of this world.b

See above, p. 265. Such a prayer against evil desires is common in the Hymns of Proclus, see Van der Berg 2001, 207 and 251. a 

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I wonder very muchc why it is that some people have the good fortune to belong to a nation leading an easy life, enjoying constant tranquility, untroubled by disturbing events, so that their personal lives are happy and quiet too, while other mortal mend obtain as if by lot a life embroiled in the most difficult circumstances for their countries and their people, viewing the enormous calamities that overwhelm their nations constantly, one after the other, or sometimes all together, coming from all directions and bringing total disaster.e If one happens to live in bad times, how can one lead a happy personal life, enjoying one’s goods and being happy, unless one is a complete fool? But this is the greatest of all human misfortunes (how can a foolish man be really happy?). Taking all these into consideration, I am at a loss, unable to penetrate into the depths of divine providence or to understand how these inexplicable things really work. The only thing I am sure about is Homer, Od. 10, 326, and Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 890A. See above, p. 53, n. d. e  Cf.  the similar position of Isaac Sebastokrator, De providentia (Dornseiff 53, 1-12). See also Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 299-300. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 606A, id., Carm. dogm., PG 37, 431Α-432A, Gregory of Nyssa, In inscriptiones Psalmorum (McDonough 130, 6-8), and Proclus, Commentaria in Parmenidem (Cousin 954, 31-34). c 

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that God in his wisdom does everything with a rational and just purpose, although we are not in a position to grasp this with our minds, which are at a loss in the face of these things. many other issues, as well as to the problem that occupies my mind, which is dizzy now, seeing the inequities we observe among mortal men:a some people are seen to enter life in a country and a nation sorely afflicted and running up against many difficulties, fighting against implacable enemies, who surround it on all sides, causing it incessant harm because of irrational, inhuman and arrogant hatred; they take no heed of the oaths in which men trust and arrange all their daily affairs without any disturbance, and instead fight against each other implacably,b leaving no room for peace which is necessary and concord concerning the things that can protect the affairs of the state from bad luck,c destroying everything in this world. Therefore, some miserable peoples can be seen to be surrounded by these most unpleasant circumstances, although they have committed no crime in the past, for which they are punished.d However, they suffer immensely because of these disasters alongside many other people, poor creatures, being forced to endure the misfortunes of their country like all other people and to share the grief of their fellow citizens, although they are more prudent than the others; but they are not able to persuade their countrymen to pursue a better course. Even if they manage to obtain something good because of what they accomplish with the assistance of other people, or because of mere good luck (which is always ficklee), or in some other way, how can they really be without sorrows, not sharing the sorrows of their fellow men, alongside whom they live? However, other people, by See above, p. 53, n. d. Homer, Il. 4, 440. c  Homer, Od. 4, 167. Οn the allegorical interpretation, in the mode of Metochites, of this and similar passages of Homer, see Van der Berg 2001, 271. d  It is possible that Metochites has been inspired by the relevant section of John Stobaeus 4, 41 (That human happiness is unstable, Hense 927-948), where a very similar fragment from Euripides’s, Skyrioi is preserved (Euripides, Fragm. 684, Kannicht 669). A similar idea occurs in the prooemium to the Roman Antiquities of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, I, 4, 2 (Cary 1937, 14) e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm. PG 37, 430A. a 

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good chance, live among prosperous nations that are outstanding and glorious among all the other nations: their nation swims in the calm sea of life,a and they cross its waves in full sail. Most of them lead a life that resembles a feast without any pain.b Their souls are always satisfied. Whoever is fortunate enough to live at such a time, enjoying a happy and glorious personal life, can be seen to revel in the company of his fellows, and lead a glorious life, satisfied with himself and more so with all those goods that belong both to him and to his nation, a truly blessed fellow. He is constantly happy in all respects, although probably neither he nor his contemporaries bother to offer sacrifices worthy of those benefactions to the all-powerful God, on whom all the works of men depend and from whom everyone gets his reward in due course. O Christ, you, who regulate the affairs of all human beings, I wonder,c how all these things occur through your incomprehensible designs; how it is possible for you, who cares so much about the equilibrium of good and bad things for all people, to allow that some men are happy from the beginning to the end, being given by you a life without travails,d without bad fortune that is hard to bear, while other people are always suffering and groaning, being slaves of their enemies, without respite, forced to cope with disastrous situations; even if they manage to escape from a disastrous situation, then another one comes upon them, much worse than the previous one;e sometimes great disasters take place all together; their angry enemies surround them like wolves eating raw flesh,f ready to destroy them, taking no pity on our common nature. These are the things we constantly observe in human life: there is no sense of proportion; some people get this, others that. In any case, all these things happen in accordance with the designs of divine providence, obeying the incomprehensible laws Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 500A. Cf.  Philo Judaean, De specialibus legibus 2, 46 (Cohn-Wendland  V, 83, 29-30). c  See above, p. 286. d  See above, p. 238. e  Homer, Od. 20, 18. f  Homer, Il. 11, 479. a 

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of our Lord. However, not being in a position to understand these laws, we are at a loss to explain such phenomena. But it is necessary for all prudent people, whose mind is not crazy, out of control, to believe firmly that all these occur in a most wise manner, according to the well-thought designs of the Lord, which it is not proper for us to question,a since we are his servants, and the holy Bible says that no servant can understand the mind of his Lord (Rom. 11, 33). If someone happens to attain a higher degree of perfection, acquiring divine grace more fully, and abandoning all mundane cares escapes the bonds of the material world, he may penetrate into the ineffable depths of God, and will see the miracles of his providence, but not in a perfect manner—for great is that part of the ocean of the divine that remains unexplored.b Therefore, the designs of God are incomprehensible,c and they seem to mortal mend to be unfair, though they are most fair indeed,e having always a proper, most wise reason, which cannot be known. However, people usually complain of their misfortunes, being despondent, poor creatures. Even prudent, hardhearted men become embarrassed when they look at men both of the past and of the present who lead quiet lives,f being sometimes sinful persons, who respect neither oaths nor the laws of civilized behaviour; on the contrary, like flesh-eating lionsg they seize those who are powerless, being most arrogant, destroying shamelessly everything that is within their reach. They respect only one law: to do whatever is in their power; it’s all the same to them, regardless of whether these things are just or not, taking no heed of God a  Cf.  Metochites Theodoros, Miscellanea 302-303. See also ibid., 405412, an essay which deals with the lack of belief of men in divine providence. The views of Metochites are shared by Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Romana 8, 6, 4 (Schopen-Bekker I, 316-317). b  Cf. John Chrysostom, De incomprehensibili Dei natura 1, 206-208 (Malingrey 118). c  See above, p. 50. d  See above, p. 53, n. d. e  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Or. 4, 12, 13-18 (Bernardi 104). One can also cite a relevant passage of Michael Psellos, Theologica 37, 9-11 (Gautier 148). f  See above, p. 257, n. e. g  Homer, Il. 5, 782, and 11, 76.

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or of those men who respect the judgment of God and the laws of nature.a They think they do not need before them, but have faith only in their own powerb and their own bravado. Prudent men are most unhappy all the time, looking at those people who lead an easy, happy life without being troubled, though their views are unholy, or at those who, though totally neglecting the way of virtue and the precious divine laws, are always happy, leading enviable lives,c while they themselves suffer very much, being always sad, since they lead lives in dire conditions, their fortune being so bad, and enduring the awful tempests of the rough sea of life that inflict frightful disasters and keep them in constant move, they live miserably, crying all the time, sailing with bad weather, not enjoying the good winds of spring that bring calm and happiness. Their hearts are full of sorrows,d as they see both their own bad luck and the happiness of other people, who enjoy their good luck unruffled and trouble free. I have experienced such sorrows personally (if only I had avoided them!), which befell me in turn, one after the other, as before; the situation is even worse in my own generation, a shower of sorrows coming to it. As a result I see with my own eyes death approaching, since I happen to deal with public affairs today, holding an office much sought after and desirable in the past. But if someone seeks it today, in our dreadful times, he is the most imprudent of all men. I took up the office, succeeding others who had held it in the past and who had remained unharmed to the end and enjoyed fair weather without any pain, but as soon as I came to the office I encountered tremendous difficulties, having to navigatee in a tempestuous sea like a shipwrecked man. I was overwhelmed by the waves, which came upon me threateningly, but I resisted them without being tired, desiring ardently to reach a safe haven against all hope by a divine miracle; there was no other hope indeed. Otherwise, there is just one prospect for me, Cf. Philo Judaean, De opificio mundi 143 (Cohn-Wendland I, 41, 24-25). See above, p. 113, n. c. c  See above, p. 95, n. a. d  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 765A. e  Homer, Od. 12, 218. a 

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to end up at the bottom of the sea together with all other people, thus putting an end to our decline and our immense unhappiness. Alas, who is in a position to feel happiness, if he turns his thoughts to the cares that cause deep wounds in our hearts?a It is as if someone is forced to drink a cup full of poison,b the edge of which is anointed with honey and looks sweet. I am continuously forced by my bad luck to drink those undrinkable beverages that are mixed with poison, or to speak frankly, pure poisons indeed, unmixed with anything else, one after the other, unable to escape this fate. What antidote can I myself prepare or what medicines can I obtain from someone else, which may somehow cure my heart,c by transforming the disastrous, incurable, permanent effects of bitterness that overflow it like a great river? All my past pleasures have been turned into bitterness, offering no profit at all. I wish that someone had given me the opportunity to escape all these things; this would have been most profitabled for me. But destructive fate,e keeping me bound, I should live in this age, which it would have been better for me not to experience at all, even if there is a possibility that I may be famous for my good luck in future times, since that good luck has been mixed with immense sorrows; both I and other people live in these bad times! O Christ my Lord, the depths of your wisdom are totally unattainable, and whatever you do with good reason is incomprehensible to us who are deprived of reason. Check your just anger against me,f who am a sinner, and please take no heed of the words I just uttered inadvertently, daring to utter with my unholy tongue a blasphemous view without fear, committing a crime forbidden to your servants in my effort to explore your hidden designs (Rom. 11, 33), because I am embarrassed by them, believing that my life’s Homer, Il. 1, 243. A proverbial phrase, see, e.g., Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor, PG 37, 611A. c  Cf. Pindarus, Pythia 1, 11 (Turyn 74). d  See above, p. 53, n. e. e  Homer, Od. 2, 100. f  Homer, Od. 11, 105. a 

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circumstances are unfortunate. But all things, whether good or bad, that come to us servants of the Lord God because of his decisions, must be patiently endured. That is why I am begging you, my Lord,a not to destroy me, and to overlook the improper, vain and silly words of my tongue; check your just anger, make me utter words fitting to a servant, words of praise. And if by your grace I take the opportunity to praise your all-powerful right hand because of the change for the better (Ps. 76,  10) in my affairs, this will be a miracle of your immense power, quite unexpected, since you easily implement your decisions, transforming bad things into extremely good ones and vice versa. In any case you move everything wisely, always with good reason. Often that which is justly doomed is extracted from misery unexpectedly because of your mercy and is restored to a better condition through your miraculous powers. And now, O my Lord, have mercy upon me, against all hope, and save me from these disasters, bettering my dire situation. May I see a tranquil, calm lifeb in the future. Save our nation from the shipwreck,c in which I am involved too because of my bad luck, being full of fear, as I already see before me the fatal outcome of these tribulations, poor I, and weep without interruption. May you check , O my Lord, you who are always merciful (Mich. 7, 18). But if my numerous trespasses prohibit you from see my personal life taking a turn for the better among men, our nation, which has been tormented for so long, lead a better, calmerd life, far removed from sorrows. I leave my personal affairs, life and death, to your own judgment; I will accept your judgment because this is necessary for all of us. But, O Lord, act according to your own nature and take pitye on our nation, restraining your just, horrible anger that threatens to destroy it, so that your present miracles may be praised together with those of the past; Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 774A. See above, p. 257, n. e. c  See above, p. 77. d  See above, p. 257, n. e. e  On the use of hilathi in the Poems of Gregory Nazianzen. and its background, see Simelidis 2009, 30, and Van Opstall 2008, 192. a 

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let men loudly proclaim that you saved our people from the gates of Hades (Mt. 16,  18), giving us a new breath of life, though we were already counted among the dead, being deprived of our glory because of our setbacks through the ages. Our nation resembled a cadaver thrown to the dogs and to the scavengers,a incapable of protecting itself; it is exposed to our enemies to destroy and tear us to pieces; we were a spoil, a frightful sight to those eyes that beheld our dismemberment; we were an awful prey, deprived of any honour. O, can anyone who beholds or hears these things not be affected by them? One must be stone-hearted not to feel pity; one must be made of unyielding iron,b since only these materials are devoid of any sense and the passion that comes as a result. But O Lord God, change these things easily with your ineffable power, restoring and improving our empire, which had been glorious since you gave to mortal menc the earth as an abode;d preserve our state unharmed from the those immenselye terrible things that put it in such extreme, obvious danger. There is no salvation for our kingdom, unless you intervene with your all-powerful hand, which accomplishes unexpected miracles easily in the way you wish. Do this, so that we may admire your providence, seeing those unexpected miracles take place in our own case once again. We were most prominent among men in the past, enjoying good fortune in this unstable life for many years, glorified more than others, blessed in every respect, and exciting the envy of other peoples. But then our great happiness turned into an even greater wretchedness, and we became involved in innumerable terrible situations that brought us to the gates of Hades (Mt. 16,  18);f we almost became its inhabitants, alas for us, wretched people. These two situations, which were wholly different to each other, and to the situations of other people, as a result of the inscrutable designs of all-powerful God Homer, Il. 1, 3-5, and 11, 454. Homer, Od. 19, 163. c  See above, p. 53, n. d. d  Homer, Il. 15, 81. e  See above, p. 223, n. d. f  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1383A. a 

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of the living and the dead, of happy and unhappy men. Now, if you change these situations unexpectedly, my all-powerful, most blessed God, with your gentle mind, having mercy upon us, in some respects these miracles—most beneficial to us—will be unhoped for, for all those who see them, but they will be considered ordinary by those men who are prudent, aware of your acts committed by means of your power and your grace. The reason for both situations is untouchable, incomprehensible to us, not to be explored at all. But, O powerful, eternal God, do not frown on my prayers, uttered by an unholy tongue, but obeying the laws of your benevolence, you, who wish only what is best for mortal men, save our nation from these disasters, giving us happiness instead.

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Let us now take some medicine for our own sorrowa by verses, let us have a breath of fresh air, allowing us to forget our weariness and be free from it. In this way the mind is led away from all the unpleasant things that preoccupy it constantly, giving it immense grief, and forgetting all the sorrows that wear it out, it occupies itself with the composition of verses and takes pleasure in their graces,b resembling someone who is tormented by dark, frightful visions that bind him hand and foot, but who suddenly manages to catch a glimpse of a gracious meadow full of flowers,c which cures his heart, making it calm, and assuaging its pains, delivering him for a short while from his constant occupation with those dire, morbid and malicious spectacles. Likewise, it is a load off my mind to compose these beloved verses. Even if this is granted me for only a very short time, it is not to be rejected either, since a  Cf.  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 11, 6-8 (Tuilier-Bady 57). Similar passages of Gregory Nazianzen are quoted by Jungck 1974, 151. See also Simelidis 2009, 67, and Demoen 2009, 54-56. Cf. Michael Gabras, Epist. 32, 26-27 (Fatouros 65). b  Homer, Il. 9, 189. c  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 17 (Polemis 76, 10-16, and 77, n. 69). Cf. Plutarch, Mor. 600A and 469A (on this passage see Grilli 1953, 228, n. 3), and Synesius of Cyrene, Dio 11, 3, 4-9 (Lamoureux-Ajoulat 170). The original source seems to be Homer, Il. 2, 467.

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even this is profitable for us,a who have wearied ourselves for a very long time. Certainly a prisoner who is put in fetters or whose neck is stangled with a rope,b will gratefully accept the opportunity to take a short breath, or to be unbound for a short time. This is the way of things for mortal men.c But what can I say now? Αll prudent people, both now and in the past, who occupy their minds with literary studies and are happy for that, think that the best of all occupations much loved by other people is their own literary activity, which comes out of their minds as a precious gift to life; all of them consider it a most perfect product of their minds. Some of them are right, judging things objectively; however, others delude themselves because of their vanity; they are blind towards their own creations,d not being able to evaluate them properly; they see in them non-existent merits because of their love for them, even if they are most wise. They take pleasure in their own creations, deprived of their wits; they are most happy to be ignorant, thinking that most beautiful. That is why I said that the verses that proceed from my mind may bring some pleasure to my oppressed heart, to take a breath my weariness in the middle of the innumerable sorrows that befell me as a result of my impetuous, faithless fortune,e which turns upside-downf—like toys—both human affairsg and those people who expect something stable from them, or believe that extremely good or bad things come to men unexpectedly. Indeed, I think that some people unexpected the multitude of bad things that befell me at once, counterbalancing my previous, most precious happiness and the glory I enjoyed for so many years, at a time when nothing disturbed me, but I do not consider them so. I am not unprepared to suffer even See above, p. 53, n. e. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. dogm., PG 37, 464A. Ultimately the image is derived from Plato, Respublica 514a. c  See above, p. 63, n. d. d  See Plato, Leges 731de, and Plutarch, Mor. 48E. e  Homer, Il. 1, 165 for the adjective polyaikos. f  Homer, Il. 23, 116. g  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Epist. 178, 10 (Gallay II, 68). a 

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more sorrows; it is also possible that my affairs may take an unexpected turn for the better since I am still alive. It is as if we were playing draughts or dice,a we cannot have any confidence: fortune makes someone rich, another one poor, in turns and quite easily; nothing comes unexpectedly. This was my opinion in the past,b this is my opinion now and it has not been bolstered since then, although now I have personal experience of both good and bad fortune, and it is an experience more intense than that of other people: I lived gloriously for many years, being prominent in all respects; then things were completely reversed, and immense sorrows came upon me, as all can see. It is difficult to describe them, since they do not resemble other distressing misfortunes that befell other people in this life, both in times past and present. Most wise men of the past and present, myself included, before , have pointed out most accurately that sometimes equal or even greater woes follow great happiness. It is inevitable that opposites are changed into opposites, whenever they are transformed according to the laws of nature. This natural transformation takes place easily, overwhelmingly and in due proportion: great turns into great , small things go through small changes.c Great fortune or misfortune cannot befall a man who lives modestly. On the other hand, it is natural that often extremely great success turns into great disaster, when makes a great jump forwards, and falls with a deafening sound,d making the earth beneath us shudder. By contrast, the life of men who live in money’s light cannot be transformed radically, because no great distance is to be covered; no great noise is produced ; it is not

a  Cf.  Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. de se ipso, PG 37, 1195A. Cf.  a passage from a poem of Manuel Philes (Miller II, 41). b  Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. mor., PG 37, 629A. c  Cf. Plato, Phaedo 70e. However, I think that Metochites is also influenced by Dio Chrysostom, Charidemus (Or. 30, 21, Cohoon 416). See also Herodotus, Historiae 7, 203, Plutarch, Mor. 25CD, and Maximus of Tyre, Or. 34, 47-59 (Trapp 273-274). d  Homer, Il. 23, 116, and id., Od. 12, 238.

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noticed by his fellow men.a Not even his neighboursb take notice of his affairs, whether good or bad. That is why other men in the past and myself have pointed out that great, conspicuous woes succeed good fortune. Therefore, all men who have prudent mindsc inhabiting their heads, must fear that after good fortune may come misfortune, hard to bear even for a strong man, who relies on his own prowess and the strength of his unbroken mind;d no man who leads a good life can be free of cares, since he should know that human affairs are unstable and weak, subject to constant change, and usually that very change makes things much worse. However, that foreknowledge of future disasters, which comes as a necessary result, is of some benefite for those men , since such things do not come upon them unexpectedlyf and do not cause them immense grief.g Unanticipated, great hardships, befalling men suddenly, drive them out of their senses; the sound of thunder, which is most unusual, terrifies men; if claps of thunder come one after the other, all together, they transform men upon whom they come into lifeless, mindless blockheads, deprived of their senses.h These great, unexpected sorrows make men suffer the same. Our poor minds turn mad and sink into the depths of distress, expecting help from nowhere. When I was still happy, I  kept all these things in mind, and I thought about them constantly, being always anxious. Consequently, now that my happiness has turned into disaster and I have lost my glory and my great property in a miserable way, this is no surprise to me, there is nothing unexpected.i Nobody can see me sobbing See above, p. 53, n. d. Homer, Il. 17, 308. c  Homer, Od. 2, 315. d  Ηom., Il. 4, 303. e  See above, p. 131, n. e. f  Cf.  Archilochus, Fragm. 122, 1-2 (West 47, from Stobaeus), and id., Fragm 128, 6-7 (West 50; also from Stobaeus). See also Sophocles, Ajax 648, and above, Poem 1, 1069. g  One of the so-called spiritual exercises recommended in the philosophical schools of Late Antiquity was the praemeditatio malorum. h  Cf. Metochites Theodoros, Ethikos 5 (Polemis 18, 3-4). i  See above, p. 85, n. a. a 

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heavilya without pause. The things I always saw in my imagination, thinking that they could occur at any time, although I was not unhappy without them, have now come true. I saw them approaching; there is nothing unexpected in them. If someone else, whether my friend or enemy, considers them unexpected, I will say that he is out of touch with reality, not living in this unstable, ever-moving life,b lacking foreknowledge of things to come. Moreover such a man does not really know me. No one who has a certain familiarity with me, with some insight—however minimal— into my inner thoughts, and aware of my views about the world and the opinions I held before seeing such disasters, would say that these misfortunes, assailing me one after the other, all together, befell me unexpectedly.c Anyone who speaks about them, anyone who thinks about them, cannot speak otherwise, but his own opinion is an image of his heart’s disposition towards me, something that comes out of his inner self. He might have been a friend of mine, not believing that what he wished away might come true. Seeing my disasters now he is dismayed,d thinking that they have come unexpectedly. But he may also be my enemy: seeing these much-desired, heavy calamities he wished for me in the past now afflicting me, he thinks whatever he wishes. But I honestly affirm that I have always considered these things in my mind, before the calamities arrived, in the days of my happiness, thinking that great disasters in the wake of great fortunes cannot be avoided. This can be proved by the texts—verses and prose works, which have no metre—I wrote in the past. Anyone who wishes to scrutinize them, will soon realize that these things are frequently mentioned in them, here and there, as occasion served; they corresponded to the various needs of our life; my texts referred to them in a simple manner, as various thoughts came to my mind, and were brought to light through my tongue. This was the most important result of the investigations of my searching, wisdom-loving mind concerning all things of this Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 1, 413 (Tuilier-Bady 29). See above, p. 203. c  See above, p. 85, n. a. d  Homer, Il. 23, 165. a 

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world, both what exists always and what is brought to light;a these latter things rise and fall,b taking both usual and unusual courses each time, resembling streams that move unpredictably. In any case, to tell the truth, everything goes according to the ineffable plans of God; no one can enter into the inapproachable depths of his wisdom, nobody can understand the designs of his providence, which obey specific laws. Everything has an inner meaning, nothing is left to chance. everything to man’s own advantage. Some things may be agreeable, others disagreeable; great fortune may be mixed with common misfortune, while disaster may be mixed with common happiness; in any case all these things are arranged from above by our wise God, who treats men in the way a father treats his own children; he holds a cup in his hands, filled with a mixed drink (cf. Jn. 18, 11), according to the holy books, and he offers it to us by turns, turning misfortune into fortune, and vice-versa. Succeeding one another, fortune and misfortune dance on the conspicuous stage of this life, as if it were a theatrec or a trade fair. Wise men compare our world with a theatre, since they realize that everything is fleeting and unsound. They also think that in this life we can buy the ticket for the next life, which is eternal and stable, with permanent goods and eternal punishments, depending on the choices we make in this life: they lie exposed before men as a merchandise ready to be bought (cf.  Mt. 13, 46); that can be very profitable but it can also be very hurtful. Prudent men have eternal goods, incomprehensible to the mind and ineffable, while ignorant merchants exchange harmful things, which cause much grief, which is inexplicable and indescribable. This is the way things are. Blessed is the man who in the short time of this trade-fair manages to obtain the goods I mentioned above; wretched is the man who behaves differently, taking the

Cf. Plato, Timaeus 27d. See above, p. 119, n. e. c  See above, p. 278, n. c. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Carm. II, 1, 11, 1726-1728 (Tuilier-Bady 127). In fact, Metochites is following a tradition that goes back to Pythagoras. See also Gonzalez 1998, 242, nn. 2-3. Cf. also Jungck 1974, 222. a 

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wrong course in lifea because of his wrong decisions, paying no attention to those great rewards which our open-handed Godb reserves for us. Of course, sinner that I am, I do not hope to obtain that blessedness, because of my evil actions. I am well aware of the sins I have committed, disobeying the orders of God. At least I hope that I shall not to be considered deserving of the other thing, I mentioned above, since you are always ready to show mercy on us, O my Lord, O ever-flowing fountain of mercy that never dries up. This is the way of our great God. But, as I said earlier, as long as we are alive, we come across things that contradict one another and are totally unstable. Most unstable of all is good fortune, which is wholly uncertain and can easily change. But in my view this is also part of the wise designs of God, so that people should not place much reliance on these things, and should not entertain the hope that they will remain in possession of them forever; thus they will refrain from quarelling impudently and lawlessly, fighting against one another furiously like madmen, thinking that they are entitled to a most blessed nature, different from that of their fellow mortal men;c , realizing that all good things of this world can turn upside down due to mere chance and that equivalent or even greater unhappiness succeeds great happiness, to be in constant fear, lest they be ridiculed for considering those things to be stable, like those who try to hold water in their fingersd or those who think that it is right to trust the ever-changing winds, foolish people swollen with pride by the winds that blow in and out so easily, then disappear. Imprudent men, they resemble a balloon.