TheAffective Dimension in Second Language Acquisition 9781847699695

Table of contents :
Contents
Part 1. Affective Variables in Language Learning
Part 2. Motivation, Attitudes and Learning Experiences
Part 3. Affectivity in Language Production
Part 4. Affective Dimension in Educational Contexts
Conclusions
References

Citation preview

The Affective Dimension in Second Language Acquisition

SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION Series Editor: Professor David Singleton, Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland This series brings together titles dealing with a variety of aspects of language acquisition and processing in situations where a language or languages other than the native language is involved. Second language is thus interpreted in its broadest possible sense. The volumes included in the series all offer in their different ways, on the one hand, exposition and discussion of empirical findings and, on the other, some degree of theoretical reflection. In this latter connection, no particular theoretical stance is privileged in the series; nor is any relevant perspective – sociolinguistic, psycholinguistic, neurolinguistic, etc. – deemed out of place. The intended readership of the series includes final-year undergraduates working on second language acquisition projects, postgraduate students involved in second language acquisition research and researchers and teachers in general whose interests include a second language acquisition component. Full details of all the books in this series and of all our other publications can be found on http://www.multilingual-matters.com, or by writing to Multilingual Matters, St Nicholas House, 31–34 High Street, Bristol BS1 2AW, UK.

The Affective Dimension in Second Language Acquisition

Edited by Danuta Gabrys´-Barker and Joanna Bielska

MULTILINGUAL MATTERS Bristol • Buffalo • Toronto

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. The Affective Dimension in Second Language Acquisition/Edited by Danuta GabrysBarker and Joanna Bielska. Second Language Acquisition: 68 Includes bibliographical references. 1. Second language acquisition—Study and teaching. I. Gabrys, Danuta, editor of compilation. P118.2.A346 2013 418.0071–dc23 2013002061 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue entry for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN-13: 978-1-84769-968-8 (hbk) Multilingual Matters UK: St Nicholas House, 31–34 High Street, Bristol BS1 2AW, UK. USA: UTP, 2250 Military Road, Tonawanda, NY 14150, USA. Canada: UTP, 5201 Dufferin Street, North York, Ontario M3H 5T8, Canada. Copyright © 2013 Danuta Gabrys´-Barker, Joanna Bielska and authors of individual chapters. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publisher. The policy of Multilingual Matters/Channel View Publications is to use papers that are natural, renewable and recyclable products, made from wood grown in sustainable forests. In the manufacturing process of our books, and to further support our policy, preference is given to printers that have FSC and PEFC Chain of Custody certification. The FSC and/or PEFC logos will appear on those books where full certification has been granted to the printer concerned. Typeset by Techset Composition Ltd., Salisbury, UK. Printed and bound in Great Britain by the MPG PrintGroup Ltd.

Contents

Contributors Introduction

ix xvii

Part 1: Affective Variables in Language Learning 1

The Affective Turn in SLA: From ‘Affective Factors’ to ‘Language Desire’ and ‘Commodification of Affect’ Aneta Pavlenko

2

Affective Dimensions of Second Language Ultimate Attainment David Singleton

3

Anxiety and Perceived Communication Competence as Predictors of Willingness to Communicate in the ESL/FL Classroom Dagmara Gałajda

35

4

Self-efficacy Beliefs and FL Achievement in the Polish School Context Ewa Piechurska-Kuciel

48

5

Affectivity in Learning L2 Phonology/Phonetics – The Role of Self-concept in Successful Acquisition of English Pronunciation Małgorzata Jedynak

3 29

60

Part 2: Motivation, Attitudes and Learning Experiences 6

The Role of Motivation in Third or Additional Language Acquisition and in Multilingualism Research Teresa Maria Włosowicz

77

7

Language Learning Vibes: What, Why and How to Capitalize for Positive Affect Tammy Gregersen

89

v

vi The Af fec t ive Dimension in Second L anguage Acquisit ion

8

The Affective Dimension in Multilinguals’ Language Learning Experiences Danuta Gabrys´-Barker

9

Goals Pursuit in a Foreign Language Classroom: A Student Perspective Anna Klimas

99

112

10 Affective Dimensions in SL Pronunciation: A Large-scale Attitude Study Ewa Waniek-Klimczak, Andrzej Porzuczek and Arkadiusz Rojczyk

124

11 Attitudes and Perceptions of International Students Towards their Life in Australia Beata Webb

138

Part 3: Affectivity in Language Production 12 Identification and Verbal Expression of Emotions by Users of English as a Foreign Language Liliana Piasecka 13 Student Paper Presentations – An Analysis of Face-related Issues Ewa Bogdanowska-Jakubowska

153 167

14 Politeness in Written Academic Discourse: A Case of EFL Methodology Textbooks Joanna Nijakowska

177

15 Disciplinary Cultures and Emotions: Emotive Lexis in Research Articles Andrzej Łyda

194

Part 4: Affective Dimension in Educational Contexts 16 CLIL Lessons in the Upper-Primary: The Interplay of Affective Factors and CALP Agnieszka Otwinowska

211

17 The Role of Affective Factors in CLIL Provision in the Secondary School Zbigniew Moz˙ejko

226

18 Motivation from the Perspective of a CLIL Teenage Learner Katarzyna Papaja and Arkadiusz Rojczyk

241

Content s

19 Affect in VLEs: Anxiety and Motivation in Blended EFL Teacher Training Anna Turula 20 The Affective Aspects in Early Language Learning and Syllabuses Maria Stec

vii

254 268

21 The Problem of Inhibition Among Children During Culturebased Classes Marcin Glin´ski

278

22 Affective Factor Considerations in a Transcultural Approach to English Language Teaching Karen Jacob, Maria Juan-Garau and José Igor Prieto-Arranz

291

Contributors

Joanna Bielska is an Assistant Professor in the Institute of English at the University of Silesia, Poland, where she has been involved in language teacher education lecturing on theories of second language acquisition, research methods in applied linguistics and methodology of foreign language teaching. She has had a long-standing interest in the psychology of the language learner with special focus on the role of individual differences in SLA. Her current work revolves around the theme of self-efficacy in language learning and teaching. She is the author of Between Psychology and Foreign Language Learning (University of Silesia Press, 2006). Ewa Bogdanowska-Jakubowska works as an Associate Professor, head of the Department of Pragmatics, Institute of English, University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland. Her research interests include linguistic pragmatics, sociolinguistics, cross-cultural communication, and theories of politeness and face. She is the author of Cross-Cultural Dimensions of Politeness in the Case of Polish and English (1999) and FACE. An Interdisciplinary Perspective (2010), both published by Silesian University Press. Danuta Gabrys´-Barker is a Professor of English at the University of Silesia, Katowice, Poland, where she lectures in second language acquisition. Her main areas of interest are multilingualism (especially at the level of mental lexicon and syntax), neurolinguistics and psycholinguistics (modalities, learner profiles and affectivity). Danuta Gabrys´-Barker has published numerous articles nationally and internationally, and two books, Aspects of Multilingual Storage, Processing and Retrieval (University of Silesia Press, 2005) and Reflectivity in Pre-Service Teacher Education: A Survey of Theory and Practice (University of Silesia Press, 2012). She has also edited a volume Morphosyntactic Issues in Second Language Acquisition (Multilingual Matters, 2008). Dagmara Gałajda received her MA degree in applied linguistics from the University of Silesia. She is currently doing her doctoral studies at the University of Silesia, Institute of English, where she also teaches. The research area of her doctoral thesis concentrates on willingness to communicate ix

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(WTC) in L1 and a foreign language. Apart from glottodidactics, her research interests include: psycholinguistics, sociolinguistics, personality psychology and microsociology. Tammy Gregersen is a Professor of TESOL at the University of Northern Iowa, USA. She received her PhD from the Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Chile (1998) in Linguistics. She spent 17 years teaching English, preparing EFL teachers, and researching at the Universidad de Atacama in Copiapo, Chile. Her area of research centers on the individual differences that affect the second language learning processing, including such factors as anxiety, motivation, self-esteem, beliefs, language learning strategies, perfectionism and learning styles. Besides her many conference presentations in Chile, Dr Gregersen has also shared her research in Portugal, Spain, France, Poland and the US. Marcin Glin´ski is a PhD candidate and a lecturer at the Institute of English at the University of Silesia (Poland). He has been teaching English as a foreign language for four years. He is also involved in EFL teacher training in the Silesian centers for teacher education and development. He specializes in the theories of second language acquisition, TEFL methodology and applied linguistics. His research interests include the affective dimension of foreign language learning and teaching, research methods and teacher professional development. Apart from articles on EFL teaching and learning, he also publishes practical materials for teachers of young EFL learners. Karen Jacob obtained her degree in English Philology (2006) and her Diploma in Advanced Studies (2010) from the University of the Balearic Islands, Spain. She is currently pursuing a PhD at the same university under the supervision of Dr Maria Juan Garau and Dr José Igor Prieto Arranz. Her research interests include SLA, transcultural competence, English as an International language (EIL), and Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL). Małgorzata Jedynak works as an Associate Professor at the English Studies Department, University of Wrocław. In 2004 she obtained her PhD degree in applied linguistics. Her interests lie in the methodology of teaching visually impaired learners. Her research papers are also related to the acquisition of phonology/phonetics by L2 learners. The recent research she is involved in concerns different aspects related to the acquisition of L1 and L2 by the visually impaired learners: the choice and use of learning strategies, the role of autonomy in the learning process, teaching techniques implemented in an L2 classroom, the issue of giftedness in a foreign language. Maria Juan-Garau is an Associate Professor in English and Vice-President for Student Affairs at the Universitat de les Illes Balears, Spain, where she

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teaches courses in applied linguistics and language acquisition research methods. Her research has focused on bilingualism and SLA. She is currently interested in the influence of learning context on foreign language acquisition, with special attention to content and language integrated learning and study abroad settings. Her work has been published in various scholarly journals and has also appeared in different edited collections. She is co-editor of A Portrait of the Young in the New Multilingual Spain (Multilingual Matters, 2008). Anna Klimas is an academic teacher and a teacher trainer in the College of Management ‘Edukacja’ and Philological School of Higher Education in Wroclaw. She also cooperates with the Institute of English Studies, University of Wroclaw. She received her PhD from the University of Wroclaw in 2010. Her research interests in applied linguistics and language teaching methodology are in the areas of learner and teacher motivation and autonomy as well as the research methods used in classroom-based studies and academic subjects connected with teacher education. Andrzej Łyda is a Professor of English at the Institute of English, University of Silesia, Sosnowiec. He is currently the Head of the Institute and the Head of the Department of Translation and Interpreting. His main areas of interest are translation and interpreting, academic discourse analysis and interactional linguistics. He holds PhD and post-PhD degree in linguistics. Recently he has published a Dictionary of English Academic Phrasemes. Zbigniew P. Moz ˙ ejko, PhD, is an Assistant Professor at the Institute of English Studies, University of Warsaw. His research interests include features of advanced foreign language, needs assessment and CLIL. Among his recent publications is ‘Manipulating the structure of information in advanced written discourse of multilingual students of English’, Acta Philologica (2011) vol. 40. Joanna Nijakowska is a Professor in the Department of Pragmatics, Institute of English, University of Łódz´, Poland. She holds a PhD and postPhD degree in linguistics. As a specialist in psycholinguistics, foreign language acquisition and didactics, and learning difficulties, she runs teacher training courses for ELT students and practitioners. She has authored and edited books and papers on EFL and dyslexia (including Dyslexia in the Foreign Language Classroom, Multilingual Matters, 2010 and Understanding Developmental Dyslexia, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2007) and presented her research at European and American academic centres. Her research interests include learning difficulties, pragmatics and language learning as well as pragmatic language disorders. Her current focus is on metadiscourse and (im)politeness in written academic discourse.

xii The Af fec t ive Dimension in Second L anguage Acquisit ion

Agnieszka Otwinowska-Kasztelanic is an Assistant Professor in the Institute of English Studies, University of Warsaw, Poland. She specializes in language teaching methodology and psycholinguistics, with her interests focused on bilingual education and crosslinguistic influences in bilingual and multilingual language acquisition. She has published a book based on a corpus study of spoken language entitled The Lexico-semantic and Grammatical Influences of English on the Polish of the Younger Generation of Poles (DIALOG, 2000). She co-edited a volume on CLIL in Polish schools, and co-authored four series of ELT coursebooks for Polish primary and secondary schools. She is also a EFL teacher and teacher trainer. Katarzyna Papaja works in the Institute of English at the University of Silesia. She received her PhD in Applied Linguistics. She specializes in Methods of Teaching English as a Foreign Language and Bilingual Education. She has published in Poland and abroad on bilingual education methodologies, mainly on Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL). She was part of the team which conducted groundwork leading to the publication of Profile Report – Bilingual Education (English) in Poland (CODN: Warsaw, Poland). At the moment she is working on the development of CLIL syllabus for Polish schools. Aneta Pavlenko (PhD in Linguistics, Cornell University, 1997) is a Professor at the College of Education, Temple University, Philadelphia. She is the winner of TESOL 2009 Distinguished Research Award and President-elect of the American Association of Applied Linguistics. Her research examines the relationship between language, emotions, and cognition in bilingualism and second language acquisition. She is the author of Emotions and Multilingualism (Cambridge University Press, 2005, winner of the BAAL Book Prize), editor of Bilingual Minds (Multilingual Matters, 2006) and The Bilingual Mental Lexicon (Multilingual Matters, 2009) and co-author (with Scott Jarvis) of Crosslinguistic Influence in Language and Cognition (Routledge, 2008). Liliana Piasecka is an Assistant Professor, applied linguist, researcher and teacher trainer at the Institute of English, University of Opole, Poland. Her research interests include second/foreign language acquisition issues, especially L2 lexical development, relations between L1 and L2 reading, gender and identity. She is also involved in training teachers of English as a foreign language, hence her concern for the prospective teachers’ linguistic expertise, sensitivity to their learners’ needs, and reflectivity about their own teaching practices. She has published two books (Ways with Words. Strategies of Lexical Acquisition, 2001; Psycholinguistic and Socio-cultural Perspectives on Native and Foreign Language Reading, 2008), numerous articles and co-edited two collections of essays. Ewa Piechurska-Kuciel works as a Professor of Applied Linguistics at the Institute of English, Opole University (Poland), where she teaches EFL

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methodology and SLA courses. She specializes in the role of affect in the foreign language learning process (anxiety, motivation, willingness to communicate in L2). Her interests also include special educational needs (developmental dyslexia, autism and AD/HD). She has published two books (The Importance of Being Aware: Advantages of Explicit Grammar study and Language Anxiety in Secondary Grammar School Students) and papers in Poland and worldwide. Andrzej Porzuczek is an Assistant Professor at University of Silesia, Institute of English. His PhD dissertation, accomplished in 1998, dealt with Polish learners’ perception of standard British English vowels. His main research areas comprise foreign language acquisition, interlanguage phonology and practical phonetics pedagogy. Currently, he is working on an English pronunciation coursebook for Polish learners. He has presented papers at several international conferences on phonetics and second language acquisition. His recent publications are devoted to prosodic timing in advanced Polish learners’ English pronunciation and teaching practical English phonetics to Polish learners. His most recent publication is The Timing of Tone Group Constituents in the Advanced Polish Learner’s English Pronunciation (University of Silesia Press, 2012). José I. Prieto-Arranz is a Senior Lecturer at the University of the Balearic Islands’ Department of Modern and Classical Languages. He holds a European PhD in English from the University of Oviedo (Spain). His main research fields are EFL, translation and cultural studies, on which he has published internationally. He has authored and edited several volumes, including A Comparison of Popular TV in English and Spanish Speaking Societies: Soaps, Sci-Fi, Sitcoms, Adult Cartoons, and Cult Series (The Edwin Mellen Press, 2010, with Marta Fernández-Morales). Arkadiusz Rojczyk is an Assistant Professor at the University of Silesia in Poland. His research concentrates on production and perception of second language speech, speech analysis and re-synthesis. He is currently working on spectral and temporal parameters in perception and production of English word stress by Polish learners. He is also a co-author of a grant from Polish Ministry of Science for devising a new course in English pronunciation for Polish learners. He published a monograph on Temporal and Spectral Parameters in Perception of the Voicing Contrast in English and Polish (University of Silesia Press, 2010). David Singleton took his BA at Trinity College, University of Dublin, and his PhD at the University of Cambridge. He is a Fellow of Trinity College Dublin, where he is Professor of Applied Linguistics. He has served as President of the Irish Association for Applied Linguistics, Secretary General of AILA

xiv

The Af fec t ive Dimension in Second L anguage Acquisit ion

and President of EUROSLA. He has published in a wide range of domains, but his principal current areas of interest are cross-linguistic influence, the lexicon, the age factor in language acquisition, and multilingualism. On this last topic he just published a book with Larissa Aronin for John Benjamins. Maria Stec (PhD) is an academic teacher, applied linguist, teacher trainer and researcher in the Centre of Foreign Languages at the University of Silesia in Cieszyn, Poland. She is ELT author of 20 articles, translator and evaluator of materials for Polish Ministry of Education. Her main areas of interests are education of young learners, teacher education, foreign language acquisition, policy of teaching languages as well as design, implementation and evaluation of teaching materials. Anna Turula is a Professor and an experienced EFL teacher and teacher trainer. Her particular interests lie in e-teacher training via the Moodle and social software (wikis). At present, she is the Head of the Philology Department and a teacher trainer with the College of Foreign Languages, Czestochowa, Poland. She has published three books and numerous articles as well as co-edited two monographs. Her book Form-Focused Instruction and the Advanced Language Learner. On the Importance of the Semantics of Grammar was published by Peter Lang in 2011. Her ICT publications include, among others: Classroom dynamics of virtual learning environments: a humanistic perspective (CALL Review 2010/2). Ewa Waniek-Klimczak is Professor of English Linguistics at the University of Łódz´. Her main areas of interest are second language phonetics and phonology, sociolinguistics and pronunciation teaching. She has edited and coedited collections of papers on applied phonetics, with the most recent publication co-edited with Linda Shockey on Teaching and Researching English Accents in Native and Non-Native Speakers (2012, Springer Verlag). Her main previous publications include the book Temporal Parameters in Second Language Speech: An Applied Linguistic Phonetics Approach. (2005) and Issues in Accents of English I and II (2008 and 2010). She is an editor-in-chief of Research in Language, an international journal published by the University of Łódz´. Beata Webb works as an Assistant Professor and coordinator of undergraduate and postgraduate programs in Applied Linguistics at Bond University, Gold Coast, Australia. She gained her Master of Arts degree in Education and TESOL at the University of Silesia, Poland, and completed her PhD in linguistics at the University of South Australia, Adelaide. Since her relocation to Australia in 1989, Beata has taught a variety of subjects in language teacher education programs. Her research interests centre on studying various aspects of teaching and learning in culturally and linguistically diverse classrooms. Among other publications, she published a chapter on ‘Australian

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experience of culturally diverse university classrooms’ (Arabski, J. and Wojtaszek, A. (eds) Aspects of Culture in Second Language Acquisition and Foreign Language Learning). Teresa Maria Wlosowicz has a PhD in linguistics and is currently working on her post-doctoral ‘habilitation’ thesis, entitled Selected Psycholinguistic Aspects of Multilingualism. She teaches at the English Philology Departments of the Social Academy of Sciences in Warsaw and the Silesian School of Economics and Languages ‘Gallus’ in Katowice. Her research interests include psycholinguistics, language acquisition, multilingualism, foreign language teaching methodology, sociolinguistics and translation studies.

Introduction

Affectivity is at the core of everything we do in and with our lives. Thus, its development is also central to learning/acquisition and important for educational contexts. This volume consists of articles on various issues relating to affectivity, broadly understood, in the context of second/foreign language acquisition and learning. The studies presented in this volume consider the different contexts of language learning and different types of participants in this process. Most of them look at a formal instruction context, others look beyond the classroom and even report, interestingly, on the authors’ own affectivity and its involvement in learning experiences. The articles included in the volume demonstrate a variety of research methods currently being used in SLA research. The research reported on makes use of quantitative but also importantly qualitative research methods and tools, such as learner (teacher) autobiographical narratives and retrospection (questionnaires, diaries). Affectivity is discussed here in relation to learners but also to teachers in their own professional contexts of teaching foreign languages. In the majority of cases, affectivity is explored in the case of bilinguals, but there are also articles which focus on multilingual language users and their affectivity as an evolving factor. The volume consists of four parts, each of which discusses different aspects of affectivity in language learning contexts. The articles in the first part of the volume focus on individual learner differences in respect of affectivity, such as self-identity, self-esteem and self-efficacy. The second part of the book elaborates on affectivity in the context of language learning on the level of motivation, attitudes and learning experiences reported in the empirical studies discussed. The articles included in the third part demonstrate how affectivity is expressed in various contexts of FL use, for example ways of expressing emotions in L1 versus L2 or emotive lexis in research texts. The fourth and last part of the volume discusses affectivity in different educational contexts, such as CLIL (Content and Language Integrated Learning) classrooms, e-learning or teacher training. The proposed volume is targeted at a wide range of readers. It is relevant to applied linguists working in the area of second language acquisition. Also practising foreign language teachers, as well as pre-service teachers, may find xvii

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this volume to be of value in their classroom practice. The volume also provides a theoretical basis for the empirical studies discussed here, thus providing a useful bibliographical source for those interested in affectivity. The empirical data collected by individual authors cover a wide range of topics and educational contexts so it must appeal to a variety of interest groups. The book may also be of interest to teacher trainers and generally those studying second language acquisition processes at the postgraduate level. Danuta Gabrys´-Barker Joanna Bielska The Editors

Part 1 Affective Variables in Language Learning

1

The Affective Turn in SLA: From ‘Affective Factors’ to ‘Language Desire’ and ‘Commodification of Affect’ Aneta Pavlenko

In memory of my mother, Bella, who, undaunted by the Iron Curtain, decided that I will be multilingual when I was all but six years old.

It was an early morning in May of 2011. I was standing in front of a room full of strangers, about to begin a plenary talk about multilingualism and emotions at the International Conference on Foreign/Second Language Acquisition (ICFSLA) meeting in Szczyrk, a mountain resort in Poland. I am usually quite confident as a public speaker and this was not my first plenary, yet this time I was almost paralyzed by anxiety. This was my first visit to Poland and this particular talk was not intended to be just a plenary – it was a declaration of love, a remembrance of things past and the hold the Polish language had on me in my teenage years. And so I opened the plenary with a Polish love poem by Pawlikowska-Jasnorzewska, Nie widziałam cie˛ juz˙ od miesia˛ca [It has been a month since I had seen you], and heard a surprised gasp from the audience – most of my Polish colleagues were unaware that I actually knew Polish. Encouraged by friendly smiles I went on and then the strangest thing happened – I realized that I no longer spoke of things past, rather, then and there, I was falling in love with Polish all over again, like a woman who meets her first love after two decades of separation and finds him as irresistible as she did when she was a love-sick teenager. My first encounter with Polish took place in Kiev, when I was 8 years old. My mother, who taught English at an evening foreign language school for adults, decided that I too should be learning languages. Yet her attempts to teach me English did not go far – I was utterly bored. Then she decided that a Slavic language may be a better way to start and asked one of her colleagues, charming Pani Zhanna, to teach me Polish. On her first visit, Pani 3

4

Par t 1: Af fec t ive Var iables in L anguage Lear ning

Zhanna brought with her a well-thumbed green book with a mysterious name Elementarz [A primer]. From then on, she came over once a week to read with me about the adventures of Ala, Ola and the dog As. (Decades later, in Szczyrk, I will learn that Marian Falski’s Elementarz has been in use in Poland for over a century and is fondly remembered by almost all Polish adults.) Once I had mastered the basics, Pani Zhanna and I began reading a real book, Przygody Misia Uszatka [Adventures of Teddy Floppy-ear], adding from time to time stories from a children’s magazine Płomyczek [Little fire]. Two years later I was so into it that my mother decided that I no longer needed a Polish teacher and hired a teacher of Spanish instead. Meanwhile, I continued reading in Polish, even though I had no one to speak the language to. This attraction to Polish, at the time, was not an idiosyncrasy – rather, it was the Zeitgeist. In the 1970s and 1980s, Polish culture had a lot of cache in the USSR, and especially in Ukraine, the former Polish dominion. We loved the intellectualism of Polish film-makers, from Hoffman and Holland to Wajda and Zanussi, admired dazzling Polish movie stars, from dramatic Zbigniew Cybulski and Daniel Olbrychski to coldly elegant Beata Tyszkiewicz and Barbara Brylska, longed together with the singer Maryla Rodowicz to board a random train leaving everything behind, and watched in rapture cult TV series Stawka wie˛ksza niz˙ z˙ycie [Stakes larger than life] and Czterej pancerni i pies [Four tank-men and a dog]. Russianlanguage readers also relished – and still do – Polish literature, from Stanisław Lem’s incomparable science fiction to Joanna Chmielewska’s ironic detective stories. In Ukraine, as in Lithuania, part of the population was able to read these books in Polish. On the main street of Kiev, Khreshchatyk, right opposite the metro station, there was a book store Druzhba [Friendship] that sold books from socialist countries: Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Cuba, German Democratic Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Yugoslavia. Each Saturday mom and I took the metro train from our far-away suburb to center city to browse in Druzhba’s ever-popular Polish section. The few books I still own from those times vividly remind me of the thrill of entering this magical world, so different from the piteous offerings of regular Soviet book stores. You never knew what surprise awaits you: a new edition of a Polish classic, by Sienkiewicz or Prus, travel adventures by Fiedler or Szklarski, a contemporary drama by Zofia Posmysz or Elzbieta Jackiewiczowa, a detective novel by Joanna Chmielewska or Joe Alex, or even a Polish translation of a ‘taboo’ Western book such as The Godfather or Gone with the Wind. For us, living behind the Iron Curtain, Polish was not just a window into the life in Poland – it was a window into the wider world. The popularity of Polish was at an all-time high and Polish-language classes in my mother’s evening language school were always full. Owing to this popularity, particularly sought after Polish books never made it to the book shelves and were sold exclusively from ‘under the

The Af fec t ive Tur n in SL A

5

counter’. For us, this was not a problem – mom knew most of the salesgirls in Druzhba, because they attended her language school to get certificates that qualified them for a salary raise, and we always remembered to bring them little gifts for various Soviet holidays to ensure our continuous access to the best of Polish books. And so when Valechka told us that she had an exciting new book in the back room, we did not ask what it was – we only asked how much and went to the cash register to pay for it, returning to the Polish department with a check. We also had friendly relations with several saleswomen working in press kiosks, because Polish women’s magazines were also sold largely from ‘under the counter’. These magazines were in great demand in Kiev, because they were very different, visually and content-wise, from Soviet women’s magazines Rabotnitsa [Female factory worker] and Krestianka [Female peasant]. Polish magazine Uroda [Beauty] was the only glossy in circulation at the time – its issues were treasured, kept and passed from friend to friend. But the most popular of them was the weekly Kobieta i z˙ycie [Woman and life], the first true women’s magazine I encountered and the only one I ever read cover to cover, looking forward to it every week and enjoying its blue gossip page, which kept us abreast on the love lives and adventures of Western celebrities, from Jackie Kennedy to Princess Caroline of Monaco. The relationship that many Kievites, myself included, had with the Polish language could easily be described with the term ‘instrumental motivation’. Or at least it could until the day I came across a little volume, bound in plum-colored leather with golden lettering stating Poezje [Poems]. I had never heard of its author, Konstanty Ildefons Gałczyn´ski, before. Furthermore, Polish was the language I used only in the silent, written mode, yet I was immediately swept away by the music of Gałczyn´ski’s poems and captivated by their tone, both casual and unapologetically romantic. I fell in love – first with Gałczyn´ski’s poems and then with Polish poetry in general. It was not love for a speaker of the language (those were far and few in between in Soviet Kiev), nor a desire for an alternative identity in Polish (where would I perform such an identity and for whom?). It was pure and unadulterated love for the music of a foreign language (FL), which I never experienced again – to this day, poetry in English leaves me cold. Until recently, such feelings remained unnamed and undertheorized in the study of second language acquisition (SLA). In the past decade, however, we have witnessed an affective turn, which has dramatically transformed and expanded the scope of research on the role of affect in SLA (Benesch, 2012; Dewaele, 2010; Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, 2011; Hanauer, 2010; Kramsch, 2009; Norton (Peirce), 1995, 2000; Pavlenko, 2005, 2006; Pavlenko & Dewaele, 2004a, 2004b; Piller, 2002; Schumann, 1997; Takahashi, 2012). The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the key aspects of this turn, with the focus on second language (L2) learning and use.

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What is the Affective Turn and Where is it Taking Us? One of the key aspects of the academic enterprise is the change of paradigms and it is this change that turns our scholarly road from a direct and fairly boring journey into a trip full of surprising turns. In multilingualism and SLA, we have experienced a number of such turns inspired by paradigm changes in the fields of linguistics and psychology: the cognitive turn of the 1960s and 1970s brought in the sociopsychological paradigm, which until recently dominated the field, the narrative turn of the 1980s and 1990s raised the interest in narratives and opened SLA to sociocultural approaches, and the social turn of the late 1990s and 2000s brought with it critical approaches and the interest in power relations and access to linguistic resources. The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the most recent, affective, turn, inspired by increased attention to emotions in the neurosciences and cognitive psychology (e.g. Barrett, 2009; Brosch et al., 2010; Damasio, 1999, 2003; Ekman, 2003; Scherer, 2009) and in social sciences (e.g. Ahmed, 2004; Hochschild, 1979, 1983; Lutz, 1988; McElhinny, 2010; Wierzbicka, 1999). This paradigm change has not yet found its way into SLA textbooks and encyclopedias which continue to discuss the relationship between L2 learning and affect in terms of ‘affective factors’ (e.g. Ellis, 2008; Gass & Selinker, 2008; Ortega, 2009). Consequently, I will begin the discussion by explaining why the ‘affective factors’ paradigm has exhausted its limited explanatory potential. Then, I will discuss the affective turn in terms of three research directions that focus, respectively, on linguistic, psychological and social aspects of the L2 learning process. I will end by arguing that to understand the affective dimensions of language learning we need to merge the three lines of inquiry, placing embodied subjects in their linguistic and social contexts.

Affective Factors and Why They do not Work At present, three SLA textbooks dominate the English-language market: Ellis (2008), Gass and Selinker (2008) and Ortega (2009). All three discuss the relationship between L2 learning and language affect, with the latter defined as ‘feelings or emotional reactions about the language, about the people who speak the language, or about the culture where that language is spoken’ (Gass & Selinker, 2008: 398). These feelings are grouped together with other ‘individual differences’ and discussed in terms of anxiety, motivation, personality characteristics and willingness to communicate (Ellis, 2008; Gass & Selinker, 2008; Ortega, 2009) and in Gass and Selinker (2008) also in terms of the affective filter, risk-taking and language and culture shock. The purpose of the discussion is to establish whether there is a causal

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relationship between ‘affective factors’ and L2 acquisition and whether ‘affective variables’ can explain individual variation in SLA and be used as ‘predictors’ of success. Based on the studies conducted in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s, and the theories put forth at that time (e.g. Gardner & Lambert, 1972; Krashen, 1982), the authors reach three conclusions: (1) positive attitudes toward the L2 and its speakers, an integrative motivation or identification with the L2 group, and willingness to communicate facilitate L2 acquisition and lead to better outcomes; (2) high levels of FL anxiety, negative attitudes towards the language and its speakers and counterproductive beliefs about language learning lead to lower levels of achievement; (3) personality factors that correlate with L2 achievement include openness to experience and willingness to communicate. Ellis (2008) and Ortega (2009) also refer to more recent developments, such as Dörnyei’s (2005) work on self-regulation and the ideal language self. The discussion concludes with varying degrees of critique. Ortega (2009), for instance, states that ‘the area of affect and L2 learning is fraught with theoretical, conceptual, and methodological challenges’ (p. 214). While I agree with this conclusion, I also see two omissions: the texts lack a principled analysis of why this area of research has been fraught with problems and a recognition that the study of affect has moved beyond the ‘affective factors’. Let us begin with the analysis of why the research on ‘affect’ – as conceived in the sociopsychological paradigm – is ‘fraught with challenges’. The first and perhaps the most obvious reason is the lack of a principled theory of affect, which is treated as an individual characteristic. The research also failed to pay attention to any emotions besides anxiety. For instance, in Ellis (2008) the term emotions in the Subject Index refers the reader to anxiety, while the other two texts do not include any references to emotions. The atheoretical and reductionist nature of the paradigm is also seen in the poor definitions of ‘affective factors’, which range from lay generalizations (e.g. ‘language shock refers to the realization that, as a learner, you must seem comical to speakers of the TL’ in Gass and Selinker, 2008: 398; ‘learning and using a foreign language poses a threat to one’s ego’ in Ortega, 2009: 192) to confusing and jumbled scientific-like descriptions (e.g. ‘anxiety seems to represent a trait that falls within the broader scheme of factors affecting learning, but what is not clear is whether it is a matter of personality, an emotional reaction to a situation, or a combination’ in Gass & Selinker, 2008: 400). The lack of a thorough theoretical foundation also leads to the second major weakness of the paradigm, namely the search for a linear cause-andeffect relationship between affective factors and achievement in the absence of any psycholinguistic theory of how such influence may take place. This assumption is well-illustrated by Ellis’ (2008) definition of affective state: The learner’s affective state is influenced by a number of factors, for example, anxiety, a desire to compete, and whether learners feel they are

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progressing or not. It is hypothesized that it can influence the rate of L2 acquisition and the ultimate level of achievement. (pp. 1953–4) To avoid the thorny issue of the mechanism of influence, ‘measurable’ constructs are simply linked together through a causal chain, with anxiety ‘measures’, for instance, predicting willingness to communicate responses, and the latter predicting higher levels of foreign language achievement (e.g. Ortega, 2009: 204). Yet the search for objective ‘predictors’ and linear models is ultimately doomed to failure because anxiety, attitudes and motivation are dynamic and social phenomena and the relationship between these phenomena and levels of achievement is reciprocal rather than unidirectional (e.g. Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, 2011). As a result of this reciprocal influence, the three conclusions outlined above do not always work. In the context of limited interactional opportunities, discrimination and sexual harassment, even the most positive attitudes and integrative motivation do not guarantee achievement, as seen in the case of Japanese women learning L2 English in Australia (Piller & Takahashi, 2006), to which I will return later on. Similarly, negative attitudes toward the L2 group and the lack of identification with them do not prevent L2 learning, as seen in the case of Israeli Arabs learning L2 Hebrew (Abu-Rabia, 1998; Ibrahim et al., 2008). These examples take us to the third weakness, namely the dissociation between ‘affective factors’ treated as ‘individual differences’ and social contexts of L2 learning. Gass and Selinker (2008), for instance, do not discuss social contexts (presumably because they are irrelevant to SLA), and even affective factors, in their text, are situated ‘beyond the domain of language’ (p. 395). Once they are dealt with, the reader is invited to ‘turn to a central part of the acquisition of a language – that of vocabulary acquisition’ (p. 445). Ellis (2008) and Ortega (2009) recognize the importance of social contexts but treat them separately from affective factors. This categorization of affect as a ‘factor’ comparable to other ‘individual differences’ is a problem because individual affect cannot be understood outside of its social context. The lack of a firm theoretical foundation, a reductionist view of affect, and the desire to pin it down as a ‘factor’ that somehow influences L2 learning, resulted in a very limited explanatory potential of the ‘affective factors’ paradigm – ultimately, as all three texts acknowledge, in and of themselves ‘affective factors’ cannot serve as reliable ‘predictors’ of L2 learning outcomes. The paradigm also comes short when dealing with cases such as my own, where the affective relationship to the language of poetry could not be defined in either ‘integrative’ or ‘instrumental’ terms. The impasse, acknowledged even by dedicated motivation researchers (Dörnyei, 2005; Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, 2011), is exacerbated by methodological shortcomings. The poor definitions, the questions they inspired and the reliance on self-reports made it unclear what exactly was being ‘measured’.

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The majority of the studies also relied on a very homogeneous pool of participants, focusing on FL learning in the classroom by English- and Frenchspeaking students. This is a problem because ‘anxiety’, ‘risk-taking’ or ‘willingness to communicate’ may capture the experiences of heterosexual white middle-class (and implicitly male) FL learners yet they do not capture the experiences of many women, racial, ethnic and sexual minorities, and working-class students (Kinginger, 2004a; Piller & Takahashi, 2006; Takahashi, 2012; Talburt & Stewart, 1999). The experiences of privileged Western Europeans and North Americans are also distinct from those of immigrants and labor migrants who strive to join the global marketplace and whose fears are fuelled not by test-taking anxiety but by gate-keeping practices and power relations that constrain access to linguistic resources and interactional opportunities (e.g. Norton (Peirce), 1995, 2000). They are equally distinct from experiences of those who live in multilingual societies and continue to learn and use different languages throughout their lives without ever stopping to think about language anxiety and ‘the fear of failure’. The recognition of weaknesses inherent in the affective factors paradigm, combined with the growing body of knowledge about emotions in natural and social sciences created opportune conditions for the affective turn in the field of SLA. The distinguishing feature of this turn is a replacement of a single research question (the influence of affect on L2 learning) with a range of diverse questions regarding linguistic, psychological and social aspects of L2 learning and a replacement of a single paradigm (affective factors) with a variety of theoretical and methodological approaches. In what follows, I will discuss the developments in each area of research and directions for future study.

New Directions in the Study of L2 Learning and Affect Linguistic dimensions: L2 learning of affect as a linguistic category Four decades of studies of emotional expression in languages around the world led to one ground-breaking conclusion: While in each speech community there exists variation in affective styles, speakers of different languages live in somewhat distinct emotional worlds (Briggs, 1970; Harkins & Wierzbicka, 2001; Koven, 2006, 2007; Lutz, 1988; Panayiotou, 2004a, 2004b, 2006; Pavlenko, 2005; Wierzbicka, 1986, 1999; Wilce, 2009). These studies also show that several non-Western languages – including Biminkuskusmin and Ommura of Papua New Guinea, Chewong of Malasia, Ifaluk of Micronesia, Gidjinggali of Australia and Tahitian – do not have an abstract term equivalent to emotions. This lexical gap does not mean that speakers of

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these languages do not perceive or experience affect – rather, it means that these experiences are interpreted in terms of very different categories: the Ifaluk, for instance, talk about niferash [our insides] and differentiate between nunuwan [thought/emotion] and tip- [will/emotion/desire] (Lutz, 1988). Cross-linguistic variation, in turn, implies that in acquiring a new language L2 learners may face new modes of emotional expression, which they have to internalize or, at least, decode to avoid misunderstanding and miscommunication. To understand this process, psychologists have been studying identification of emotions by non-native speakers through vocal cues (for an overview, see Pavlenko, 2005). SLA scholars have also been interested in emotional expression, yet, with the exception of the work by Rintell (1984, 1990), they have traditionally channeled this interest into the study of intercultural pragmatics (e.g. Naiditch, 2011). It is only in the past decade that SLA researchers began a systematic study of L2 affect as a linguistic category.

L2 affective prosody Vocal cues are often believed to be the key indicator of emotional meanings in everyday interaction. Even though the matches between particular vocal cues and meanings are never absolute, either within or across languages, in each speech community there are prosodic patterns that signal conventionalized affective meanings (Anolli et al., 2008; Holden & Hogan, 1993; Ohara, 2001). Studies of emotion identification commonly ask participants to listen to brief speech samples and identify emotions portrayed by the speakers. Their findings reveal that native speakers are usually more accurate than nonnative speakers in identifying emotions based exclusively on vocal cues (Graham et al., 2001; Pell et al., 2009; Rintell, 1984; Scherer et al., 2001; for an overview see Pavlenko, 2005). Research also shows that advanced L2 users may be as good as native speakers in emotion identification (Graham et al., 2001; Rintell, 1984; Scherer et al., 2001). Studies of emotional expression suggest that, in the beginning and intermediate stages, L2 learners may rely on L1 prosodic patterns which may lead to misinterpretation of the affective content of their utterances (e.g. Holden & Hogan, 1993; Ohara, 2001).

L2 emotion lexicon Cross-linguistic differences have also been documented at the basic and subordinate levels of lexical encoding. At the basic level, many languages do not have the exact equivalents of ‘basic’ English terms: for instance, Gidjingali uses a single word for fear and shame, Ilongot and Ifaluk for anger and sadness, and Indonesian and Pintupi for shame and embarrassment (Lutz, 1988; Wierzbicka, 1986). On the other hand, emotions encoded by a single English term may be differentiated by other languages: thus, Russian and Samoan have two terms that roughly connote anger, German and Yankunytjatjara three, Mandarin Chinese five, and Biblical Hebrew seven such terms (Harkins & Wierzbicka, 2001; Pavlenko, 2005). Many languages also encode

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categories that do not have equivalents in English at both basic and subordinate levels. Some may be perfectly recognizable to English speakers: e.g. the lexical borrowing from German Schadenfreude is an emotion of joy with a causal antecedent of another’s misfortune. Others, such as Korean dapdaphada [sadness/aversion], may be more difficult to map onto events or to match with familiar somatic states (Schmidt-Atzert & Park, 1999). This cross-linguistic variation may lead to inter-group differences in perception and categorization of emotion events and create challenges for L2 learners. Studies to date show that L2 learners with lower levels of proficiency may experience difficulties in developing conceptual representations of language-specific emotion words; beginning and intermediate L2 learners and proficient learners with low degrees of acculturation may also rely on L1 emotion categories when using the L2 (Pavlenko, 2008; Pavlenko & Driagina, 2007). Socialization in the target language environment enables L2 users to develop new emotion categories, down to somatic states associated with them (Alvarado & Jameson, 2011; Panayiotou, 2004a, 2004b, 2006; Pavlenko, 2002a, 2008; Pavlenko & Driagina, 2007; Stepanova Sachs & Coley, 2006). The development of new categories is mediated by the relationship between translation equivalents in the respective languages: (a) conceptual equivalence facilitates internalization of the L2 emotion lexicon; (b) partial equivalence facilitates initial acquisition but also leads to L1 transfer, where L2 learners select and use L2 words in accordance with L1 constraints; (c) translation nonequivalence complicates internalization of L2 emotion words (Pavlenko, 2008). Following internalization of the L2 emotion lexicon, some L2 users may maintain two sets of emotion categories and perform according to the constraints of their respective languages (Alvarado & Jameson, 2011; Pavlenko, 2002a; Stepanova Sachs & Coley, 2006). Others may experience conceptual shift and display L2 influence on L1 emotion categories and even attrition of particular concepts and distinctions (Pavlenko, 2002a; Stepanova Sachs & Coley, 2006).

L2 grammar Cross-linguistic studies also reveal differences in structural patterns of emotion encoding: English, for instance, favors monolexemic adjectives that refer to inner states, while Russian favors intransitive – and often reflexive – verbs which present emotions as actions and (voluntary selfmanufactured) processes (Pavlenko, 2005). I have examined the implications of these differences in a series of studies. Studies with monolingual participants demonstrated that in narratives elicited with the same stimuli native speakers of English commonly favor adjectival constructions which combine state and change-of-state verbs with emotion adjectives or pseudo-participles (e.g. she got upset), while Russian speakers describe emotions as processes through intransitive emotion verbs (e.g. ona rasstroilas’ [she upset (herself), past tense/perfective] or as states through adverbial

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constructions (e.g. ei grustno [it is sad to her]) (Pavlenko, 2002b, 2008; Pavlenko & Driagina, 2007). Studies with L1 English learners of L2 Russian and L1 Russian learners of L2 English showed that L2 learners can internalize new patterns of structural preference, however, some L1 English speakers transferred the English adjectival pattern into L2 Russian (Pavlenko, 2008; Pavlenko & Driagina, 2007). L1 Russian learners of L2 English, on the other hand, do not display L1 influence on structural selection, most likely because the transfer of the L1 Russian verbal pattern is rendered virtually impossible by the low number of intransitive emotion verbs in L2 English (Pavlenko, 2008). Russian L2 users of English residing in the US displayed L2 influence on L1 in favoring adjectival constructions in Russian, in violation of Russian morphosyntactic constraints (Pavlenko, 2002a).

Summary: Entering new affective worlds Together, these studies show that in the areas of affective prosody, lexicon and morphosyntax L2 acquisition of new categories follows the same trajectory as acquisition of other linguistic categories. This finding may appear unexciting at first yet it breaks new and important ground, for it suggests that to enter a new emotional world one needs to learn new emotion categories and new means of emotional expression. To date, however, this research has only scratched the surface of what it means to enter a new emotional world (the best treatment of such entry is still Briggs’ (1970) autoethnography). To provide a more comprehensive treatment, future research needs to transcend four limitations of the present inquiry. To begin with, so far, L2 affect has been explored only in a narrow range of areas, such as vocal cues or emotion words. Future inquiry needs to examine affective repertoires in their entirety, both in terms of acquisition trajectories and in terms of spontaneous use (for an exemplary treatment of bilinguals’ emotion narratives see Koven, 2006, 2007). The second limitation involves methodology – so far, the researchers have privileged experimental approaches with relatively artificial stimuli, as well as questionnaires, interviews and elicited narratives. Future inquiry needs to examine how L2 learners and users identify and express emotions in the context of spontaneous conversation and storytelling, and how they are socialized into the use of L2 affective repertoires. In terms of languages, only a limited set of languages has been examined, with English commonly used either as L1 or L2. Future studies need to consider a much wider array of languages, including L2 acquisition of non-Western languages that do not encode the category emotion.

Psychological dimensions: Experiencing affect in L1 and L2 Scholars interested in affect as a psychological category commonly draw on emotion theories developed in the field of psychology. Today, two

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types of theories dominate the field. Deterministic or basic emotion theories assume the existence of a core set of universal (basic) emotions, such as anger, fear, sadness, joy/happiness, disgust and surprise (Damasio, 1999, 2003; Ekman, 2003). Emergentist or appraisal theories acknowledge cross-linguistic and cross-cultural variation and view emotions as emergent phenomena that (a) arise in the process of subjective appraisal of incoming stimuli in terms of individual needs and goals, (b) integrate cognitive appraisals, physiological states, behavioral consequences, and discursive resources, and (c) lead to culturally appropriate reactions and courses of action (Barrett, 2009; Barrett et al., 2007; Brosch et al., 2010; Russell, 2003; Scherer, 2009). The disagreements within the emergentist paradigm involve the sequence of events. In the componential process model put forth by Scherer (1984, 2009), appraisals of emotion stimuli trigger patterns of physiological reactions (including some possibly hard-wired responses, such as the startle reflex), motor expression, and action readiness, integrated as ‘modal emotions’. In the conceptual act model put forth by Barrett and associates (Barrett, 2009; Barrett et al., 2007) and grounded in Russell’s (2003) ideas, preexisting states of arousal (core affect) are transformed into intentional emotion states through linguistic and cultural resources. In the field of SLA, psychological theories have inspired research in two areas. The first addresses the traditional SLA interest in the influence of motivation on L2 learning and attempts to reconceptualize motivation in terms of affective stimulus appraisal, decision-making and self-regulation. The second area of research examines emotionality of bi- and multilinguals’ languages and its impact on language choice in oral and written performance.

The influence of affect on L2 learning (or motivation – take two) In mid-1990s, Schumann (1994, 1997) made a pioneering attempt to reconceptualize the role of affect in L2 learning in the light of new developments in cognitive psychology and neurosciences. Drawing on the early version of Scherer’s (1984) appraisal theory, he presented decision-making by FL and L2 learners as a process of assessment of emotional and motivational relevance of agents, events and objects on five dimensions: novelty, intrinsic pleasantness, goal or need significance, coping potential and compatibility with self- and social image. Schumann (1997) argued that because each individual’s experiences are different, so are their emotional memories, appraisals and resulting reactions. Based on the analysis of L2 learners’ diaries and memoirs, he argued that positive appraisals of the language learning situation, the target language, its speakers, the teacher, the syllabus and the text on Scherer’s (1984) five dimensions enhance L2 learning, while negative appraisals, such as ‘I hated the method!’, inhibit L2 learning (e.g. ‘my first reaction was to reject it and withdraw from learning’). He also argued that learners may be willing to endure events they view as unpleasant if they see them as necessary steps in achieving a desirable long-term goal. While these

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conclusions may sound familiar, Schumann’s (1997) study made an important contribution to the field in clarifying the mechanism by which affective reactions might influence L2 learners’ decision-making process. Another attempt to reconceptualize the notion of motivation has been made by Dörnyei (2005) and Dörnyei and Ushioda (2009, 2011). The researchers acknowledged the failure of the ‘individual differences’ paradigm to capture dynamic complexity of the L2 learning process and produced a scathing critique of the positivist psychometric cause–effect approach to motivation research whose aim was ‘to make generalisable predictions about what kinds of motivation might lead to what kinds of learning behavior in what kinds of context and thus to identify what kinds of pedagogical intervention might be needed to change maladaptive patterns of motivation, and so improve learning behaviors and outcomes’ (Ushioda, 2009: 218). They also put forth alternative proposals that attempt to integrate cognition, affect and social context. Building on Gardner and Lambert’s (1972) ideas, Dörnyei’s (2005) L2 Motivational Self System recognizes three primary sources of motivation to learn a FL or L2: (a) an ideal L2 self or the learner’s vision of oneself as an effective L2 speaker (traditional integrative or internalized instrumental motivation, e.g. learning English for career advancement); (b) an ought-to-L2 self or the social pressure coming from the learner’s environment (traditional extrinsic instrumental motivation, e.g. learning French to pass an exam) and (c) positive L2 learning experience, which includes the impact of the teacher, the curriculum, the peer group, or the experience of success. Ushioda (2009) put forth a person-in-context relational view of motivation, which focuses ‘on the agency of the individual person as a thinking, feeling human being, with an identity, a personality, a unique history and background’ (p. 220). Both theories recognize the importance of emotions yet leave the actual theoretical articulation and the inquiry into their role to future research (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009: 352). The authors also acknowledge that the assumption that all students can be motivated to learn under the right circumstances ‘is, at best, arguable and, at worst, naïve’, yet they still believe that ‘most students’ motivation can be “worked on” and increased’ (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2011: 106) and outline a variety of motivational teaching strategies. Schumann’s (1994, 1997) stimulus appraisal approach and Dörnyei and Ushioda’s (2009, 2011) L2 Motivational Self System and person-in-context view deserve credit for attempting to take the field beyond the ‘affective factors’ paradigm. At the same time both approaches try to rehabilitate the traditional construct of motivation, grounded in the Western view of individuals as rational and autonomous decision-makers and of cognition and emotion as internal states and processes. University students do, in fact, have control over the degree to which they engage with the ‘other’ language in question. In contrast, immigrants, labor migrants, or partners in bilingual couples may have significantly less control. As pointed out earlier, their

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outcomes may be less influenced by internal appraisals or ideal selves and much more by their social contexts and access to linguistic resources and interactional opportunities (Norton (Peirce), 1995, 2000; Piller, 2002; Piller & Takahashi, 2006; Takahashi, 2006; Talburt & Stewart, 1999). I will return to this issue in the section on social aspects of L2 learning, where I discuss attempts to understand motivation in terms of critical theory. Meanwhile, in what follows I will discuss a new line of research that has turned the traditional question about the effects of affect on L2 learning on its head and examined the influence of L2 learning on affect.

Language emotionality and its influence on language choice and decision-making After World War II, many German-trained psychoanalysts began practicing their craft in South and North America. Those who used their multilingual skills with equally multilingual patients soon observed an interesting phenomenon: some patients favored a later learned L2 to discuss taboo topics, such as sex, or traumatic childhood events; yet the use of the L2 also allowed for suppression of some events, while the switch to the L1 triggered vivid recollections of past traumas and emotions (Buxbaum, 1949; Greenson, 1950; Krapf, 1955). This discovery inspired a long line of studies of multilinguals’ language behaviors in psychoanalysis, psychotherapy and counseling (e.g. Amati-Mehler et al., 1993; Burck, 2005; Schwanberg, 2010; for overviews see Pavlenko, 2005; Schrauf, 2000). Eventually, the accumulated body of research motivated cognitive psychologists to take a closer look at the relationship between language, emotionality and autobiographical memory in bi- and multilingual speakers. A ground-breaking series of studies by Harris and associates (Harris, 2004; Harris et al., 2003, 2006) examined differential emotionality – and effects of L2 learning – in early and late bilinguals through skin conductance response (SCR) to different categories of words, including taboo and swearwords, with higher levels of SCR indicating greater levels of autonomic arousal and thus emotionality. The researchers found that in late Turkish–English bilinguals L1 taboo words and reprimands elicited greater levels of SCR than L2 taboo words and reprimands (Harris et al., 2003). At the same time, in both Turkish–English and Spanish–English bilinguals L2 taboo words elicited higher SCRs than other L2 word categories (Harris, 2004; Harris et al., 2003, 2006). These results revealed that while L1 words elicit higher levels of emotional response in sequential bilinguals, L2 socialization in naturalistic contexts, allows L2 learners – and in particular younger learners – to integrate word meanings with embodied affective responses. Studies of bilingual autobiographical memory revealed that memories are more likely to be activated by the language in which the original events took place (language specificity effect) (Marian & Neisser, 2000; Schrauf & Rubin, 1998, 2004). They also found that memories elicited in the language in which

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they were encoded are more detailed and higher in emotional intensity (language congruity effect) (Javier et al., 1993; Marian & Kaushanskaya, 2004). Together, these findings suggested that words of languages learned in naturalistic contexts, be it L1 or L2, are linked to autobiographical memories and emotional reactions, while FL words learned in the classroom may be decontextualized in the mental lexicon. Indirect evidence of differential language emotionality – and its effects on language choice – comes from studies of language choice and code-switching in multilingual contexts. The first set of findings involves the effects of the L1, commonly experienced as more emotional and sometimes perceived as the only emotional language or ‘the language of the heart’. Bi- and multilingual writers, like Czeslaw Milosz or Isaac Bashevits Singer, cite this emotionality as a reason for which they cannot imagine writing in any other language (Kellman, 2000; Pavlenko, 2005). Bi- and multilingual parents similarly state that they can create an emotional connection with their children only in the L1, the language of their own childhood, and to do it in another language would feel ‘fake’ and ‘unnatural’. Even those who raise the children in the L2 often switch to the L1 for expression of positive affect (Pavlenko, 2004, 2005). Bi- and multilinguals may also revert to the L1 for expression of negative affect: to argue with spouses and partners, to scold and discipline children, and to use taboo and swearwords to maximum effect and satisfaction. These switches are particularly interesting because some speakers choose the L1 even though their partners have little or no proficiency in the language (Pavlenko, 2005). In doing so, they go against the grain of linguistic theories such as the Gricean maxims and the Cooperative Principle (Grice, 1975) that frame argument as a cooperative activity (e.g. Walton, 1998) and language choice as determined by the interlocutor’s competence. Their behavior suggests that internal satisfaction may be an additional factor guiding affective code-switching. The language in which one’s partner has no or limited proficiency also offers the added benefit of allowing one to express one’s feelings fully without hurting the partner’s feelings. The lower level of emotionality commonly associated with the L2 as the language of detachment may also have an appeal. Some bilingual writers – including a Polish-English bilingual Jerzy Kosinski, an Israeli Arab Anton Shammas and an English-French bilingual Nancy Huston – have admitted selecting a ‘stepmother tongue’ in order to distance themselves from the memories, taboos, anxieties and a visceral emotionality of the L1 and to gain control over their words, stories and plots (Kellman, 2000; Kinginger, 2004b; Pavlenko, 2005). Multilingual patients may prefer the L2 for discussion of childhood traumas, taboo topics or the use of taboo words (Amati-Mehler et al., 1993; Buxbaum, 1949; Greenson, 1950; Krapf, 1955). Other bi- and multilinguals may also appeal to L2 taboo and swearwords, because this choice allows them to avoid the guilt and discomfort associated with taboo words in the L1 (Dewaele, 2010; Koven, 2006; Pavlenko, 2005). Importantly,

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the L2 is not limited to expression of negative affect. Speakers whose native languages place constraints on direct expression of positive affect may prefer to do so in the L2, with the easy-going English ‘I love you’ a particularly popular choice among speakers of different languages (Pavlenko, 2005; Wilkins & Gareis, 2006). Differential emotionality may also affect other areas of decision-making, besides language choice. Puntoni and colleagues (2009) asked Dutch-FrenchEnglish trilinguals to rate emotional intensity of advertising slogans presented in French and Dutch (e.g. ‘Build something together with your child. You will never outgrow our toys’). The results revealed that L1 slogans were rated as significantly more emotional, regardless of whether the L1 was French or Dutch, suggesting that consumer marketing in the global language English may not always be the most effective. In turn, Keysar and colleagues (2012) found that people may make different choices in the L1 and L2: decision-making in the L1 was shown to be affected by word-framing effects, while decisions made in the L2 displayed more rationality, the finding the researchers attributed to the lesser emotionality of the L2. Yet the L2 is not just the language of detachment. As revealed by Harris and colleagues (2006), L2 socialization in conjunction with an earlier age of L2 acquisition, may raise the experienced emotionality of L2 words. Some bi- and multilinguals may also perceive L1 words as overused and ‘worn out’ and favor L2 endearments for their sparkle, novelty and emotional force and (Pavlenko, 2004). In Piller and Takahashi’s (2006) study, for instance, Japanese women revealed a preference for L2 English endearments, with Ichi stating: ‘Westerners often say “darling”, “sweetie” and “babe” [. . .] I have a soft spot for these words’ (p. 72).

Summary: Feeling for speaking in L2 The research on psychological aspects of L2 learning and affect has provided us with an enhanced understanding of how L2 motivation may actually work and a new finding – of differential emotionality of the L1 and later learned languages – that has to be integrated in the general theory of L2 learning and affect. The findings have also suggested that the relationship between affect and languages learned later in life is dynamic and reciprocal – while the initial attraction may lead to L2 learning, the learning may also result in the feeling of greater language emotionality and reinforce the attachment to the language in question. This emotionality, in turn, affects language choice by speakers who live their lives through the means of more than one language. What we observe, however, is not a pattern of differentiation between the domains where one uses the more emotional L1 and the less emotional L2. Rather, we see speakers making choices based on language emotionality in conjunction with interactional needs and interlocutors’ competencies. Thus, a Polish-English bilingual woman residing in an English-speaking context could, in the span

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of one day, scold her children for their messy room in L1 Polish (to let them know she is really angry), praise their cleaning efforts in L2 English (the children’s dominant language), argue with her husband in L2 English (their family language) and mutter aside a few choice words in L1 Polish (the language that allows her to express her feelings best and one her husband, fortunately, does not understand well). Alternatively, she could scold the kids in L2 English (the language that gets to them best), praise their efforts in L1 Polish (to let them know she is really pleased), argue with her husband in L1 Polish (because she is too upset to control her language choice) and reconcile in L2 English (his native language and thus one that means most to him). The experienced emotionality of L1 Polish and L2 English does not change in these exchanges (although, of course, it may change overtime) – what changes is her context and interactional goals. To date, the research on psychological dimensions of affect in L2 learning suffers from some of the same limitations as the research on linguistic dimensions, namely a limited number of languages and a restricted range of methods. Most importantly, it has not exploited the full potential of the new developments in psychological theory – while emergentist approaches have recognized and addressed the implications of cross-linguistic variation in emotion repertoires, SLA scholars have yet to apply the theories put forth by Barrett (2009) and Scherer (2009) to understand what exactly is learned in the process of L2 affective socialization.

Social dimensions: Understanding where affect comes from and what to do with it While psychologists and neuroscientists struggle to understand what emotions are, critical social sciences try to understand what emotions do (Ahmed, 2004; Hochschild, 1979, 1983; McElhinny, 2010). The adoption of critical theories inspired a theoretical shift in the field of SLA, from ‘motivation’ to ‘investment’ and ‘language desire’ and from ‘language attitudes’ and ‘language learning beliefs’ to ‘language ideologies’ and ‘commodification of affect’ (e.g. Norton (Peirce), 1995, 2000; Piller, 2002; Piller & Takahashi, 2006; Takahashi, 2012). The purpose of this inquiry is to understand the social conditions that produce particular affective regimes and discourses of affect that, in turn, shape our emotional responses to particular languages and emotional investments we make in them. Scholars interested in critical language pedagogy also examine how teachers perform affective labor in the classroom and whether we could provide more satisfying educational experiences to our students.

The social construction of L2 affect (motivation – take three) The starting point of both social and affective turns in SLA can be traced to Norton Peirce’s (1995) ground-breaking study of L2 learning experiences

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of five immigrant women in Canada. The study demonstrated that as mothers, wives, workers, immigrants and non-native speakers of English, these women occupied multiple and shifting subject positions and often had contradictory desires which at times facilitated and at others constrained their learning opportunities and interaction with English speakers. Norton Peirce (1995) then argued that the ‘affective variables’ paradigm and the traditional construct of ‘motivation’ were inadequate for articulating the complex relationship between individual learners and their learning contexts, because they failed to consider larger social processes and to question how relations of power in the social world affect interaction between L2 learners and target language speakers. Drawing on Bourdieu (1977), she reframed her participants’ motivation as a dynamic investment into symbolic and material resources which would increase the value of their cultural capital. She also identified conditions under which her participants were unwilling to speak because they were too ashamed, humiliated, or angry, thus contributing to our understanding of the social construction of anxiety. Norton (Peirce)’s (1995, 2000) work forced SLA scholars to reconsider ‘motivation’ and ushered in a new era in motivation research, exemplified in the theories of Dörnyei and Ushioda (2009, 2011) discussed earlier. At the same time, her study did not engage with affect in-depth, even though it made an important contribution to understanding the social conditions of the emergence of affect. A ground-breaking investigation of social construction of the desire to learn another language was conducted by Piller and Takahashi (2006; see also Takahashi, 2012). To differentiate their work from traditional research on motivation as an individual trait and from research on investment, the researchers adopted Piller’s (2002) term ‘language desire’ and explored ways in which this desire is discursively constructed. Piller and Takahashi (2006) argue that ‘desire for English’ – professed by up to 80% of Japanese women in their twenties – is best understood in the larger context of the patriarchal and misogynistic society and the women’s discourse of akogare [desire] for the West and Western men. This discourse is adopted and promoted by women’s magazines and the English teaching industry, which portray English as a way to a new self, a new life and a relationship with a Western man. In some language school ads, young good-looking male native speakers of English appear both as objects of desire and as a means of achieving the desired goal, with the accompanying text claiming that ‘female students’ English will improve faster with teachers such as these because the female student will be anxious to see her good-looking, white, male teacher again soon’ (Piller & Takahashi, 2006: 65). The researchers argue that such romantic and sexual innuendo is pervasive in media discourses, which link success in English language learning with Western men. From the point of view of traditional motivation theory, such powerful reinforcement should result in many more successful learners. To see if this is indeed the case, Piller and Takahashi (2006) followed five Japanese women

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who moved to Australia in search of better futures and English proficiency. They found that shortly after their arrival the participants experienced a deep disappointment because they were unable to understand native speakers of English or be understood by them. Contrary to the image promoted by women’s magazines and English language schools of ‘picking up’ English easily in interactions with native speakers, these women had very few opportunities to interact with non-Japanese. Their ‘master strategy’ then became to look for native-speaker boyfriends as optimal vehicles for instruction, yet this strategy also backfired when the women found themselves in relationships with men who were mainly interested in sexual conquests and in improving their own Japanese. Ironically, the participant who ended up with the highest fluency had the least amount of akogare. Drawing on Foucault (1980), Piller and Takahashi (2006) argue that the workings of power include the inculcation of desires that drive individuals to modify their bodies, personalities, life trajectories, and, for that matter, linguistic repertoires. As a result, language desire, too, may become a hegemonic instrument through which individuals conspire in their own oppression. While ‘language desire’ ‘does turn on their agency and makes them pursue the object/s of their desires, the failure that is built into the system – that is, it is impossible to become a White native speaker – also makes them turn themselves into victims: silenced, incompetent and depressed’ (Piller & Takahashi, 2006: 80). Providing us with insights into discursive construction of ‘language desire’, Piller and Takahashi’s (2006) study also reveals the dark side of the language teaching industry that reinforces and exploits its customers’ emotions. Drawing on the work of Hochschild (1979, 1983), I theorize such creation of links between languages and emotions in pursuit of commercial profit and the intentional adoption of languages that elicit emotions in the target audience (e.g. the use of consumers’ languages in advertising and marketing) as commodification of language affect.

Emotions in foreign and second language teaching Fortunately, in many contexts FL and L2 teaching continues to be – an often unprofitable – ‘labor of love’. The affective aspect of this labor has recently come under scrutiny of SLA scholars who began to study emotion management in L2 teachers, ways in which students and teachers assign emotional values to the many constituents of the L2 learning process, and opportunities for ‘writing emotions in’ FL and L2 teaching and teacher training. Turning back to the FL classroom, Kramsch (2009) argues that in FL learning the new mode of expression may offer the learners a way to escape the confines of their native grammar and the tedious conformity of their everyday environment. In her view, the dissociation between FL words and their referents is not necessarily a disadvantage. As in the case of bilingual

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writers, this detachment offers FL learners greater symbolic possibilities for using the language in non-conventional ways, for engaging in language play, and for exploring alternative selves grounded in imagination, rather than in constraints imposed by the target language community. This approach highlights the aesthetic aspect of L2 learning and its embodied nature, grounded in sound, sight and perhaps even touch and taste. To capitalize on the opportunities offered by the multilingual aesthetic, Kramsch (2009) puts forth two pedagogical imperatives: (a) a critical/reflexive approach, which promotes open discussion in the classroom and (b) a creative/narrative approach, which encourages language play and transgression and allows students to take pleasure in language and to valorize their own experiences. Both imperatives can be discerned in Hanauer’s (2010) discussion of the ESL writing course, where the key requirement was to produce a book of poetry that explores the students’ lives. The analysis of the corpus of 844 poems written by his students shows that the writing is highly emotional (7.2% of the corpus consist of emotion and emotion-laden words as opposed to 2.6% in controlled writing) and that the emotions expressed are often linked to the experience of learning and using the L2, as in this excerpt from a poem entitled Second Language: Discouraged Disappointed Disconcerted It isn’t as easy as I think To make myself clear in A second language (Hanauer, 2010: 100) The experience of being a foreigner and using a new language is linked by the students to a variety of emotions: homesickness, loneliness and alienation in the new world, embarrassment of being the object of evaluative gaze, anxiety, stress and frustration at the inability to make yourself understood and anger sparked by rejection and marginalization. These feelings are reminiscent of ‘the language and culture shock’ discussed by Gass and Selinker (2008) but with a major difference—instead of using these feelings to ‘predict’ L2 outcomes, Hanauer (2010) turns the shock into an opportunity to acquire the language: the process of critical reflection and verbalization allows students to develop a voice in the L2 and to reconnect with their emotions. A different approach to critical reflection is adopted by Benesch (2012) who draws on Ahmed’s (2004) notion of ‘sticky objects’ to explore classroom objects most likely to be vested with emotional values. Her inquiry provides fascinating insights into affective contradictions inherent in L2 teaching

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and learning. Dictionaries, for instance, are usually recommended by teachers because they provide students with the much-needed vocabulary. In actual use, however, they often become the source of disappointment, because of the time and effort it takes to find the appropriate translation. For students, then, ‘dictionaries are happy objects that become unhappy due to the anxiety they provoke about time, already a scarce commodity in their busy lives, and shame about not using them’ (Benesch, 2012: 64). The researcher’s suggestion is for teachers to align themselves with the students, rather than with the dictionaries and to acknowledge and explore the sources of this ambivalence, linking them to the theories of language as object (residing in dictionaries) and as performance. Shifting attention from students to teachers, Benesch (2012) then draws on the work of Hochschild (1979, 1983) to discuss language teaching as a form of affective labor. Her study reveals that teachers continuously perform emotion management trying to bring their actual emotions in line with what is considered to be ‘appropriate’: e.g. trying to minimize frustration by mandated tests, anger and impatience toward the students, guilt stemming from the overwork and the resulting inability to return papers promptly, and caring that may infantilize the students. Benesch (2012) argues that emotions provide a useful tool ‘for understanding moment-by-moment pedagogical decision-making, grounded in teachers’ and students’ embodied reactions to classroom events’ (p. 134). Opportunities for reflection – including on one’s own emotion management – are also advocated by Gabrys´-Barker (2012) whose focus is on preservice EFL teacher training. The researcher argues that one of the key reasons for teachers’ job dissatisfaction and high dropout rates are the feelings of stress, emotional exhaustion, and burnout. To counteract these feelings she advocates engaging pre-service teachers in reflection on critical incidents in their practice and on their own emotion management. She also discusses a variety of tools one could use in such reflection. One such tool is the Geneva Appraisal Questionnaire, based on Scherer’s (1984) appraisal theory, discussed earlier in conjunction with Schumann’s (1997) work. Another approach involves asking novice teachers to keep diaries and to record critical incidents, including classroom events that had an impact on their feelings (affect-triggering incidents) and to analyze the origins of these feelings. Gabrys´-Barker (2012) argues that reflective practice, which embraces affect, contributes to teacher empowerment and allows them to become more autonomous, innovative, creative and efficient in terms of selfregulation and affective control.

Summary: Beyond understanding what affect does? The studies conducted in the past decade have significantly deepened our understanding of the L2 teaching and learning as affective processes shaped by social contexts. They also reframed the teacher’s affective task

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from ‘motivating’ the students and instilling ‘willingness to communicate’ to giving students opportunities for self-discovery, language play and critical reflection on how they can claim the right to speak in interactions outside the classroom (Benesch, 2012; Hanauer, 2010; Kramsch, 2009; Norton (Peirce), 1995, 2000). The limitations of the work to date stem from the weaknesses inherent in critical theories of affect. Waving away the question of what emotions are and focusing on what emotions do, these theories and their SLA extensions implicitly adopt a universalist approach to emotions and thus miss out on the critical development in anthropology, linguistics and psychology of emotions, namely the recognition of cross-linguistic and cross-cultural variation in emotion worlds. As a result, they have not yet addressed the key issue that requires our scholarly attention, namely the fact that our students come from – and bring with them – distinct emotional worlds that cannot always be understood in terms of academic English.

Conclusions: L2 Learners and Users as Embodied Subjects in the Social Context The purpose of this overview was to show that while the first decade of the affective turn in SLA has created new terms of engagement in the field, the greatest challenges are still ahead of us. So, where do we go from here? In my own view, the relationship between L2 learning and affect is a par excellence example of a phenomenon that can only be understood when – and if – we transcend the boundaries of our individual disciplines, (applied) linguistics, psycholinguistics or sociolinguistics, and integrate findings from a variety of paradigms. To imagine what a multidisciplinary lens might look like, let us return for a moment to my own attraction to Polish poetry. The resonance of poetry can only be understood from a social perspective – in the 1970s and 1980s in the USSR, poetry was highly valued and widely practiced, with every aspect of our quotidian existence linked to an apt poetic line. By the time I encountered Polish poems, my emotional responses to poetry have been fine-tuned through reading Russian poetry by Akhmatova, Blok, Pasternak and Tsvetayeva, through listening to poetic songs of Russian singer-poets known as ‘bards,’ Dolina, Okudzhava and Vyssotsky and through my own teenage attempts to convey my feelings in verse. The social perspective, however, fails to explain the difference in my emotional reactions to Russian and Polish poetry versus poetry in later learned English, French and Spanish. This difference is best understood from a psycholinguistic perspective: I had learned Polish in childhood, when the autonomic arousal system was still malleable and while it was acquired outside of the naturalistic context, the literature and in particular poetry provided a substitute emotional context that allowed for triggering and

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integration of affective responses. An additional, yet untested, psycholinguistic explanation may involve a possible spillover of emotionality across typologically related languages. This little exercise shows that a single perspective cannot provide us with a comprehensive explanation of an affective phenomenon, yet an attempt to engage more than one perspective results in incommensurable discourses that ultimately speak past each other. The true interdisciplinarity will require more than a nod to the other side. The reference to ‘embodied selves’ in social theories fails to address the particularities of affective processing, just as incorporation of ‘social selves’ in psychological theories fails to address the social construction of affect or the influence of power relations on access to linguistic resources. Most importantly, both approaches fail to address cross-linguistic variation in emotional worlds. To understand L2 learners’ crossings and transitions between different affective worlds, the emerging field of L2 learning and affect will require a genuine dialog and collaboration between scholars from different disciplines. My hope is that this collaboration will find a space for poetry, whose very purpose is to transport us to the emotional worlds of others.

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Affective Dimensions of Second Language Ultimate Attainment David Singleton

Introduction This chapter addresses ultimate attainment in second language acquisition through the lens of affectivity. The study claims an important role for affective dimensions in this context, thus diverging from the widespread assumption that the almost exclusive determinant of ultimate attainment is a maturationally based critical period with an early, predictable and abrupt offset point (cf. discussion in Muñoz & Singleton, 2011). This chapter considers recent work which points to the impact of a wider range of factors in this connection, notably of those which are affective in nature. Its basic position is that a loosening of the association between ultimate L2 attainment research and Critical Period Hypothesis issues would lead to more light being shed on second language attainment in terms both of the comprehensiveness and of the acuity of the insights made available.

The Hegemony of CPH Perspectives in Ultimate Attainment Research The Critical Period Hypothesis (CPH) (in its various versions! – cf. Singleton, 2005) has dominated the scene in discussion of ultimate attainment differences in L2 acquirers. Some researchers have been very vocal in 29

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calling for other dimensions than maturation to be taken into consideration in this context. Moyer, for instance, has the following to say on this matter: The impact of age should be understood as indirect as well as possibly direct. This requires that we somehow account for other significant factors in the learner’s cumulative L2 experience. (Moyer, 2004: 140; cf. also Dörnyei, 2009: 264) Other possible factors have in fact been explored. One such is the degree of distance between the L1 and the L2. McDonald (2000) found, for example, that learners of English from a Spanish-speaking background who had begun to be exposed to the language before age five were able to perform to native levels on an English grammaticality judgment test, whereas Vietnamese speakers with pre-age-five experience of English were not. Further factors referred to in the literature have included quantity and quality of input, and general cognitive and educational variables. Evidence of a role for such factors, as well as such further factors as language awareness and language aptitude, has been established in a number of recent studies. Despite such findings, however, the very widespread concentration on the CPH has tended to muddy the impact of such research. This chapter will focus on the affective dimension in respect of L2 attainment (cf. Muñoz & Singleton, 2011: 19f.; Singleton & Muñoz, 2011: 415f.), and will suggest that this dimension is at least as significant as the age factor.

The Affective Dimension Moyer (2004) studied the L2 proficiency of 25 successful late L2 learners, using three sets of instruments: • • •

a questionnaire focused on biological–experiential, social–psychological, instructional–cognitive and experiential–social factors; a series of controlled and semi-controlled production tasks; and a semi-structured interview.

Moyer found that factors such as learners’ satisfaction with their phonological attainment and their level of motivation accounted for 74% of the total variance in outcome. In their predictive power these two variables were as strong as (or stronger than) age of onset and length of residence combined (56%) (Moyer, 2004: 81). Furthermore, the interview data brought to the fore influences on the learners’ individual learning experience such as their opportunities for contact with the L2, their attitudes towards the L2 culture, their perceptions of foreignness and belonging, and their intentions in regard to staying in the L2 community.

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Moyer (2004) argues that the factors she identifies in her study are universally significant but that the actual level of significance is a question of individual orientation. In a later study Moyer (2009: 159) describes the learner’s orientation to the target language as ‘the main force behind how s/he utilizes L2 input’, and she reads recent research as pointing to a need for a sharper focus on the learner’s intentions towards the L2. Learners’ orientations clearly have an affective dimension, including the level of desire to become native-like in the L2. Native-like performance in the L2 in adult learners has been shown often to be associated with strong motivation to pass for native speakers (cf. e.g. Marx, 2002). One thinks, for example, of the exceptional (Anglophone) learner in Moyer’s (1999) study, who was very strongly motivated at a personal level to sound like a German native speaker and who succeeded in this ambition. In reference to migration contexts, Jia and Aaronson (2003) show that language preference may be shaped by socio-psychological factors and that it may in turn impact on language use and proficiency. They talk about the higher degree of friendly contact that younger migrants have with their host community peers, as compared with their seniors, and argue that their resultant greater readiness to interact in the L2 may explain the long-term advantage that tends to characterize younger beginners in naturalistic situations (often at the expense of L1 proficiency). Some recent research conducted among non-Anglophone immigrant children in Dublin primary schools (Carson & Extra, 2010) has borne out Jia and Aaronson’s work, pointing to a ‘best friend’ factor as important in promoting these children’s opting to interact in English outside the classroom, as a lingua franca or even with members of their own language community: The reported choice for English with best friends is particularly high, and may be understood within a context where children select to use English as a lingua franca with children from language backgrounds other than their own, or indeed select to use English with children who share the same other language. Anecdotal evidence records immigrant children who share the same other language choosing to speak the language of the host community to one another both in the school playground and at home. It seems that the shift towards English language use here is located within friendships rather than family connections . . . (Carson & Extra, 2010: 49) Earlier studies conducted in Dublin had noted a ‘best friend’ (and more!) factor in findings relating to successful late L2 learners. In Muñoz and Singleton’s (2007) study the subjects were 12 female late L2 learners of English resident in Ireland whose average age of initial significant L2 exposure was 22.5 years. All had Spanish and/or Catalan as their L1(s). Also participating in the study were two groups of native speakers of Irish English,

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a control group (N = 5) and four native speaker judges. All the judges were postgraduate students of applied linguistics, who could be considered expert raters (Piske et al., 2001). None of them knew Spanish (or Catalan). Speech in English was elicited by means of an oral film-retelling task. An extract from each of the non-native and native participants, 17 in all, was transferred to a CD for presentation (in randomized order) to the judges. The L2 informants were also interviewed in English on the basis of an adaptation of the language background questionnaire used in Piske et al. (2001). Questions concerned age of arrival in Ireland, length of residence, age of first immersion in English, and age of formal learning of English. It also included questions in respect of informants’ knowledge of English and their L1 (Spanish or Catalan or both) and their use of the various languages at their disposal over different periods and in different contexts. A third group of questions concerned their education, both in Spain and in Ireland, including their experience of formally learning English. As expected, a significant difference overall emerged between native speakers and non-natives in terms of foreign accent ratings. However, two of the non-natives scored within the native-speaker range. The qualitative discussion in the study profiles in some detail these two very successful learners, who, according to at least some interpretations of the CPH, seemed to have, in a limited domain and to a limited degree, ‘beaten’ the critical period. Both the successful learners had close contact with English-speakers they liked. One lived with her English-speaking husband; the other lived with English-speaking friends and had an English-speaking boyfriend (now her husband). The other participants all operated in Spanish-speaking home contexts. The two successful learners also had in common the fact that they enjoyed and took satisfaction from learning and using English. In another study Kinsella (2009) studied 20 native English speakers who had been raised monolingually, who had not begun learning French before the age of 11 and whose average age of significant exposure to French (arrival in France) was 28.6 years. All were now resident in France, and all reported at least occasionally passing for native speakers of French. These subjects were asked to perform three tasks: (i) to engage in a semi-structured interview surveying biological-experiential, social-psychological and instructional data; (ii) to identify the regional French accents instantiated in three spoken texts; (iii) to complete a test incorporating lexical and grammatical elements. Information about contexts of language use and interaction with native speakers was collected via a semi-structured interview. Three of the twenty participants scored within native speaker ranges on all tasks (outperforming many of the native speakers on the accent recognition task). All the successful subjects conducted their social life primarily through French; all identified themselves closely with the Francophone community; all considered it important to pass for native speakers of French; and all had French partners.

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Sometimes the affective factor works the other way. Some L2 learners do not actually want to be native-like (Moyer, 2004; Nikolov, 2000). Pavlenko and Lantolf (2000) suggest that late bilinguals typically decide to develop their L2 only ‘to a certain extent’, which allows them to be proficient, even fluent, but also to avoid the consequences of losing their old, familiar ways of being in the world and having to adopt new ways (2000: 162). In this connection, Kinsella (2009) reports that some of her participants had second thoughts after a period of residence in France about the desirability of being native-like in their French performance and learned to appreciate the benefits of their foreignness.

Concluding Remarks As we are all aware, tracing the connection between the age factor and ultimate attainment is fraught with problematicity, especially when the claims under investigation relate to the notion of critical period. What is suggested in this study is that if we are really to make progress in understanding the diversity of attainments evidenced in L2 acquisition we need to get beyond our obsession with the critical period notion and to take a wideranging, fine-grained, qualitative look at the entire context of high-attaining and low-attaining learners. Of course maturation has to come into the picture – although not necessarily in the way it does in CPH rhetoric – but so do cross-linguistic (including psychotypological) factors; so does quantity and quality of input; so do general cognitive and educational variables; and so, as this chapter has I hope demonstrated, does the affective dimension.

References Carson, L. and Extra, G. (2010) Multilingualism in Dublin: Home language use among primary school children, report on a pilot survey. Dublin: Centre for Language and Communication Studies. Dörnyei, Z. (2009) The Psychology of Second Language Acquisition. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jia, G. and Aaronson, D. (2003) A longitudinal study of Chinese children and adolescents learning English in the United States. Applied Psycholinguistics 24 (1), 131–161. Kinsella, C. (2009) An investigation into the proficiency of successful late learners of French. Unpublished PhD thesis, Trinity College Dublin. McDonald, J. (2000) Grammaticality judgments in a second language: Influences of age of acquisition and native language. Applied Psycholinguistics 21 (3), 395–423. Marx, N. (2002) Never quite a ‘native speaker’: Accent and identity in the L2 and the L1. The Canadian Modern Language Review/La Revue canadienne des langues vivantes 59 (2), 264–281. Moyer, A. (1999) Ultimate attainment in L2 phonology. The critical factors of age, motivation, and instruction. Studies in Second Language Acquisition 21 (1), 81–108. Moyer, A. (2004) Age, Accent and Experience in Second Language Acquisition. An Integrated Approach to Critical Period Inquiry. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.

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Moyer, A. (2009) Input as a critical means to an end: Quantity and quality of experience in L2 phonological attainment. In T. Piske and M. Young-Scholten (eds) Input Matters in SLA (pp. 159–174). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Muñoz, C. and Singleton, D. (2007) Foreign accent in advanced learners: Two successful profiles. The EUROSLA Yearbook 7, pp. 171–190. Muñoz, C. and Singleton, D. (2011) A critical review of age-related research on L2 ultimate attainment. Language Teaching 44 (1), 1–35. Nikolov, M. (2000) The Critical Period Hypothesis reconsidered: Successful adult learners of Hungarian and English. International Review of Applied Linguistics in Language Teaching 38 (2), 109–124. Pavlenko, A. and Lantolf, J.P. (2000) Second language learning as participation and the (re)construcion of selves. In J.P. Lantolf (ed.) Sociocultural Theory and Second Language Learning (pp. 155–178). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Piske, T., MacKay, I.R.A. and Flege, J.E. (2001) Factors affecting degree of foreign accent in an L2: A review. Journal of Phonetics 29 (2), 191–215. Singleton, D. (2005) The Critical Period Hypothesis: A coat of many colours. International Review of Applied Linguistics in Language Teaching 43 (4), 269–285. Singleton, D. and Muñoz, C. (2011) Around and beyond the Critical Period Hypothesis. In E. Hinkel (ed.) Handbook of Research in Second Language Teaching and Learning. Volume II (pp. 407–425). London: Routledge.

3

Anxiety and Perceived Communication Competence as Predictors of Willingness to Communicate in the ESL/FL Classroom Dagmara Gałajda

Introduction The variability of willingness to communicate is dependent not only on personality but also on the context in which communication takes place and language used in communication. Thus, those who want to study human communication should focus mainly on subjects’ approach/avoidance communicative behaviours in L1 and FL contexts, which can be compared and contrasted according to other personality-based variables such as selfperceived communication competence and communication apprehension. This chapter explores students’ willingness to communicate (WTC) in formal and informal university contexts. The study focuses primarily on the way in which two affective variables, namely communication apprehension (CA) and self-perceived communication competence (SPCC), influence subjects’ communicative behaviour in L1 (Polish) and FL (English) university contexts.

Willingness to Communicate (WTC) Willingness to communicate still remains ambiguous and its current conceptualization evolved from a number of research studies. The description of the construct first appeared in the early work on reticence by Phillips 35

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(1965) and the research on communication apprehension by McCroskey (1970). Burgoon (1976) was the researcher who coined the term ‘unwillingness to communicate’ and related it to self-esteem, introversion and communication apprehension. According to Burgoon (1976), unwillingness to communicate can be defined as a ‘chronic tendency to avoid and/or devalue oral communication’ (Burgoon, 1976: 62). Following this term and definition Mortensen et al. (1977) continued to work on human communication and put forward the theory on predispositions towards verbal behaviour. As the authors put it, people are predisposed to be either willing or unwilling to communicate in a particular context and with a particular person or people. For this reason, people may choose to talk across various contexts and they are quite consistent about it (Mortensen et al., 1977). Research on willingness to communicate and other affective variables connected with human communication derives also from the studies on shyness (McCroskey & Richmond, 1982). Shyness is often related to communication apprehension and unwillingness to communicate, two terms which are valid for further investigation on communicative behaviour. Under the same contextual constraints people vary in the amount of time they spend on talking with others. The difference in communicative behaviour lies in willingness to communicate (McCroskey & Richmond, 1982), a personal variable which can be defined as ‘the probability of initiating communication, specifically talking, when the opportunity arises’ (MacIntyre et al., 2003: 590). It is assumed that willingness to communicate characterizes individual communicative behaviour. As a variable which is relatively stable across different communicative contexts, willingness to talk is a trait-like predisposition (McCroskey & Richmond, 1982).

Communication Apprehension (CA) and SelfPerceived Communication Competence (SPCC) Language anxiety consists of three types of performance anxiety: communication apprehension, test anxiety and fear of negative evaluation (Horwitz et al., 1986). As a widely researched construct, communication apprehension is something more than a popular stage fright as it is a much broader term. People may suffer from apprehension connected with communication with a single person and/or a group of people. According to McCroskey, CA can be defined as ‘an individual’s level of fear or anxiety associated with either real or anticipated communication with another person or persons’ (McCroskey, 1976: 39). High apprehensives tend to withdraw from communication because of uneasiness and tension. Such anxiety results in a state in which people tend to avoid communication acts and socializing in general. Communication apprehension can be treated as a personal construct or an individual reaction to a given context (McCroskey,

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2008). Trait CA is a general anxiety experienced in various contexts while state communication apprehension can be shown in one situation but not in other communicative contexts (McCroskey, 2008). Researchers cannot completely answer the question whether people suffer from communication anxiety because they are apprehensive in nature or rather they have a negative self-perception of one’s communication competence. Difficult to define as it is, communication competence can be perceived as ‘the ability of an individual to demonstrate knowledge of the appropriate communicative behaviour in a given situation’ (Larson et al., 1978: 23). On the other hand, according to McCroskey (1992) communication competence cannot be defined only as communicative effectiveness. People who know how to communicate very often do not communicate. Therefore, communication competence and communication performance are two concepts which should not be treated as the same construct as it is confusing for the research. Self-perception of communication competence is a good indicator of how people perceive their self-worth. It is said that self-perceived communication competence is influenced by other affective factors such as willingness to communicate and communication apprehension. Thus, people who are anxious and unwilling to communicate have lower self-esteem than those who often engage in communication.

Research Design Communication apprehension and self-perceived communication competence have been carefully researched as two independent variables. However, the relationship between them and their contribution to willingness to communicate still require further research and consideration. Thus, the study explores the influence of communication apprehension and self-perceived communication competence on students’ willingness to communicate in L1 and FL contexts. Therefore, the purpose of the research is to find the answers to one research question: To what extent is willingness to communicate (WTC) conditioned by the reported communication apprehension (CA) and self-perceived communication competence (SPCC) of the university students in L1 and FL university contexts? In order to assess subjects’ willingness to communicate, level of communication apprehension and self-perceived communication competence, three questionnaires were distributed to the students. As suggested by the researchers (MacIntyre et al., 2003; McCroskey & Richmond, 1982) both communication apprehension and communication competence contribute to willingness to communicate. However, the way the three variables interact

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with each other in formal/informal and L1/FL communication contexts requires broader research.

Subjects The subjects participating in the study were 25 first-year students of the English Department at the University of Silesia. All three types of the questionnaires were administered to all students. At the time of the research project, the subjects were doing their major in translation and the research took place during their conversation classes which were part of the course.

Data collection tools The study made use of three different questionnaires: Willingness to Communicate (WTC) Scale (McCroskey, 1992) together with Selfperceived Communication Competence (SPCC) Scale (McCroskey & McCroskey, 1998) and Personal Report of Communication Apprehension (PRCA) (McCroskey & Richmond, 1982). Before filling them in, the subjects were asked to define three variables (willingness to communicate, communication apprehension and (self-perceived) communication competence) first on their own (as a pairwork activity) and then with teacher’s help in form of an open discussion. Next, the students filled in all three questionnaires. All of the scales were based on McCroskey’s questionnaires (McCroskey & Richmond, 1982; McCroskey, 1992; McCroskey & McCroskey, 1998), however, they were adapted for the sake of the research, which was conducted in a Polish context. The scales referred to communication acts in L1 (Polish) and FL (English) in formal/informal university contexts. WTC Scale aimed at measuring subjects’ willingness to communicate in a given language and context. It was combined with SPCC Scale which helped to assess self-perceived communication competence of the subjects. The students were to assess how willing and competent to communicate they feel in all 14 situations included in WTC/SPCC Scale in both languages. Personal Report of Communication Apprehension, the third questionnaire used in the study, included the same 14 statements. The Scale examines the level of anxiety associated with communication in the university context. The statements included such items as: Communicate with a university friend during a task or Speak in public in front of a lecturer.

Data Analysis The data present the most frequently chosen answer (in percentage terms) for a given statement. Data analysis focuses on both L1 (Polish) and

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FL (English) contexts. The statements from the questionnaires have been divided into formal (communicating with a lecturer and speaking in public) and informal (communicating with a university friend, acquaintance, stranger) context. Each statement could be assessed on a scale of 0% to 100%, depending on how willing, competent and anxious to communicate the subject feels.

Formal context In the first part of the questionnaires the subjects were asked to assess their willingness to communicate, communication competence and anxiety in formal L1 and FL contexts. The statements were connected with talking to a lecturer in private, during the oral exam and in front of a group as well as speaking in public to a group of about 10 or 20 acquaintances.

Communicating with a lecturer The results show that the subjects are more willing to communicate (40%) with a lecturer in L1. They also feel more competent (70%) to communicate in L1 when talking to a lecturer in private; however, FL is the language preferable (40%) to be used when talking to a lecturer during the oral exam. It seems that the subjects are competent to speak in public in front of a lecturer regardless of the language used (40% for both languages). As far as students’ communication apprehension is concerned, the subjects are more afraid to communicate with a lecturer in FL (80%). Communication with a teacher is stressful by nature, especially if it is performed in a foreign language. The results proved that the subjects are more willing to communicate with a lecturer in L1. It is also easier for them to use L1 when discussing private matters with a lecturer as they will not have any problems to convey the message. As the students of English philology, the subjects have the majority of their exams in English. Therefore, it comes as no surprise that the language preferable for communication during the exam is the FL. The students do not need to translate the notions or concepts they have learnt about in English. Being not so confident to communicate in a FL, the students become anxious to use FL either in front of a lecturer or when talking with him or her in private. As can be seen in the case of talking to a lecturer during an oral exam, positive self-perception does not have to be a good predictor of one’s willingness to communicate. Even if a student assesses his/her abilities high, s/he may avoid communicating either in L1 or FL. Subjects’ answers also indicate that the level of communication apprehension in one language determines willingness to communicate in another. If the students are anxious to communicate in a FL, there is a great chance that they will be willing to communicate in L1. As a result, communication apprehension seems to be a more reliable predictor of willingness to communicate than self-perceived communication competence.

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Speaking in public According to subjects’ answers, the students are more willing to use FL (30%) when speaking in public to a bigger group (about 20 people) and L1 (30%) when they are speaking to a smaller group (about 10 people). Despite feeling competent enough to use both languages in both contexts, the subjects are afraid (80%) of communicating in FL in general. Public speaking usually represents threat for different reasons. Very often people do not feel competent enough and/or they have to deal with anxiety. Because of that, it can be assumed that self-perceived communication competence and communication apprehension can both directly contribute to one’s willingness to communicate. The subjects claim that they prefer using FL when speaking to a bigger group, which suggests that the bigger the group is, the more anonymous the speaker feels. As an anonymous speaker, the learner feels justified to make mistakes since s/he is using a language which is not his/her mother tongue. Consequently, the speaker becomes more willing to communicate in front of a bigger group where s/he does not know all people from the audience. In a smaller group people interact more with each other. L1 is more preferable in such a communication context since there are almost no differences in language proficiency between the interlocutors. As a result, speakers are more willing to participate in the speech act and less anxious to communicate. Interesting as it may seem, subjects claim that they feel equally competent to use both languages in both contexts. Probable reason for that is that the subjects tend to assess their abilities higher than they really are. Another reason for that can be the fact that the students find it hard to evaluate their competence properly. The study proved that FL may be the cause of high level of communication apprehension. Because of that the subjects are more afraid of communicating in FL than in L1 in both contexts.

Informal context The second part of the questionnaires encompassed the statements connected with informal context, namely communicating with a university friend, acquaintance and stranger. The subjects were supposed to assess their willingness to communicate, communication comprehension and competence in three types of speech acts: talking in private, communicating during the task and asking somebody a favour.

Communicating with a university friend According to the subjects, they are more willing (90%) to communicate in L1 when talking to a friend in private and asking him/her a favour (100%) while FL when working with a friend on a task (90%). The subjects feel communicatively competent to use L1 (100%) in a private talk and FL while working on a task (100%) and asking a friend a favour (100%). Although they feel a bit anxious (20%) about communicating with a friend in FL in general.

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Even if people possess high level of proficiency in L2/FL, they choose to communicate about their personal matters in their first language, which is easier and more natural. The students perceive a foreign language task as a learning activity, which is more natural in FL than in L1. Additionally, they feel more competent to perform a task in FL and communicate in private in L1. On the basis of the results, it can be observed that positive self-perception of one’s communication competence may result in willingness to communicate in the similar context. In other words, if the students believe they are good at performing a communication act in one language, they become more willing to communicate in it. On the one hand the students claim they are more willing to ask a favour in L1, on the other they feel more competent to do it in FL. It may be assumed that asking somebody a favour is a personal matter which is associated, as already stated, with L1 usage. However, FL gives the possibility of creating artificial distance in conversation. For a proficient user, asking somebody for something does not pose any major problems. As was mentioned by the students, it is more convenient to ask somebody for something in a FL as it is more anonymous and less personal. It might lead to conclusion that communication apprehension is higher when communicating with friends in FL which may affect one’s willingness to communicate in a foreign language.

Communicating with a university acquaintance On the basis of the data obtained from the students, the subjects feel more competent (80%) and anxious (40%) about communicating in L1 when talking in private and asking a university acquaintance a favour; however, they prefer to use FL (70%) while communicating with the same person during a task despite being afraid (30%) of such communication. In general, the subjects are more willing to communicate in L1 with a university acquaintance. Students meet with acquaintances during lectures or in the corridor and as they hardly know each other, the relationship is rather poor. As L1 is a language of natural communication people are not very eager to use FL when they do not need or have to. First language does not pose any problems in communication – the message is almost always clear and unambiguous which is so crucial for people who are not very willing to communicate and clarify what have been said. On the other hand, research finding which is not so obvious and may seem confusing is the relation between students’ self-perception and their communication apprehension. It may be observed that positive perception of one’s competence in a language in a specific context does not mean a low level of communication apprehension. Feeling more competent to communicate about personal matters in L1, the students are afraid of using Polish in this context. It may be caused by the type of the interlocutor – the subjects feel anxious about communicating with an acquaintance, however, they

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would choose L1 if they had to talk in private or ask a university acquaintance a favour. The same ambiguous relation can be found in FL communication. Despite anxiety, the students claim they feel more competent to use FL when working on a task with an acquaintance. The possible reason for that is the fact that the students perfom the majority of their activities in English and it is much easier for them to use FL when they are supposed to complete the task. Yet it does not mean that the subjects do not feel afraid of using FL when cooperating with an acquaintance on a task. To sum up, a positive self-perception about one’s competence does not guarantee lack of communication apprehension.

Communicating with a stranger The subjects claim that they are more willing (30%) and competent (60%) to use L1 when talking with a stranger in private and/or asking him/her a favour. In addition, they feel equally competent (90%) to speak in FL and L1 when communicating with a stranger during a task. As far as communication apprehension is concerned, the students are more afraid of communicating with a stranger in FL (100%) than in L1 (60%) in all three contexts. Being afraid of communicating with a stranger regardless of the context and language is understandable. In the university context strangers are the students with whom the subjects have little if any contact. Usually these are the people the students meet suddenly in the classroom and they need to interact and cooperate during a task. Such a situation is threatening by nature and that is the reason why people avoid communicating with strangers. The research results show that L1 is the language preferable for communication with a stranger in private contexts. Using L1 seems to be safe and convenient for the subjects as they feel totally competent to use Polish. As the research shows, the more competent language users feel about using one language, the more willing to communicate in it they are. This finding can also be attributed to the level of acquaintance between the interlocutors. Learners are usually more afraid of making mistakes in a FL in front of strangers and because of that they are more willing to use L1 instead. Generally speaking, on the basis of subjects’ answers it can be stated that self-perceived communication competence is positively related to one’s willingness to communicate.

Comparison of formal and informal contexts In reference to communication apprehension, the subjects claim that they are more afraid of communicating in FL with a lecturer or with a group regardless of its size. Consequently, the informants feel more competent and willing to use L1 in the formal context. Altogether, it can be inferred that in the formal university context students’ willingness to communicate in one language is directly influenced by positive self-perceived communication

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competence in the same language and a high level of communication apprehension about using a different, in this case, a foreign language. The research results point to a significant relation between willingness to communicate and two other variables. Thus, it can be assumed that high level of communication apprehension in FL may influence a positive self-perception about L1 competence and willingness to communicate in first language. In addition, the inspection of positive self-esteem reveals its profound impact on willingness to talk. The more competent to use a language the learner feels, the more willing to use the language s/he becomes. This cascading effect of anxiety in a FL influencing self-perceived communicative competence in L1 which, on the other hand, influences willingness to communicate in the first language proves the interrelation of these three variables in a formal university context. In informal context communication apprehension does not show significant relation with self-perception or willingness to communicate in any language as it could be observed in the formal context. On the basis of research results, communication anxiety in an informal context can be analysed irrespective of two other variables in question. The aspect of communication which determines the level of apprehension is the language used. Therefore, the subjects feel anxious about communicating in FL either with a friend, acquaintance or stranger in all above-mentioned situations. It may lead to the conclusion that the subjects feel anxious about communicating in FL in general regardless of the interlocutor. The relation of self-perceived competence and willingness to communicate in the informal context seems to be based on the language and type of the situation. The subjects feel competent and willing to communicate in private and ask a person a favour regardless of the degree of acquaintance between the interlocutors. On the other hand, the subjects believe they feel more competent and willing to use FL when working with a person on a task. All three situations (communicating in private, during a task, asking a favour) show that willingness to communicate in a language is conditioned by self-perceived communication competence in the language and type of the situation. If a person has a positive image of one’s competence in a given language, s/he will be more willing to communicate in this particular language, which determines the type of situation.

Comparison of L1 and FL contexts The study proved a strong contribution of self-perceived communication competence to one’s willingness to communicate in L1 university context. Yet there are no examples which would support the idea that the students feel competent to use L1 in communication with a stranger and because of that they are more willing to talk with him/her. The informal context of communicating with a person the subjects do not know at all appears in the

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L1 context only in the case of communication apprehension. Hence, the subjects feel anxious of talking to a stranger in all researched situations (in private, while working on task and asking the person a favour). Nonetheless, no contribution of communication apprehension in L1 to willingness to communicate in first language can be found. On the other hand, the subjects generally feel competent to use L1 in the formal context (talking to a lecturer and speaking to group) and, at the same time, they become more willing to communicate in their first language in the similar situations. These findings may be attributed to a strong relation between self-perceived communication competence and willingness to communicate in L1 context. All researched situations in both formal and informal contexts (apart from communication with a stranger) confirmed a visible contribution of positive self-perception in L1 to willingness to talk in the subjects’ first language. Thus, it may be assumed that communication apprehension about communicating in L1 has little if any influence on one’s willingness to communicate in L1 context. It seems that there is only one type of communication acts in FL context in which communication apprehension and self-perceived communication competence contribute significantly to willingness to communicate in a foreign language. The subjects claim that they feel anxious about communicating in FL with a friend/an acquaintance; however, they still feel competent and willing to use FL while working with the person on a task. Yet, they feel apprehensive about communicating in FL in general and because of that they are not very willing to communicate in situations other than working on a task. On the basis of subjects’ answers it can be stated that no significant relations between the three variables in question were found in the FL context. The fact that the subjects are anxious about communicating in both formal and informal FL contexts does not translate to a positive/ negative self-perceived competence and/or strong/weak willingness to communicate. It follows that FL university context requires further research which might help to create and investigate significant relation between the three variables.

Answers to the Research Question On the basis of gathered data it can be said that in formal university context willingness to communicate (WTC) in L1 is conditioned by selfperceived communication competence (SPCC) in L1 and level of communication apprehension (CA) in FL. Feeling highly competent to communicate in L1, the subjects are more willing to use their first language as a result. Another reason for a stronger willingness to talk in L1 can be a reasonably high level of anxiety in FL. As communication in formal context seems to be hard for the students, they prefer to choose L1 as a language of communication with a lecturer or a group of acquaintances and to convey the message

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in an easier way. Another finding indicates that in informal context (regardless of the degree of acquaintance between communicators) willingness to communicate (WTC) in both L1 and FL is conditioned by self-perceived communication competence (SPCC) and type of a situation in which communication takes place. Informal university context allows for more spontaneous and open communication. Thus, the subjects are willing to communicate in both languages, L1 and FL; however, it depends on a type of situation in which the students feel competent to communicate in a particular language. Some communicative contexts such as speaking in private or asking somebody a favour are more natural to be performed in L1 and some others (e.g., working on a task) in FL. Therefore, if the students feel competent enough to communicate in a language in a given situation, they do it willingly. The study also shows that in informal context willingness to communicate (WTC) in both L1 and FL is conditioned by the level of communication apprehension (CA) dependent on a type of interlocutor. It follows that there is a strong connection between subjects’ anxiety about communicating with a particular person and willingness to communicate in a given language. As a consequence, communication apprehension, as a factor strongly influencing one’s willingness to communicate, should not be discussed in general but rather with reference to a particular interlocutor. The research results also demonstrate that in L1 willingness to communicate (WTC) in both formal and informal contexts (apart from communication with a stranger) is conditioned by self-perceived communication competence (SPCC). This signifies that the only prerequisite for communication in first language is a positive self-perception of one’s competence. Despite the fact that hardly any relation between communication apprehension and willingness to communicate has been found, the extent to which WTC in L1 is conditioned by communication apprehension in L1 requires further investigation. As far as FL context is concerned, willingness to communicate (WTC) in informal FL context (apart from communication with a stranger) is conditioned by self-perceived communication competence (SPCC) dependent on type of a situation and level of communication apprehension (CA) dependent on a type of interlocutor. It may happen that the subjects feel competent to communicate in FL in one situation but at the same time they are anxious about different communication act and/or type of the interlocutor. Thus, it may be assumed that willingness to communicate in FL is strongly dependent on people and context in which communication takes place.

Conclusions The general conclusion that can be drawn from the research is that willingness to communicate in the university context is influenced by all

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mentioned factors. First of all, the results demonstrated the complexity of the construct of willingness to communicate. The study described the particular context of university life in which communicative behaviours are realized in both L1 and FL. Therefore, all three researched variables, willingness to communicate, communication apprehension and self-perceived competence should be investigated in all languages used by the subjects. This seems to be the most reasonable way of creating a full picture of willingness to communicate of an individual since the construct changes according to the language used. The formality of the context as well as the degree of acquaintance between interlocutors may also be the potential factors which influence willingness to communicate in both L1 and FL. The research results of formal context proved that there is a strong relation between communication apprehension in one language which results in positive self-perception about communication competence in another language, which in turn influences willingness to communicate in this language. On the other hand, informal context can be analysed only according to the relation between positive selfperception of one’s competence and stronger willingness to communicate in this particular language. As far as type of interlocutor is concerned, willingness to communicate in formal context is clearly dependent on the level of anxiety and perception of competence to communicate with a given person or a group of people. In terms of informal communication acts with a university friend, acquaintance and stranger further research and consideration are required.

References Burgoon, J.K. (1976) The unwillingness-to-communicate scale: Development and validation. Communication Monographs 43 (1), 60–69. Horwitz, E.K., Horwitz, M. and Cope, J.A. (1986) Foreign language classroom anxiety. Modern Language Journal 70 (2), 125–132. Larson, C.E., Backlund, P.M., Redmond, M.K. and Barbour, A. (1978) Assessing Communicative Competence. Falls Church, VA: Speech Communication Association and ERIC. MacIntyre, P.D., Baker, S.C., Clément, R. and Donovan, L.A. (2003) Talking in order to learn: Willingness to communicate and intensive language programs. The Canadian Modern Language Review 59 (4), 587–605. McCroskey, J.C. (1970) Measures of communication-bound anxiety. Speech Monographs 37 (4), 269–277. McCroskey, J.C. (1976) The effects of communication apprehension on nonverbal behavior. Communication Quarterly 24 (1), 39–44. McCroskey, J.C. and Richmond, V.P. (1982) Communication apprehension and shyness: Conceptual and operational distinctions. Central States Speech Journal 33 (3), 458–468. McCroskey, J.C. (1992) Communication competence and performance: A research and pedagogical perspective. Communication Education 31 (1), 1–7.

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McCroskey, J.C. and McCroskey, L.L. (1998) Self-report as an approach to measuring communication competence. Communication Research Reports 5 (2), 108–113. McCroskey, J.C. (2008) Communication apprehension: What have we learned in the last four decades? Human Communication 12 (2), 157–171. Mortensen, D.C., Arnston, P.H. and Lustig, M. (1977) The measurement of verbal predispositions: Scale development and application. Human Communication Research 3 (2), 146–158. Phillips, G.M. (1965) The problem of reticence. Pennsylvania Speech Annual 22, 22–38.

4

Self-efficacy Beliefs and FL Achievement in the Polish School Context Ewa Piechurska-Kuciel

The aim of this chapter is to investigate the relevance of academic selfefficacy in the context of the Polish secondary grammar school. For this purpose first the concept of self-efficacy is presented against the background of social cognitive theory. Then the role of academic self-efficacy and its relevance for the language learning process will be outlined. A description is then given ofthe results of an empirical research focusing on the relationship between academic self-efficacy and foreign language attainment, operationalized as final grades and self-perceived levels of foreign language (FL) skills. The chapter finishes with a discussion and implications for the EFL (English as a foreign language) classroom.

Introduction The problem of students’ variable success while learning a foreign language has been a subject of various theoretical and empirical research. One of the ways of explaining it has been proposed by social cognitive theory, shedding more light on the role of the influence of cognitive processes on social behavior (Bandura, 1986). Its basic assumptions hold that individuals engage in activities, interpret the results of their actions and then develop beliefs about their capabilities to engage in subsequent tasks and actions. Their beliefs are the basis for their future success or failure in different spheres of life.

Self-efficacy and the Learning Process The social cognitive theory proposes that human behaviors are not accidental, but they are an effect of a complex system of interrelated factors. Among them, there are behavioral, personal and environmental influences, 48

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which simultaneously affect one another in a bidirectional manner, determining the individual’s actions. They create the so-called ‘integrated causal system’ (Bandura, 1999: 24), in which sociostructural influences and psychological mechanisms form a mixture of interdependent forces regulating one’s functioning. However, the individual is not a passive recipient of these influences. The human being is viewed as a self-system of dispositions, capacities and cognitive abilities, enabling them to become a proactive, self-reflective, selforganizing and self-regulative agent of their psychosocial development. The self-system regulates one’s behavior through the information coming from four sources. The primary source of information is derived from mastery experiences, that is one’s previous performance. In case one’s performance is assessed positively, a high sense of self-efficacy is formed, while when effects of one’s actions are perceived as unsatisfactory, a low sense of self-efficacy is created. People also form their self-efficacy beliefs on the basis of vicarious experiences of observing others similar to oneself perform tasks (observational learning or modeling). The third source of selfefficacy beliefs are social persuasions, verbal or nonverbal information received from others. Positive persuasions nurture one’s beliefs in the individual’s capabilities, and ensure the likelihood of achieving success, while negative ones lead people to cease their efforts. Aside from receiving feedback, people also send messages (invitations), affecting their overall functioning. Boosting and strengthening messages are a source of improving well-being, while negative ones may function as self-handicapping behavior, reducing chances for future success. The last source of self-efficacy beliefs is the information coming from somatic and emotional states. Positive affective modes of being allow for experiencing more feelings of competence, while negative emotions lower self-efficacy beliefs. The central mechanism of the self-system of personal agency are selfefficacy beliefs, defined as ‘people’s judgments of their capabilities to organize and execute courses of action required to attain designated types of performances’ (Bandura, 1986: 391). They are not necessarily concerned with the skills possessed, but with perceptions of what can be done with that skill. In general, self-efficacy beliefs affect whether people think in selfempowering or self-handicapping ways. They are also reflected in motivational levels, goal-setting and personal achievements, as well as in the quality of one’s affective well-being (Bandura & Locke, 2003). A strong sense of self-efficacy is connected with the ability to realize desired goals, with necessary persistence on a difficult task, even in the face of difficulties. In this way, feelings of personal accomplishment are enhanced, and failure is associated with deficient knowledge or insufficient effort (Burney, 2008). On the other hand, low self-efficacy implies low personal aspirations and weak commitments to goals, avoidance of difficult tasks which are treated as personal threats, and stress and depression vulnerability.

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The significance of self-efficacy in human functioning has been agreed on in various studies, theoretical and empirical. They acknowledge that high self-efficacy individuals partake in tasks allowing them to produce positive outcomes, while those with low self-efficacy levels cease their efforts prematurely or do not accomplish their tasks. These findings are applicable to different age levels and spheres of life. Owing to the fact that being competent at all activities is unattainable, self-efficacy is considered a domain-specific phenomenon (Carroll et al., 2009). In education it is viewed as academic self-efficacy, defined ‘as personal judgments of one’s capabilities to organize and execute courses of action to attain designated types of educational performances’ (Zimmerman, 1995: 203). They influence academic achievement directly, and indirectly by mediating the effect of skills or other self-beliefs on attainment (Robbins et al., 2004), as well as by increasing academic aspirations and prosocial behavior (Pajares, 2002). The importance of self-efficacy in the academic domain has been acknowledged in various studies, showing that self-efficacy predicts achievement outcomes in diverse academic areas (e.g. Carroll et al., 2009). High selfefficacy students persevere longer, pursue deeper meaning in learning tasks, declare lower anxiety levels, and ultimately have higher achievement at school (Pajares & Schunk, 2005).

Self-efficacy in L2 Learning One of the academic domains where the research on self-efficacy is still scarce is foreign language learning (FLL), a highly complex process, usually described to be ‘fundamentally different (. . .) compared to learning another skill or gaining other knowledge, namely, that language and self are so closely bound, if not identical, that an attack on one is an attack on the other’ (Cohen & North, 1989: 65). It can be understood that, as in any other academic domains, language learning involves studying the content matter (language systems and subsystems). Nevertheless, aside from that, language skills (speaking, listening, writing and reading) are an important part of language mastery, which further complicates the process. Yet, what makes language learning a very special and unique experience is the powerful interplay of acquiring various aspects of another culture and the social aspects of language learning motivation and other influential variables, such as the relation between attitudes toward the second language speaking group and the classroom, language aptitude, self-determination, personality and anxiety, to mention the basic ones (MacIntyre et al., 2007). Thus language learning cannot be conceived of as just acquiring a neutral medium of communication, but rather as constantly organizing and reorganizing a sense of self through an identity construction (Jang, 2006).

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Consequently, it can be postulated that in these complex circumstances self-efficacy may play a very important role, acting as a buffer between the learner and these disturbing processes. As self-efficacy is postulated to be chiefly the product of mastery experience, then positive perceptions of previous linguistic performance descending from good language use and knowledge seem to be the key to high self-efficacy beliefs in L2. The vicarious experience of observing successful classmates is another source of high self-efficacy in this academic domain. It is stipulated that highly self-efficacious students learn by observing able colleagues. Moreover, they are also likely to obtain positive social persuasions from their teacher or parents, because they work hard. In this way they can manage their negative emotional states in spite of the dangers encountered in the language learning process. They also send positive messages to others. On the other hand, low self-efficacy students have had a long history of negative experiences in the language learning process. They cannot or do not want to imitate their more able peers, and they may also send and receive negative information concerning their language abilities, unable to manage negative emotions. The research on the role of self-efficacy in the foreign language learning process is still scarce. Nevertheless, the main results confirm the findings from other academic domains. Self-efficacy has been found to be a strong predictor of English as a foreign language (EFL) performance (Anyadubalu, 2010), and in connection to the development of skills, such as writing (Erkan & Saban, 2011), reading (Ghonsooly & Elahy, 2010) or listening (Rahimi & Abedini, 2009). Global self-efficacy beliefs about future FL success are positively correlated with self-assessment scores (Coronado-Aliegro, 2008). The empirical research on self-efficacy in foreign language learning has been carried out worldwide; nevertheless, there is virtually nonexistent research on this issue in Poland. This undoubtedly calls for a need to implement an empirical study firmly grounded in psychological, linguistic and sociological domains, also in this cultural context. It can be hypothesized that self-efficacy has been shown to be a reliable predictor of behavioral effects, and may turn a significant variable explaining the Polish foreign language student’s success or failure. The main working hypothesis adopted for its purpose is formulated as follows: Higher self-efficacy students gain higher FL achievement. It is expected that students with high-efficacy beliefs are able to manage their foreign learning process well owing to their confidence about FL achievement, commitment to achieve goals they have chosen, hard work and resilience to stress. Their high personal judgments of capabilities in this field are revealed in high FL achievement, operationalized as final course grades and self-assessment of the four FL skills (speaking, listening, writing and reading). On the other hand, students with low self-efficacy beliefs are expected to be unable to administer their language acquisition effectively; their

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learning goals may be inadequate or imposed on them, and they may be doubtful about their own language abilities. Moreover, they may fall victims to pressures of the language learning process, experiencing higher levels of stress and anxiety. Aside from that, they are likely to work less or apply techniques and strategies unsuitable for their learning styles or personality profiles. The quality of the final grades serves as a primary source of information about the students’ language progress, because these are an accountability measure incorporating summative assessment reporting performance on discrete assessment tasks. These grades represent learners’ levels of academic achievement in a FL course, defined as a single, major, end-of-term assessment which is a result of continuous or cumulative assessment consisting of the contribution of results for each piece of work performed during the term (Sadler, 2009). From this point of view, grades may be viewed as a more reliable predictor of self-efficacy levels than self-assessment, due to the fact that they are the consequence of students’ previous performance displayed throughout the whole semester. Aside from that, self-perceived levels of FL skills are also indices of self-efficacy, because self-assessment has been found to promote monitoring of progress, and revision strategies (Andrade et al., 2009).

Method Participants The participants of the study were 621 students from 24 randomly selected classes of the six secondary grammar schools in Opole, southwestern Poland. In the sample there were 396 girls and 225 boys (mean age: 16.50, range: 14.5–18). They were all students of the first grade at their schools, with three to six hours a week of English instruction. Their level of proficiency in English was elementary to intermediate. They also studied French or German as the other compulsory foreign language (two lessons a week). The cohort comprised students from different residential locations, mostly urban (286 of them from the city of Opole, 122 from neighboring towns), and 213 from rural regions. The participants’ level of English was varied, depending on the class they attended, and ranged from upper elementary to intermediate. Their average length of the English language experience was almost nine years, with a vast majority (91%) learning it for five to 15 years. On the basis of the participants’ self-efficacy levels, the sample was divided into quartiles: the lower one, called LSE (≤13 points) comprised 164 students with low self-efficacy levels (81 girls and 83 boys), and the upper, HSE (≥18 pts) accommodated 174 students with high self-efficacy levels (130 girls and 44 boys).

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Instruments The basic instrument adopted for the purpose of the research was a questionnaire. Its first part explored demographic variables such as age, gender (1 – male, 2 – female) and place of residence (1 – village: up to 2500 inhabitants, 2 – town: from 2500 to 50,000 inhabitants, 3 – city: over 50,000 inhabitants). Aside from that, the questionnaire included the Perceived Academic Efficacy scale (Pastorelli et al., 2001). It comprises 19 items devoted to different domains of academic activities. More specifically, there were seven items exploring beliefs in capability to master different areas of coursework, 10 items investigating perceived efficacy for regulating one’s own motivation and learning activities and two items focusing on efficacy beliefs to parental and teacher expectations. Sample items in the scale are: ‘How well can you get teachers to help you when you get stuck on schoolwork?’ ‘How well can you study when there are other interesting things to do?’ The participants indicated their answers in a 5-point response format ranging from 1 (perceived incapability) to 5 (complete self-assurance in one’s capability). The minimum number of points on the scale was 19, while the maximum was 95. The scale’s reliability was measured in terms of Cronbach’s alpha, ranging the level of 0.78. Another instrument used in the study was a scale calculating self-perceived levels of FL skills (speaking, listening, writing and reading). It was an aggregated value of separate assessments of the FL skills with a Likert scale ranging from 1 (unsatisfactory) to 6 (excellent). The minimum number of points on the scale was 4, while the maximum: 24. The scale’s reliability was Cronbach’s α = 0.87. The last source of data were final grades; more specifically the aggregated value of the last year’s grade and the prospective semester and final grades. They were assessed by means of the Likert scale ranging from 1 – unsatisfactory to 6 – excellent. The scale’s reliability was α = 0.87.

Procedure The data collection procedure took place over the months of March and April 2010. In each class, the students were asked to fill in the questionnaire. The time designed for the activity was 15 to 45 min. The participants were asked to give sincere answers without taking excessive time to think. Each part of the questionnaire was preceded by a short statement introducing a new set of items in an unobtrusive manner. The data were computed by means of the statistical program STATISTICA, with the main operations being descriptive statistics (means and SD), and a two-way ANOVA. This measures the effects of two factors simultaneously; in this case it assesses the role of gender and place of residence in the formation of the self-efficacy levels. Aside from that, it also measures the interaction between the two parameters. Finally, an inferential

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statistics operation was used – a student’s t-test for independent samples. This estimates differences between the LSE and HSE groups on the measurements of final grades and self-perceived levels of FL skills (between-group comparisons).

Results In the first step means and SD for all the variables were calculated. They can be found in Table 4.1 below. In the next step the role of moderator variables (gender and place of residence) in explaining perceived academic self-efficacy was estimated by means of a two-way between subjects’ ANOVA (see Table 4.2 for the results). More specifically, the operation was conducted to compare the effects of gender, place of residence and their interaction on self-efficacy levels. The findings demonstrated the exclusive significance of gender in moderating the levels of self-efficacy with F(1619) = 22.37, p = 0.00. More specifically, the t-test for independent samples gave the following result: t(1619) = 5.24, p = 0.00. As far as the place of residence is concerned, it turned out not to be related to self-efficacy. Apart from that, no interaction effects between gender and place of residence were detected either. Finally, the low (LSE) and high self-efficacy (HSE) groups were compared by means of a correlated t-test. Both in the case of FL skills and final grades’ comparisons, the results were statistically significant, with t(1336) = −3.29, p = 0.00, and t(1336) = −5.98, p = 0.00, respectively (see Table 4.3 for the summary of the findings). Both groups are similar in their length of learning Table 4.1 Means and standard deviations (N = 621) Variable

M

SD

Gender Place of residence FL skills Grades Academic self-efficacy

1.64 2.18 15.75 12.21 65.59

0.48 0.89 3.51 2.33 10.69

Table 4.2 A two-way ANOVA of academic self-efficacy and other variables (N = 621) Variable

F

p

Gender Place of residence Gender × place of residence

22.37 2.21 0.55

0.00 0.11 0.58

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Table 4.3 Between-group comparisons Variable

FL skills Grades

LSE (N = 164)

HSE (N = 174)

M

SD

M

SD

14.98 11.52

3.83 2.38

16.27 12.98

4.42 2.10

t

p

−3.29 −5.98

0.00 0.00

English M = 8.93 in the LSE group, and M = 8.83 in the HSE group. No significant difference was detected with t(1336) = 0.35, p = 0.72.

Discussion The primary aim of this study was to corroborate a hypothesis, according to which higher self-efficacy students gain higher FL achievement. Indeed, the study results fully confirm this, as there are robust statistically significant differences between high and low self-efficacy groups in the two measures of FL achievement, i.e. self-perceived levels of FL skills and final grades. The variables that turn out to be extremely strongly related to selfefficacy levels are final grades. Consequently, it may be inferred that in this cohort grades, more than self-assessment of the four skills, fulfill the important function of rendering students information about the quality of their past experiences with the foreign language. On the basis of this cumulative assessment of their previous performance students can become aware of how their foreign language abilities are valued in relation to the norms of acceptability or other students’ skills. Hence, final grades may be viewed as bases for mastery experiences, the primary source of self-efficacy beliefs. Moreover, grades are also a source of information related to vicarious experiences, i.e. the observation of other successful colleagues. In this particular case it may be suspected that classmates’ grades are a noteworthy basis for self-efficacious students, informing them about successful learning strategies or other patterns of behavior, specific for the language learning situation. This information can mostly be considered to affect rule transmission for prospective actions to be implemented throughout forthcoming semesters; however, it may also influence ‘behavioral mimicry’, or direct actions performed by way of good language learners. Final grades can also be interpreted as a form of social persuasions received from the teacher. As they are the consequence of students’ previous performance displayed throughout the whole semester, they can be viewed as a form of feedback praising students’ progress, or – in case of poor learning – showing the teacher’s disapproval. Moreover, grades are also evidence of students’ affective states experienced in the process of language learning. It may be inferred that

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whenever students are under stress or anxiety, their language performance is poor. As soon as these negative experiences mount, they lead to the formation of language anxiety or a negative attitude to language learning. Such a disposition can only induce more low self-efficacy levels, and a further development of negative states culminating in low grades. However, high grades are connected with positive affective states encountered in the FL classroom, which should be a rare occurrence in the case of students who are in their first year of their secondary grammar school education, as is the case of the studied cohort. In this situation the finding that about one-fifth of the learners feel in control of their learning process, and, even more, enjoy it, is very optimistic. As far as self-perceived levels of FL skills are concerned, they can also be regarded as functioning as a valuable source of self-efficacy beliefs. First of all, mastery experience predictive of achievement is connected with perceived assessment of abilities in a given domain. It follows that past linguistic experiences induce subjective interpretations of one’s skill levels. Obviously, greater self-assessment ability to perform a task leads to a further development of a feeling of mastery over the task. In this sense the student’s sense of achievement is based on self-assessment data. What is more, vicarious experiences of observing others and comparing one’s own abilities with others’ can render reliable information underlying one’s judgments of one’s capabilities. In this way the foreign language students can draw clues concerning adequacy or insufficiency of their foreign language performance. Self-assessment of FL skills is also very sensitive to feedback received from significant others, for this reason it may also serve the role of a basis for selfefficacy beliefs. Moreover, somatic and emotional states experienced while learning and performing in the foreign language have a strong power of influencing one’s self-assessment of skills, because these states underlie the learner’s readiness to take risks or subjugate to the specific demands of the language learning process. Obviously, the role of anxiety cannot be overlooked – it has a tendency to bias self-perceived competence in such way that anxious students evaluate their skills at a lower level in comparison to their less anxious peers who are likely to overestimate them. Evidently, final grades and self-perceived levels of FL skills are both strongly related to self-efficacy levels; nevertheless, grades appear to be linked to self-efficacy in a stronger manner. This finding seems quite surprising, because the construction of self-efficacy is mostly dependent on the phenomenological manner in which students perceive their experiences. This would appoint self-assessment the primary role in affecting self-efficacy levels, contrary to final grades that may be viewed as more objective indicators of FL performance. However, it seems that in this study final grades appear to operate as crucial information source of self-efficacy levels, overriding the explanatory power of self-perceptions of competence. This observation can mostly be attributed to the specificity of the studied cohort,

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consisting of the first grade secondary grammar school students. Although all the students have a quite long English-learning experience, in both groups it seems to be irrelevant, as far as their self-efficacy levels are concerned. On this basis it can be stipulated that it is the classroom context that appears to be primarily considered in this respect. The cohort consisted of students who were in their first grade of a new type of school, preparing them for final maturity exams. Hence, the type of performance pursued in these novel surroundings might have influenced these results, exposing the importance of external evaluation obtained from the teacher for the construction of the students’ self-efficacy beliefs. This is the reason why the appraisals of capabilities might have been heavily affected by the way teachers evaluated their students’ performance. What is more, it should be noted that academic self-efficacy concerns the whole domain, not only language learning. Yet, in the study high academic self-efficacy is connected with higher final grades obtained in the foreign language course, as well as with high self-assessment of FL skills. It may then be inferred that the specificity of the language learning requirements does not play such an important role as expected. Again, this fact can be attributed to the newness of the secondary grammar school context, as for the first grade students a FL course is treated similarly to courses of other subjects followed at school. The study participants who generally believe in their capability to master different subjects, are also able to perform well in the foreign language classroom. They regulate their own motivation and learning activities, and have efficacy beliefs tailored to parental and teacher expectations concerning their academic sphere of life, not only foreign language learning. It follows that for all first graders, with high and low selfefficacy levels, all school subjects seem to be of equal importance, and specific requirements they are confronted within particular fields of study do not play a significant role.

Implications and Recommendations for the EFL Classroom In the English as a second language classroom, students with high selfefficacy beliefs are more confident about what they can achieve, and set themselves goals they strive to attain. Apart from that, they work harder for their success, and are flexible, associating failure with inadequate effort or poor knowledge and skills which they are convinced to be able to acquire. For this reason the development of self-efficacy beliefs is indispensable for language teachers. The prominent intervention path should focus on boosting the students’ self-confidence. For this purpose students can keep diaries helping them to record everything new they learned during a lesson, and, most importantly,

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be instructed to self-assess their language progress. At the same time, the diaries will also help them keep track of things they can study on their own, without the teacher’s assistance. These private study logs will enable them to estimate how much they have already improved with and without direct guidance or assistance. Aside from that, the teacher may also allow students to exercise control of their own learning. It follows that the learners may be advised to choose tasks or strategies they will apply while working on an activity. Furthermore, students should be encouraged to set goals for themselves, immediate and distant. At the same time, they should be instructed on how these goals may be achieved, what strategies to use, and in what groupings. When discussing ways of improving the students’ self-efficacy, the role of the teacher feedback should be mentioned. It is of crucial importance, because it is a specific type of social persuasions, generated by the language instructor, who is the key figure in the language learning process. Moreover, it is also a basis for self-assessment of students’ language performance, which makes teacher persuasions extremely influential for building student selfconfidence and self-efficacy, leading to greater language performance. First of all, students should have a clear idea of the learning outcomes of each lesson. Moreover, teacher feedback should deliberately aim at scaffolding a student’s understanding to the next level. Providing a stress-free environment allowing for developing the student’s self-efficacy can be accomplished by applying co-operative learning, which creates opportunities for students to know their peers better. This can enable them to feel less stressed in their presence, and count on their help. Anxious students can also be advised to organize a study plan for the calendar year, in order to plan more effective study time. It should also be noted that a warm and friendly teacher, genuinely interested in students’ problems, may be the key to obtaining positive learning effects. Also, an interesting way of helping students learn is applying a teaching approach that aids remembering and concentration, even among those with learning disabilities, called multisensory language instruction. The study has some limitations that need to be addressed. The research would benefit from including control variables that could explain the interplay between self-efficacy and language achievement, such as language anxiety. The inclusion of this important variable could explain the formation of self-efficacy. It would also be desirable to opt for more objective and controlled data measuring actual performance in the foreign language, such as a number of points gained in an oral exam. Their inclusion could shed more light on the social implications of the relationship under scrutiny. Last but not least, the direct sources of self-efficacy should be inspected with greater caution, by including specific measurements of mastery and vicarious experiences, social persuasions, as well as invitations. In this way a greater insight into the role of self-efficacy in the language learning process could be secured.

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References Andrade, H.L., Wang, X., Du, Y. and Akawi, R.L. (2009) Rubric-referenced self-assessment and self-efficacy for writing. The Journal of Educational Research 102 (4), 287–301. Anyadubalu, C.C. (2010) Self-efficacy, anxiety, and performance in the English language among middle-school students in English Language Program in Satri Si Suriyothai School, Bangkok. International Journal of Human and Social Sciences 5 (3), 193–198. Bandura, A. (1986) Social foundations of thought and action. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Bandura, A. (1999) Social cognitive theory: An agentic perspective. Asian Journal of Social Psychology 2 (1), 21–41. Bandura, A. and Locke, E.A. (2003) Negative self-efficacy and goal effects revisited. Journal of Applied Psychology 88 (1), 87–99. Burney, V.H. (2008) Applications of social cognitive theory to gifted education. Roeper Review 30 (2), 130–139. Carroll, A., Houghton, S., Wood, R., Unsworth, K., Hattie, J., Gordon, L. and Bower, J. (2009) Self-efficacy and academic achievement in Australian high school students: The mediating effects of academic aspirations and delinquency. Journal of Adolescence 32 (4), 797–817. Cohen, Y. and North, M. (1989) Fear, dependence and loss of self-esteem: Affective barriers in second language learning among adults. RELC Journal 20 (2), 61–77. Coronado-Aliegro, J. (2008) The relationship between self-efficacy and self-assessment in foreign language education: A pilot study. Journal of Literature, Language and Linguistics 2 (1), 1–4. Erkan, D.Y. and Saban, A.I. (2011) Writing performance relative to writing apprehension, self-efficacy in writing, and attitudes towards writing: A correlational study in Turkish tertiary-level EFL. Asian EFL Journal 13 (1), 164–192. Ghonsooly, B. and Elahy, M. (2010) Learners’ self-efficacy in reading and its relation to foreign language reading anxiety and reading achievement. Journal of English Language Teaching and Learning 53 (217), 45–67. Jang, Y. (2006) Adult language learners’ self-concepts in second language academic contexts. The Journal of Linguistic Science 37, 139–160. MacIntyre, P.D., Clément, R. and Noels, K.A. (2007) Affective variables, attitude and personality in context. In D. Ayoun (ed.) Handbook of French Applied Linguistics (pp. 70–298). Philadelphia, PA: John Benjamins. Pajares, F. (2002) Gender and perceived self-efficacy. Theory into Practice 41 (2), 116–125. Pajares, F. and Schunk, D.H. (2005) Self-efficacy and self-concept beliefs: Jointly contributing to the quality of human life. In H. Marsh, R. Craven and D. McInerney (eds) International Advances in Self Research (Vol. 2, pp. 95–121). Greenwich, CT: Information Age. Pastorelli, C., Caprara, G.V., Barbaranelli, C., Rola, J., Rozsa, S. and Bandura, A. (2001) The structure of children’s perceived self-efficacy: A cross-national study. European Journal of Psychological Assessment 17 (2), 87–97. Rahimi, A. and Abedini, A. (2009) The interface between EFL learners’ self-efficacy concerning listening comprehension and listening proficiency. Novitas-ROYAL 3 (1), 14–28. Robbins, S.B., Lauver, K., Le, H., Davis, D. and Langley, R. (2004) Do psychosocial and study skill factors predict college outcomes? A meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin 130 (2), 261–288. Sadler, D.R. (2009) Grade integrity and the representation of academic achievement. Studies in Higher Education 34 (7), 807–826. Zimmerman, B.J. (1995) Self-efficacy and educational development. In A. Bandura (ed.) Self-efficacy in Changing Societies (pp. 202–231). New York: Cambridge University Press.

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Affectivity in Learning L2 Phonology/Phonetics – The Role of Self-concept in Successful Acquisition of English Pronunciation Małgorzata Jedynak

Introduction In formal foreign language learning, cognitive factors are considered of primary significance. Yet as many research findings show, affective factors determine learner’s final achievement. While learning foreign language, pronunciation learners need to overcome various difficulties related to the impact of such factors as learner’s native language, age, exposure to foreign language pronunciation or phonetic coding ability. The mere knowledge of pronunciation learning strategies does not guarantee that learners will achieve success in L2 phonology and phonetics. As pronunciation is the aspect of foreign language learning most sensitive to the impact of human emotions, affectivity seems to be relevant to any discussion on successful attainment in the phonetic/phonological domain. Modern educational psychology emphasizes the importance of affect in language learning. However, researchers focus primarily on negative emotions accompanying learning process such as fear, shame, guilt or emotional states such as helplessness, stress, depression and anxiety (see for details Skehan, 1989; Arnold, 1999; Brown, 2000). Krashen’s (1982) classical Affective Filter Hypothesis also emphasizes the role of an affective block hindering effective language learning. As was noticed by Stevick (1999: 43) negative affective reactions, for example anxiety, have an impact not only on final language performance but also on neurological conditions in the brain, preventing memory from proper functioning. However, 60

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affect may also have a positive role, stimulating various positive emotional factors such as motivation, autonomy, empathy or self-concept. The last factor is given considerable amount of attention in this chapter. The author suggests that there is a positive interdependence between learners’ self-concept and their final attainment in the acquisition of foreign language pronunciation. This chapter has a twofold structure: in the theoretical considerations the role of affect, especially self-concept, is described, while in the empirical part the author presents the research findings on the relationship between self-concept and pronunciation results obtained by the undergraduates of the English Philology Department at Wrocław University, Poland.

Theoretical Considerations The role of affective domain in learning L2 pronunciation In order to understand the role of affect in human life, one needs to clarify first what is meant by affect. The problem is that psychologists, educators, linguists and laymen use different terms to refer to affect. In the literature related to the study of second language the terms emotion and affect are frequently used interchangeably. However, psychologists apply one umbrella term for them, namely affect. Laypeople in turn often refer to affect using terms such as mood, temperament, trait or emotions. A definition of the affective domain which seems easy to comprehend is provided by Brown (1987: 100), who states that it refers to ‘emotional side of human behavior, and it may be juxtaposed to the cognitive side’. Literature varies in the way of selecting individual characteristics related to the affective domain. Grandman and Hanania (1991: 39) identify as many as 22 variables. Brown (2000) concentrates on self-esteem, inhibition, risk-taking, anxiety, extroversion and motivation. Arnold (1999) recognizes anxiety, inhibition, self-esteem, introversion-extroversion and motivation. He also mentions such conceptual systems as attribution theory, learned helplessness and self-efficacy. As it comes to foreign language pronunciation learning, it is generally acknowledged that success in this aspect is hardly attainable. In particular, post-puberty learners exposed to L2 after the close-off of the critical period may find it difficult to master successfully L2 phonology and phonetics. However, native-like performance is possible in late-starters, despite the restrictions imposed by biology. Jedynak (2009) reports on a few adult foreign language learners who managed to pass off as native speakers of English and Polish owing to their aptitude and high intrinsic motivation. Foreign language learning, especially pronunciation learning, frequently involves strong positive or negative emotions. It is an undeniable fact that the emotional life of adolescents and adults obviously differs in major respects

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from that of children and this, in turn, may have a great impact on their L2 learning. Pronunciation errors may lead to adult learners’ hypersensitivity and self-consciousness (using too much of Monitor), and lower self-image. Adolescent and adult learners frequently feel that they are the focus of attention and they are under the constant scrutiny of other people. As a result they may not perform their real phonological and phonetic competence (e.g. their best target language accent, or produce ‘th’ sound whose articulation may have some sexual connotations) for fear of sounding silly or being rejected by a group. Much of this discussion is compatible with Guiora’s theory about language ego discussed in the article about the faces of language ego (Guiora, 1991). The theory accounts for the difficulties adult learners often have in learning L2 pronunciation. Guiora et al. (1972: 428) claim that our success in pronunciation depends to a great extent on permeability of language ego.

Self-concept and learning L2 pronunciation Self-concept is regarded in psychology as the most central of all the concepts as it provides the only perspective from which an individual’s behavior can be understood. The term self-concept is sometimes used interchangeably with self-esteem (Arnold, 1999; Brown, 1987; Wade & Tavris, 1990), the self (Fontana, 1981) and self-image (Dakowska, 2005; Harmer, 2001; Stevenson, 1993). However, most researchers perceive self-esteem and self-image as concepts subsumed under the general notion of self-concept (Brown, 2000; Chastain, 1976; Laine, 1987; Williams & Burden, 1997). According to Epstein (1973: 403–404) there are two main functions of self-concept. Since people avoid anxiety or minimize its negative influence, they use a defensive mechanism aiming at maintaining and enhancing the self. A learner who predicts some problems with articulation of a given sound (e.g. /th/) will substitute it with a similar sound in his or her native language (e.g. /t/ or /f/ or /s/). This strategy guarantees emotional security and is better for the self-maintenance than taking risk and producing an incorrect form. Another function of self-concept is to organize various data related to experience, particularly this involving social interaction. A learner who organizes data effectively copes better with the reality. Self-concept develops gradually in a learner’s childhood when he arrives at abstraction of attributes referring to himself. It is shaped by a number of diverse factors which may be either inborn or imposed by family environment. Williams and Burden (1997: 97) in their definition also perceive self-concept as a construct which has a personal meaning to each human being. They describe it as the combination of ‘our perceptions and conceptions about ourselves which give rise to our sense of personal identity’. The general notion of self-concept involves self-esteem and self-image. Brown (2000) and Williams and Burden (1997) also regard ideal-self, self-actualization, self-efficacy and self-confidence as concepts subsumed under self-concept.

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It is generally acknowledged there is some interdependence between learners’ views about themselves and their success in achievement-related situations. Research findings show unequivocally that there is a positive relationship between high self-esteem and academic achievements. Thus, one may also predict a similar correlation will be for learners’ attainment in L2 pronunciation. The factors which frequently contribute to pronunciation learning problems may be fear of failure, poor self-image and low self-esteem, understood as a self-judgement of personal worth based on feelings of efficacy. Self-esteem is thought to affect other personality factors such as inhibition and anxiety. Low self-esteem corresponding to negative attitudes towards the self is manifested with defensive and inhibitive feelings. For example, an L2 learner does not use correct pronunciation owing to inconsistency between his self-concept and his experience of the outer world. Once he starts perceiving himself as competent in using L2 phonology and phonetics, he achieves success. Attainment in L2 pronunciation depends to a great extent on the learning goals. Native-like pronunciation does not have to be necessarily an objective for all learners. This means that ideal-self, understood as qualities, attributes, and roles that a learner hopes to achieve, varies among L2 learners. For some learners using English as Lingua Franca Core Pronunciation is acceptable and their non-native pronunciation is in accordance with their idea of a learner. It is also worth mentioning the role of stereotypes and their impact on self-concept of a learner. It is believed that there are certain factors that are helpful or detrimental to the success in language learning. For example, learners who perceive themselves as outgoing and extroverted are at an advantage in comparison to inhibited and introverted counterparts.

Empirical Research Research preparation The main aim of the study was to investigate the impact of adult learners’ self-concept on their attainment in English pronunciation. The researcher formulated the null hypothesis on the lack of any interdependence between the abovementioned variables. She also considered a possibility of a positive relationship between self-concept and final attainment in L2 pronunciation. In this study, an attempt was made to find evidence that the values of the independent variable learner’s self-concept determine the values of the dependent variable results in L2 pronunciation. As to operational definitions of constructs used in the study, self-concept refers to the way learners evaluate their abilities and potential as learners learning L2 pronunciation on a semi-structured test. Final attainment in L2 pronunciation, in turn, is

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understood as a degree of nativelikeness determined by a number of points assigned by two raters – one native speaker of English and one specialist in the English phonetics. Their task was to assess speech samples prepared by the subjects on the basis of a five- point Likert scale. There were some variables in the study which the researcher controlled to minimize their effect on the final outcome of the research. The subjects participating in the study were of the same age (22 years) with almost the same amount of exposure to L2. All of them started foreign language learning at the age of 7–8 years and they covered a two-term course in English phonology/phonetics. The subjects who spent more than a month in an English-speaking country were eliminated from the investigation. However, a contact with native-speakers could not be totally excluded from the study since all the subjects had communication practical classes with a British English native speaker. As the subjects’ productions were recorded in a university library, there was a need to control some situational variables. The researcher prepared a setting in such a way as to eliminate the background noise to ensure high quality of recording and emotional security of the subjects. A number of intervening variables were also identified. It is difficult to assess an impact of phonetic course training. Undoubtedly, its effectiveness influences learners’ achievements. Learners’ motivation to attaining nativelike English pronunciation may also partly influence the final research results. However, the researcher made an attempt to control it. Prior to test administration the subjects were interviewed on their priorities in learning L2 pronunciation. Two subjects who admitted that nativelikeness was not their learning objective were eliminated from the study. The subjects in the study represented the same age group as the researcher assumed that self-concept in the group of adult people is rather stable, unlike in adolescent learners for whom self-evaluation is a difficult process, frequently subjective and unreliable to be considered in research. Difference in gender was not significant in this particular research. The female subjects outnumbered male students (20 females and 10 males). However, one may put forward a hypothesis that gender differences might emerge, as in certain cultures girls are believed to underestimate their potential for success in academic achievements. As to materials used in the study, the researcher developed a selfconcept test consisting of 13 questions (Appendix 1) and evaluation sheets prepared for the raters to fill in. The research procedure was twofold: first, the self-concept test was administered to the subjects, and then the subjects’ productions (a five-sentence text from an English magazine) were recorded and evaluated by the two raters by means of five-point Likert scale. The results obtained by the subjects on the self-concept questionnaire and the pronunciation ratings were then computationally correlated.

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Research results and discussion The analysis of the self-concept test results show that the most frequent response was ‘I rather agree’ and the least frequent ‘I absolutely disagree’. The respondents were generally aware of their self-concept; however, they varied in recognizing its intensity. The researcher developed the scale to categorize the subjects to three groups of learners corresponding to high, medium and low self-concept. The subjects with ‘I absolutely agree’ responses ranging from 13 to 9 were classified as high self-concept learners. Medium self-concept learners had from 8 to 5 ‘I absolutely agree’ responses while low self-concept learners were assigned to the group if they had from 4 to 0 of such responses. The subjects were categorized to one of three groups: positive self-concept learners (P), medium self-concept learners (M) and negative self-concept learners (N). To facilitate computational correlation calculation each category of learners were assigned the points from three to one, which correspond to intensity of self-concept development (i.e. P3, M2, N1). The data show that the overwhelming majority of the subjects display negative self-concept. Only four subjects were categorized as medium self-concept learners and one subject as a positive self-concept learner. The analysis of the individual questions from the self-concept test reveals many interesting facts about the subjects’ perception of themselves as users of the English language, specifically the English pronunciation. In the first question ‘I think of myself as a good language learner’ the respondents presented rather a positive view of themselves as learners (56.7% – I rather agree, 33. 5% – I absolutely agree, 10% – I rather disagree). What may be surprising is the fact that none of them provided the answer ‘I absolutely disagree’. As to the second question related to the subjects’ perception of their pronunciation, 66.7% of them were rather satisfied and 16.7% were absolutely satisfied with the level of their English pronunciation. However, as one can see, the same number of the subjects – 16.7% – are rather convinced that their English pronunciation is not good enough. The third question from the self-concept test was related to the subjects’ attributions. The students were to evaluate their attitude towards a statement ‘If I have any problems with pronunciation it is because the material covered at a phonology/phonetics course is too difficult’. For 53.4% of subjects participating their pronunciation problems were not a result of difficulty of a course. Considering this, it may be argued that most subjects do not attribute their failure to task difficulty. However, 26.7% of the respondents rather attribute their failure to task difficulty and 3.3% are firm that it is because of task difficulty that they have problems with the English pronunciation. Still, 16.7% of the subjects are convinced in their responses that they do not attribute their failure to task difficulty. According to the attribution theory, people – including learners of English – may also attribute their failure or success to luck.

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The next question in the self-concept test was connected with this kind of attribution. The subjects were to express their opinion on whether their success in L2 pronunciation was attributed to luck. The overwhelming majority of the subjects (80%) rather disagreed with the statement. Only one subject out of 30 attributed his/her success to luck. The rest of the respondents (16.7%) do not find luck as attribute of their success. Interestingly enough, there were no students who would attribute his/her success to an external factor such as luck. In the next question the subjects’ were further tested on their locus of control (LoC) in the process of learning L2 pronunciation; however, this time internal LoC was examined (‘My success in L2 pronunciation depends on my individual work’). Data show that 23.3% of the subjects were firmly convinced and 56.7% were rather convinced that they control entirely the learning process. Only 16.7% of the respondents thought that they rather can do more when learning the English pronunciation. It should also be added that there was one subject who was strongly convinced that he or she can do much more when learning L2 pronunciation. Another question was fairly general and it was developed to test how highly an individual evaluates himself/herself as a person (‘I have many reasons to be proud of myself’). The overwhelming majority of the students had rather a high opinion of themselves, while 23.3% of them were absolutely satisfied with themselves and their achievements. However, some respondents (13.3%) thought they did not have many reasons to be proud of themselves, which may account for their negative self-concept. In the seventh question of the self-concept test the subjects’ task was to evaluate their achievements in the English phonology and phonetics. The general tendency in the group was towards being rather satisfied (63.3%) with the attainment in the English pronunciation. As mentioned earlier, all the subjects attended a course in phonetics where both segmental and suprasegmental phonetics was practiced. Interestingly though, there were still 26.7% of the respondents who were rather dissatisfied with their achievements. The reason for it may be the students’ awareness of their mistakes, constant comparison with their class counterparts or being a too severe judge of their own abilities. Another question was also related to the aspect of pronunciation and demanded from the respondents to evaluate the level of nativelikeness in their pronunciation. The assumption was made that the better perception of his pronunciation a learner has the more positive his self-concept is. More than the half of the respondents (56.7%) were of the opinion that their accent does not bear any resemblance to native English pronunciation and therefore they would be always recognized as foreigners in an Englishspeaking country. These students were categorized by the researcher as the learners with negative self-concept who do not believe in their linguistic abilities. However, there were 23.3% of the subjects who had very positive

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self-image of themselves as learners being convinced that their pronunciation is undistinguishable from this of native speakers. Of the respondents, 16.7% rather agreed with the statement that their pronunciation is native-like. Only one subject evaluated his pronunciation as native-like, which categorizes him as a language learner with a very positive self-concept. Undoubtedly, a positive self-concept about being a good learner is related to a person’s general satisfaction with himself. Thus the next question elicited information on the learners’ personal satisfaction with their lives. The obtained data show clearly that the overwhelming majority would like to be definitely more satisfied with themselves (40%) and more satisfied with themselves (36.7%). These learners represent a negative or rather negative self-concept of themselves. Data show that 23.3% of the respondents were rather satisfied with their achievements in life. The next question was related to the issue of learners’ foreign accent recognition by native speakers of English. The respondents were to evaluate whether their Polish accent is easily visible when they speak English. Of the subjects, 43.3% wererather convinced that when being in the English-speaking country, somebody would recognize their foreign accent, without Polish accent being recognized. Additionally, 20% of the subjects were strongly convinced that the Polish accent would not be recognizable. Although it may seem surprising to observe such responses, it reveals the subjects’ consciousness about the easily recognizable differences between English accent and a foreign one. The respondents’ opinion that their Polish accent would not be recognized means that they may be aware of their high level of English pronunciation. The results, however, are not unequivocal, as 36.7% of the subjects do not agree with the given statement claiming that the Polish accent would be recognized in the English-speaking countries. The researcher elicited also the information on the subjects’ prediction to acquire the English pronunciation in a short period of time. The obtained results are satisfactory. 26.7% of the learners responded that they certainly are able to acquire the English pronunciation in a short period of time. In the further observations, one may notice that 53.4% of the subjects were rather convinced that they are capable of acquiring good English pronunciation. However, there were also 20% of the subjects claiming that acquiring the English pronunciation in a short period of time is beyond their abilities. In the next question the subjects’ opinion on their general abilities for foreign language learning was examined. Surprisingly enough, the overwhelming majority of the subjects (66.7%) have a rather positive view of themselves as FL learners. What is even more interesting is the fact that 26.7% of the respondents are firmly convinced that their abilities to learn foreign language are very well developed. Only 6.7% of the subjects decided that they are not well ‘equipped’ to learn foreign languages, which corresponds to a negative self-concept of the learners.

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Finally, the last question on the self-concept questionnaire was again related to the students’ attributions. The researcher’s intention was to check whether the subjects attribute their success in a foreign language to their effort they put into learning. From the data obtained it is clearly visible that the vast majority of the subjects attribute success or failure in a foreign language to their effort. Results show that 53.4% responded that they strongly agree their success at the university is proportional to their work; 43.3% of the respondents were rather convinced about it. Taking all these data together, one may assume that it is effort which most learners find as their attribute. Only one person out of 30 subjects participating in the study was rather against the concept of effort as an attribute of success. Following the procedure, the researcher collected the ratings from the speech sample evaluation sheets (see Appendix 2). In the course of evaluation process the native speaker raters considered two aspects of productions, namely the prosodic features (stress, rhythm, intonation) and articulation of phonemes or clusters of phonemes. The raters evaluated the prosody in the speech samples by means of a five point Likert scale with 5 points corresponding to a production resembling most native pronunciation. The raters were also requested to note down typical mistakes made by the subjects related to such categories as linkages, the use of weak and strong forms, production of individual sounds and also the combination of sounds. Once more, the raters applied a five point Likert scale to evaluate the abovementioned categories. The overall rating was calculated for an individual speech sample as an arithmetic mean of the ratings assigned for two evaluated aspects of pronunciation. The obtained results are presented in Figure 5.1 displayed below. The mean for 30 subjects was 3.32, which is not a very satisfactory result considering the fact that all the subjects covered a professional course in phonetics and phonology. Only three students obtained the highest rating (5 points) for their productions (see Subject 1, Subject 7 and Subject 16).

Figure 5.1 The mean speech sample ratings obtained by individuals

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The analysis of the raters’ evaluation sheets reveals that the students have the greatest problem with the English intonation patterns. The text recorded by the subjects should bread with a dramatic intonation. However, a considerable number of subjects did not perform it in this way. The intonation of the speech was rather falling, typical of the students’ native language. Other problems identified by the raters concerned the lack of rhythm, the shift of word stress, the lack of linkages and making

Table 5.1 Compilation of the data for all individuals Subjects

Self-image test

Mean rating

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

3 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1

5 4 3 3 3.5 3 5 3 3.5 3 4 2 3 2 4 5 2 2 3 2 3 3 4 4 4 4 4.5 3 2.5 2.5

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unnecessary pauses, overusing strong forms. Additionally, the majority of the subjects had problems with the sound //, differentiation between short /I / and long /i:/, and final consonant devoicing indicating negative native language transfer. Following the procedure the researcher compared the mean speech sample ratings and the results of the self-concept questionnaire; that is, the three levels of self-concept to which all the subjects were categorized (3 – positive self-concept, 2 – medium self-concept and 1 – negative self-concept). Table 5.1 presents compilation of all the data for each individual. As one may notice the overwhelming majority of the subjects (25 individuals, which makes 83.33%) displayed a low level of self-concept. In other words, they perceive themselves rather negatively as learners learning L2 pronunciation. Four persons (13.33%) obtained the results indicative of a medium level of self-concept, while only one person (3.33%) had a high level of self-esteem. The standard deviation indicates that the group is still homogenous (SD calculated from the points obtained on the questionnaire amounts to 4.24). As to the results obtained by the subjects on the pronunciation test, descriptive statistics are provided in Table 5.2. The subjects under investigation obtained the ratings from 2 to 5. The mean rating for speech samples amounts to 3.3, which is not very satisfactory. This indicates that the students’ production is far from being nativelike. The standard deviation amounted to 0.91, which indicates that the respondents created a homogeneous group. Distribution of the obtained ratings was not similar to the normal distribution: p < 0.05. As the main objective of the study was to examine the relationship between self-concept and attainments in pronunciation, the Spearman’s rank correlation coefficient was calculated. Analysis showed a statistically significant dependence between the two variables ( rho = 0.37; p = 0.046). This means that the higher level of self-esteem the respondents had, the better results on pronunciation test they obtained. Table 5.2 Descriptive statistics for the results obtained on the pronunciation test Statistics

Value

Mean Median Variation Standard deviation Minimum Maximum Kolmogorov-Smirnov (K-S) test Significance level for K-S test

3.32 3 0.84 0.91 2 5 0.20 0.003

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Conclusions The obtained results suggest that the null hypothesis put forward in the research preparation section was refuted and the alternative hypothesis was supported. However, there are limitations of the study which indicate that one should take the research findings with a great caution. First, the results cannot fully support the hypothesis on the interdependence between learners’ self-concept and their attainment in L2 phonology/phonetics. They are only applicable to the group under investigation. Undoubtedly, the sample was too small to draw unequivocal conclusions. It seems necessary to conduct research again with a larger number of subjects. Furthermore, the subjects’ pronunciation might have been evaluated inappropriately since one of the raters was non-native speaker of English.

References Arnold, J. (ed.) (1999) Affect in Language Learning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Brown, H.D. (1987) Principles of Language Learning and Teaching. New Jersey: Prentice Hall Regents. Brown, H.D. (2000) Teaching by Principles. An Interactive Approach to Language Pedagogy. New Jersey: Prentice Hall Regents. Chastain, K. (1976) Developing Second Language Skills: Theory to Practice. Chicago: Rand McNally College Publishing Company. Dakowska, M. (2005) Teaching English as Foreign Language. A Guide for Professionals. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. Epstein, S. (1973) The self-concept revisited. Or a theory of a theory. American Psychologist 28 (1), 401–416. Fontana, D. (1981) Psychology for Teachers. Warszawa: Macmillan Polska. Grandman, H. and Hanania, E. (1991) Language learning background factors and ESL proficiency. Modern Language Journal 75 (1), 39–51. Guiora, A. (1991) The two faces of language ego. Toegepaste Taalwetenschap in Artikelen, 41, 5–14. Guiora, A., Brannon, R. and Dull, C. (1972) The effects of experimentally induced changes in ego states on pronunciation ability in a second language: An explanatory study. Comprehensive Psychiatry 13 (5), 421–428. Harmer, J. (2001) The Practice of English Language Teaching. Essex: Longman. Jedynak, M. (2009) Critical Period Hypothesis Revisited. The Impact of Age on Ultimate Attainment in the Pronunciation of a Foreign Language. Frankfurt am Mein: Peter Lang GmbH Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften. Krashen, S.D. (1982) Principles and Practice in Second Language Acquisition. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Laine, E.J. (1987) Affective factors in foreign language learning and teaching. Jyväskylä Cross-Language Studies 13, 21–34. Jyväskylä: University of Jyväskylä. Skehan, P. (1989) Individual Differences in Second Language Learning. London: Hadder and Stoughton. Stevenson, J.A. (1993) Psycholinguistics for Applied Linguistics. Pretoria: University of South Africa. Stevick, E. (1999) Affect in learning and memory: From alchemy to chemistry. In J. Arnold (ed.) Affect in Language Learning (pp. 43–57). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Wade, C. and Tavris, C. (1990) Psychology. New York: Harper & Row Publishers. Williams, M. and Burden, R. (1997) Psychology for Language Teachers. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Appendix 1 Self-concept questionnaire 1.

I think of myself as a good language learner. definitely agree rather agree rather disagree disagree

definitely

2.

I think my English pronunciation is good. definitely agree rather agree rather disagree disagree

definitely

3.

If I have any problems with pronunciation it is because the material covered at a phonology/phonetics course is too difficult. definitely agree rather agree rather disagree definitely disagree

4.

My success in L2 pronunciation depends on luck. definitely agree rather agree rather disagree disagree

definitely

5.

My success in L2 pronunciation depends on my effort. definitely agree rather agree rather disagree disagree

definitely

6.

I have many reasons to be proud of myself. definitely agree rather agree rather disagree disagree

definitely

7.

I am satisfied with my achievements in the English pronunciation. definitely agree rather agree rather disagree definitely disagree

8.

I think I could be taken as a native-speaker In an English-speaking country. definitely agree rather agree rather disagree definitely disagree

9.

I would like to be more satisfied with myself. definitely agree rather agree rather disagree disagree

definitely

10. I think that my accent would be recognized as foreign; however, nobody would recognize my Polish accent. definitely agree rather agree rather disagree definitely disagree

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11. I think I can acquire the English pronunciation at a fast rate. definitely agree rather agree rather disagree definitely disagree 12. I have an aptitude for foreign language learning. definitely agree rather agree rather disagree definitely disagree 13. My success in foreign languages depends on my effort. definitely agree rather agree rather disagree disagree

definitely

Appendix 2 Speech sample evaluation sheet: Part 1 PART I Prosodic features (stress, rhythm, intonation): 1 2 3 4 5 Enumerate: . . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .

Speech sample evaluation sheet: Part 2 PART II TYPICAL MISTAKES Linkages: Weak & strong forms: Production of individual sounds: Combination of sounds: OVERALL RATING 1

2

3

4

5

Part 2 Motivation, Attitudes and Learning Experiences

6

The Role of Motivation in Third or Additional Language Acquisition and in Multilingualism Research Teresa Maria Włosowicz

Introduction This chapter presents discussion of different aspects of motivation in multilingual subjects, in both language learning and use. It will take into account various kinds of motivation, various motives for becoming multilingual, as well as the influence of motivation on task performance in multilingualism research. Some suggestions for further research will also be presented. It must be assumed that, given the complexity and dynamic nature of multilingual systems, the role of motivation in third or additional language acquisition is more complex than in second language acquisition (SLA). It is also more important, as learning several foreign languages requires more effort than learning one language. In fact, English being the world language, motives for learning other languages can be even more difficult to find. However, as English alone is not enough, more research into the construction of multilingual repertoires and into ways of motivating students to become multilingual is needed. The term ‘third or additional language acquisition’ (de Angelis, 2007) is used here in order to distinguish it from second language (L2) acquisition and from ‘multilingual acquisition’, which is quite vague (de Angelis, 2007: 11). However, the distinction between acquisition in naturalistic settings and learning in formal ones is taken into account here only where it is relevant. Undoubtedly, learning in formal contexts, with less opportunity for 77

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authentic language use, can be assumed to require more motivation and longer-term goals than naturalistic acquisition. Yet, given the mobility of students nowadays, processes of learning and acquisition can be combined within one person.

Motivation in Language Learning Motivation constitutes a necessary component of language learning. A strongly motivated student will learn a language by any method, whereas an unmotivated one may fail despite the best method (Signan, 1983, in Szałek, 2004: 51). Moreover, lack of motivation may lead to fossilization in spite of appropriate input and, if the language ceases to be used, to language attrition (Herdina & Jessner, 2002). In Herdina and Jessner’s Dynamic Model of Multilingualism (2002: 138), motivation is related to perceived language competence: if perceived competence is too low, one may become discouraged, but if it is too high, one may content oneself with one’s knowledge and stop studying that language. Still, even in advanced language users, some degree of motivation is needed to maintain the proficiency level which has already been reached. Because of dynamic cross-linguistic interaction, language maintenance requires a regular effort (Herdina & Jessner, 2002: 131). An important source of motivation is perceived language needs (Herdina & Jessner, 2002). Hence, if a learner wants to reach near-native competence in a language, he or she will study it with great effort. By contrast, if a language is needed for basic communication, one is likely to stop learning it early. Consequently, motivation is not stable, but it changes with time, with perceived competence and language needs. Motivation can broadly be divided into intrinsic and extrinsic motivation (Dörnyei, 2003: 8), yet this distinction is a continuum rather than a dichotomy. Intrinsic motivation is related to achieving a positive affective state, such as the pleasure of learning new things (McIntosh & Noels, 2004: 1). An example might be ‘discovery motivation’ (Wlosowicz, 2011a: 239), or motivation to discover the target language and the culture associated with it. By contrast, extrinsic motivation involves a system of rewards and punishments, imposed, for example, by parents or teachers. Undoubtedly, an important role is played by learners’ attitudes towards the target language and its users. Therefore, considerable attention has been paid to integrative orientation, defined by Gardner and Lambert (1972: 132, in Ushioda & Dörnyei, 2009: 2) as ‘reflecting a sincere and personal interest in the people and culture represented by the other group.’ However, as Dörnyei (2009: 23) points out, the concepts of integrativeness and integrative motivation are ambiguous and in foreign language contexts without any direct contact with the target language community they do not even make

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sense. Instead, Noels et al. (2000, in Dörnyei, 2009: 24) distinguish four other orientations which sustain motivation: travel, friendship, knowledge and instrumental motivation. Moreover, in today’s globalized world integrativeness becomes even more problematic. According to Arnett (2002, in Dörnyei, 2009: 24), there is pressure on people to develop a bicultural identity, partly rooted in the local culture and partly linked to the international one. As Dörnyei (2009: 24) concludes, ‘[t]he language of this global identity is English, and from this perspective it is not at all clear who EFL (. . .) learners believe the “owner” of their L2 is’. Arguably, at least some people identify that ‘owner’ with such English language media as the American film industry or pop music. It begs the question to what extent a predilection for American films can actually serve as a source of motivation for learning English, yet it may be part of the cultural interest factor (Dörnyei et al., 2006). Instead of integrativeness, the central concept of Dörnyei’s theory of motivation is the ideal self, based on Markus and Nurius’ (1986, in Dörnyei, 2009: 12) concept of possible selves. Rather than try to ‘integrate’ into a foreign community in which a learner is not going to live, he or she imagines his or her ideal self as being able to speak the target language(s). The sources of motivation can also vary from one learner to another. According to Weiner’s (2000) Attribution Theory, learners attribute their success or failure to internal factors, such as aptitude or learning strategies, or external ones, for example, bad luck or an unfair teacher. If one attributes one’s failure to lack of aptitude, one will expect further failure in the future. Conversely, failure owing to an unstable factor, such as bad luck, will not make the learner expect further failure (Weiner, 2000: 5). Finally, motivation is dynamic and changes not only during the whole process of learning a foreign language, but also during a particular task (Ushioda, 1996, in Dörnyei & Skehan, 2003). Dörnyei (2003: 18–20) distinguishes three types of motivation related to three stages of performing a task. At the preactional stage, motivation is generated. Dörnyei (2003: 18) calls this motivational dimension ‘choice motivation’ because it is connected with choosing a particular goal or task. At the actional stage, ‘executive motivation’ has to be maintained throughout the task or action. This applies especially to long-term activities, such as learning a language, and to classroom settings (Dörnyei, 2003: 20). Finally, the postactional stage is linked to ‘motivational retrospection’, which concerns the retrospective evaluation of one’s performance (Dörnyei, 2003: 20). Such retrospection influences learners’ future choices and their motivation to pursue selected activities. However, as third or additional language acquisition is more complex than SLA, motivation can be assumed to be even more changeable, particularly if the third or additional language is not perceived by the learners as necessary, but as ‘only’ interesting or possibly useful.

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The Phenomenon of Multilingualism In general, bilingualism and mulilingualism are more widespread in the world than monolingualism (Cenoz & Genesee, 1998). Nonetheless, owing to such factors as globalization, increased mobility of employees and students and more languages being taught in schools, multilingualism is gaining even more significance nowadays. Undoubtedly, the linguistic situation in the world is considerably influenced by English as the global language. On the one hand, most people are obliged to learn it for different reasons related to work, education, etc. On the other hand, the possibility of communicating in English virtually everywhere decreases many people’s motivation to learn other languages. However, although English as a lingua franca is very useful, it is not sufficient in all situations (Szczurkowska, 2007: 43–48). As Szczurkowska (2007: 43) remarks, one of the conditions of genuine mutual understanding and respect for other cultures is direct contact with people in their native language. In order to overcome the monopoly of English and to promote multilingual competence, both individual researchers and European institutions, such as the Council of Europe, propose various solutions. Apart from fulfilling practical needs, such as providing more varied tools for communication, they aim at greater tolerance and better international understanding (Holtzer, 2001). However, as multilingual competence is dynamic (Herdina & Jessner, 2002), creating a truly multilingual speaker requires abandoning the ideals of near-native competence and of the balanced, coordinate bilingual (Müller-Lancé, 2002: 141). On the basis of different subjects’ inferencing strategies and associations, Müller-Lancé (2003: 129–130) has proposed two strategy models of multilingual comprehension and production. Both models include a motivation filter which determines whether a subject gives up and decides not to infer the meaning of a given word or to use a reduction strategy in communication, or else, whether he or she broadens the search, drawing upon the context, interlingual strategies, etc. Consequently, it is vital for various reasons to lay greater stress on motivation in third or additional language acquisition as well as in multilingualism research.

Motivation in the Development of Multilingual Repertoires and in Multilingualism Research Motivation in third or additional language acquisition Undoubtedly, learning more than one foreign language constitutes a long-term process which requires sustained motivation. In Dörnyei’s (2003)

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terms, choice motivation applies in this case to the choice of the languages to be learned. Even though they may be imposed by the school curriculum, learners still have a choice. They may lay less stress on one of the school languages, but attend a course in another language instead. As Gabrys´-Barker (2005: 26) remarks, ‘different languages having different social status and vitality will create varied responses and cognitive (perceived difficulty) and affective demands on a multilingual learner.’ According to Gabrys´-Barker (2011), the affectivity of L2 learning (including motivation, attitudes, the coping potential, etc.) may be transferred to the process of learning another language, or it may be changed. Further, she assumes that, at some level, positive emotions and feelings related to L2 learning will be transferred to subsequent L3 learning (Gabrys´-Barker, 2011). English being the world language, learners may have difficulty finding motivation to learn other languages too. On the one hand, they might relate such motivation to extracurricular interests. For example, fans of Latin music might learn Spanish in order to understand the lyrics and know the culture better. On the other hand, rather than seek integrative motivation at any cost, learners had better focus on the advantages of multilingualism. After all, if integrative motivation is quite possible in L2, it is difficult to imagine somebody who would want to integrate into several different cultures, except in rather unusual situations. For example, for Lvovich (1997), learning French and English was a kind of escape from Soviet reality. Therefore, it would be more realistic to encourage instrumental motivation by showing learners the usefulness of other languages. In certain fields, for instance, science and technology, knowledge of English is now taken for granted, so an additional foreign language can be an asset. Given the changeability and the unpredictability of the job market, one should seriously consider learning other languages apart from English. In the case of more than one foreign language, executive motivation, which serves the generation and performance of subtasks, the learner’s own appraisal, as well as self-regulation and action control (Dörnyei, 2003: 19), requires more skilful management of time and mental resources. To become truly multilingual, one should not only learn grammar and vocabulary, but also develop cultural competence. As the acquisition of cultural competence requires using the target language, preferably with its native speakers in different situations, it may be assumed to be more interesting and thus more motivating than just studying vocabulary and grammatical structures. Another important motivating factor is the ideal self (Dörnyei, 2009). As Dörnyei (2009: 33–38) explains, a powerful motivational strategy would be the construction of the ideal L2 self, counterbalanced with the feared self (Oyserman & Markus, 1990, in Dörnyei, 2009), e.g. one that could not find a good job without the asset of an additional language. Moreover, ways of maintaining executive motivation are likely to change with the proficiency level. While beginners and intermediate students may

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still be enthusiastic about the target language (although beginners who do not make progress fast enough may be especially discouraged), advanced learners may feel they know enough and lose the motivation to perfect their language skills. Therefore, advanced learners should also be motivated, yet the motivational strategies are likely to be different. They should be shown what they still ought to work on, for example, complex grammatical structures as well as more varied vocabulary and idioms, in order to sound more native-like. Additionally, as Stan ˇková (2011) has remarked, students should be engaged in shaping the syllabus, so that it can accommodate their particular language needs. Definitely, taking learners’ needs and interests into account can contribute to the creation of a more motivating syllabus. However, it still begs the question of how to motivate students to learn two or more foreign languages instead of one. Despite a higher level of metalinguistic awareness, L3 learners do not necessarily adopt the appropriate approach to the study of L3, nor do they always feel sufficiently motivated. Gabrys´-Barker’s (2011) study on Polish students’ attitudes towards English as L2 and German as L3 has revealed considerable differences between them. Whereas the subjects had generally positive attitudes towards English, their attitudes towards German were largely negative for several reasons, from anxiety related to a new learning situation, through dissatisfaction with the teaching method, to stereotypes concerning Germans. Moreover, some of the subjects mentioned negative transfer from L2. Quite surprisingly, the adult L3 learners show a considerable level of teacher dependency, and dissatisfaction with themselves and the teachers contributes to their negative affectivity (Gabrys´-Barker, 2011). Consequently, language teaching methodology should be developed to accommodate multilingual learning rather than that of separate languages, and students should be motivated to learn other languages in addition to English. Moreover, learners proficient in a foreign language should use motivational retrospection (Dörnyei, 2003) in order to set themselves future goals. Apart from instrumental motivation as well as pursuing the ideal self, learners should be encouraged to develop curiosity to discover foreign languages and cultures. It might also be a good idea to encourage learners to develop creative skills in L3 and further languages. Finally, pointing out similarities between L2 and L3 may make the L3 easier to learn (Targonska, 2004).

The role of motivation in multilingualism research By and large, executive motivation can be applied not only to learning tasks, but also to experimental ones. As the present author’s research shows, subjects’ motivation can influence the results of empirical studies. Still, in studies not focusing on motivation as such, apart from relatively few exceptions (e.g. Müller-Lancé, 2003), motivation is not generally taken into account, which might even lead to inappropriate conclusions.

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First, in studies concerning text comprehension, unmotivated subjects may not even try to recall or infer the target meanings, which might suggest that they do not know them, even partially. Indeed, the study on L3 comprehension carried out for the current author’s PhD thesis showed many cases of giving up the effort to recall word meanings or infer them from context (Wlosowicz, 2008/2009). In order to reveal their comprehension of the L3 texts, the subjects were asked to translate them into L1, verbalizing their thoughts, which enabled the creation of Think-Aloud Protocols (TAPs). As maintaining a coherent context required a certain level of motivation, subjects who lacked such motivation translated the text word by word, often taking false friends for equivalents and failing to infer the meanings of unknown or poorly known words. Even though this cannot be attributed to motivation alone, as other factors, such as working memory capacity, also played a role, motivation undoubtedly influenced the subjects’ performance. As has been shown elsewhere (Wlosowicz, 2007), students who monitored their comprehension often managed to spot interference errors and to correct their interpretations. Some examples of corrected and uncorrected comprehension errors and blanks left in the translations are presented below. Corrected comprehension errors and examples of successful inference may be accompanied by dissatisfaction and impatience, but instead of giving up, the subjects continued their efforts. Even if the result is not fully correct, they at least tried to arrive at a plausible meaning.

Example 1 Mappe + to na pewno nie be˛dzie mapa — hm + w swojej + gdzie moz˙na nosić + w torbie (Mappe (= briefcase, folder) + this surely won’t be a map — hm + in her + where can one carry + in a bag)

Example 2 elle n’a jamais été + fastidious + erm + elle n’a jamais été – j’en sais rien du tout + erm: – elle n’a jamais été très précise (she has never been + fastidious + erm + she has never been – I have no idea + erm: – she has never been very precise)

Example 3 Würde – hm + z godnos´cia˛ chyba + chociaz˙ nie jestem pewna czy Würde to be˛dzie godnos´ć + ale tak mi sie˛ wydaje (. . .) – kojarzy mi sie˛ słówko würdig + to oznacza chyba godny szanowny + i dlatego + Würde be˛dzie dla mnie znaczyło godnos´ć (Würde (=dignity) – hm + with dignity I guess + although I’m nor sure whether Würde will be dignity + but it seems to me so (. . .) – I associate it with the word würdig + I guess it means dignified respectable + and that’s why + Würde will mean dignity to me).

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Uncorrected errors and blanks were often accompanied by comments revealing the subjects’ attitudes, such as nervousness and dissatisfaction with their own performance:

Example 4 on the other hand + she was strongly in favour of sorting refuse + nie mam poje˛cia co znaczy sorting refuse + z drugiej jednak strony — she was strongly in favour + moz˙e była silna˛ + była wiel-ka˛ zwolenniczka˛ + czegos´ tam — poniewaz˙ udowodniono z˙e było to + pomagało to + nie + pomagało w ochronie s´rodowiska + to bez sensu jest (on the other hand + she was strongly in favour of sorting refuse + I have no idea what sorting refuse means + on the other hand — she was strongly in favour + maybe she was a strong + she was a great supporter + of something — because it was proved that it was + it helped + no + it helped to protect the environment + this doesn’t make sense)

Example 5 sometimes she even allowed herself some antics + co maja˛ antyki do ksia˛z˙ek nie rozumiem + tez˙ z˙eby sie˛ zrelaksować ra˛bała je na kawałki czy jak (sometimes she even allowed herself some antics + what do antiques have to do with books I don’t understand + did she also in order to relax chop them to pieces or something) (The conventions of the transcription have been adapted from BlancheBenveniste et al., 1990). In order to preserve the form of spoken language, no punctuation is used. + a short pause – a medium pause — a long pause do: - a particularly long syllable wiel-ka˛ – hesitation, dividing the word into syllables (. . .) – a text fragment left out because it is irrelevant to the example.) In general, subjects who realized they did not know or they were unable to retrieve the meaning attributed their problems to insufficient vocabulary knowledge, although some others attributed their comprehension failure to the apparent illogicality or incoherence of the text. Thus, the TAPs reveal not only the students’ comprehension, but also their affective states. However, in think-aloud tasks participants often forget or do not want to verbalize their thoughts and have to be reminded to do so (Wlosowicz, 2008/2009). Second, in studies on modularity in cognitive processing, where intramodular processes are assumed to be inaccessible to consciousness and to verbalization (Fodor, 1983, in Singleton, 1993), ‘uncommentated’ responses might be regarded as evidence of intramodular processes and in many cases they are (Singleton, 1993: 259–260). Nevertheless, lack of verbalization may

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also be attributable to insufficient motivation (Wlosowicz, 2010). Therefore, subjects should be constantly reminded to verbalize whatever occurs to them, including their emotions related to the task, as impatience and dissatisfaction can reveal processing problems. Otherwise, if not accompanied by any comment, a conscious process of searching for a meaning or a word might seem intramodular and unconscious. Third, motivation can play a role in studies on the multilingual mental lexicon. In the present author’s study on declarative and procedural knowledge stored in the mental lexicon (Wlosowicz, 2008), the subjects were encouraged to define the target L2 and L3 words, providing their different meanings and examples of use in context. However, subjects who did not have enough motivation to elaborate on the words contented themselves with providing the ‘meanings’, that is, the Polish equivalents. Without taking motivation into account, their performance might be interpreted as evidence of purely lexical links between L2 and L1 as well as L3 and L1 words, in the sense defined by the Modified Hierarchical Model (Pavlenko, 2009). Yet, even though purely lexical links may be still used with the L3 words, given the subjects’ proficiency in L2, reliance on lexical links only might indicate the fossilization of lemma information transferred from L1 (Jiang, 2000). Finally, motivation influences the use of communication strategies. As the present author’s study on communication strategies in presenting cooking recipes in L2 and L3 shows (Wlosowicz, 2011b), less motivated students tended to use simple vocabulary and to choose very simple recipes, for example, for sandwiches, especially in L3. Arguably, what might be attributed to lack of knowledge may actually also be due to lack of motivation. For instance, unwillingness to use richer vocabulary or communication strategies may be based on affective factors rather than on real ignorance (the subjects might avoid using words whose meanings they are not sure of). However, the effects of motivation can be very subtle and thus difficult to observe.

Conclusions In general, in third or additional language acquisition, the role of motivation is more complex, yet simultaneously subtler than in SLA. People who already know English as L2 can be less motivated to learn other languages, so promoting multilingualism requires a variety of motivational strategies on the teacher’s part, from instrumental motivation based on the usefulness of broader language repertoires and on successful multilingual careers, through evoking curiosity to discover the language(s), to the creation of a multilingual ‘ideal self’. However, in order to find out which strategies are particularly useful and in what contexts, more research is needed.

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Simultaneously, motivation for the acquisition of multiple languages should be researched from different angles, for example, choice motivation for a particular L3, L4, etc., or motivation for establishing connections between the different languages, or else, for keeping them separate. Moreover, apart from research on motivation in language learning, more attention should be paid to executive motivation during experimental tasks. Therefore, various research designs should involve introspective techniques, from questionnaires to TAPs. It must yet be remembered that motivation is dynamic and even one person’s attitudes to different languages may vary, so the relationships between motivation and performance can be very subtle.

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Jiang, N. (2000) Lexical representation and development in a second language. Applied Linguistics 21 (1), 47–77. Lvovich, N. (1997) The Multilingual Self: An Inquiry into Language Learning. New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Markus, H.R. and Nurius, P. (1986) Possible selves. American Psychologist 41 (9), 954–969. McIntosh, C.N. and Noels, K.A. (2004) Self-determined motivation for language learning: the role of need for cognition and language learning strategies. Zeitschrift für Interkulturellen Fremdsprachenunterricht 9 (2), accessed 31 March 2011. http://zif.spz. tu-darmstadt.de/jg-09-2/beitrag/Mcintosh2.htm. Müller-Lancé, J. (2002) Tertiärsprachen aus Sicht der Kognitiven Linguistik: Überlegungen zu Fremdsprachenunterricht und Fremdsprachenfolge. In J. Müller-Lancé and C.M. Riehl (eds) Ein Kopf - viele Sprachen: Koexistenz, Interaktion und Vermittlung (pp. 133– 149). Aachen: Shaker. Müller-Lancé, J. (2003) A strategy model of multilingual learning. In J. Cenoz, B. Hufeisen, and U. Jessner (eds) The Multilingual Lexicon (pp. 117–132). Dordrecht/ Boston/ London: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Noels, K.A., Pelletier, L.G., Clément, R. and Vallerand, R.J. (2000) Why are you learning a second language? Motivational orientations and self-determination theory. Language Learning 50 (1), 57–85. Oyserman, D. and Markus, H.R. (1990) Possible selves and delinquency. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 59 (1), 112–125. Pavlenko, A. (2009) Conceptual representation in the bilingual lexicon and second language vocabulary learning. In A. Pavlenko (ed.) The Bilingual Mental Lexicon. Interdisciplinary Approaches (pp. 125–160). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Signan, M. (1983) Acquisition of a second language from a psychological point of view. Rassegna Italiana di Linguistica Applicata 2–3, 59–76. Singleton, D. (1993) Modularity and lexical processing: An L2 perspective. In B. Kettemann and W. Wieden (eds) Current Issues in European Second Language Acquisition Research (pp. 253–262). Tübingen: Narr. Stan ˇková, E. (2011) Teaching English as a foreign language to proficient users. Paper presented at the conference Foreign Language Competence as an Integral Component of a University Graduate Profile III, Brno, 14–15 September 2011. Szałek, M. (2004) Jak motywować uczniów do nauki je˛zyka obcego? Motywacja w teorii i praktyce. Poznan´: Wagros. Szczurkowska, S. (2007) Europa angloje˛zyczna czy róz˙ norodnos´ć je˛zykowa? In S. Szczurkowska and M. Łopacin´ski (eds) Europejski wymiar edukacji w s´wietle projektu OBSER-Erasmus. Polscy studenci w uczelniach Europy (pp. 35–51). Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Wyz˙szej Szkoły Pedagogicznej TWP w Warszawie. Targonska, J. (2004) Zur Nutzung von Englischkenntnissen beim Erwerb des deutschen Wortschatzes. Eine empirische Untersuchung an polnischen Schülern. In B. Hufeisen and N. Marx (eds) Beim Schwedischlernen sind Englisch und Deutsch ganz hilfsvoll. Untersuchungen zum multiplen Sprachenlernen. Forum Angewandte Linguistik, Band 44 (pp. 117–136). Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. Ushioda, E. (1996) Developing a dynamic concept of L2 motivation. In T. Hickey and J. Williams (eds) Language, Education, and Society in a Changing World (pp. 239–245). Dublin/Clevedon: IRAAL/Multilingual Matters. Ushioda, E. and Dörnyei, Z. (2009) Motivation, language identities and the L2 self: A theoretical overview. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds.) Motivation, Language Identity and the L2 Self (pp. 1–8). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Weiner, B. (2000) Intrapersonal and interpersonal theories of motivation from an attributional perspective. Educational Psychology Review 12 (1), 1–14. Wlosowicz, T.M. (2007) La correction des erreurs d’interférence dans la compréhension écrite en allemand comme L3. In B. Vaxelaire, R. Sock, G. Kleiber and F. Marsac (eds)

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Perturbations et Réajustements. Langue et Langage (pp. 331–341). Strasbourg: Publications de l’Université Marc Bloch. Wlosowicz, T.M. (2008) L2 and L3 word representations in the multilingual lexicon. Paper presented at the AILA Congress in Essen, 24–29 August 2008. Wlosowicz, T.M. (2008/2009, published 2011) Les Influences Interlinguales sur la Compréhension des Textes dans la Troisième Langue: Une Approche Cognitivo-Pragmatique. Villeneuve d’Ascq: Atelier National de Reproduction des Thèses. Włosowicz, T.M. (2010) Exploring L3 reading comprehension: modularity and interactive activation. Paper presented at the 41st Poznan´ Linguistic Meeting, Gniezno, 23–26 September 2010. Wlosowicz, T.M. (2011a) Les avantages et les désavantages de l’intercompréhension: quels enjeux pour les langues romanes dans l’éducation plurilingue? In D. Álvarez, P. Chardenet and M. Tost (eds.) L’intercompréhension et les nouveaux défis pour les langues romanes (pp. 227–242). Paris: Union Latine. Wlosowicz, T.M. (2011b) Les stratégies de communication et les interactions interlinguales dans la présentation de recettes de cuisine en L2 et en L3. Les Cahiers de l’Acedle 8 (1), 73–88.

7

Language Learning Vibes: What, Why and How to Capitalize for Positive Affect Tammy Gregersen

Introduction I was tormented during my obligatory undergraduate French language class with de-contextualized vocabulary lists to memorize, repetitious dialogues, fill-in-the-blank drills and laborious grammar exercises. I could string together a few words with grammatical accuracy, but in real life, I sounded like a textbook. After this experience, I never wanted to see the inside of an instructed language classroom again. I got really negative vibes. Several years later, however, I found myself in Chile. I did not speak a word of Spanish, not even ‘hola’, but I fell in love with the people. I wanted to make friends, integrate into the culture and connect on a level that only acquiring their language would allow me. Playing charades at the panaderia every morning to get my daily allotment of bread, bartering in my broken Spanish at the open market over vegetables, and calling upon my everincreasing interlanguage skills as I talked politics with the colectivo driver brought me great joy. When involved in these activities, I was completely engrossed. After this experience, I wanted to travel the world over in order to learn as many languages as I could. I got really positive vibes.

Vibes and Emotion So, what are these ‘vibes’ and how do they affect language learning? What do we know about their role from within the field of Applied Linguistics? Dewaele (2005: 377) eloquently argued for greater ‘interdisciplinarity’ in second language acquisition (SLA) research, particularly that which focuses on affect and emotion. He poignantly suggested that ‘good 89

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research into the psychological and emotional dimensions of SLA is crucial for the development of good teaching practices’, and that going outside the arena of Applied Linguistics in the quest for concepts and methodologies from neighboring disciplines would enrich our language teaching and researching agendas. Through the examination and application of several recent developments in positive and cognitive psychology in this paper, I am heeding that call. My purpose is to highlight research on the role of emotion and memory on cognition and its impact on the creation of ‘vibes’ and through presenting foreign language anxiety as an example of negative affect, to propose some language classroom activities rooted in the research of positive psychology. Language learning is an affectively loaded process as emotion is involved in learning as well as in language. In learning, emotion is pivotal because it drives attention, which in turn drives memory (Sylwester, 1994). For language learners, the added variable of what Brown (2001: 61) calls the ‘language ego’ comes into play: ‘As human beings learn to use a second language, they also develop a new mode of thinking, feeling, and acting—a second identity. The new “language ego” intertwined with a second language, can easily create within the learner a sense of fragility, a defensiveness and a raising of inhibitions.’ Within these emotionally laden events, ‘vibes’ are generated. Upon the occurrence of an event and before any thought or action, cognition or behavior, Epstein (1993) asserts that an individual experiences a ‘vibe’. It is subtle, automatic, unconscious and influential. We create them by scanning our memories for similar incidents, which then influence our future related thoughts and actions. Vibes are an indication that emotions are primal to cognition and behavior. In reference to my previous language learning experiences, one need not ponder too deeply why my skin crawls when I see a de-contextualized vocabulary list, and my heart skips a beat when I encounter an open market! Damasio (1994: xii) examines a similar concept to ‘vibes’ that he calls, ‘somatic markers,’ which he postulates mark ‘certain aspects of a situation or certain outcome of possible actions’. These emotions can be manifest as overt ‘gut feelings’ or as signals that transpire below the individual’s awareness and play a role in intuition. He describes the situation of processing rapid cognitive information and coming to a quick conclusion without all the immediate logical steps: ‘Intuition is simply rapid cognition with the required knowledge partially swept under the carpet courtesy of emotion and past practice’ (Damasio, 1994: xiii). In essence, emotion works with cognition directly and/or via feelings. Further understanding of the creation of vibes or somatic markers comes from Kahneman and Riis (2005), who distinguish between the ‘experiencing’ self and the ‘remembering’ self. The experiencing self is a more immediate, spontaneous response that happens in the moment. The remembering

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self, on the other hand, is more reflective and evaluates the event from a post-facto position where veracity is dependent upon the genuine retrieval of feelings, but over time. So, for example, my experiencing self may have a different interpretation of the events in the Chilean open market than my reflective self. If you had caught me coming out of the market on one of those days when my language skills broke down and I did not get the price for the bartered carrots that I had anticipated, I may have told you that I would prefer to go to the supermarket where the prices are clearly displayed rather than wasting my time and suffering through the hassle of talking the vegetable lady down to my price. However, my reflective self, looking back through the retrospective lens of time and experience, remembers those moments as some of the best language learning lessons I ever had. In our discussion at hand, the important question to ask then is how can the language learning experience be transformed into an event that generates positive vibes thus propelling the language learner into approach rather than avoidance mode?

Foreign Language Anxiety To answer this question, I would like to turn our attention to the research on foreign language anxiety and use it as an example of how negative affect can result in behaviors that impede language learning, and attempt to come up with ways and means to mitigate its negative effects through some ideas taken from the realm of positive psychology. MacIntyre and Gardner (1994: 284) define it broadly as ‘the feelings of tension and apprehension specifically associated with second language contexts’. More specifically, foreign language anxiety results from the language learners’ cognizance of the disparity in their ability to communicate who they feel they authentically are in their first language with the masked selves that they communicate in the second language (Horwitz et al., 1986). In the case of foreign language anxiety, research suggests that there are a variety of negative outcomes that ultimately result in lower course grades and limited proficiency. Language anxious learners respond less effectively to their own errors (Gregersen, 2003), engage in negative self-talk, and mull over poor performance. Missing class and procrastinating on assignments demonstrates avoidance behavior as they maintain high unrealistic performance standards (Gregersen & Horwitz, 2002). Information processing is affected at all stages: Input is not up-taken, language is not stored, and retrieval is harmfully impacted. Anxious learners forget previously learned material. In class, participation is also less frequent as they freeze up during role plays and are less likely to volunteer responses. With these and other detrimental effects, language teachers and researchers might want to consider placing emotion and affect higher on their teaching and researching agendas.

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This is not to say that those of us involved in Applied Linguistics have not already grappled with the anxiety problem. In fact, many researchers in the field have given sound advice; some that can be operationalized by the teachers, others where teachers assist students to acquire strategies to help themselves. Teachers can focus on positive experiences, use affective correction techniques, incorporate group dynamics and create a classroom environment that is relaxing and friendly through pair and small group work, games, simulations and structured exercises that alter the communication patterns in the classroom. To help learners help themselves, teachers can assist in the development of realistic expectations and increasing feelings of self-efficacy.

Positive Psychology This purpose of this chapter, however, is to investigate related fields of study that can further the inroads we have made as language teachers and researchers in capitalizing on positive affect and mitigating the debilitating effects of negative emotion. To this end, I would like to draw attention to an increasing number of research psychologists who are actively investigating the positive aspects of well-being and health, rather than negative feelings such as distress and disease. Suggesting that scientific psychology has excessively targeted pathology and repair, there is now a broader call for looking into human strengths and vitality and working toward prevention rather than healing. These new psychologists are interested in ‘the individual, community and societal factors that make life worth living’ (Aspinwall & Staudinger, 2003: 9). Attention is not on dysfunction but rather ‘about positive subjective experience: well-being and satisfaction (past); flow, joy, the sensual pleasures and happiness (present); and constructive cognitions about the future – optimism, hope, and faith’ (Seligman, 2002: 3).

Cross-cultural Implications However, before I embark further on the discussion of what positive psychology has to say to language teachers and researchers, I want to address the issue of the cross-cultural implications of this kind of research. Particularly as concerns emotion, we must recognize that individuals from diverse backgrounds face unique issues that invariably affect their experiences, therefore making it necessary to further explore these affective variables and evaluate how they might provide clues to more effective language teaching. For example, Lopez et al. (2003), suggested that how humans experience life is fundamental to their growth and motivation, and humans interminably seek to feel satisfied and happy, but finding out what happiness is

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and how to identify the factors that produce it is a monumental struggle. Lopez and his team asked the following questions: ‘Does happiness fluctuate along lines of culture and group membership? What characteristics lead to satisfaction and well-being for members of diverse cultures?’ (Lopez et al., 2003: 706). For example, I am a product of American culture, a highly individualistic society on the individualism/collectivism dichotomy. Because this culture trait encourages independence, attention to personal opinions and feelings, and autonomy, some researchers believe that it may be that I am culturally conditioned to higher levels of life satisfaction than those in collectivistic cultures (Diener & Suh, 1999). The caution to be taken from this is that when we work in multicultural settings, it must be recognized that certain constructs may hold different cultural meaning (Lopez et al., 2003), and language learning, by its very nature, is a cross-cultural experience. That is not to say, however, that we cannot continue to seek what induces positive affect and what provokes happiness and subjective well-being; rather we cannot impose recipes with a ‘one solution for all’ mentality. We must be acutely aware of the importance of engendering not a general definition of the good life, but an individual opportunity to define it and pursue it. ‘We dare not prescribe a “good life” approach to health that is good for all humankind. It is our hope, however, that research and practice will help to illuminate a path for those individuals pursuing their self-defined good life and provide the psychological tools necessary for clearing the way’ (Lopez et al., 2003: 711).

Flow Theory Although positive psychology has a myriad of different avenues down which to venture, I would like to pursue the notion of ‘flow’, defined as the ‘complete absorption in what one does.’ Its research origin is found in the ‘desire to understand this phenomenon of intrinsically motivated or autotelic activity: activity rewarding in and of itself, quite apart from its end product or any extrinsic good that might result from the activity’ (Nakamura & Csikszentmaihalyi, 2003: 89). I have chosen ‘flow’ as my main focus for three reasons: (a) research into its efficacy relies on multiple cross-cultural samples; (b) it speaks to the notion of anxiety; and (c) vibes from both the ‘experiencing self’ and ‘remembering self’ are accounted for. First of all, the experience of flow is similar whether speaking of culture, class, gender, age and across kinds of activity. This is particularly important considering the cross-cultural nature of language learning. Whether considering art, science, aesthetic experience, sport or literary writing, or whether discussing samples in Italy or Sweden, the US or the Himalyas, the original account of the flow state has ‘proven remarkably robust’ (Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003).

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How flow connects to the notion of anxiety is found in the conditions necessary for flow to occur. One must believe that the perceived challenges of the activity are appropriate to one’s capacity, clearly defined goals must be in play, and immediate feedback about progress must be given. Individuals experiencing flow are working at full capacity, but the balance to maintain it is tenuous: if the individual perceives that the challenge exceeds his skill, he first becomes vigilant and then anxious; if skills exceed the challenge, one first relaxes but then becomes bored. Thus the challenge to the language teacher is to create tasks and opportunities that maintain this fragile equilibrium and give the appropriate feedback: ‘Being in flow is the way that some interviewees described the subjective experience of engaging in justmanageable challenges by tackling a series of goals, continuously processing feedback about progress and adjusting action based on this feedback’ (Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003: 90). Krashen (1987) discussed the linguistic version of this equilibrium in his i + 1 hypothesis, where according to this theory, language learners must receive comprehensible input just a bit above their current proficiency. This would stretch learners but not overwhelm them. Similarly, for flow to occur, researchers suggest that the challenge posed must be manageable but yet challenging. This also suggests to language teachers that continuous feedback is necessary to maintain flow. The concept of flow also has interesting implications for the vibes created by the experiencing and reflective selves. Language teachers need to be aware of the power of both of these ‘selves’ in creating the vibes students feel as they approach the language learning process. The ‘remembering self’ draws upon the power of endings and the high moments, while the ‘experiencing self’ takes into account the actual events as they happen. These inthe-moment incidents may escape a learner’s reflective memory but yet they still shape the vibes that under-gird future thoughts and actions. The catalyst for Csikszentmihalyi pursuit of the concept of flow began when he studied the creative process of painters in the late 1960s. He was curious about the phenomenon of artists who persisted single-mindedly without concern for physical needs like food and sleep when their work was going well, yet once the creation was complete, they seemed to lose interest completely (Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003). Essentially, this was the ‘experiencing self’ creating extremely vivid and positive vibes toward each of their pursuits. As for the ‘remembering self,’ these artists, looking back have their product and the pleasure of having completed their goal, a pleasurable experience. As I write this paper, I can relate to the idea of selves and flow. At the moment, I am totally engrossed in the process of thinking creatively; trying to make cohesive and coherent discourse, while proposing a strong argument. My experiencing self is reveling in the challenge, yet I feel up to the task. If this experience follows the trend of previous academic pursuits, I will finish this paper and lose a bit of interest in it once it is complete. I will, however, look back at this challenge and feel positive vibes. When I approach

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another task similar to this one, my immediate emotional response will positively influence my cognition and behavior. We have now come full circle back to the original problem posed in this paper: How can we take these ideas from psychology and use them in applied linguistics in order to enrich the language teaching and learning experience? We know: • • •

from previous research in applied linguistics that foreign language anxiety can be a debilitating emotional response to the language learning process that ultimately influences a learner’s potential proficiency; from research in psychology that there is an inextricably tight link between emotion, memory, and cognition through the creation of vibes from the experiencing and reflective selves; from research in positive psychology that ‘flow’ can be a powerful motivational force that functions across cultures, attempts to explain to a certain extent the presence of anxiety, and can be a potent variable in the creation of vibes.

With this information in mind, language teacher should keep in mind the powerful negative force that foreign language anxiety can have on language learners and create opportunities and activities that challenge their learners yet do not overwhelm them in order to facilitate the creation of flow, thus generating the vibes that will undergird future attempts at language learning.

Considerations for Pedagogy With the aforementioned principles to guide us, let us turn to some practical implications for teachers from the discipline of Psychology.

Power of endings As the remembering self is influenced by how things end, teachers need to pay attention to how the class concludes. How often have we looked at the clock, realized that we have only 30 s left, and rapidly shot off the assignment to be done for the next class? An eloquent ending, worth remembering, may be the first step towards the creation of positive ‘vibes’.

Conscious awareness of high points Drawing students’ attention to the ‘high points’ of the class, making the positive moments conscious memories by, for example, eliciting journal responses through carefully constructed prompts or having a ‘think/pair/ share’ moment where learners turn to their partners and describe in the

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target language one high moment that they experienced during the class. I have a colleague who collects a daily ‘minute question’, where she invites students at the end of class to write down: (a) something learned; (b) an inquiry or confusing point that needs clarification; and (c) a question to answer about the material covered that day in class. Students have commented that this focuses their attention on a high point of learning, allows them to communicate with the teacher about something that needs to be elucidated in the next class and also holds them accountable for participating in that day’s interaction. Seligman (2002) defines the three components of happiness as pleasure, engagement and meaning, and contends that one’s level of happiness can be raised by seeking life’s pleasures, engaging more profoundly in what you do and discovering avenues to a more meaningful life. To these three ends, Seligman and his colleagues (Seligman et al., 2005: 410) created several ‘happiness interventions’ that they ‘rigorously tested with a randomized, placebo-controlled design’ in a study using internet responses of over four hundred participants, and while results varied in their ability to boost happiness and the duration thereof, all of them created positive (but in the case of two, transient) effects on happiness and depressive symptoms. The following interventions have been modified to fit the current discussion on the language learning classroom but still maintain the spirit of the activity. (1) Gratitude visit. Give your language learners a week to choose a person who reads their target language and who had been particularly considerate to them but had never been suitably thanked. Ask each learner to compose a letter of gratitude and then hand-deliver it to their chosen person. When Seligman and his team tested this idea, their results showed increased happiness and decreased depression were evident at one week and even at the one month follow-up. (2) Three good things in life. Ask your language learners every night to write down three things that went well during each class or in their target language interactions during the day. Have them also provide a causal explanation for each positive interaction. Seligman et al.’s (2005) participants demonstrated encouraging effects (happier and less depressed than baseline results) one month later which continued through the three month and six month follow-ups. Furthermore, the efficacy of asking learners to reflect upon the causal attributions of their successes is also supported by research grounded in Attribution Theory. Like the ‘vibes’ that shape consequent cognition and behavior, Weiner (1992) suggested that the subjective reasons that individuals assign to their past successes (and failures) significantly shapes motivational disposition for future behavior, and that when learners attribute positive outcomes to personal ability or other internal factors like effort, upbeat motivational attitudes are more often encountered (Ushioda, 2001).

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(3) You at your best. Invite your language learners to write about instances when they were at their best ‘communicating selves’ and then reflect on the communicative strength displayed in that story. Ask your students to review their story once a day and to reflect upon the strength they had identified. Although the results of the Seligman et al. (2005) study showed that although the effect was only evident at the immediate posttest, that immediate effect was positive, and only further investigations will clarify whether these experiences work together to create the ‘vibe’ we have been discussing. While these three interventions are specific to Seligman et al.’s research, there is one element on which positive psychologists agree: Building community, social networks and intimate relationships make people happy. In fact, Diener and Seligman (2002) discovered that the leading variables shared by the 10% of students with the highest levels of happiness and fewer depressive symptoms were their solid relationships with friends, family and commitment to spending time with them. We often encounter pedagogical implications concerning the creation of supportive environments to lower language learners’ anxiety and increase their motivation and willingness to communicate, but do we really translate that into action by providing the opportunities inside and out of the classroom for students to bond and build relationships that go beyond the last day of class?

References Aspinwall, L.G. and Staudinger, U.M. (2003) A psychology of human strengths: Some central issues of an emerging field. In L.G. Aspinwall and U.M. Staudinger (eds) A Psychology of Human Strengths (pp. 9–22). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Brown, H.D. (2001) Teaching by Principles. New York: Longman. Damasio, A.R. (1994) Descartes’ Error: Emotion, Reason, and the Human Brain. London: Penguin Books. Diener, E. and Seligman, M. (2002) Very happy people. Psychology Science 13 (1), 81–84. Diener, E. and Suh, E.M. (1999) National differences in subjective well-being. In D. Kahneman, E. Diener and N. Schwarz (eds) Well-being: The Foundations of Hedonic Psychology (pp. 553–373). New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Dewaele, J. (2005) Investigating the psychological and emotional dimensions in instructed language learning: Obstacles and possibilities. Modern Language Journal 89 (3), 367–380. Epstein, S. (1993) Emotion and self-theory. In M. Lewis and J.M Haviland-Jones (eds) Handbook of Emotions (pp. 313–326). New York: Guildford Press. Gregersen, T. and Horwitz, E. (2002) Language learning and perfectionism: Anxious and non-anxious language learners’ responses to their own oral performance. Modern Language Journal 86 (4), 562–570. Gregersen, T. (2003) To err is human: A reminder to teachers of language-anxious students. Foreign Language Annals 36 (1), 25–32. Horwitz, E.K., Horwitz, M.B. and Cope, J. (1986) Foreign language classroom anxiety. Modern Language Journal 70 (2), 125–132.

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Kahneman, D. and Riis, J. (2005) Living, and thinking about it: Two perspectives on life. In F.A. Huppert, N. Baylis and B. Keverne (eds) The Science of Well-being (pp. 285–304). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Krashen, S.D. (1987) Principles and Practice in Second Language Acquisition. New York: Prentice-Hall International. Lopez, S.J., Prosser, E.C., Edwards, L.M., Magyar-Moe, J.L., Neufeld, J.E. and Rasmussen, H.N. (2002) Putting positive psychology in a multicultural context. In C.R. Snyder and S.J. Lopez (eds) Handbook of Positive Psychology (pp. 700–714). Oxford: Oxford University Press. MacIntyre, P.D. and Gardner, R.C. (1994) The subtle effects of language anxiety on cognitive processing in the second language. Language Learning 44 (2), 283–305. Nakamura, J. and Csikszentmihalyi, M. (2003) The concept of flow. In C.R. Snyder and S.J. Lopez (eds) Handbook of Positive Psychology (pp. 89–105). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Seligman, M.E. (2002) Positive psychology, positive prevention, and positive therapy. In C.R. Snyder and S.J. Lopez (eds) Handbook of Positive Psychology (pp. 528–540). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Seligman, M.E., Steen, T., Park, N. and Peterson, C. (2005) Positive psychology progress: Empirical validation of interventions. American Psychologist 60 (5), 410–421. Sylwester, R. (1994) How emotions affect learning. Educational Leadership 52 (2), 60–64. Ushioda, E. (2001) Language learning at university: Exploring the role of motivational thinking. In Z. Dornyei and R Schmidt (eds) Motivation and Second Language Acquisition (pp. 91–124). Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai Press. Weiner, B. (1992) Human Motivation: Metaphors, Theories and Research. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

8

The Affective Dimension in Multilinguals’ Language Learning Experiences Danuta Gabrys´-Barker

Introduction Although learning any subsequent language is a process similar to learning the previous one, various idiosyncratic/contextual factors also make it a different experience. Also any learning experience, as with any life experience for that matter, is very much determined by the way our affectivity filters it. Multilinguality cannot be comprehended by a mere extension of bilingual models but represents a much more complex phenomenon, which can be observed at different levels of language knowledge and functioning (Gabrys´-Barker, 2010). This complexity relates to the level of: • • • •

cognition (the conceptualizing breadth of a multilingual); linguistic resourcefulness (the multiple linguistic reference systems that can be employed); educational experiences (an extended learning experience observed in the form of transfer of training and transfer of learning); affective functioning (motivational differences in the use of individual languages in a multilingual’s possession, different dominance areas for individual languages, attitudes and social functions) (Gabrys´-Barker, 2005: 198).

This chapter comments on the role of affectivity in foreign language instruction in multilingual contexts, in which the first foreign language (L2) is learnt during the early stages of education, whereas the second and any subsequent foreign language (L3, Ln) are acquired later on in life, that is, in (young) adulthood. The theoretical part of the chapter discusses the relation between cognition and affectivity in learning and presents Schere’s appraisal theory as combining the two dimensions of learning, cognitive and affective. 99

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This theoretical discussion is illustrated with the findings of a study on the autobiographical memory of multilingual language users and analysis of their L2 and L3 learning experiences at different stages of their life.

Cognition and Affectivity in Learning Contexts According to Schumann (1997: 184–185): (. . .) cognition is done in the emotion areas of the brain. In appraisal, stimulus information is matched with stored information about emotional relevance and motivational significance of the same stimuli or similar stimuli encountered in the past (. . .). The matching provides emotional coloring to the new stimuli. The matching is a computation done by the brain’s emotional systems. Psycholingustic and neurolingustic research demonstrate that there is interaction between the ‘thinking’ brain and the ‘feeling’ brain and that furthermore the information entering the brain is received first by the emotional brain and filtered through it. So it may be assumed that success in learning is emotionally driven (Schumann, 1997). What is more, in the case of language learning, affectivity will play a dominant role as language is a vehicle for the communication and expression of self. The affectivity of L2 learning (motivations, attitudes, coping potential, etc.) may remain and be evoked in another language learning context, L3 (Ln) or it may be changed. It may be assumed that positive emotions and feelings from L2 learning will transfer at some level to the subsequent learning experience of L3. Past research, but also classroom practice of language teaching, have to be assessed as overwhelmingly concerned with learners’ cognitive capacities as measured by intelligence tests and IQ. However, for quite some time now and especially after the publication of Goleman’s book on emotional intelligence in 1998, the notion of emotional intelligence and its level measured as AQ (affectivity quotient) turned the attention of other researchers and practitioners to developing emotional literacy (EI) in educational contexts. Emotional intelligence was then defined as ‘The capacity for recognizing our own feelings and those of others, for motivating ourselves and for managing emotions well in ourselves and in our relationships’ (Goleman, 1998, quoted in Killick, 2006: 9). On the other hand, emotional literacy has been used in education longer than emotional literacy and came into being with child (learner)centred approaches to teaching (Steiner, 1979). It is seen as important because: • •

emotional difficulties underlie behavioral and motivational problems; emotional development develops resilience and aids skill acquisition for all, not just those with problems;

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developing emotional literacy in children and young people can help learning, confidence and cooperation in the classroom; these skills aid development of interpersonal and leadership skills in the workplace. (Killick, 2006: 7). Killick (2006) sees development of emotional intelligence by becoming:

– – – – –

more self-aware in relation to recognizing one’s feelings when they occur and reflecting on them and their consequences; being able to define one’s self-concept; more able to handle one’s feelings, especially strong ones such as, for example, feelings of fear or anger, instead of repressing them; more able to motivate oneself towards individually set short- and longterm goals; more empathetically oriented, that is, developing social perceptiveness in terms of understanding the feelings of others and on the basis of this forming relationships; more socially competent in interpersonal skills.

See Table 8.1 for the description of five pathways to EI. It is generally believed that the level of one’s emotional intelligence is more related to a personality profile of a person than his/her intelligence (IQ) (Petrides et al., 2004). However, it has to be remembered that although personality and temperament certainly influence one’s emotional make-up, it is important to see emotional intelligence as the practice of thinking about feeling and that it is more changeable than personality. (Killick, 2006: 11) Thus, as personality is inborn, it is a permanent characteristic of everyone. On the other hand, it may be assumed that thinking about one’s affectivity is temporary and may derive directly from a given situation as well as from the past experience and prior knowledge. It will also be shaped by one’s ability at the cognitive level of analysis, evaluation and (importantly) prediction – when one needs to apply the past experience to one’s present outlook on a given situation. Manolopoulou-Sergi (2004: 432) emphasizes the role of attitude as the most significant affective variable in language learning contexts as ‘(. . .) attitudes prepare individuals to evaluate the experience or the language situation/outcome before they actually get involved with the learning experience and therefore, react to it in a fairly stereotyped way’. Despite its significance, it seems that not much research has been done into the attitudinal aspects of multilinguality, except perhaps for the studies of Cenoz and Lasagabaster in the Basque Country, and Aronin in Israel.

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Table 8.1 Pathways to emotional intelligence (based on Killick, 2006, 41–53) Pathway

Defining

Comment

Self-awareness

Knowing one’s own emotions at any one time. Recognizing a feeling when it is being experienced and being aware of the thoughts that have led to the experience of the feeling (p. 42) (...) the ability to manage one’s emotions and to be able to handle them, especially strong feelings, appropriately

* A positive, integrated sense of self * A vocabulary of feelings * Thought catching * The feeling thermometer

Affect (or selfregulation) of emotion

Motivation

The ability to motivate oneself to achieve desired goals

Empathy (social perceptiveness)

The ability to recognize emotions in others

Social competence and interpersonal skills

Conversation and negotiation skills

* Self-control * Self-soothing – to calm oneself * Frustration tolerance * Positive self-talk * Stress management. * Intrinsic and extrinsic * Immediate or long-term rewards * Delayed gratification * Ambivalence (mixed or conflicting feelings about some behaviour) * Reflective listening – listening to feelings * Theory of Mind * The foundations of compassion * The importance of experiencing empathy *Initiation of a conversation, turn-take and maintaining conversation, terminating it * Negotiating meaning, expressing agreement and disagreement, mediating and solving problems

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However, the role of attitude and the so-called AQ (Attitude Quotient) have long been recognized in educational psychology and second language learning. Consequently they should be incorporated into multilingual studies, with their complexity of language constellations interacting with learners’ motivations, affective characteristics and social needs (Gabrys´Barker, 2005). Attitude is seen as combining cognition, affect and readiness for action (Baker, 1992). Schumann (1997) points to one’s contextual adaptation, (partly) irrespective of past experience and degree of openmindedness as a significant variable in one’s goal achievement, which I believe will also influence one’s attitude. Also Berkowitz (2000) reports that ‘Most contemporary emotion theorists hold that the meaning given to an event is the principal determinant of what emotion it will produce (. . .) for many purposes, it is meaningful to consider only the hedonic value of an experience – whether it is pleasant or unpleasant, positive or negative’ (Berkowitz, 2000: 175). However, ‘occasionally it is important to recognize differences among the affective states other than their valence’ (Berkowitz, 2000: 189). Berkowitz points to the intensity of affective experience as significant: A number of studies have now shown that intensity is an important aspect of affective experience, whether one is concerned with this experience at a moment in time (i.e. with affective states) or over a fairly long interval (i.e. with affective traits) progr. (Berkowitz, 2000: 193) Reporting on Fredrickson’s (1998) findings, Berkowitz states that ‘positive and negative emotions are not only different in feeling tone but also have altogether different psychological functions. (. . .) positive emotions serve to broaden people’s “momentary thought-action repertoire”’ (Berkowitz, 2000: 192). He also takes into account prior experiences as conducive to causes of certain feelings: ‘There are several different theoretical analyses of how past experience with a range of stimuli of a certain kind (. . .) influences judgements of a later-encountered stimulus of that kind’ (Berkowitz, 2000: 195). The interface of cognition and affectivity is well-expressed by the way we assess a situation we find ourselves in, such as for example learning a foreign language – that is, by our appraisal systems. Generally it is assumed that appraisal systems are based on a variety of factors, such as for instance the anxiety felt when we do not feel safe and express worries about the situation we are in. It may result in ‘freezing the brain, preparing the body for flight (avoidance or safety seeking) or fight (aggression), facing up to fears and gaining mastery over them or seeing things in a different way’ (Killick, 2006: 156). According to Schrauf and Durazo-Arvizu (2006: 287), ‘The individual makes an appraisal of the event in terms of his or her well-being and goals’.

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For Scherer (1984, 2001) our appraisal of a given situation constitutes even a more complex network of interacting variables such as: – – – – –

novelty, demonstrating the degree of familiarity of the stimulus in terms of the task itself, type of input data or action/strategy followed in performing the task (output); intrinsic pleasantness, expressing how pleasant the stimulus is as a factor conducive to the type of approach to the task taken, manifested as either (enthusiastic) indulgence in the task or its avoidance; goal/need significance, expressed as relevance value for an individual, in other words, the significance and immediate value the stimulus (i.e. task or action) has for an individual; coping potential, demonstrating one’s perception of ability to perform a task (action) or to change the stimulus to adjust to one’s performance potential; it is influenced by emotions resulting from previous experience; norm/self compatibility, showing one’s evaluation of how appropriate in social/ cultural terms the stimulus is understood to be (Gabrys´-Barker, 2009).

Age Factor and Affectivity in Learning Studies show that adult learning can constitute a life-long process and indeed this understanding has become recently an important issue in education. However, what is often observed is that in the case of adult learners – and this is often observed in language courses – the drop-out rate in various educational settings is much higher than in other age groups. This might be attributable to the factors outlined below. • • •

•

Adults who have been away from systematic education for some time may underestimate their ability to learn, and this lack of confidence may prevent them from applying themselves wholly. Methods of teaching have changed since most adults were in school, so that most of them have to go through a period of adjustment to strange new conditions. Various physiological changes occur in the process of aging, such as decline in visual acuity, reduction in speed of reaction, and lowering of energy levels, which operate as barriers to learning unless compensated for by such devices as louder sound, larger printing and slower pace. Adults respond less readily to external sanctions for learning (such as grades) than to internal motivation (Knowles, 2002: 94–95).

Such characteristics of an adult as a learner and his/her assessment of the educational context may to lead to conclusions that adults should be much more vulnerable and anxious in their learning, which may lead to diminished

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self-esteem and ability to cope as deriving from negative affectivity. Thus models of education for adults have to be structured differently from those functioning in the early stages of life (childhood and adolescence). Adult characteristics become especially significant in the context of foreign language instruction, which more than any other learning context may expose adults to ridicule and feelings of embarrassment.

Affectivity in Multilingual Learning Experience In my study of adult foreign language learning, I intend to look at autobiographical memories of the subjects in relation to their prior L2 learning in childhood and adolescence and further L3 learning experience in adulthood. The autobiographical memories are defined as: (. . .) all memories, including unbidden or spontaneous ones, are triggered by some association and by some personal, and often social motive. Explicit memory especially is goal-driven and uniquely self-relevant (Conway & Pleydell-Pearce, 2000), both at the moment of encoding (we encode into memory those events that have some personal relevance to us) and at retrieval (we recall from memory those events that have some relevance to our present concerns. (Schrauf & Durazo-Arvizu, 2006: 287) The major focus in this study is on affectivity in both contexts. My hypothesis is that affectivity would play a more significant role in later language learning (i.e. L3) and that in many cases it might have detrimental effects on L3 development. The autobiographical data come from a group of 64 university students, who were all multilingual language users. The group was homogenous in terms of their language achievement: advanced L2 (English) and preintermediate L3 (mostly German, but also French). Also their learning histories were fairly similar: the length of learning and the type of instruction received. The data were collected in the form of retrospective comments on positive and negative associations connected with the two language learning contexts. In other words, the subjects were asked to retrospect on the way they perceive their more remote-in-time experiences of L2 learning and closerin-time exposure to L3 instruction. All the comments of the subjects are classified as either positive or negative. The collated data show a greater frequency, although not very significant, of negative perceptions of learning experiences over positive recollections: positive learning experiences: 47% versus negative learning experiences: 53%. Additionally, the collated data shows the dominance of affective aspects of the subjects’ learning experiences (61%) over cognitive ones (39%). The overall analysis of the affectivity expressed relates both to

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positively perceived experiences and negative ones (a slightly greater frequency of positivity of 51% versus 49% of negativity). This is not the case with the cognitive dimension of the experiences, in which the negativity is much more dominant (60% of all comments). Comparing each learning context, it seems that the fairly balanced picture of negative versus positive comments in general, here in individual contexts, is no longer homogenous. L2 learning is seen as a positive experience (63%) more than a negative one (37%). However in the case of L3, negative associations constitute 67% of the total number, with only 33% of associations seen as positive (Table 8.2). On the basis of the data (Table 8.2) it can be observed that the tendency of affectivity to dominate over the cognitive dimension of the subjects’ recollection of their learning experiences is observed almost on the same levels in each of the two contexts: 63% for L2 and 61% for L3. Despite this, however, positive emotions constitute 80% of all affective comments in L2 experiences singled out as significant by the subjects. In the L3 retrospections, affectivity is marked negatively in a dominant 62% of the subjects’ responses. Clearly, therefore, affectivity expressed by the subjects in their memorycomments is very different for each of the contexts recalled. The cognitive dimension of data presents a much more homogenous picture for both learning contexts. Negative cognitive comments dominate both in the case of L2 and L3 (60% and 72% respectively). However, as mentioned earlier, they are much less numerous in the subjects’ comments on their learning than affective ones. The qualitative content of the comments made by the subjects in the retrospective task of reflecting on their learning experiences shows that in L2 learning at the cognitive level the subjects expressed concern about different areas of language as being either difficult or easy. The emphasis was put on effective teaching, good teachers and interesting materials. At the same time negativity was expressed in relation to insufficient speaking and listening practice in class and badly taught grammar. At the affective level, the comments report on the ease of learning, positive attitudes and motivation to Table 8.2 Types of comments: L2 versus L3 (Gabrys´-Barker, 2011) Type

L2

L3

Cognitive comments in total Positive cognitive

37% 40% 60% 63% 80% 20% 63% 37%

39% 28% 72% 61% 38% 62% 33% 67%

Negative cognitive Affective comments in total Positive affective Negative affective Positive in total Negative in total

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learn to be able to communicate with native speakers in authentic target language contexts and with peers in classroom interaction. The ability to participate in the TL culture was seen as evidence of language achievement. The frustrations expressed resulted mostly from speaking apprehension, anxiety and occasionally, dissatisfaction with one’s results and communication breakdowns, which had a damaging effect on self-esteem (Table 8.3). In the case of L3 learning at the cognitive level, the subjects focused in their comments on the role of language transfer between L1, L2 and L3 as one of their learning strategies. The specificity of language grammar system (German) seemed to be the major factor contributing to both positive and negative perceptions of learning experiences in L3. L3 learning seemed to pose problems of negative transfer and even code switching, mostly from L2. The lack of speaking opportunities in class was commonly pointed out as a negative experience, resulting in the subjects’ inability to communicate. Despite grammar focus, difficulties in developing lexical competence were also pointed out. At the affective level of L3 learning experience, positive comments demonstrated the instrumental motivation of the subjects, but also a sense of achievement. A positive attitude to culture was expressed as a consequence of familiarity with it and easy access to it via media and German TV channels. At the same time, a negative attitude was more often observed in learners’ concerns with the historical past of Poland, in which Germans were still remembered as invaders of their motherland. These comments often directly related to subjects’ family war stories. It was interesting to observe that the superiority of their L2 (English) was a de-motivating factor in L3 (German) learning. Certain linguistic characteristics of L3 (most often mentioned was the ‘unpleasant’ sound of language), combined with negative appraisal of the teachers, teaching methods, syllabus and demands put upon the learners, formed the main negative associations. To summarize, these two learning contexts are perceived by the subjects as very diverse. L2 learning is seen as not only instrumentally motivating but also person-related and directed towards TL culture participation, so integrative aspects of learning motivation are strongly expressed by the subjects. The sense of achievement is higher than in L3 learning, as well as the ease of L2 learning are its distinct features. A strong emphasis is put on positivity in relation to learning experiences owing to teachers’ professional qualifications, motivating classrooms and generally the climate conducive to learning and one’s achievement in language use (Gabrys´-Barker, 2011). L3 learning is seen as an experience in which prior knowledge at the level of language learnt before (English) is significant. The role of language transfer is emphasized as both positive and negative. Also at the level of transfer of learning, the incompatibility of the methods used is seen as a significant and negative (de-motivating) factor. The negativity results greatly from the affective background, partly determined by the fact that L3 is German and brings historical recollections of the war years (despite the young age of the

L3

L2

Boring assignments. Inappropriate classroom dynamics. Dissatisfaction with one’s results. Frustrations resulting from classroom language versus real language (language shock). Stressful speaking and communication apprehension.

Pleasure of language learning. Contact with NSs (friends, girl/ boy-friend). British culture and humor. Language intuition. Ease of learning. Usefulness: professionally motivating and in traveling, lingua franca. Competent and energetic teachers. Genuine classroom interaction. Attitude to culture and literature, their familiarity (family connections). Success in language learning and a sense of achievement. Positive attitude to language. Classroom experiences. Using language with family members. Quick progress so immense satisfaction. Belief in a wide range of job opportunities. Easy access to authentic materials and TV (pride in comprehension). Positive selfevaluation.

Different aspects of language: grammar and pronunciation. Not enough practice in listening comprehension. Learning rules by heart. Irregularity in language. Non/authentic language taught. Badly taught grammar. No speaking opportunities. Negative language transfer. Speaking and pronunciation learning problems. Problems with memorization of words. Difficulty of language: grammar and listening comprehension. Word order and long words, endings, spelling. Speaking problems. Code switching (L2 English into L3 German).

Different aspects of language: grammar, vocabulary. Development of language skills. Effective teaching methods and good materials. Different language aspects: regular grammar rules, logic of language. Similarities with L2 and L3: positive language transfer. Developing learning strategies.

Not a language of choice (imposed by school, parents). The language of the invaders and stereotypical attitude to German. Historical burden so negative attitude, family war stories. Language specificity: unpleasant sound of language. Perceived superiority of L2, L3 not useful abroad. Lack of interaction with NSs and no opportunities to use the language. Boredom of materials and classroom tasks. Ineffective and rigid teachers. Stressful classes. Pressure of exams. Inability to cope with an overloaded curriculum and too high demands. Low proficiency and lack of progress.

Affective negative

Affective positive

Cognitive negative

Cognitive positive

Table 8.3 Content focus of cognitive and affective comments

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subjects). Additionally, they stem from bad classroom experiences due to negatively evaluated teachers’ pedagogical competence and the irrelevance of learning tasks for the learners. There is much less focus here on individual motivations of the integrative type, as L3 is not a language of choice, but imposed by the school (university). Consequently, there is less sense of progress and language development observed by the subjects. The superiority of L2 is perceived as an impeding factor in L3 learning (Gabrys´-Barker, 2011).

Discussion and Findings: Adults and their Appraisals of Learning Experiences The main findings of the study show a preponderance of affective comments in both learning contexts; however, in L2 it is positive (80%), whereas it is negative in L3 contexts (62%), which confirms the hypothesis of the study. Examples of negativity expressed in L2 learning are cognitive in nature as contrasted with L3 contexts where negativity is mostly affective. Apart from the mentioned factors, it is the perceived lack of coping potential (an affective dimension of learning) that the subjects express as a major characteristic of their L3 learning. This attitude was conducive to problems of selfesteem expressed by the subjects and as a consequence lack of confidence in one’s ability, which hinders progress and results in decrease of motivation and creates negative attitudes to learning. Additionally, the comments describe the two learning situations as distinct in the perceptions of their final language attainment, leading to treating L2 as a language of use and the subjects as language users, whereas L3 is rather seen as a learning task and the subjects see themselves as merely learners, with all the adverse consequences such a perception brings. Despite individual differences between the learners, a general tendency towards becoming more negative about one’s learning and achievement is noticeable in the subjects’ comments. The findings of the study also show that the difference between the two contexts can be seen in the cases of L2 advanced ability, where the subjects exhibit intense fear of making no visible progress anymore and reaching a state of fossilization or plateau. In L3 learning, negativity results from perceived language complexity on the one hand, and the incompatibility of the method of instruction with learners’ profiles and their learning histories, on the other. It can be assumed that this relation shows the link between learning different languages in a sequence (and not simultaneously) and the role the subjects attach to their prior experiences and their individual ways of approaching learning in the past. It may also be assumed that the generally greater difficulties encountered in the L3 context are attributable to the age of subjects, whose first FL learning experiences occurred in their childhood (L2 private instruction in the majority of cases or instruction at primary school). It is well-known that the

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nature and quality of learning processes in adulthood (here, the case of L3) change: motivations are different and thus personal involvement is of a different character. Learning histories determine the attitude to a new learning situation, memory works differently, language awareness is different. Also, and perhaps even more importantly, affective factors play a more significant role in language achievement as adults demonstrate more vulnerability in terms of their self-confidence, self-esteem, sensitivity to how others see them, and how they see themselves. In consequence, L3 learning experience can be seen as more traumatic and more negative, as expressed both in this study and in the previous one (Gabrys´-Barker, 2010): Adults appear to exhibit more teacher dependency and thus a teacher appears to be ‘the significant other’ in L3 learning, much more than in L2 instruction. For this reason, a critical approach to teachers and a negative perception of teachers’ competence is widely expressed in the L3 data, but largely absent from L2 comments. In L2 experiences acquired at much earlier ages, teachers constitute in a great majority of cases a driving force for the learners and often not only a language model, but also one of effective teaching and successful communication with their pupils. The learning situation is not new (as they have already learnt their L2), but in a sense it is different because adult learners come to their L3 classrooms with a backlog of experiences, different awareness and a developed concept of self-identity as learners and as people. However, despite those past experiences being good and even exemplary, they do not transfer to their L3 learning context because the learners themselves are not the same and the context is changed. It is also not without significance that the learners in this study (and in the previous one) were trained to be teachers of EFL (English as a Foreign Language), so their attitudes and reflections on their learning, and also teaching are based on acquired knowledge and some degree of practice in teaching; thus they are able to make more informed and more critical judgments. The novelty of a learning situation is not appreciated by an adult learner, whereas it was a welcome and a motivating factor in the L2 study data. As stated elsewhere (Gabrys´-Barker, 2010), the novelty of L3 learning situation exposes the adult learners to insecurity, anxiety and fear of the unfamiliar, especially if the teaching methods used are different from those in the previous L2 instructional context. This serves to demonstrate how adult learners see themselves in these contexts and how significant the affective level is in their multilingual development. To summarize, affective factors play a more significant role in language achievement in the case of adults and especially in their further learning experience (L3), as adults demonstrate more vulnerability in terms of their self-confidence, self-esteem, sensitivity to how others see them, and how they see themselves. This insecurity and anxiety is also attributable to the

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influence of transfer of training expressed by the incompatibility of the method used in L3 learning with the adult learners’ previous learning experience. Thus, on the basis of these results I would like to emphasize that models of adult teaching should make more of an effort to take into account the importance of the affective dimension. A good start would be to make the adults aware of, and thus better able to modify their affectivity, which is expressed in their appraisals of past versus present learning. This awarenessraising would have to focus on the role of previous experiences (their novelty and familiarity), defining one’s goals explicitly and most of all a sensible and open-minded approach to one’s coping potential.

References Baker, C. (1992) Attitudes and Language. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Berkowitz, L. (2000) Causes and Consequences of Feelings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press & Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Home. Conway, M. and Pleydell-Pearce, C. (2000) The construction of biographical memories in the self-memory system. Psychological Review 107 (2), 261–288. Fredrickson, B.L. (1998) What good are positive emotions? Review of General Psychology, 2 (3), 300–319. Gabrys´-Barker, D. (2005) Aspects of Multilingual Storage, Processing and Retrieval. Katowice: University of Silesia Press. Gabrys´-Barker, D. (2009) The appraisal systems in a multilingual language learning experience. A paper delivered at ISAPL Congress, Bari, Italy, June 2010. Gabrys´-Barker, D. (2010) Multilinguals’ learning stories: Stability and change. A paper delivered at TAL Conference, University of Opole, November 2010. Gabrys´-Barker, D. (2011) Multilinguals’ learning stories: Stability and change. In E. Piechurska-Kuciel and L. Piasecka (eds) Variability and Stability in Foreign and Second Language Learning Context (pp. 22–47). Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Goleman, D. (1998) Working with Emotional Intelligence. London: Bloomsbury. Killick, S. (2006) Emotional Literacy at the Heart of the School Ethos. London: Paul Chapman Publishing. Knowles, M. (2002) Andragogy: An emerging technology for adult learning. In R. Edwards, A. Hanson and P. Raggatt (eds) Boundaries of Adult Learning (pp. 82–98). London/New York: Routledge and Open University. Manolopoulou-Sergi, E. (2004) Motivation within the information processing model of foreign language learning. System 32 (3), 427–441. Petrides, K.V., Furnham, A. and Frederickson, N. (2004) Emotional intelligence. The Psychologist 17 (10), 574–577. Scherer, K.R. (1984) Emotion as multi-component process: A model and some crosscultural data. In P. Shaver (ed.) Review of Personality and Social Psychology: Vol. 5. Emotions, relationships and health (pp. 37–63). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Scherer, K.R. (2001) Appraisal considered as a process of multi-level sequential checking. In K.R. Scherer, A. Schorr and T. Johnstone (eds) Appraisal Processes in Emotion: Theory, Methods, Research (pp. 92–120). New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press. Schrauf, R.W. and Durazo-Arvizu, R. (2006) Bilingual autobiographical memory and emotion. Theory and methods. In A. Pavlenko (ed.) Bilingual Minds: Emotional Experience, Expression and Representation (pp. 284–311). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Schumann, J.H. (1997) The Neurobiology of Affect in Language. Oxford: Blackwell. Steiner, C. (1979) Healing Alcoholism. New York: Grove Press.

9

Goals Pursuit in a Foreign Language Classroom: A Student Perspective Anna Klimas

Introduction It is beyond any doubt that motivation is an important research area, as it determines whether learning takes place at all. We should be thus especially interested in ways of enhancing students’ motivation to learn. Motivation can be analysed from many perspectives depending on the point of focus, but practically all L2 motivation theories acknowledge a vital role of goals. Goal-setting seems to be a prominent constituent of language learning because it affects the extent of learners’ effort, persistence, active involvement and attitudes towards learning (Pintrich & Schunk, 2002). In other words, it may be a powerful tool used to arouse and sustain students’ motivation. Goals play a significant role in general motivation theories as well as in L2-oriented theories. Not only are goals present within research on motivation, but also they are acknowledged by several other approaches in the field of education and foreign language learning, such as autonomous language learning (Benson, 2001), self-regulation (Pintrich, 2000), learning strategies (Ehrman et al., 2003), mediated learning experience (Feuerstein & Feuerstein, 1991), needs analysis (Nunan & Lamb, 1996) and group dynamics (Ehrman & Dörnyei, 1998). Apart from goals, all of these constructs share another feature, i.e. the promotion of effective learning. On this basis, therefore, it can be stated that setting goals is indispensable if we want to improve the quality of the learning experience. This chapter explores the nature of setting and pursuing language learning goals. It also examines Polish secondary school students’ perceptions of these processes by providing information on what the students found facilitating and obstructing for their language learning goal pursuit. The research 112

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results that will be reported on were obtained as a part of a large-scale study devoted to determining a motivating role of a goal-setting procedure.

Understanding Goals and Goal Processes A very simple definition of a goal states that it is ‘a desirable future state of affairs one intends to attain through action’ (Kruglanski, 1996: 600), so goal processes should be understood in terms of goal-setting, goal implementation and reactions to goal-relevant outcomes, i.e. attainment and non-attainment. Setting and achieving goals is a composite set of processes depending on a number of factors. The characteristics of the goal itself, i.e. specificity, difficulty, complexity, commitment, perception of the goal’s importance, goal proximity, the level of abstraction or goal source, may have a substantial influence on whether our strivings to meet the goal are successful. Another point that should be mentioned is the characteristics of a person pursuing goals such as the level of persistence, self-esteem or intelligence. However, Baumeister (1996) notices that two people comparable in terms of their abilities may achieve different levels of success owing to the presence of a wide range of the goal-related phenomena. Goal-setting is mostly a conscious operation, but the choice of potential goals is influenced by several unconscious factors. Dörnyei and Ottó (1998) in their process model of motivation present four motivational influences on goal-setting, i.e. subjective values and norms (individual reactions to past experiences), incentive values (instrumental benefits, intrinsic pleasure), perceived potency of potential goals (probability of achieving the goal) and environmental effects (expectations of significant others, school climate). Setting a goal is not enough to feel successful, because there is a long and difficult way between an initial stage of establishing goals and a final stage of achieving them. Goals need to be implemented through appropriate actions, so the very precise way of goal execution should be planned. At this point individual factors and beliefs come into play as well. Kruglanski (1996) distinguishes two cases of goal implementation. In the first of them, because the goal’s mental representation is well developed and is based on routinized procedures for goal attainment: little planning is needed. Hence, the strategies required to achieve the goal are immediately evoked by the activation of the goal itself. In the second case, the mental representation of goals is undeveloped, so an individual may have very few specific ideas as to their implementation. For example, learning to speak English is this kind of goal whose accomplishment has to be extensively planned as there are numerous ways of reaching the target. Goal-setting is sometimes just thinking to oneself about what one would like to achieve. In such a case, there are no penalties or rewards apart from

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certain affective reactions to the outcome of one’s actions (Baumeister, 1996). There are also situations in which setting a goal is accompanied by making certain commitments, which involves ‘forgoing other possible goals or pastimes, (. . .) and placing contingencies on oneself’ (Baumeister, 1996: 37). In consequence, commitment to the goal usually brings rewards for success or punishments for failure. A goal may be attained via multiple means. The choice of suitable means for pursuing chosen goals is always dependent on the situation. If an employed set of means turns out to be ineffective, there are some alternative paths to be followed. However, reaching the goal may be also impossible, which will obviously result in negative feelings. Instead of abandoning the activity, an individual may deal with these unfavourable emotions by substituting the goal that is too difficult and at the same time unreachable with another goal that is equally desirable but concerns a different domain. For example, Kruglanski (1996) notices that a student who failed an academic task might turn to social goals, such as interaction with friends, to compensate for the lack of success at school. Interestingly, goal attainment does not always lead to satisfaction and happiness as in some cases the perceived desirability of the goal may gradually decrease.

The Study Goal pursuit, as any other phenomenon connected with language instruction, cannot be analysed in isolation from individual or environmental factors. The aim of the research was to discover and describe such influences, which might be both positive and negative. It could be achieved by means of students’ observations, reflection and contemplation of everything that happened in the classroom and outside it and that might have influenced the process. The data were collected during one school year. For the purpose of the bigger research project that investigated the effectiveness of a goal-setting procedure, two groups of subjects were chosen: experimental and control – each consisted of two class groups. However, reference will be made to the experimental group only because the students who belonged to the control group were subject to a ‘traditional’ way of teaching, so neither the goals nor their significance were explicitly communicated to them. The experimental group included 30 higher secondary school students, aged 17–18 (the second grade). Furthermore, the treatment was based on an assumption that students should be informed about long-term as well as short-term aims that they are required to achieve. That is why the participants were asked to assess the importance of particular goals, set their own goals and consciously engage in the process of achieving these goals. The goal-setting as well as goal-evaluation sessions were held on a regular basis throughout the whole school year.

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The instrument used in the research was a goal-setting logbook, which in the sections discussed in this article produced mainly qualitative data. It was specially developed for the purpose of this study, so all the instructions as well as the content of the logbook were in Polish. Basically, there were two parts of the logbook: one was to be completed at the beginning of each week, the other one was to be filled in after the period assigned for goal pursuit. It was designed in a form of a table divided into six columns. In the first column, the subjects could see the goals specified for one week of study. This part was meant to be done by the teacher on the basis of the syllabus. Additionally, there was always some free space for the students to suggest and write down their own goals. The rest of the columns were supposed to be completed by the students with the following information: the importance they attach to particular goals (on the scale provided from 5 – very important to 1 – irrelevant), actions they were going to take in order to achieve the goals, possible obstacles that could occur on the way towards the goal and methods that could be employed to deal with them. The last two columns belonged to the evaluation part of the logbook. The participants could assess the level of goal achievement in percentages. They were also asked to make comments on what happened during the whole week. The instrument was thus a kind of a diary whose main aim was to be informed of what was happening in the classroom.

Study Results and Comments As has been stressed, achieving a goal is a long-lasting and effortful experience. Hence there are many factors which may either enhance or inhibit the process. The following section presents the research results obtained in order to distinguish and name these factors. Promotion of self-regulatory approach to learning and greater commitment required the participants to anticipate any possible obstacles that might interfere with achieving goals as well as of ways of overcoming these problems. In addition, as not all the complications could be anticipated, the participants were prompted to contemplate the issue and name the problems after the goal pursuit was completed in the ‘comments’ section of the instrument. Table 9.1 presents obstacles which were mentioned by the students on both occasions. The frequency of the problems’ occurrence is also reported. The participants mentioned 39 obstacles, which could be divided into three general groups. It is worth pointing out that any possible classification would have to take into account the fact that one obstacle can be looked at from many different perspectives. For example, some problems appear only in the classroom (e.g. noisy peers) or only outside it (e.g. lack of time to practice). Other problems apply to all learning situations (e.g. being tired) or only to specific situations such as doing a listening task (e.g. speed of the

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Table 9.1 Inhibiting factors

External distractions

Frequency

Obstacles

Situation

77

Lack of time caused by other activities Other students disturbing Other subjects

Having to do something at home Practising in the classroom Studying at home (being forced to study many subjects) or in the classroom (focusing on other subjects) Situations requiring staying focused, e.g. listening practice All All

Noise in the classroom

Personal distractions

234

The weather Being absent at school Laziness Not being active during classes Not being persistent enough/giving up easily Lack of concentration, inability to concentrate Lack of motivation Being tired Being bored Personal matters Being ill Stress Orthodontic braces No results of my efforts/ no visible progress Bad mood Being afraid of speaking English Not being interested in the topic Feeling discouraged by mistakes A ‘bad day’ Being bored with the topic

Studying at home All All All All All All All All All Practising pronunciation All All Speaking Reading Speaking, writing Speaking Reading (continued)

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Table 9.1 (Continued)

Knowledge/ learning limitations

Frequency

Obstacles

Situation

49

Lack of necessary vocabulary

Speaking, writing

Thinking about holidays Problems with remembering vocabulary Lack of necessary grammar structures Inability to recall words when they are needed Problems with understanding recordings Too much to learn No opportunities to practice individually Unawareness of learning strategies Being discouraged by little usefulness of vocabulary Nothing to say about the topic Too little practice Speed of listening recording (too fast) Nobody to practice with

All Vocabulary Speaking Speaking, writing Listening

Vocabulary Speaking Vocabulary Vocabulary Speaking Grammar Listening Speaking

recording). Some problems appear because of what students think (e.g. being bored with the topic), how they feel (e.g. being ill), or how much they know (e.g. lack of necessary vocabulary). The problems can also occur owing to some external causes, independent from students themselves (e.g. bad weather) or internal causes, the ones which students can usually control (e.g. laziness). That is why the proposed classification presents inhibiting factors divided into three general groups according to their source, i.e. external, internal distractions, knowledge/learning limitations, as well as situations in which they appeared (see Table 9.1). The first group features external distractions, i.e. those which people have very little or no influence on, such as the weather. The most frequent inhibitor of goal achievement, according to the participants of the study, was

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the lack of time caused by other, not academic, activities. In such a situation learners were unable to spend as much time on language practice at home as they needed or wanted to. A remedy was found in good organization of one’s time and activities. The same refers to another problem listed in the goalsetting logbooks, namely other school subjects. Secondary school learners are forced to study many subjects at the same time, regardless of their interests and preferences. Hence, students tend to establish certain priorities and devote time and effort accordingly. In addition to this, situations in which other classmates interfere with goal achievement were quite frequent. Disruptive behaviour of other students or the noise made by them may either direct attention to matters not directly connected with the topic of the lesson or prevent them from staying focused. The participants of the study believed that solving such a problem was the teacher’s responsibility. Indeed, as it is often generalized, a strict teacher equals a competent and effective teacher. This observation brings us to the concept of self-regulation (Pintrich, 2000; Zimmerman, 2000). Not only do self-regulated learners take active part in learning in terms of cognitive processes, but also they monitor, control, and regulate their behaviour as well as some aspects of the environment, i.e. other students. Thus, the subjects were acquainted with such a view so that they could reconsider the roles traditionally ascribed to the teacher and themselves. The second, and at the same time, the biggest group of inhibiting factors concerns these distractions which occur owing to some internal rather than external causes. Learners’ feelings, thoughts or features of character led up to certain difficulties posing threat to achieving goals. Such obstacles can usually be curbed, so theoretically they might be tackled at ease. However, this is not always the case. Some personal matters were out of direct and absolute control. Others served probably as excuses. The most common problem mentioned by the students was being absent at school and it can be treated as students’ favourite excuse for not being prepared or not doing homework. Then, the study participants surprisingly often confessed to being lazy. The consequence of that weakness of character was of yet another concern, i.e. not being active during classes. Other common problems include giving up easily, inability to concentrate, or lack of motivation. Naturally, a remedy to them could be found in some affective strategies such as encouraging oneself or positive self-talk. Throughout the whole experimental procedure the participants were inspired to put aside their negative feelings and to try to concentrate on hard work. Discussions held in class assisted the teacher in creating group goal-orientedness (Hadfield, 1992) and promoting cooperative classroom goal structure (Dörnyei & Malderez, 1997). In this case, the researcher was able to observe some consequences: positive emotions and attitudes towards the subject, a cohesive relationship with peers and the teacher. The last group of problems the subject came across while pursuing goals includes some understanding or learning limitations that prevent learners

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from acquiring new knowledge. The students often complained about insufficient vocabulary to deal with speaking or writing tasks; at the same time, they reported having difficulties with remembering words or recalling them when needed. Once the problem was identified, language learning strategies were gradually introduced and then utilized on a regular basis. There were also individual cases of problems with other aspects of language learning (grammar) or skills (listening). Most importantly, the participants benefited from verbalising their problems. The teacher could respond to them so that the students pursued goals undisturbed. As we know, teachers have many roles in the classroom and one of them is to be a facilitator or a mediator. As the theory of mediated learning experience (Feuerstein & Feuerstein, 1991) postulates, mediation denotes assisting learners not only in acquiring new knowledge but, first and foremost, in teaching them strategies and skills that are used to deal with obstacles. Teachers as mediators should stimulate students’ cognitive, social, and emotional development, consequently, the whole process of acquiring knowledge. The participants were also invited to mention all the positive factors that helped them on the way towards the goals. They could do it by writing comments in the last column of the goal-setting logbooks. As it was noticed, the ways suggested to overcome some difficulties gradually began to make goal achievement easier. Actually, similar categories appear in the groups of inhibiting and facilitative factors. It can be thus considered to be one of the beneficial effects of this part of the goal-setting procedure. Interestingly, naming obstacles turned out to be less of a problem than naming facilitating factors. Having carefully analysed students’ comments, it was possible to recognize several criteria that had a positive effect on achieving goals (see Table 9.2). Each of the seven factors was given a name which covers students’ different ideas and is strictly of the researcher’s invention. It cannot be forgotten, however, that the optional and voluntary character of the participants’ comments will not offer as a complete a picture as possible. Nevertheless, some students willingly took part in the experiment and their ideas were used to arrive at the classification presented in the table together with frequency, short explanations as well as examples of students’ comments/remarks, which were translated into English. The first factor was called ‘me factor as it included all the examples of an individual influence on the goal achievement. An individual is undoubtedly the most important element in the learning process. Although initially the students did not exhibit strong willingness to control the process of goalsetting, when faced with this challenge, they began to understand the role they played in achieving goals. They gave many examples of their own work, overcoming weaknesses, and persistence. It became obvious to most of them that learning the language is much easier when it operates at the level of conscious engagement. The second group of facilitative factors comprises the use of strategies needed to plan and organize one’s learning. Extremely useful as they are, in

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Table 9.2 Facilitative factors Name

Frequency

Explanation

Examples

“Me” factor

173

Concerns students’ individual effort and engagement in achieving goals

Planning factor

166

Connected with a conscious use of skills and strategies needed to plan and organize one’s learning

Resources factor

179

Includes making use of additional materials and resources available to students to their own advantage

‘I think I’m getting better at speaking because I try to think in English.’ ‘Only because of my persistence and probing I could overcome problems with understanding tenses.’ ‘I did it myself and I feel good about it.’ (about writing an e-mail) ‘I know that in learning English so much depends only on me.’ ‘I knew I had to give up going out with friends as we had a test on Unit 3.’ ‘This time I didn’t wait until the last moment and I started learning earlier.’ ‘I devoted 10 minutes a day to learn school topic.’ ‘I used an English File CD to practice pronunciation at home.’ ‘The dictionary I have at home contains some grammar explanations, so I read the part on Present Perfect Tense to finally figure it out.’ ‘Whenever I feel I have a problem with something, I go to an English File website for more exercises.’ (continued)

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Table 9.2 (Continued) Name

Frequency

Explanation

Examples

Task factor

112

The influence of the task itself on students’ willingness to pursue it

‘The reading was very interesting and I didn’t have to force myself to do the task.’ ‘I like singing, so learning English Christmas carols was a pleasure.’

Teacher factor

97

Instructor assistance in overcoming obstacles which appear on the way towards goals

‘The teacher gave a chance to every student to say something about their families, so I know I can do it.’ ‘I really liked teacher’s examples of sentences with adjectives, so I think I’ll remember them better.’ ‘I wouldn’t know what to say if it wasn’t for the teacher’s help.’

Peers factor

66

Comprises all the examples of facilitating effects that peers exert on each other’s learning

‘We shared the work and prepared the project together which made it much easier.’ ‘I can always count on Agata when we speak English. She’s got so many interesting ideas.’ ‘It was Ania who explained the third conditional to me.’

Significant others factor

7

Involves the assistance of people who are not directly present in the learningteaching situation as opposed to teacher and peers

‘My mother made me stay at home and learn English.’ ‘My sister knows English really well and she helped me with homework.’

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most cases they need to be taught. Good organization of one’s own learning is a rare feature, especially for teenage learners. The very procedure of goalsetting is planning-oriented; that is why, the participants were able to see that effective learning requires this kind of strategy. The regularity of setting goals, their implementation and evaluation helped the students recognize the significance of metacognitive knowledge and skills, which enabled them to reflect on their learning from outside. Apart from students themselves and their metacognitive skills, other factors that assisted goal achievement were distinguished. Some subjects of the experiment noticed that there are many resources that they can take advantage of while pursuing learning goals. It might seem obvious that such things as CDs attached to coursebooks, dictionaries or dedicated websites assist language acquisition, but it requires some time and effort to convince teenage students how they can benefit from these resources. If, additionally, the language practice utilizes interesting and stimulating tasks, i.e. the next factor, students will appreciate their contribution to language development as it happened in the case of the present study. Indeed, as it is represented by the concept of task motivation (Dörnyei, 2003), tasks are essential elements of motivated behaviour as they not only form students’ immediate interest and commitment, but they also shape attitudes towards learning in general. Language learning tasks depict the connection between educational goals, teacher and students, so in fact they are possible means to achieve the goals. What is more, the participants were able to name three other factors which share a certain feature, namely that they involve other people (the teacher, peers, significant others). Many students appreciated the teacher’s endeavours to help them benefit from the goal-setting procedure. Having been aware of all the possible obstacles that could appear on the way towards the goals, the instructor could react promptly and try to prevent them from happening or at least to lessen their consequences. As students usually expect the teacher to support and guide them, this expectation could be fulfilled, so the students’ needs were recognized and problems were successfully tackled. As the teacher’s actions were also directed at encouraging and maintaining cooperative classroom goal structure, it helped to promote positive interpersonal relations among students. Consequently, the participants of the study mentioned their peers as another factor playing a facilitative role in goal pursuit. Students’ comments offered information on how they interacted and helped each other. It turned out that it was much easier to achieve learning goals if students trusted and accepted each other and the responsibility for achieving the objectives was shared. Finally, among the comments there were also a few which pointed to the assistance of people who were not directly involved in the goal pursuit, e.g. family, and formed the last group of influences, which was called ‘significant

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others’ factor. However, a small number of these comments proves that such people as parents have little influence on the process of learning, at least in the case of teenagers taking part in this experiment. In conclusion, identification of both inhibiting and facilitative factors was a crucial step of the procedure because it raised students’ awareness as to the complexity of the process. More importantly, figuring out solutions to the problems helped the students deal with some difficulties and led to considerable satisfaction with their performance. A regular and intensive training in overcoming all those obstacles proved to be effective and brought such results as favourable attitudes, which in turn led to positive affect and an increase in motivation.

References Baumeister, R.F. (1996) Self-regulation and ego threat: Motivated cognition, self-deception, and destructive goal setting. In P.M. Gollwitzer and J.A. Bargh (eds) The Psychology of Action: Linking Cognition and Motivation to Behaviour (pp. 27–47). New York: The Guilford Press. Benson, P. (2001) Teaching and Researching Motivation in Language Learning. Harlow: Longman. Dörnyei, Z. (2003) Attitudes, orientations, and motivations in language learning: Advances in theory, research, and applications. Language Learning 53 (1), 3–32. Dörnyei, Z. and Malderez, A. (1997) Group dynamics and foreign language teaching. System 25 (1), 65–81. Dörnyei, Z. and Ottó, I. (1998) Motivation in action: A process model of L2 motivation. Working Papers in Applied Linguistics 4, 43–69. Ehrman, M.E. and Dörnyei, Z. (1998) Interpersonal Dynamics in Second Language Education: The Visible and Invisible Classroom. Thousands Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Ehrman, M.E., Leaver, B.L. and Oxford, R.L. (2003) A brief overview of individual differences in second language learning. System 31 (3), 313–330. Feuerstein, R. and Feuerstein, S. (1991) Mediated learning experience: A theoretical review. In R. Feuerstein, P.S. Klein and A.J. Tannenbaum (eds) Mediated Learning Experience: Theoretical, Psychological and Learning Implications (pp. 3–51). London: Freund Publishing House. Hadfield, J. (1992) Classroom Dynamics. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press. Kruglanski, A.W. (1996) Goals as knowledge structures. In P.M. Gollwitzer and J.A. Bargh (eds) The Psychology of Action: Linking Cognition and Motivation to Behaviour (pp. 599–615). New York: The Guilford Press. Nunan, D. and Lamb, C. (1996) The Self-directed Teacher: Managing the Learning Process. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pintrich, P.R. (2000) The role of goal orientation in self-regulated learning. In M. Boekaerts, P.R. Pintrich and M. Zeidner (eds) Handbook of Self-regulation (pp. 451– 502). San Diego, CA: Academic Press. Pintrich, P.R. and Schunk, D.H. (2002) Motivation in Education: Theory, Research, and Applications. Columbus, Ohio: Merrill Prentice Hall. Zimmerman, B.J. (2000) Attaining self-regulation: A social cognitive perspective. In M. Boekaerts, P.R. Pintrich and M. Zeidner (eds) Handbook of Self-regulation (pp. 13–39). San Diego, CA: Academic Press.

10 Affective Dimensions in SL Pronunciation: A Large-scale Attitude Study Ewa Waniek-Klimczak, Andrzej Porzuczek and Arkadiusz Rojczyk

Introduction Affective factors may exert strong influence on the efficiency of FL learning. The learner’s attitudes to the language itself, the country and people who speak it may significantly facilitate or hinder the process. Among other issues, the learner’s beliefs concerning the importance of particular language components such as pronunciation, lexicon or grammar, and attitudes to language variety are also important factors. The large-scale attitude study conducted at the English Departments of University of Łódz´ and University of Silesia investigates relations between the general background of advanced learners of English such as gender, age, learning experience, place of study and school type, and their attitudes to issues connected with phonetics and phonology in their native language – Polish (L1), and the main foreign language they study (FL) – English with respect to national and regional identity as well as language variety and norm in both languages. This chapter concentrates on the perceived significance of pronunciation for FL communication, the learners’ willingness to devote time and effort to pronunciation practice and the main motivating factors since we believe that the awareness of those attitudes and judgments may help design pronunciation courses providing more efficiently for affectivity in learners. Our research questions comprise the following: (1) Do learners find FL pronunciation an important issue? (2) How is the importance of pronunciation quality perceived relative to general FL competence? 124

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(3) Do learners desire to achieve native-like English pronunciation and are they willing to devote a lot of effort to pronunciation practice? (4) If so, what are the main motivating factors? (5) Do attitudes depend on the type their learning experience and place of study?

Background There are many reasons for studying the attitudes and beliefs of the learners in the SLA or FLA process. One major reason has a pedagogical motivation: as affective variables have been proved to contribute to the success in second/foreign language learning (Ellis, 1994; Johnson, 2001), uncovering their patterns in specific learner groups or individuals can have a direct bearing on the process of a foreign language teaching and learning. Another type of motivation may come from earlier literature and may seem to be more theoretical – we may wish to explore the nature of interrelation between affective, attitudinal and social variables vis-a-vis language proficiency for the purpose of defining our position in current SLA debates. While there is no contradiction between the two approaches, there is an expected shift in focus: the pedagogically motivated surveys will tend to ask questions related to the teaching and learning experience, while the second type can be expected to refer more or less directly to more general issues under discussion. One of such issues hotly debated in ESL/EFL phonetics and phonology studies that has been with us for a decade now is the concept of Lingua France Core (Jenkins, 2000, 2002), a proposed set of pronunciation priorities for communication with the use of English as a Lingua Franca. Numerous studies investigated the attitudes of the students towards the pronunciation of English (e.g. Cenoz & Lecumberri, 1999; Dalton-Puffer et al., 1997; Ehrling, 2007; Janicka et al., 2005; Smojver & Stanojević, in press; Sobkowiak, 2002; Waniek-Klimczak, 1997; Waniek-Klimczak & Klimczak, 2005); not surprisingly perhaps, as the studies asked specific questions regarding pronunciation of English, the participants of the studies tended to be proficient users of English as a non-native language, mostly students majoring in English at the university level, who can be safely regarded either present or future language experts. When asked about their opinions as to their preferred model of English they tended to choose British over American English (Dalton-Puffer et al., 1997; Waniek-Klimczak, 1997), and often declare that the native-speaker based model is important for them (Janicka et al., 2005). On the other hand, however, when the question is about the priorities in pronunciation learning, it is fluency and ease of communication that comes before the need to achieve a native-like accent (Waniek-Klimczak, 1997); expressing an interest in native varieties of English does not preclude

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the desire to be able to communicate efficiently with other non-native speakers (Ehrling, 2007; Waniek-Klimczak & Klimczak, 2005). The attitudes towards native-like pronunciation have been found to be related to the field of the studies (Waniek-Klimczak & Klimczak, 2005), and the type of language usage coupled with the level of language proficiency (Smojver & Stanojević, in press). Predictably, the English majors prove to be most positive towards native-speaker models and pronunciation practice aiming towards achieving this goal. The choice of the field of studies clearly determines the attitudes towards language learning to some extent; however, as each learner is an individual with a unique history, the relationship between a particular student language experience and his/her attitudes can be expected to reflect both the experience and a broader socio-psychological profile of the learner. One of the key aspects relevant here is the construction of learners’ identity. Research shows a strong tendency for a close relationship between language and identity (e.g. Lawson & Sachdev, 2004; Pavlenko & Blackledge, 2004), with a positive effect of ethnolinguistic identification and language proficiency (Ellinger, 2000; Gatbonton et al., 2011). The study presented here builds on an earlier experience of the studies investigating attitudes towards native versus non-native varieties among English majors and links it with the language experience and identity questions. The focus is pedagogical to the extent that we are interested in the relationship between language experience, attitudes and the level of expertise in the students. Most directly, we follow Smojver and Stanojević (2013) in their approach to identity operationalized with respect to attitudes elicited through a questionnaire, which they administered to different groups of English users in Croatia. Assuming that learners can be divided into ‘learners’ and ‘real speakers of English as a Lingua Franca’ (EFL), these researchers were interested mainly in the degree to which such factors as gender, self-assessed language proficiency and the attitude towards the native (Croatian) speech patterns affect the way in which one’s own accent, the accent of other users of English one interacts with (co-learners) and the teaching model. Their findings, based on the data from 623 participants, suggest that the attitude difference can be tied to the ‘learner’ versus ‘user’ role, with the ‘learners’ more concerned with their pronunciation. Thus, identity construal was found to have a decisive effect on the attitude towards the degree of a non-native accent and the degree of liberalism in the attitude towards ELF. Additionally, their results lend further support to earlier reported findings that English majors constitute a special group, i.e. they are most likely to strive towards native-like pronunciation (see e.g. Janicka et al., 2005). Following a similar line of thoughts, the study presented here explores the attitudinal system as the basis for a multilayered identity construction. Hoping to contribute to the on-going debate on the aims, goals and targets in teaching English pronunciation in the era of ELF, we take a

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pedagogical perspective and ask our students about their language experience, language attitudes towards pronunciation both in Polish and English. Moreover, unlike earlier studies, we explore the effect of dialect-specific experience of the students, who come from different areas of the country and study in different types of tertiary level schools.

Subjects The subjects were 462 students of English (translation and teacher training programs) at Polish state universities (UNI), teacher training colleges (TTC) and one private college (PRIV) at the level of BA or MA (see Table 10.1). Table 10.2 presents the number of subjects grouped according to the independent variables. We have decided to distinguish five locations, recognizing Katowice and Gliwice as members of one Upper-Silesian agglomeration. Figure 10.1 shows the places on a map of Polish dialects (cf. Dejna, 1973; Urban´czyk, 1991). Possible effects of location will be further (at later stages of the project) analyzed with reference to historical regions and dialects, and the size of individual towns.

Method The data were gathered by means of an anonymous questionnaire comprising 27 sets of questions and statements. Most items required the subject’s agreement or disagreement with given statements on a 5-point Likert scale (from 5 – strongly agree to 1 – strongly disagree). All the subjects volunteered to take part in the research and were not paid for their participation. It took 20 min on average to complete the questionnaire. Table 10.1 Tested groups of subjects (N = 462) Sample

Place

School

Year of study

Level

100 18 32 24 61 96 80 16 35

Łódz´ Łódz´ Konin Sosnowiec Sosnowiec Sosnowiec Gliwice Katowice Jastrze˛bie Zdrój

UNI UNI TTC TTC UNI UNI TTC PRIV TTC

1–3 4 1–3 1–2 1–2 4–5 1–3 2 1–2

BA MA BA BA BA MA BA BA BA

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Table 10.2 Sample characteristics Factor

Feature

Sample

Gender*

Female Male Łódz´ (E) Konin (P) Sosnowiec (A) Katowice, Gliwice (S) Jastrze˛bie Zdrój (J) UNI TTC Private college 1 2 3 4 5 BA MA

362 95 118 32 181 96 35 275 171 16 118 154 76 77 37 348 114

Region

School

Year

Level

*Five subjects failed to provide this specification

Figure 10.1 Geographical range of the current stage of the study (adapted from Karas´ , 2009) (http://www.gwarypolskie.uw.edu.pl)

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In the current study, we selected the following points to analyse: 1. I regard my command of English as excellent (C2) 5

advanced (C1) 4

upper-intermediate intermediate (B2) (B1) 3 2

elementary (A1/A2) 1

2. I regard my English pronunciation as excellent 5

very good 4

good

poor 3

elementary 1

2

3. Pronunciation in English is important. strongly agree 5

agree 4

don't know 3

disagree 2

strongly disagree 1

4. If it were possible, I would like to pass for a native speaker of English even if it cost me a lot of time and effort. YES/NO 5. If your answer is YES, why do you think perfecting English pronunciation is worthwhile? a. It would improve my image as an English-speaking person. strongly agree 5

agree 4

don't know 3

disagree 2

strongly disagree 1

don't know 3

disagree 2

strongly disagree 1

don't know 3

disagree 2

strongly disagree 1

disagree 2

strongly disagree 1

b. I like to impress my collocutors. strongly agree 5

agree 4

c. It is important in my job. strongly agree 5

agree 4

d. I am a perfectionist in all my actions. strongly agree 5

agree 4

don't know 3

All responses were transformed to numerical values for statistical analyses.

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Analysis and Results Mixed factorial ANOVA was designed with three independent variables (state university/teacher training college/private university) x 2 (BA/MA) and 1–5 responses as dependent variables. Only main effects for the two independent variables were calculated. The interaction for between-group comparisons could not be calculated owing to the fact that neither college nor private university programs include MA studies. Moreover, in the case of the main effect for the place of study, the analysis was broken down to include only BA students. Otherwise, the comparison would have been biased by the fact that data from the state university would have included MA students and data from the teacher training college and private university would not. Correlations between variables were computed using Kandall Tau for nonparametric observations with a large number of tied ranks. Here, again, the same criteria from breaking down the place of study data into only BA students were applied.

Self-rated proficiency versus self-rated pronunciation The mean score for self-rated proficiency in English (point 1: I regard my command of English as) was 4.03, SD = = 0.67. There was a significant main effect of the place of study [F(2, 344) = 10.887, p < 0.001], indicating that the type of educational institution has an influence on students’ self-rated proficiency in English. The highest mean ratings were provided by state university students (M = 3.95, SD = 0.63) followed by college students (M = 3.81, SD = 0.56) and private university students (M = 3.25, SD = 0.58). Bonferroni post hoc tests showed that ratings from the private university were significantly lower than those obtained from the state university (p < 0.001) and the college (p < 0.01). The difference between the university and college was not significant (p < 0.09). The difference between BA and MA students was highly significant [F(1, 401) = 113.84, p < 0.001], in that MA students rated their proficiency remarkably higher (M = 4.59, SD = 0.51) than BA students (M = 3.89, SD = 0.6) (Figure 10.2). The average score for self-rated proficiency (point 2: I regard my English pronunciation as) was 3.26, SD = 0.70. The main effect of the place of study for the state university (M = 3.11, SD = 0.77), the college (M = 3.2, SD = 0.59), and the private university (M = 3, SD = 0.73) was not significant [F(2, 344) = 1.134, p = 0.32], indicating that the place of study did not affect self-rating of English pronunciation. There was, however, a very strong effect of experience on self-rating pronunciation scores [F(1, 400) = 37.38, p < 0.001]. MA students rated their pronunciation substantially higher (M = 3.64, SD = 0.62) than BA students (M = 3.18, SD = 0.69). The repeated-measures comparisons between self-rated proficiency and self-rated pronunciation showed that globally proficiency was rated

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STUDY COL STUDY UNI STUDY PRIV

4,4 4,2 4,0 3,8 3,6 3,4 3,2 3,0 2,8 2,6 2,4 PROFICIENCY

PRONUNCIATION

Figure 10.2 Self-rated proficiency and pronunciation across types of study

significantly higher (M = 4.07, SD = 0.66) than pronunciation (M = 3.3, SD = 0.7) [F(1, 400) = 442.97, p < 0.001]. There was a highly significant interaction between self-rating (proficiency versus pronunciation) and the place of study [F(2, 343) = 7.196, p < 0.001], indicating that the differences between self-rated proficiency and pronunciation depended on the place of study. Bonferroni post hoc tests determined that this effect was caused by scores obtained from private university students. While proficiency was rated significantly higher than pronunciation by state university students (M = 3.95, SD = 0.63 versus M = 3.11, SD = 0.78, p < 0.001) and college students (M = 3.81, SD = 0.56 versus M = 3.2, SD = 0.59, p < 0.001), it was not so for private university students (M = 3.25, SD = 0.58 versus M = 3, SD = 0.73, p > 0.05). As can be seen in the mean scores for respective groups, the lack of significant difference between proficiency and pronunciation resulted from relatively low proficiency scores in the private university group. There was a significant interaction between self-rating (proficiency versus pronunciation) and experience (BA/MA) [F(1, 457) = 8.963, p < 0.01], reflecting the fact that the difference in rating between proficiency and pronunciation was greater for MA students than for BA students. On average, there was a strong correlation between self-rated proficiency and pronunciation [r = 0.39 (457), p < 0.001]. It was equally strong for both BA [r = 0.3 (344), p < 0.001] and MA students [r = 0.29 (111), p < 0.001]. As

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for the place of study, it was highly significant for state university students [r = 0.38 (157), p < 0.001] and college students [r = 0.23 (169), p < 0.001], but not for private university students [r = 0.31 (14), p = 0.1]. This lack of significance should be, however, treated with caution owing to a relatively small sample size in this group.

Importance of pronunciation in English The importance of pronunciation was estimated using ratings for point 3 (Pronunciation in English is important). The global mean score was 4.7, SD = 0.50. There was the main effect of the place of study [F(2, 345) = 4.877, p < 0.01], indicating that the rating depended on where students studied English. The highest scores were obtained from private university students (M = 4.81, SD = 0.4), followed by college students (M = 4.8, SD = 0.41) and state university students (M = 4.6, SD = 0.59). Bonferroni post hoc tests revealed that the effect was greatly caused by significantly lower ratings from the state university relative to the college (p < 0.01). No main effect of experience was observed [F(1, 460) = 0.552, p = 0.46], showing that rated importance of pronunciation in English did not differ between BA (M = 4.72, SD = 0.51) and MA students (M = 4.68, SD = 0.47) (Figure 10.3). No global significant correlation was observed in the collected data between ratings for the importance of pronunciation and self-rated pronunciation [r = 0.03 (458), p = 0.29]. Nor were there any breakdown correlations 5,2 5,1 5,0 4,9 4,8 4,7 4,6 4,5

COL

UNI

PRIV

Figure 10.3 Importance of pronunciation across types of study

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for BA [r = 0.07 (345), p = 0.06] or MA students [r = 0.03 (111), p = 0.39]. The comparisons between the places of study revealed no correlation for the state university [r = 0.06 (158), p = 0.06] but a significant correlation for the college [r = 0.13 (169), r < 0.05]. For the private university, there was a significant negative correlation [r = −0.43 (14), p = 0.05], indicating that in this group participants who rated their pronunciation higher tended to perceive pronunciation in English as less important.

Reasons for attaining native-like pronunciation In total, 94% of participants responded that they would like to pass for a native speaker even if it cost a lot of time and effort. Breakdown analyses revealed a similarly large proportion of ‘yes’ answers irrespective of experience: BA (96%), MA (87%), and the place of study: state university (97%), college (96%), and private university (88%). Repeated-measures ANOVA was used to compare ‘yes’ answers using four options provided in the questionnaire, referred to hereafter as ‘reason’ (improving one’s image, impressing interlocutors, importance for one’s job, being a perfectionist). There was a significant main effect of reason [F(3, 1272) = 77.482, p < 0.001], indicating significantly higher scores for ‘improving one’s image’ (M = 4.57, SD = 0.65) relative to ‘importance for one’s job’ (M = 4.24, SD = 0.95), ‘impressing interlocutors’ (M = 3.84, SD = 1.11) and ‘being a perfectionist’ (M = 3.75, SD = 1.1). There was a significant experience x reason interaction [F(3, 1269) = 3.155, p < 0.05], showing that the BA and MA students differed in their ratings for provided reasons for attaining native-like pronunciation. Bonferroni post hoc tests revealed that MA students rated ‘importance for one’s job’ significantly higher (M = 4.54, SD = 0.72) than BA students (M = 4.16, SD = 0.99, p < 0.05). No significant differences between the two groups were observed for remaining reasons. There was no significant interaction between the place of study and reason [F(6, 969) = 0.73, p = 0.63], indicating that the motivation for attaining native-like pronunciation did not depend on whether students studied at the state university, college, or private university (Figure 10.4).

General Discussion The study was designed to investigate the attitude of Polish universitylevel students of English towards pronunciation in English. Data were collected using a 5-point Likert scale from 462 informants studying at the state university, teacher training college and private university. The scope of the study was to determine the relation between self-rated proficiency and selfrated pronunciation in English, the importance of English pronunciation, as well as aspects that contribute to the motivation for attaining native-like pronunciation.

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4,8 4,6 4,4 4,2 4,0 3,8 3,6 3,4 3,2 3,0 Q25Aa

Q25Ab

Q25Ac

Q25Ad

Figure 10.4 Reasons for attaining native-like pronunciation across types of study. (25Aa) It would improve my image as an English-speaking person; (25Ab) I like to impress my collocutors; (25Ac) It is important in my job; (25Ad) I am a perfectionist in all my actions

The analysis of self-rated pronunciation showed that, on average, participants considered their English pronunciation as ‘good’. This self-assessment did not depend on the place of study. It did, however, depend on experience – MA students rated their pronunciation higher than BA students. It shows that with gained experience in English, learners feel that their pronunciation improves. The direct comparison of scores for self-rated proficiency and pronunciation revealed that participants rated their general proficiency higher than pronunciation. This difference rose in magnitude for MA relative to BA students. It suggests that learners’ assessment of their own general proficiency grows higher with experience than assessment of their pronunciation. However, for private university students, the difference between proficiency and pronunciation was not significant, which resulted from the fact that they rated their proficiency relatively low compared to the other places of study. There was a strong correlation between self-rated proficiency and pronunciation, which suggests that students who perceive themselves as more proficient speakers of English also consider their pronunciation as better. This correlation was independent of experience; however it was not uniform for all places of study. In the private university group, proficiency did not correlate positively with pronunciation.

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The importance of pronunciation in English was rated very high. The highest scores were obtained from the private university and college and comparably lower scores from the state university. It did not, however, depend on experience of learners, in that both BA and MA scored comparably high. In general, the ratings for importance of pronunciation did not correlate with self-rated pronunciation, suggesting that learners who found pronunciation more important did not consider their pronunciation as better. Factor correlations for different places of study showed, however, that correlation patterns could differ depending on where participants studied. While there was no correlation between importance of pronunciation and self-rated pronunciation for state university students, there was a mild correlation for college students. More interestingly, the scores from private university students revealed a negative correlation, suggesting that participants in this group who considered pronunciation as less important rated their pronunciation higher. Relating to the wish and motivation for attaining native-like pronunciation, a dominating majority of participants (94%) informed that they would like to attain native-like pronunciation even if it meant investing time and effort. Although the actual proportions differed between BA and MA students, as well as between particular places of study, the results show strong willingness to invest both time and effort for pronunciation practice. The overall comparison of aspects contributing to motivation for improving pronunciation revealed that ‘improving one’s image’ was given the highest rating followed by ‘importance for one’s job’, ‘impressing interlocutors’, and ‘being a perfectionist’. However, the experience factor revealed that the actual ratings for those aspects of motivation differed for BA and MA students. More specifically, MA students increased their ratings for ‘importance for one’s job’ compared to BA students.

Conclusion Taken together, the results from the current study have several implications for English pronunciation pedagogy at the university level. First of all, good pronunciation in English is considered important among the university students, who express a strong desire to attain native-like performance. This finding is in line with findings from earlier studies looking into groups of students at the university level (Janicka et al., 2005). It means that recent proposals for diverging from native model of pronunciation for the sake of simplicity in effective communication (Jenkins, 2000, 2002) are not applicable in this group of learners. The current results are in agreement with an observation by Janicka et al. (2005) that English majors constitute a special group, in that they are most likely to strive towards native-like pronunciation.

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Second, the current results suggest that the aspects of motivation for attaining good pronunciation are not stable, but rather vary with experience. It is evident in the current results which show that in the early stages of studying, BA learners point to affective factors such as ‘improving one’s image’ as driving their efforts for improvement in pronunciation. On the other hand, for MA students ‘importance for one’s job’ rises to be a strong motivating factor. It seems that before graduation pronunciation is no longer perceived as a social marker, but as a tool for a future job. Finally, attitude towards pronunciation has been found here to depend on the place of study. While both state university and teacher training college students are characterized by more or less uniform ratings, the private university students reported scores that diverged significantly in some points. The reasons for those divergences can only be speculative at this point, without more detailed profiling. They may result from both different pronunciation pedagogy provided at the private universities or from different learner characteristics. Future studies should, therefore, be wary to control for the place of study as a variable in assessments connected with pronunciation.

Acknowledgment This work has been partly supported by a grant from Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education (0576/B/H03/2010/38) to Andrzej Porzuczek and Arkadiusz Rojczyk.

References Cenoz, J. and Lecumberri, M.L.G. (1999) The acquisition of English pronunciation: Learners’ views. The International Journal of Applied Lingustics 9 (1), 3–18. Dalton-Puffer, Ch., Kaltenboeck, G. and Smit, U. (1997) Learner attitudes and L2 pronunciation in Austria. World Englishes 16 (1), 115–127. Dejna, K. (1973) Dialekty polskie. Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolin ´skich. Ehrling, E.J. (2007) Local identities, global connections: Affinities to English among students at Freie Unversitat Berlin. World Englishes 26 (2), 111–130. Ellinger, B. (2000) The relationship between ethnolinguistic identity and English language achievement for native Russian speakers and native Hebrew speakers in Israel. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 21 (4), 292–307. Ellis, R. (1994) The Study of Second Language Acquisition. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gatbonton, E., Trofimovich, P. and Segalowitz, N. (2011) Ethnic group affiliation and patterns of development of a phonological variable. The Modern Language Journal 95 (2), 188–204. Janicka, K., Kul, M. and Weckwerth J. (2005) Polish students’ attitudes to native English accents. In K. Dziubalska-Kołaczyk and J. Przedlacka (eds) English Pronunciation Models: A Changing Scene (pp. 251–292). Bern: Peter Lang. Jenkins, J. (2000) The Phonology of English as an International Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jenkins, J. (2002) A sociolinguistically based, empirically researched pronunciation syllabus for English as an International Language. Applied Linguistics 23 (1), 83–103.

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Johnson, K. (2001) An Introduction to Foreign Language Learning and Teaching. Edinburgh: Pearson Education. Karas´, H. (2009) Multimedialny przewodnik po gwarach polskich, accessed 19 May 2011. http://www.gwarypolskie.uw.edu.pl. Lawson, S. and Sachdev, I. (2004) Identity, language use and attitudes: Some SylhetiBangladeshi data from London, UK. Journal of Language and Social Psychology 23 (1), 49–69. Pavlenko, A. and Blackledge, A. (2004) Negotiation of Identities in Multilingual Contexts. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Smojver, V.J. and Stanojević, M-M. (2013). Stratification as a Lingua Franca: Identity construction of learners and speakers. In E. Waniek-Klimczak and L. Shockey (eds) Teaching and Researching English Accents in Native and Non-native Speaker (pp. 191–206). Berlin: Springer. Sobkowiak, W. (2002) English speech in Polish eyes: What university students think about English pronunciation teaching and learning. In E. Waniek-Klimczak and J.P. Melia (eds) Accents and Speech in Teaching English Phonetics and Phonology: EFL Perspective (pp. 177–196). Frankfurt: Peter Lang. Urban´czyk, S. (ed.) (1991) Encyklopedia Je˛zyka Polskiego. Wrocław, Warszawa, Kraków: Ossolineum. Waniek-Klimczak, E. (1997) Context for teaching English phonetics and phonology at Polish Universities and Colleges: a survey. In E. Waniek-Klimczak (ed.) Teaching English Phonetics and Phonology II: Accents ‘97 (pp. 5–17). Łódz´ : Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego. Waniek-Klimczak, E. and Klimczak, K. (2005) Target in speech development: Learners’ views. In K. Dziubalska-Kolaczyk and J. Przedlacka (eds) English Pronunciation Models: A Changing Scene (pp. 229–250). Bern: Peter Lang.

11 Attitudes and Perceptions of International Students Towards their Life in Australia Beata Webb

Introduction: Internationalisation of Australian Education This chapter describes the attitudes and perceptions of international students at an Australian university towards their life in the host country. First, the internationalisation of Australian education is outlined and the research project is introduced. Next, the students’ responses concerning an overall level of difficulty and the attitudes of particular linguistic and cultural groups are examined. Further analysis focuses on the difficulties these diverse groups experience with different aspects of life in the host country and their attitudes towards these aspects. The process of internationalisation of Australian education has been truly ‘explosive’: while in 1990 there were 47,000 international students studying in Australia, 10 years later the number rose to 188,000. In 2011 Australian educational institutions hosted over half a million of international students from over 190 countries, with over 200,000 studying at universities (AEI, 2011). The highest number of students, 36.5%, came from China. The internationalisation of education has attracted attention from a variety of public domains. Researchers have examined issues associated with international students’ experience such as their academic performance, reasons for their success and failure or the processes of acculturation (Creese et al., 2009; Dunn & Carroll, 2005; Gearon, 2009; Gearon et al., 2009; Hellstén, 2002; Lo Bianco, 2009; Louie, 2005; Kostogriz, 2009; Malczewska-Webb 138

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forthcoming; Ryan, 2005; Ryan & Carroll, 2005; Ryan & Helmundt, 2005; Webb, 2009; Webb & Smith, 2009; Xiao, 2006). Internationalisation has also been addressed by many policies concerning universities, for example, the Australian Universities Quality Agency (AUQA) included the issue of internationalisation as one of the themes for quality assurance evaluation. The Australian government has also been systematically addressing issues related to the life and study of international students (AEI, 2008; 2010; COAG, 2010; IDP Education Australia, 2002; Rahmani, 2006). Recently, the Council of Australian Governments (COAG, 2010) defined the aim ‘to support a high-quality experience for international students, in order to ensure a sustainable future for quality international education in Australia’. One of the main reasons for this strategy is economic as the international education is the third (or fourth according to some sources) biggest export sector, which, in 2009, earned $18.6 billion and supported 125,000 jobs (Yuille, 2010). The Australian government distinguished two sets of factors determining the quality of the international students’ experience. The first set included factors related to the educational domain, such as the quality of education, curricula, resources or teaching. The second set of factors influencing the students’ overall experience comprised the factors associated with their life outside educational institutions, including factors such as home life, job or relationships. The previously referred to International Students Strategy advised that ‘governments and providers must consider the broader issues that can impact on student wellbeing, such as accommodation, workrelated matters’ (COAG, 2010). While research on educational factors has been burgeoning, the research on life factors is still limited. The government’s surveys provide valuable information on the largest national scale (AEI, 2008, 2010; Rahmani, 2006) about the satisfaction of the students not only with their studies but also with life in Australia. However, little information is available on the attitudes, perceptions and difficulties of individual students, particular cultural or linguistic groups and the ways in which they can be assisted.

Students’ Difficulties and Attitudes: Research Aims, Sample Selection and Research Tools This paper aimed to address several issues complementing the outcomes of the government survey. It aimed (1) to examine the attitudes of international students during the early stages of their university enrolment and (2) to investigate similarities and differences of attitudes and perceptions between particular regional groups. The study involved 61 international students enrolled in the first two semesters of their degrees at Bond University, Gold Coast, Australia. The students in the sample came from 14 countries.

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More than half (60.7%, 37) of them came from the East-Asian countries, China (31), Taiwan (4), Korea (1) and Thailand (1). The students from Europe (21.3%, 13) came from France (5), Germany (4), Austria (1), Sweden (1) and Switzerland (1). The Middle-Eastern students (14.8%, 9) came from Saudi Arabia (8) and Kuwait (1). Also, there were two South American students from Mexico and Ecuador. This diversity reflected well the national representation of international students in Australia. The international students’ responses were clustered according to their regional background. Three regional groups were defined, the East-Asian, Middle-Eastern and European students as the South American were excluded from the regional comparison owing to the small sample size. The students were asked to report on the difficulty they experienced with five aspects of their life in Australia: (1) ‘the Australian way of life: everyday life, food and daily routines’; (2) ‘the Australian Culture including traditions, beliefs and social values’, ‘getting on with people’; (3) ‘they lived with’; (4) ‘they studied with’; and (5) ‘they worked with’ (if employed). Next, the students described the most difficult and the most enjoyable aspects of their life in Australia. The responses were rated on a four-point scale, depending on whether they (1) strongly disagreed; (2) disagreed; (3) agreed or (4) strongly agreed they perceived a particular issue as difficult. The last two responses (3 and 4) were grouped to form a category designating a difficulty with a particular life aspect.

Students’ Attitudes Towards Life in Australia: An Overall Perspective First, while investigating overall attitudes towards their Australian life, a third of the students (29.5%) indicated problems. The most problematic area was ‘Australian culture: societal beliefs, values and traditions’ and almost half of the students (42.6%) reported it as causing difficulties. The second most problematic category overall, with a reported rate of 38.2% difficulty, referred to students’ relationships with people they worked with. However, only half of the students in the sample were employed (32) and therefore the results were not directly comparable with other difficulties reported by larger groups of students. Also, 31.2% students experienced difficulty with ‘establishing relationships with their classmates’ and 29.5% with ‘everyday life routines’. The relationships with housemates showed the lowest rate of negative attitudes. These results were parallel to Hellstén’s (2002) findings, who distinguished several principal factors affecting the life of international students affected by the cultural differences with their life outside the university and their experience in ‘alien classrooms’. Hellstén (2002: 9) described the stress reported by Asian students who watched with shock how European students

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who are ‘off mind’ (crazy) and ‘talk about things in class they do not know anything about’.

Attitudes Towards Life in Australia: A Regional Perspective The next analysis focused on the attitudes towards life in Australia according to the regions. The rate of perceived difficulties reported by the European students was only 14%, which was significantly lower than that of the reported average. By comparison, 38.7% of the East-Asian students and 35.5% of the Middle-Eastern students reported difficulties. The results showed a significant difference of 24.3% between the European and the EastAsian students and a 20.1% difference between the European students and their Middle-Eastern peers. Accordingly, the East-Asian and the MiddleEastern students’ perceptions were very similar with only a 3.2% difference. This suggested that the European students’ found adjusting to their new life significantly easier than their East-Asian and Middle-Eastern peers. The next step was to focus on particular aspects of difficulties with the Australian life and the regional similarities and differences between them. The perceived difficulty with the new Culture understood here as ‘societal values, beliefs and traditions’ revealed the most distinct differences between the regions. While the European students’ attitudes were very positive with only 7.7% of them indicating the difficulty, other students’ perceptions differed considerably from these positive attitudes. More than a half (56.8%) of the East-Asian students and 44.4% of the Middle-Eastern students identified problems with ‘the Australian beliefs, values and traditions’. The Asian students appeared most affected, followed by the Middle-Eastern students, with a 12.4% difference between these two cohorts. The most significant gap of 49.1% between the results was found between the European and Asian responses. Also, a very significant difference of perceptions (36.7%) was established between the European and Middle-Eastern students. While European students appeared comfortable with the societal values and traditions of the host country, the students from other regions perceived these as considerably challenging. ‘Daily routines, accommodation or food’ were analysed next. The results in this category supported overall trends emerging so far. While only 15.4% of the European students specified difficulties with ‘everyday life routines’, over a third of their classmates from the Middle-East (33.3%) and Asia (32.4%) found adjusting to daily life problematic. Again, the discrepancies between the European and both East-Asian and Middle-Eastern groups were significant. Moreover, the difference of the results between the two latter regional groups was minimal (0.9%). Of all groups, the European students found daily life least challenging and their attitudes appeared most positive.

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The next three issues the students rated were associated with social domains and referred to the relationships with people they lived, studied and worked with. The most noteworthy discrepancy between the regional groups concerned the relationships with their classmates. Consistently, the European students were the most satisfied and reported the least (15.4%) difficulties. The least satisfied group were the Middle-Eastern students with over a half (55.6%) of them indicating difficulties in the class. The difference between these two groups was over 40% and it showed how divergent the students’ perceptions were, with the European students showing a positive attitude while the Middle-Eastern students clearly struggled with establishing classroom relationships. Additionally, although almost a third of the East-Asian students reported such difficulties, the difference between this and the Middle-Eastern cohorts was very high at 25.9%. The East-Asian students were closer in their perception of class relationships to the European students. The results suggested that the European students perceived their adjustment to university groups most positively and the East-Asian students managed that process better than the Middle-Eastern students. More balanced results emerged from the reports on students’ evaluation of the relationships with people they shared accommodation with. Consistently, the Europeans expressed the most positive attitudes with only 15.4% reporting difficulties. Approximately a third of the East-Asian (27%) and the Middle-Eastern (33.3%) students informed of perceived difficulties with their housemates. Several reasons may explain the fact that the discrepancies were smaller in this area. Very often students stay in single-rooms in on-campus accommodation at the earliest stages of their studies, later they find accommodation with friends or they arrive in Australia with their families. Consequently, they have more control over the social environment at home than in class. The European students’ responses were excluded from the comparisons of the next category, the relationships with students’ workmates, because only one of them (7.7%) was employed. This contrasted with over 60% of the East-Asian and 70% of the Middle-Eastern students being in employment. The result indicated that the European students, at least from the examined cohort, usually did not work while they studied. Out of the employed students, 47.8% of the Middle-Eastern cohort and 28.6% of the East-Asian students reported difficulties with relationships at work. Consequently, it seemed the European students made a different life-style choice in regards to employment. Of the two cohorts with more students working, the EastAsian students’ attitudes towards relationships at work were more positive than the attitudes of the students from the Middle-East. Significant discrepancies and parallels in perception of difficulties and attitudes were established between the three regional groups of students. The most manifested discrepancies concerned ‘the Australian Culture including traditions, beliefs and social values’ between the European and the

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Middle-Eastern students and between the European and the East-Asian students. Within the social domains, ‘the relationships with classmates’ were perceived very differently by the European and the Middle-Eastern students, with the Europeans’ attitudes being more positive. The East-Asian students responded in a more positive way than their peers from the Middle East. Overall, the European students exhibited the most positive attitudes in these categories. Parallels between the Middle East and East-Asian regional groups were analogous. Both groups reported significantly more difficulties in the culture domains than the Europeans. The more detailed analysis provided valuable information allowing better understanding of discrepancies and parallels between culturally and linguistically different groups in their attitudes towards and perceptions of their life in the host country.

The Most Difficult Aspects of Students’ Lives in a Host Country Next, students were asked to designate the most difficult and the most enjoyable aspects of their life in Australia. The responses of the majority of students (75.4%) were classified into nine categories. The two most commonly referred to categories included language-related (32.6%) and sociocultural issues (30.4%). These results supported Hellstén’s (2002) earlier study who also reported the difficulties stemming from the cultural differences between their home and the host countries. Both categories, language and socio-cultural related issues, were reported by a third of the respondents. The students’ responses indicated a high level of cultural and linguistic awareness. Problems with language and communication in general were referred to by students from all regions as is illustrated by the following examples: language!! (China), interact with people (France), or communicating specifically with native-speakers (China). Difficulties with speaking were only reported by the East-Asian students, particularly from China (speaking; talk with others). Other identified language related difficulties included vocabulary (China: the slang), listening (Taiwan: if speaking with native-speakers; China: understanding) and mistakes-related anxiety, as exclaimed by a Saudi Arabian student: I’m afraid of making mistakes! Although language was a central issue of concern for students from all regions, the Chinese students seemed most affected by these. While these students expressed the lowest self-efficacy in language use, they also showed a remarkable awareness of specific language needs. The comments on socio-cultural factors included references to cultural differences causing difficulties with communication. All comments were made by the Chinese students with the exception of one German student who stated that many things are not well organised like the doctors. However,

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only Chinese students seemed to explain their difficulties due to culture: culture because Australian culture is different from China (China) or, there is different culture between us (China). Apart from showing high cultural awareness, students also were able to define it, as illustrated by a comment explaining difficulties owing to a different way of thinking (China). It was difficult to establish whether students from China experienced the sociocultural differences more intensely or whether they were more aware of these. This issue needs to be addressed in the follow-up oral interviews for clearer understanding. Reported difficulties with communication caused by socio-cultural factors mostly referred to communicating or establishing relationships with the host country students. The Saudi Arabian students identified a difficulty with socializing (or the lack of) with the locals cause I didn’t have a chance to do it. Similarly, the Chinese students stated that the hardest aspect of living in Australia was to play with locals (China). They observed that it is too difficult to communicate with them (China) and that it was difficult to establish relationships with the host community: cannot make friends with local people (China). Another student pointed to the reason for this as it is hard to get involved with the western society (China). These statements reflected alienation on part of the students, mostly Chinese. Other studies (AEI, 2010; Hellstén, 2002) supported this view of alienation of an international student. The results of the International Students Survey (AEI, 2010) showed that making ‘host country friends’ had only 67% satisfaction rate with international students nationwide. Moreover, the survey was conducted ‘on exit’ which meant the students had been in the host country for several years. Most students surveyed in this study had been at the university only for up to six months. The outcomes of both projects indicated that not being able to get to know the host country community attracted negative attitudes and the studies suggested the East-Asian students were affected by it more than other groups. Accommodation was reported as problematic by 13% of the students. Students identified different problems with: the process in general (China: renting an apartment; Saudi Arabia: to find accommodation close to uni), with their share mates (Germany: living with my flatmates; China: live with bossy person) and with the landlords (China: to deal with the landlord). This corresponded with the results from the national survey (2010) indicating that 15% of the students on exit were not happy with accommodation during their studies (75% satisfaction rate). This result had improved nationally as a similar survey in 2006 indicated only 64% satisfaction rate. Other stress categories identified on the basis of students’ responses were reported by smaller groups of students. The remarks on ‘difficulties balancing life and studying’ made by (6.5%) of the students were only made by the Europeans. This was illustrated by the quotes from a German student: Managing uni. There has been no life so far and a similar complaint from a

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French student who had to work constantly due to the load of work. Curiously, despite their reported language and culture-related difficulties, no East-Asian or Middle-Eastern students complained about the amount of work required by the university. Three factors comprising financial difficulties, public transport and food were referred to by 4.3% of the students and 2.2% of the students reported problems with missing home and with internet. The price of everything was problematic to the Chinese and Mexican students. A Swiss student pointed that public transportation is a problem and a Chinese student commented that transport, no car is not convenient. One Chinese student also complained about the limit of internet which was surprising considering the widespread availability of the internet on and outside the campus. Food posed a problem to some Chinese students, which was illustrated by several comments: Food taste differently; food, totally different and my body cannot adapt. Overall, international students determined language and culture as the main stressors in their life in the host country. The East-Asian students, particularly from China, perceived these as the most problematic. These students also exhibited high awareness of specific language needs, the knowledge and the understanding of culture. Although the European students reported the challenges with issues such as public transport or a medical system, they did not overtly attribute these to cultural differences. These differences between the European and other students possibly stemmed from different expectations about their stay in the host country.

The Most Enjoyable Aspects of Students’ Lives in a Host Country Finally, the students reported on the aspects of their life in Australia they enjoyed most. The majority of students (80%) responded to this question and the positive comments comprised a diversity of factors. Some students (8.2%) enjoyed the whole experience, everything! (Thailand, France, Taiwan). The ‘otherness’ of the Australian life was given as a positive factor by a Finnish student who said s/he enjoyed all because everything is a little different here. Another overall positive attitude was expressed by a Saudi Arabian student who simply stated if I have a chance I will immigrate to Australia. Accordingly, the first category of responses included the comments where students evaluated positively their overall experience of living in Australia. ‘People in Australia’ and ‘natural environment’ were selected by 24.6% respondents each as the most enjoyable aspect of life in Australia. Students appreciated different aspects of the Australian social domains such as (1) the Australian people; (2) the multicultural nature of the Australian society and the university and; (3) the social aspect of their life, meeting people and making friends. The students’ attitudes towards the host community were

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very positive and the Australians were described as all very kind (China), friendly (Saudi Arabia) and open-minded (France) or referred to in other positive statements such as I like the Australian people (France). Many students also valued the multicultural character of the Australian society and enjoyed meeting people from everywhere in the world (France), meeting international students (France) and getting along with people from different cultures (Taiwan). Others valued the social aspects such as meeting new people all the time (Sweden) and making new friends (Mexico, Saudi Arabia, France). Positive attitudes towards the host community were expressed by the students from all regions. As far as the Australian natural environment was concerned, students enjoyed nature in general (two Saudi Arabian students), the beautiful scenery (China) and the beach (China, Saudi Arabia, and Germany). The Chinese students pointed to peace (China) and quiet (China) of the environment and many voted weather and sunshine as the most enjoyable aspects of their life in Queensland. ‘The Australian culture and a way of life’, which previously attracted negative attitudes, was highly appreciated by others. Some students liked everything about culture (Saudi Arabia, the only comment not made by the Chinese students), others valued specific aspects of its ‘otherness’ such as different culture, different festival (China). Many Chinese students expressed positive attitudes toward the Australian life-style in comments such as freedom life-style or relax-life style, relaxing, quiet and peaceful. Several international students voted outdoors activities as their favourites: many events related to living close to the beach (Germany), participating in the club events with homestay families (China) or lunches and barbeques (China, China). Some Chinese students selected food as their favourite aspect of living in Australia. The fact that the Chinese students determined food as an important factor reflected the cultural importance which the food played in their everyday life. The differences in attitudes towards food in Australia were most likely motivated by individual differences. Travelling and studying were the last two categories identified as students’ preferences. Travelling was selected as the most enjoyable aspect of life in Australia by 11.5% of the students. All of the respondents, apart from one Mexican student, came from Europe. This was illustrated by the statement Travelling! made by Swiss, German, Austrian, Swedish and French students. Another German student specified his preference for travelling during weekends. The results suggested that a similar in size (8.2%) group of the students enjoyed a very different activity: studying. While some students referred to studying as one of the many things they enjoyed other students designated study/ing as their most favourite single aspect of living in Australia and all of these comments were made by students from China. Of the two identified activities, the European students enjoyed travelling, while the Chinese students enjoyed studying.

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Conclusions: Regional Differences or Stereotyping To sum up, this paper first analysed international students’ perceptions of difficulties associated with their life in Australia. Then, it examined students’ views on the most difficult and the most enjoyable aspects of their life in the host country. The East-Asian and Middle-Eastern students exhibited the most negative attitudes stemming from differences in traditions, beliefs and social values between their countries and Australia. They also expressed negative attitudes towards establishing relationships with their classmates. While the European students unanimously expressed positive attitudes towards the language and socio-cultural factors, these attracted very negative attitudes from other students. The three groups reported experiencing a very different process of acculturation while adjusting to their Australian life. The Chinese students demonstrated a high level of cultural and linguistic awareness and they also reported the lowest level of self-efficacy in ability to use English. The students expressed high expectations of own linguistic and academic performance, and, while critical of their own language performance, they did not complain about the quantity of the university workload. Their aims were related to studying. The analyses of students’ responses to open questions revealed additional information about students’ attitudes. While gathering cultural information must be done with caution as it may contribute to stereotyping (Biggs, 2001; Louie, 2005), it is enticing to outline a stereotypical image of at least two international students based on the results of this research. The emerging images of a European student and a Chinese student differ considerably. During the first six months of their studies stereotypical Chinese students experience high anxiety while using English and dealing with socio-cultural aspects of life. Although they form a positive attitude towards the host community, they find making friends with the locals difficult. They are set for studying as this is the primary aim of their stay in Australia but they often experience difficulties with their classmates. They may enjoy a trip to the nearby national park or the beach for relaxation but they have no time or desire to travel. Perhaps due to the high self-expectations combined with the difficulties discussed above, these students’ attitudes towards life in Australia were considerably more negative than that of their European peers. A very different image of a stereotypical European student arises from the research results. The European students show a significantly higher level of self-efficacy in their use of English and they express positive attitudes towards relating to their classmates. The European students adjust to the new language and the new culture with much more ease and show positive attitudes towards the diversity of the Australian social domains. Sometimes

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these students find university work too hard and time-consuming as their most favourite thing is travelling. The Europeans are the most contented students, with the most overall positive attitudes towards living in Australia. To sum up, the project results underline the fact that international students’ needs, attitudes and experiences need to be studied in detail as the overall results do not reflect the students’ diverse preferences and attitudes. The experiences and needs of different regional groups have to be addressed carefully in order to understand their diverse needs and expectations. Many studies showed that students’ international experience is affected by the differences between the home and the host educational backgrounds and environments, but this study also suggests that international students are significantly affected by factors outside the educational domain. The attitudes formed by the international students towards their life in Australia will affect their overall ‘international experience’ in the host country. More studies are needed to evaluate students’ needs outside their educational institutions to assist them in a more successful transition into the life in a host country. This particular area of internationalisation is still in its infancy (Hellstén, 2002) and the host institutions need to address these issues because ‘wellbeing is central to a positive study and life experience for international students and to ensuring the sustainability of the education sector’ (COAG, 2010).

References Australian Education International (AEI) (2008) 2007 Follow-up International Student Survey Vocational Education and Training May 2008. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia – Online document: http://www.aei.gov.au/Research/Publications/ Documents/2007_Follow_up_ISS_VET.pdf Australian Education International (AEI) (2010) International Students Survey Overview Report. December 2010. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia – Online document: http://www.aei.gov.au/research/Publications/Documents/2010_International_Student _Report.pdf Australian Education International (AEI) 2002–2008 (2011) International student enrolments in Australia by State/Territory and major sector. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia – Online document: http://aei.gov.au/ Biggs, J. (2001) Teaching International Students. In J. Biggs and K. Tang (eds) Teaching for Quality Learning at University. What the Student Does (pp. 121–140). Buckingham: Open University Press. Council of Australian Governments (COAG) (2010) International Students Strategy for Australia. 2010–2014. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia. – Online document: http://www.coag.gov.au/reports/docs/aus_international_students_strategy.pdf Creese, A., Bhatt, A. and Martin, P. (2009) Multilingual researcher identities: Interpreting linguistically and culturally diverse classrooms. In J. Miller, A. Kostogriz and M. Gearon (eds) Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Classrooms (pp. 215–234). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Dunn, L. and Carroll, J. (2005) Collaborating and co-learning: Sharing the message on teaching international students within institutions. In J. Carroll and J. Ryan (eds) Teaching International Students (pp. 136–147). London and New York: Routledge.

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Gearon, M. (2009). Educating languages teachers for multilingual and multicultural settings. In J. Miller, A. Kostogriz and M. Gearon (eds) Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Classrooms (pp. 196–215). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Gearon, M., Miller, J. and Kostogriz, A. (2009) The challenges of diversity in language education. In J. Miller, A. Kostogriz and M. Gearon (eds) Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Classrooms (pp. 36–56). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Hellstén, M. (2002) Students in transition: Needs and experiences of international students in Australia. Paper presented at the 16th Australian International Education Conference, Hobart, Tasmania. IDP Education Australia (2002) International Students in Australian Universities. Semester One, 2002 National Overview. Kostogriz, A. (2009) Professional ethics in multicultural classrooms: English, hospitality and the other. In J. Miller, A. Kostogriz and M. Gearon (eds) Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Classrooms (pp. 132–151). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Lo Bianco, J. (2009) Dilemmas of efficiency identity and worldmindedness. In J. Miller, A. Kostogriz and M. Gearon (eds) Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Classrooms (pp. 113–132). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Louie, K. (2005) Gathering cultural knowledge useful or use with care? In J. Carroll and J. Ryan (eds) Teaching International Students (pp. 17–26). London and New York: Routledge. Malczewska-Webb, B. (forthcoming) Australian experience of culturally diverse university classrooms. In J. Arabski and A. Wojtaszek (eds) Aspects of Culture in Second Language Acquisition and Foreign Language Learning. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer-Verlag. Rahmani, Z. (2006) International Students Survey. Canberra: Australian Education International. Commonwealth of Australia. Ryan, J. (2005) Improving teaching and learning practices for international students: implications for curriculum, pedagogy and assessment. In J. Carroll and J. Ryan (eds) Teaching International Students (pp. 92–101). London and New York: Routledge. Ryan, J. and Carroll, J. (2005) ‘Canaries in the coal-mine’ international students in Western universities. In J. Carroll and J. Ryan (eds) Teaching International Students (pp. 3–13). London and New York: Routledge. Ryan, J. and Hellmund, S. (2005) Maximising international students’ ‘cultural capital’. In J. Carroll and J. Ryan (eds) Teaching International Students (pp. 13–17). London and New York: Routledge. Webb, B. and Smith, D. (2009) Indonesian students and their Australian experience. Paper presented to TEFLIN conference. Malang, Indonesia, December 2009. Webb, B. (2009) Looking for the intercultural ‘third place’ in language teacher training. Paper presented to International English as a Foreign Language Conference. Cebu, Philippines, August 2009. Xiao, L. (2006) Bridging the gap between teaching styles and learning styles – a cross cultural perspective. TESL-EJ 10 (3), 1–15. Yuile, P. (2010) Address to Australian Technology Network of Universities: Melbourne. Online document: http://www.atn.edu.au/atnconference/2010/Yuile_Marketing_ Australian_international_education.pdf

Part 3 Affectivity in Language Production

12 Identification and Verbal Expression of Emotions by Users of English as a Foreign Language Liliana Piasecka

Introduction Human cognitive activity as well as social life revolve around emotions which may be expressed overtly or covertly. Their expression may also be entirely suppressed. They may be shown non-verbally, by gestures, facial expressions or body language, but also verbally. As Dewaele (2010: 1) observes, ‘Sharing emotions [...] is a crucial social activity’ that helps people to preserve their mental and physical well-being. Language plays an important role in this context because it expresses emotions that its users have as ‘being emotional’ has an impact on how people communicate verbally and non-verbally. Language also refers to, or ‘reflects’ emotions. It is a means of making sense of emotions, of exploring the world of emotions, as shown by Wierzbicka’s research on semantic universals or Harré’s concern with emotion vocabulary that positions its user in a social context (Bamberg, 1997). Communicating emotions entails understanding and expressing them in different sociocultural contexts by means of, among other things, appropriate linguistic forms. Research on emotions has been taken up by neurobiologists, psychoevolutionary theorists, cognitive, social and cultural psychologists, anthropologists, cognitive linguists as well as by scholars and educators concerned with bi- and multilingualism (Dewaele & Pavlenko, 2002). This multiplicity of perspectives and possible approaches to the study of emotions shows how important and complex they are in human communication. In a critical analysis of investigating emotions from a multilingual perspective Pavlenko (2005) notes that ‘emotions remain undertheorized’ (p. 35) 153

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and when they are addressed, ‘the questions asked about the role of emotions in additional language learning and use are extremely limited’ (p. 35). Therefore there is a need for a broader understanding of emotions in the context of bilingual and second language acquisition research, for example by focusing on language of emotions, and not only on the relations between languages and emotions. In the context of learning a second/foreign language, considering a limited communicative and pragmatic competence of language learners and users, linguistic means employed to indicate their emotional states are of particular interest. Among many questions that appear in this respect, some pertain to whether second/foreign language (henceforth, L2) learners can identify and label their emotions and whether they have acquired a linguistic repertoire to express them. In this paper, the term ‘L2 learners’ covers both second and foreign language learning contexts. Thus, the aim of the paper is to discuss, on the basis of a study carried out in L2 English context, what feelings L2 users have when they are put in emotionally loaded situations and how they express their feelings verbally. To provide the background for the study, research findings concerning the nature of emotion vocabulary of L2 learners and factors that may account for its use are reviewed in the following section.

Emotion Vocabulary of L2 Learners – Research Findings Cross-linguistic and cross-cultural research (e.g. Athanasiadou & Tabakowska, 1998; Kövecses, 2000; Rosaldo, 1984; Wierzbicka, 1999) shows that emotion concepts and their linguistic expression may vary across languages and cultures. Emotions are viewed as ‘self-concerning, partly physical responses that are at the same time aspects of a moral and ideological attitude; emotions are both feelings and cognitive constructions, linking person, action, and sociological milieu’ (Rosaldo, 1984: 304). As emotion concepts and their expression are different across languages and cultures, then learning a new language may also entail reconceptualising emotions and acquiring new ways to express them. The expression of emotions involves the language users’ familiarity with emotion vocabulary which is an important aspect of the bilingual’s mental lexicon. Pavlenko (2008) argues that emotion and emotion-laden words differ from abstract and concrete words and as such, they form a separate category in the mental lexicon because they are represented and processed differently than the other two classes, that is concrete and abstract words. Dissatisfied with the approaches to emotion vocabulary represented by propositional and componential analyses, Pavlenko (2008) introduces two emotion word types that differ in terms of their function. Thus, emotion words ‘directly refer to

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particular affective states (“happy”, “angry”) or processes (“to worry”, “to rage”), and function to either describe (“she is sad”) or express them (“I feel sad”)’ (p. 148). Depending on the context, they may also elicit emotions or function as abstract words. Emotion-related words, for example ‘tears’, ‘tantrum’, ‘to scream’ describe behaviours caused by particular emotions but the emotions are not named directly. Emotion-laden words, on the other hand, ‘do not refer to emotions directly but instead express (“jerk”, “loser”) or elicit emotions from the interlocutors (“cancer”, “malignancy”)’ (Pavlenko, 2008: 148). They are further subdivided into: • • • • • •

taboo and swearwords or expletives, for example, ‘piss’, ‘shit’; insults, for example, ‘idiot’; (childhood) reprimands such as ‘behave’, ‘stop’; endearments, for example, ‘darling’, ‘honey’; aversive words, for example, ‘spider’, ‘death; interjections, for example, ‘yuk’, ‘ouch’ (Pavlenko, 2008: 148).

Recent research on bilingual lexicon (e.g. Altarriba et al., 1999, Altarriba & Bauer, 2004) shows that emotion words are less concrete and less contextually available, that is, context or circumstances in which they are used are not easily recalled. Also, emotion and emotion-laden words are recalled better than neutral words, which makes them more memorable. They also evoke other emotion words, for example, the word ‘happy’ evokes the word ‘sad’. The above considerations imply that lexis concerned with naming and expressing emotions differs from other types of lexis. Owing to its specific nature, it has to be acquired in contexts that would allow the L2 learner to use it in situations when feelings and emotions are in focus. In the process of L2 learning/acquisition, the learners gradually build their lexical competence and became more skilled both at decoding and encoding emotions. This brings about the question pertaining to what factors play a role in using L2 emotion vocabulary understood as emotion and emotion-laden words. Dewaele and Pavlenko (2002) report two studies that aimed at examining factors that may influence the use of L2 emotion vocabulary. On the basis of available research, they distinguish five such factors, that is: • • •

sociocultural competence defined as ‘the ability to identify, categorize, perceive, and engage in verbal and non-verbal behaviors similarly to other members of a particular speech community’ (p. 268); language proficiency that accounts, among other things, for distance and detachment when emotions are discussed in L2 by less proficient learners; gender: From the gender differences perspective, women are more emotional and tend to talk about emotions more than men. However, poststructuralist feminist linguists imply that ‘the links between gender and emotionality in language may be more indicative of particular cultural

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ideologies of language and gender than they are of existing reality’ (pp. 274–275); extraversion: extraverts may talk about emotions more willingly than introverts; topic understood as ‘the context of a linguistic exchange, the theme of exchange, or a type of linguistic material used to elicit discussion’ (p. 272).

The first study reported by the authors investigated the relationship between language proficiency, gender and extraversion (independent variables) and emotion vocabulary (dependent variable operationalized by the number of word tokens and word types–lemmas–produced by the participants). The participants were 29 university students, native speakers of Dutch. They chatted informally with the experimenter on the one–to–one basis about their likes, dislikes, hobbies and studies. The language used was French (L2). Conceptualization and expression of emotions in Dutch and French is similar. The conversations were recorded, transcribed and analysed. The results of the analysis reveal that gender, language proficiency and extraversion are strong predictors of the richness of L2 emotion vocabulary (manifested by the number of word types) as well as the level of emotionality and of personal involvement in the chat (manifested by the number of word tokens). In short, the females had richer emotion vocabulary and were more emotionally involved than the males. Extraverts also used more emotion lemmas while more proficient participants were more emotionally involved which is evidenced by the fact that they used more emotion word tokens than less proficient speakers. In the second study, emotion vocabulary of Russian learners of English was examined. It is important to note that emotions are conceptualized and expressed differently in these languages. In English, emotions are passive states resulting from external or past causes and they are described by means of adjectives thus resulting in an adjectival pattern of expressing emotions. In Russian, emotions are seen as inner activities that are expressed by means of verbs, which accounts for a verbal pattern of expressing emotions. Emotion vocabulary was collected from monolingual speakers of English and Russian who described the same material. Also, 20 Russian learners of English were examined in Russia and fourteen Russian users of English living in the U.S. were examined there. The researcher wanted to find out the relationship between sociocultural competence, gender and the linguistic material (independent variables) and the frequency and the range of use of emotion words (dependent variable). The participants were university students. Twenty of them were from the University of St. Petersburg, and 14 took undergraduate and graduate courses at Cornell University. The participants viewed two short films without a dialogue (The Letter and Pis’mo) and were to tell the researcher what they had seen. The films showed a person reading somebody else’s letter without this person’s permission. For American monolinguals, this is a violation of privacy.

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As regards the results, it appeared that American and Russian monolinguals describing the films used the same proportion of emotion lemmas and emotion word tokens. Although the number of word tokens was similar for both groups, they differed in terms of vocabulary richness, with the Russian monolinguals using more different emotion lemmas than the American monolinguals. The data also revealed that regardless of the language background, female monolinguals employed more emotion lemmas and tokens than male monolinguals. With respect to the material used to elicit the descriptions, richer emotion vocabulary was found in the descriptions of The Letter than in Pis’mo. When the performance of Russian learners of English as a foreign language (REFLs) and Russian users of English as a second language (RESLs) was compared, it turned out that only the type of material had a weak effect on the proportion of emotion lemmas while no such effect was found for either sociocultural competence or gender. Interestingly, the female REFLs used more emotion vocabulary than the male REFLs while the female RESLs used less emotion vocabulary than the male RESLs. All in all, the results of the studies show that gender most strongly predicts the use of emotion vocabulary by monolinguals, Dutch learners of French and advanced Russian learners of English but not by Russian users of English as a second language. Language proficiency level predicts the level of emotionality and personal involvement in Dutch learners of English whereas extraversion predicts the richness of emotion vocabulary in this group of learners. The type of material (topic) is important for monolinguals’ use of emotion lemmas and tokens but it does not matter for speakers of English as a foreign/second language. Finally, sociocultural competence does not have an effect on the use of emotion vocabulary. The Russian participants living and learning English in the United States did not use more emotion lemmas and word types than the Russian students learning English as a foreign language. Pavlenko (2002) explains that this may be attributable to the acculturation process which accounts for qualitative changes in the RESLs’ choice of emotion vocabulary. The emotion vocabulary they employ marks the shift from the verbal to adjectival pattern of expressing emotions. Expressing emotions in an L2 is a complex process influenced by a number of factors, of which gender, language proficiency and extraverted personality seem to be most important, especially in the foreign language learning context. The picture of influences becomes more fuzzy when monolingual, foreign and second language learning contexts are compared. Applied linguists and second language acquisition specialists concerned about affect and emotionallity in the context of L2 learning and acquisition encourage research on these issues as empirical evidence thus collected may provide more insights into the language of emotions. The study reported below is an attempt to probe into the ways of handling emotions by Polish learners of English as a foreign language.

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The Study on Naming and Expressing Emotions in L2 Empirical investigation of emotions poses a number of methodological problems because it is placed ‘on the crossroads of various disciplines within social sciences’ (Dewaele, 2010). It is also connected with deciding whether the research approach should be qualitative, quantitative, or a combination of both, as each approach has its advantages and disadvantages. One possible way of collecting data on L2 learners’ and users’ emotions is to administer a questionnaire eliciting required information and then to analyse the data quantitatively and qualitatively. Such an approach was adopted in the study reported here. Its aim was to find out what feelings and emotions L2 learners have when they are put in emotionally loaded situations and how they express them linguistically. Thus, the following research questions were put forward: (1) Can L2 learners identify and name their emotions? (2) Have they acquired a linguistic repertoire to express them? (3) Are there gender differences in the identification and expression of emotions?

Participants and instrument Fifty graduate students of English Philology in their final year took part in the study. There were 34 females and 16 males. Their mean age was 24.12. At the time of data collection they had been learning English for 12.79 years on average. In the semester preceding data collection all of them took a language proficiency exam that was to demonstrate that they had reached C2 level of proficiency, according to the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (2001) and in line with the university requirements. All the participant passed the exam. The instrument used for data collection was a questionnaire written in English (Appendix 1). It included 20 emotionally loaded situations, for example: • • •

You have just won one million PLN on the lottery. You are getting married. You have invited some friends to a party. Nobody turns in.

The participants were instructed to write what they would feel if they were in such a situation and to write what they would say in the situation.

Analysis The study was qualitative, therefore it yielded very rich data that were analysed qualitatively and quantitatively (frequencies and means). For closer

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analysis, twenty questionnaires were randomly selected. Ten were filled in by females whose mean age was 25.3 years and who had been learning English for 11.3 years. The other ten were filled in by males whose mean age was 23.8 and who had been learning English for 15.2 years on average. The questionnaires were analysed in terms of emotions identified and labeled as well as linguistic means used to express them. From the 20 emotionally loaded situations included in the questionnaire, ten were selected for analysis. They were grouped in the following way: Situations involving gain, for example: • • •

You have just won one million PLN on the lottery. You are just about to leave for the round the world trip that you have been dreaming about your whole life. Your best friend borrowed your car and crashed it. It’s completely damaged. Your friend does not even have a scratch. Situations involving loss, for example:

• • •

You have lost all your money. Your computer has been hacked and you lost very important data. It cannot be retrieved. You have lost your job. Situations concerned with change, for example:

• • •

You are getting married. Your first child was born. Your child has scratched her/his knee. Situations evoking jealousy/envy:

•

Your friend has just bought a mink coat (the term ‘mink coat’ was to indicate luxurious and expensive goods that imply high financial and social status of their owner. It might be replaced by such terms as ‘ a Ferrari’, ‘a yacht’, etc.). You have craved such a coat but you have never had enough money to buy it.

Results The emotions identified and their linguistic expressions are presented according to the frequency with which they appear in the data. In situations involving gain, the feeling of happiness was reported 25 times, excitement was identified 12 times, relief (the car crash situation) was named six times while anger was reported four times (again, the car crash situation). Other emotions identified in the gain context were surprise, disbelief and anxiety.

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To express happiness, the participants used such phrases as: • • • • • •

What? Oh, my God! Finally! Damn! Yeah! Oh, great! Hooray!

Excitement was expressed by means of Hell, yeah, while relief by means of The most important thing is that you’re all right, and Oh, man! Good, you’re OK. Anger observed in the car crash situation was verbally conveyed by: • • •

You’ve got to be kidding me! Damn it! You’ll have to pay for that!

With respect to loss situations, the participants identified and named such emotions as anger (17 cases), sadness (nine cases), depression (four cases) and devastation (three cases). There were also individual instances of irritation, despair, frustration, fury, madness, and determination. The linguistic means employed to express them were: • • • • • • •

My goodness! No! It’s impossible! Oh, my God! Oh, no! I can’t believe it! Sh**! F***!

Put in the situations connected with change, the participants declared they would feel happiness (18 persons), excitement (11 persons) and anxiety (five persons). Individual students wrote they would be in the state of euphoria, they would worry, or feel calmness and comfort. These emotions would be expressed by the following utterances: • • • • • •

I’ve always dreamt about it! Wow! A new chapter in my life is beginning My last moment of freedom! Hell, no! Good bye, my dreams

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The situation meant to elicit jealousy is an interesting case as it produced most consistent responses. 11 participants reported they would feel jealous, four wrote they would not be jealous while three showed indifference. The language used in this context is represented by the following expressions: • • • • • •

I like your coat! Nice coat! I love it! What a beatuiful coat! Where did you buy it? One day I will buy one, too. No, no, no! I’m against killing animals!

The data were also analysed from the point of view of gender differences which were found both in the identification and naming of emotions as well as in their verbal expression. The females from the study provided more names for emotions than the males. It also turned out that females express their emotions in longer phrases than males (in terms of the mean number of words used to express their emotions linguistically), that is, they use more words to talk about their emotions. Mean length of utterances produced by the female and male participants in different situations is shown in Table 12.1. The means show that females consistently use more words than males to express their emotions. A t-test for independent samples was run on the data to see whether the differences are statistically significant. The obtained results indicate that the differences in mean length of utterances produced by female and male participants are statistically significant (t = 5.49, p < 0.05).

Table 12.1 Mean length of female and male utterances across situations Situation GAIN

LOSS

CHANGE

JEALOUSY

Lottery Car crash Round the world trip of money of data of job Marriage First child Child hurt Mink coat

Females (mean no. of words)

Males (mean no. of words)

5.0 7.3 7.9 5.9 5.6 7.1 6.7 7.4 9.2 7.9

2.6 4.9 4.6 4.3 3.0 4.0 3.8 5.0 4.7 5.8

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Discussion As regards the first research question, the results of the study reveal that the participants – advanced adult learners and users of English as a foreign language who have reached the mastery level of proficiency in the language – are able to decode, name and express emotions described in the situations from the questionnaire. This suggests that they have acquired emotion words necessary to name or describe affective states and processes directly (Pavlenko, 2008), which should not be surprising because they have all developed a high level of language proficiency. Moreover, some consistent patterns in the responses to the emotionally-loaded situations can also be identified, as evidenced by frequency counts of emotion words. Thus, in ‘gain’ situations the participants declare they feel happiness and excitement, while in ‘loss’ contexts they experience anger, sadness, depression, and devastation. ‘Change’ evokes happiness, excitement and anxiety. Most consistent responses were found in the situation eliciting jealousy. The answer to the second research question is the resounding ‘Yes’. The linguistic expressions of emotional states found in the data vary and they reflect the use of emotion-laden words whose function is to express (sic!) or elicit emotions (Pavlenko, 2008). Phrases such as Oh, my God! Damn it! Oh, my goodness! Yeah! Hooray! I like it! Nice coat (something)! Oh, no! are examples of emotion-laden words (interjections) and are quite frequent in the data. In addition, they were used to express various emotions in various contexts, which suggests that the participants are aware of their functional value and that they can use them appropriately. Endearments (honey, sweetheart, darling, baby) were found in the expressions connected with a child being hurt and were intended to bring comfort and consolation. In addition, they were produced exclusively by females. Taboo, swearwords and expletives are used scarcely and they appear in the situation of loss that evokes anger, frustration and fury. It is quite likely that the participants deliberately avoided using taboo and swearwords because they might have thought that their use is inappropriate in the research context and that it may point to the poverty of their lexical resources. In addition, the emotional force of taboo and swearwords differs in L1 and L2 in such a way that they are perceived as most emotional in the L1. On the other hand, L2 learners may not realize the emotionality of these expressions in the target language which may explain why they use them in certain contexts and avoid in others (Dewaele, 2004; Pavlenko, 2008). The participants may be assumed to have a well-developed emotion vocabulary which may be related both to their proficiency level and to the length of exposure to English. Although they had been learning English in a foreign language setting, they were able to achieve high levels of proficiency that are necessary to study English Philology. In the course of their studies they had to read literary and academic texts, comment on them, present and

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defend their points of view on a variety of topics, which undoubtedly contributed to the growth of their emotional lexicon. When it comes to the third research question, the obtained results imply significant gender differences in the use of the language of emotions. Females and males differ in naming emotions. Females identify more emotions and they talk about them using longer utterances than males and the difference in length is statistically significant. This finding is in line with Dewaele and Pavlenko’s finding (2002) that gender is the strongest predictor of the use of emotion vocabulary by mono- and bilinguals. Another gender difference concerns the use of the terms of endearment that were produced only by females. In addition, the most striking difference was found in the participants’ emotions that refer to getting married. While females perceive it as something new, unknown and challenging (A new chapter in my life is beginning), males view it as the end of a reckless period in their lives (My last moment of freedom!). Such a discrepancy in the perception of marriage may result from cultural stereotyping that places females on the husband-hunt market where males are captured and tied by the bonds of marriage. The study itself is not without limitations. First, the data show what the participants would probably feel and what they would say if they experienced situations described in the questionnaire. Their perception and expression of emotions in real-life situations might be different. On the other hand, collecting data on the language of emotions in real-life situations is a possible but quite a challenging task that eventually may not yield the information the researcher wants to gather. The second limitation concerns the mode of data collection – the participants responded to the situations in writing so they had time to think their responses over, which is not the case when people react to emotionally-loaded situation in oral interaction. Emotional reactions in face-to-face communication are more direct and spontaneous and this may affect the choice of language to express them. These imitations have to be borne in mind when interpreting the data.

Conclusion The results of the study discussed above imply that language proficiency and gender are important variables to consider when probing into the language of emotions. Although language is essential in making sense of emotions and communicating them, the language of emotions is difficult to research because of a wide range of variables involved in emotionality and in language use, especially L2 use. Despite the difficulties, emotions and bi- and multilingualism have been investigated in many empirical studies, and some windows were opened on how people conceptualize, express and communicate emotions in the languages they speak. Not much is known, however, about how they learn or acquire emotion vocabulary in their

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respective second/foreign languages. In formal educational settings emotion vocabulary may be a by-product of language teaching activities aiming at the development of communicative competence although this is probably not the only emotion-oriented language input. Outside the classroom L2 learners watch films, listen to songs which have lyrics, go through practically unlimited internet resources to satisfy their needs and interests. However, the language of emotions should not be swept out from the language classroom as this might impoverish the learners’ communicative competence by making them unprepared to talk about emotions they perceive and experience themselves. When I was working on this paper, there was an old song playing at the back of my head. I realized that using such a song in the L2 classroom might be a good starting point for talking and communicating emotions. The song that was playing in my head is ‘Bridge over troubled water’: When you’re weary Feeling small When tears are in your eyes I will dry them all I’m on your side. When times get rough And friends just can’t be found Like a bridge over troubled water… (Simon & Garfunkel, 1970, http://www.lyricsfreak.com) This fragment is full of emotion vocabulary that may become useful in communicating affect and feelings while the music can contribute to the words being more memorable and thus more easily accessible. Learning to communicate and communicating emotions in an L2 offers interesting research options. Since emotion and emotion-laden words are distinct from concrete and abstract words, further research might focus on identifying differences and similarities between learning/acquisition of emotion and emotion-laden words and concrete and abstract words. Another issue worth investigating concerns ways of communicating emotions by low proficiency L2 users as well as by L2 users from different age groups. Other questions to answer are whether bilinguals transfer emotion conceptualizations and their linguistic expression into the other language or whether they acquire new expressions for old (and new) concepts. This entails another question concerning linguistic expression of affect by native and non-native speakers of a given language. It might also be interesting to find out if bilinguals express their emotions in the L1 in the same way as monolinguals. Such studies might contribute to more effective intercultural communication as well as to a deeper understanding of cross-cultural differences.

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References Altarriba, J., Bauer, L. and Benvenuto, C. (1999) Concreteness, context availability and imageability ratings and word associations for abstract, concrete, and emotion words. Behavior Research Methods, Instruments & Computers 31 (4), 578–602. Altarriba, J. and Bauer, L. (2004) The distinctiveness of emotion concepts: A comparison between emotion, abstract, and concrete words. American Journal of Psychology 117 (3), 389–410. Athanasiadou, A. and Tabakowska, E. (eds) (1998) Speaking of Emotions. Conceptualisation and Expression. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Bamberg, M. (1997) The role of language in the construction of emotions. Language Sciences 19 (4), 309–340, accessed 10 April 2011. http://www.massey.ac.nz/~alock/ virtual/bamberg.htm Council of Europe (2001) Common European Framework of Reference for Languages: Learning, Teaching, Assessment. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dewaele, J-M. (2004) The emotional force of swearwords and taboo words in the speech of multilinguals. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 25 (2/3), 204–222. Dewaele, J-M. (2010) Emotions in Multiple Languages. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Dewaele, J-M. and Pavlenko, A. (2002) Emotion vocabulary in interlanguage. Language Learning 52 (2), 263–322. Kövecses, Z. (2000) Metaphor and Emotion: Language, Culture and Body in Human Feeling. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press. Pavlenko, A. (2002) Bilingualism and emotions. Multilingua 21 (1), 45–78. Pavlenko, A. (2005) Emotions and Multilingualism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pavlenko, A. (2008) Emotion and emotion-laden words in the bilingual lexicon. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 11 (2), 147–164. Rosaldo, M. (1984) Toward an anthropology of self and feeling. In R. Shweder and R. LeVine (eds) Culture Theory: Essays on Mind, Self and Social Life (pp. 137–157). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Simon, P. and Garfunkel, A. (1970) Bridge over troubled water. Lyrics, accessed 16 August 2011. http://www.lyricsfreak.com Wierzbicka, A. (1999) Emotions across Cultures. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Appendix 1 The list of situations included in the questionnaire with instructions for participants. Several situations are described below. In the line marked A write what you would feel if you were in such a situation. In the line marked B write what you would say in such a situation in English. (1) (2) (3)

You have won one million PLN on the lottery. (A) (B) You have lost all your money. Your best friend borrowed your car and crashed it. It’s completely damaged. Your friend does not even have a scratch.

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(4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) (15) (16) (17) (18) (19) (20)

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You are just about to leave for the round the world trip that you have been dreaming about your whole life. You have just taken an important exam that may significantly affect your future. Your little daughter/son has just fallen down and scratched her/his knee. The knee is bleeding badly. The child is crying. Your friend has just bought a mink coat (futro z norek). You craved such a coat but you have never had enough money to buy it. Your computer has been hacked and you lost very important data. They cannot be retrieved. You are getting married. Your first child was born. You have just lost your job. You are speaking and somebody interrupts you. You watch news about disasters, conflicts, war and killing. You are waiting in a long queue. Somebody pushes in front of you. You have an appointment with a doctor and you have been waiting for ages. You see a person hitting a dog. You invited some friends to a party. Nobody turns in. It’s the middle of the night. You are alone in the house and you hear strange noises coming from the outside. You meet an old friend of yours whom you haven’t seen for ages. Your parent/partner/best friend has been elected the President of Poland.

13 Student Paper Presentations – An Analysis of Face-related Issues Ewa Bogdanowska-Jakubowska

Introduction Paper presentation is a face-threatening situation for every presenter. It is especially stressful for students, for whom such a situation is quite new. This chapter deals with paper-presentations in the university classroom situation (MA seminar in linguistics), which involves three parties: the studentpresenter, the MA thesis supervisor and the student-audience. Owing to the presence of the multiple audiences, the supervisor and the fellow students, self-presentation turns out to be a task whose realization poses even greater threat to the presenter’s face. I will analyse this type of situation in terms of self-presentation strategies employed and potential face-threats. The data for the research come from the participant observation of paper presentations made by 34 students, all of them candidates for the MA in linguistics, who attended my seminar over the last three years, and a short questionnaire carried out among 57 students of English, at the University of Silesia.

University Classroom Relations Using the dramaturgical perspective, the university classroom is a scene of many actors belonging to the same academic discourse community, consisting of experts and novices (Swales, 1990: 27–29). The teacher-supervisor is a leading actor and director, who dominates ‘the show’ and controls the performance of the students (Goffman, 1959), and from time to time is a one-man-expert audience. The students (apprentices) act as an audience, and from time to time as actors. 167

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Relations in the classroom situation are diversified. We can distinguish two types of relations: teacher–student and student–student. They differ from each other with respect to knowledge, power and social status. In relations between students, there is symmetry of power and a relative balance of knowledge. The relations between teacher and students can be characterized by asymmetry of knowledge and asymmetry of power.

Self-presentation in the Classroom Situation Any action in the presence of other people involves voluntary or involuntary self-presentation, which is ‘aimed at establishing, maintaining, or refining an image of the individual in the minds of others’ (Baumeister, 1982; cf. Goffman, 1959; Leary & Kowalski, 1990). Self-presentation can be defined as The conscious or unconscious control of the impression that one creates in social interactions or situations. It is one of the important forms of impression management, namely management of one’s own impression on others through role playing. (Colman, 2009: 682) The extent to which people resort to self-presentation depends on social context, i.e. on the important others with whom they interact, and the relationship between them and a generally understood situation. The careful presentation of self is especially relevant: • • •

to important, evaluative situations that prompt people to behave pretentiously, such as a job interview; to formal situations that cue well-established social roles and interaction rituals, such as a wedding; to situations in which the actor feels himself to be the center of an audience’s attention and may experience shyness or stage fright, such as giving a speech (Schlenker & Pontari, 2000: 201).

Paper presentation is such an occasion when both the presentation of one’s academic paper and the presentation of one’s self take place. Self-presentation is a complex activity that is shaped by ‘a combination of personality, situational, and audience factors’, such as: • • • •

an expression of self; a role-played response to situational pressures; conformity to the identity expectations of salient others (Brown, 1998; Schlenker, 2003: 498); conformity to culture-specific norms of self-presentation (Kuryło & Urban, 1997).

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In the paper-presentation situation, the author-presenter has to do his best to behave in such a way as to make his projected self-match his presented self (Goffman, 1959). The presented image of self must be consistent with the role he plays in this particular situation and with the expectations of the audience. A student presenting his/her paper in the classroom faces multiple audiences. Self-presenting in front of the multiple audiences is a very uncomfortable situation: the person tries to make different impressions on two or more different persons participating in social interaction (Leary, 2005: 125). The situation becomes even more difficult when individuals to whom the person’s self-presentation is addressed represent different values. In the context in question, the multiple audiences consist of the teacher and the students attending the MA seminar. They differ not only in the values cherished, but also in identity expectations and interactional goals resulting from their age, social role and relationship with the student-presenter. The members of the student audience and the student-presenter belong to the same peer group; they are ‘on the same side of the lectern’, i.e. in opposition to the teacher. They form a team, manifesting solidarity with each other to the extent to which their individual interests are not jeopardized (as in the case of cribbing from somebody). As team members, they perform in frontstage and backstage. The frontstage is the place from which the actors can be seen by the audience (Goffman, 1959), they give their performance, and behave in accordance with certain standards of decorum. In the backstage, they behave in a completely different way. They can relax, drop their fronts and ‘step out of character’. The actors’ behaviour is regionally variable. In the classroom situation, the passage from the frontstage to the backstage is closed off for the teacher, and the entire back region is kept hidden from him/her. While the role of the student audience is that of making presence, the teacher is the main addressee of the student-presenter’s self-presenting. He/ she not only acts as the primary audience, but he/she also has the power to assess the student’s work.

Self-presentational Goals The motive of ‘constructing a desired identity’, i.e. a positive self-image, results from the two desires for having positive, socially desirable qualities, and for the approval of others (Schlenker, 2003). Desired identity and socially desirable qualities have different meanings in different situations and in the presence of different others. The end-result of the self-presentation activity is a self-image – face, a complex of attributes the individual wants to be associated with and characterized by. These attributes vary with respect to the interpersonal relations

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the individual is in with others, the social situations in which he/she interacts with them, and the culture he/she belongs to. Among the socially relevant qualities of the individual’s self-image, we can distinguish three groups of attributes (Bogdanowska-Jakubowska, 2010): • • •

attributes tied to moral conduct (Moral Face, cf. the Chinese concept of lian, Earley, 1997; Goffman, 1967); attributes tied to a position in a social setting (Prestige Face, cf. the Chinese concept of mianzi, Earley, 1997); attributes tied to interpersonal skills and facework competence (Relational Face; cf. Arundale, 2006).

Moral Face refers to personal reputation based on moral character and judged on the basis of personal conduct. It involves rightness and honesty of behaviour, and faithfulness to one’s ideals and one’s friends. Prestige Face stands for such attributes as educational attainment, occupational status, competence and skills, income; social connections and influence, rank and wealth. Relational Face emerges from the relationship between interactants, and involves communication skills in managing identity and relational issues. In different situations, different qualities and different aspects of the individual’s self-image are foregrounded and prioritized. Accordingly, playing different social roles, in front of different people, individuals can have different self-presentational goals (Nezlek & Leary, 2002: 213), e.g.: • • •

to be perceived as friendly (ingratiation); to be perceived as competent (self-promotion); to be perceived morally upstanding (exemplification).

For a person acting as a student in front of his/her teacher, desired identity and positive self-image are associated with values different from the ones when the person interacts with his/her friends. The desired identity here is that of an ideal/good student. I have carried out a questionnaire among students, concerning the attributes of an ideal student. Having analysed the results I was able to create a list of these qualities (in the order of importance), which are the following: intelligent, possessing the necessary academic knowledge, clever, eloquent, methodical, ambitious, cultured and tactful. It can be expected that, when self-presenting in the classroom, students try to make an impression of possessing of at least of some of these qualities. Making an impression, in the eyes of the teacher-supervisor, of possessing at least some of these qualities constitutes the main self-presentational goal of the student-presenter. Self-presentation, in this case, can be viewed as a transaction rather than a mere expression of self. Then what is at issue is not the individual but his/her relationship with other people (the teacher) (Schlenker, 2003). The result of this presentation is a beneficial image of self

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which is expected to facilitate the individual’s goals, e.g. getting a credit, a good mark.

An Analysis of Self-Presentational Strategies Employed by Students During Paper-Presentations in the Classroom The students making oral presentations in front of the familiar audience, consisting of their MA supervisor and fellow students, employ different selfpresentational strategies to make their self-image (face) as close to the desired identity as possible. It has been observed that in the process of self-presentation two of the three aspects of face were involved: Prestige Face and Relational Face. The students were convinced that active presenting of the two aspects of their self might bring the most desired results. In the case of Prestige Face, the focus was on the following attributes: the possession of the knowledge of the academic field investigated by the student, the ability to use it in the study, and analytical skills and intelligence. As all the observed presenters were students of English and used English during classes, fluency in the use of the English language was also among the most important attributes. Surprisingly, however, 70% of the students (24) committed different linguistic errors in their presentations prepared in advance. Among the most commonly occurring errors were: pronunciation errors (students had not checked the pronunciation of the newly learned words or words used in quoted texts), syntactic errors (especially when the presentation consisted in speaking instead of reading) and numerous lexical errors. Paper presentation is a good occasion to show one’s knowledge and ability to use it, in other words to show one’s professional/academic competence. The majority of students, however, showed inadequate analytical and evaluative skills. What prevailed was a mere review of the research on a particular topic, lacking a critical approach. The students did not interpret the printed or internet sources, convinced that what is published goes without question and cannot be evaluated. A discussion of linguistic data often became a presentation instead of an analysis. On the one hand, this might be caused by lack of analytical abilities; on the other hand, it might result from the students’ humbleness in becoming part of the academic discourse community. Paper presentation to the multiple audiences poses a problem to student-presenters. Aware of the asymmetry of knowledge between the supervisor (the expert) and the students (the novices), the latter tried to adjust their presentations to both types of audience. Presenting some abstract concepts, or explaining theories relevant for their research, the presenters often switched to a more interactive mode. They directly addressed the student audience,

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who were often outside their area of expertise, and checked if they understood what they were talking about, if they were familiar with a given concept, or they tried to elicit some definitions from them (see Examples 1–2). (1) Do you understand what I’m trying to say? How do you understand it? Are you familiar with the concept? (2) Would any of you tell me what kind of borrowing it is? Could you define metonymy? The presenters directly addressed the teacher only if they sought her advice on academic issues (see Example 3). (3) Should I discuss this metaphor or should I move on to analysing the linguistic expressions related to it? Can I skip Brown and Levinson’s theory? I think all of us know it. I’m not sure if I understand Ting-Toomey’s definition properly. Does she mean that...? Thus, the student-presenters took two different roles during their paper presentation: • •

the role of a teacher – when addressing the fellow-students; the role of an apprentice – when addressing the teacher.

Relational Face is the other aspect of students’ self-image that has to be taken into consideration in the university classroom situation. Although it does not reflect on students’ factual knowledge, it may have a strong impact on the success in their academic career. In the classroom, during exercises, discussions and paper-presentations, students employ various self-presentational strategies which are aimed at the creation of their selfimage; the image which would distinguish them from other students. Sometimes they behave like actors on stage, sometimes they use their communication skills to establish and manage the relationship with other participants. Eloquence and showmanship can definitely make it easier. Among the observed students, there was a significant variability in the ways papers were presented. Some student presenters spoke loud and clear, and with sufficient enthusiasm to hold the attention of the audience; others, not having practiced delivering the paper aloud, had problems with expressing their ideas. Presenters employed three categories of self-presentational strategies: • • •

those directed at the audience in general; those directed at their fellow students; those directed at their teacher.

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The first group included: • • •

behaving in a friendly way (e.g. addressing one’s fellow students using their first names; smiling); behaving in a self-confident and self-satisfied way (which makes the presentation more credible); being polite.

Politeness in the case of paper presentation involved less politeness sensu stricto, and more what Watts (2003: 19; cf. Oz˙óg, 1990) calls politic behavior – ‘linguistic behaviour which is perceived to be appropriate to the social constraints of the ongoing interaction’. So apart from the utterances traditionally classified as polite (see Example 4), the student presenters used many expressions which seemed appropriate to a given situation and helped build the atmosphere of politeness. The role of these expressions, known as gambits (Keller, 1981), discourse particles (Wierzbicka, 1991), or pragmatic particles (Kryk-Kastovsky, 1995), was to reduce uncertainty in the audience and keep them informed about the structure of the presentation. Using them the presenters signaled, for example, what their next move was (see Example 5). (4) I’m grateful for your comments! Many thanks for your attention. Thank you for your attention. (5) I would like to start with a presentation of the main concepts ... The first part of my paper is devoted to ... Having discussed the research tools, I will move on now to an analysis of the linguistic data. I decided to divide my presentation into three parts... Now I would like to discuss the results of my study ... I have prepared a short quiz for you... Finally, I will try to test the applicability of this theory. And now – conclusions. That’s all. The second group of self-presentational strategies, oriented at the student audience, included strategies aimed at making the audience attracted to the presentation and involved in what was going on. The presenters resorted to • • •

stressing in-group solidarity by means of, e.g. the use of the ‘inclusive’ we, the use of first names, or referring to the common experience; making PowerPoint presentations including colorful pictures; making handouts including the gist of the presentation or the linguistic data analysed;

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using attractive linguistic data, e.g. jokes, film dialogues; preparing various interactive activities aimed at the student audience, e.g. quizzes, short questionnaires and exercises.

The third group of self-presentational strategies, oriented at the teacher, was less diversified. This can be explained by the fact that the teacher was mainly to assess the student’s factual knowledge and analytical skills. These strategies included: •

• •

employing a proper frame – a formal situation in which the structure is consciously and purposively manipulated by an individual to have a certain effect on the audience (Frames answer the question ‘what is happening?’ (Goffman, 1974)); showing respect for the teacher; seeking confirmation of one’s opinions on some questionable issues, by means of asking questions (see Example 6) or by means of a questioning expression.

(6) Do I understand in properly? Is that right? Have I explained this concept correctly? The overall students’ behavior towards the teacher could be defined as politic behavior rather than politeness. The presenters were explicitly polite to the teacher mainly in expressing gratitude (see Example 7), which occurred in situations, such as: • • • •

the student asks the teacher for permission to do something and gets it; the teacher corrects the student’s pronunciation; the teacher makes a comment on the student’s statement, paper, or presentation; the student asks for more time for his/her presentation, e.g.

(7) Do I have enough time to present my research results? May I discuss some more examples? – You have five more minutes. – Thank you. Thus, in front of the multiple audiences, the student-presenters, engaged in one activity – oral paper presentation, are put in a position in which they have to perform two different roles simultaneously. To cope with such a difficult situation, the observed students tried to distance themselves from what they were doing. In their contact with fellow students, they put on a mask of an easygoing, self-confident individual. Sometimes they even made faces and rolled their eyes. This was often accompanied by ‘nonszalancja’ (nonchalance) and ‘luz’ (ease of manner), typical features of Polish politeness

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of the 21st century (Marcjanik, 2006; Oz˙óg, 2005). Nonszalancja does not in principle involve breaking any basic norm of politeness, but is perceived by the addressee as being inadequately or insufficiently polite in a particular situation. Luz refers to natural behaviour which is not restricted by stiff norms of politeness. This kind of behaviour involves greater directness and greater freedom of expression. In the contact with the teacher, the students put on a more humble mask, although a certain amount of nonszalancja and luz was also observed in some cases (seven students – 20.6%). In all the presentations there was an element of ‘show,’ which together with eloquence in some cases, contributed greatly to the creation of the student-presenters’ Relational Face.

Conclusions Paper presentation is for students an important, evaluative situation in which they may feel themselves to be the centre of the audience’s attention and may experience stage fright. This is a situation in which people usually are highly motivated to self-present. Doing so in the university classroom situation, however, may be more stressful than usual as the audience is not homogeneous. The multiple audiences cause the presenter to employ a variety of self-presentational strategies aimed at different audience members. An image of self created in this way is conditioned by the audiences’ values and expectations, the individual’s personality and role he/she plays in a given social interaction. The aspects of the students’ self-image that are foregrounded in this context are Prestige Face and Relational Face. The analysis of the observation data shows that the creation of Prestige Face was based on four categories: knowledge, skills, mental qualities and language command. Apart from mental qualities, all the categories could be mastered and improved during studies, and their possession had a strong impact on the individual’s position within the discourse community. A successful presentation of this aspect of face was aimed mainly at the significant other – the teacher-supervisor, who had the power to evaluate it. Relational Face is created as a result of managing identity and relational issues. As such it was quite difficult to cope with in front of the multiple audience in the university classroom situation. Among the observed selfpresentational strategies aimed at the creation of the students’ Relational Face were: • • •

strategies oriented at the audience as a whole; strategies oriented exclusively at the fellow students; strategies oriented exclusively at the teacher.

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Although resulting from different expectations, all the strategies used by student-presenters helped create a rather consistent self-image of the studentpresenter and his/her relations with the audience.

References Arundale, R.B. (2006) Face as relational and interactional: A communication framework for research on face, facework, and politeness. Journal of Politeness Research 2, 193–216. Baumeister, R.F. (1982) A self-presentational view of social phenomena. Psychological Bulletin 91 (1), 3–26. Bogdanowska-Jakubowska, E. (2010) FACE. An Interdisciplinary Perspective. Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu S´la˛skiego. Brown, J.D. (1998) The Self. Boston, Massachusetts: McGraw-Hill. Colman, A.M. (2009) Oxford Dictionary of Psychology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Earley, P.C. (1997) Face, Harmony, and Social Structure. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Goffman, E. (1959) The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York: Doubleday. Goffman, E. (1967) Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face-to-Face Behavior. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company. Goffman, E. (1974) Frame Analysis. An Essay on the Organization of Experience. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Keller, E. (1981) Gambits. Conversational strategy signals. In F. Coulmas (ed.) Conversational Routine (pp. 93–113). The Hague: Mouton. Kryk-Kastovsky, B. (1995) Particles revisited. In G. Malchers and B. Warren (eds) Studies in Anglistics (pp. 81–94). Stockholm: Alquist & Wiksell Int. Kuryło, E. and Urban, K. (1997) Autoprezentacja a cel wypowiedzi. Socjolingwistyka XV, 78–84. Leary, M. (2005) Wywieranie Wraz˙enia na Innych. O Sztuce Autoprezentacji. Trans. by A. Kacmajor and M. Kacmajor. Gdan´sk: Gdan´skie Wydawnictwo Psychologiczne. Leary, M.R. and Kowalski, R.M. (1990) Impression management: A literature review and two-component model. Psychological Bulletin 107 (1), 34–47. Marcjanik, M. (2006) Przez grzecznos´ć na skróty. In M. Marcjanik (ed.) Retoryka Codziennos´ci. Zwyczaje Je˛zykowe Współczesnych Polaków (pp. 230–238). Warszawa: Wydawnictwo TRIO. Nezlek, J.B. and Leary, M.R. (2002) Individual differences in self-presentational motives in daily social interaction. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 28 (2), 211–223. Oz˙óg, K. (1990) Zwroty Grzecznos´ciowe Współczesnej Polszczyzmy Mówionej. Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellon´skiego CMXIII (98). Oz˙óg, K. (2005) Współczesny model polskiej grzecznos´ci je˛zykowej. In A. Da˛browska ˙yczliwos´ć i Agresja w Je˛zyku i and A. Nowakowska (eds) Je˛zyk a Kultura. Tom 17. Z Kulturze (pp. 9–15). Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego. Schlenker, B.R. (2003) Self-presentation. In M.R. Leary and J.P. Tangney (eds) Handbook of self and identity (pp. 492–518). New York/London: The Guilford Press. Schlenker, B.R. and Pontari, B.A. (2000) The strategic control of information: Impression management and self-presentation in daily life. In A. Tesser, R.B. Felson and J.M. Suls (eds) Psychological Perspectives on Self and Identity (pp. 199–232). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Swales, J.M. (1990) Genre Analysis. English in Academic and Research Settings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Watts, R. (2003) Politeness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wierzbicka, A. (1991) Cross-Cultural Pragmatics. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

14 Politeness in Written Academic Discourse: A Case of EFL Methodology Textbooks Joanna Nijakowska

Introduction The present study uses the apparatus offered by the politeness theory to address the affective dimension in language learning reflected in the writer–reader interaction in written academic discourse, namely, EFL (English as a foreign language) methodology textbook discourse. Methodologically, the study draws from the classic framework of linguistic politeness (Brown & Levinson, 1987 [1978]) with reformulations (Bousfield, 2008), and the metadiscourse framework (Hyland, 1998, 2000, 2005a, 2005b, 2005c; Myers, 1989). Even though written discourse, and textbook discourse in particular, might appear monologic, in fact this complex relation between writer and reader (consumer and evaluator) can be more properly characterized as dialogic (Swales, 1995). The way writers position themselves in their texts (stance; Hyland, e.g. 2001b, 2003, 2005b) and the way they get readers involved (engagement; Hyland, e.g. 2001a, 2005a) can, at least to some extent, determine the feelings and emotions which translate into particular motivations and attitudes readers develop towards the text they encounter. The framework of metadiscourse (e.g. Hyland, 2000, 2005a, 2005b, 2005c, 2009; Hyland & Tse, 2004) offers an insightful approach towards analyzing and explaining complex relations between participants of written academic discourse. A major premise of metadiscourse framework that written academic discourse is a social enterprise which involves construing interpersonal 177

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bonds between its participants serves as a point of departure and an analytic prompt to justify the application of politeness framework to the study of written discourse. Viewed from such an inviting perspective politeness seems to materialize as a natural and legitimate component of the W–R interaction that holds the potential to add some important insight into the description and understanding of this kind of interaction. The critical face-saving characteristics of the relation that holds between the writer and the reader, realized through a series of linguistic politeness strategies (Brown & Levinson, 1987) seems to intertwine with metadiscourse categories. It could be especially evident with regard to the interactional metadiscourse comprising the expression of stance and engagement. Written academic discourse has been extensively researched across genres, disciplines, cultures and languages, including, notably for the present paper, a textbook genre (e.g. Biber, 2006; Freddi, 2005; Hyland, 1994, 1999; Hyland & Salager-Meyer, 2008; Kuhi & Behnam, 2011; Parkinson & Adendorff, 2004; Paxton, 2007; Swales, 1995); however, there seems to be a gap with regard to the application of politeness framework to written discourse in the area of foreign language teacher education, and methodology textbooks in particular. I try to fill into this niche by undertaking a task of scanning textbooks in search for the instances of linguistic politeness strategies at work. Politeness apparatus presents itself as a possible candidate for enriching the understanding of the writer–reader relation and expanding the perspective demarcated by the metadiscourse categories. Thus, my attempt in this paper is to indicate how politeness surfaces in methodology textbooks aimed at foreign language teachers and trainees and how it could feed up and supplement the potential picture of the writer– reader interaction emerging from the metadiscourse description. The corpus analyzed in the study comprises 10 popular textbooks (see Appendix 1) used in methodology courses offered to trainees and pre-service teachers. The list was compiled based on insider interviews with academic teachers and teacher trainers concerning their choice and preference of bibliographic selections and reference materials that they rely on in their methodology courses and require their students to get acquainted with. Samples of texts consisting of 50 consecutive pages from each textbook were analyzed manually in order to identify and classify the examples of facework.

Theoretical Background Metadiscourse framework Metadiscourse framework (e.g. Hyland, 2000, 2005a, 2005b, 2005c, 2009; Hyland & Tse, 2004) has proved successful in analyzing, identifying and understanding the interpersonal measures writers exploit in academic

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writing and rhetorical choices they make from which interactional patterns specific to a given disciplinary community emerge. To preclude a popular fallacy, metadiscourse is not ‘discourse about discourse’, it is ‘self-reflective linguistic material referring to the evolving text and to the writer and imagined reader of that text’ (Hyland & Tse, 2004: 156). In other words, it can be defined as a collection of linguistic resources employed to organize a piece of discourse and to present writer’s attitude (stance) towards the discourse’s content and prospective readers (Hyland, 2000; Hyland & Tse, 2004). Metadiscourse sees writing as a social and communicative encounter during which language is used to ‘acknowledge, construct and negotiate social relations’ (Hyland, 2005b: 173). Written discourse no longer necessitates rhetorical neutrality, on the contrary, it clearly entails writer–reader interaction and dialogue. It ceases to demonstrate impartial, dispassionate, faceless and impersonal style and, conversely, portrays writer–reader relation as comparable to any other human interaction, which naturally entails an affective factor. What is more, effective control over interpersonal features becomes crucial to construing argumentation in an assuring and persuasive manner and in that way creating an effective text (Hyland, 2005a, 2005b). Interaction in written academic discourse is realized through the way writers position themselves in their text to indicate their attitude with reference to both the propositional content and the audience. Writers establish relations between people as well as between people and the content. They bring readers into the text, address them directly (ask questions, make suggestions) and invite to become discourse participants by acknowledging knowledge, recognizing, anticipating and responding to expectations, doubts, alternative views and objections, sustaining attention and interest, and, finally, guiding them towards desirable and promoted interpretations (Hyland, 2005a, 2005b; Hyland & Tse, 2004). According to Hyland (2005a: 365), ‘(. . .) writer introduces readers as real players in the discourse rather than merely as passive observers of the discussion’. Metadiscourse features can be largely divided into interactive and interactional. Interactive metadiscourse defines the way in which the text is organized and the organization signaled. Interactive elements of metadiscourse act as signposts, they secure the management of information flow and guide readers through the text (Hyland, 2005a, 2005b). Interactional metadiscourse embraces two subcategories, namely stance and engagement. Stance constitutes a ‘writer-oriented feature of interaction’ (Hyland, 2005b: 178), his/her voice that emerges from the text while the argument gradually unfolds. It comprises three components, namely evidentiality, affect (attitudes and emotions) and presence. Apparently, writers employ several linguistic realizations of stance to present themselves and to convey their attitudes, feelings, emotions, opinions, assessments and commitments. Among them are hedges, boosters, attitude markers and self-mentions (Hyland, 2001b, 2005b; Hyland & Tse, 2004). In addition, while constructing

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their texts, writers typically resort to a repertoire of rhetorical moves applied in order to recognise the presence of their readers in the text. Linguistic resources in the service of marking reader engagement in the text, which explicitly refer to/build relation with readers, involve reader pronouns (and items referring to readers), directives (imperatives, obligation modals), questions, appeals to shared knowledge as well as personal asides (Hyland, 2001a, 2002, 2005a, 2005b). Hyland (2005b) advises a cautious approach to adopting any fine-grained typologies of linguistic resources of interaction in academic discourse simply because it seems inevitable that certain forms may perform several functions and sometimes remaining silent and not stating some facts explicitly (so-called ‘significant absence’) plays a crucial communicative function as well. Accurate as they may be, the characteristics of reader–writer interaction provided by the metadiscourse framework do not seem to exhaust the description of this apparently complex relation. Consequently, vistas open up for complementing the description and interpretation of interactional patterns operating in textbook discourse. It appears that viewing academic writing as interpersonal social engagement naturally invites the concept of face and facework reflected in linguistic politeness framework (Brown & Levinson, 1987) for its analysis. Hyland and Tse (2004: 157) view metadiscourse as a functional category and admit that: With the judicious addition of metadiscourse, a writer is able to not only transform a dry, difficult text into coherent, reader-friendly prose, but also relate it to a given context and convey his or her personality, credibility, audience-sensitivity, and relationship to the message. Thus facework seems to be clearly interlinked with the concept of metadiscourse, both at the interactive and interactional level. Dialogic relation that holds between the writer and the reader seemingly enjoys all the complexities common to any human social interaction where face is constantly at stake. Thus linguistic behavior of discourse participants (writers) that can be captured so well in the metadiscourse categories can be additionally scanned in search for politeness strategies which reflect writers’ awareness of face, their own and their readers. On the one hand, it can be expected with good reason that linguistic realizations attributed to particular interactional metadiscourse categories could as well be employed by politeness framework. In that way we witness the two perspectives diverging. On the other hand, politeness framework may turn out useful in capturing aspects of writer– reader relation not fully attended to in metadiscourse approach and potentially fruitful in generating a fuller and more comprehensible picture of writer–reader interaction. Hence a suggestion seems in order, that analytic framework offered by the model of linguistic politeness could supplement the view of interaction between the writer and the reader emerging from

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metadisourse studies. Hyland (2005b: 173) stresses the need for maintaining harmony and alliance with readers: Writers seek to offer a credible representation of themselves and their work by claiming solidarity with readers, evaluating their material and acknowledging alternative views, so that controlling the level of personality in a text becomes central to building a convincing argument.

Politeness Framework Linguistic politeness refers to ‘the choices that are made in language use, the linguistic expressions that give people space and show a friendly attitude’ (Cutting, 2008: 43), in other words to actions performed to satisfy face needs of one’s interlocutor and to be valued and regarded in return. Admittedly, a classic face-saving model by Brown and Levinson (1978/1987) has not escaped faults and drawbacks concerning for example B&L’s conception and interpretation of the notion of ‘face’ and Model Person, their claims to the universality of face (especially its negative aspect), conceptualization of face threatening acts (FTAs), applicability of the ‘bold on record’ superstrategy, viability of positive/negative dichotomy, failure to account for uncooperative, impolite, aggressive linguistic behavior once it emerges or to recognize the hearer’s perspective to mention just a few. As a consequence vivid discussion with reference to the abovementioned issues and general plausibility of the model has blossomed (e.g. Arundale, 2006, 2009; BargielaChiappini, 2003, 2009; Culpeper et al., 2003; Eelen, 2001; Haugh, 2007; Matsumoto, 1988; Meier, 1995; Spencer-Oatey, 2007; Terkourafi, 2005; Watts, 2003; Watts et al., 2005; Werkhofer, 2005). The scope of the present chapter does not permit a sufficiently detailed review of these criticisms, issued over the years. Nevertheless, being erroneous in parts, inviting corrections and amendments, B&L’s model has remained an academically most popular approach that has inspired several politeness, face and impoliteness models (e.g. Arundale, 2006; Bargiela-Chiappini, 2003; Bogdanowska-Jakubowska, 2010; Bousfield, 2008; Culpeper, 1996, 2010; Culpeper et al., 2003; Janney & Arndt, 2005; Locher, 2006; Spencer-Oatey, 2005; Terkourafi, 2007; Watts, 2003). B&L’s (1978/1987) model was originally designed and applied to spoken discourse analysis; however, it has been successfully applied to the study of written texts as well, including academic discourse (e.g. Bremner, 2006; 2008; Ermida, 2006; Gil-Salom & Soler-Monreal, 2009; Graham, 2007; Hatipogˇlu, 2007; Jansen & Janssen, 2010; Myers, 1989; Park, 2008a, 2008b; Pilegaard, 1997; Walko, 2007). Fundamental to any (im)politeness theory is the concept of face (Goffman, 1967) which constitutes an issue in every interaction, including interaction between writers and readers. Perceived as a public self-image,

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given on loan from society and being constantly negotiated in interaction, it can be threatened, damaged, or preserved, appreciated and upgraded. One of the problems with B&L’s model that surfaces regularly in literature concerns B&L’s reinterpretation of the original concept (Goffman, 1967) of face. B&L’s (1987) model of politeness presumes dualism of face, exercised as a positive/negative dichotomy. However, the proposed dualism seems unsustainable as most utterances in fact implicate both aspects (e.g. Bousfield, 2008; Bogdanowska-Jakubowska, 2010). Moreover, B&L perceive face as internally generated and highly individualistic, consisting of individual’s wants and stressing freedom of imposition – in that way picturing itself as culturally biased. Thus B&L’s claim to universal applicability across cultures fails because in collectivist cultures individuals define and perceive themselves in relation to the social group; also type, quantity, strength and salience (content) of (positive and negative) face vary across discourses, languages and cultures. All in all, it is suggested that face can be internally expected but externally constituted/realized in interaction with others (social grounding/identity) (Bousfield, 2008; BogdanowskaJakubowska, 2010). B&L (1987) claim that face threatening acts (henceforth FTAs) can be directed either against positive or negative face of the speaker (writer) or/and hearer (reader). However, there seem not to be inherently polite or impolite acts directed at either aspect of face, the interpretation of a given utterance appears to be context-, discourse- and culture-dependent (Bousfield, 2008). In general, according to B&L, one can choose from a set of five super-strategies to avoid or weaken a FTA (mitigate its effects) and demonstrate awareness of face (compensate for face-threatening behavior). FTAs can be performed either on-record or off-record and further on, an on-record FTA can be done baldly or with redressive action either towards positive or negative face (Brown & Levinson 1987: 60, 68–70). Bousfield (2008) votes for disqualifying ‘bald on record’ (Brown & Levinson, 1987: 69) as a separate super-strategy on the grounds that, after all there is no communication where face is not at stake. He also points to the fact that off-record politeness strategies could be potentially directed towards either positive or negative face, while in the B&L’s model only on-record strategies enjoy this positive/negative variety. According to this reformulated model (Bousfield, 2008: 65), FTAs can be performed either on- or off-record and directed towards either positive or negative face. Thus the bald on record utterances, which apparently attack the interlocutor’s face have been incepted by the on-record super-strategy. I take this model as a point of reference in the present study with the reservation though, that a sharp distinction between utterances directed either to positive or negative face may prove implausible as it seems that both aspects can be attended in interaction simultaneously. Further revision of this model would result in a two-tier distinction: on- and off-record politeness.

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Politeness at Work in Textbooks In this section I demonstrate practically how textbook writers apply politeness strategies to develop relations and create bonds with their readers, and, on a theoretical plane, how politeness intertwines and intertwists with metadiscourse framework. Some of politeness strategies and their linguistic realizations seem to be convergent with metadiscourse categories, yet some other rhetorical choices, not classified under metadiscourse categories, can possibly bear some potential to enrich and add to our understanding of the writer–reader interaction patterns in the textbook genre. In the examined corpus of textbooks writers resort to a collection of politeness strategies in order to mitigate FTAs and soften the imposition they can possibly exert on readers. Solidarity with readers is habitually expressed through claiming common ground, conveying the idea that they cooperate with readers and fulfill readers’ wants. Writers often refer to common point of view, opinions, attitudes, knowledge and empathy but also claim in-group membership with readers, notice and attend to reader’s interest, needs, qualities. As cooperators, they include readers in the activity, offer, promise, give reasons in order to soften the blow of the FTA. Routinely, writers give to their readers gifts of understanding, cooperation and sympathy. They also employ, though considerably less frequently, distancing strategies, including hedging and impersonal structures. At the same time a conspicuously heavy use of directives (imperatives and obligation modals) as an engagement technique is observable.

On-record politeness – expressing solidarity with the reader Writers seem to employ multiple resources to enliven the text, arouse and intensify interest to reader. The most prominent and omnipresent way of capturing readers’ attention, challenging them and inviting them to participate in the debate is asking direct questions. In such a way readers are straightforwardly prompted to take position, become engaged and respond. Questions are frequently followed by immediate answers provided by the author. Questions form a constitutive element of interactional metadiscourse with regard to reader engagement. (1) Is production indicative of a smaller portion of competence? Surely not. (HDB 2000: 34) (Annotation convention used in the text involves providing initials, followed by the year of publication and page.) (2) How could one scientifically assess this unobservable, underlying level? (HDB 2000: 31) Also metaphors, similes and jokes seem to serve the function of intensifying reader’s interest and adding vividness to the text. They typically

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involve extended pieces of text. What is more, writers use them to clarify and explain the points they make and to support conveying the required interpretations and understanding. These devices seem not to be explicitly included in the repertoire of metadiscourse categories; however, there is a good reason that these politeness strategies can be granted some explanatory and descriptive power as regards writer–reader interaction. (3) Our research miscarriages are fewer as we have collectively learned how to conceive the right questions. (HDB 2000: ix) (4) That theory, like a jigsaw puzzle, needs to be coherent and unified. (HDB 2000: 4) Writers often claim common ground through presupposing, raising or asserting common point of view, opinions, attitudes, knowledge, empathy. This seems to be successfully achieved by the use of emotional language representing an affective attitude and emotions of the writer towards propositional content and audience. Expressions of surprise, amazement, satisfaction, disappointment reduce the imposition of face threats because it is presumed that knowledge, values, definitions and attitudes towards discussed issues are shared by discourse participants. This aspect of reader–writer interaction seems to be partially reflected in the two components of metadiscourse category of stance, namely attitude markers and boosters. (5) So, our ‘reading’ of the text, while in no way profound, is amazingly accurate, given our zero knowledge of the ‘code’. (ST 2005b: 9) (6) Brown and Bellugi (1964) gave us a delightful example of the difficulty of attempting to extract underlying grammatical knowledge from children. (HDB 2000: 31) The heavy use of second person reader pronouns ‘you’ and ‘your’ demonstrates how writers can successfully raise, assert or presuppose common ground. In fact ‘(. . .) you is the most interactive device in the writer’s repertoire (. . .)’ (Hyland, 2005a: 369). In this way reader’s presence in the text and interaction is clearly acknowledged, moreover the use of reader pronouns indicates familiarity, informality and directness: ‘The second person is largely a feature of relatively more intimate registers such as casual conversations’ (Hyland, 2005a: 369). (7) I suggest you glance through the following guidelines before starting to read. (PU 2006: xi) (8) You may be familiar with the classical experiments with Pavlov’s dog and Skinner’ boxes (. . .). (HDB 2000: 9)

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The use of reader pronouns is clearly indicated in interactional metadiscourse with reference to reader-oriented features of interaction, namely engagement. Additionally, the category of ‘reader pronouns’, apart from ‘you’ and ‘your’, embraces also inclusive ‘we’, ‘us’, ‘our’ and ‘ours’ (Hyland, 2005a: 369) which constitute a separate strategy in politeness framework. To soften face threats textbook writers frequently include both themselves and their readers in the activities and/or beliefs to stress the bonds between them with regard to similar understanding and attitude towards discussed issues as well as shared goals. Calling on common membership, shared knowledge and readiness to cooperate they substantially frequently employ the inclusive ‘we’ form to redress FTAs. Inclusive ‘we’ may invite the perception of discourse (text) participants as equals in terms of their expert knowledge and status within the disciplinary community. In that way readers’ face can be considerably enhanced, especially that the majority of the audience in the case of textbooks constitute students whose level of knowledge and disciplinary status can be by no means equivalent to that of the textbook author, who is usually a well-recognized and experienced scholar, with predominantly impressive account of academic and didactic achievements. (9) Let’s look at some of those questions. (HDB 2000: 2) (10) (. . .) we are teaching our students to communicate genuinely (. . .). (HDB 2000: 14) A way of demonstrating that writers’ intention is to cooperate with their readers is to assert or presuppose that writers have relevant knowledge concerning readers’ wants and that they are taking their needs into account. There seems to exist no equivalent category in the framework of metadiscourse. (11) In any case, possible solutions or comments usually follow immediately after the task itself, or are provided in the Notes section at the end of each module. (PU 2006: xii) (12) For the most part, you do not need to have prior technical knowledge of linguistics or psychology to comprehend this book. (HDB 2000: x) Circulating offers and promises is not uncommon among cooperative writers who seem to foresee and anticipate the outcomes of actions they maneuver they readers into and present those outcomes in terms of a reward which is worth striving for and much valued. This feature of reader–writer interaction seems not to be sufficiently attended to in metadiscourse approach. (13) (. . .) while you cannot hope to find final answers to all the questions, you can begin to achieve a surprising number of answers as you move through the chapters of this book. (HDB 2000: 3)

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(14) This book aims to address these issues. By the end, you should have a better idea of (. . .). (ST 2005b: 7) Giving reasons and explaining why writers would like their readers to undertake certain actions seem to justify and mitigate FTAs with success. Again, metadiscourse does not offer effective tools to classify this kind of rhetorical behavior. (15) And you can hone the global questions into finer, subtler questions, which in itself is an important task, for often being able to ask the right questions is more valuable than possessing storehouse of knowledge. (HDB 2000: 4) (16) We turn now to a number of issues in first language acquisition (. . .). A study of these issues will help you to round out your understanding of the nature of child language acquisition. (HDB 2000: 30) Writers express solidarity with their readers in that they give gifts of sympathy, understanding, appreciation, acknowledgement, credit and cooperation in that way fulfilling their readers’ wants. To a certain extent interactive metadiscourse with its component of evidentials seems to provide relevant tools for classifying such examples of interpersonal characteristics of written discourse. (17) Brown and Bellugi (1964) gave us a delightful example of the difficulty of attempting to extract underlying grammatical knowledge from children. (HDB 2000: 31) (18) Much remains to be studied in the area of the child’s development of conversational knowledge (see Shatz & McCloskey, 1984; and McTear, 1984 for a good summary). (HDB 2000: 42)

On-record politeness – distancing from the reader and propositional content Textbook writers appear to resort to techniques of distancing considerably less frequently than to demonstrating solidarity. They fairly often stress solidarity and familiarity with readers and their possible wants and needs and more reluctantly distance themselves from their audience and from the claims of accuracy and credibility of the propositional content. Nevertheless, numerous examples of hedging can be easily spotted in textbooks. Thus textbook writers also withhold complete commitments to discussed issues and ideas in order to demonstrate deference and respect for their readers who might disagree with, reject or dispute proposed interpretations.

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(19) Perhaps an even more compelling argument for the separation of competencies comes from research that appears to support the superiority of production over comprehension. (HDB 2000: 33) (20) (. . .) [other tasks] you may find quite feasible and rewarding to do on your own. Some you may prefer simply to read through without trying them yourself. (PU 2006: xii) Hedges constitute one of the elements in interactional metadiscourse, they serve as an expression of stance. Hedges indicate that the ‘information is presented as an opinion rather than accredited fact’ and ‘plausible reasoning rather than certain knowledge’ (Hyland, 2005b: 178–179) in that way acknowledging the possibility that readers may disagree and voice alternative interpretations and views. Making claims, challenging and criticizing findings of other researches form substantial face threats. Hedging allows writers to highlight the fact that proposed statements should be treated as provisional, that they take into account readers expectations and invite them to participate in discussion. It seems that hedging quite clearly serves two functions – reflecting the probability of the claim and appropriate attitude towards the claim. Hedges are used to reduce commitment to propositional content (claims) in order to stress its provisional status and highlight the need for continuing verification in further research. In addition, hedges show deference to and protect reader’s face: ‘By marking statements as provisional, hedges seek to involve readers as participants in their ratification, conveying deference, modesty, or respect for colleagues’ views’ (Hyland, 2005b: 179). Another way of staying at a distance, avoiding attribution and divorcing any direct infringement is to impersonalize both writer and his/her readers through avoiding the pronouns ‘I’ and ‘you’. At the same time writers seem to forward appeals to shared knowledge (a component of metadiscourse) and refer to situations, phenomena, entities or ideas which readers are expected to effortlessly recognize and interpret as familiar. In that way readers can be maneuvered into accepting suggested opinions as their own. (21) The field of psychology has witnessed a growing interest (. . .). (HDB 2000: 13) (22) The same era has seen linguists searching ever more deeply to the nature of communication (. . .). (HDB 2000: 13) Writers use first person pronouns and possessive adjectives to present both propositional, affective and interpersonal information. According to Myers (1989: 14), ‘(. . .) scientific knowledge is supposed to be taken as universal; therefore any implication that a belief is personal weakens it’. Thus giving personal attribution to the statement (claim or criticism) can

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work as a distancing strategy – hedging. However, it seems that selfmention can also be used to demonstrate solidarity and familiarity with the reader, especially when affective and interpersonal information is conveyed. Employing first person pronouns and possessive adjectives reduces distance, stresses common ground and shared membership which is generally associated with showing awareness of positive face needs. This strategy has its counterpart in the metadiscourse framework, in the categories of self-mention and personal asides. (23) I understand that she means the electric drill (. . .). (ST 2005b: 27) (24) I should stress, at this point, that I didn’t have to look hard to find texts that have such rich seams of grammar running through them. (ST 2005b: 14)

Directives – going bold-on-record Textbook writers exercise the asymmetrical relationship of competence when they direct and instruct readers to perform certain actions in order to perceive things in the way they see them themselves. Such directives (usually imperatives and obligation modals) carry potentially serious face threats. However, in textbooks, benefits to the readers who undertake the challenge and perform the action imposed on them by the writer seem to outweigh the threat posed by the use of directive. Such practices seem to be accepted in terms of conventions. Presumably, an overall didactic/ instructional goal of the writer is recognized and shared by the readers, thus they are likely to follow the writer’s instruction in their quest for disciplinary knowledge and membership rather than suffer from imposed freedom of action. Directives have their place in metadiscourse, they form a component of the engagement category. Hyland (2002) enumerates three functionally heterogeneous types of directives, namely textual, physical and cognitive. Interestingly, a function of a given directive may act as an act reducing/mitigating the imposition on the reader. The least threatening are directives involving textual acts (e.g. referring readers to other sections in the text). Imposition increases with regard to physical acts which, for example, instruct readers how to carry out research processes and reaches its peak when readers are directed to perform cognitive acts, for example, they are guided towards understanding a point. (25) (See Chapter 5 for more on this) (ST 2005b: 19) (26) Prepare a ‘gap-fill’ version of the text for a subsequent lesson. (ST 2005b: 15) (27) As you read, consider what features of language it embodies that might be of use to a learner (. . .). (ST 2005b: 12)

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Conclusion It turns out that textbook writers resort to rhetorical investments in harmonious relationships with their readers. Textbook writers project their views, opinions, attitudes, feelings and emotions into their writing and actively engage readers anticipating their expectations and attitudes, in that way the affective component of reader–writer interaction materializes and surfaces in writing. Interactional mechanisms operating between writers and readers, also in a textbook genre, have been well characterized by the metadiscourse framework. At the same time the potential of politeness theory to add to and supplement the description of these mechanisms seems inevitable. The analysis showed multiple examples which can be characterized as instances of politeness. Interestingly, it seems that several politeness strategies identified in textbooks have their counterparts in the appropriate categories of metadiscourse and this is how the two perspectives converge. However, politeness tools prove effective in capturing certain aspects of writer–reader interaction not explicitly covered by the metadiscourse categories. In this way politeness theory provides some important insight into the nature of such interaction. Textbook writers apparently much more commonly express on-record solidarity than distance. Interestingly, in the examined corpus no instances of off-record strategies have been spotted. It can probably be explained again by the overall didactic intention and careful attention given by textbook writers to clarity and directness and their cautious avoidance of ambiguousness and vagueness being in service of comprehensibility and transparency of preferred interpretations. Yet another issue emerging from the analysis concerns the fact that FTAs are rarely softened by single politeness strategies but writers tend to employ sets or combinations of on-record politeness strategies in their redressive attempts. What is more, the ‘threatening’ power of particular FTAs is not constant but dependent on the multitude of cultural, contextual and genre-specific factors. Thus it seems that particular FTAs could be placed on a continuum in which case the imposition that they carry could be interpreted as possessing gradable/modifiable salience depending on the abovementioned factors and in that way partially accounting for diverse recipients’ reactions and perceptions of a given FTA. In addition, at least in the case of textbooks, FTAs seem to be arranged in a system of macro- and micro- acts, where a given macro FTA (necessitated by the textbook author’s overall didactic/instructional goal he/she envisages to achieve) embraces a set of micro FTAs. Quite paradoxically, justified by the anticipated overall (educational, academic) benefits resulting from them FTAs committed by the textbook writers could be possibly interpreted as indeed reduced in salience in comparison with other genres of written academic

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discourse. Such approach allows to explain considerably frequent occurrence of directives (which are potentially very face-threatening) in textbooks. Thus, I would opt here for considering the face threat from the perspective differing from the classic approach and specific to the context of textbook discourse. In this instructional, pedagogic genre we deal with great distance and power differential between writers and their readers. However, the reader is not only the recipient of the face threatening act but, at the same time, he/she can potentially benefit from the overall didactic endeavor (undertaken by the author) which necessitates the action described by a given FTA. As a consequence, politeness strategies whose aim is to mitigate the force and impact of FTAs could be perceived as not only minimizing the threat/cost but also, indirectly, as maximizing benefit to the reader. In textbook discourse particular acts of linguistic politeness outgrow the boundaries of single utterance and can be effectively realized and conveyed in extended pieces of text (compare the concept of dynamics of impoliteness in Bousfield, 2008). Some politeness strategies seem to require extended pieces of discourse simply to emerge and be recognized as such. It also turns out in the analysis, rather unsurprisingly, that cited examples could be frequently classified simultaneously as instantiations of several strategies because the same forms can serve different functions across examples. All in all, it seems rational that politeness strategies in textbooks can be deployed either individually or in combination and that such sets of mixed on-record strategies successfully operate across individual utterances or extended stretches of discourse in order to mitigate FTAs.

References Arundale, R.B. (2006) Face as relational and interactional: A communication framework for research on face, facework and politeness. Journal of Politeness Research 2 (2), 193–216. Arundale, R.B. (2009) Face as emergent in interpersonal communication: An alternative to Goffman. In F. Bargiela-Chiappini and M. Haugh (eds) Face, Communication and Social Interaction (pp. 33–54). London: Equinox Publishing Ltd. Bargiela-Chiappini, F. (2003) Face and politeness: New (insights) for old (concepts). Journal of Pragmatics 35 (10/11), 1453–1469. Bargiela-Chiappini, F. (2009) Facing the future: Some reflections. In F. Bargiela-Chiappini and M. Haugh (eds) Face, Communication and Social Interaction (pp. 307–326). London: Equinox Publishing Ltd. Biber, D. (2006) Stance in spoken and written university registers. Journal of English for Academic Purposes 5 (2), 97–116. doi:10.1016/j.jeap.2006.05.001 Bogdanowska-Jakubowska, E. (2010) Face: An Interdisciplinary Perspective. Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu S´la˛skiego. Bousfield, D. (2008) Impoliteness in Interaction. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Bremner, S. (2006) Politeness, power, and activity systems. Written requests and multiple audiences in an institutional setting. Written Communication 23 (4), 397–423. doi: 10.1177/0741088306293707

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Bremner, S. (2008) Intertextuality and business communication textbooks: Why students need more textual support. English for Specific Purposes 27 (3), 306–321. doi:10.1016/j. esp.2008.01.001 Brown, P. and Levinson, S.C. (1987 [1978]) Politeness. Some Universals in Language Usage. London: Cambridge University Press. Culpeper, J. (1996) Towards an anatomy of impoliteness. Journal of Pragmatics 25 (3), 349–367. Culpeper, J. (2010) Conventionalised impoliteness formulae. Journal of Pragmatics 42 (12) 3232–3245. doi:10.1016/j.pragma.2010.05.007 Culpeper, J., Bousfield, D. and Wichmann, A. (2003) Impoliteness revisited: With special reference to dynamic and prosodic aspects. Journal of Pragmatics 35 (10/11), 1545– 1579. doi:10.1016/S0378-2166(02)00118-2 Cutting, J. (2008) Pragmatics and Discourse. London: Routledge. Eelen, G. (2001) A Critique of Politeness Theories. Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing. Ermida, I. (2006) Linguistic mechanisms of power in Nineteen Eighty-Four: Applying politeness theory to Orwell’s world. Journal of Pragmatics 38 (6), 842–862. doi:10.1016/j. pragma.2005.05.008 Freddi, M. (2005) Arguing linguistics: Corpus investigation of one functional variety of academic discourse. Journal of English for Academic Purposes 4 (1), 5–26. doi:10.1016/j. jeap.2003.09.002 Gil-Salom, L. and Soler-Monreal, C. (2009) Interacting with the reader: Politeness strategies in engineering research article discussions. International Journal of English Studies, Special Issue: 175–189. Goffman, E. (1967) Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face-to-face Behavior. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company. Graham, S.L. (2007) Disagreeing to agree: Conflict, (im)politeness and identity in a computer-mediated community. Journal of Pragmatics 39 (4), 742–759. doi:10.1016/j. pragma.2006.11.017 Hatipogˇlu, Ç (2007) (Im)politeness, national and professional identities and context: Some evidence from e-mailed ‘Call for Papers.’ Journal of Pragmatics 39 (4), 760–773. doi:10.1016/j.pragma.2006.11.014 Haugh, M. (2007) Emic conceptualisations of (im)politeness and face in Japanese: Implications for the discursive negotiation of second language learner identities. Journal of Pragmatics 39 (4), 657–680. doi:10.1016/j.pragma.2006.12.005 Hyland, K. (1994) Hedging in academic writing and EAP textbooks. English for Specific Purposes 13 (3), 239–256. Hyland, K. (1998) Persuasion and context: The pragmatics of academic metadiscourse. Journal of Pragmatics 30 (4), 437–455. Hyland, K. (1999) Talking to students: Metadiscourse in introductory coursebooks. English for Specific Purposes 18 (1), 3–26. Hyland, K. (2000) Disciplinary Discourses. Social Interactions in Academic Writing. London: Longman. Hyland, K. (2001a) Bringing in the reader: Addressee features in academic writing. Written Communication 18 (4), 549–574. doi: 10.1177/0741088301018004005 Hyland, K. (2001b) Humble servants of the discipline? Self-mention in research articles. English for Specific Purposes 20 (3), 207–226. Hyland, K. (2002) Directives: Argument and engagement in academic writing. Applied Linguistics 23 (2), 215–239. Hyland, K. (2003) Self-citation and self-reference: Credibility and promotion in academic publication. Journal of the American Society for Information Science and Technology 54 (3), 251–259. doi: 10.1002/asi.10204 Hyland, K. (2005a) Representing readers in writing: Student and expert practices. Linguistics and Education 16 (4), 363–377. doi:10.1016/j.linged.2006.05.002

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Hyland, K. (2005b) Stance and engagement: A model of interaction in academic discourse. Discourse Studies 7 (2), 173–192. doi: 10.1177/1461445605050365 Hyland, K. (2005c) Metadiscourse: Exploring Writing in Interaction. London: Continuum. Hyland, K. (2009) Academic Discourse. London: Continuum International Publishing. Hyland, K. and Salager-Meyer, F. (2008) Scientific writing. Annual Review of Information Science and Technology 42 (1), 297–338. doi: 10.1002/aris.2008.1440420114 Hyland, K. and Tse, P. (2004) Metadiscourse in academic writing: A reappraisal. Applied Linguistics 25 (2), 156–177. Janney, R.W. and Arndt, H. (2005) In R. Watts, S. Ide and K. Ehlich (eds) Politeness in Language: Studies in its History, Theory and Practice (pp. 21–41). Second revised and expanded edition. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Jansen, F. and Janssen, D. (2010) Effects of positive politeness strategies in business letters. Journal of Pragmatics 42 (9), 2531–2548. Kuhi, D. and Behnam, B. (2011) Generic variations and metadiscourse use in the writing of applied linguists: A comparative study and preliminary framework. Written Communication 28 (1), 97–141. doi: 10.1177/0741088310387259 Locher, M.A. (2006) Polite behavior within relational work: The discursive approach to politeness. Multilingua 25 (3), 249–267. Matsumoto, Y. (1988) Reexamination of the universality of face: Politeness phenomena in Japanese. Journal of Pragmatics 12 (4), 403–426. Meier, A.J. (1995) Defining politeness: Universality in appropriateness. Language Sciences 17 (4), 345–356. Myers, G. (1989) The pragmatics of politeness in scientific articles. Applied Linguistics 10 (1), 1–35. Park, J. (2008a) Linguistic politeness and face-work in computer-mediated communication. Part 1: A theoretical framework. Journal of the American Society for Information Science and Technology 59 (13), 2051–2059. doi: 10.1002/asi.20916 Park, J. (2008b) Linguistic politeness and face-work in computer mediated communication, Part 2: An application of the theoretical framework. Journal of the American Society for Information Science and Technology 59 (14), 2199–2209. doi: 10.1002/asi.20926 Parkinson, J. and Adendorff, R. (2004) The use of popular science articles in teaching scientific literacy. English for Specific Purposes 23 (4), 379–396. doi:10.1016/j. esp.2003.11.005 Paxton, M. (2007) Tensions between textbook pedagogy and the literacy practices of the disciplinary community: A study of writing in first year economics. Journal of English for Academic Purposes 6 (2), 109–125. doi:10.1016/j.jeap.2007.04.003 Pilegaard, M. (1997) Politeness in written business discourse: A textlinguistic perspective on requests. Journal of Pragmatics 28 (2), 223–244. Spencer-Oatey, H. (2005) (Im)politeness, face and perceptions of rapport: Unpackaging their bases and interrelationships. Journal of Politeness Research 1 (1), 95–119. Spencer-Oatey, H. (2007) Theories of identity and the analysis of face. Journal of Pragmatics 39 (4), 639–656. doi:10.1016/j.pragma.2006.12.004 Swales, J.M. (1995) The role of the textbook in EAP writing research. English for Specific Purposes 14 (1), 3–18. Terkourafi, M. (2005) Beyond the micro-level in politeness research. Journal of Politeness Research: Language, Behaviour, Culture 1 (2), 237–262. Terkourafi, M. (2007) Toward a universal notion of face for a universal notion of cooperation. In I. Kecskes and L.R. Horn (eds) Explorations in Pragmatics. Linguistic, Cognitive and Intercultural Aspects (pp. 313–344). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Walko, Z. (2007) EFL research articles through the lens of pragmatic politeness. WoPaLP 1, 1–16. Watts, R. (2003) Politeness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Watts, R., Ide, S. and Ehlich, K. (eds) (2005) Politeness in Language: Studies in its History, Theory and Practice. Second revised and expanded edition. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Werkhofer, K.T. (2005) Traditional and modern views: The social constitution and the power of politeness. In R. Watts, S. Ide and K. Ehlich (eds) Politeness in Language: Studies in its History, Theory and Practice (pp. 155–199). Second revised and expanded edition. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Appendix 1: Corpus Brown, H.D. (2000) Principles of Language Learning and Teaching. Fourth edition. New York: Longman. Brown, H.D. (2001) Teaching by Principles. An Interactive Approach to Language Pedagogy. Second edition. New York: Longman. Harmer, J. (2007a) The Practice of English Language Teaching. Fourth edition. Harlow: Longman. Harmer, J. (2007b) How to Teach English. New edition. Harlow: Longman. Lightbown, P.M. and Spada, N. (1995) How Languages are Learned. Oxford Handbooks for Language Teachers. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pinter, A. (2009) Teaching Young Language Learners. Oxford Handbooks for Language Teachers Series. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Thornbury, S. (2005a) How to Teach Vocabulary. Harlow: Longman. Thornbury, S. (2005b) Beyond the Sentence. Introducing Discourse Analysis. Macmillian Books for Teachers Series. Oxford: Macmillian. Thornbury, S. (2006) How to Teach Grammar. Harlow: Longman. Ur, P. (2006) A Course in Language Teaching. Practice and Theory. Cambridge Teacher Training and Development Series. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

15 Disciplinary Cultures and Emotions: Emotive Lexis in Research Articles Andrzej Łyda

Introduction In spite of the still widespread concept of academic discourse as neutral and objective, one of the perennial questions arising in an almost natural way in the process of teaching/learning academic English, be it by native speakers or learners of English as a Second/Foreign Language, concerns the place of interpersonal meanings and their construal in various academic disciplines. ‘I feared that my thesis would be inconclusive’ and ‘The results were surprising’ are only two of a multitude of expressions that supervisors of a degree theses continually find in their students’ texts. And equally often they face a dilemma whether to cross these expressions out or tone them down into emotion-free formulations, as still recommended by many authors of academic writing handbooks. This chapter examines the use of emotive expressions in two corpora of research papers from the domain of language and communication (henceforth: LANG) and biology (BIO) and attempts to show the extent to which emotions are conventionally lexicalized in the metatext of allegedly deemotionalized academic texts. The incentive for the study comes from two sources. First, the comparative aspect of the study results from Chang and Swales’s observation on disciplinary differences in the use of ‘features that show personal involvement or emotion’ (Chang & Swales, 1999: 131). Second, the choice of emotions and emotion terms as the object of this study in the context of developing academic writing skills has been encouraged by Pavlenko and Driagina’s (2007: 229) suggestion that ‘emotion vocabulary needs to be incorporated in FL instruction as a separate and important lexical and syntactic domain’. 194

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Academic Discourse The application of the concept of discourse community delineated by a set of broadly agreed common goals would allow us to define it, after Holland (1988: 72), as: a search for truth through questions and answers designed to rectify, using logic, the evidence of observed data with the assertions of theory. Although it is indisputable that pursuing and discovering truth reflects the essence of academic community, it is far from certain that academic discourse can be reduced only to the quest for truth and an analysis of linguistic means of this undertaking. In the traditional approach to academic discourse, as Lemke (1990: 129–130) observes, the discourse ‘sets up a pervasive and false opposition between a world of objective, authoritative, impersonal, humourless scientific fact and the ordinary, personal world of human uncertainties, judgements, values and interests’. Duszak (1997: 12) criticizes this approach even more severely saying that ‘if the organization of a research text is supposed to take place “above” and “beyond” the writing ego this would lower the interpersonal meanings and “limit its interactive abilities” [. . .]’. However, academic discourse does not realize only abstract and highly systematized knowledge but, as much as many other discourses, is a form of a joint action operating not only on the ideational level but also the interpersonal one. As such, it is not free from the very context that it creates, including discourse authors and their emotionality.

Academic Discourse and Emotivity Emotivity as an aspect of interpersonal meaning in academic discourse had not been addressed in the existing literature until recently when the problem of emotion talk was studied in Bednarek (2008). Earlier the concept of emotive meaning found its place in research only indirectly in the discussion of the acceptance of claims advanced in a piece of academic writing, especially in a genre that has acquired a considerable status, i.e. a research article (henceforth: RA). A view was advanced that the acceptance depends on the stance of the authors and resources available for appraisal (Koutsantoni, 2004). Stance defined by Hyland (1999: 1010) as ‘the ways authors project themselves into their texts to communicate their relationship to subject matter and the readers’ consists, according to the author, of three elements: logos creating rational appeal, ethos realizing credibility appeals, and pathos or affective appeal including among others ‘personal evaluation [. . .]. expressing surprise, pleasure, emphasis and so on’ (Hyland, 2005: 81).

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For Conrad and Biber (2000) stance comprises three categories: epistemic stance, style stance and attitudinal stance conveying speakers’ personal attitudes or feelings, but as Bednarek (2008) observes attitudinal stance is a broader concept than affect. Finally, in appraisal theory (Bednarek, 2008; Martin & White, 2005) emotions, together with evaluations and attitudes, are regarded as ways of realization of appraisal by authors. Bednarek (2008) is the first systematic study of expressions denoting affect/emotion in three discourse types, including academic written discourse corpus of 6 million words. In her modified version of appraisal theory affect refers to positive and negative emotions of the speaker and third parties and a grouped on the basis of three oppositions: in/security – dis/satisfaction – un/ happiness.

Study Objectives As observed by Bamberg (1997: 309) it is natural that the relation between language and emotions can be viewed from two angles either as a relation in which language is ‘performed’ emotively or where language reflects objects in the world, including emotions. Bednarek (2008: 12) distinguishes between the two concepts and defines them, after Martin and White (2005), as ‘emotional talk’ expressing emotions and ‘emotion talk’ comprising linguistic means employed to denote emotions and positioned on a cline of implicitness ranging from the most implicit descriptions of unusual behaviour (e.g. He drinks a lot.) to the use of behavioural surge terms (e.g. He smiled.) to the use of most explicit mental disposition terms (e.g. fear). This study takes as its starting point the last group of expressions and its major objective is to analyse the most explicit emotive terms understood as ‘emotion talk’ or ‘language about emotions’ in two corpora of research papers from the domain of language and communication and biology. Further the study aims to examine which emotions and to what extent were represented in the RA metatext. As we expect this could be conducive to obtaining a richer picture of disciplinary difference in RA emotivity levels and helping to improve the process of developing EAP skills.

Material and procedure The analysis is based on two corpora of research articles, each comprising 200 papers published in prestigious international (English) journals. The English linguistics corpus (LANG) includes 200 electronically available research articles published in linguistics journals in the years 2005–2007, obtained from Science Direct, Elsevier’s full-text scientific database. The total number of words in the English linguistics corpus is about 2.0 million.

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The English biology corpus (BIO) comprises 200 research articles published in journals subclassified as agricultural and biological sciences, environmental sciences and biochemistry, all of them published in the years 2005–2007. The total number of words in this corpus approximates 1.1 million. In both English corpora, one journal contributed at most nine articles (not more than three published in the same year). An article was included in the corpus if at least one author was affiliated at an English-speaking research institution. Before the analysis, all files were converted to txt format and by means of WordSmith 5.0 (Scott, 2008) a wordlist for each corpus was produced. The results were filtered manually for emotive terms meeting a number of criteria. An emotive term was not included in the final list if it was found (a) in a citation from another source; (b) to function as an example; and (c) to function as an operational term in the research reported in RA, e.g. Students likely had greater anxiety or uncertainty regarding their topics at the beginning of the semester, and thus prefaced more comments with I think than in their final papers. The results were analysed comparatively in terms of the frequency of occurrence of emotion terms in both corpora, their lexical realizations and the emotion dimensions denoted. Considering the fact that there is practically no generally accepted classification of emotions/feelings we decided to resort to an emotion model proposed by Plutchik and Conte (1997) and Plutchik (2001) and shown in Figure 15.1. An advantage of this model lies in the fact the apart from emotions, it represents also the relation between them and their intensity. This circumplex model defines eight primary emotions – anger, fear, sadness, disgust, surprise, anticipation, trust and joy – and complex emotions resulting from a combination of two basic emotions into a dyad. The dyads are marked in the blank space between basic emotion sections. The inner circle denotes the most intense emotions and the outer circle – the least intense.

Results and discussion Table 15.1 shows the frequencies of emotion terms in both subcorpora, BIO and LAN. No cut-off level was applied and all occurrences of emotion terms, arranged in alphabetical order, are shown to present an overall contribution of each term to the general picture of emotivity in RA. The total number of occurrences of emotion terms identified on the basis of an analysis of word lists produced for each corpora by means of Wordsmith Tools software is 1104. Their distribution is not equal: LANG corpus contains 788 emotion terms whereas BIO corpus includes only 316 occurrences. However, it should be remembered that LANG was almost twice as big as BIO if the number of words in the word lists is considered. When the figures are normalized in terms of occurrences per million, this yields different results, approximately 391 and 293 occurrences per million in LANG and BIO corpora, respectively, as shown in Table 15.2. This indicates that emotion

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Figure 15.1 Three-dimensional circumplex model of emotions (after Plutchik, 2001; retrieved from http://web.archive.org/web/20010818040222/; http://americanscientist. org/articles/01 articles /plutchikcap6.html)

terms in LANG are over 1.33 times as frequent as in BIO corpus. When the total number of tokens is calculated against the number of 200 articles in each corpus, this proportion is much higher and amounts to 2.49, with the average 3.94 occurrences of emotive terms in a single LANG RA and 1.58 in a BIO RA. The total of 1104 occurrences of emotion terms is represented in both corpora by 64 lexical items (types), 63 of them found in LANG and 25 in BIO. All emotive terms attested in BIO are present also in LANG corpus, but for one, namely, surprised: Thus, we were surprised that beaver pond occurrence was unrelated to distance to nearest road in our study and propose that trapping and shooting of beaver in road-side ponds [. . .]. This points to a lexically and consequently semantically more varied repertoire of types in LANG. Thus it is both in quantitative and qualitative terms that the two corpora exhibit distinct characteristics.

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Table 15.1 Frequencies of emotion terms in LANG and BIO corpora admirable admirably afraid amusing amusingly annoying apologetic appaling ardent astonishing attentive awkward baffled blissfully cautious confused confusing confusion consternation delighted devoted disappointed disappointing discouraged disturbing dreadful enthusiastic enthusiastically evil excited exciting grateful hesitant hopeful hopefully interest interesting interestingly intriguing keen

1 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 7 1 9 6 1 2 20 1 5 1 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 51 2 2 12 124 258 60 17 1

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 4 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 23 0 0 2 28 78 33 7 0 (Continued)

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Table 15.1 (Continued) optimistic passionate perplexing pessimistic pleasing puzzling regrettably regrettable reluctant satisfactory satisfying shocking surprise surprised surprising surprisingly sympathetic tempting thankful thankfully thoughtful troubled unhappy worried

2 2 1 1 2 6 2 1 3 16 2 1 14 0 66 38 4 6 1 1 9 1 1 1

2 0 0 0 0 3 1 0 0 21 1 1 2 2 28 33 1 3 1 0 0 0 0 0

Table 15.2 Emotion terms in LANG and BIO corpora: Tokens

Emotion terms: tokens Emotion terms tokens per million

LANG

BIO

788 391.37

316 293.45

When measured in terms of emotive term types, the proportion LANG versus BIO per RA comes to 2.56, with 0.32 emotion term in LANG and 0.125 in BIO (see Table 15.3). Table 15.3 Emotion terms in LANG and BIO corpora: Types

Emotion terms: types Emotion terms (types) per RA Emotion terms (tokens) per RA

LANG

BIO

64 0.32 3.94

25 0.125 1.58

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These 64 types of emotive terms can be then analysed as derivatives of 48 different lexeme, as is the case with lexeme INTEREST realized in our data as interest, interesting and interestingly. These lexeme represented for the sake of homogeneity of description in their adjectival/participial forma are shown in Table 15.4. All these lexemes have their lexical realization in LANG corpus. Lexemes present in both corpora are in italics type. As indicated in Table 15.4, the data reveal marked differences in terms of lexemes denoting emotions as only 17 lexemes, i.e. 35.41%, out of 48 have been employed in BIO RA. That the lexical forms have been represented as adjectives/participles should not obscure the fact that the emotion terms in LANG and BIO RA took adjectival/participial, nominal and adverbial form. With regard to part-ofspeech realizations, the most frequently employed category for both corpora were adjectives / participles, both at approximately 67%, with a slightly higher number of tokens in BIO (217 tokens or 68,67%). In the case of LANG this category of emotion terms was followed by four nominal forms such as consternation, confusion, interest and surprise (145 tokens or 18.40%) and adverbial forms (118 tokens or 14.97%). The findings for the parts-of-speech variation in LANG stand in contrast to BIO, where the second most frequent means of denoting emotions was an adverb (69 tokens or 21.83%) followed by nominal forms interest and surprise (30 tokens or 9.49%), as shown in Figure 15.2. The frequency of the three categories in a single RA is shown in Table 15.5. Apart from noun interest and adverbs interestingly and surprisingly, of all emotion terms that are shared by both corpora the most frequent are Table 15.4 Frequencies of emotion terms in LANG and BIO corpora admirable afraid amusing annoying apologetic appaling ardent astonishing attentive awkward baffled blissfully cautious confusing consternated delighted

devoted disappointing discouraged disturbing dreadful enthusiastic evil exciting grateful hesitant hopeful interesting intriguing keen optimistic passionate

perplexing pessimistic pleasing puzzling regrettable reluctant satisfactory shocking surprising sympathetic tempting thankful thoughtful troubled unhappy worried

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Figure 15.2 The distribution of emotion terms in LANG and BIO according to their lexical category Table 15.5 The frequency of emotion terms in a single RA according to their lexical category

N per RA A per RA Adv per RA

LANG

BIO

0.725 2625 0.59

0.15 1.085 0.345

adjectives interesting, surprising, grateful and satisfactory. The significance of this fact will be discussed in a further part. Most of the discussion so far has concentrated on the lexical exponents of emotions in two types of academic text. Moving on to the crucial question of this research concerning emotions revealed in RA in a disciplinary perspective, it is necessary to relate the terms to emotion groups to see which of them are most often referred to. To this purpose, we shall refer to the threedimensional circumplex model of emotion concepts shown as Figure 15.1. Most of the emotion terms in both corpora viewed at collectively tend to correspond to the outer and the middle circle emotions in the model. Among the stronger emotions represented by the inner circle only a few have their realization in the two corpora: ADMIRATION (admirable, and possibly enthusiastic), ECSTASY (delighted, blissfully), VIGILANCE (cautious, attentive, thoughtful) AMAZEMENT (shocking) and TERROR (appalling, dreadful). Their share in the total number of emotion terms is negligible (2.1%). The middle circle emotions include among others SURPRISE, JOY, and FEAR and primary dyads resulting from the blend of primary emotions. These emotions were indicated in the corpora by a number of emotion terms. The frequencies for occurrences were the highest for SURPRISE section of the model

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thanks to surprise, surprised, surprising, surprisingly and astonishing (184 tokens or 16.66%). Well represented in the corpora is JOY group including such emotion terms as pleasing, satisfactory and satisfying (total: 42 occurrence or 3.80%). By contrast, FEAR group is represented only by one instance of afraid. Other emotion terms tend to occupy the blank spaces between primary emotions, which results from their more complex nature. The space combining SADNESS and SURPRISE includes disappointing and disappointment (9 occurrences/0.81) as well as regrettable and regrettably (4/0.36), which accounts for 1.17%; the space between ANTICIPATION and JOY would most probably include optimistic (4), hopeful and hopefully (16 cases/1.44%), the section bordering on JOY and TRUST (ACCEPTANCE) – grateful (74 tokens or 6.70%). The vast majority of emotion terms in both corpora correspond to INTEREST section of the outer circle emotions. This section finds its textual realization by means of such terms as interest, interesting and interestingly, which total 581 tokens (52.6%). Other terms that occupy this section in the model include intriguing (24 tokens or 2.17%), possibly devoted (24 or 2.17%), tempting (0.81%) and keen. Generally, INTEREST terms are the most common in the corpora and account for over 59%. The second most frequently represented emotion section is DISTRACTION, to which, in all likelihood, belong such terms as confused, confusing, confusion (16 tokens), puzzling (9), disturbing (2), baffled (2), disturbed (2) and consternation (1). DISTRACTION represents 2.89 % of all emotions denoted by emotion terms in both corpora. Other emotion sections of this model are represented very weakly and a few of them, e.g. BOREDOM, DISGUST and RAGE are not represented in BIO and LANG corpora at all. Figure 15.3 shows the percentages of emotion groups denoted by emotion terms in both corpora.

Figure 15.3 The percentages of emotion groups denoted by emotion terms in LANG and BIO

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It is interesting to note that with respect to the intensity of emotions represented in the corpora, a majority of almost 70% of the terms denotes or implies weaker emotions of the outer circle. The middle circle emotions are represented by approximately 28% of the terms. The rarest are inner circle emotions such as ECSTASY and TERROR (2.1%). In a disciplinary perspective there were no significant differences in the emotion dimensions indicated by the emotive terms in LANG and BIO, with INTEREST, SURPRISE , GRATITUDE and JOY occupying the top four positions. However differences between the two corpora can be seen in the fact that a few emotion groups are practically absent in BIO corpus. Among these are strong emotions of the inner circle ADMIRATION, ENTHUSIASM and TERROR and the middle circle hope, for example. It has reported above that the lexical category is most frequent among emotion terms is adjective, accounting for almost 70%. In her analysis of emotional adjective types Goy (2000) has proposed a division of such adjectives into three classes based on Bouillon’s typology of emotional adjectives. According to Bouillon (Bouillion, 1996, after Goy, 2000: 52) the possible interpretations include: (a) Stative the interpretation of an adjective such that it denotes a psychological state of the individual denoted by the modified noun (ragazzo allegro ‘cheerful/happy boy’); (b) Manifestative the interpretation of an adjective such that it refers to a psychological state which is expressed by an event in which the object denoted by the modified noun is involved (Jettera affettuosa ‘loving/ affectionate letter’); (c) Causative the interpretation of an adjective such that it refers to a psychological state which is caused by an event in which the object denoted by the modified noun is involved (film divertente ‘amusing movie’). Finding these categories instrumental in her analysis Goy (2000: 52) proposed that emotional adjectives be classified as (a) adjectives with a stative interpretation and a manifestative interpretation; e.g. stupito ‘astonished’ (hereinafter: SM); (b) adjectives with stative, manifestative and causative interpretations; e.g. allegro ‘cheerful/happy’ (SMC); and (c) adjectives with only the causative interpretation; for instance, interessante ‘interesting’ (C). All these types of emotional adjectives can be found in LANG and BIO corpora: SM: awkward, enthusiastic; SMC: grateful and C: amusing, interesting, satisfactory, surprising, yet it follows from the data in Table 15.1 that most of the adjectives are C adjectives; they refer to or imply a psychological state caused by an event in which the object is involved (an interesting remark), as in the following examples from the corpora: [. . .] the implication of SMA in stuttering comes from intriguing reports of adults who stutter [. . .]

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[. . .]BA results in our data are also puzzling, although there is little opportunity [. . .] This would suggest that the use of C adjectives with the object is a relatively most common mechanism of marking emotions in BIO and LANG research articles, which finds confirmation in our data. Such adjective plus noun combinations as interesting + comparison/discussion/example/idea/possibility/question/ result etc. are frequent enough to be considered the basic pattern of emotion grammar. Reporting on their findings concerning academic criticism in research articles Martin-Martin and Burgess (2004) observe that ‘linguistic strategies are employed so that conflict should seem to be minimised or shifted from person onto some inanimate entity’. A similar mechanism of indirectness in evoking emotions is employed in the analysed RA. Emotions are denoted either through a causative interpretation of adjectives modifying nouns denoting inanimate objects or by ascribing them to RA authors; ascribing emotions to readers has been found unusual.

Concluding Remarks Considering the status of academic discourse Elbow (1991) writes: I can’t tell my students whether academic discourse means using lots of structural signposts or leaving them out, bringing in their feelings and personal reactions or leaving them out, giving evidence from the poet’s life for interpretations or leaving them out, referring to the class, gender, and school of other interpreters or leaving them out. . . In short, it’s crazy to talk about academic discourse as one thing. (my bold type: AŁ) The answer that this paper offers to Elbow’s dilemma has been arrived at through an analysis of emotion terms in RA in two disciplinary fields: biology and linguistics. The analysis has shown that emotion terms do occur in RA although the frequency of occurrence of the terms in the two fields is not the same. Roughly, the terms are approximately twice as frequent in linguistic RA than in biology. This corpus-based description has also demonstrated that the lexical categories by means of which emotions are referred to are discipline-specific. While adjectives are the most common means in both corpora, nouns rather than adverbs have a priority in linguistic RA over adverbs, a majority of adjectives being of causative type. This property allows RA authors to refer less directly to emotional states experienced by them and in this way detach emotions from the experiencer. It will be interesting to note in this context that the preference for the indirect causative adjectives is in accordance with

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Judg

App

Emotion

CovA

OvA

Figure 15.4 ‘Bridging’ Opinion and Emotion (after Bednarek, 2010; retrieved from http://www.monikabednarek.com/resources/Appraisal+Theory+and+Corpus+Linguistics_ shorter.ppt)

the claims made in Bednarek (2010). At the end of her discussion of the relation holding between opinion and emotion in appraisal theory the author proposes to treat it as a kind of continuum extending between judgment to appreciation (App) to covert affect (CovA) to overt affect (OvA), as in Figure 15.4. As could be seen in the corpus material, emotion terms denoting emotional responses are not as frequent as the terms implying emotions, which would indicate the preference for the covert means in RA bridging opinions and emotions. This observation finds additional support in the fact that for both corpora the most frequently represented emotion groups remain the same for both disciplines and include INTEREST and SURPRISE, INTEREST group accounting for almost 60% of all emotions and SURPRISE for almost 17%. It is exactly in these two groups that Bednarek’s CovA terms bordering on Opinion terms are most common. The answer to Elbow’s disjunctive question about ‘whether academic discourse means [...] bringing in their feelings and personal reactions or leaving them out’ is not particularly difficult. Academic discourse, at least in its part defined as research articles, is not de-emotionalised and emotion terms are brought into this discourse. With a substantial stability of the hard core of the terms shared by RA in two disciplines analysed here, their frequency of occurrence and the range of emotions denoted may vary widely, which points to a discipline-specific construal of emotivity. A reservation that should be made about emotion terms concerns the intensity of emotions revealed. Emotions that make their way to the surface of academic discourse tend to be ‘muffled’: while intense emotions are exceptionally rare, there is an observable predominance of weaker emotion terms approaching an adjacent area of opinion. As part of consciousness-raising of teachers and learners of English for Academic Purposes, we might expect that such insights from corpus-based analysis will prove useful.

References Bamberg, M. (1997) Language, concepts and emotions. The role of language in the construction of emotions. Language Sciences 19 (4), 309–340. Bednarek, M. (2008) Emotion Talk and Corpora. Houndsmills: Palgrave MacMillan. Bednarek, M. (2010) Appraisal Theory and Corpus Linguistics: A Happy Union? University of Sydney, SFL research seminar, invited lecture. Online at http://www.monikabednarek.

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com/resources/Appraisal+Theory+and+Corpus+Linguistics_shorter.ppt. Accessed April 4, 2011. Bouillon, P. (1996) Mental state adjectives: The perspective of generative lexicon. In Proceedings of COLING-96 (pp. 143–148). Copenhagen: Center for Sprogteknologi. Chang, Y. and Swales, J. (1999) Informal elements in English academic writing: Threats or opportunities for advanced non-native speakers? In C. Candlin and K. Hyland (eds) Writing: Texts, Processes and Practices (pp. 145–167). London, Longman. Conrad, S. and Biber, D. (2000) Adverbial marking of stance in speech and writing. In S. Hunston and G. Thompson (eds) Evaluation in Text (pp. 56–73). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Duszak, A. (1997) Cross-cultural academic communication: A discourse-community view. In A. Duszak (ed.) Culture and Styles of Academic Discourse (pp. 11–40). Berlin: Gruyter. Elbow, P. (1991) Reflections on academic discourse: How it relates to freshmen and colleagues. College English 53 (2), 135–155. Goy, A. (2000) Lexical semantics of emotional adjectives. In S. Feist, S. Fix, J. Hay and J. Moore (eds) Linguistics in Cognitive Science: Proceedings of Student Conference in Linguistics 10 (pp. 49–61), MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 37. Holland, R.M. (1988) Discovering the forms of academic discourse. In L.Z. Smith (ed.) Audits of Meaning (pp. 71–79). Portsmouth: Boynton and Cook. Hyland, K. (1999) Disciplinary discourses: Writer stance in research articles. In C.N. Candlin and K. Hyland (eds) Writing: Texts, Processes and Practices (pp. 99–121). London: Longman. Hyland, K. (2005) Metadiscourse: Exploring Interaction in Writing. London: Continuum. Koutsantoni, D. (2004) Attitude, certainty and allusions to common knowledge in scientific research articles. Journal of English for Academic Purposes 3 (2), 163–182. Lemke, J. (1990) Talking Science: Language, Learning, and Values. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing Corporation. Martin, J.R. and White, P. (2005) The Language of Evaluation: Appraisal in English. London & New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Martin-Martin, P. and Burgess, S. (2004) The rhetorical management of academic criticism in research article abstracts. Text 24, 171–195. Pavlenko, A. and Driagina, V. (2007) Russian emotion vocabulary in American learners’ narratives. Modern Language Journal 91 (2), 213–234. Plutchik, R. and Hope, R. Conte (1997) Circumplex Models of Personality and Emotions. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Plutchik, R. (2001) The Nature of Emotions. Online at http://americanscientist.org/ articles/01articles/Plutchik.html Scott, M. (2008) WordSmith Tools version 5. Liverpool: Lexical Analysis Software.

Part 4 Affective Dimension in Educational Contexts

16 CLIL Lessons in the UpperPrimary: The Interplay of Affective Factors and CALP Agnieszka Otwinowska

Introduction Content and Language Integrated Learning is a powerful new approach to education. When carefully implemented, CLIL can be successful in increasing learners’ language and subject knowledge. Its methodology is different from both language teaching and subject teaching, with respect to teacher’s and learners’ roles and the type of language used in the classroom. While many educators in Poland still treat CLIL as almost exotic, private schools introduce this ‘current trend’ to satisfy parents’ demands. However, the nonchalant way of implementing CLIL strongly affects the way it is perceived by children, which, in turn, influences the children’s motivation to learn. This chapter presents the results of two surveys which concerned Polish 10- and 11-year olds’ beliefs on learning English and learning through CLIL. The quantitative results are confronted with the results of a qualitative study examining their emotions and attitudes towards the CLIL lessons of mathematics and science they are given. The results of both studies, interpreted in accordance with Cummins’s BICS/CALP theory, show that the affective domain plays a role in language acquisition. The conclusions which are drawn from the studies concern the organizational aspects of implementing CLIL at the primary level, its aims, methodology, and problems related to this approach.

Affective Factors in SLA Most practices in language teaching concentrate around the learner, his/ her individual characteristics and affective states. Learner factors influencing 211

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acquisition are generally divided into cognitive and affective ones (PiechurskaKuciel, 2008: 58). The primacy of cognitive factors (aptitude, intelligence, language learning strategies, former language experience, training) over affective factors (motivation, attitudes, learning styles and anxiety) was acknowledged till the late 1990s. Although the cognitive variables are still regarded as the strongest correlates of foreign language achievement (Ehrman & Oxford, 1995; Ellis, 2008), the last decade has witnessed the recognition of the importance of affective factors and their influence on success in language acquisition (e.g. Pavlenko, 2005, 2006). Stern (2003: 386), who recognizes three major components of affect: basic predispositions, more specific attitudes and motivation, states that ‘the affective component contributes at least as much and often more to language learning than the cognitive skills’. On the other hand, Ellis (2008: 953–954) claims that the learner’s affective state is influenced by anxiety, a desire to compete, and whether learners feel they are progressing or not. Presumably, the affective state can influence the rate of L2 acquisition and the ultimate level of achievement. Thus, affect, which involves aspects of feeling, emotion, mood, and/or attitudes that have impact on behaviour (Arnold & Brown, 1999) may impede or facilitate learning. When teaching languages to children, emphasis is placed on creating safe learning conditions and raising motivation by methodology which suits their affective and cognitive needs (Brewster et al., 2002). This chapter discusses how young learners’ affective state may be influenced by a situation different from the ELT practices they are used to. Namely, it investigates the attitudes of 10-year-old and 11-year-old Polish children who are given CLIL-type provision in addition to their regular lessons at the upper-primary level. It is argued that CLIL introduced too early and run without due methodological care may have strong negative influence on children’s attitudes and motivation to learn.

Language Teaching versus CLIL According to Marsh (2002: 15), ‘CLIL refers to any dual-focused educational context in which an additional language, thus not normally the first language of the learners involved, is used as a medium in teaching and learning of non-language content’. CLIL teaching covers two broad educational areas in need of equal attention. The first involves using L2 to elaborate content, discover new information and expand non-linguistic knowledge. The second focuses on learning how to use the L2 accurately and appropriately (Marsh, 2002). CLIL is supposed to promote positive attitudes towards learning by offering students opportunities for using L2 naturally to expand their knowledge in subjects other than the language itself. Language learning in CLIL is viewed as holistic as L2 is the medium of both instruction and

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communication, and the main means learners use to explore the world, which gives them a purpose for mastering the language (Wolff & Otwinowska-Kasztelanic, 2010). For teachers, parents and learners it is crucial to understand that CLIL lessons are neither ELT with additional crosscurricular elements, nor subject lessons in L2. While regular L2 teaching focuses on practising language skills and systems and motivating children through involvement in games, projects and group work, in CLIL developing L2 skills aims at helping learners acquire non-linguistic knowledge. Lessons focus on the content, and the learners must use whatever systems and skills we have to learn this content. They should also develop their learning skills and awareness of their own learning while engaging with self-assessment activities and tasks helping to build confidence and language competence. The differences between ELT and CLIL involve methodology, the roles of learners and teachers in the classroom and the expectations towards the leaning outcomes. Moreover, in CLIL classes of science, or mathematics the cognitive styles promoted in the process of learning are field-independence, abstract reasoning and reflexivity required to cope with the content. Field-independence helps in those subjects where one has to analyse data and use language precisely because it lets the learner notice the details and process them faster. In contrast, regular ELT, which focuses on teaching communication, promotes field-dependence, impulsivity and concreteness, required in social interactions (Bielska, 2006; Ehrman & Leaver, 2003). Another aspect differentiating ELT and CLIL is the type of language used. When discussing problems of immigrant children Gibbons (1991: 3, after Cummins, 2000) pointed to differences between language of face-to-face communication and the language of schooling. He distinguished between ‘playground language’, used in face-toface contact, and ‘classroom language’, used during lessons. Playground language is easier to master, being highly dependent on the physical and visual context, gesture and body language, while classroom language used for mathematics, or science is abstract and associated with higher order thinking skills, such as hypothesizing, evaluating, inferring, generalizing or predicting: ‘if we increased the angle by 5 degrees, we could. . .’. Cummins (2000) draws attention to how Gibbons’ ideas merge with his own BICS and CALP theory (1979), which introduced the distinction between conversational and academic aspects of language proficiency, namely Basic Interpersonal Communication Skills (BICS) and Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency (CALP). Cummins (2000) points to the fact that BICS (‘playground language’), which make few cognitive demands on the individual, develop relatively quickly in second language learners. BICS represent language necessary for everyday living, conversations with friends and informal interactions supported by interpersonal and contextual clues (Cummins, 1979). Going a step further, we can say that BICS, regularly taught during ELT classes at primary level, do not require much cognitive effort, and promote impulsive

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and field-dependent learners. On the other hand, the mastery of the academic functions of language necessary to understand and discuss content in the classroom (CALP or ‘classroom language’) requires high level of cognitive involvement and places high cognitive demand on the learner. CALP is more abstract, context reduced, and contains fewer non-verbal cues. It involves the ability to make complex meanings explicit in oral or written form by means of language itself, rather than gestures or intonation. Thus fieldindependent, analytic and reflexive learners may be better at mastering CALP oriented language. It is not difficult to notice that CLIL teaching requires the use of ‘classroom language’. However, CALP is not explicitly taught during foreign language classes, especially in lower-primary school. In the countries where CLIL provision is commonly introduced, it is usually preceded by several years of intensive language training. Moreover, according to EURYDICE (2006), with exception for minority languages, CLIL is usually introduced at the lower secondary level ISCED 2 (e.g. Germany), or is introduced gradually in carefully constructed programmes (e.g. Spain). In Poland CLIL still has a flavour of novelty and is regarded as somewhat elitist (c.f. OtwinowskaKasztelanic & Woynarowska-Sołdan, 2010). Normally, like in most other European countries, CLIL provision in a foreign language may start in secondary school, but schools carefully select learners on the basis of entrance exams (Roda, 2007). However, some private schools experiment with introducing CLIL earlier, at the primary level. Here CLIL is treated as an ‘additional bonus’ to satisfy the demand of middle-class parents who treat language learning as investment in their future and are determined to buy their children better education. Such programmes may unfortunately be underdeveloped, while the teachers, although good at languages and their own subjects, may lack the specific CLIL methodology. The materials they use are in most cases adaptations or copies of materials designed for native English, or German speaking children, which, as pointed out (e.g. Iluk, 2002; Pawlak, 2010), may lead to the lack of understanding and frustration on the part the learners. One can ask whether primary school children really benefit from such nonchalantly introduced CLIL lessons, and whether the language gains counterbalance their problems in the affective area.

Research on Attitudes to CLIL in a Polish Upper-Primary School Research design The context of the study is an elitist (expensive) private primary school in Warsaw, Poland, where parents have high expectations concerning their children’s education. CLIL has been introduced at the primary level in order

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to ‘better prepare the children’ for bilingual education at the secondary level. Cross-curricular elements, regularly introduced in lower-primary teaching (Grades 1–3, 6- to 9-year-old children), are taught in accordance with the ELT ‘fun’ methodology. CLIL lessons start in the upper-primary (Grades 4–6, 10to 12-year-olds). Science and maths are taught as CLIL language showers (three CLIL blocks per semester), by the regular science and maths teachers who are fluent in English (C1), but have had no training in CLIL methodology. This study means to examine attitudes of Grade 4 and 5 learners towards their CLIL lessons. The following research questions are asked. (1) Are there differences between 10- and 11-year old learners in their: (a) attitude to English language learning? (b) attitude (positive/negative) to CLIL lessons? (c) understanding why CLIL is introduced (noticing the pragmatic aspects of CLIL)? (2) Are the differences specific to the age of the learners? As the contextual approach to learner attitudes and beliefs (Barcelos, 2003: 26) advocates collecting and analysing various types of data in diverse ways, two different studies were carried out: a questionnaire in Study 1, which showed some tendencies in the children’s attitudes, and a qualitative Study 2 in the form of a written guided interview, which allowed for a deeper insight into what the children felt.

Study 1 Participants and method The participants of Study 1, which involved filling in a questionnaire, were 72 learners. There were 29 learners from Grade 4, aged 10, and 43 learners from Grade 5, aged 11. The questionnaires were administered during classes in spring 2010. In Study 1 the learners were asked to respond to 16 statements (in Polish numbered from A to P) in a 6-point Likert-scale questionnaire. The responses were graded from 1 ‘No, I strongly disagree’ to 6 ‘Yes, I strongly agree’. The analysis involved descriptive statistics (means, medians, SD) and inferential statistics (Mann-Whitney U tests to compare the groups of students), with alpha decision level 0.05.

Study 1: Results The results of Study 1 were grouped according to whether they involved attitudes towards learning English as such, or towards the CLIL classes. Study 1 pointed to the fact that the children, with no regard to their age, real ized acutely how important it was for their parents that they were learning English (M = 5.8, Md = 6 for both age groups). There were no significant

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differences between the groups in this respect. As for their own attitudes, both groups of children had a similar attitude towards learning vocabulary (M = 4.0, Md = 4 for the younger children and M = 4.3, Md = 4 for the older ones). They had equally neutral attitude towards grammar (M = 3.3, Md = 3 for the younger, M = 3.6, Md = 4 for the older group). However, there were statistically significant differences between the age groups in their overall attitude towards learning English: U = 370, p = 0.004 (M = 3.5, Md = 3 for the younger and M = 4.3, Md = 5 for the older group). There were also differences in motivation to learn English U = 336, p = 0.002 (M = 4.9, Md = 5 for the younger and M = 5.7, Md = 6 for the older group), as summarized in Table 16.1. As for the CLIL classes, the children, with no regard to their age, believed that CLIL lessons should be beneficial for their future, which may have been influenced by their parents beliefs (M = 4.8, Md = 5 for both age groups). There were no significant differences between the younger and the older children in their belief that CLIL helped them learn English faster (M = 4.0, Md = 4 for the younger children and M = 4.1, Md = 4 for the older ones). They found it equally easy to read texts in English (M = 4.8, Md = 5 for the younger and M = 4.7, Md = 5 for the older group). However, there were significant differences in their attitude towards learning new information in English: U = 341, p = 0.004 (M = 3.7, Md = 4 for the younger and M = 4.9, Md = 5 for the older group). The children also differed considerably in their attitude to speaking English during CLIL lessons U = 333,5, p = 0.001 (M = 3.2, Md = 3 for the younger and M = 4.3, Md = 5 for the older group), as summarized in Table 16.2. Study 1 pointed to certain differences between the younger and the older children. Some tendencies seemed very interesting, such as the younger children’s less enthusiastic attitude towards learning English in general and

Table 16.1 The differences between the younger and the older learners in their attitude towards learning English Grade 4 (10year olds) N = 29

Grade 5 11-year olds N = 43

Variable

M

Md

SD

M

Md

SD

A. I like learning English B. English is an important language and I want to know it well C. For my parents it is important that I am learning English D. I like learning new words in English E. I like learning grammar and doing exercises

3.4 4.9

3 5

1.3 1.0

4.3 5.7

5 6

1.4 0.6

370.0* 336.5*

5.8

6

0.6

5.8

6

0.4

617.5

4.0 3.3

4 3

1.1 1.4

4.3 3.6

4 4

1.1 1.3

510.0 552.5

* p < 0.01

U

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Table 16.2 The differences between the younger and the older learners in their attitude towards CLIL lessons Grade 4 (10-year olds) N = 29

Grade 5 11-year olds N = 43

U

Variable

M

Md

SD

M

Md

SD

F. I like learning interesting information in English L. It is easy for me to read texts on various subjects in English M. I like speaking English on CLIL lessons N. These lessons help me learn English faster P. Learning various subjects in English is important for my future

3.7

4

1.7

4.9

5

1.2

341.0*

4.8

5

1.1

4.7

5

1.2

609.5

3.2

3

1.2

4.3

5

1.3

333.5**

4.0

4

1.2

4.1

4

1.6

617.0

4.8

5

1.1

4.8

5

1.6

526.0

* p < 0.01 ** p < 0.001

towards learning subjects through English. However, the quantitative study did not explain these tendencies. That is why a qualitative study exploring the children’s beliefs followed.

Study 2 Participants and method The participants of Study 2 were 69 learners from the same school. There were 42 learners from Grade 4, aged 10 and 24 learners from Grade 5, aged 11. The study took place during classes in late winter 2011, which is nearly a year after Study 1. Thus, Grade 5 learners were the same pupils who were earlier examined in 2010 when they were in Grade 4. That is why the study also sheds some light on the changes in the learners’ attitude within one year period. The study used a guided written interview in Polish, which consisted in finishing a number of sentences and answering questions about the CLIL classes. The children in each class were asked to fill in 2 questionnaires: one concerning their CLIL lessons of mathematics and one concerning their lessons science. They were informed that the questionnaires were fully anonymous, and that they would not be read by their teachers. However, they were asked to graphically mark the questionnaires in such a way that it would be possible to see which two were filed in by the same pupil. The pupils knew that the style or spelling of their utterances did not matter. The children had to finish the sentences (in Polish) and answer the questions listed below. (1) In English it is easy for me... (2) On CLIL lessons (of maths/science, respectively) I like...

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(3) On CLIL lessons (of maths/science, respectively) I liked the following topics/ activities. . . (4) They were interesting/cool/useful because... (5) In English it is difficult for me... (6) On CLIL lessons (of maths/science, respectively) I don’t like... (7) On CLIL lessons (of maths/science, respectively) I didn’t like the following topics/activities. . . (8) They weren’t interesting/cool/useful because... (9) What else comes to your mind in connection with CILIL lessons? (10) What would you like to change? The data were further analysed with the use of qualitative methods.

Study 2 results. Negative and positive attitudes After the analysis of the learners’ comments it turned out that there were huge differences in the attitudes displayed by the Grade 4 and the Grade 5 learners. In Grade 4 many more pupils, were dissatisfied with the CLIL classes than in Grade 5. Negative attitudes to CLIL lessons were voiced by 13 out of 42 pupils in Grade 4, which is 31% of the 10-year-olds questioned, whereas 9 pupils protested against CLIL quite violently, e.g.: Pupil 5c4b: [I like] nothing! I don’t like any topic; they are not cool, because I don’t like English; nothing was interesting for me; it isn’t nice for me; [I think that] there either should be more games or no English lessons at all! No more English lessons!; They were not useful or cool for me, I didn’t like it; I don’t like [the lessons]; I would like not to have them at all); (All quotations translated from Polish by the present author.) Some comments were clearly ambiguous. They expressed a seemingly positive attitude, but their whole meaning was negative: Pupil 6c4b: [topics X, Y] I liked them and they were very interesting; [useful because] I learned new words and expressions; I would like to have easier tasks [I want to change] to have fewer such lessons. In Grade 5 negative attitudes to CLIL lessons were expressed by 5 out of 24 pupils, which is 21% of the ones questioned. However, their comments were never as violent as in the case of the younger learners, e.g.: Pupil 43d5a: [I’d like] to have fewer of them in the week; I’d like to have fewer such lessons; Pupil 48c5a: The connection of maths and English means too much to think.

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What turned particularly difficult for the pupils in Grade 4 was the type of language used. Many comments regarded the use of English and the level of language difficulty: Pupil 6c4b: [it’s difficult] to remember the spelling of some words; I’d like to change the number of words we have to use; I can’t remember some words; Pupil 7d4b: ...to understand some exercises; to speak English; to understand, because I can’t speak English well; Pupil 9d4b: ...to speak differently than in Polish; sometimes to understand words; Pupil 11d4b: ...when the teacher speaks fast; there is just too much of everything and the pupils cannot cope; Pupil 22c4a: ...lots of things, complicated exercises; when the teacher says words I don’t understand. One pupil, although expressed a strongly negative attitude wrote what seemed to have been influenced by her parents’ beliefs: Pupil 12d4b: nothing is difficult if I sit down and learn (in the original: ‘nic nie jest trudne jez˙eli sie˛ przyłoz˙˛e’); [I liked] nothing, it is boring; [the topics] were not cool; I didn’t like any topic because they were boring and useless. It is worth noticing that the above comments reveal the pupils’ problems with understanding the content, but predominantly the type of language used. This probably means that numerous pupils in Grade 4 are not prepared to cope with the linguistic difficulty of the CLIL classes. They can easily cope with the material in Grades 1–3, which involves easier vocabulary and less complex structures. However, they cannot cope with the academic language used during CLIL lessons. Very often the comments concerning difficulties were written by pupils who expressed positive attitudes towards the teacher and the subject itself. This points to the fact that for some pupils whose English is not as good as had been expected, CLIL classes are simply too challenging. The difficulty of the CLIL lessons was commented on to a much lesser extent by the learners in Grade 5. There were fewer comments, and the difficulties described seemed to be based on the children’s individual preferences rather than the level of English, e.g.

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Pupil 64d5c: [it’s difficult] to learn difficult things, which I don’t understand even in Polish, e.g. the how the flower bud is built; to learn words, to do exercises on your own; it is more difficult to work that way; it’s difficult to work on your own; Pupil 65d5c: ...to translate an English text into Polish; to name some things, e.g. numerator and denominator of a fraction. Positive attitudes to CLIL lessons were expressed by both the younger and the older children. There were 24 positive comments by Grade 4, e.g.: Pupil 10d4b: [interesting because] they were easy. And the teacher explained well. They were easy and so. . . funny. However, there were more comments by Grade 5 and they were more mature Pupil 60d5b: ...they stimulated my imagination. I could draw and learn simultaneously; Pupil 61c5b: ...there was a lot of interesting information; I learned a lot; Pupil 64d5c: [I liked] creating our own tasks and group work; it taught us creativity. The percentages of the negative and the positive comments in both classes are summarized in Figure 16.1.

Figure 16.1 Percentages of comments revealing positive and negative attitudes to CLIL lessons

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Study 2 results. Attitudes to form and content of CLIL lessons All in all, the younger learners commented more often on the form and the content of the CLIL classes than the older children. Over 50% of pupils in Grade 4 commented on what the classes should look like: 21 pupils demanded more games, 14 more computer and interactive whiteboard activities, and 3 more group work and projects: Pupil 4c4b: [I like] when we sometimes work on computer [I’d like] more games, fewer exercises. Pupil 5c4b: There should be more games, or no English lessons at all! Pupil 9d4b: [I like] when we have less demanding classes; when we use the interactive whiteboard; [I’d like] to draw more; Pupil 10d4b: [I’d like] to learn more through playing; [I’d like] to have more interesting topics. Pupil 31c4c: [I like] everything, but I’d like to play more in teams. In Grade 5 only 10 pupils (35%) wanted to have more ‘fun’ classes, with seven comments about games and seven about type of work: Pupil 63d5c: there should be more games and more pair work, more projects and group work. Pupil 64d5c: [I’d like] to work in groups and to do projects and to debate, i.e. exchange our opinions. The comments are summarized in Figure 16.2.

Study 2 results. Pragmatic/instrumental attitudes to CLIL lessons Finally, many children commented on the benefits of learning English and the CLIL classes in particular. Such views, expressed by over 40% of pupils in Grade 4, may have been influenced by their parents’ attitudes, e.g.: Pupil 3c4b: [interesting/cool/useful because] It is useful because, one has to know English; Pupil 19d4a: It will be useful in my future life; Pupil 22c4a: I will be able to talk to English people when I go abroad. I will be able to communicate.

222 Par t 4: Af fec t ive Dimension in Educat ional Conte x t s

Figure 16.2 Percentages of negative comments on the form and content of CLIL lessons

In Grade 5, nearly 70% pupils wrote this type of comments, showing much more understanding what CLIL is, e.g.: Pupil 43d5a: [interesting/cool/useful because] We learn new words; we learn maths and English at the same time; Pupil 48c5a: Maths in English may be useful in the future; Pupil 50d5a: I could practise Science in English and learn new English words; Pupil 53d5a: We can learn something and improve the level of English. The percentages of the comments revealing the pragmatic attitudes of the pupils are summarized in Figure 16.3.

Figure 16.3 Percentages of comments revealing pragmatic attitudes to CLIL lessons

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Discussion and Conclusions There are visible age-related differences in the emotional attitude towards CLIL lessons. Both studies reveal more positive and mature attitude to CLIL in Grade 5 than in Grade 4. Many older pupils appreciate the positive aspects and benefits of such classes. They are also less reluctant towards CLIL and seem less determined to fight against the form and content of these classes. The results of the study can be interpreted in terms of cognitive styles theory and Cummins’ BICS/CALP theory. Cognitive style is a complex of learner’s characteristics which determine how the person approaches problems and acquires knowledge. It is connected with the age and personality of the learner, and the dominance of their hemispheres. Cognitive style can thus be treated as a set of preferences and is often referred to in terms of dichotomies (Bielska, 2006; Ellis, 2008; Cohen, 2010). The reflexive-impulsive dimension describes the degree to which a person likes considering ways of solving a given problem and verifying hypotheses. Reflexive learners prefer deductive reasoning, may work slower while striving for perfection, and are good in sciences, as opposed to impulsive learners who prefer humanities. Field-dependence is the tendency to perceive globally, while field-independence is connected with noticing details and analysing them independently from the whole. Field-independent learners tend to be good at mathematics and sciences, they are task-oriented, as opposed to field-dependent learners who are socially oriented. On the other hand, field-independence is an asset while analysing data and noticing patterns instead of loose elements. According to Ellis (2008: 662), both reflexivity and field-independence grow with age. Consequently, pupils in Grade 4 may not be cognitively ready for the more abstract and more complex CLIL tasks which require analysis, reasoning and promote field-independence. Hence – many more negative attitudes towards CLIL revealed in Grade 4. Pupils in Grade 5 are more mature and have developed more effective learning strategies, hence more positive attitudes in Grade 5. Conversely, field-dependence and impulsivity help in social interactions during ‘ordinary’ language classes where communicativeness is needed. While language classes in lower-primary motivate through play, games, group work and projects, in Grade 4 there is a clash between the ‘old’ communicative habits and the new demands of CLIL classes. Language classes usually teach BICS type of language, and a child relatively good at English in Grades 1–3 may experience language problems on CLIL lessons, which require CALP. Because some pupils in Grade 4 are not ready for CALP (both in Polish and in English) they react negatively to CLIL lessons. Pupils in Grade 5 are more mature and can already transfer CALP abilities from Polish to English, so their reactions towards CLIL are more positive.

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CALP is not explicitly taught in Poland and pupils are supposed to acquire it indirectly. However, if content subjects start to be taught in English as early as in Grade 4, teachers should be made aware that academic language skills have to be developed by providing learners with language models (scaffolding) to follow when performing CLIL tasks, to help them feel safe and learn effectively. Subject teachers often do not realize that their lessons require different type of language. Before starting a CLIL course teachers should undergo training in CLIL methodology, while school administration should acknowledge that subject teachers are not predisposed to teach CLIL just because they can speak a foreign language. Teachers should be helped to prepare tasks and models, gradually merging the work on the subject and the language, as it is done in German and Spanish schools. Early CLIL activities must be more motivating and learners must be made aware why they are doing particular exercises. Subject teachers in Grade 4 should be encouraged to introduce more group work, projects, and electronic media to lessen children’s shock with the different teaching methods. Tasks of increasing difficulty would help children gradually get used to activities more challenging in terms of content and language. As the study has shown, the bilingual classes may bring about more stress and frustration than benefits, which can easily lead to decreasing motivation and eventual failure. So, before introducing CLIL to children, schools should consider numerous administrative and methodological issues in order to cater for both the cognitive and emotional needs of learners.

References Arnold J. and Brown H.D. (1999) A map of terrain. In J. Arnold (ed.) Affect in Language Learning (pp. 1–24). Cambridge: CUP. Barcelos, A. (2003) Researching beliefs about SLA: A critical review. In P. Kalaja and A. Barcelos (eds) Beliefs about SLA: New Research Approaches (pp. 7–33). Dordrecht: Kluwer. Bielska, J. (2006) Between Psychology and Foreign Language Learning. Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu S´la˛skiego. Brewster, J., Ellis, G. and Girard, D. (2002) The Primary English Teacher’s Guide. Penguin English. Cohen, A.D. (2010) Focus on the language learner: Styles, strategies and motivation. In N. Schmitt (ed.) An Introduction to Applied Linguistics (pp. 161–178). London: Hodder Education. Cummins, J. (1979) Cognitive/academic language proficiency, linguistic interdependence, the optimum age question and some other matters. Working Papers on Bilingualism 19, 121–129. Cummins, J. (2000) Putting language proficiency in its place. In J Cenoz and U. Jessner (eds) English in Europe. The Acquisition of a Third Language (pp. 39–53). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Ehrman, M. and Leaver, B. (2003) Cognitive styles in the service of language learning. System 31 (3), 391–415. Ehrman, M. and Oxford, R. (1995) Cognition plus: Correlates of language learning success. The Modern Language Journal 79 (1), 67–89.

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Ellis, R. (2008) The Study of Second Language Acquisition. Oxford: OUP. EURYDICE (2006) Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) at School in Europe. European Commission. Gibbons, P. (1991) Learning to Learn in a Second Language. Newton: Primary English Teaching Association. Iluk, J. (2002) Problemy kształcenia dwuje˛zycznego w Polsce. Je˛zyki Obce w Szkole 6/2002: 27–36. Marsh, D. (2002) CLIL/EMILE Content and Language Integrated Learning: The European Dimension – Actions, Trends and Foresight Potential. European Commission. Otwinowska-Kasztelanic, A. and Woynarowska-Sołdan, M. (eds) CLIL w polskich szkołach. Od teorii do praktyki. Je˛zyki Obce w Szkole 6/2010. Pawlak, M. (2010) Zintegrowane kształcenie przedmiotowo-je˛zykowe: załoz˙enia, praktyka, perspektywy. In A. Otwinowska-Kasztelanic and M. Woynarowska-Sołdan (eds) CLIL w polskich szkołach. Od teorii do praktyki. Je˛zyki Obce w Szkole 6/2010: 13–25. Pavlenko, A. (2005) Emotions and Multilingualism. New York: Cambridge University Press. Pavlenko, A. (2006) (ed.) Bilingual Minds: Emotional Experience, Expression, and Representation. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Piechurska-Kuciel, E. (2008) Language Anxiety in Secondary Grammar School Students. Opole: Uniwersytet Opolski. Roda, M. (2007) Edukacja bilingwalna w Polsce na tle innych krajów Unii Europejskiej. In H. Komorowska (ed.) Nauczanie je˛zyków obcych. Polska a Europa (pp. 57–81). Warszawa: Academica SWPS. Stern, H.H. (2003) Fundamental Concepts of Language Learning. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Wolff, D. and Otwinowska-Kasztelanic, A. (2010) CLIL – przełomowe podejs´cie w edukacji europejskiej. In A. Otwinowska-Kasztelanic and M. Woynarowska-Sołdan (eds) CLIL w polskich szkołach. Od teorii do praktyki. Je˛zyki Obce w Szkole 6/2010: 7–13.

17 The Role of Affective Factors in CLIL Provision in the Secondary School Zbigniew Moz˙ejko

Introduction The role of affect in education seems as essential as the role of intellect and cognition. This belief seems to have established itself well in nonmainstream education, but may not be present in all instances of general (public and non-public) education. The aim of the present chapter is to investigate which affective factors play a significant role in shaping institutionalized English language teaching at the lower-secondary school level. First, the paper outlines those affective factors which seem especially pertinent in the learning and teaching of young adolescents (aged 14–16). Then, a discussion is presented on CLIL provision at the lower-secondary school level in Poland, highlighting areas of potential difficulty. Finally, the chapter ends by presenting results of an empirical study conducted on three groups of respondents (lower-secondary school pupils, their parents, and content-subject teachers), whose aim was to offer a tripartite perspective on those affective dimensions which play an important role in CLIL instruction.

Defining the Basic Notions The section discusses the most distinctive features of young adolescent learners, presents affective factors that apply to this age-group and characterizes CLIL instruction in Poland. 226

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Young adolescents – a unique group of learners? Owing to size constraints of the paper, only those affective factors which seem most relevant for the age-group to be investigated in the empirical section – young adolescents aged 14–16 – will be discussed. Young adolescent learners can be characterized as possessing the following developmental traits; cognitive, linguistic and emotional (cf. Komorowska, 2004; Tomaszewska, 2009). In terms of cognitive development and L1 linguistic development, one could call their growth complete. Thanks to pupils’ extralinguistic development, which is relatively advanced and still progressing, L2 language work can rely on students’ knowledge of the world – pupils are interested in issues of everyday life and in issues of the surrounding world, hence there is a potential for introducing CLIL provision into the curriculum. However, the area of most profound growth for young teenagers is emotional development. They often demonstrate an unstable sense of self-worth; a need of being noticed, hence a need for peer-approval; a need of independence, hence instances of resistance to formal schooling. They may often seem poorly motivated (and less lively and humorous than either young children or adults), and very often are difficult to cooperate with, often causing outright discipline problems. Yet adolescents themselves would often be much happier, if such discipline problems did not exist: they may push teachers to the limit, but they are much happier if that challenge is met, if the teacher actually manages to control them, and if this is done in a supportive, non-authoritarian way. Young adolescents can also be extremely involved, pursuing a learning goal with enthusiasm, provided the teaching material is relevant and interesting, hence – again – the potential of involving them in CLIL provision. Does this age-group constitute a unique subcategory of learners? Not necessarily, yet certainly it is perceived by teachers as difficult to cooperate with. Hence, the importance of being aware of the affective factors operating therein.

Affective factors Affective factors can be described as follows: The learner’s affective state is influenced by a number of factors, for example, anxiety, a desire to compete, and whether learners feel they are progressing or not. It is hypothesized that it can influence the rate of L2 acquisition and the ultimate level of achievement. (Ellis, 2008: 953) Depending on the researcher, these factors may include a range of subcategories.

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The area subsumed under affective factors varies: in one source we may find ‘motivational orientations’ and ‘social group identification’ as ‘motivational’ elements, plus ‘relaxation’ and ‘anxiety’ as ‘emotional states (Dulay et al., 1982); in another source, the coverage includes ‘attitudes, motivation, empathy, and cultural alienation (Schumann, 1974). [. . .] The principles of classification do not generally seem clear. (Laine, 1987: 5) Among the factors listed above, some may also reappear under the notion of ‘personality’. In a comprehensive overview of the effects of selected personality traits upon L2 acquisition, Bielska (2006) discusses amongst others: empathy, risk-taking, extraversion/introversion. Piechurska-Kuciel (2008) sets off her study on anxiety by distinguishing affect (‘a momentary positive or negative reaction of the body to a change in surroundings or in the self’; Kolan´czyk, 2004, after Piechurska-Kuciel, 2008: 17), emotions (according to one perspective, they are defined by ‘valence (pleasant–unpleasant or positive–negative) and arousal (high–low)’; Piechurska-Kuciel, 2008: 18), and feelings (‘linked to a concrete event, although mostly to a person or group of people’; PiechurskaKuciel, 2008: 18). She summarizes the three terms after Nathanson (1992: 50) as: ‘affect is biology, feeling is psychology and emotion is biography’ (Piechurska-Kuciel, 2008: 18). Hall and Webster (2008: 32) include the following affective factors in their study of students with and without learning disabilities: ‘resiliency, self-efficacy, locus of control, and need for achievement’. In the light of what has been stated above in the section on young adolescents, those factors which seem specifically relevant for young adolescent learners can be tentatively divided into dyads of opposing features having either a positive or a negative effect upon the group (cf. Table 17.1). Attitude – towards the course, the teacher, peers – may be positive or negative. Without predicating anything about its etiology, the sign (positive or negative) accompanying an attitude demonstrates a tendency towards or away from a person, event or social relation. This tendency surfaces in class rapport, locus of affiliation (in- or out-of-group, teacher-affiliation or peeraffiliation), empathy or bondage (or lack of these); from an external observer’s perspective, what can be detected is high or low class discipline, good or poor class cooperation.

Table 17.1 Selected positive and negative affective factors in young adolescent learners Positive affective factors

Negative affective factors

(positive) attitude good cooperation (high) motivation metalinguistic development

(negative) attitude lack of discipline (low) motivation over-reliance on L1

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Motivation in L2 learning may be conceptualized from an array of perspectives (cf. Dörnyei, 2001, 2005, 2006; Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2011). Gardner and Lambert (1972) first proposed a definition of motivation which incorporated a social-psychological perspective. However, Cheng and Dörnyei (2007: 154, original italics) note that limiting Gardner’s motivation theory to the integrative-instrumental dichotomy is unwarranted, as ‘[Gardner’s] integrative motive construct does entail elements that have a direct relevance to actual classroom learning (e.g. the component “attitudes toward the learning situation”)’. Finally, attitude towards and usage of the mother tongue (MT) and target language (TL). Even though, traditionally, language usage is not classified as an affective factor, I decided to include it here due to the impact it may exert upon class rapport and the quality of in-class interactions.

CLIL provision The nature of CLIL provision CLIL provision may be defined in a range of ways, most of which stress the interplay between language instruction and content instruction (cf. also Dalton-Puffer, 2007). [CLIL is] a dual-focused educational approach in which an additional language is used for the learning and teaching of both content and language. (Mehisto et al., 2008: 9) [CLIL is an approach] which seeks to develop proficiency in both the non-language subject and the language with or through which it is taught. (www.eurydice.org) [CLIL is] an approach in which pupils learn a subject through the medium of a foreign language. (http://ec.europa.eu/.../clil_en.html) Table 17.2 demonstrates part of a continuum of CLIL integration into the curriculum (for a complete paradigm with specified language aims, pedagogical aims and assessment, cf. www.lanqua.eu). The presented definitions all seem to emphasize two elements (hence ‘dual-focus’), whereas Gozdawa-Gołe˛biowski (2010) convincingly demonstrates the need for a reintroduction of a third missing part into this equation, namely ‘integration’, and a re-examination of the role of focus-on-form in CLIL instruction. To subconclude, CLIL provision offers (cf. www.cilt.org.uk) an interrelated focus on Content (knowledge and skills), Communication (using and learning the language), Cognition and Culture (including inter- and intracultural understanding and awareness). CLIL provision is intensive, (supposedly) communicatively authentic, with the primacy of the content subject

Integrated content and language competence. Both developed systematically through tailored learning tasks. Full awareness of L. As in content instruction, but with a clear awareness of the role of language, i.e. partially integrated content and language competence.

LSP competence: functional, professional language and communication competence in the disciplinary field and in general.

LSP competence: functional, professional language and communication competence in the disciplinary field and in general.

Source: adapted from: www.lanqua.eu

Learning outcome expected

Content mastery and L2 learning; dual focus and integrated and specified aims for both.

Content mastery and L2 learning; tailored L2 instruction to support content learning.

Content mastery; L2 learning incidental; language aims not specified (often implicit). As in content instruction. Language learning dependent on the pedagogical approach and on learner’s motivation, initiative and autonomy.

Language and study skills mastery, tailored for future content learning; explicit L2 aim.

Language mastery and study skills mastery; explicit L2 aims.

Main aim(s)

(Dual focus) CLIL

Adjunct CLIL

Partial CLIL (content – focus in L2)

Partial CLIL LSP/ Discipline based LT

Feature

Partial CLIL (language – LAP focus)

Table 17.2 Continuum of CLIL integration into the curriculum

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above the target language, and (especially, at beginner levels) more challenging cognitively than linguistically.

CLIL provision in Poland CLIL instruction in Polish schools (including lower-secondary schools, gimnazjum) is controlled by the regulations of the Ministry of National Education. Apart from an extended curriculum for the second language of instruction, classes with two languages of instruction offer lectures in some subjects in both languages, most commonly sciences [. . .] and general history and geography [. . .]. However, the history and geography of Poland are always taught in Polish. (Eurydice (2006) Country Reports: Poland) CLIL instruction in Poland is not markedly different from that in other European countries. Just as in Europe, the fact of existence of CLIL programs does not entail their widespread availability ‘[in Europe, CLIL] is offered to between 3% and under 30% of pupils at primary or secondary levels (or both)’ (www.eurydice.org). Also the areas of difficulty in CLIL provision seem similar across European contexts. Country Reports: Poland (Eurydice, 2006) lists among others the following features of CLIL provision at the lower-secondary school: it is popular with pupils (and parents), yet relatively uncommon; it often suffers from inadequate financial resources (being more expensive than regular school tuition); it often struggles with a shortage of qualified teachers (especially, a shortage of specialist subject teachers with a good command of the TL). Irrespective of the difficulties, the popularity of CLIL provision is multifaceted. Among its causes one could certainly list higher exposure to the TL; bilingual program in the lower-secondary school enjoy from 5 to 6 lessons of FL tuition per week (meaning lessons of the TL, not CLIL, while general programs offer on average only 3 lessons per week). Let us now turn to how CLIL provision is actually realized in a lowersecondary school.

The Study The study reported herein is part of a project aimed at performing a comprehensive language audit in CLIL classes in a non-public lowersecondary school (gimnazjum) in Warsaw. The study took place between November 2010–May 2011 and tapped opinions and beliefs of three groups of respondents: learners from grades I to III (n = 43), parents (n = 28), and content-subject teachers (n = 6) of the same group of learners. Before revealing the research questions, let me first offer a present-situation analysis of CLIL instruction in that institution.

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Present-situation analysis and lesson observations At the beginning of the audit, I was informed about the circumstance of CLIL provision in the institution, about the perceived assets of such instruction and reported impediments. Therefore, pupils in classes offering CLIL provision are pre-selected (they need to undergo entrance examination screening), relatively ‘gifted’ and (allegedly) highly motivated. Both pupils and parents seem to have high expectations in terms of academic results, attractiveness of instruction, and overall high novelty factor. More specifically, Grade I pupils may be characterized by enthusiasm and curiosity, while Grade III pupils – by apathy and stagnation. More problematically, even though Grade III pupils demonstrate higher TL abilities, there is a tendency to reduce the academic content to be presented in English during content-subject classes owing to the imminent school-leaving exam mandatorily taken in Polish. Conversely, to make-up for this lower content load in the final grade, Grade I pupils are expected to learn more academic content in English, even though their TL abilities are – quite naturally – lower at the beginning of gimnazjum. The findings from the above analysis were to be verified by lesson observations.

Research questions The study poses the following research questions. These fall into two categories: questions to be verified via lesson observations (a–c) and questions to be verified in the questionnaire study (d–h). (a) What are the aims of CLIL lessons, or more specifically, do the lessons manage to integrate language and content? (b) What kind of language is used during the lessons (MT or TL, by the learners, by the teacher)? (c) What are the motivational processes taking place during the lessons? (d) What are the attitudes of the learners towards learning FLs, including English? (e) What are the types of motivation for learning through CLIL? (f) What are the views of the three groups of respondents concerning the present state and the ideal state of CLIL instruction? (g) What are the views of the three groups of respondents concerning the forms of language practice? (h) What are the views of Learners and Teachers concerning CLIL provision during particular content subjects?

Method and instrument Following Cohen et al. (2007), the study employed methodological triangulation (using lesson observations followed by guided interviews and a

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questionnaire study) and data triangulation (three groups of respondents: learners, parents and teachers). The empirical study to be reported made use of a lesson-observation sheet and a guided-interview sheet (not included owing to space limitations) and three paper-and-pencil questionnaires (one for each group of respondents), whose formulation underwent slight modifications to suit each group; for instance item (d_1) reads: ‘I like foreign languages’ (Learners), ‘My child likes foreign languages’ (Parents), ‘My pupils like foreign languages’ (Teachers). Relevant fragments are included in the Appendix in the English translation.

Results and discussion Results of lesson observations The lesson observations conducted may be summarized by the following conclusions: • • • •

There is notorious Polish–English code switching during CLIL classes. There are too few examples of CLIL good-practice, with overdependence on translation, and with hardly any instances of feedback on language. In terms of class dynamics, the educational success of a CLIL lesson seems to depend more on the teacher rather than on proper implementation of CLIL methodology. There seems to be a need for shifting the lesson’s focus from specialized lexis (academic content) onto functional language.

The results from lesson observations have been treated as a data-collection phase aimed at refining the design of the questionnaires.

Results of the questionnaire study In presenting the results, I will follow the sequence of research questions (d)–(h). For the sake of clarity, numbering of questionnaire items has been modified to include reference to a particular research question (letter) and its questionnaire operationalization (numeral), e.g. d_1 means the first questionnaire item providing a response to research question (d). Closed-ended items used a 7-point Likert scale; even though I report results measured on an ordinal scale, I have decided to idealize the ranks and for illustrative purposes to compute the mean score (x), standard deviation (s.d.) and median (med.). Where applicable the items were subjected to three groups of respondents: learners (Ls, n = 43), parents (Ps, n = 28), teachers (Ts, n = 6). Q. (d): What are the attitudes of the learners towards learning FLs, including English? Research question (d) includes the following variables: LIKE_LGS (questionnaire item: d_1), LIKE_ENG (d_2), LIKE_CLASS (d_3) and LIKE_BI (d_4).

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The learners give the impression of being relatively well discriminating in their opinions: they like learning English (x = 5.93) and other foreign languages (x = 5.23), they are a bit more critical about their English language classes (x = 5.09) and show most reservations towards CLIL classes (x = 3.93), cf. Table 17.3. Their parents seem uncritically enthusiastic about their children’s attitudes (the median score is 6 on all four dimensions). In that respect, the teachers seem slightly more realistic. Q. (e): What are the types of motivation for learning through CLIL? Research question (e) includes the following variables: INTRINSIC (e_1), PARENTS (e_2), FUTURE (e_3). What is striking about the values attached to the three types of learner motivation (cf. Table 17.4) is a mismatch between the learners’ self representation and the way they are perceived by adults. The learners declare they are highly intrinsically motivated (x = 6.25 with the lowest s.d.), or motivated by their future studies or careers (x = 6.06), not necessarily by their parents (x = 4.93), while the last factor, PARENTS, still surpasses the others in the opinions of parents and teachers alike, x = 6.96 and x = 6.50, respectively. Q. (f): What are the views of the three groups of respondents concerning the present state and the ideal state of CLIL instruction? Research question (f) includes the following variables: IS_VOC (f_1), IS_GRAM (f_2), IS_FUNCT (f_3), MR_VOC (f_4), MR_GRAM (f_5), MR_ FUNCT (f_6). Here, both the learners and the teachers accord in their perception of the ‘present state of CLIL instruction’ (cf. values for variables IS in respective rows, Table 17.5). What is interesting is the learners’ clear indication of they Table 17.3 Rank order of attitudes towards learning FLs Learners

LIKE_LGS

LIKE_ENG

LIKE_CLASS

LIKE_BI

Mean s.d. med.

5.23 1.63 6

5.93 1.24 6

5.09 1.58 5

3.93 1.16 4

5.96 0.88 6

6.42 0.57 6

6.25 0.79 6

5.67 0.98 6

5.66 0.51 6

6.00 0.63 6

— — —

4.66 1.50 5

Parents mean s.d. med. Teachers mean s.d. med.

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Table 17.4 Rank order of types of motivation for learning through CLIL Learners

INTRINSIC

PARENTS

FUTURE

Mean s.d. med.

6.25 1.04 7

4.93 1.96 5

6.06 1.16 6

— —

6.96 0.18 7

— —

4.83 1.72 5

6.50 0.54 6

5.33 1.86 5

Parents mean s.d. med. Teachers mean s.d. med.

Table 17.5 Rank order of views on CLIL provision Learners mean s.d. med. Parents mean s.d. med. Teachers mean s.d. med.

IS_VOC 5.37 1.46 6

IS_GRAM 2.90 1.57 3

IS_FUNCT 3.55 1.72 3

MR_VOC 3.97 1.56 4

MR_GRAM 2.90 1.46 3

MR_FUNCT 4.79 1.59 5

— — —

— — —

— — —

6.39 0.87 7

4.17 1.82 4

5.82 1.54 6

5.00 1.54 6

1.83 0.75 2

3.66 1.21 3

— — —

— — —

— — —

would like to see more in their instruction: functional language ‘useful in communication’ obtained a high of x = 4.79, at median = 5. Q. (g): What are the views of the three groups of respondents concerning the forms of language practice? Research question (g) includes the following variables: MR_PAIR (g_1), MR_TRANS (g_2), MR_MEDIA (g_3), MR_ENG (g_4), MR_ CORRECT (g_5). The parents, again (recall Table 17.3, but also Table 17.5), seem least discriminate, on the whole voting for more (cf. Table 17.6). MORE_ TRANSLATION is viewed by all three groups of respondents similarly. What

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Table 17.6 Rank order of views on forms of language practice Learners

MR_PAIR

MR_TRANS

MR_MEDIA

MR_ENG

MR_CORRECT

mean s.d. med.

4.55 2.03 5

3.81 1.66 4

5.41 1.59 6

4.81 1.65 5

5.00 1.55 5

4.85 1.23 5

3.28 1.51 4

5.78 1.22 7

6.39 0.87 7

5.75 1.14 6

5.33 0.51 5

3.66 1.86 3

4.66 2.25 5

6.50 0.54 6

4.00 2.09 3

Parents mean s.d. med. Teachers mean s.d. med.

is interesting is MORE_CORRECTION: the learners are much more in favor of being corrected (x = 5.00), than the teachers believe they are (x = 4.00). Q. (h): What are the views of Learners and Teachers concerning CLIL provision during particular content subjects? Research question (h) includes the following variables, separate for each content subject (mathematics, biology, geography, world history), here exemplified by mathematics: MATH_INTEREST (h_1), MATH_ DIFFICULT (h_2), MATH_LIKE (h_3), followed by two more variables tapped through open-ended questions: MATH_BEST (h_4) and MATH_ CHANGE (h_5). The findings concerning individual content subjects (cf. Table 17. 7) seem to indicate the following tendencies: all the school subjects taught through CLIL are only moderately liked by the learners (from x = 3.30 to x = 4.20 on a seven-point scale). Secondly, INTEREST and DIFFICULTY seem to be related in reversed proportion, which may also depend on the learners’ perception of individual teachers. Let me close this point by presenting selected learner responses to the variable BEST (h_4), i.e. ‘One thing I like best about (Mathematics) in English, . . .’. I will focus on positive aspects enumerated by learners, even though in each grade there were also negative ones. In a few cases the same opinions were represented by more than one respondent. •

Mathematics through CLIL: ‘learning new words which may be useful in the future’, ‘interesting topics, for instance, converting currency’, ‘handouts with activities in English’, ‘group work, multimedia tasks, Interactive White Board’.

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Table 17.7 Rank order of views concerning CLIL provision of particular content subjects Learners

MATH_INTEREST

MATH_DIFFICULT

MATH_LIKE

Mean s.d. med.

2.95 1.96 3

4.46 2.07 4

3.30 1.68 4

Learners

BIOL_INTEREST

BIOL_DIFFICULT

BIOL_LIKE

mean s.d. med.

3.76 2.02 4

4.53 2.01 5

4.04 1.90 4

Learners

GEO_INTEREST

GEO_DIFFICULT

GEO_LIKE

mean s.d. med.

3.62 1.39 4

3.86 1.94 4

3.74 1.38 4

Learners

HIST_INTEREST

HIST_DIFFICULT

HIST_LIKE

mean s.d. med.

3.88 1.87 4

3.60 1.70 4

4.20 1.80 4

• • •

Biology through CLIL: ‘learning new words’, ‘a variety of topics, interesting’, ‘useful phrases in case we fall ill while being abroad’. Geography through CLIL: ‘learning new words’, ‘handouts with words connected to a given topic’, ‘the mode of learning’. World history through CLIL: ‘interesting lessons’, ‘the fact that there is lots of English during the lessons’, ‘that we speak a lot in English’, ‘that the teacher uses English all the time’.

Conclusions In lieu of a conclusion, let me present a selection of beliefs from the teacher’s questionnaire concerning their own CLIL classes. What is liked in CLIL provision by the teacher includes: ‘interest [the classes are interesting]’, ‘learner involvement’, ‘variety’, ‘interactivity’, ‘good teacher-learner rapport’. What they themselves would like to see changed in their CLIL provision involves: ‘more use of multimedia’, ‘lack of a proper CLIL coursebook’, ‘more use of attractive teaching methods’, ‘improved assessment’. Let me end by quoting selected teachers’ views on the positive and negative aspects of CLIL provision in general (not necessarily their own classes). Positive aspects comprise: ‘willingness to cooperate [among some of the pupils]’, ‘true involvement of the class’, ‘the use of ICT and multimedia’, ‘[the

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class being] interested in the topics covered’. Negative aspects comprise: ‘low motivation’, ‘lack of aim [among learners]’, ‘dislike of the content subject [irrespective of CLIL]’, ‘troublesome individuals’, ‘overcrowded classes’. What seems to pervade the findings reported in the study is the importance of attitude towards the method of learning and teaching (here: CLIL provision), the effect of motivation, and the effect of beliefs (both learnerbeliefs and teacher-beliefs).

References Bielska, J. (2006) Between Psychology and Foreign Language Learning. Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu S´la˛skiego. Cheng, H-F. and Dörnyei, Z. (2007) The use of motivational strategies in language instruction: The case of EFL teaching in Taiwan. Innovation in Language Learning and Teaching 1 (1), 153–174. Cohen, L., Manion, L. and Morrison, K. (2007) Research Methods in Education (6th edn). London and New York: Routledge. Dalton-Puffer, C. (2007) Discourse in Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) Classrooms. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Dörnyei, Z. (2001) Motivational Strategies in the Language Classroom. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dörnyei, Z. (2005) The Psychology of the Language Learner: Individual Differences in Second Language Acquisition. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Dörnyei, Z. (2006) Individual differences in second language acquisition. AILA Review 19, 42–68. Dörnyei, Z. and Ushioda, E. (2011) Teaching and Researching Motivation. Harlow: Pearson Education Limited. Dulay, H., Burt, M. and Krashen, S. (1982) Language Two. New York: Oxford University Press. Ellis, R. (2008) The Study of Second Language Acquisition (2nd edn). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Eurydice (2006) Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) at School in Europe. Country Reports: Poland. Brussels: Eurydice. Gardner, R.C. and Lambert, W.E. (1972) Attitudes and Motivation in Second Language Learning. Rowley, MA: Newbury House. Gozdawa-Gołe˛biowski, R. (2010) Intergracja czy dezintegracja? O roli systemu gramatycznego w kształceniu typu CLIL. Je˛zyki Obce w Szkole 6, 43–52. Hall, C.W. and Webster, R.E. (2008) Metacognitive and affective factors of college students with and without learning disabilities. Journal of Postsecondary Education and Disability 21 (1), 32–41. http://ec.europa.eu/.../clil_en.html accessed 28 August 2011. Kolan´czyk, A. (2004) Procesy afektywne i orientacja w otoczenia. In A. Kolan´czyk, A. Fila-Jankowska and R. Sterczyn´ski (eds) Serce w rozumie. Afektywne postawy orientacji w otoczeniu (pp. 13–47). Gdan´sk: GWP. Komorowska, H. (2004) Metodyka nauczania je˛zyków obcych. Warszawa: Fraszka Edukacyjna. Laine, E.J. (1987) Affective factors in foreign language learning and teaching: A study of the ‘Filter’. Jyvaskyla Cross-Language Studies 13, 21–34, accessed 29 September 2011. http://www.eric.ed.gov/ERICWebPortal/search/detailmini.p?_b = true&_&ERIC ExtSearch_SearchValue_0 = ED292302&ERICExtSearch_SearchType_0 = no&acc no = ED292302

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Marsh, D., Zaja˛c, M., Gozdawa-Gołe˛biowska, H., Czura, A., Gapin´ska, A., Majewska, R., Papaja, K., Roda, M., Urbaniak, M. and Wróblewska, E. (2008) Profile Report: Bilingual Education (English) in Poland. Warszawa: The National Centre for Teacher Training and Development (CODN) & British Council Poland. Mehisto, P., Marsh, D. and Frigols, M.J. (2008) Uncovering CLIL: Content and Language Integrated Learning in Bilingual and Multilingual Education. Oxford: Macmillan Publishers Limited. Nathanson, D.L. (1992) Shame and Pride: Affect, Sex, and the Birth of the Self. New York: W.W. Norton & Co. Piechurska-Kuciel, E. (2008) Language Anxiety in Secondary Grammar School Students. Opole: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Opolskiego. Schumann, J.H. (1974) Affective Factors and the Problem of Age in Second Language Acquisition. Prepublication draft. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University. Tomaszewska, B. (2009) Lekcja w szkole ponadpodstawowej i ponadgimnazjalnej. In H. Komorowska (ed.) Skuteczna nauka je˛zyka obcego (pp. 142–158). Warszawa: Wydawnictwo CODN. www.cilt.org.uk, accessed 25 August 2011. www.eurydice.org, accessed 28 August 2011. www.lanqua.eu/sites/default/files/LanQua_frame_of_reference.pdf, accessed 29 September 2011.

Appendix INSTRUCTION: in open-ended questions, please answer succinctly, in closed-ended statements and questions, circle the number which represents your opinion (1 = certainly not; 7 = certainly yes).

d_1

I like foreign languages.

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

d_2

I like English.

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

d_3

I like English language lessons.

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

d_4

I like bilingual lessons (content subjects in English). 1 – 2 – 3 – 4 – 5 – 6 – 7

e_1

I attend a bilingual class, because English is important for me.

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

e_2

I attend a bilingual class, because English is important for my parents.

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

e_3

I attend a bilingual class, because English is important when entering university and in my future profession.

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

f_1

During bilingual lessons, we mostly learn vocabulary. 1 – 2 – 3 – 4 – 5 – 6 – 7

f_2

During bilingual lessons, we mostly learn grammar.

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

f_3

During bilingual lessons, we mostly learn functional language useful in communication.

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

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f_4

Do I believe that we should be learning more vocab. 1 – 2 – 3 – 4 – 5 – 6 – 7 during bilingual lessons?

f_5

Do I believe that we should be learning more gram. during bilingual lessons?

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

f_6

Do I believe that we should be learning more functional language?

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

g_1

There should be more pair-work during bilingual lessons.

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

g_2

There should be more translation into Polish during bilingual lessons.

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

g_3

There should be more multimedia used during bilingual lessons.

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

g_4

The T. should be using more English that Polish during bilingual lessons.

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

g_5

The T. should be correcting our language errors more 1 – 2 – 3 – 4 – 5 – 6 – 7 during biling. lessons.

OPINIONS ABOUT A PARTICULAR CONTENT SUBJECT IN ENGLISH

h_1 (Mathematics) in English is more interesting than in Polish.

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

h_2 (Mathematics) in English is more difficult than in Polish.

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

h_3 I like (Mathematics) in English.

1–2–3–4–5–6–7

h_4 One thing I like best about (Mathematics) in English, . . .

h_5 One thing I’d change about (Mathematics) in English, . . .

18 Motivation from the Perspective of a CLIL Teenage Learner Katarzyna Papaja and Arkadiusz Rojczyk

Introduction Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) is a version of bilingual education and subject teaching which simultaneously teaches the language required for school learning and promotes thinking skills. The other language can be found in use from kindergarten to tertiary level, and the extent of its use may range from occasional foreign language texts in individual subjects to covering the whole curriculum. Naturally, they must have some basic knowledge of the language they are learning and be capable of understanding the content. As knowledge of the language becomes the means of learning content, the learner is highly motivated and language acquisition becomes crucial. CLIL classrooms are not typical language classrooms due to the fact that language is the medium through which content is ‘transported’. Nonlinguistic content is used to teach a language and learners acquire new knowledge but in a foreign language. Motivation is an important affective variable to consider in the CLIL classroom. It refers to the driving force in any classroom situation. In the CLIL classroom, the motivated individual expends effort to learn both content and language. He/she also expresses desire to succeed and will strive to achieve success. On the other hand, such an individual enjoys the task of learning content through a foreign language and considers it to be fun. Bearing in mind the importance of motivation in learning and teaching a second language as well as in any kind of subject, we decided to conduct a 241

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research among the young CLIL learners from a Lower Secondary Education. This target group seemed to be very interesting because on the one hand, it is driven by the instrumental motivation and on the other hand by the integrative motivation. The intention of this paper is to discuss the role of the CLIL learner in understanding the motivation to learn subjects through a foreign language.

Defining CLIL Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) is a common term for a number of similar approaches in Europe to teach content subjects through a foreign language. Other terms used are Bilingual Content Teaching, Bilingual Subject Teaching or Content-based Language Teaching (Wolff, 2003: 211). The term CLIL is now the most commonly used and ‘it is based on the assumption that foreign languages are best learnt by focusing in the classroom not so much on language but on the content which is transmitted through language. The novelty of this approach is that classroom content is not so much taken from everyday life but rather from content subjects e.g. mathematics, biology, geography etc.’ (Wolff, 2003: 211–222). CLIL Compendium contributors (Maljers et al., 2002: 65) claim that there are five dimensions or reasons for introducing CLIL in schools and universities in order to strengthen the teaching and learning at these institutions. The five dimensions of CLIL are based on issues related to culture, environment, language, content and learning. Each of these includes a number of focus points realized differently according to three major facts: age-range of learners, socio-linguistic environment and degree of exposure to CLIL. (a) The Culture Dimension – CULTIX • Build intercultural knowledge and understanding • Develop intercultural communication skills • Learn about specific neighbouring countries/regions and/or minority groups • Introduce the wider cultural context (b) The Environment Dimension – ENTIX • Prepare for internationalization, specifically EU-integration • Access International Certification • Enhance school profile (c) The Language Dimension – LANTIX • Improve overall target language competence • Develop oral communication skills • Develop plurilingual interests and attitudes • Introduce a target language (d) The Content Dimension – CONTIX

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•

Provide opportunities to study content through different perspectives • Access subject-specific target language terminology • Prepare for future studies and/or working life (e) The Learning Dimension – LEARNTIX • Complement individual learning strategies • Diversify methods and forms of classroom practice • Increase learner motivation The above-mentioned dimensions are based on the most important issues, which ought to be presented not only in the CLIL classroom but also in a language classroom where building intercultural knowledge preparing for internationalization or preparing for future studies and working life are also aspects. The learners ought to be made aware of the importance of languages in the world and should be taught how to use them effectively.

Defining Motivation Motivation is one of the cognitive constructs within a broader term of ‘affect’ (Bernat & Gvozdenko, 2005; Bernaus et al., 2007; Hurd, 2008; Papi, 2010). Along with other factors hinged on emotions, it has found its place in language learning (Gardner et al., 1997) and multilingualism (Pavlenko, 2005, 2006). Gardner (1985) describes core second language learning motivation as a construct composed of three characteristics: the attitudes towards learning a language (affect), the desire to learn the language (want) and motivational intensity (effort). He defines motivation as ‘the extent to which the individual works or strives to learn the language because of a desire to do so and the satisfaction experienced in this activity’ (Gardner, 1985: 23). In other words, a highly motivated individual will want to learn the language, enjoy learning the language, and strive to learn the language. Motivation is also examined in terms of the intrinsic and extrinsic motives of the learner. Gardner (1985) refers to this as the learner’s orientation. He calls them integrative and instrumental. Integrative orientation refers to a learner’s desire to learn more about the cultural community of the target language or to assimilate to some degree in the target community. It is an ‘outlook, reflecting a sincere and personal interest in the people and culture represented by other group’ (Gardner & Lambert, 1972: 132). Integrative orientation is defined as a desire to increase the affiliation with the target community. Instrumental orientation refers to a learner’s desire to learn the language in order to accomplish some non-interpersonal purpose such as to pass an exam or to advance a career. These orientations are part of the learner’s motivation at

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the goal level and affect the learner’s core motivation. In other words, those who learn for their own self-perceived needs and goals are intrinsically motivated and those who pursue a goal only to receive an external reward from someone else are extrinsically motivated (Brown, 2007: 168). More recent approach to L2 motivation, based on three main dimensions, such as ‘ideal L2 self’, ‘ought-to L2 self’ and ‘L2 learning experience’, was proposed by Dörnyei (2005, 2009). Most relevant to the current study is the component of ‘L2 learning experience’, which is not based on self images but rather is a product of successful engagement with the actual learning process (Csizér & Kormos, 2009; Taguchi et al., 2009), the learning process that is influenced by motives such as, for example, the curriculum or teaching materials.

The Current Study The current study aims to determine motivation of CLIL learners from the perspective of specific requirements imposed by a CLIL curriculum. Unlike regular English courses, CLIL provides additional learning challenges resulting from the fact that language is not a sole concern, but it is a tool whereby CLIL learners study content subjects. This fact is predicted to shape learners’ motivation that will differ from the one measured for regular English learners. Probably the majority of CLIL learners are intrinsically motivated. They already have a very good command of L2 and they are often motivated by dreams of being able to speak the language like a native-speaker. At the beginning of the CLIL course they are very excited about learning subjects in the foreign language but they are unaware of the demands that will be placed on them. ‘Many of the teachers made the observation that although the learners are initially very enthusiastic about learning subjects in a foreign language, their enthusiasm wanes before the end of the first year’ (Gardner, 2002: 161). Some of the teachers felt that this could be attributable to the difficulty of certain subjects being taught in a foreign language, others felt that it could be due to the fact that some of the learners were put into the CLIL classroom because of the peer or parental pressure (Papaja, 2010). When students are studying subjects in a foreign language, they have a number of duties and responsibilities. First and foremost, they must pass the course. In addition, however, they must acquire the content of the subject (biology, geography, history etc.), the language content (vocabulary, grammar and the like); they must acquire language skills (oral production, aural comprehension); they must develop some degree of automaticity and fluency with their handling of the content in L2; and ultimately, they must develop some degree of willingness to use the language outside of the classroom.

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Participants and procedure A total of 93 CLIL learners participated in the study: 49 females and 44 males. All of them were learners of the Juliusz Słowacki Bilingual Junior High School. They were recruited from all three classes of the CLIL programme: 34 participants in the first class, 29 participants in the second class, 30 participants in the third class. All participants volunteered in the questionnaire. The study was conducted in Juliusz Słowacki Bilingual Junior High School. Since 2007 the school has been under the scientific patronage of the University of Silesia. The school provides its students with the extended programme of the English language and a part of the classes in Maths and Sciences are also held in English. The three-year education is completed with final external examinations in Polish, English, Maths and Science. All the bilingual learners were asked to fill in a questionnaire. The questionnaire consisted of 16 questions concerning the learners’ approach to CLIL learning and five questions measuring independent variables such as sex, the length of learning English, language contact, other known languages and decision makers when choosing bilingual education. The research was conducted in March 2011 and the participants were asked to fill in the questionnaire during the lesson. The procedure took around 30 min.

Materials The questionnaire included 16 questions measuring learners’ response on a 5-point Likert scale covering the range: strongly agree; rather agree; don’t know; rather disagree; strongly disagree. The responses were transformed into numerical values ranging from 1 to 5 for a statistical analysis. Out of 16 questions administered, five questions relevant to the current research were analysed. (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

Do you like learning English? Are you satisfied with learning content subjects in English? Are content subjects in English more interesting? Do content subjects in English broaden your interests? Do content subjects in English raise your interest in British and American culture?

In the current analysis, two categorical predictors were selected: class and gender.

Analysis and Results A mixed factorial ANOVA was designed with 2 (male/female) × 3 (1st class/2nd class/3rd class) independent variables and a 1-to-5 response as a

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dependent variable. Correlations between variables were computed using Spearman Rank Order Correlation.

Do you like learning English? The global score for this question from all participants was M = 4.19, SD = 1.01. The main effect of class was not significant [F(2, 90) = 1.015, p > 0.05], indicating that pleasure derived from learning English did not depend on the class in a tested group. The direct comparison of means for all three classes revealed a slight increase in the second class (M = 4.41, SD = 0.63) relative to the first (M = 4.12, SD = 1.06) and third (M = 4.07, SD = 1.23) class. However, as noted above, the main effect of class was not significant. Although female participants rated this question higher (M = 4.35, SD = 0.86) than male participants (M = 3.98, SD = 1.16), the main effect of gender was not significant [F(1, 89) = 3.071, p > 0.05], indicating that pleasure derived from learning English did not depend on gender of the participants. The class x gender interaction was found significant [F(2, 85) = 8.395, p < 0.001], showing that pleasure from learning depended on the class for males but not for females. This result was caused by observably lower scores in a male group in the third class (M = 2.75, SD = 1.39) compared to the first (M = 4.11, SD = 1.10) and second (M = 4.47, SD = 0.52) (Figure 18.1). 5,0

4,5

4,0

3,5

3,0

2,5

2,0 GENDER f 1,5

1

2

GENDER m 3

Figure 18.1 Ratings for the question Do you like learning English? across class and gender

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Are you satisfied with learning content subjects in English? The global rating provided by all participants was M = 4.02, SD = 0.97. The main effect of class was significant [F(2, 84) = 3.864, p < 0.05], indicating that satisfaction with content subjects in English was significantly higher in the second (M = 4.41, SD = 0.78) relative to first (M = 3.72, SD = 1.02) and third (M = 3.97, SD = 0.98) class. Post hoc Fisher LSD tests showed that there was no significant difference between the first and third class (p = 0.03). Although females reported slightly higher satisfaction scores (M = 4.13, SD = 0.89) than males (M = 3.90, SD = 1.05), the main effect of gender was not significant [F(1, 84) = 1.127, p = 0.29]. The interaction class x gender was not significant [F(2, 84) = 0.747, p = 0.48], indicating that the reported differences in satisfaction found for class were not conditioned by gender of participants (Figure 18.2).

Are content subjects in English more interesting? The global score for this point was M = 2.97, SD = 1.11. The main effect of class was not significant [F(2, 87) = 0.000, p = 1], indicating that perception of content subjects in English as more interesting did not vary between the first (M = 2.94, SD = 0.88), second (M = 2.96, SD = 1.16), and third 5,2 5,0 4,8 4,6 4,4 4,2 4,0 3,8 3,6 3,4 3,2 3,0 GENDER f 2,8

1

2

GENDER m 3

Figure 18.2 Ratings for the question Are you satisfied with learning content subjects in English? across class and gender

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(M = 2.97, SD = 1.30) class. The class x gender was significant [F(2, 82) = 5.412, p < 0.01], indicating that perception of content subjects in English as more interesting in a given class depended on gender of participants. The post hoc Fisher LSD tests showed that, in the first class, gender differences were not significant (female M = 3.15, SD = 0.99; male M = 2.79, SD = 0.79, p = 0.35). In the second class gender differences were close to significant (female M = 2.57, SD = 1.22; male M = 3.38, SD = 0.96, p = 0.052), and in the third class gender differences were significant (female M = 2.97, SD = 1.32; male M = 2.13, SD = 1.36, p < 0.05) (Figure 18.3).

Do content subjects in English broaden your interests? The global rating for this question was M = 3, SD = 1.19. The main effect of class was not significant [F(2, 85) = 0.218, p = 0.8] indicating that perception of content subjects in English as broadening learners’ interests did not differ between classes (first M = 3, SD = 0.097; second M = 3.11, SD = 1.19; third M = 2.9, SD = 1.42). The main effect of gender testing differences between females (M = 2.98, SD = 1.14) and males (M = 3.03, SD = 1.28) was not significant either [F(1, 80) = 0.000, p = 1]. The class x gender interaction was not significant [F(2, 80) = 2.819, p = 0.066]. However,

4,5

4,0

3,5

3,0

2,5

2,0

1,5 GENDER f 1,0

1

2

GENDER m 3

Figure 18.3 Ratings for the question Are content subjects in English more interesting? across class and gender

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4,5

4,0

3,5

3,0

2,5

2,0

1,5 GENDER m

GENDER f 1,0

1

2

3

Figure 18.4 Ratings for the question Do content subjects in English broaden your interests? across class and gender

post hoc Fisher LSD tests revealed a significant difference in the male group between the second (M = 3.54, SD = 1.2) and third (M = 2.38, SD = 1.69) class (p < 0.05) (Figure 18.4).

Do content subjects in English raise your interest in British and American culture? The global mean score was M = 3.01, SD = 1.29. The main effect comparing ratings in the first (M = 2.77, SD = 1.31), second (M = 3.03, SD = 1.32) and third (M = 3.24, SD = 1.24) class was not significant [F(2, 81) = 0.269, p = 0.76]. Although the main effect of gender was not significant [F(1, 81) = 3.357, p = 0.07], there was a tendency for females to rate higher (M = 3.27, SD = 1.28) than males (M = 2.69, SD = 1.24). There was no significant interaction between class and gender [F(2, 81) = 0.6513, p = 0.52] (Figure 18.5).

Paired analyses and correlations between variables Repeated-measures ANOVA was used to test differences between individual questions used in the current analysis. The main difference between pleasure from learning English (M = 4.19, SD = 1.01) and satisfaction from

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4,0

3,5

3,0

2,5

2,0

1,5 GENDER f 1,0

1

2

GENDER m 3

Figure 18.5 Ratings for the question Do content subjects in English raise your interest in British and American culture? across class and gender

learning content subjects in English (M = 4.02, SD = 0.97) was not significant [F(1, 91) = 2.277, p = 0.13]. However, the ratings for those two questions were strongly positively correlated [r = 0.32 (90), p < 0.01]. Both pleasure from learning English and satisfaction from learning content subjects in English were strongly correlated with perception of content subjects in English as more interesting: [r = 0.37 (88), p < 0.001] and [r = 0.44 (88), p < 0.001]. Scores obtained for content subjects in English as broadening learners’ interests (M = 3, SD = 1.19) and for content subjects in English as raising interest in British and American culture (M = 3.01, SD = 1.29) did not differ significantly [F(1, 88) = 0.192, p = 0.89]. They were, however, weakly correlated [r = 0.24 (86), p < 0.05]. Both of them were also correlated with satisfaction from learning content subjects in English: [r = 0.49 (86), p < 0.001] and [r = 0.22 (87), p < 0.05].

General Discussion The aim of the study was to analyse different aspects of motivation in groups of CLIL learners. It was predicted that CLIL learners would be characterized by their specific needs and expectations due to conspicuous

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differences between regular English courses and CLIL curricula. The questionnaire research was designed using a 1–5 Likert scale to test groups of all three CLIL classes. It was expected to provide longitudinal data on variability in tested aspects with learning experience. Another analysed factor was gender of participants and its interaction with class. The results showed high ratings for pleasure from learning English. This positive approach did not change with language experience, nor did it depend on gender of learners. It suggests that CLIL learners like learning English at their initial CLIL stages and this attitude remains invariant until the end of their CLIL education. Another aspect, satisfaction from learning content subjects in English, was equally high. However, here, longitudinal variation was observed, in that the peak of satisfaction was registered in the second class, with the first and third class characterized by lower ratings. This is in contrast to Gardner’s (2002) report that enthusiasm for learning subjects in a foreign language wanes before the end of the first year. The current data showed that enthusiasm peaked in the second class, only to wane in the third class. No initial enthusiasm was registered in the first class. The reason why enthusiasm wanes in the third class may be due to the fact that at the end of the third year the learners are obliged to take their final exam (Final Junior High School Exam) in humanistic and scientific subjects, and in a foreign language. The final exam is in Polish (except for the foreign language exam). Apart from learning subjects in a foreign language to get good marks at the end of the third year they also have to learn the subjects in Polish in order to pass the final examination. As a result, the young CLIL learners are ‘overworked’ and lose their motivation. Similar results were obtained from studies on the importance of motivation in Secondary School (Papaja, 2010). It was observed that enthusiasm for learning subjects in a foreign language waned before the end of the third year due to the final high school examination (Matura), which the learners were required to take in Polish instead of English. Double amount of work, high expectations and a lot of pressure put on the CLIL learners led to the decrease of motivation. The participants were ambivalent towards content subjects in English as more interesting. Although learning experience did not influence learners’ rating in this aspect, there was a significant interaction between gender and class – there was an observably negative approach towards content subjects in English as more interesting from male learners in the third class. The results go in tandem with the results obtained from a study by Campo et al. (2007), who highlight the role of gender in learners’ affective responses to CLIL, demonstrating in their questionnaire analysis that female students have a more positive view of CLIL than males. Furthermore, females strongly believe that their achievement in the content subject will be as good as it would be with non-CLIL instruction. Both questions examining CLIL learners’ motivation for learning content subjects in English – as a factor that causes them to broaden their general

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interests and to raise their interest in British and American culture – received middle scores oscillating around ‘I don’t know’. Those scores did not vary with learning experience and were not dependent on learners’ gender. They were, however, significantly correlated with learners’ satisfaction with content subjects in English. In other words, the learners who were satisfied with content subjects in English were also more likely to perceive them as broadening their interests or increasing their acquaintance with English-speaking environment. The results show that the participants tend to be more intrinsically motivated. In other words, they learn for their own self-perceived needs and goals (Gardner, 2002). They enjoy the task of learning subjects in English and, what is more, they become aware of the fact that their knowledge concerning English-speaking countries broadens. To summarize, the young bilingual learners tend to be highly motivated when learning subjects in English. However, it should be borne in mind that CLIL classrooms are different from typical language classrooms because language is the medium of instruction. The learners have to learn both language and content of the subjects and therefore, it is more difficult to keep them motivated. High motivation which enables deeper concentration is extremely important to success in learning through an additional language. As knowledge of the language becomes the means of learning content, the learner is highly motivated and language acquisition becomes crucial. Motivation itself evolves gradually, through a complex mental process which requires careful attention. It is a challenging process, especially when bilingual education is involved. Therefore, teachers, curriculum planners, materials writers and teacher educators need to work together to find the right content and tasks which provide suitable levels of motivation.

References Bernat, E. and Gvozdenko, I. (2005) Beliefs about language learning: Current knowledge, pedagogical implications, and new research directions. TESL-EJ 9 (1), 1–21. Bernaus, M., Moore, E. and Azevedo, A.C. (2007) Affective factors influencing plurilingual students’ acquisition of Catalan in a Catalan-Spanish bilingual context. Modern Language Journal 91 (2), 235–246. Brown, H.D. (2007) Teaching by Principles: An Interactive Approach to Language Pedagogy (3rd Edition). San Francisco: Longman. Campo, A., Grisaleña, J. and Alonso, E. (2007) Trilingual Students in Secondary School: A New Reality. Bilbao: Basque Institute of Educational Evaluation and Research. Csizér, K. and Kormos, J. (2009) Learning experiences, selves and motivated learning behaviour: A comparative analysis of structural models for Hungarian secondary and university learners of English. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation, Language Identity and the L2 Self (pp. 98–119). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Dörnyei, Z. (2005) The Psychology of the Language Learner: Individual Differences in Second Language Acquisition. Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Dörnyei, Z. (2009) The L2 motivational self system. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation, Language Identity and the L2 Self (pp. 9–42). Bristol: Multilingual Matters.

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Gardner, R.C. (1985) Social Psychology and Second Language Learning: The Role of Attitudes and Motivation. London: Edward Arnold. Gardner, R.C. (2002) Social psychological perspectives in second language acquisition. In R. Kaplan (ed.) The Oxford Handbook of Applied Linguistics (pp. 160–169). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gardner, R.C. and Lambert, W.E. (1972) Attitudes and Motivation in Second Language Learning. Rowley: Newbury House. Gardner, R.C., Tremblay, P.F. and Masgoret, A.M. (1997) Towards a full model of second language acquisition: An empirical investigation. Modern Language Journal 81 (3), 344–362. Hurd, S. (2008) Affective factors and strategy use in a distance learning context: A pilot study using think-aloud verbal protocols. Texas Papers in Foreign Language Education 11 (2), 133–158. Maljers, A., Marsh, D., Coyle, D., Hartiala, A.K., Marsland, B., Pérez-Vidal, C. and Wolff, D. (2002) CLIL/EMILE The European Dimension – Actions, Trends and Foresight Potential (pp. 65–69). Jyväskylä, Finland: The Continuing Education Centre of the University of Jyväskylä. Papaja, K. (2010) A Qualitative Evaluation of Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) in Secondary Education. Unpublished PhD thesis. Katowice: Institute of English, University of Silesia. Papi, M. (2010) The L2 motivational self system, L2 anxiety, and motivated behaviour: A structural equation modeling approach. System 38 (3), 467–479. Pavlenko, A. (2005) Emotions and Multilingualism. New York: Cambridge University Press. Pavlenko, A. (2006) Bilingual Minds: Emotions, Experience, Expression, and Representation. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Taguchi, T., Magid, M. and Papi, M. (2009) The L2 motivational self system among Chinese, Japanese, and Iranian learners of English: A comparative study. In Z. Dörnyei and E. Ushioda (eds) Motivation, Language Identity and the L2 Self (pp. 66–97). Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Wolff, D. (2003) Content and language integrated learning: a framework for the development of learner autonomy. In D. Little, J. Ridley and E. Ushioda (eds) Learner Autonomy in the Foreign Language Classroom: Teacher, Learner, Curriculum and Assessment (pp. 211–222). Dublin: Authentik.

19 Affect in VLEs: Anxiety and Motivation in Blended EFL Teacher Training Anna Turula

Introduction This chapter looks at the affective dimension of blended learning with particular regard to teacher training carried out in Virtual Learning Environments (VLEs). It will be argued that VLEs are first and foremost learning environments and, as such, they share the characteristics of traditional in-class learning milieus, in which, in addition to a number of newmedia-related constraints on e-learning mentioned in literature (cf. Dudeney & Hockly, 2007 among others), e-tutors have to account for individual learner differences and group dynamics. This means that e-learning in general as well as e-teacher-training are sensitive to offline affect-related problems, out of which this chapter will focus on anxiety and motivation. The argument will be based on two studies of mine as well as my four-year first-hand experience in teacher training via e-learning platforms (the Moodle) and social software (Wikis, among others). It is important to point out that the present reflection on affect in VLEs is an attempt at a preliminary description of the affective dimension of VLEs. It is carried out in the hope of initially staking the relatively virgin territory of affect in VLEs rather than fully blueprinting it.

Classroom Dynamics of Virtual Learning Environments Before discussing the psychological and social factors determining e- rapport, it seems necessary to delineate a general concept of classroom dynamics. Learning of every kind – including blended learning or e-learning – requires an encounter. There are a number of theoretical positions and related 254

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notions whose proponents emphasize the importance of such an encounter, the best known including (overviewed in detail in Turula, 2006, 2011): • • • •

•

•

•

Dewey’s (1938) idea of interaction as one of the key concepts of education; the client-centred approach of Rogers (1959), we learn only with the help of others who remove the shutters and blinkers off our eyes; Maslow’s (1987) hierarchy, in which higher needs, like self-actualisation, are definitely group-related; mediation/mediated learning experience (Feuerstein, 1990; Vygotsky, 1986), an idea that interaction is important in learning in which there is a special role for the teacher-mediator. This is because, as argued by Feuerstein (1990), our ability to learn is not determined solely by our genes; what is equally important is cognitive enhancement from the environment. The teacher is an important part of this environment; zone of proximal development (Vygotsky, 1978), understood as the distance between the current stage of development enabling self-sufficient task-execution and the potential stage of development as demonstrated in tasks executed under guidance or in collaboration with more skilled performers (the teacher; more able peers); scaffolding (Vygotsky, 1978), which is a concept related to the zone of proximal development in the sense that the guide/collaborator needs to adjust the quantity and the quality of help (s)he offers to the current level of the learner. Such help, according to Bransford et al. (2000) may consist in: activation of the learner’s knowledge; personalization, simplification or modification of input; provision of a model; offering directions/ instructions; helping the learner to notice the gap (=perceive the difference between his/her own production and the target standard); the know-how and tools (strategies and resources to be used in task completion); or reducing anxiety and increasing motivation; dynamic assessment (Feuerstein et al., 1979) in the light of which the teacher should not measure the outcomes and skills of the learner but rather evaluate the learner’s ability vis à vis the task. Such assessment requires a dialogue with the learner.

All this leads to an acknowledgement that Castillo (1998: 8) puts into the following words: Learning a language, like the learning of anything else, is essentially an individual achievement . . . But typically this private process takes place in the public context of the classroom, the individual is one of a group. This means that the private process of learning is accommodated in the public context in which it takes place and largely influenced by its quality.

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In other words, the effectiveness of learning of any kind depends on ‘what goes on in and between the people in the classroom’ (Stevick, 1980: 4; current author’s own emphasis), a quote which, as I argue elsewhere (Turula, 2006), is a particularly suitable definition of classroom dynamics. The in and between spheres of classroom dynamics translate into two kinds of processes, which influence learning: those concerning learner individual differences on the one hand, and the learner’s rapport with the group on the other. The first sphere, as I state in other publications (Turula, 2006; 2010), contains factors such as: the level and type of motivation; autoperception, including one’s self-esteem as a language user; learner autonomy; and the know-how of learning strategies. In turn, the between area will contain issues such as building the sense of we-as-a-group, reinforcing group affiliation and the readiness to conform and prioritize group objectives over one’s own agenda; issues Moskowitz (1978) refers to as ‘caring and sharing in the foreign language classroom’. As can be seen in the listing presented above, the in-and-between territory is a vast one and all its aspects potentially have an array of multi-faceted relations with the affective domain. The present article is going to investigate the affect of VLEs vis à vis two factors – anxiety and motivation – looking at both through both of the above-mentioned dimensions of classroom dynamics: the individual and the social.

Anxiety in Virtual Learning Environments – Study 1 (Based on Turula, 2010) Language anxiety is the common label Arnold and Brown (1999) use for the lack of confidence in oneself as a learner, uneasiness, frustration, selfdoubt, apprehension and tension which are specifically related to language learning situations (current author’s own emphasis). I emphasize a part of the previous sentence to indicate that, in addition to a certain personal predisposition to be anxious called trait anxiety, language anxiety is largely contextbased: influenced by the learning environment per se (the between factors) as well as the learner’s individual perception of this environment (an aspect of the in domain). This is confirmed by a number of studies which show that language anxiety arises in response to some language learning situations – tests (Bailey, 1983; quoted by Ellis, 1994: 480), assimilation of knowledge and skills such as speaking and listening (Horwitz et al., 1986; MacIntyre & Gardner, 1994; Matsumoto, 1989). In addition to this, as demonstrated by the studies of Horwitz et al. (1986) as well as Matsumoto (1989), the fear of negative evaluation is a tension-breeding factor. Leary (Oxford, 1999: 63) calls this fear social anxiety. As I argue elsewhere (Turula, 2006), basing on Davies and Rinvolucri (1990), in the language classroom such social anxiety results from (1) being judged; (2) being isolated; and (3) feeling out of control.

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Whether VLE participants are equally anxiety-sensitive and to what extent such anxiety is social in nature was the object of a study carried out in the years 2008–2009 in a group of 25 BA students participating in a blended TEFL course at the University of Bielsko-Biała, Poland. The course lasted for one academic year (October–June) and consisted of two parts: the theory of language learning and teaching (winter term; October–January) and the practice of TEFL (spring term; February–June). In both parts of the course students were required to participate in face-to-face classes (45 hours [winter] or 60 hours [spring]) as well as complete a number of assignments at the Moodle platform (collaborative wiki use; short essays; forum discussions; MovieMaker clips, etc.); besides, the Moodle functioned as a lecture handout database as well as a kind of e-library containing links to recommended reading material. The participants of the course were 25 Polish students of English Studies at the University of Bielsko-Biała, Poland; 18 women and seven men. Their knowledge of English was on B2/C1 level, which had been proved by the results of the end-of-year-one language examination. Online activity of each participant was gauged based on Moodle statistics. The latter measure taken at the end of the winter term showed that online course participation was almost non-existent. Nine discussions at a number of different forums contained as few as 11 contributions posted by only three course participants. The most obvious rationale for such a state of being seems to have been the fact that online contributions in winter term were purely voluntary and did not affect the overall grade of the course (no credit was given for online tasks which were primarily treated as a kind of reachout from in-class activities). However, such a diagnosis was considered only partly justified given that simultaneous offline assignments (which were optional too) were carried out regularly, the contributions being of appropriate length and diligently written. In the light of this, another interpretation of low online participation was adopted: H#: The unwillingness to share views openly at online forums was due to issues related to negative classroom dynamics of the group, with special regard to social anxiety. The first part of the study implemented with the aim of verifying the above hypothesis was carried out in January 2009 with the use of two research tools: a course satisfaction survey, in which one of the questions addressed students’ reasons for the lack of participation in the Moodle activities; and the Foreign Classroom Language Anxiety Scale (Horwitz et al., 1986). The latter tool was applied based on the assumption that the students’ unwillingness to express their views at forums, where English was a means of communication, was potentially related to tension and apprehension related to their perceived self-efficacy in this foreign language. When it comes to the first test, the answers to the question presented below (Figure 19.1) demonstrate a strong preference for anonymity as well as

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Figure 19.1 Student satisfaction survey; the online question

a certain fear of exposure and the resulting negative peer (but not teacher) evaluation. This observation, in itself a preliminary acknowledgement of symptoms indicative of social anxiety, is further confirmed by the results of the used scale, in which the six questions whose answers scored above the borderline level show group-related tensions and apprehensions (Table 19.1). (There were five possible answers to every question: (1) strongly agree; (2) agree; (3) neither agree or disagree; (4) disagree; (5) strongly disagree. 3 was regarded as a border answer in the sense that average scores above 3.0 were regarded as anxiety-positive.) If we go back to the assumption made earlier in this article that classroom dynamics is a combination if in and between factors, we can see that the results presented above are likely to be ascribed to both of them: low learner self-esteem/self-efficacy as well as issues related to student–student and teacher–student rapport; as demonstrated in Table 19.1, the former are reported in relation to the latter (e.g.: ‘I worry about making mistakes in class’; ‘I get upset when I don’t understand what the teacher is correcting’). Some tendencies, as indicated by SD measures, are more consistent throughout the group (feeling unsure/not confident when speaking; being at a loss when confronted with the teacher’s comments) than others (worrying about making mistakes; the feeling of inferiority vis à vis other group members). As for the overall picture of the group, the mean group anxiety for the 33 statements of the used scale amounts to 93.14 with SD of 31.99, which indicates that while the whole-group score is below the borderline (3 × 33 = 99), there are considerable differences between individual group members, out of whom seven respondents score above the anxiety level: G – 100; H – 101; J – 112; M – 121; O – 134; P – 109; U – 102. Considering the results of the study into learner anxiety at VLEs, a repair programme was designed for the spring term. First of all, two face-saving elements were introduced: points were assigned for forum posts; and the

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Table 19.1 Foreign language classroom anxiety scale (Horwitz et al., 1986); above-theanxiety-level scores Question

Mean SD

I never feel quite sure of myself when I am speaking in my foreign language class I worry about making mistakes in language class I keep thinking that other students are better at languages than I am I get upset when I don’t understand what the teacher is correcting I don’t feel confident when I speak in foreign language class I always feel that other students speak the foreign language better than I do

3.33

0.79

3.24 3.43 3.43 3.09 3.14

1.18 1.32 0.75 0.77 1.15

students were allowed to participate in discussions under assumed aliases. (This routine is seen as face saving rather than instrumentally motivating for reasons to be mentioned later in this article.) Additionally, a number of confidence-building activities (following Davies & Rinvolucri, 1990) were used both in class and online. They were aimed at alleviating the feelings of isolation, being judged and out of control. In practice, such routines amounted, respectively, to: diminishing group territorialism by varying grouping patterns; offering formative feedback and assessment; and allowing for extensive student choice of assignments. All of the above were introduced following Billington’s (2002: 2) characteristics of effective adult learning environments: • • • • • • •

students feel safe and supported, individual needs as well as abilities and life achievements are acknowledged and respected; intellectual freedom is fostered; experimentation and creativity are encouraged; faculty treats adult students as peers; self-directed learning; pacing or intellectual challenge; active involvement in learning as opposed to passively listening to lectures; and regular feedback mechanisms.

As a result of this repair programme, student participation in online discussions grew considerably. After just two months of the course, the seven started discussions (cf. 9 in winter term) attracted 10 participants (three in winter term) who posted 51 messages (11 in winter term). The fact that three of the contributors did not stop posting messages after having reached the limit of points assigned for discussion participation is a good proof of the

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fact that the reasons for the increased participation went beyond instrumental motivation, and could be ascribed to the improved classroom dynamics. What is important is that by the end of the spring term, all of the 25 course participants engaged in some kind of social online activity (forums; wiki collaboration). Going back to Billington’s characteristics of positive classroom dynamics in an adults’ group, it can be claimed that rapport in the studied group improved because: • •

•

aliases helped the students feel safe; a wide choice of assignments helped cater to individual interests, needs and predispositions; the choice of assignments fostered independence and critical thinking; as a result, students felt in charge of their learning; besides, they were able to choose tasks that presented appropriate intellectual challenge; aliases made it easier to be creative and risk-taking in the answers offered; finally, the fact that assignments could be chosen instead of being imposed fostered the feeling that the course facilitator treated students as adults and peers; and the increased activity at the Moodle supplemented the lecture-based, more passive part of the course with experiential learning; peer forum participation offered regular and instantaneous feedback from both the teacher and fellow students.

When it comes to the question of anxiety in Virtual Learning Environments, it can be stated that in this respect VLEs are like any other environments: factors that are self- and group-related are important anxiety-breeding – as well as stress alleviating – factors both on- and offline. What is also important is that no online-specific factors, such as low digital self-efficacy, were mentioned by the course participants as a significant obstacle to e-participation; instead, all surveyed participants gave answers (Figure 19.1, Table 19.1) indicative of social anxiety, whose origins are similar to feelings of tension and apprehension identified to date (Horwitz et al., 1986; Matsumoto, 1989; Oxford, 1999; Turula, 2006) in traditional, face-toface classrooms.

Motivation in Virtual Learning Environments – Study 2 Motivation, difficult to define as it is, is most frequently referred to as a choice of a particular action combined with the persistence with it and the effort expended in it (Dörnyei, 2001). There are a number of theories of motivation, out of which TEFL refers most frequently to: (1) Gardner’s socio-educational model (Gardner, 1985) with is distinction of instrumental

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and integrative orientation; (2) Deci’s Self-Determination Theory (Deci, 1992) differentiating between the intrinsic and the extrinsic motivation; and (3) goal theories of motivation (Houle, 1981) which distinguish two types of goals – mastery and performance – as well as three types of learners – goal-, activity- and learning-oriented. The present study into motivation in VLEs was aimed at identifying the said motives and drives as well as determining whether different types of student motivation are e-specific. The study was carried out in May 2011 in a group of first year students of the TEFL MA programme at the College of Foreign Languages in Cze¸stochowa. The used research tool was a student satisfaction survey (to be described later in this section) implemented at the end of the two-term course. As for the course design, it included 24 hours of face-to-face lecture supplemented with a practically unlimited online component consisting of an array of activities ranging from forum discussion through a variety of expository writing tasks to long-term e/b-learning projects to be carried out collaboratively with peers/own students.(Most of the respondents were ongoing teachers.) It was the online component which allowed course participants to accumulate credit points (each activity carried a certain weight, depending on its estimated difficulty) required for course completion. As was mentioned above, the data concerning course motivation were collected by means of a survey containing: (1) an overall motivation question (one question; Likert scale 1–6); (2) forum/assignment/project motivation questions (three questions; Likert scale 1–6); and (3) a part in which the respondents were requested to comment on the motivating/demotivating aspects of the e-course as such as well as its three main activities (four open questions; three answer slots in each). The survey was completed by 66 out of 104 course participants; 60 women and six men. The numerical data collected by means of the survey show (Table 19.2) that the respondents found both the course as well as individual activities quite motivating. The overall course satisfaction amounts to 4.29 with standard deviation indicating considerable answer consistency. Forum and assignment motivation measures are comparable – 4.06 and 4.53, respectively – with a slightly higher tendency to deviate between individual respondents.

Table 19.2 Overall and activity specific course motivation

Mean motivation SD

General course motivation

Forum motivation

Assignment motivation

Project motivation

4.29 0.87

4.06 1.21

4.53 1.1

2.61 1.67

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The only activity which does not seem to have enjoyed an equal popularity are the long-term projects (2.61), the interest in which was limited during the course: only 9 out of 104 students participated in any of them, and all expressed their satisfaction as demonstrated by a high SD score. As for the open-ended questions, the total number of offered answers amounts to 391 out of which 293 comments are positive and 98 – negative. When looked upon from the e-perspective, only 33 answers are onlinespecific, the positive comments (25) emphasizing the motivating power of the up-to-date, 21st-century course format, and negative remarks (8) displaying self-efficacy problems resulting from low computer literacy. Alongside the quantitative analysis of the results, a qualitative look was taken at the answers given to open-ended questions. This interpretation was carried out vis à vis the earlier-quoted motivation theories, with a possible exclusion of Deci’s theory, as it was impossible to determine whether the reported (de)motivation was of internal or external origin. The given answers were categorized as: (1) indicative of instrumental or integrative drive, with the understanding that the latter referred to the need to integrate with likeminded individuals rather than the target-language community; and (2) pointing to mastery/performance goals as well as goal/activity/learning orientation of the respondents. This classification of answers offered a more comprehensive insight into what kind of motivation course participants displayed; it also allowed for a slight re-interpretation of the numerical results of the survey (to be presented later in this section). When it comes to different types of motivation exhibited by the surveyed participants of the course, the piecharts in Figure 19.2 show the instrumental/integrative distribution of answers, both overall and activity-specific, while Figure 19.3 demonstrates the different types of learner and goal orientations among the respondents. As can be seen in Figure 19.2, when it comes to overall/course motivation, instrumental motives prevail over integrative ones, but the difference is far from considerable: 35% versus 20% of answers. Conversely, forums – 0% instrumental versus 89% integrative – and assignments – 27% instrumental versus 44% integrative – show a tendency with the prevalence of the integrative motivation. The difference between the overall scores and the activityspecific scores is statistically significant in both cases (for forums: χ2 = 84.46, df = 2, p < 0.0001; for assignments: χ2 = 9.46, df = 2, p < 0.01). In turn, what Figure 19.3 shows is that, when course motivation is concerned, goal orientation (51%) prevails over learning (24.5%) and activity (24.5%) drives, the latter two being almost equally popular. Assignments show a similar (G: 53%; L:25%; A: 20%), and forums a reversed (G: 43%; L: 3%; A: 54%) tendency. Consequently, the difference between the overall scores and the activity-specific scores is statistically significant for forums (forums: χ2 = 27.05, df = 3, p < 0.0001) and insignificant for assignments (assignments: χ2 = 2.54, df = 3, p > 0.4).

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Forums

Course

Assignments

Figure 19.2 Instrumental/integrative distribution of answers

Based on the results presented above, the following interim conclusions can be drawn: • •

•

The online component of the course per se as a (de)motivating factor is insignificant – only 8% of all comments are e-specific. Consequently, similarly to the inference made in relation to anxiety, we can claim that in terms of motivation Virtual Learning Environments (VLEs) are like offline environments. As in traditional classrooms, the respondents exhibit mixed-type of motivation. Overall/course as well as assignment motivation is both instrumental and integrative; goal (mastery/performance), learning or activity itself (fun, challenge) oriented. There seems to be a special role discussion forums play in motivating course participants: the possibility for integration (the between aspect of classroom dynamics) together with the activity-related learner satisfaction (the in factor) are the defining characteristics of motivation in this type of activity. Instrumental motives and goal orientation are reported rarely or never.

The conclusions are tentative for a reason. As was mentioned before, the qualitative analysis – in addition to offering an insight into different types

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Forums

Course

Assignments

Figure 19.3 Different types of learner and goal orientation

of motivation and their activity-related specificity – gives a chance for the reinterpretation of the numerical data. Such an interpretation is possible based on some respondents’ negative comments on the low intellectual quality of a majority of forum posts seen as a decisively demotivating factor. As can be seen in Figure 19.4, the drives not to participate are of nature other than instrumental or integrative, the forums simply being perceived as not particularly conducive to learning (cf. goal-specific demotivation). When we combine this observation with the tutor’s insight into the Moodle forum statistics (the last few days before forum closing saw very heavy discussion traffic) as well as the fact that, on reading, the majority of the submitted posts show that their authors do not read previous contributions, we need to have another look at the numerical results showing how motivating individual activities were (Table 19.2) as well as the self-reported mainly integrative motivation to take part in online discussion (Figure 19.2). Upon such a re-examination, Table 19.2, with special regard to SD measures for forums and assignments, will show that: (1) there is a small but significant group of students demotivated by the forums, most likely the intellectual quality of the majority of posts; and (2) there is a similar group of malcontent course participants who complain about assignments, probably the high task demands which expository writing posed. Figure 19.2 reconsidered,

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Figure 19.4 Forum demotivation

we are likely to question the credibility of the respondents’ self-reported integrative motives based on the assumption that if one takes part in a discussion without reference to previous contributions, the main drive is, most probably, the relative easiness of posting and not the reported need for integration with like minded individuals, so the motivation is instrumental (gaining course credit) rather than integrative. The final observation leads to a number of questions we, tutors, need to ask ourselves no matter what the mode of the course, in both off- and online teacher-training milieus: Should courses offer choice as to the level of assignments? Do we impose standards disregarding the intellectual capacity of individuals in the group or are standards bound to be lowered/varied? What is the limit of such standard adjustment? Should the specificity of student motivation be taken into account or are we, as course tutors, obliged to influence student motivation in ways that change drives from instrumental to integrative and orientation from performance to mastery, with learning and activity as the main focus? All in all, when it comes to motivation, do we go with the general flow of the already existing classroom dynamics or do we try to shape what goes in and between people in the classroom in the sphere of motives, drives and orientation?

Conclusions In conclusion, based on the results of the two studies into anxiety and motivation, it can be said that e-learning environments are not very different from traditional learning milieus, their participants being subject to realworld driving forces and constraints, including social anxiety and motivation. At the same time, I am fully aware of the fact that the presented research

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efforts are by no means a basis of drawing any final conclusions. This is mainly because the two studies differed in scope and design. Study 1 into anxiety in VLEs, described in the section ‘Anxiety in Virtual Learning Environments’, was carried out in the action-research mode: implemented in a small atomic group with research results obtained with the purpose of helping the tutor work towards a more effective and – as in the described case – more humanistic and learner-centred course organisation. Study 2, in turn, was purely diagnostic in nature, and concerned the types and intensity of motivation for taking part in the online component of a TEFL blended course. These two research efforts are far from sufficient because what is needed to make any final statements about affect in VLEs is a large-scale multi-faceted yet methodologically consistent study in which anxiety and motivation as well as other affective factors are studied at length and in much greater depth. However, what I would like to postulate is a diagnosis which goes beyond describing e-affect, towards correlating all of the affective individual differences with particular e-activities in an effort of determining ways of such learner-activity matching which will be most conducive to effective, learner-centred online education.

References Arnold, J. and Brown, H.D. (1999) A map of the terrain. In J. Arnold (ed.) Affect in Language Learning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bailey, K. (1983) Competitiveness and anxiety in adult second language learning: Looking at and through the diary studies. In H. Selinger and M. Long (eds) Classroom-oriented Research in Second Language Acquisition. Rowley, Mass.: Newbury House. Billington, D. (2000) Seven characteristics of highly effective adult learning programs. The adult learner in higher education and the workplace. New Horizons. Online at. http://www.umsl.edu/~henschkej/henschke/seven_characteristics_of_highly _ effective_adult_learning_programs.pdf (accessed 20 October 2010). Bransford, J.D., Brown, A.L. and Cocking, R. (eds) (2000) How People Learn: Brain, Mind, Experience, and School. Washington, D.C.: National Research Council, National Academy Press. Castillo, R. (1998) Classroom interaction. Modern English Teacher 7 (1), 7–14. Davies, P. and Rinvolucri, M. (1990) The Confidence Book. Harlow: Pilgrim Longman Resource Books. Deci, E.L. (1992) On the nature and functions of motivation theories. Psychological Science 3 (3), 167–171. Dewey, J. (1938) Experience and Education. New York: Macmillan. Dörnyei, Z. (2001) Teaching and Researching Motivation. Harlow: Longman. Dudeney, G. and Hockly, N. (2007) How to Teach English with Technology. Harlow: Longman. Ellis, R. (1994) The Study of Second Language Acquisition. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Feuerstein, R. (1990) The theory of structural modifiability. In B. Presseisen (ed.) Learning and Thinking Styles: Classroom Interaction. Washington, DC: National Education Associations. Feuerstein, R., Feuerstein, S., Falik, L. and Rand, Y. (1979) Dynamic Assessments of Cognitive Modifiability. Jerusalem: ICELP Press. Gardner, R.C. (1985) Social Psychology and Second Language Learning. The Roles of Attitudes and Motivation. London: Edward Arnold.

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Horwitz, E.K., Horwitz, M.B. and Cope, J. (1986) Foreign language classroom anxiety. Modern Language Journal 70 (2), 125–132. Houle, C.O. (1981) The Inquiring Mind. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Leary, M. (1983) Understanding Social Anxiety: Social, Personality and Clinical Perspectives. Beverly Hills: Sage. MacIntyre, P.D. and Gardner, R.C. (1994) The subtle effects of language anxiety on cognitive processing in the second language. Language Learning 44 (2), 283–305. Maslow, A.H. (1987) Motivation and Personality. New York: Harper and Row. Matsumoto, K. (1989) An analysis of a Japanese ESL learner’s diary: factors involved in the L2 learning process. JALT Journal 11, 167–192. Moskowitz, G. (1978) Caring and Sharing in the Foreign Language Class: A Sourcebook of Humanistic Techniques. Rowley/Massachusetts: Newbury House. Oxford, R. (1999) Anxiety and the language learner: New insights. In J. Arnold (ed.) Affect in Language Learning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rogers, C.R. (1959) A theory of therapy, personality and interpersonal relationships as developed in client-centred framework. In S. Koch (ed.) Psychology: A Study of a Science, Vol. 3. Formulations of the Person and the Social Context. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company. Stevick, E.W. (1980) Teaching Languages. A Way and Ways. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Turula, A. (2006) Language Anxiety and Classroom Dynamics. Bielsko-Biała: Wydawnictwo Naukowe ATH. Turula, A. (2010) Classroom dynamics of virtual learning environments: A humanistic perspective. CALL Review 2010 (2), 11–15. Turula, A. (2011) Form-Focused Instruction and the Advanced Language Learner. On the Importance of the Semantics of Grammar. Frankfurt: Peter Lang. Vygotsky, L.S. (1978) Mind in Society: The Development of Higher Psychological Processes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

20 The Affective Aspects in Early Language Learning and Syllabuses Maria Stec

Introduction All the experts agree that early language education has a positive impact on YL (young learners) and their holistic development including mental and emotional development. To achieve success at home, school and life YL should be trained in management of emotions (cf. Elias, 2009: 42–50). Therefore, this chapter discusses the affective aspects in the context of early language learning and aims to contribute to strategy instruction research at this stage of education. The following questions were stated in this project: What affective aspects are incorporated into teaching materials (syllabuses) for YL? Do teachers tend to use these aspects in a FL (foreign language) classroom? Another question was How far should we act as moral guides as well as being teachers of foreign languages?

Research Aims The idea was to investigate syllabuses and teacher’s role in children’s emotional development. In particular, two major aims were formed: (1) to analyse English syllabuses in terms of principles for emotional development; (2) to investigate teacher’s opinions about the affective aspects in teaching foreign languages. The following major questions directed the project: (1) What are the principles for the development of emotional competencies presented in syllabuses? 268

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(2) How can a teacher support YL’ emotional development in a foreign language classroom?

Research Scheme The project included two stages. (1) The first stage of the study involved an analysis of English syllabuses to indicate principles and guidelines for the development of YL’ emotional competencies. (2) The second stage of the study concentrated on a teacher’s role in developing emotional competencies, which was investigated with the help of the questionnaire. The situation was analysed to the most popular trends and tendencies in these areas.

Syllabus study The first stage of the study was directed by three detailed aims: (1) to indicate the guidelines and principles for the development of emotional intelligence in a FL classroom; (2) to analyse the objectives concerned with the emotional development in English syllabuses; (3) to investigate the strategies for the development of emotional competencies in English syllabuses. For the purpose of the analysis, a list of three detailed questions was designed. (1) What guidelines and principles concerned with the emotional development are incorporated in English syllabuses for YL? (2) What objectives concerned with the emotional development are offered in English syllabuses? (3) What strategies do English syllabuses provide for the development of emotional competencies in a FL classroom? The questions fell into such categories as principles, objectives and strategies.

Syllabus sample selection and course of the analysis English syllabuses selected for this stage of the study had to fulfil the following set of criteria (cf. Williams, 1983: 251–252):

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(1) practical consideration: syllabuses should have been recently implemented in Polish primary schools; (2) guidance for teachers: syllabuses should have the clear roles as the documents which guide both non-native and native teachers of English; (3) up-to-date methodology: syllabuses should have been designed within the last five years and reflect various psychological, pedagogical and linguistic approaches in the methodology of teaching a FL to YL. The initial set of English syllabuses was gathered in January enabling the researcher to record them in one file. As a result, a system of coding the respondents’ names was introduced and an anonymous label to each syllabus and teacher was given respectively.

Criteria of data analysis For the analysis of the syllabuses, a list of criteria had been designed and composed of three categories. (1) Syllabus assumptions: clear theories of teaching/learning and pedagogical concepts concerned with the emotional development of YL. (2) Syllabus objectives and scope: clear definition of the objectives (general, educational and detailed – linguistic) concerned with the emotional competencies. (3) Syllabus guidance: support for the development of YL’ emotional competencies.

Questionnaire study The second stage of the investigation was directed by three detailed aims (1) to investigate teachers’ qualifications, experience and preferences in teaching English; (2) to select the most popular English syllabuses implemented in primary schools; (3) to investigate teachers’ opinions about the emotional development in a FL classroom. For the purpose of this stage study, a list of 11 detailed questions was designed. (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

What is teachers’ experience in teaching English to YL? What English syllabuses are commonly used in primary schools? How long are the syllabuses used by teachers? What are teachers’ preferences in teaching English to YL? What are teachers’ strategies for controlling YL’ emotions in a FL classroom?

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(6) What are teachers’ strategies for coping with YL’ negative emotions in a FL classroom? (7) What are teachers’ strategies for evoking YL’ positive emotions a FL classroom? (8) When do teachers motivate YL to work in a FL classroom? (9) How do teachers motivate YL to work in a FL classroom? (10) What system of rewards do teachers use in a FL classroom? (11) What system of punishment do teachers use in a FL classroom?

Questionnaire description For the purpose of the investigation the questions were designed in English. In total there were 15 questions applied, which fell into such categories as opinions, knowledge, priorities, attitudes and solutions. They follow closed, semi-open and open-question patterns (cf. Brown, 2001: 7). The questionnaire was composed of two parts. The first part of the questionnaire was titled General information: respondent’s background and served as the introduction to the study. It included questions relating to the selection of English syllabuses and their time of implementation as well as the respondents’ preferences in teaching particular skills and areas to YL. The second part of the questionnaire titled Affective factors in teaching foreign languages concerned nine questions relating to the respondents’ opinions and strategies used in developing emotional competencies in a primary classroom. In particular, the questions were grouped into such categories as: strategies for controlling emotions, coping with negative emotions, evoking positive emotions as well as strategies for motivating, rewarding and punishing YL.

Sample selection and course of the questionnaire The teachers selected for the purpose of the study had to fulfil two criteria: • •

place of teaching: should be a state primary school; syllabus selection: should use an English syllabus currently accepted by MEN.

As a result, the sample consisted of 25 respondents who implemented six English syllabuses (plus one teacher who followed another English syllabus in the pilot study). The initial contact with the primary schools was established in January 2011 to get access to the data and carry out the pilot study. The proper investigation started in February and lasted till April 2011. The study was performed in 20 primary schools in the region of Cieszyn, Bielsko and Zywiec Silesia. The respondents were asked to reflect on the affective aspects in their primary classroom anonymously. Each questionnaire was collected after two weeks and the respondents were asked about extra comments on the matter.

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Criteria of data analysis The following set of criteria was applied for the analysis of the data gathered in the questionnaires. (1) General information: respondents’ background: respondents’ age, respondents’ experience in teaching English, respondents’ qualifications for teaching English to YL, syllabus implemented in teaching English, period of time for syllabus implementation, respondents’ preferences in teaching language skills and areas to YL. (2) Affective factors in teaching foreign languages: control of emotional competencies, negative emotions associated with learning, positive emotions associated with learning, dealing with negative reactions in a classroom, strategies of motivating YL, system of rewards, system of punishment.

Presentation of the Results The results received in two parts of the investigation are presented respectively in the following points.

The results from the syllabus study The results from the first part were grouped in three categories. (1) Principles. Autonomy in teaching and integration with primary education in terms of educational objectives and content are indicated in SA syllabus. Holistic perception of the world and integration with primary education in terms of objectives, content, methods, class, teaching/ learning strategies and school-parents relations were indicated in SB syllabus. In SC syllabus these were learner centred teaching, integration with primary education (content, methods, activities), holistic perception of the world and knowledge. Integration with primary education and YL’ needs and abilities (the right to be silent and communicate with mistakes) were stressed in SD syllabus. In SE syllabus the following principles were listed: language shapes YL’ mental, emotional and social development, systematic and holistic development of YL and holistic perception of the world. Finally, in SF syllabus such principles as learner centred teaching, integration with primary education, holistic perception of the world and teacher as a model to follow (YL’ emotions are shaped by Ts in a classroom) were highlighted. (2) Objectives (educational, developmental): In SA the following objectives were specified: development of YL’ high self-esteem, improvement of English language abilities and development of tolerance. Building

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rapport and teaching cooperation, support of YL’ holistic development (mental, physical and emotional) were specified in SB syllabus. In SC syllabus the following objectives were listed: support of YL’ holistic development, development of key competencies (communication and cooperation in a group), motivation of YL to study and development of tolerance. In SD syllabus such objectives were specified as support of YL’ holistic development including YL’ high self-esteem, helping to improve language abilities, support of YL’ motivation to study English, development of YL’ gradual self-observation and self-evaluation of their progress as well as teaching ‘learn how’ strategies. In SE syllabus the following objectives were listed: building the positive self-image and self-confidence, stimulation of YL’ self-esteem and helping them to believe in their skills, development of self-control of YL (e.g. name emotional states), teaching to cope with emotions and how to react/ control behaviours, development of self-learning and self-evaluation strategies, creating rapport and motivation through plays, support of YL’ motivation to study English, development of positive attitudes to other cultures and customs. In SF syllabus such objectives were specified as support of YL’ holistic development, improvement of YL’ communicative skills, support of YL’ motivation and independence, development of YL’ gradual self-observation and self-evaluation, stimulation of the senses and building rapport. (3) Strategies. In SA syllabus the following strategies were indicated: positive feedback about individual competencies; group projects, plays; TPR and communicative methods. Content of this syllabus included vocabulary and functions to describe emotions (joy, anger, pain), topics, e.g. My plays/toys to describe emotional reactions and People around us to name senses and describe emotions. Teacher’s autonomy in this syllabus was supported by the view that rewards should have been used instead of punishment as a lack of rewards had been a kind of punishment for YL. In SB syllabus the following strategies were listed: various activities to stimulate MI, non-stressful form of assessment (e.g. a chart of progress in terms of language skills plus other aspects such as cooperation with others, self-confidence and reflections on learning). Content included such functions and vocabulary as verbs ‘be/can’ plus adjectives to describe one’s emotions. In SC syllabus a list of strategies included TPR, audio-lingual and communicative methods, drama techniques, plays, songs, art and craft work, projects, self-evaluation chart of language skills and one section was entitled: Emotional and social development to describe YL’ skills in a group-work, willingness to help others, communication, being systematic and able to self-evaluate. In SD syllabus the following strategies were indicated: TPR, audio-lingual and communicative methods, drama techniques, plays, songs, art and craft work, projects and homework. In terms of content these were vocabulary

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(adjectives: happy, sad, boring, lovely, weak, tired; verbs: feel, look, smell, taste) and functions to describe emotions and moods, describe emotional reactions of other people. In SE syllabus the following strategies were listed: eclectic approach and variety of techniques to meet the individual needs of YL, TPR, music, songs, humour, plays; projects, pair/ group works, discussions, projects, games dialogues, drama techniques, portfolio and self-evaluation tasks. In terms of content these were vocabulary (adjectives: happy, sad,) and functions to describe emotions, moods and emotional reactions of other people, positive feedback and rewards.

The results from the questionnaire study The results showed that 52% of the respondents were at the age between 24 and 30, 24% of them were at the age between 31 and 40. Equally 24% of participants were the oldest – at the age of 41 and 52. Similarly, their experience varied as 44% of them have taught English between 6 and 10 years, 28% are the so called ‘young teachers’ teaching up till 5 years and equally 28% of them were experienced teachers having been in the profession between 11 and 27 years. They differed in terms of qualifications, 52% of them had got an MA diploma either in Pedagogy or English; 28% of them had a CAE certificates and 20% of them had got a BA diploma in English. There were six syllabuses used by them. The most popular syllabuses were coded as SB and SC as each of them was used by seven teachers participating in the study. SA was implemented by fiveof them while SF was used by four of them. The least popular were those coded as SD and SE having been used by two single teachers. Their period of implementation in schools varied from 2 to 11 years . Teachers had a tendency to teach speaking skills (25%), integrated skills (23%) and vocabulary (22%). Then, they liked teaching pronunciation (12%), grammar (6%), listening skills (4%), reading skills (4%), and others (4%) indicated that teaching everything was important. None of the respondents marked writing skills. As far as the affective factors were concerned, 72% of them taught YL how to evoke the positive emotions in learning English while 28% did not pay attention to it. 92% of the respondents taught YL how to control emotions in a classroom while only 8% did not pay attention to it. 76% of them taught YL how to cope with the negative emotions while 24% of them did not. There were plenty of strategies used for controlling reactions in a FL classroom such as discussions, stimulation and engagement of YL plus a system of rewards. Only a small number of the respondents asked YL to write about emotions, taught YL to name them, set up a system of behaviour or tried to approach YL calmly. The most popular strategies for dealing with the negative emotions in a classroom included: discussions, learning about the problems and just waiting. The less popular was a tendency to introduce

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punishment, avoid problems, teach to relax, ask for help other people and learn how techniques. The respondents motivated YL to work in a classroom mainly during ‘other/extra’ activities such as games, plays or introduction of topics. The less popular are speaking activities, integrated skills, pronunciation and vocabulary tasks. Listening, reading, writing and grammar tasks were not marked by the respondents. There were many ways of motivating learners including positive feedback, interesting topics and tasks for YL, positive grades, discussion about the benefits from learning a FL plus introduction of the competition in a classroom. The system of rewards showed that the most popular were verbal rewards and feedback, positive grades and pluses. The least popular was the implementation of the points for good behaviour. Finally, the system of punishment indicated that negative grades were used commonly. The respondents had also a tendency to ask YL to miss games, write warnings or information for parents as well as give extra homework. Only 3 out of 25 declared no punishment approach.

Interpretation of the Results The interpretation of the results proves that the principles concerned with the affective factors in a FL classroom are not stated explicitly in English syllabuses but incorporated in educational curriculum for primary schools. The major tendency in English syllabuses is to stress the importance of holistic development including emotional development. Another tendency is to focus on integration of knowledge and holistic approach to learning about the world. Only one syllabus (out of six) states clearly about teachers’ responsibility for shaping and teaching emotions. All the investigated syllabuses include information about teachers’ autonomy and their individual approach to the affective aspects in a FL classroom. As far as educational and developmental objectives are concerned the main tendency is to support YL’ self-esteem, holistic development (including emotional intelligence) and build communication as well as cooperation among YL with the help of a FL. Still, only one syllabus recommends clearly to teach self-control of emotions and strategies for coping with negative emotions. In terms of strategies for developing emotional intelligence, it is suggested to use a variety of methods and techniques in order to meet YL’ individual needs. However, the prevailing tendency in the syllabuses is to recommend projects, plays, TPR and communicative techniques. The analysis of the contents shows that all the investigated syllabuses include a small set of vocabulary and functions to describe emotions (joy, anger, pain) as well as topics, for example My plays/toys to describe emotional reactions and People around us to name senses and describe emotions.

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In particular, a focus is on the view that rewards should be used instead of punishment. As the examination of the results from the questionnaires indicates the majority of the respondents are young teachers usually with about 10 years of experience in teaching English to YL. They possess some experience with syllabus interpretation and implementation. Their age and teaching experience is reflected in their attitudes to YL’ emotional development. Namely, the major tendency is to stimulate the positive emotions about learning a FL and support YL’ holistic development. As a rule, a focus is mainly on the control of emotions in a classroom. Only a small number of the respondents teach YL to name or describe emotions in a FL. The most popular tendency is to deal with negative emotions with the help of discussions. Still, there is a long list of activities and topics used by the respondents to motivate YL in a FL classroom. Generally, the appropriate code of behaviour is highlighted in the process of developing emotional intelligence. However, both the system of rewards and punishment is established individually by teachers, who can teach successfully a FL to YL as well as teach them some management of emotions.

Conclusions A number of conclusions can be drawn from this investigation for syllabus design and YL’ emotional development. Namely, each syllabus should include guidelines concerned with the affective aspects in a FL classroom. First of all, the guidelines for a teacher’s role in developing the emotional competencies (a behaviour model) such as building rapport. It should include a set of non-linguistic objectives, for example related to teaching how to describe emotions and develop sensitivity to emotions of other people. A FL syllabus should include strategies for developing emotional intelligence with the help of drama techniques, discussions and non-verbal techniques. All syllabuses should include strategies that can be used by teachers in a FL classroom for evoking positive emotions, for example an optimal code of behaviour and a set of activities linked with emotions. They should include ideas for controlling reactions, for example teaching how to explain, engage and relax YL with a system of rules. These strategies can involve ideas for dealing with negative emotions and motivating YL to work with the help of positive feedback, interesting tasks and topics, showing the benefits of learning a FL. The best solution is to provide principles concerned with YL’ emotional development and focus on the development of key competencies (social and interpersonal skills). It should be repeated clearly that each teacher is responsible herself/himself for rapport in a FL classroom and creates individually a model to follow for YL. Still, s/he can learn with years and teach to describe

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emotions in a FL classroom, teach to observe and be sensitive towards other YL’ emotions, teach to control the negative reactions and teach to inspire the positive reactions. This skill can be acquired and improved after a few years of teaching. Still, a teacher training system should include concepts concerned with the affective aspects and strategies which might be helpful in dealing with the emotional behaviour in a FL classroom. In particular, a FL syllabus may include: (1) a definition of the teacher’s role in developing emotional intelligence; (2) a list of strategies for evoking the positive emotions in a FL classroom; (3) a list of strategies for dealing with the negative emotions in a FL classroom; (4) a list of strategies for motivating YL to work in a FL classroom; (5) a selection of ideas for the system of rewards.

References Brown, D.J. (2001) Using Surveys in Language Programs. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Elias, M.J. (2009) Proces uczenia sie˛ – aspekty poznawcze oraz społeczno-emocjonalne. In A. Janowski (ed.) Nauczanie w praktyce. Tom 1 (pp. 137–155). Seria Educational Practices. Warszawa: CODN. Goleman, D. (1995) Inteligencja emocjonalna. Poznan ´: Media Rodzina. Williams, D. (1983) Developing criteria for textbook evaluation. ELT Journal 37 (3), 251–255.

21 The Problem of Inhibition Among Children During Culture-based Classes Marcin Glin´ski

Introduction To learn a foreign language means (among others) to explore its culture and express one’s own attitude towards its meanings. The teacher’s role is to help students participate in their lessons and express themselves in a foreign language through constant negotiation of different meanings within the frames of cultures, both native and foreign (Kramsch, 1993). The following paper focuses on the problem of inhibition among children that reduces their classroom participation. The theoretical part of the paper presents the concept of inhibition discussing its assumptions on the basis of Krashen’s Affective Filter Hypothesis (see e.g. McLaughlin, 1987) and Festinger’s Social Comparison Theory (see e.g. Williams & Burden, 2002). The empirical part of the paper discusses the data collected during the study and answers the question regarding the most effective techniques of foreign culture teaching in the case of inhibited children. There have been numerous attempts to identify the characteristics of good language teaching. It is beyond doubt that this particular process cannot be separated from the process of target culture teaching since both of them overlap. According to Ellis, students learning foreign languages manifest different opinions about ‘target languages’, ‘target language speakers’, ‘target language cultures’ and ‘themselves as members of their own cultures’ (Ellis, 1994, in Timmis, 2007: 123). Even though students’ perceptions can be different when the above concepts are taken into consideration, still they affect the process of learning the target language (Timmis, 2007). Therefore, being a teacher of English is equal with being a teacher of English culture (Byram & Morgan, 1994). The analysis of a foreign culture leads to the development of appropriate attitudes towards our own culture, our own traditions and our 278

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own ‘ways of thinking’ (Jones, 2000: 158). This complex process can be professionally carried out through cross-cultural analysis (Kramsch, 1993). Analyzing the elements of a foreign culture, students face the opportunity to observe the ‘cultural identities’ of those people who live in foreign societies, while the formation of their own identities is still in progress (Jones, 2000: 158–170). This may exert both positive and negative influence on them. The introduction of this complex process of culture teaching into the classroom helps children recognize ‘culture markers’ both in their own culture and in the foreign one (Jones, 2000: 158–170).

Cognitive Development of Children Emotions that accompany English lessons for young learners give us the glimpse of the complexity of this unique teaching process. According to Piaget, students should be caught up in the flow of active learning, which is to awaken their curiosity about the surrounding world. Only through this activation can a child create his own interpretation of the world (Pinter, 2009). The process of information introduction must be well balanced by teachers since certain skills are achieved by children in the exact order (Oakes & Lipton, 2003). Thus, Piaget applauded the value of the process of learning rather than the content applied in it (Williams & Burden, 2002). What characterizes children at the pre-operational and concreteoperational stages of cognitive development is a high level of egocentrism that obtains among them. It is visible in the interactions between young students who deliberately foster their autonomy and discriminate the points of view represented by others (Pinter, 2009). It is also connected with a high level of imagination increasing among children and affecting their perception at the pre-operational stage, and almost disappearing at the concrete-operational stage (Shaffer, 2005). The first change of attitudes is seen during the concrete-operational stage when children develop some criticism. This allows them to reflect upon new situations and consider some new perspectives. They become able to focus on both positive and negative aspects of new situations (Fontana, 1995). Teaching YLL means to account for all the consistencies and discrepancies between the knowledge possessed by students and the new information contained within lesson materials. When students encounter the confusion caused by a large amount of new information, they become de-motivated and they experience the state of inhibition. Thus, the teacher’s role is to balance the proportion of motivation to allow students to accommodate some new information (Mietzel, 2002). Contrary to Piaget’s ideas, Vygotsky promoted a holistic approach towards teaching and learning, which left no place for the accommodation of information delivered during lessons. Vygotsky claimed that teachers are supposed to interact with students in order to

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facilitate their learning and integrate them into the society they belong to. It is the language as means of communication that plays the most important role during students’ interactions (Williams & Burden, 2002). Vygotsky focused on the mechanisms of ‘loud self-speech’ among children and noticed that it re-appears in stressful situations. With a passage of time ‘egocentric loud speech’ changes into ‘inner silent dialogue’ (Meadows, 1995: 44–48). The appearance of the inner dialogue illustrates a shift towards a higher level of cognitive development among children (Mietzel, 2002). Erikson’s ‘epigenetic principle’ (Williams & Burden, 2002: 31) postulates that every child is obliged, from the very time of his/her birth, to come across eight stages of development. Every stage is accomplished by a child with some help offered by the adults. A child moves from lower to higher level of development with the feeling of success or failure. When children’s needs are not satiated, they will re-appear with a passage of time as a sign of the handicapped development. Children from 6 to 10 years old are grouped by Erikson in the ‘kindergarten’ stage and the ‘latency’ stage. The researcher defines the stages as the time when children experience their ‘initiative’ and ‘industry’ visible within the process of their learning (Williams & Burden, 2002: 31–33). When children overcome their crises, they experience the sense of self-competence (Ledzin´ska & Czerniawska, 2011). It seems fairly clear that the full lack of success at these stages of development results in the feelings of inferiority and guilt. Students become inhibited and their active engagement in their learning process is highly diminished (Fontana, 1995).

Affective Dimensions of Learning Teachers working with children construct lessons that promote participation, both on the level of communication and active involvement, so as to fight back the states of inhibition among students. The concept of inhibition is deeply connected with the concept of self-esteem which consists of five equally important components (Reasoner, 1982, cited in de Andres, 1999: 88) (Figure 21.1). When the enumerated social needs are not satisfied, the child experiences low self-esteem and creates a kind of a false self-image which does not tally

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)

sense of security sense of identity sense of belonging sense of purpose sense of personal competence

Figure 21.1 The self-esteem construct

self-esteem

inhibition

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with the real one perceived by the members of the group the child belongs to. Students suffering from low self-esteem try to avoid all the possible mistakes and treat them as negative features of their own self-concepts (Brown, 2000). This negative perfectionism does not allow them to accept the new language system as they perceive it as totally different from the one they have already acquired (Arabski, 1985). According to Ellis, students ‘build defences to protect their egos’ (Ellis, 1994: 471–527) which does not allow them to identify with their English teachers as model speakers of a foreign language, while their tolerance of ambiguity is gradually decreasing (Ehrman, 1999). Students’ ability to participate in interactions cannot be fully developed, which may be caused by different forms of anxiety that students may suffer from (see e.g. Oxford, 1999) This refers strictly to ‘mentally blocked’ students, as Krashen puts it, who encounter their affective filters as obstacles on their way to achieve success. The overlapping anxieties accompanied by the high level of stress experienced by students learning a foreign language are constantly building up the states of inhibition that must be reduced by teachers (McLaughlin, 1987: 51–55). This can be done only through creation of some classroom conditions defined by Arnold and Fonseca as ‘minimal stress and maximum interest and engagement with the material to be learnt’ (Arnold & Fonseca, 2007: 107).

Social Dimensions of Learning There is no escaping the fact that ‘it is what teachers think and do at the classroom that eventually determines what learners learn’ (Richards & Renandya, 2002: 385). It is the rapport between teachers and students that allows class participants to construct ‘social participation structures’ and experience lessons at the highest level (Johnson, 1995: 41). Arnold and Fonseca’s research concerning the affective aspects of teacher talk indicates that ‘the teacher’s selection of words and their discourse organization play an important role in shaping learner’s self concept and their academic success’ (Arnold & Fonseca, 2002: 108). The above view emphasizes the importance of dealing with classroom management through the process of individualization, that is the acceptance of a student as a man and the respect for his ‘worth and value’ (Arnold & Fonseca, 2002: 110). Classroom, therefore, is a place where students’ self-concepts are formed. Festinger’s social comparison theory (Williams & Burden, 2002) explains the influence of social interactions on the students’ self-perceptions. According to Festinger’s social comparison theory, interactions involve in their notion students’ intentions to compare with others, gather the information about themselves from the surrounding environment, observe the people involved in interactions and interpret the situations that happen in the classroom. This simply suggests that all the possible forms of feedback directed by teachers affect all the

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students in the classroom (Williams & Burden, 2002). The appearance of inhibition among students may be the result of some handicapped relationships that obtain among the participants of lessons and their deliverers.

Research Design Research goals The goals of the research are outlined below: (1) the identification of children’s attitudes towards learning English culture; (2) the selection of the most effective techniques of foreign culture teaching in the case of inhibited children; (3) the analysis of inhibited children’s reactions towards selected teaching techniques; (4) the analysis of children’s degree of classroom participation; (5) the presentation of the emotions experienced by the selected inhibited students during the meetings.

The subjects This chapter present the data collected during the classes of English for young learners at the age from 6 to 10. The research was conducted among 18 students from the 1st grade, 23 students from the 2nd grade and 19 students from the 3rd grade. All the students attend a general primary school and participate English lessons twice a week. There were 17 children out of 60 identified as highly inhibited.

Research stages and teaching techniques The study was organized in the form of obligatory workshops organized once a week and conducted during the period of three months. The study was divided into three stages. (1) Introductory workshops which were to define students’ attitudes towards foreign culture learning and diagnose the list of inhibited students. There were two sessions organized for every class. After every session, the students were asked to estimate the degree of their motivation towards learning English language and culture. (2) Observation classes which were to define the reasons for the presence of inhibition among the students. There were five sessions organized for every class. During the classes the observations of students’ verbal and non-verbal reactions were conducted.

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(3) Culture-based classes which were to reveal the most appropriate techniques to present a foreign culture among young inhibited students. There were five sessions organized for every class. During the research the following teaching techniques were used: • • • • •

teacher’s presentations with the use of visuals, a puppet and realia; project work in the form of individual work and group work; drama; storytelling; brainstorming.

Data elicitation tools There were three types of data elicitation tools applied in the research. The first type was the Likert scale used by the children during different stages of the introductory workshops to describe their attitudes (positive, neutral or negative) to learning English language and culture. Classroom observation was the second type of data elicitation tools applied in the research in order to focus on students’ talk and their active participation in the English lessons. Two ways of interpretation of the data gathered through the classroom observations were applied in the research: children’s attempts to communicate or actively participate in the lessons were treated as positive reactions towards the selected teaching techniques while their refusals to communicate or actively participate in the lessons were treated as negative reactions towards the selected teaching techniques. During the whole research the teacher diary was used. It allowed the author of the research to think about the details of the certain situations that took place during the research. The interpretations of the aforementioned situations are presented below with all the data gathered in the research.

Data Presentation and Analysis The following part is devoted to the discussion of the data collected during the lessons. First, it focuses on the children’s degrees of motivation regarding English lessons. Then, it discusses the children’s reactions towards the selected teaching techniques. Finally, it describes the emotions experienced by the children during the meetings.

Students’ degrees of motivation Figure 21.2 illustrates the percentage analysis of attitudes (positive, negative and neutral) presented by the selected children towards learning English language and culture.

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100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

Positive attitudes Negative attitudes Neutral attitudes

Class I

Class II

Class III

Figure 21.2 Students’ attitudes towards learning English culture (percentage distribution)

Figure 21.2 presents the results observed during the introductory workshops. The results achieved by the 1st grade and the 3rd grade students during different meetings were similar. Apparent differences between the achieved results can be noticed in the case of the 2nd grade students whose results decreased even below 50% of the number of children who presented negative or neutral attitudes during the first stage of the introductory workshops. This substantial decrease of results might have been caused by the sudden replacement of the English teacher. As can be seen from the table, the results changed during further stages of the workshops. Different attitudes towards different activities were presented by the children from the 2nd grade, which suggests that their degrees of motivation were not constant.

Students’ reactions towards selected teaching techniques The percentage distributions concerning students’ reactions towards the selected teaching techniques are juxtaposed in the Tables 21.1 to 21.3.

Storytelling The technique requires a long span of attention, therefore worse results can be noticed among younger children. The technique aroused excitement and interest among the children defined as highly inhibited. The level of the involvement and the amount of verbal responses were very high both in the case of the inhibited and non-inhibited students from all the grades. The greatest amount of details from the story was recalled by the 3rd grade children. The crucial problem that appeared when using this technique was the overuse of Polish language by the children during the lessons.

Drama A sharp difference can be noticed between the results achieved by the students from the 1st grade and the 2nd grade. Some students manifested

Students’ positive reactions Students’ negative reactions

Table 21.3 Class III

Students’ positive reactions Students’ negative reactions

Table 21.2 Class II

Students’ positive reactions Students’ negative reactions

Table 21.1 Class I

83%

17%

92%

8%

Drama

33%

23%

Storytelling

67%

77%

Drama

10%

22%

Storytelling

90%

Drama

78%

Storytelling

30%

70%

Teacher’s presentation: Puppet

32%

68%

Teacher’s presentation: Puppet

6%

94%

Teacher’s presentation: Puppet

32%

68%

Teacher’s Presentation: Visuals

27%

73%

Teacher’s Presentation: Visuals

35%

65%

Teacher’s Presentation: Visuals

11%

89%

Teacher’s presentation: Realia

44%

56%

Teacher’s presentation: Realia

35%

65%

Teacher’s presentation: Realia

25%

75%

Brainstorming

17%

83%

Brainstorming

7%

93%

Brainstorming

40%

60%

Project work: groupwork

33%

67%

Project work: groupwork

44%

56%

Project work: groupwork

9%

91%

Individual Project Work

16%

84%

Individual Project Work

9%

91%

Individual Project Work

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their objections to the forms of work that obtained. Quarrels between both the inhibited and the non-inhibited children were noticed. Still the inhibited students were interested in the participation in the activities. The number of verbal responses among the inhibited children was high though they required more encouragement from the teacher. The problem with the performance in front of the class was visible in the case of the highly inhibited students. This problem was reduced through teacher’s encouragement, except for two cases when students did not perform. High levels of language production and cooperation were visible among the inhibited children who came close to the teacher in order to demonstrate their skills. The teacher was asked by the students to introduce more activities involving the techniques of drama. The best results were observed among the 1st grade children who worked enthusiastically and spontaneously. The following emotions appeared: selfconfidence, enthusiasm, vitality as well as stress.

Teacher’s presentation with the use of a puppet The puppet exerted a great influence on the inhibited children’s behavior. The lowest number of positive reactions was observed among the children from the 3rd grade. It is probably connected with the cognitive development which is higher in the case of the 3rd grade children than among younger children. The puppet, therefore, does not arouse a high degree of excitement among the older children. The technique was a great pedagogic tool for the 1st grade children who got involved smoothly in all the possible activities that introduced the toy since children at this age still manifest animistic thinking. The puppet aroused aggression in the case of two students, one of whom suffered from emotional disorder. The highly inhibited students who generally caused difficult behavior problems worked smoothly when this technique was applied. The teacher was asked by the children from the 1st and 2nd grades to bring the puppet for the next lessons. The puppet encouraged all the children to generate verbal responses which were quiet correct, especially in the case of the non-inhibited students. The inhibited children required more help from the teacher to generate their responses in a correct way. Trust and calmness were the dominating emotions.

Teacher’s presentation with the use of visuals The children’s pronunciation of the selected vocabulary was incorrect, which suggests that the stage of listening to the teacher’s presentation without immediate production should be much longer. It was visible among the inhibited students who did not want to produce their verbal responses when asked by the teacher, though they listened attentively. The problem appeared among the students from all the grades even though the levels of their involvement and attention were very high. Appreciation, astonishment, as well as trust were the dominating emotions during this part of the project.

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Teacher’s presentation with the use of realia Quarrels between the students involved in cooperation were noticed. However, the inhibited students were attentive to the remarks from the teacher. The technique achieved the best results among the 3rd grade children. The dominating emotions in the case of the inhibited students were enthusiasm, surprise as well as anger, astonishment and grief. The number of verbal responses among both the inhibited and non-inhibited students was high, although the inhibited children required much more encouragement from the teacher.

Brainstorming Focusing on the results that the technique achieved, we might claim that the number of verbal responses among the inhibited students was the highest one if we consider all the other techniques. The inhibited students were interested in participation and highly involved in the activities. Through teacher’s encouragement and positive atmosphere in the classroom, the inhibited students had the opportunity to present their opinions in front of the classroom. Some inhibited children participated actively in the lessons without being nominated by the teacher. Enthusiasm was the dominating emotion. With some teacher’s help, even the youngest children were able to compare and contrast the common results of their classes.

Project work in the form of groupwork All the forms of groupwork allow students to take responsibility for the process of learning experienced by the whole group that students belong to. This simply means that responsibility is equally ascribed to every member of the selected group. ‘Cooperative groups share a common goal; each learner has an essential role to play if that goal is to be achieved’ (Crandall, 1999: 226– 245). Through cooperation, students acquire the ability to reflect upon his/ her learning but they also develop ‘social skills’ which help them function in the classroom environment (Crandall, 1999: 222–245). During the introduction of groupwork techniques quarrels between the children were observed since the groups were formed by the teacher. The inhibited students were interested in participation and highly involved in the activities but the lack of success in their accomplishment was unacceptable for them. The degree of competition between the groups was extremely high. The inhibited students did not appreciate the possibility to cooperate with their classmates, probably because of the fact that certain tasks were ascribed to the students by the teacher. However, the final results achieved by the children through cooperation were highly appreciated by all of them. The dominating emotions were: anger, frustration, grief, enthusiasm, confidence as well as pride.

Individual project work The largest number of positive reactions among the inhibited children (both in the form of verbal and non-verbal responses) was observed during

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the application of this technique. It appeared to be a good solution for the students suffering from anxieties or those with very high levels of egotism. All the students appreciated working with time limits. They presented their works with huge pleasure and excitement in front of the classroom, though the inhibited children needed some more encouragement. During their work, the students asked about more details concerning the project. This technique allowed the inhibited students to become aware of their own skills.

Discussion The positive classroom environment may affect the process of language acquisition. Taking this into consideration, we might define the state of inhibition as a result of overlapping anxieties that a child experiences when the lessons are not conducted in an appropriate way. Every student, therefore, is a unique individual who brings his/her own problems into the classroom. The results from the study show that cultural elements motivate young students to learn a foreign language. The results confirm our assumptions about the overwhelming influence of positive classroom atmosphere on the process of learning a foreign language. Teachers are supposed, therefore, to build positive classroom atmosphere in order to lower the students’ affective filters. The introduction of the techniques that were supposed to build the most positive classroom atmosphere (these were: ‘storytelling’ and ‘teacher’s presentation with the use of a puppet’) did not achieve the best results when all the inhibited children’s reactions are considered. Positive classroom atmosphere can be built with the use of all the techniques provided that teachers are able to introduce them reflectively and can resign from the elements that students are not ready for. The results of the study revealed that the state of inhibition among children can be lowered when teachers respect students’ objections to active participation and prolong their stage of observation and passive listening. Through constant encouragement even the most inhibited students decided to participate actively in the classroom interactions. The study confirms also our assumptions defined on the basis of the social comparison theory and shows that all the students observe each other within the classroom context. It simply suggests that teachers’ positive attitudes to some certain students may affect all the children in the classroom. This means that teachers should be conscious of the verbal and non-verbal information they send during lessons since it may affect students’ attitudes towards learning a foreign language and a foreign culture. The study brought also more detailed information about the mechanisms of homework introduction and the best results were achieved by the students who were informed about the detailed aims and the quality of their homework.

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Conclusions The selected techniques did not work properly in the case of a highly inhibited 6-year-old girl. The only technique that seemed to work in this case was the ‘teacher’s presentation with the use of a puppet’, which reveals the presence of animistic thinking that still obtains among the children at the pre-operational stage of cognitive development. All the other techniques did not bring good effects when the inhibited 6-year-old girl is considered. This suggests that there is a noticeable difference between the emotional development represented by the children at the pre-operational and concreteoperational stages. The degree of inhibition among the 6-year-old children is very high as, in many cases, they are not accepted by the older children and their relationships with them are not stable. The 6-year-old children faced serious problems when they were asked to adjust to any rules during the activities because of their egocentric attitudes. Their cognitive development was appropriate since they possessed some skills that are ascribed to the concrete-operational stage of development, such as the ability to compare and find differences between two objects. Further research should be conducted to check the relationship between the gender differences and the way they generate language inhibitions among students. It should be also checked how the application of the selected teaching techniques might work in the case of kindergarten children where the developmental differences between students are not so clear.

References Arabski, J. (1985) O Przyswajaniu Je˛zyka Drugiego (Obcego). Warszawa: WSiP. Arnold, J. and Fonseca, C. (2007) Affect in teacher talk. In B. Tomlinson (ed.) Language Acquisition and Development (pp. 107–121). London and New York: Continuum. Brown, H.D. (2000) Principles of Language Learning and Teaching. New York: Longman. Byram, M. and Morgan, C. (1994) Teaching and Learning Language and Culture. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Crandall, J. (1999) Cooperative language learning and affective factors. In J. Arnold (ed.) Affect in Language Learning (pp. 226–245). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. De Andres, V. (1999) Self-esteem in the classroom or the metamorphosis of butterflies. In J. Arnold (ed.) Affect in Language Learning (pp. 87–102). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ehrman, M. (1999) Ego boundaries and tolerance of ambiguity in second language learning. In J. Arnold (ed.) Affect in Language Learning (pp. 68–86). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ellis, R. (1994) The Study of Second Language Acquisition. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ˙ ywicki, trans.). Poznan´: Zysk i Fontana, D. (1995) Psychologia dla nauczycieli (Mateusz Z S-ka. Johnson, E.K. (1995) Understanding Communication in Second Language Classrooms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jones, B. (2000) Developing cultural awareness. In K. Field (ed.) Issues in Modern Foreign Languages Teaching (pp. 158–170). London: Routledge.

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Kramsch, C. (1993) Context and Culture in Language Teaching. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ledzin´ska, M. and Czerniawska, E. (2011) Psychologia Nauczania: Uje˛cie Poznawcze. Warszawa: PWN. McLaughlin, B. (1987) Theories of Second-Language Learning. London: Edward Arnold. Meadows, S. (1995) Rozwój poznawczy. In P.E. Bryant, A.M. Colman (eds) Psychologia rozwojowa (Anna Bezwin´ska-Walerjan, trans.). Poznan´: Zysk i s-ka. Mietzel, G. (2002) Psychologia dla nauczycieli: jak wykorzystać teorie psychologiczne w praktyce dydaktycznej (Aleksandra Ubertowska, trans.). Gdan´sk: GWP. Oakes, J. and Lipton, M. (2003) Teaching to Change the World. New York: McGrawHill. Oxford, L. R. (1999) Anxiety and the language learner: New insights. In J. Arnold (ed.) Affect in Language Learning (pp. 58–67). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pinter, A.M. (2009) Teaching Young Language Learners. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Reasoner, R. (1982) Building Self-Esteem: A Comprehensive Program for Schools. Palo Alto: Consulting Psychologists Press, Inc. Richards, J.C. and Renandya, W.A. (2002) Professional development: Introduction. In J.C. Richards and W.A. Renandya (eds) Methodology in Language Teaching (pp. 385–387). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Shaffer, H.R. (2005) Psychologia dziecka. Warszawa: PWN. Timmis, I. (2007) The attitudes of language learners towards target varieties of the language. In B. Tomlinson (ed.) Language Acquisition and Development: Studies of Learners of First and Other Languages (pp. 122–138). London and New York: Continuum. Williams, M. and Burden, R.L. (2002) Psychology for Teachers: A Social Constructivist Approach. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

22 Affective Factor Considerations in a Transcultural Approach to English Language Teaching Karen Jacob, Maria Juan-Garau and José Igor Prieto-Arranz

Introduction This chapter presents an approach to English language teaching (ELT) which takes as its focus the use of English as an international language (EIL) within a paradigm of transcultural competence. By centring on the affective dimension of language learning, we combine present second language acquisition theories focused on affective variables (Dörnyei, 2005, 2009; Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009) with the use of EIL in order to develop a transcultural approach to the teaching of English. Coinciding with Matsuda and Friedrich (2011), we understand EIL as a function performed by English in a multilingual and multicultural context, not as a specific variety of English. Our departure point is the fact that nowadays international communication takes place not only between native and non-native speakers of English, but also between non-native speakers in cultural contexts which are probably foreign to the speakers involved. Consequently, such speakers not only require specific foreign language skills but also global cultural skills in order for communication to be successful. The latter can be defined as the need to be aware of other world views, knowledge of how other languages work and how people from diverse cultural backgrounds may use language according to their specific cultural upbringings. Many scholars engaged in language curriculum development (e.g. Byram, 2008; Graddol, 2006; Guilherme, 2002; Osler & Starkey, 2005; Risager, 2007) have also highlighted the need to encourage multilingualism 291

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and multiculturalism as necessary skills for international interaction in today’s multilingual and multicultural societies. Likewise, the Council of Europe website promotes policies which ‘strengthen linguistic diversity and language rights, deepen mutual understanding, consolidate democratic citizenship and sustain social cohesion’ (2009). By focusing on affective variables such as motivation and attitudes towards the ‘other’, we report on the development of what we have termed a ‘transcultural’ approach to ELT which ultimately supports and encourages the learning of EIL in a more global context of use. The second section of this chapter develops the concept of ‘transculturalism’, outlines recent theoretical developments in the field of L2 motivation, discusses socio-psychological perspectives and makes reference to current trends in ELT from a pedagogical point of view. The third section briefly describes and comments on an ongoing project with English as a foreign language (EFL) learners in three secondary schools in Spain and Poland, where a specific methodology was introduced into the EFL class with the aim of motivating an interest in other languages, cultures and world cultural issues as a preliminary step towards achieving transcultural and translingual competence.

Towards a Transcultural Approach to ELT: Theoretical Considerations McKay states that ‘to be considered an international language, a language cannot be linked to any one country or culture, rather it must belong to those who use it’ (2002: 12), thus unveiling the fact that, in the case of English, cultural knowledge pertinent to English-speaking countries is not sufficient in a global usage context. Other authors have followed suit (Arnett, 2002; Lamb, 2004; Pavlenko, 2002), pointing to the need for international speakers of English to develop linguistic and cultural competences which will endow them with a sense of belonging to an international community and, hence, with an identity as conceived within the context of international citizenship. In order to inspire such an identity, people need to be armed with specific socialization skills and to have a keen interest in, and understanding of, global issues. By examining translingual and transcultural competence, affective and socio-psychological perspectives as well as recent trends in EIL education, this section intends to move towards a clearer conceptualization of transcultural ELT.

Translingual and transcultural competence Meyer (1991) defines ‘transcultural’ as the ability of the language learner to resolve cultural problems by fully understanding the different cultural

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values of individual cultures. This allows the learner to ‘stand above his own and the foreign culture’ (Meyer, 1991: 142–143). The 2007 MLA report also uses the term, together with ‘translingual’, although still very much limiting it to the native-speaker – non-native speaker communicative exchange context. Thompson (2011) amplifies the notion of ‘transcultural’ communication to the non-native speaker paradigm and contrasts it with ‘intercultural’ communication. She suggests that ‘trans’ cultural communication captures ‘a sense of multidirectional movement, flow and mixing’ whereas the prefix ‘inter’ invokes ‘notions of bi-directionality, stasis and separation’ (Thompson, 2011: 207). In accordance with Thompson, and taking into consideration the use of EIL, it seems essential to expand the notion of ‘transcultural’, to include the use of a language and a cultural context that is ‘foreign’ to both interlocutors. Thus, in this chapter we understand transcultural competence as the ability to communicate effectively in both speaker contexts and we concentrate specifically on the non-native speaker paradigm with English as the lingua franca for both speakers. At the centre of a transcultural competence-based methodology is the role played by affective factors such as motivation, attitudes toward the L2 community, foreign language anxiety, and individual personality traits (e.g. self-confidence) in creating the optimum conditions for this new direction of learning to take place. This is especially relevant for EFL in secondary education, where linguistic aptitude and abilities are often prioritised to the detriment of individual affective variables.

Affective dimension in EFL During the last four decades, research into affective factors in language acquisition has been prolific, especially factors which may enhance or reduce motivation such as attitudes towards the foreign culture or foreign language anxiety. Gardner and Lambert’s seminal work (as summarized in Gardner, 2001) defined motivation within a framework of social psychology and paved the way for a series of empirical investigations with various colleagues in the Canadian bilingual context of second language acquisition resulting in the Socio-educational Model of Second Language Learning (Gardner & Smythe, 1975). Essentially, Gardner’s theory is centred on the concept of integrative motivation and language aptitude as being core components that lead to success in another language. For Gardner, ‘an integratively motivated individual is one who is motivated to learn the second language, has a desire or willingness to identify with the other language community, and tends to evaluate the learning situation positively’ (2001: 6). More recently, however, Dörnyei and Ushioda (2009) have pointed out that the original concept of integrative orientation is not plausible when considering today’s usage of English, as the world has changed dramatically

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and is now a melting pot of linguistic and sociocultural diversity. This means that there may not be a specific group of speakers that learners of English are aiming to integrate with. Likewise, Yashima (2002: 57) expands the notion of integrative orientation to include ‘the readiness to interact with intercultural partners, and [. . .] openness or a non-ethnocentric attitude towards different cultures’. As the target language can no longer be defined by geographic or ethnic boundaries, speakers of EIL may be classified as ‘a non-specific global community of English language users’ (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009: 3). Dörnyei can be considered one of the major contributors to the reconceptualization of the socio-educational model of second language learning. Among his recent contributions is the development of the L2 motivational self-system model (2005), which moves away from a focus on integrative and instrumental orientation by shifting the focus of motivation to the learner himself. Dörnyei (2005, 2009) uses the psychological theory of ‘possible selves’ (Markus & Nurius, 1986) and ‘discrepancy theory’ (Higgins, 1987, 1996) to explain the conceptual link between ‘self’ and motivation. Dörnyei centres his discussion on the development of the learner’s identity and differing self-perceptions, as reflected by one’s ‘ideal’ or ‘ought-to’ self, as integral concepts in current ELT methodologies. His principal thesis statement is that, if proficiency in a second language is seen as a valued competence in one’s ideal or ought-to self, then this will function as a strong motivator to achieve competence in the target language, since ‘motivation [. . .] involves the desire to reduce the discrepancy between one’s actual self and the projected behavioural standards of the ideal/ought [-to] selves’ (Dörnyei, 2009: 18). Appropriating Dörnyei’s shift to the individual should pave the way for the creation of learning situations that conceptualize the speaker as an international citizen who is motivated by independent personal goals. If provided with L2 learning experiences that capture the essence of variety, individual needs and goals, learners might embark on their EIL learning with renewed interest.

Socio-psychological theoretical perspectives In our proposed transcultural approach to EIL we have also considered other socio-psychological theories. Socialization theory relates how human beings acquire knowledge about their society and how they learn to adhere to the norms of that society in order to behave and act in an acceptable manner (Byram, 2008: 21). Primary socialization is the basic, personalityforming stage of socialization that is essentially regarded as taking place within the family context. A country’s education system is largely responsible for what can be termed secondary socialization, which prepares the young for their future as citizens of a specific nation. The term tertiary socialization

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was coined by Byram and later used by Doyé (1992) to refer to this extension of the notions of primary and secondary socialization whereby young people acquire transcultural communicative competence (Byram uses the term ‘intercultural communicative competence’, see Byram, 1997: 70–71). In his explanation of tertiary socialization, Doyé (1992) takes into account the way that schemata and behaviours learnt in childhood become modified in adult life as they are challenged by new knowledge acquired from the multicultural world. He also allows for the introduction of totally new schemata that are actually easier to incorporate as they do not require modification or the unlearning of previous schemata. Accordingly, tertiary socialization can be seen as a useful expression to describe the continuation of the socialization process from a global perspective, and could be usefully set as a goal in the foreign language classroom. Intricately linked with socialization theory are Tajfel and Turner’s social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979) and Allport’s intergroup contact theory (Allport, 1954). Turner defines a social group as ‘two or more individuals who share a common social identification of themselves or [. . .] perceive themselves to be members of the same social category’ (1982: 18). Allport (1954) posits that increased contact between diverse groups helps to reduce inaccurate perceptions of the other, thereby increasing intergroup tolerance and understanding. Research into levels of ethnocentrism and cultural relativism is also pertinent to this discussion. From childhood human beings receive a constant flow of cultural knowledge which functions within different contexts whilst also creating various identities, whether this may be national or more defined such as a family, a school, or a team (McDaniel et al., 2006: 11). When a human being demonstrates a strong attachment to a particular cultural group to the extent that he/she develops a superior position in contrast to others, this person is said to have a high level of ethnocentricity. As McDaniel et al. (2006) also point out, however, such strong feelings may also be due to a lack of contact with other groups. In effect, high levels of ethnocentricity have been hailed as a major cause of breakdowns in intercultural communication. Thus, the development of an understanding of the other that could minimize the impact of stereotype-related prejudice (Gudykunst, 2004; Gudykunst & Kim, 1997; Hewstone & Brown, 1986; Tajfel, 1981) is an essential competence in today’s multicultural environment.

Current trends in the EIL classroom When considering factors that may motivate younger EIL learners to learn a language, one cannot leave aside their status as ‘digital natives’ (Courtois et al., 2009: 112). The use of Information and Communication Technologies is at the centre of many language learning programmes, used essentially for individual learning and practice, but it has also been extended

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to the EFL classroom in the form of computer assisted language learning and network-based language teaching (NBLT) (see Arnesen, 2011; Chapelle, 2001; Leverage Project, 2009; O’Dowd, 2003, 2007, for further information). Within the communicative language teaching paradigm, content-based learning activities provide learners with the opportunities to acquire and relate language to a variety of fields of knowledge, thus providing more practice in the instrumental use of the language in an international communicative context.

Putting Theory into Practice A transcultural approach to EFL We shall now present an outline of a possible transcultural approach to EIL in secondary education. Our proposal is based on: (1) international citizenship; (2) the re-evaluation of one’s view of the world; (3) the use of EIL in a non-specific global community of language users; and (4) multiculturalism and multilingualism. In the light of the above, in today’s globalized, high-tech world, professional and personal success is increasingly linked to tertiary socialization skills in the form of what we have termed transcultural competence. What follows is a short overview of a methodological proposal which, within the tradition of language and culture pedagogy (Risager, 2007), aims at cultivating transcultural skills in the EIL classroom.

Methodology The rationale behind our approach was to combine content-based learning methodologies and NBLT premises with the more traditional ‘classroom’ practices, so as to offer language students the opportunity to embrace a transcultural learning experience. In order to achieve such conditions for learning the following elements were considered: •

• • •

the use of a ‘virtual third space’ (Bretag, 2006) in the shape of a transcultural blog called ‘EIL in Poland and Spain’ to provide tertiary socialization experience; this was also seen as an alternative to the ‘stay abroad’ experience, which is not often readily available to younger language learners; the use of content-based learning methodologies to provide a framework for the structure of didactic units focused on transcultural values that could be easily incorporated into the English language classroom; the use of the textbook as a point of reference for correct grammatical and lexical input; the role of the language teacher as coordinator of the various components and mediator between them as well as transcultural learning facilitator.

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Participants The participants in the research were secondary school students of EIL in Spain and Poland. A total of 78 students participated in this educational experience that took place in their English language class during the school year 2010–2011. On the one hand, the students in Spain (39), aged 14/15, attended IES Bendinat, a state secondary school in Mallorca. On the other hand, the students in Poland attended two different schools in Opole. The students at TAK (N = 16), a private school, were aged 14/15, while the participants at VPLO (N = 32), a state-run school, were slightly older, 15/16.

Didactic units and the blog A series of didactic units were devised by the authors and the EFL teacher in Spain, who had previous experience in content-based learning. The units were Stereotypes, Africa and Music with a message. Students were also encouraged to post comments on the blog in a cultural snippets section and a section dedicated to information on Mallorca and Opole. A schedule for the introduction of the units was agreed by all teachers involved, although it underwent some changes during the school year. One of the authors was involved in setting up the project both in Poland and Spain. This essentially involved instructing students how to use the blog as well as serving as a focus of motivation as the students were able to discuss their impressions and doubts concerning the blog. The students in both countries worked on the didactic units using basic yet not strict guidelines. The most important aspect was that the students from both countries were able to post their work on the blog and comment on the different posts. Specific questions were also posted by the researchers for each didactic unit. Work on the blog could be individual or group work and could be done in class or for homework. Students’ participation was acknowledged by teachers in their final mark for the subject.

Results and Emerging Trends Observations of the blog posts and comments have enabled us to highlight a number of salient features that are pertinent to our focus on affective factors in a transcultural approach to ELT.

Emerging personal friendships between students The ‘friendship’ factor was highly motivating for many students. Some students even added students from the other country to their social-network page. For example, excerpt 1 shows how TAPACZ and BELAMU began a ‘virtual’ friendship after TAPACZ posted information about herself. This was, in fact, the beginning of many interactions between the two girls.

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(Note: All excerpts have been taken verbatim from the blog without any editing. For anonymity’s sake, however, participants’ usernames have been replaced by codes. The first two letters in each identify the student’s school – TA (TAK), VP (VPLO), BE (Bendinat), while the last four letters correspond to the two initial letters of the participants’ name and surname.) Excerpt 1 TAPACZ: Hey, I’m XXXX and I’m 16. I have long dark blond hair and green eyes. I’m nice, crazy and i love meeting new friends (especially from foreign countries). My passion is music. I play violin since i was 5 and besides a junior high i am studing at Music School. I’m interested too in fashion, music, cinema and theatre. I love parties