The Works of Francis Bacon [3] 9781108040662

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Books of end11rin9 scholar! 廿value

Bacon

心，

Francis Bacon (1561一I的6), the English philosopher, statesman and jurist, is best known for developing the empiricist method which forms the basis ofmodern science. Bacon's writings concentrated on philosophy and judicial reform. His most significant work is the Instauratio Maana comprising邸o parts -The Advancement of Learnina and the Novum

VOLUME 3: PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS 3

Oraanum. The first part is noteworthy as the first major philosophical work published

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in English (1605). James Spedding (t808-81) and his co-editors arranged this fourteen­

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TheW or ksofFr anci sBacon

material is divided into three parts: philosophy and general literaturc; legal works; and

Jnstauratio Maana or were abandoned.

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ROBERT LESLIE ELLIS

but by subject matter, so that different volumes would appeal to different audiences. The

Bacon's philosophical works in Latin that either were not intended to be part of the

-

EDITED BY JAMES SPEDDING,

volume edition, published in London benveen 1857 and 1874, not in chronological order

letters, speeches and tracts relating to politics. Volume 3, published in 1857, contains

THE WORI(S OF FRANCIS BACON

B561.21 B118(2) :3 E2005337

AND DOUGLAS DENON HEATH

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CAMBRIDGE LIBRARY COLLECTION Books ofenduring scho[ar[y va[ue

Philosophy 古lis

series contains both philosophical texts and critical essays about philosophy, concentrating especially on works originally published in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It covers a broad range of topics induding ethics, logic, metaphysics, aesthetics, utilitarianism, positivism, scientific method and political thought. It also indudes biographies and accounts of the history of philosophy, as well as collections of papers by leading figures. In addition to this series, primary texts by ancient philosophers, and works with particular relevance to ph过osophy of science, politics or theology, may be found elsewhere in the Cambridge Library Collection

咀le Works

of Francis Bacon

Francis Bacon (1 561-1626) , the English philosopher, statesman and jurist, is best known for developing the empiricist method which forms the basis of modern science. Bacon's writings concentrated on philosophy and judicial reform. His most significant work is the Instauratio Magna comprising two parts - The Advancement ofLearning and the Novum Qrganum. 刀le 自rst part is noteworthy as the first major philosophical work published in English (1 605). James Spedding (1 808-81) and his co-editors arranged 由lS fourtèen-volume 'edition, published in London between 1857 and 1874, not in chronological order but by subject matter, so that different volumes would appeal to different audiences. The material is divided into three parts: philosophy and generalliterature; legal works; and letters, speeches and tracts relating to politics. Volume 3, published in 1857, contains Bacon's philosophical works in Latin that either were not intended to be part of the Instauratio Magna or were abandoned.

Cambridge University Press has long been a pioneer in the reissuing of out-of-print titles from its own backlist, producing digital reprints of books that are still sought after by scholars and students but could not be reprinted economically using traditional technology. 咀le Cambridge Library Collection extends this activity to a wider range ofbooks which are still of importance to researchers and professíonals , either for the source material they contain, or as landmarks in the history of their academic discipline. Drawing from the world-renowned collections in the Cambridge University Library, and guided by the advice of experts in each subject area , Cambridge University Press is using state - 。ιthe - art scanning machines in its own Printing House to capture the content of each book selected for inclusion . τhe files are processed to give a consistently clear, crisp image, and the books finished to the high quality standard for which the Press is recognised around the world.τhe latest print-on-demand technology ensures that the books will remain available indefinitely, and 出at orders for single or rnultiple copies can quickly be supplied. τhe Cambridge Library Collection will bring back to life books of enduring scholarly value (i ncluding out- oιcopyright works originally issued by other publishers) across a wide range of disciplines in the hurnanities and social sciences and in science and technology.

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Works of Francis Bacon VOLUME

3: PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS 3

EDITED BY JAMES SPEDDING , ROBERT LESLIE ELLIS AND DOUGLAS DENON HEATH

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge. New York. Melbourne. Madrid. Cape Town. Singapore. São Paolo. Delhi. Tokyo. Mexico City Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Pre陋. NewYork www.cambridge.org Information on 由is title: www.cambridge.org/9781108040662 。 in

this compilation Cambridge University Press 2011 币lis edition 且 rst published 1857 1his digitally printed version 2011

ISBN

978斗 .108.04066. 2

Paperback

1his book reproduces the text of the original edition . 卫1e content and language re f1 ect the beliefs. practices and terminology of their time. and have not been updated. Cambridge University Press wishes to make dear that the book. unless originally published by Cambridge. is not being republished by. in association or collaboration with. or with the endorsement or approval of. the original publisher or its successors in title

'.I' HE

WORKS 。.'

FRANCIS

BACON.

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.dFatøtmilt 。，

1'HE TITLEPAGE OF THE MANUSCRIPT OF THE

VALERIUS TERl\HNUS.

See pp. 205. and. 21 3.

Ftu-J."in ilB

d'.缸刀也严'fIe 0 1'111.1: Or.侈in.aL M.S. (.ßIU'I X.fS ó46'.1.) Su .M出4!"lrporalis in mollibus，的 localis in duris, ratione cònveniunt; 也吨ue in corporis mollis efl'ormatione, corporis duri passio, cum fugit et volat, optime conspicitur. lnterim nemo existimet nos præter motum istum (qui caput rei e8t) non etiam aliquas par伽 aëri devehenti tribuere, qui mo旬:un principalem adjuvare, impedire, flectere , regere possit. N am et ejus rei potest制 est non parva. Atque hæc motus violenti sive mechanici (qui adhuc latuit) explicatio, veluti fons quidam practicæ est. IX.

De causa motus in

quod e:r parte tanrum, nec ea potiore, inquisita sit.

tormentis 加巾，

TORMENTORUM igneorum causa，的 motus tam potentis et n obilis exp1icatio, manca est, et ex parte potiore defici也 Aiunt enim pulverem tormentarium, postquam in flammam conversus sit et extenuatus, se dilatare et majus spatium occupare: unde sequi ,-ne duo corpora in uno loco si时.， aut dimensionum penetratio :6.at, aut forma elementi destruatur, aut situs partium præter naturam 切tius sit (hæc enim dicuntur)，一 corporis quod obstat expulsionem vel e岱actionem. Neque nihil est, quod dicunt. Nam et iste appetitu日， et materÏ æ passio，的 1 hujusmodi motus pars aliqu a. Sed nihilominus in hoc p四cant， quod ad necessitatem istam ∞rporis dilatandi rem præpropera cogitatione deducunt, neque quod nat.ura priu8 est distincte considerant. Nam ut corpus pulveris, postquam in flammam mu侃侃s est, majorem locum occupet, necessitatem 阻ne habet; ut autem corpus pulveris in fl.ammetur, idque tam rapide, id I M . BoulIlet rellds est.

32

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM.

simili necessitate non constringitur; sed ex præcedente motuum conflictu et comparatione pendet. Nam dubium non est, quin corpus illud solidum et gr町、 quod per hujusmodi motum extruditur vel removetur, antequam cedat, sedulo obnitatur; et si fo此e robustiu8 sit, victoria potiatur; id est, ut non flamma globum expellat, sed globus fJ.ammam su登ocet. Itaque si loco pulveris tormentarii, sulphurem vel caphuram vel similia accipias, quæ flammam et ipsa cito corripiunt, et (quia corporum compactio inflammationi impedimentβest) ea in grana pulveris, admista. cineris juniperi vel alicujus ligni maxime combustilis aliqua portione, efformes; tamen (si nitrum absit) motus isω rapidus et potens non sequitur: sed motua ad infl乱mmationem a mole corporis renitentis impeditur et constringitur, nec se explica.也 aut ad effectum pertingit. Rei autem veritas sic se habet. Motum istum, de quo quæritur, geminatum et compositum reperias. Nam præter motum inflammationis, qui in sulphurea pulveris parte maxime viget, 8ubes也 alius magis fortis et violentus. 18 缸 a spiritu crudo et aqueo, 'qui ex nitro maxime , et nonnihil a carbone salicis concipitur_, qui et ipse expanditur certe (ut vapores subdito calore solent), sed un a. etiam (quod c叩ut rei est) impetu rapidissimo a calore et inflammatione fugit et erumpit, atque per hoc etiam inflammationi vi嗣 relaxat et aperit. Hujusce motus rudimenta et in crepitationibus aridorum foliorum lauri vel hederæ cernimusy cum in ignem mittuntur; et magis ctiam in sale, qui ad rei inquisitæ naturam propius accedit. Simile etiam quiddam et in sevo candelarum madido et in flatulentis ligni viridis flammis sæpe videmus. Maxime autem eminet iste motus in argento vivo, quod corpus maxime crudum, et instar aquæ mineralis ω勺。ujus vires (si ab igne vexetur, et ab exitu prohibeatur) non multo pulveris tormentarii viribus inferiores sunt. ltaque h∞ exemplo monendi homines sunt et rogandi, ne in causarum inquisitione unum aliquod arripiant, et facile pronuntient; sed circumspiciant, et contemplationcs suas fortius et altius figant. X.

De dissimilitudine cælestium et sublunarium quoαd æternitatem et mutabilitatem; quod non sit vel忻cαta. QUOD receptum est, univcrsitatcm naturæ veluti pcr globos recte dividi et distingui; ut alia sit ratio cælestium, alia sub-

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM.

33

lunarium; id non absque causa introductum videt町.， si in hac opinione modus adbibeatur. Dubium enim non est, quin regiones sub orbe lunari positæ 的 supra， una cum corporibus quæ sub eisdem spatiis continentur, multis et m唔nis rebus differant. Neque tamen boc certius est quam illud, corporibus utriusque globi ine自se communes inclinationes, passiones, et motus. 1taque unitatem naturæ sequi debemus, et ista distinguere potius quam discerpere , nec contemplationem 企angere. Sed quod ulterius receptum est,-cælestiamutationesnonsubire; sublunaria vero aut elementaria, quæ voca时， iisdem obnoxia esse; et materiam horum instar meretricis esse, novas fo口皿s perpetuo appetentem; illorum autem instar matronæ , stabili et intemerato connubio gaudentem ;一popu1aris opinio videtur esse, et infinna, et ex apparentia et superstitione orta. Videtur autem nobis bæc sententia ex utraque parte labilis et sine fundamento. N am neque cælo ea competit æternitas quam fingunt, nec rursus terræ ea mutabilitas. Nam, quod ad cælum attinet, non ea nitendum est ratione, mutationes ibidem non fieri , quia sub aspectum non veniunt. Aspectum enim frustrat et corporis subtilitas et loci distantia. Nam variæ inveniuntur aëris mutationes , ut in æstu, frigore , odoribus, sonis, mani岛的um est, quæ subvisum non cadunt. Neque rursus (credo), si oculus ill circulo lunæ positus esset , a tanto intervallo quæ bic apud nos fiunt, et qui in superficie terræ obveniunt motus e也 mutationes machinarum, animalium , plantarum, et- hujusmodi, (quæ pusillæ alicujus festucæ dimensionem, ob distantiam, non æquant,) cernere pos日的. 1n corporibus aut冶m quæ tantæ molis et magnitudinis sunt, ut ob dimensionum suarum amplitudinem spatia distantiarum vincere atque ad aspectu皿 per­ venire pOElsunt 1, mutationes in regionibus cælestibus 盘ell， ex cometis quibusdam satis liquet; iis dico, quì 2 certam et constantem configurationem cum stellis fìxis servarunt; q ualis fl川 illa, quæ 3 in Cassiopea nostra ætate apparuit. 4 Quod autem ad terram attillet; postquam ad interiora ejus , relicta ea quæ in I M. Bouillet reads pDIsint. 2 quæ in MS. • So in the originaL It should apparently be i挠• qui.- J. S. • The star which appeared 1n Ophiuchus tn 1604 is generally mentioned by Ga!i)eo 1n coDj unction with the one 1n Casslopeia (which appeared in 1572), as evidence against the doctrine of the 1mmutabiJi ty of the heavens. lt seems, therefore, that the Cogitationes were written before or not long after 1604. especia! lyas In the Descriptio GIDbi lntellectuali. the two stars are mentioned togetber. But a slmilar argumpnt would show that they were written before or 500n after 1600, a5 the new star in Cygnus Ì! not mentloned. [On this last point see the preface p. 14.-J. S.)

VOL. Il J.

D

34

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM.

super量cie et partibus proximis invenitur incrustatione et mixtura., penetratum est, vide饥11' et ibi quoque similis ei quæ in cælo supponitur perpetuitas existere. Proculdubio enim est, si in profundo term pateretur mutationes, consequen白.m earum mutationum, etiam in nos tra. regione, quam calcamus, majores casus fuisse parituram quam 盘eri videmus. Sane terræ motu8 plerique, et eruptiones aquarum, vel eructationes ignium, ~on e~ profundo admodum, sed prope, insurgunt; cum pa凹um aliquod spatium in super盘cie ∞cupen也 Quanωenim latiorem regionem 的 tractum hujusmodi accidentia in facie 臼rræ occupant, tan旬 m盼 radice自由e origines eorum ad viscera terræ penetrare putandum e比 Itaque t叫 ore8 terræ motus (叫ores， inquam, ambitu, non violentia) qui rarius eveniunt, recte cometis ejus generis de quo diximns æquiparari possunt; qui et ipsi infrequentes sunt; ut illud maneat quod initio diximus, inter coolu皿 et terra皿， quatenns ad constantÏam et mutationem, non mnltum interesse. Si quem autem æquabilitas et certitudo motus in corporibus coolestibns app缸ens movet, veluti æternitatis comes individnus; præsωest oceanus, qui in' æstn suo h乱ud mul如 minorem constantia皿 ostendat. 1 Postremo, si quis adhuc instet, negari tamen non posse quin in ipsa super盘cie orbis teηarum et partibus proximis infinitæ :fia鹏 mu饵tiones， in coolo non item; huic ìta responsum volumus: nec nos hæc per omnia. 叫uare; et tamen si regiones (qu嗣 vocant) stψer仰。n et mediam aëris pro superficie aut interiore 创mica cooli accipiamus, quemadmodum spatium istnd apud nos, quo animali乱， plantæ, et mineralia continentnr, pro superficie vel exteriore tunica te町æ accipimn日， e也 ibi quoque varias et multiformes generationes et mntationes inveniri.' ltaqne tumnltns fere omnis, et con盘ictns， 创 pertnrbatio， in confiniis tantum cooli et terræ locum habere videtur. Ut in rebns civilibns fit; iu quibns illnd freqnenter nsn ven拢， nt dnorum regnorum fines continnis incnrsionibl汩 的 violentüs infestentur, dum interiores u1比iusque regni provinciæ secnra pace atque alta quiete 企uuntur. Nemo autem, si recte a.ttenderit, religionem hic opponat. Nam ethnica. jactantia solummodo præroga.tiva. ista cælum mater Ïatum dona.vit, ut sit incorruptibile. Scriptnræ autem Sacræ 目前ernitatem et corruptionem coolo 的 terræ ex æquo, licet gloria.m .et venerationem disparem, a.ttribnnnt. Nam si legatur, 801em et lunam I

,

o lentat in MS.

t

invenire in MS.

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM.

36

testes e8se; legitur etiam, generationes m守rare， terram autem in æternum manere. Quod autem utrum~ que tran8iωrium 8it, uno oraculo continetur, nempe cælum et terram pertransire, verbum autem Domini lI on pertran而.e. N eque hæc n08 novi placiti 8tudio di到mU8， 8ed quod ista rerum et regionum con:6c幅画vortia et di8crimina, ultra qua皿 veri幅画 patitur, magno impedimento ad veram philo8ophiam et natur部 ∞ntemplationem fore.事 haud ignari 盹d exemplo ed∞t边， providemus.

fideles et

æternos 切 cælo

DE

FLUXU ET REFLUXU MÁRIS.

)) 3

39

PREFAOE TO THE

DE FL UXU ET REFLUXU MARIS. BY ROBERT LESLIE ELtIS.

IT W剧 a nat町al result of the progress of maritime discovery in the sixteenth century，也at much w嗣 thought and wri伪en on the subje的 of the tides. The reports continual1y brought home touching the ebb and flow of the sea on fo.r distant shore目， not on1y excited curiosity, but o.lso showed how li悦~le the philosophers of antiquity had known of the phenomena which they attempted to eXplain. Men who dwelt on the shores of an inland sea, and whose range of observation scarcely extended beyond the P il1ars of Hercules, were in truth not likely to recognise any of the general laws by which these phenomena 阳e governed. Their authority accordingly in this matter was of necessity set aside; and a number of hypotheses were proposed in order to explain the newly discovered facts. Of 也ese speculation日 an interesting account is given in 也e twenty-eigh也 book of the Pancosmia of Patricius. It is not, however, comple妇; no mention being made of the hypothesis of Cæsalpmus, which is in itself a curious one, and which cle即'ly suggested to Galileo his own explanation of the cause of the tides. Otto C朋mann， the preface ωwhose Problematα Marinαis dated in 1596, gives a good deal of information on the Same subject, some of which however seems to be simply copied 企om Patricius; but he mentions Cæsalpinus, whom, as 1 have said, Patricius omits. Patricius, it may be remarked, is a scrupulously orthodox philosopher, and dedicates his work ωGregory XIV. wi也 many expressions of reverence and submission. D

4

40

PREFACE TO THE

It is perhaps on this account that he has said nothing of Cæsalpinus, whose works were "improbatæ lectionis" and who seeks to explain the tides, and also certain astronomical phenomen岛" by denying the orthodox doctrine of the earth's immob出ty.

The earliest modern writer whom Patricius mentions is Frederick Chrysogonus, whose work on the tides must have been published in 1527. To his account of the phenomena li创;le， according to Patricius, was added by subsequent writers; nor are his statements contradicted by the reports of seafaring men , who however mention certain matters of detai1 which he had omitted. Of seamen P础icius particu1arly mentions Peter of Medina and Nicolaus Sagrus, the latter with especial commendation. Fròm S乱，grus (but probably through Patricius) Bacon derived some of 出e statements of the following tract; those, namely, which relate to the progress of the tide-wave from the Straits of Gibraltar to Gravelines. On the day of new moon, according to Sagrus，也ere is high water along the coas也仕om Tarifa to Ro钮， at an hour and a half after midnight. After mentioning sever(Ù intermedia切 places， he says that along the coast of N ormandy as far as Calais and Nieuport there is high water at nine, and after a not very distinct statement as to the time of high water in the middle of the channel, goes onωstate that from Calais to Gravelille目 the water is high off shore (in derotA) at all hour and a half after midnig恼， that is at the same time as at Rota, and at Zealand at the same time 嗣 on the ∞剧也 of Portugal. These statements are scarcely su伍ciently accurate to make it worth whi1e to compare them with modern observations; but it is necessary to remark that Sagrus, though he mentions it as a remarkable circumstance that the time of high water should be the same at Gravelines and at Rota, does not mean to 嗣sert that there is any discontinuity in the progress of the tide al.ong the shores of France and the N etherlands. The tide gets progressively later and 1ater until we comeωa place where there is high water about one in the afternoon, and 也ere岛re al.so high water about half-past one after the succeeding midnight. In order to compare Gravelines and Rota, he takes (but without mentioning th时 he does so) two different tide-waves, 一 the statement wìth reference to Gr乱velines appearing to relate to a later wave than the other. Baρon however does

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

41

not appearωhave understood this; and consequently, after saying that the hour of high water becomes later and later from the Straits of Gibraltar to the coast of Normandy, proceeds thus: 一 "Hucusque ordinatim; ad Gravelingam vero, verso prorsus ordine, idque magno s乱ltu， quasi ad eandem horam cum ostio freti Herculei." This notion of a reversal of the order of the tides as we proceed along the French and Dutch coast is not justi盘ed either by Sagrus's 8tatements or by the phenomena to which. they relate. 1 Sagrus is probably the :first writer who remarks that the time of high water is not alwaY8 the same as that of slack water. " Et illud adnotat Sagrus," says Patricius, " non minus mirum" (he has been speaking of the coincidence a8 to the time of high water between the Dutch and Portuguese ∞as叫 "si a Selandiâ quis ad caput Angliæ Dohla [Dover?J naviget, mare plenum erit a medinoctio tertiâ quidem horâ, sed eodem itinere, ßuxus aquæ obvius fiet pe 1' horaB duas cum dimidiâ donec ßaccescat, quod nautæ dicunt aquam :fi e1'i stancam ," Patricius l'ightly compares this with the phenomenon observed at Venice, namely that when the water has already sunk half a foot at the entrance of the h町bour i也 is still rising in the harbour itself. With 1'espect to theories of the cause of the 也ides， it may be obse1' ved that a connexion of some kind 0 1' other between the tides and the moon has at a11 times been popularly 1'ecognised. But the conception which lV as formed as to the natu1'e of this connexion long continued vague and inde6nite; and in Bacon's time those who speculated on the subject were disposed to 1'eject it altogether. One theory, that of Telesius and Patricius, compares the sea to the water in a caldron; that is to say it rises and tends to boil over when its natural heat is called forth under the inßuence of the sun, moon, and stars, and then after a while subsides. But why should this alternate rise and fa lI have a definite period of six hours? Patricius calmly answers, " nimirum quia omnis motus fit in tempore," and that 也ere is no better reason fo l' asking the question than for asking why certain other motions have periods of seven or fourteen days, of six months or twelve. Allother theory, which was propounded by Sfonùratus, in a 1 1 have given Sagrus's stat.ements 'in e:rlenso in a note on the passage in the tcxt. He seems to I! ave forgotten that Nieupo l' t ls farther fl'om C' ãlais than Gravplines.

42

PREFACE TO THE

tract published in 1590, and entitled Causa Æstûs Mar旬， explains the recipro刨出g motion of ebb and flow [as owing] to the eft'e ct produced by the continent of America. The water under the influence of the sun moves in accordance with the motion of 也e heavens from east to we比 But it is reflected and made to regurgitate eastward by impinging on the coast of America, which was supposed to extend indennitely southward (Cape Horn was n的 discovered until [1615J) and \vhich permi旬 only a portion of it 切 pass through the Straits of Magellan. Between this theory, of which Patricius speaks contemptuously and without mentioning the name of its author, and that which .T. C. Scaliger had put forth in the E :rercitationes adversum Cardanum , 52., there is no essential dift'erence, though Scaliger 副cribes the generaI westward motion of the ocean to its sympathy with the moon. But in both theories the change of direction of the motion is ascribed to the action of the co踊t of America; and both were doubtless suggested by the currènt which flows from ea.st to west through the Straits of Magellan. Bacon himself 副 we perceive from the following tract, w础 illc1inedωadopt the same view. He compares the Straits of Dover with those of Magellan, and conceives 也at the German Ocean exhibits on a small scale the same phenomena of a stream tending in one direct是on， and compelled to regurgi饱，te in the opposite one by the obstacles which it meets with , as the gr臼t Atlantic. This at least appears to be the import of the expressions of which he makes use. That the period of the revolution of the waters round the earth is greater than twentyfour hours, appeared to Bacon to be in entire accordance with the retardation of the diurnal motion of the planets. All the inferior orbs lag behind the starry heaven , and that of the moon most of a11; wherefore the moon's diurnal period is more nearly the same as that of the waters than any other. 1n these views there is an absolute confusion between the bodily motion of water as in a current, and the propagation of an undulation; a confusion not unnatural, seeing that to conceive the motion of an undulation apart from that of the matter of which it is composed is by no means e嗣y. Scaliger however might have learned 仕om Cardan, notwithstanding the arrogance with which he treats him, to distinguish between them. For Cardan, after saying that high water follows the

DE FLUXU ET RE }I'LUXU MARIS.

43

moon, inquires why the motion of the flood current is so much slower than the moon'8. He answers: "Causa e盹 quod non tota. a.qua, nec una pars lunam 回quitur，自ed pro.ximæ in proximas transferuntur, velu也 si quis earnem comprimens 钮， morem elevet, caro quidem parum 1∞o movebitur, celerrimè 饲men tumor per totum crus 衍aDSÍeretur." I lt became necessary, when the 筐。od current was con岛unded with the motion of the tide wave, to assign a cause for the recipr∞a.ting motion of ebb and flow; and this cause w嗣 sought for in the eonfiguration of land and sea. lt seems as if Aristotle, if he had developed any theory of the tides, would have had recourse to some similar explanation. Thus Strabo says, (1 quoωfrom Xylander's translation,) "Jam Aristotelem Posidonius ait æstuum marinorum qui fiunt in Hispani a. causas non recte ascribere litori et Mauritaniæ " (by liω，ri is probably meant the coa8t of Spain iωelf)， "dicen臼m mare ideo re句roc毗 quia extrema terrarum sublimia 削的 副pera， quæ et fluctum duriter excipiant et in Hispaniam repercutiant, cum pleraque litora sint humilia et arenæ tumulis con8t冶nt." With this passage is to be compared what Ari stotle 8ay8 in the commencement of the second book of the Meteorolngics， 仕om which it appears to have been his opinion that the seas within the Pillars of Hercules flow continually outwards in cODsequence of di他rences of level, and that where 也e 8ea is girt in by straits its motion becomes visible in the form of a reciprocating libration: 8,à TÒ TaMvreVEσ8a6 ðEVpO lCåKEîuE. This obscure expre8sion is taken to rela臼 to 由e tides, and probably does so. lt suggested 臼 Cæsalpinus his theory of 由eir cause. At least he quotes it, and dilates on its meaning ; and when the ebb and flow of the sea is conceived of 础 a libration, it is easl1y inferred that this libration ought to be ascribed not directly to the fluid itself butωthat on which it rests. An d this notion of the libration of the e缸th connected itself with his views of 副tronomy. For in order to ge也 rid of the necessity of supposÎng the existence of a ninth and tenth heaven, -the former 切 explain the precession of the equinoxes, and the latter the imaginary phenomenon of Subti1! t. ii. p.40S. iii. p. 153. It i8 worth I'emarking that this passage i5 quoted by Ideler in his edition of the Meteoro句阳， ιp . 50 1., In a way whicb makes it qωte lInintelligible, 50me words havlng been accidentally om1 tted. I

De

2 S忧abo，

44

PREF ACE

'fO

THE

their trepidation,-he ascribed the motion by which these phenomena are produced to the earth itself. The cause of this motion he sough也 in the action of the ambient air. on the earth's surface. To explain trepidation, the earth's motion was supposed to be in 80me measure libratory and irregular; and by being so it produced the tides. 1 From the theory of Cæsalpinus we pass naturally to that of Galileo, seeing that in both the tides are explained by the unequal motion of the earth. Galileo's theory was first propounded in a letter to Cardinal Orsino, dated 1616. He remarks that the libratory motion "che alcuno ha attribuiω alla Terra," (alluding of course to Cæsalpinus,) is in s.everal respects not such 制 to save the phenomena, and maintains that the true cause is to be sought in the combination of the earth's motion in its orbit with its rotation on its own axis. In consequence of this combination, the velocity of any poin也 of the earth's surface.varies, going through its different values in the space of twenty-four hours. The waters of the sea, not accommodating themselves to this varying velocity, ebb and flow at any place as their velocity is less or greater than tha也 of their bed. The boldness of the assertions by which Galileo suppo阳 this theory is remarkable: thus he a1置rms that 也e ebb and flow is always from west to east, and vice versa; and that the notion that, speaking generally, the interval between high water and low is six hours "è stata un' ingannevole opinione la quale ha poi fatto favoleggiare gli scrit旬.ri con molte vane fantasie." No refutation of a theory which alω­ gether misrepresents the facts which it proposes to explain could ever have been needed; but the advance of mechanical science has long since made it easy to show that no reciprocating motion of the waters of the sea could be produced in the manner desc'对bed by Galileo. Bacon does not mention Galileo's theory in 也e present tract, which was therefore probably written before or not long after 1616. But in the Novum Organum [11. 46.J it is mentioned and condemned; one ground of censure being that it proceeds on the untenable hypothesis of the earth's motion, and the other that the phenomena are misrepresented. Bacon, both in thi自 tract and in the Novum Organum , I

Quæstiones Peripat, iiI. 4. and 5.

DE FLUXU ET REFI.UXU MARIS.

45

ascribes the tides in the Atlantic to a derivative motiop of the waters, caused by the obstacles which the form of the continents of the old and new worlds oppose to its general westerly movement. It is thus that he meets the objection which w'()uld arise from the circumstance that there is high water at the same time on corresponding points of the shores of Europe and America. This notion of a derivative tide is absolutely necessary in the detailed explanation of the phenomena, and 1 am not aware tbat any one had previously suggested it, at least in the distinct form iu which Bacon puts it. He admits that, if the tides of the Pacific synchronise with those of the Atlantic , his tbeory that the tides depend on a p l'ogressive motion of the ocean must be given [upJ. lf it be high water on the shores of Peru and China at the same hours as on those of Florida and Europe , there are no shores left on which there can then be low water. For the important observation that the hours of high water correspond, speaking roughly, on the European and American coast日， Bacon quotes in the De Fluxu et Rejluxu Maris no authority; but in the Novum 。咿αnum he ascribes it to Acost.a and others. But it is very remarkable that Acosta does not say what Bacon makes him say, namely that the times of high water are the same on the coast of Florida and that of Europe, and that he does 盹y what Bacon admits would be fatal to his theory, namely that there is high water at the same time in the Atlantic and Paci量c oceans. In his Natural History of the Indies , iii. 14. , he speaks of the tides, and of the two theories by which they had been explained. There are some, he says, who a;值rm that the ebb and fiow of the sea resembles a caldron of water moved to and fro, the water rising on one side when it falls on the other, and reciprocally; while others liken it to the boiling over of a pot, which rises and falls on all sides at once. The second view is in his judgment the true one. He says that he had inquired from a certain pilot, Hernandez Lamero 1, who had sailed through the Straits of Magellan about the year 1579, how he had found the tides there, and particularly if the tide of the South Sea or Paci盘c flowed when that of the North Sea or Atlantic ebbed, and vice verså. Lamero made answer that ít was not so , that both tides ebb I

See Acosta, iii. 11.

46

PREFACE TO DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

and flow 旬Igethe马 and that they me的 about seventy leagues from the Atlantic and thirty from the South Sea. With this statement Acosta is altogether satisfìed; and so far from trying ωωmpare the time of high water on the opposite shores of the Atlantic, he remarks that but for the Straits of Magellan it would be impol!sible to determine experimentally which of the two thωries he has mentioned is the 忧ue one; 硝 onIy angels could make observations on both sides of the ocean at once, the eyes of men not reaching far enough to do 80, and the distance being 如o greatωbe cros8ed by man in the time of a single tide.

4 '1

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

CONTEMPLATIO de causis 咀uxus et retluxus maris, ab antiquis tentata et deinde omÎssa, junioribus repetita, et tamen varieta如 opinionum magis labefactata quam discus酶， vu1go levi conjectura refertur ad lunam, ob consensum nonnullum motus ejusdem-cum motu lunæ. Attamen diligentius perscrutanti vestigia quædam veritatis se ostendunt, quæ ad certiora deducere possint. ltaque ne confusius agat盯， primo distinguendi sunt motus maris, qui licet satis inconsiderate multiplicentur a nonnullis, inveniuntur revera tantum quinque; quorum unus tanquam anomalus est, reliqui cons阳ntes. Primus ponatur motus ille vagus et varius (quos appellant) currentium. Secundus motus m唔nus oceani sexhorarius, per quem aquæ ad littora accedunt et recedunt alternatim bis in die, non exact马 sed cum differentia tali quæ periodum constituat menstruam. Tertius motus ipse mens位uu日， qui nil aliud est quam restitutio motus (司us quem diximus) diurni ad eadem 饵mpora. Quartus motus semimenstruus, per quem fluxus habent incrementa in noviluniis et pleniluniis, magis quam in dimidiis. Quintus motus semestris, per quem fluxus habent incrementa auctiora et insignia in 叫uinoctiis. Atque de sècundo illo motu magno oceani sexhorario sive diurno, nobis in præsentia sermo est præcip-qe et ex intentione; de reliquis solummodo in transitn, et quatenus faciant ad hujusce motus explicationem. Primo i岳阳， quod ad motum currentium attinet, dubium non est quin pro eo ac aquæ vel ab angustiis premuntur, vel a liberie spatiis 1脏乱n饥Ir， vel in magis declivia festinant ac veluti e伍mdunt町， vel in eminentiora incurrunt ac inscendunt, vel fundo labuntur æquab逝， vel fundi sulcis et inæqualitatibus perturbantur, vel in alios currentes incidunt atque cum illis se miscent et compatiuntur, vel etiam a ventis agitantur, præsertim anniversariis sive statariis, qui sub anni cer阳s 臼mpestates redeun也" aquas ex his et simili-

48

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

bus causis impetus et gurgites suos variare，如m consecutione ipsius motus atque latione quam velocitate sive mensura motus, atque inde constituere eos quos vocant currentes. ltaque in maribus, tum profunditas fossæ sive canalis atque interpositæ voragines et rupes submarinæ，也um curvitates littorum, et terrarum prominentiæ, sinus, fauces, insulæ multis modis locatæ, et similia, plurima possunt, atque agunt prorsus aqu嗣 earum­ que meatus et gurgites in omnes partes, et versus orient冶m et versus occidentem, austrum versus similiter et septentriones, atque quaquaversum, prout obices illi aut spatia libera e也 de­ clivia sita sint et invicem con:6gurentur. Segregetur igitur motus iste aquarum p即ticular祀的 quasi fortuitus, ne forte ille in inquisitione quam prosequÏmur obturbet. Neminem enim par est constituere et fundare abnegationem eorum quæ mox dicentur de motibus oceani naturalibus et catholicis, opponendo motum istum currentium, veluti cum thesibus illis minÏm e con同 n 1, uum 1泣 盹 venientem. Sunt enim currentes meræ compressiones aqm缸 乱削.ot li池 be 盯r咄i沁 ones a ∞ c omp 伊， re臼ssio 佣 ne 扫: 阳 s u皿 .ntque 乌， 时 utd 也lX迦lU自乌， pa 即.rticu瞻 lares 创 e t re吕pectiv 村i， prout 10 ∞cantur aqm纪e e也 terræ， aut etiam incumbunt venti. Atque hoc quod diximus eo magis memoria tene:ndum est atque diligenter advertendum, quia motus ille universalis oceani, de quo nunc agit町" adeo mitis est et mollis, ut a compulsionibus currentium omnino dometur et in ordinem redigatur, cedatque, et ad eorum violentiam agatur et regatur. Id autem ita se habere ex eo perspicuum est vel maxime, q uod motus simplex B.uxus et re B.uxus maris in pelagi medio, præsertim per maria lata et exporrecta, non sentiatur, sed ad littora tantum. 1切que nihil mirum si sub currentibus (utpote viribus inferior) lateat et qu朋i destruatur, nisi quod ille ipse motus, ubi currentes secundi fuerint , eorum impetum nonnihil juvet atque incitet; contra ubi adversi, modicum frenet. Misso igit盯 motu currentium , pergendum est ad motus illos quatuor const乱，ntes， sexhor，α rium， menstruum, semimenstruum, et semestre切; quorum solus se到lOrarius videtur B. uxus maris agere et ciere, menstruus vero videtur tantummodo motum illum determinare et restituere, semimenstruus autem et semestris eundem augere et intendere. Etenim B. uxus et re盘uxus aquarum qui littora maris ad certa spatia inundat et destituit, et horis variis variat et vi ac copia aquarum, unde l' eliqui illi tres motus se dant conspiciendos. Itaque de illo ipso motu B. uxus et reB.uxus sigillatim ac proprie (时 instituimus) v由ndu皿 Atque prìmo

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

49

illud dari prorsus necesse est: motum hunc de quo inquirimus unum ex duobus istis e8se , vel motum 8ublationis ct demissionis aquarum, vel motum progressus. MOtUIIl autem sublationis et demissionis talem esse inte1ligimus, qualis invenitur in aqua bullienti, quæ in caldario attollitur et rursum residet. At motum progressus talem, qualis invenitur in aqua vecta in pelvi, quæ unum latus deserit, cum ad latus oppositum advolvitur. Quod vero motus iste neutiquam sit primi generis, occurrit illud inprimis, quod in diversis mundi partibus variant æstus secundum tempora; ut fiant iù aliquibuslocis fluxus et augmenta aquarum , cum alibi sint ad eas hor嗣 refluxus et decrementa. Debuerant autem aquæ, si illæ n011 progrederentur de loco in locum. sed ex profundo ebullirent, ubique 1 simul se attollere , atque rursu simul se recipere. Videmu8 enim duos illos alios motus, seme8trem et semimens位uum， per universum orbem terr町um simul perfungi atque operari. Fluxus enim sub æquinoctii8 ubique augentur; non in alüs partibu8 sub æquinoctii8, in al丑88Ub tropicis; atque similis e8t ratio motus semimenstrui. Ubique em恤 m 伽 t e町rra 'an 观

函i丑 d 创IS吕 •

Itaque videntur revera aquæ in duobu8 illis motibus plane attolli et demitti，的 veluti p乱，ti apogæum et perigæum., quemadmodum cælestia. Atque in ßuxu et reßuxu maris, de quo sermo e8t, contra nt: quod motus in progressu certissimum signum est. Præterea si ßuxus aquarum ponatur esse sublatio, attendendum paulo diligentius quomodo ista sublatio neri possit. Aut enim net tumor ab auc也o quanto aquarum, aut ab extensione sive rarefactione aquarum in eodem quanto, aut per sublationem simplicem in eodem quanto atque eodem ∞rpore. Atque tertium illud prorsus abjiciendum. Si enim 叫ua， qualis es t, attollatur, ex hoc relinquatur necessario inane inter terra.m atque ima aquæ, cum non sit corpus quod succedat. Quod si sit nova moles aquæ, necesse est eam emanare atque scaturire e terra. Sin vero sit extensìo tantum, id fiet vel per 801utionem in magis rarum, vel appetitum appropinquandi ad aliud corpus quod aquas veluti evocet et attrahat et in sublimius to11at. Atque certe ista aquarum sive ebullitio, sive rarefactio, sive conspiratio cum alio quopiam corpore ex superioribus, non incredibilis videri possit in mediocri quantita饵， atque adhibito etiam bono temporis spatio, in quo hujusmodi tumores sive augmenta se colligere et cumulare possint. 1

VOL.l l1.

ibique in the original. - J. S. E

50

DE FJ.UXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

Itaque exceωus ille aqu配um qui inter æstum ordinarium atque æstum illum largiorem semimenstruum aut etiam illum alterum pro缸sissimum semestrem notari possit, cum nec mole excessus inter 姐uxum et refluxum æquiparetur atque habeat etiam bene magnum intervallum temporis ad incrementa illa sensim få.cien巾， nihil habeat alienum a ratione. U t vero tanta erumpat moles aquarum, quæ excessum illum qui invenitur inter ipsum fluxum et refluxum 盹lvet; atque hoc 6at tanta celerit脯， videlicet bis in die，邸 si terra, secundum vaniωtem i1Iam Apollonü' , respira.ret, atque aquas per singulas sex horaij e组阳的， ac deinde abωrberet; incommodum maximum. Neque moveatur quispiam levi experimento, quod putei nonnulli in aliquibus locis memorent町 consensum habere cum ßuxu et refluxu maris; unde suspicari quis possit，叫uas in cavis terræ conclusaB sim诅ter ebullire; in quo c皿u tumor ille ad motum progressivum aqu即um referri commode non possi也 Facilis enim est respon邸， posse lluxum maris accessione sua multa loca 佣va ac laxa terræ obturare a问ue opplere, atque 叫uas subterraneas ve此ere， etiam aërem ∞，nclusum revèrberare, qui serie continuata hujusmodi puteorum aquas trudendo 胁 to11ere possit. Itaque hoc in omnibus puteis minime 缸， nec in multis adeo; quod 6eri deb\山" si universa massa aquarum na饥ll"arn habe l'et ebullientem per vices, et cum æstu maris consensionem. Sed contra raro admodum 缸， ut instar miraculi fere habeatur; quia scilicet hujusmodi laxamenta et spiracula quæ a puteis ad mare pertingunt absque obturatione aut impedimento raro admodum inveniantur. Neque abs re est memorare quod referunt nonnulli, in fodinis profundis, non procul a mari sitis, aërem incrassari et su证ocationem minari ad tempota. fluxus maris; ex quo manifestum videri possit non aquas ebullire (nullæ cum cemuntur), sed aërem retroverti. At certe aliud urget experimentum non contemnendum, sed magni ponderis, cul responsio omnino debetur; hoc est, quod diligenter observatum sit, idque non íort世臼 notatum sed de industria inquisitum atque repertum，也qu剧 ad litωra adversa Europæ et Floridæ iisdem horis ab utroque littore re盘uere， neque deserere littus Europæ cum advolvantur ad littora Floridæ, more aquæ (ut supra. diximus) agitatæ in pelvi, sed plane simul ad utrumque littus attolli et demitti. 2 Verum hujus objectionis solutio • Phllos. Vlt. Apoll. Tyan. [See SylÐa S!ll arum , Vol. 11. p. 640. 一 J.S.] lJ

• See the note on Nov. Qrg. 11. 36., where Acosta's name is mentloned in connexion with thls statement. rSee al$o the pl'eface; supra p. 45.]

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARI8.

51

perspicue apparebit in iis quæ mox dicentur de cursu et progreωu oceani. Summa autem rei talis est, quod aquæ a mari lndico profectæ, et ab objectu terrarum veteris et novi orbis impeditæ, truduntur per m即e Atlanticum ab Austro in Boream; ut non mirum sit eas ad utrumque li蚀lS simul ex æquo appellere, ut aquæ solent quæ con位uduntur a mari in ostia et canales fluminum , in quibus evidentissimum est motum maris esse progressivum quatenus ad flumina, et tamen littora adversa sÌmul inund町e. Verum id pro more nostro ingenue fatemur, idque homines attendere et meminisse volumus: si per experientiam inveniat盯组uxus maris iisdem temporibus ad littora Peruviæ a问ue Chinæ a;组uere quibus ßuunt ad littora præfa'饵 Europæ et Floridæ, opinionem hanc nostram, quod fluxus et refluxus maris sit motus progressivus, abjudiωndam esse. Si enim per littora adversa tam maris Australis quam maris Atlantici fiat fluxus ad eadem tempora, non relinquuntur in universo alia littora per quæ reßuxus ad eadem illa tempora satisfaci矶 Verum de hoc judicio faciendo per experientiam (cui causam s曲曲imus) loquimur tanquam securl. Existimamus enim plane, si summa hujus rei per universum 饵η配um orbem nobis ∞>gnita foret, satis æquis conditionibus istud fædus transigi , nempe ut ad hor创n aliquam certam fiat refluxus in aliquibus par仙US orbis, quantum fiat ßuxus in alüs. Quamobrem ex iis quæ diximus, statuatur tandem motus iste fluxus et refluxus esse progressivus. Sequitur jam inquisitio ex qua causa , et per quem con8ensum rerum , oriatur atque exhibeatur iste mo阳S jlUXU8 et r拼uxU8. Omnes enim m码jores motus (si 8unt iidem regul町铀的 con­ stantes) solitarii aut (ut astronomorum vocabulo utamur) ferini 1 non sunt, sed habent in rerum natura cum quibu8 consentiant. ltaque motus illi，姐m semÌmenstruus incrementi quam menstruus restitutionis, convenire videntur cum motu lunæ. Semimens也ruus vero 诅e sive æquinoctialis cum motu ωHs. Etiam sublationes et demissiones aqu町U皿 cum apogæis et perigæis cælestium. N eque 也men continuo sequetur (idque homines advertere volumus), quæ pe总odis et curriculo temporis aut etiam modo lationis conveniunt, ea natura esse suhordina饵， atque alterum alteri pro causa es回. N am non eo usque progredimur, ut affirmemus motus lunæ aut solis pro causÎs poni 1

See Vol. 1. p. 269. note E 2

3. ‘一 J. S.

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DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

motuum inferiorum qui ad illos sunt analogi. aut solem et lunam (ut vulgo loquuntur) dominium habere super illos motus maris, (licet hujusmodi cogitationes facile mentibus horoinum illabantur ob venerationem cælestium); sed et in illo ipso motu semimenstruo (si recte advertatur) mirum e也 novum prorsus fuerit obsequii genus, ut æstus sub noviluniis et pleniluniis eadem patiantur, cum luna patiatur contraria; et multa alia adduci possint quæ hujusmodi dominationum phantasias destruant, et eo potius rem deducant, ut ex materiæ passionibus catholicis et primis rerum coagmentationibus consensus illi oriantur, non quasi alterum ab altero regatl汀. sed quod utrumque ab iisdem originibuB et concausis emanet. Veruntamen (u饥unque) manet illud quod diximus, naturam consensu gaudere, nec fere a1iquid monodicum 1 aut solitarium admittere. ltaque videndum de motu fluxus et refluxus maris sexhorario, cum quibus aliis motibus ille convenire aut consentire reperiatur. Atque inquirendum primo de luna, quomodo iste motus cum luna rationes aut naturam misceat. Id vero fìeri omnino non videmu8, præterquam in restitutione menstrua: nullo modo enim congruit curriculum sexhorarium (id quod nunc inquiritur) cum curriculo menstruo; neque rursus fluxus maris passiones lunæ qu嗣cumque sequi deprehenduntur. Sive enim luna sit aucta lumine sive diminuta, sive illa sit sub terra sive super terram, sive illa elevetur super horizontem a1 tius aut depressius, sive illa ponatur in meridiano aut alibi. in nulla prorsus harum consentiunt fluxus atque refluxus. ltaque, missa luna, de alüs consensibus inquiramus. Atque ex omnibus motibus cælestibus constat, motum diurnum maxime curtum esse. et minimo temporis intervallo (spatio videlicet viginti qu时uor horarum) con益。i. Itaque consentaneum 倒也 motum istum de quo inquirimus (qui adhuc tribus partibus diurno brevior est) proxime ad eum motum referri qui est ex cælestibus brevissimus; 8ed hoc rem minus premit. Illud vero longe magis nos movet, quod ita si也 iste motus dispertitus ut ad diurni motus rationes respondeat; ut licet motus aquarum sit motu diurno quasi innumeris partibus tardior, tamen sit commensurabilis. Etenim spatium sexhorarium est diurni motus quadrans, quod spatium (ut diximus) in motu isto maris invenitur cum ea differentia quæ coincidat in mensuram 1m棚adicum.

See Vo1. L p. 165. note 3. 一 J.S.

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARlS.

53

motus lunæ. Itaque hoc nobis penitus insedit ac fere insfar oraculi est, motum istum ex eodem genere esse cum motu diurno. Hoc igitur usi fundamento pergemus inquirere reliqua; atque rem omn.em t l'iplici inquisitione absolvi posse statuimul:!. Quarum prima est, an motus ille diurnus terminis cæli contineatur, aut delabatur et se insinuet ad inferiora? Secunda est, an maria regulariter ferantur ab oriente in occidentem , quema也nodum et cælum ? Tertia, unde et quomodo fiat reciprocatio illa sexhoraria æstuum, quæ incidit in quadrantem motus diurni , cum differentia incidente in rationes motus lunæ? Itaque quod ad primam inquisitionem attinet, arbitramur motum rotationis sive conversionis ab oriente in occidentem esse motum non proprie cælestem, sed plane cosmicum, atque motum in fluoribus magnis primarium, qui usque a summo cælo ad imas aquas inveniatur, inclinatione eadem, incitatione autem (id est, velocitate et tarditate) longe diversa; ita tamen ut ordine minime perturbato minuatur celeritate quo propius corpora accedunt ad globum terræ. Videtur autem primo probabile argumentum sumi posse, quod motus iste non terminetur cum cælo, quia per tantam cæli profunditatem , quanta interjicitur inter cælum stellatum et lunam (quod spatium multo amplius est quam a luna ad 臼rram)， valeat atque vigeat iste motus , cum debitis decrementis suis; ut verisimile non sit naturam istiusmodi consensum, per tanta spatia continuatum et gradatim se remittentem, subito deponere. Quod autem res ita se habeat in cælestibus, evincitur ex duobus, quæ aliter sequentur, incommodis. Cum enim manifestum sit ad sensum planetas diurnum motum peragere, nisi ponatur motus iste tanquam naturalis ac proprius in planetis omnibus, confugiendum necessario est vel ad raptum primi mobilis, quod naturæ prorsus adversatur, aut ad rotationem terræ, quod etiam satis licenter excogitatum est, quoad rationes physicas. Itaque in cω10 ita se res habet. Postquam autem a cælo discessum est, cernitur porro iste motus evidentissime in cometis humilioribus, qui, cum inferiores orbe lunæ sint, tamen ab oriente in occidentem evidenter rotant. Licet enim habeant motus suos solitarios et irregu1ares, tamen in il1is ipsis con盘ciendis interim communicant 1 cum motu ætheris et ad eandem conversionem feruntur; tropicis vero non conI [co l1l municandis in the Qrislnal.] is doubtless rìght.

M. Boui1let's readlng is commflnicant, whlch E 3

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DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

tinentur fere, nec habent regulares 8piras, 8ed excurrunt quandoque versus pol锢" sed nihilominu8 in con8ecutione ab oriente in occidentem rotant. Atque huju5modi motus iste licet magna acceperit decrementa (cum quo propius de8cendatur versus terram, eo et minoribus circulis conversio fi时， et nihilominus tardius), validu8 tamen utique manet, ut magna 8patia 也revi tempore vincere que矶 Circumvolvuntur enim hujusmodi cometæ circa universum ambitum 的 terræ et aêri8 inferioris spatio VÌginti quatuor horarum. cum horæ unius aut alteriu8 excessu. At postquam ad e制 regiones de8censu continuaω perventum 8it, in quas terra agit non 801um communicatione naturæ et virtuti8 8uæ (quæ motum circularem reprim尬的 seda 时 叫 t)， 叫 s ed 伽mi旭 .mm 时i蚓o 恻 nema毗由li pa: 刷 时tiCc r 饥1阳 叫阳且阳 u 1 a叮削.r um 5U 咖 1飞 阳 s u目岱e pe 凹r va 哼 poωre 臼se 剖th陇叫 a1i让tus 汹sc 臼ra 踹S80S鸟， 恒 i.st阳 e motus immensum

hebescit, et fere corruit. sed non propterea prorsus exinanitur aut cess时， 8ed manet languidus et tanquam latens. Etenim jam in confesso esse coopit, navigantibu8 intra tropic08. ubi libero æqllore motus aêris percipitllr optime, et aër ipse (veluti et coolum) m时oribu8 circuli8 ideoque velocius ro阳、 spirare auram pe叩etuam et jugem ab oriente in occidentem; adeo ut qui Zephyro uti volunt, eum extra tropicos sæpius quærant e也 pr∞urent. 1 Itaque non extinguitur iste motus etiam in aëre 1D选mo， sed piger jam devenit et obscurus. ut extra tropicos vix sentiatur. Et tamen etiam extra tropicos in nostra Europa in mari, coo10 sereno et tranqui11o, observatur aura quædam soli盹­ qua. quæ ex eodem genere est; etiam 8uspicari licet, quod hic in Europa experimur, ubi flatus Euri acris est et desiccan目， cum contra Zephyri sit genialis 2 et humectans, non solum ex h∞ , pendere, quod ille a continente. iste ab oceano apud nos spiret; sed etiam ex eo, quod Euri flatus, cum sit in eadem consequentia cum motu aëris proprio, eum motum incitet et irritet, ac propterea 硝rem dissipet et rarefaciat: Zephyri vero flatus, qui in contraria consequentia sit cum motu 硝ris， aërem in se ve此时， et propterea inspisse也 N eque illud contemnendum, quod vulgari observatione recipitur, nubes quæ feruntur in sublimi plerumque movere ab oriente in occidentem, cum venti circa terram ad eadem tempora flant in contrarium. Quod si hoc non semper faciunt, id in causa esse. quod sint quandoque venti contrarii, alii in alto, alii in imo; illi autem in alto spirantes I See Acosta , His t., des Indes, iIl. 4. 2 (g enerali, in orlglaaJ.] Thls is obviously an error, the true readlng Is genlali..

55

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

(si adversi fuerint) mo阳m ietum verum aëris disturbent. Quod ergo cæli terminis non contineatur is饵 motus，盹tis patet. Sequitur ordine secunda inquisitio; .A n a伊æ fe'l'an归俨 T够b lariter et na阳raliter ab orienie in occidentem? Cum vero aqu副 dicimus, intelligimus aquas coacerva'剧" sive m刷刷叫uarum， qU!Ð seilicet tantæ sunt po此lOne自 naturæ， ut ∞nsensum babere possint cum fabrica et structura universi. Atque arbitramur plane, eundem motum massæ 叫uarum competere atque inesse, 自ed tardiorem esse quam in aëre, licet ob cras8itudinem ∞'rporis sit magis visibilis et appa.rens. ltaque ex multis quæ ad hoc adduci possent, tribus in præsen8 contenti erimus experimentis, sed iisdem amplis et insignibus, quæ rem ita esse demonstrant. Primum est, quod manife8tus reperiatur motus et fl. uxus aquarum ab oceano Indico usque in oceanum A t1anticum, isque incitatior et robustior versus fretum Ma.gellanicum, ubi exitus datur verSU8 occidentem; magnum itidem ex adversa parte orbis terrarum a mari Scytbico in mare Britannicum. Atque bæ eonsequentiæ aqu a.rum manifesto volvuntur ab oriente in oωidentem. ln quo advertendum inprimis, in istis tantum duobusl，∞:Îs maria esse pervia et integrum circulum confìcere posse; cum contra per medios mundi 位act时， objectu duplici Veteris et N ovi Orbis abscindantur etω，mpellantur (tanquam in ostia fl.uminum) in duos 血08 alveos oceanorum geminorum Atlautici et Australi目， qui oceani e却0ηiguntur inter austrum et septentriones; quod adiapborum e8t ad motum consecutionis ab oriente in occidentem. U t verissime omnino capiatur motus verus aquarum ab istis quas diximus extremitatibus orbis, ubi non impediuntur, sed permeant. Atque primum experimentum hujusmodi est. Secundum autem tale. Supponatur fl.uxum maris ad ostium freti Herculei 量eri ad horam aliquam certam, constat accedere fl.uxum ad caput Sancti Vincentü tardius quam ad ostium illud; ad ω，put Finis-如rræ tardius quam ad caput Sancti Vincentii; ad lnsulam Regi$ tardius qua皿 ad ω，put Finis-teηæ; ad insulam Hechas tardius quam ad Insulam Regis; ad ingressum canalis Anglici tardius q uam ad Hecbas; ad littus N ormannicum t即dius quam ad ingressum canalis. Hucusque ordinatim; ad Gravelingam vero, verso prorsus ordine (idque magno saltu), quasi ad eandem boram cum ostio freti Herculei. 1 Hoc experi,

I

These statements are taken from Nicolaus Sagrus, quoted E 4,

by

Patrlcius

(Pan-

56

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

mentum secundum ad experimentum primum trahimus. Existimamus enim (quemadmodum jam dictum est), in mari Indico et in mari Scythico veros esse cursus aquarum ，油 、 oriente scilicet in occidentem, pervios et integros; at in alveis maris Atlantici atque Australis compulsos et transversos et refracto8 ab objectu terrarum , quæ utrinque in longum ab Austro ad Boream exporriguntur, et nusquam, nisi versus extremitates, liberum dant exitum aquis. Verum compulsio illa aquarum , quæ causatur a mari Indico versus Boream, et in opposito a mari Scythico versus Austrum , spatiis immensum di任erunt ob differentem vim et copias aquarum. Universus igit盯 oceanus Atlanticus usque ad mare Britannicum cedit impulsioni maris Indici; at 8uperior tantum Atlantici maris pars, nimirum ea quæ jacet versus Daniam et Norvegiam, cedit impulsioni maris Scythici. Hoc vero ita fieri necesse est. Etenim duæ magnæ însulæ veteris orbis et novi orbis eam sunt sortitæ figuram , atque ita exporriguntur, ut ad Septentriones Iatæ, ad Austrum acutæ sin t. Maria igitur contra ad Atistrum magna occupant spatia, ad Septentriones vero (ad dorsum Europæ et Asiæ atque Americæ) parva. ltaque ingens illa moles aquarum quæ venit ab oceano lndico et reflectit in mare Atlanticum, potis cst compellere et trudere cursum aquarum continua successione quasi ad mare Britannicum, quæ successio est versus Boream. At illa longe minor portio aquarum quæ venit a mari Scythico, quæque etiam liberum fere habet exitum in cursu suo proprio versus occicosmia ,

xxviil. p. 159.). and In Casmann's Problemata Ma巾 a， p. 165. "ln die con. ìunctionls lunæ cum 50le post mediam noctem borâ unâ cum dimidl品， in freto Herculeo f1 uxus 肝it， el a Tari宵a quæ finis 仕eti est ad dexteram In sinum volvendo u5que ad Ruttam eâdem horâ veniet. A Rutta ad Caput S. Mariæ accedet bora secunda cum qu町10. A capite hôc ad Caput S. Vincentil, et ad dexteram flectendo toto Lusitano Ii ttore ad caput 6nis terræ , et inde ad orientem per totam Cantabricam oram , et etiam Oallicam usque ad regis insulam tribus post medinoctlum horis mare erit plenum. Ab hac usque ad insulam Hechas in mari medio ad decimum fere milliarium, quod nautæ vocant derotam mare erit plenum borâ tertiâ cum tribus quartis. Sed in littoribus horâ quartâ cum dimidiâ. Ad .Hebas (corrige Ab Hechis] usque ad ingressum canalis Anglici aqua plena hora quinta et quarto uno in derotâ: 1n littoribus hora sexta cum tribus quartis. Toto vero J1 ttore Normandico usque Caletum et Neuportum aqua plena borâ uonâ. In derotâ horæ unius tribus qu町tis. In CanaJl vero mediâ horà duodecimâ in eâdem lunæ conjunctione. . . . . . A Calete vero ad Gravelingen extra canalem Anglicum 111 derotâ pl~num sit post medíam noctem una bora cum dimidi品， qua plenum erat, uti vídimus ad Ruttam. hæc in gradu longitudiois est nono. Gravelinge vero 10 gradu xxiv. ut dístent gradíbus xv." There is no dilliculty ín identifying the places here mentioned (Rutta being, of course, Rota, and the insula Regis the I1e de Ré) , except in the case of Hecbas. It is, howe叶er， the same as Heys, wbicb is tbe old name of Noirmoutier. (See Ortellius and Mercatol',) The island probably obtained the name Noirmoutier from having a mon描tery ot black friars. The old name seems to be revived now in the .form A. ix.

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARlS.

57

dentem ad dorsum Americæ, non potis est cursum aquarum compellere versus Austrum , nisi ad eam quam diximus metam, nempe circa 台的um Britannicum. Necesse est autem ut in motibus istis oppositis sit tandem aliqua meta, ubi occurrant et conßictentur, atque ubi in proximo mutetur subito ordo accessionis; quema'也nodum circa Gravelingam fieri diximus, limite videlicet accessionis Indicæ et Scythicæ. Atque inveniri Euripum quendam ex contrariis ßuxibus circa Hollandiam, non solum ex ea (quam diximus) inversione ordinis horarum in ßuxu, sed etiam peculiari et visibili experimento, a plurimis observatum est. Quod si hæc ita fiant, reditur ad id, ut necesse sit fieri , ut quo partes Atlantici et littora magis extenduntur ad Austrum et appropinquant mari lndico , eo magis fluxus antevertat in præcedentia, utpote qui orÌatur a motu illo vero in mari Indico; quo vero magis ad Boream (usque ad limitem communer口， ubi repelluntur 乱 gurgite antistropho maris Scythici), eo tardius atque in subsequentia. Id vero ita fieri , experimentum istud progressus a freto Herculeo ad fretum Britannicum plane demonstrat. ltaque arbitramur etiam fluxum circa littora Africæ antevertere fluxum circa fretum Herculeum, et, verso ordine, fluxum circa Norvegiam antevertere fluxum circa Suediam; séd id nobis experimento aut historia compertum non est. Tertium experÏmentum est tale,; Maria clausa ex altera parte, quæ Sinus vocamus, si exporrigantur inclinatione aliqua ab oriente in occidentem, quæ in consequentia est cum motu vero aquarum, habent ßuxus vigentes et fortes; si vero inclinatione adversa, languidos et obscuros. Nam et mare Erythræum habet fluxum bene magnum, et Sinus Persicus, magis recta petens occidentem, aùhuc majorem. At mare Mediterl'aneum , quod est sinuum maximus, et hujus partes Tyrrhenum , Pontus, et Propontis, et similiter mare Balticum, quæ omnia reßectunt ad orientem, destituuntur fere , et f1 uxus habent imbecillos. At ista differentia maxime elucescit in partibus Mediterranei, quæ quamdiu vergunt ad orient巳'm ， aut fléctunt ad septentriones (ut in Tyrrheno et in iis quæ diximus mari. bus), quiete agunt absque æstu multo. At postquam se converterint ad occidentem, quod fit in mari Adr也tico， insignem recuperat I fluxum. Cui accedit et ill时， quod in Mediterraneo refluxus ille tenuis (qualis invenitur) incipit ab oceano，但 uxus a I

M. Bouillet

CO l'l'ects

the

p剖 sage

br rrading l' ecuperant.

58

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARlS.

contraria parte, ut 吨ua magis øequatur curmm ab oriente quam refusionem oceani. Atque his tantum tribus experimentÎs in præsentia utemur ad inquisitionem illam secundam. Possit tamen adjici probatio quædam consentanea cum his quæ dicta sunt, sed abstrusÎorÎs cujusdam na饨ræ; ea e盹 ut petatur argumentum hujusce motus ab oriente in occidentem quem 叫uis adstrl皿imus， non 时um a consensu cæli (也 quo jam dictum est), ubi iste motus in ßore est ac 岛，rtitudine præcipua, sed etia.m a terra, ubi protinus videtur cessare; ita ut ista inclinatio sive motus vere sit coømicus, atque omnia a fastigüs cæli usque ad interiora terræ transverberet. lntelligimus enim conversionem istam ab oriente in occidentem fieri scilicet (quemadmodum revera invenitur) super poloø aust胁 lem ωborealem. Verissime autem diligentia Gilberti nobis hoc repe出; omnem terram et naturam (quam appellamus terrestrem) non delinitam. sed rigidam，时， ut ipse loquitur, robustam, habere directionem sive verticitatem latentem, sed tamen per plurima exquisita experimenta se prodentem, versus Austrum et Boream. 1 Atque hanc tamen observationem plane minuimus, atque ita corrigimus, ut hoc 剧serat旧 tantum de exterioribus concretionibus circa super盈ciem terræ, et minime produωtur ad vi !ìcera ipsius terræ (nam quod terra sit magnes interim levi omnino phantasia arreptum est; fieri enim prorsus nequit, ut interiora terræ similia sint alicui substantiæ quam oculus humanus videt, siquidem omnia apud nos a 801e et cælestibus laxa饵， subac钮" aut infracta sint, ut cum üs quæ talem nacta sunt locum quo vis cælestium non penetret ne叫quam consentire possint); sed quod nunc agitur, superiores incrustationes sive concretiones terræ videntur consentire cum conversionibus cæ日， aëris, atque aquarum, quatenus consistentia et determinata cum liquidis et ßuidis consentire queant, hoc est, non ut volvantur 8uper polos, sed dirigantur et vertantur versus polos. Cum enim in omni orbe volubili, qui vertitur super poloø cer臼s neque habet rnotum centri, sit participatio quædam natnræ mobilis et fixæ; pos如 quam per naturam consistentem sive se determinantem ligatur virtus volvendi, tamen manet et intenditur et unitur virtus illa et appetitus dirigendi se; ut directio et verticitas ad polos in rigidis, sit eadem res cum volubilitate super polos in ßuidis. I Bacon appears to refer particularly to Gllbe rt, De Magn. vi. 4. ; a l>eated, Ii ke many others, in the Phy8Ìol. Nova , ii. 7.

pas国ge

rc.

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

59

Superest inquisitio tertia: Unde et quomodo .fiat reciprocatio illa sexhoraria æstuum, quæ incidit in quadrantem motus diurni, cum diffel'entia qoom diximus '1 Id ut intelliga侃几 supponatur­ orbem terraruDi universum aqua cooperiri, ut in diluvio generali. Existimamus aquas, quippe ut in orbe integro, neque impedito, semper in progressu se commoturas ab oriente in occidentem singulis diebus ad certum aliquod spatium (idque profecto non magnum, ob exsolutionem et enervationem virium hujus motus in confinüs terr时， cum ex nulla par饵 objectu 臼rræ impediantur aquæ aut ∞bib倒，ntur. Supponatur rursus, terram unicam insulam esse, eamque in longitudine expoηigi inter Austrum et Septentriones, quæ forma ac situs motum ab oriente in occidentem maxime 仕enat et obstruit; existimamus aquas cursum suum directum et naturalem ad tempus perrecturas, sed rursus ab insula i1la repercuS8副 paribus intervallis relapsuras; itaque unicum tantum fl. uxum maris in die futurum fuisse , et unicum similiter .refl.uxum, atque horum sing咀is circiter 12 horas attributum iri. Atque ponatur jam (quod verum est 的 factum ipsum) terram in duas iDsulas divisaID esse，而但由 sc也cet et novi orbis (nam Terra Australis situ suo rem istam non magnopere disturbat, q uemadmodu皿 nec Groenlandia aut Nova-zembla), e嗣que amb副 insulas per tres fere mundi zonas exporrigi, inter qu嗣 duo Oceani, A tlanticus et Australis, interfl.uunt, et ipsi nunquam nisi versus polos pervü; exi的imamus necessario sequi, ut duo isti obices naturam duplicis reciprocationÍs universæ moli aqu配um insinuent et ∞mmunicent， et fiat quadrans 山e motus diurni; ut aquis scilicet utrimque frenatis, fluxus et refluxus maris bis in die, per spatia scilicet sex horarum, se explicet, cum duplex fiat processio，创 duplex itidem repercussio. lllæ vero duæ insulæ si instar cylindrorum aut columnarum per aquas l exporrigerent町 æquis dimensionibus et rectis littoribus, facile demonstraretur et cuivis occurreret iste motus, qui jam tanta varietate posituræ terræ et maris confundi videtur et obscurari. Neque etiam est difficile ∞呼ecturam capere nonnullam, q ualem isti motui aquarum incitationem tribuere consentaneum sit, et quanta spatia in uno die conficere possit. Si enim sumantur (in æstimationem hujus rei) littora aliqua ex iis quæ minus monωsa aut depres阅 sunt et oceano libero 叫jacent， et capiatur mensura spatii terræ inter metam fluxus et me切皿 reftuxus I qU(U In the original. - J. S.

60

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

interjacentis, atque illud spatium quadrupl祀的ur propter æstus singulis diebu8 quaterno8, atque is numerus rursus duplicetur propter æstus ad adversa littora ejusdem oceani, atque huic numero nonnihil in cumulum adjiciatur, propter omnium li非 torum altitudinem, quæ ab ipsa fossa mari semper aliquantum insurgunt; ista comput时io illud spatium productura est, quod globus aquæ uno die, si liber ab impedimento esset ac in orbe circa terram semper in progres8u moveret, con盘。ere possi也; quod certe nil magnum est. De differentia autem 迦a quæ coincidit in rationes motus lunæ, et e值cit periodum menstruam; id 盈eri existima皿us， quod spatium sexhorarium non sit mensura exac饵， reciprocationis, quemadmodum nec motus diurnus alicujus planetarum non 1 restituitur exacte in horis 24, minime autem omnium luna. ltaque mensura fluxus et refluxus non est quadrans motus 的ellarum 盈xarum， qui est 24 horarum, sed quadrans diurni motus lunæ.

Mandata. Inquiratur utrum hora fluxus circum littora Äfricæ anteve此at horam fluxus circa 仕etum HercuIeum? Inquiratur utrum hora fluxus circa N orvegiam antevertat hora皿 fluxus circa Suediam, 的 illa 3 similiter horam 盈眶us circa Gravelingam? Inquiratur utrum hora fluxus ad littora Brasiliæ ante凹的时 horam fluxus ad littora Hispaniæ Novæ et Floridæ? Inquiratur utrum hora fluxus ad littora Chinæ non inveniatur ad vel prope horam fluxus ad littora Peruviæ，的 ad vel prope horam refluxus ad littora Âfricæ et Floridæ? lnquira阳r quomodo hora fluxus ad littora Peruviana dis. crepet ab hora fluxus circa littora Hispaniæ N ovæ, et particulariter quomodo se habeant di任erentiæ horarum fluxuum ad utraque littora Isthmi in Ämerica; et rursus quomodo hora fluxus ad littora Peruviana respondeat horæ fluxus circ~ littora Chinæ? Inquiratur de magnitudinibus fluxuum ad diversa littora, non solum de temporibus sive hori日. Licet enim causentur fere magnitudines fluxuum per depressiones littorum, tamen nihilominus communicant etiam cum ratione motus veri maris, prout secundus est au也 adversus. I

80 in the orlglnal. - J. S.

" ille in the origiual.- J. S.

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

61

Inquiratur de mari Caspio, (quæ sunt bene magnæ portiones conclusæ, absque u110 exitu in oceanum ,) si patiantur fluxum et refluxum, vel qualem; siquidem nostra fert conjectur乱， aquas in Caspio posse habere fluxum unicum in die, non geminatum，时que 切1em ut littora orientalia ejusdem maris deserantur, cum occidentalia a11uantur. Inquiratur utrum 盘uxus augmenta in noviluniis et pleniluniis, atque etiam in æquinoctiis 1 ，盘ant simul in diversis mundi partibus? Cum autem dicimus simul, inte11igimus non eaùem hora (variantur enim horæ secundum progressus aquarum ad littora, ut diximus), sed eodem die. aqu即um

Moræ. N on producitur inquisitio ad explicationem plenam consensus motus menstrui in mari cum motu lunæ; sive illud nat per subordinationem, sive per concausam. 8yzygiæ. 2 Inquisitio præsens conjungitur cum inquisitione, utrum terra moveatur motu diurno 'J Si enim æstus maris sit tamquam extrema diminutio motus diurni; sequetur globum terræ esse immobilem, aut saltem moveri motu longe tardiore quam ipsas aquas. I

æqtcinoxiìs in the

original. 一 J.S.

• Zyzygiæ in the

original. 一.J. 在

DE

PRINCIP IIS

ATQUE

8EC盯NDt1 M

ORIG INIBUS,

FAB t1 LAS

CUPIDINIS ET CfE LI: 8IVE

PARME N1DIS ET TELESII ET PRÆCIPUE DEMOCRITI PHILOSOPHIA , TRA.CTATA. 1M

FABULA DE CUPIDINE.

65

PREFACE ，。

DE PRINOIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS , BY ROBERT LESLIE ELLIS.

THE following tract is one of those which were published by Gruter. lt seems to be of later date than many of the others, as it contains 8everal phrases and turns of expression which occur aIso in the Novum 0咿anum. I Bacon's design was to give a philosophical exposition of two myths; namely, that of the primeval Eros or Cupid, and that of U ranos or Cωlum. Only the fìrs也 however is discussed in the fragmeot which we now have, and even that is left incomplete. The philosophy of Democritus appeared to Bacon to be nearly in accordance with the hidden meaning of these fable8; but we are not well able to judge of his reasons for thinking 80, as the only 8ystem spoken of in detail is that of Telesius. Touching the origio of Eros, Bacon remarks that no mentioo is made anywhere of his progenitors. 10 this he is supported by the authority of Plato, or rather by that of one of the interlocutors in the 句mposium， who affirms that 00 one, 'whether poet or not, ha8 spoken of the parents of Eros; but that Hesiod in tbe order of his theogony places Gaia and Eros next after primeval Chaos. 1 lt seems in truth probable that the, fables which make Eros the son of Zeus and Aphrodite are of later origin. From the 句mposium Bacon may also have derived the recognition of an elder and a younger Eros , of whom the formerw剖 allied to the heavenly Aphrodite, and the latter

, Sympos. p. 178. ; and see ValckDae r's Diatribe, to whom Stallbaum refe s. On the l'

hand Pausanias mentions as aD early mytb that Eros was the 50n of llith)'ia. Sec Pausan. Bæot. ix. 27. VOL.IU. F

。ther

66

PREFACE TO THE

to Aphrodite Pandemus. 1 But it is more probable that his account of the distinction between them comes from some later writer. Hesiod, to whom the first speaker in the 句mposium refers, though he places Eros and Gaia next to Chaos, says' nothing of Eros as the progeniωr of the universe. His existence is recognised , but nothing is said of his offspring. 1n this t11e theogony of Hesiod di他rs essentially from that which is contained in the Orphic poems, and shows 1 think signs of greater antiquity. To recognise as a deity an abstract feeling of love or desire, is in it回lf to recede in some measure from the simplicity of the old world: we 缸ld no such recognition in Homer; and the transition from him to Hesiod is doub t1 ess a transition from an earlier way of thinking to a later. But even in Hesiod Eros is not the producing principle of the universe , nor is his share in its production eXplained. On the other hand in the Orphic poems, Phanes, whom we are entitled to identify with Eros, is the progenitor of gods and men, the light and life of the universe. He comes forth from Chaos, uniting in his own essence the poles of the mysterious antithesis on which a11 organic production depends. From him a11 other beings derive their existence. There seems clearly more of a. philosopheme in this than in the simpler statements of Hesiod. The identification of Eros with Phanes or Ericapeus rests on a p剧sage in the Argonautics, in which it is said that he was called Phanes by the men of later time because he was manifested before all other beings; '1rpWTOr γ句始即向.? 1t is confirmed by the authority of Proclus. Pha.nes , in the common form of the Orphic theogony, comes out of the egg into which Chaos had formed itself. 3 But 1 nm not aware tbat any one except Aristophanes makes Night lay the egg from which Eros afterwards emerges 4; and it seems that this is only a playful m09ification of the common myth , not unsuitable to the chorus of birds by whom it is introduced. ~ 1t does not appear necessary to suppose, as Cudworth seemingly does, that Aristophanes had in some unexplained way Sympos. p. 180., and see also p. 195. In tbe preceding lIne, Eros is made, 8('cord by his disciples. See the preface to the Dωcriptio Globi Intellect. and De R.". Nat. , ubi modo. 1 ..

VOL. III.

H

98

DE PRINCIPIlS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

pli gra.tia., ut luna., quæ 四t pla.n etarum infim a., incedat et tardissime et per spir嗣 maxime raras et hiantes. Atque talis quædam natura portionis illius cæli quæ 缸 (propter distantiam a con伽rio) 盘rma et perpetua, huic sectre videri possi也 Utrum vero veteres terminos servarit Telesiu日， ut talia esse putaret quæcunque supra lunam collocantur, cum Iuna ipsa, an altius vim inimicam adscendere posse, perspicue non ponit. At terræ (quæ est oppositæ naturæ contignatio et sed叫阳­ tionem itidem maximam intemeratam et inconcussam statui也 et quo cæle的ia non penetrent. Eam 1 vero qualis sit, non esse cur inquiratur, ait. Sat esse ut quatuor illis naturis，企igidi­ ta旬， opacitate, densitate, et quicte, iisque absolutis et nullate归 nus imminutis, dotata judicetur. Partem autem terræ versus super盘ciem ejus, veluti quendam corticem aut incrustationem, generationi rerum assignat 2; omniaque entia quæ nobis quovis modo innotuerunt, etiam ponderosissima, durissima, et altissime demersa, metalla, lapides, mare, ex terra per calorem cæli aliqua ex parte versa et subac饵， et quæ nonnihil caloris, radiationis, tenuitatis, et mobilitatis jam conceperit, et denique ex media inter solem et teηam puram natura participet, consistere. 3 Itaque necesse est, ut terra illa pura infra profundissima maris, minerarum 飞的 omnis generati deprimatur; et a terra i1la pura usque ad lunam, aut altiora fortasse , media quædam natura ex temperamentis et re企actionibus cæli et terræ collocetur. Postquam autem interiortl. utriusque regni satis muniisset, expeditionem et bellum molitur. N am in spatiis illis intra extima cæli et intima terræ, omnem 恤multum et conflictum et tartarismum inveniri, ut fit in imperiis, in quibus illud usuven沾.， ut fines incursionibus et violentiis infestentur, dum interiores provinciæ secura pace fruuntur. Has itaque naturas et earum concretiones, sese assidue generandi et multiplìcandi et quaquaversus offundendi，的 molem materiæ universam OCcupandi, et sese mutuo oppugnandi et invadendl，的 propriis I so In tbe orlglnal; a mistake apparent1y for -ea. - J. S. • .. Extrema tantum utriusque (()但li et terr且) portio (siquldem et ex tr.emi bujus c曲11 pars ulla in aliud unquam agltur ens) in entia, in quæ assiduè agi videtur, immut町i possit: reliqua utrlusque mo1es !n propriâ sel' vari queat naturâ. "-De Rer. Nat. i. 10. • "Non perpetuo agit 801 , sed agere interdum cessat, et dum agit non !isdem per. petuo 田d a1üs atque ali!s agit vi l'ibus: . . . non quotidiano tantùm . . . aglt calore. . ., sed eo Insuper . . . quem jam diu terris indidit atq ue indiι. . . Ro bustior factus solis calor, strenuè supremam terræ portionem emolht laxatque, et streDuè præexistentem el calorem fovet . . . . . mate1'Ïam nactus longe minus repugnantem." 一 lb. i. 13. • mineranem in the ol'iglnal. -- J. S.

SEC. F AB. CUPIDINIS ET Cl tis an cxposition at considerable length ; I口 wbich the several methods of experimellting al'e dcsc l'ibed, with illustrations. And this con c1 udes the cbapter. the expo,ition of the othel' pal' t, the Interpretatio Naturæ. being reserved for tbe Novum Organum. • De Aug. v. 3. I

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judgment, as subsequent and not preceàent. Nevertheless, because we do account it a Chase as well of deer in an inclosed parkωin a forest at large, and that it hath already obtained the name, let it be called invention: so 嗣 it be perceived and discerned, that the scope and end of this invention is readiness and present use of our knowledge, and not addition or amplification thereof. To procure this ready use of knowledge tbere are two courses, Preparation and Suggestion. 1 The former of tbese seemeth scarcely a part of Knowledge , consisting rather of diligence tban of any artificial erudition. And herein Aristotle wittily, but burtfu11y, doth deride the sophists near his time, saying, they did as 扩 one tllat professed the art of shoe-making should not teach h010 to make up a shoe, hut onl!f exhihit 切 a rea伽ess α numher of shoes of a Zl fashions and sizes. But yet a man migbt reply , that if a shoe-maker should have no shoes in hiB 8hop, but only work as he is bespoken, he should be weakly CUBω.med. But our Saviour, speaking of Divine Knowledge, saith, that the kingdom of heaven is like a good ltouseholder, that hringeth 庐州 hoth neω and old store; and we see the ancient writers of rhetoric do give it in precept, that pleaders 8hould havc the Places whereof they have most continu:ù use ready handled in a11 the variety that may be; as that, to speak for the literal interpretation of the law against equity, and contrary; and to speak for presumptions and inferences against testimony, and contrary. And Cicero himself, being broken unto it by great experience, delivereth it plainly, that whatsoever a man sha11 have occasion to speak 0巳 (if he will take the pains) he may have it in effect premeditate, and handled in tllesi; so that when he cometh to a particular, he sha11 have nothingωdo but to put to names and times and places, and 8uch other circumstances of individuals. We see likewise the exact diligence of Demosthenes; who, in regard of the great force that the entrance and accéSB into causes hath to make a good impression, had ready framed a number of prefaces for orations and speeches. All which authorities and precedents may overweigh Aristotle's opinion, that would have U8 change a rich wardrobe for a pair of shears. I In the translatlon hc calls these respectively Pro mptuaria and T cJpicn the one being a collection of al'gumcnts such as yuu are likely to want, laicl up ready for use ; thc other a system of di l'ectíl'ns to help yOll in looking for the thing you wallt 10 find. ,'

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But the nature of the collection of this provision or prepastore, though it be common both to logic and rhetoric, yet having made an entry of it here , where it came first to be 8poken of, 1 think 缸 ωrefer over the further handling of it to rhetoric. The other part of Invention , which 1 term Suggestion, doth 阻sign and direct us to certain marks or places, which may excite our mind to return and produce such knowledge as it hath formerly collected, to the end wé may make use thereof. Neither is this use (truly taken) only to furnish argument to dispute probably with others, but likewise to minister unto our judgment to conclùde aright within ourselves. Neither may these Places serve only to apprompt our invention, but also to direct our inquiry. For a faculty of wise interrogating is half a knowledge. For as Plato snith, Whosoever seeketlt, knoωet!t that 时ich he seeketh for in a general notion; else llO W shall he know it tohen he hath found it? And therefore the larger I your Anticipation is, the more direct and compendious is y c. ur search. But the same Places which wiIl help us what to produce of that which we know already, will also help us , if a man of experience were before us, what questions to ask; or if we have books and authors to instruct us, what points to search and revolve: so as 1 cannot report 2 that this part of invention , which is that which the schools call Topics, is deficient. Nevertheless Topics are of two 80rts, general and special. The general we have spoken to; but the particular hath been touched by some, but rejected generally as inarti击cial and variable. But leaving the humour which hath reiglled too ra切ry

I amplio ,' e! certior. _ De Aug. Thus the sentence stands both in the oTl glnal and In the c,litlons of 1629 aml 1633; though 1 do not understand the connexlon between It and the 四 ntcncc pre. ccding. Possib1y an intermerlillte sentence has drapped out, or some alte l'atioll hlls be~n !nadvertently made which d!5turb5 the COllstruction. In the trnn51ation I.hc 川'. rangement ()f the whole passagc Is changed , and 311 Is marle clear. Hc bc吕 i". by divirling Toplc~ Into two kin(\s, Genel'al anrl Pal' ticular. The General (he 阳y.) has been sufficiently handlerl in Logic, and thel'efore he 1eaves it witb a passing r~mal' k (illud tamen obitfT monendum videtuT) to tbe efl'ect of that in the text 川‘ nelthcr Is this llSe ," &c. down to .. search and revo1ve." But Particular Topics. he proceeds，副'C more to tbe purpose and of great value, and have not recelved tbe attention they de. s~rve. lIe th~n goes on to explain at length what he means; rfpeating the observa. tions in the next paragraph with some amplification alld greater c1 rarness, and then givlng a specimen of the thlng, In a series of Partlcular Toplcs or artì c1 es of inquÍI'Y concerning Heavy and Light; with which the chapte l' conc1udes. With regard to the importance of thrse Topicæ as a p町t (>f Bacon's mcthod of inquiry - an importance 50 considerable that he meant to dcvote a spe c1 al work to the 5ubject, - see my prefacrs to the Pa ,'asceve (Vol. 1. p. 38 叫 and to the Topica Inquisitionis de Luce et Lumine (Vo1. II. 1'. 315.). cc4 2

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much in the schools, (which is to be vainly Bubtile in a few things which are within their command, and to reject the reBt,) 1 do receive particular TopicB, that is places or directions of 伊 q}1 归 阶 uI invention and in叫 of grea创t use盯; being mixtures of Logic with the matter of sciences; for in these 让 i t holdeth, Ars inv 即eni，必 'endi adolesci，必 t cum t仿 'nventi.问 s马， [μev 刊er可 y act ofd 缸lS邸Gωover 削 厅 yadvanceωs the art of diBcovery ;] for as in going of a way we do not only gain that part of the W叮 which is passed , but we gain the better Bight of that part of the way which remaineth; so every degree of proceeding in a science giveth a light to that which followeth; which light if we strengthen, by drawing it forth ip.to questions or placeB of inquiry, we do greatly advance our purBuit. 1" I Now we pass unto the arts of Judgment, which handle the natures of Proofs and Demonstrations; which as to Induction hath a coincidence with Invention; 庐r 切 all inductions, whether in good or vicious form , the same action qf the mind which inventeth , judgeth; aZZ one as in the sense; but otherwise it is in proof by Byllogism; for the proof being not immediate but by mean , the invention qf the mean is one thing, and the judgment of the consequence is another; the one exciting only, the other examining. Therefore for the real and exact form of judgment we refer ourselves to that which we have spoken of Int，叩 rctation qf Nature. For the other judgment by Syllogism , as it is a thing most agreeable to the mind of man , 50 it hath been vehemently and excellently laboured. For the nature of man doth extremely covet to have somewhat in his understanding fixed and immoveable, and 嗣 a reBt and 5upport of the mind. And therefore as Aristotle endeavoureth to prove that in all motion there is 50me point quiescent; and as he elegantly expoundeth the ancient fable of A tlas (that stood fixed and bare up the heaven 仕om fa1ling)ωbe meant of the poles or axle-tree of heaven, whereupon the conversion is accomplished; 50 assuredly men have a desire to have an Atlas or axle-tree within to keep them from ßuctuation, which is like to a perpetual pcril of falling; therefore men did hasten to set down some Principles about which the variety of their disputations might turn. So then this art of J udgment is but the reduction qf propositions to principZes 仇 α middZe term: the Principles to be agreed >,

I

De Aug. v. 4 .

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by all and ex:empted from argumcnt; the Middle Term to be elected at the liberty of every man's invention; the Reduction to be of two kinds, direct and inverted; thc one when the proposition is reduced to the principle, which they term a Probation ostensive; the other when the contradictory of thc proposition is reduced to the contradictory of the principle, which is that which they call per incommodum , or p ,'essing an αhsurdity; the number of middle terms to be 1 as the proposition standeth degrees more or less removed from the principle. But this art ha.th two several methods of doctrine; the one by way of direction , the other by way of caution: the former frameth and setteth down a true form of consequence, by the variations and defle x: ions from which errors and inconsequences may be exactly judged; toward the composition and structure of which form, it is incident to handle the parts thereof, which are propositions, and the parts of propositions, which are simple words勺 and this is that part of logic which is comprehended in the Analytics. The second method of doctrine was introduced for expedite use and assurance sake; discovering the more subtile forms of sophisms and illaqueations with their redargutions, which is that which is termed Elenches. For although in the more gross sorts of 也llacies it happeneth (as Seneca maketh the comparison well) as in juggling feats , which though we know not bow they are done, yet we know well it is not as it seemeth to be; yet the more subtile sort of them doth not only put a man besides his answer, but doth many times abuse his judgment. This part concerning Elenches 3 is excellently handled by Aristotle in precept, but more excellently by Plato in example, not only in the persons of the Sophists, but even in Socrates himself; who professing to a值rm nothing, but to in 1Ì rm tha也 which was a值rmed by another, hath exactly expressed all the forms of objection, fallac肘， and redargution. And although we I i. e. to be more or fewer. • This clause is omltted ln tbe translation; and a new observation i~ introduced in its pJace; 引 z. tllat though this direction contains i口 itself a kind of Elenche or CODfutation (for the straight indicates the crooked), yet it is' safest to employ EJenrhes (that Is, Elcnches properJy so called) as monitors, for the better detection of faUacies by which the judgment would otherwise be ensnared. • In the translation the Doctrine of Elc l1 ches is divided into three kinds-皿 Elencho$ Sophismatum , Elenchos Hermeniæ , Elencho$ imaginum sive ld%rum: i. e. Cautions against 80phlslJlS, against ambiguity of words, agalnst Idols or false appearanCCll and it i9 to the first only that the observation which fo l1ows 'is applied. 4 80 in all the editions l alld not (1 think) a rulsprint for fallacie , but another w~rd， formed not íromfallacia but !romfallar. Compare" Co\ours of Oood and Evil ," ~ 1. " The falla~ of this colour," &c.

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bave said that the use of tbis doctrine is for redargution, yet it is manifest the degen回ate and corrupt use is for caption and contradiction 1; wbich p !l8setb for a great faculty, and no doubt is of very great advantage: thougb the difference be good which w嗣 made between orators and sophisters, that the one is as the greyhound, which hath his advantage in the race , and the other as the hare , which hath her advantage in the turn , 80 as it is tbe advantage of the weaker creature. But yet further, this dQctrine of Elenches hath a more ample latitude and extent than is perceived; namely, unto divers pa此8 of knowledge; whereof some are laboured and other omitted. For first, 1 conceive (though it may seem at fi. rst somewhat strange) that that part which is variably referred sometimes to Logic sometimes ωMetaphysic， touching the common adjuncts of essences, is but an elenche 2; for the great sophism of a11 sophisms being equivocation or ambiguity of words and phr嗣e， specially of sucb words as are most general and intervene in every inquiry, it seemetb to me that the true and fruitful use (leaving vain subtilties and speculations) of the inquiry of majority, minority, priority, po8teriority, identity, diver8ity, possibility, act, totality, parts, existence, privation, and the like, are but wise cautions against ambiguities of speech. 80 again the distribution of things into certain tribe8, wbich we call categories or predicaments, are but cautions against the confusion of definition8 and divisions. 8econdly, there is a seducement that worketh by the streng也 of the impression and not by the subtilty of the illaqueation; not 80 much perplexing the reason as overruling it by power of the imagination. But this par也 1 think more proper to handle when 1 shall speak of Rhetoric. 3 But lastly, there is yet a much more important and profound kind of fallacies in t.he mind of man, which 1 find not observed or enquired at all, and think good to place here, as that which of all others appertaineth most to rectify judgment: the force whereof is such, as it doth not dazzle or snare the understanding in some partioulars, but doth more generally and inwardly infect and corrupt the state t.hereof. 4 For the mind of man is I i. t. the true use 15 to answer sophlstical arguments, the corrupt use to IDvent sopbl5tical objectlons. 2 This is tbe pa l" t whlcb io the traDslatloD he 臼lls EZencllo8 Htrm.niæ I aod explains muc l:t more.clearly and fully. • This pal"ag l"apb is .omitted altogether io the tra05latlon. • Here we have tbe doctrine of fdols, io its earliest (orm; the oames not belog yet given , and the IdoJs of the Tbeatre oot yet intl'oduced 10to the compaoy. Fol' thc

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far from the nature of a clear and equal glass, wherein the beams of things should reflect according to their true incidence ; nay, it is rather like ari enchanted glass, full of superstition and imposture，江 it be not delivered and reduced. For this purpose, let us consider the false appearances that are imposed upon us by the general nature of the mind 1, beholding them in an example or two; as first, in that instance which is the root of all superstition, namely , That to the nature of the mind 01 all men 必 is consonant for the ajfirmative or αctive to t{庐ct more than the negative or privatil! e: so that a few times hitting or presence, countervails oft-times failing or absence 2; as was well answered by Diagoras tοhim that shewed him in N eptune's temple the great number of pictures of such as had scaped shipwrack and had paid their vows to Neptune, saying, Advise 1l 0W, you tltat think 必 folly ω invocate Neptune in tempest: Yea hut (sl\ith Di唔ol'as)ωhere are they painted that are drowned? Let us behold it in another instance, namely, That the 叨地 of man , heing of an equal and uniform substance, doth usual非 suppose and feign 切 nature a greater equali.侬 αnd uniformi侈 than is in truth. Hence it cometh that the mathematicians cannot satisfy themselves, except they reduce the motions of the celestial bodies to perfect circles, rejecting spirallines, and labouring to be discharged of eccentrics. Hence it cometh, that whereas there are many things in nature as it were monodica 3, sui juris , [singular, and like nothing bu t themsel ves ;] yet the cogitations of man do feign unto them relatives, parallel日， and conjugates, whcreas no such thing is; as they have feigned an element of Fire, to keep square with Earth, Water, and Air, and the like: nay , it is not credible, t诅 it be opened, what a number of fictions and fancies the similitude of human actions and arts 飞 together with the making of man com7ηunis mensura, have brought into Natural Philosophy; not much history of thls doctrine see preface to the Novum Organum, note C. In the De Augmentis the 11am臼 are given , and the fourth kind mentioned, though only to be set aside as 110t be10nglng to the present argumen t. The exposi t!on of the thrce 自由t is a1四 considerably fuller than here , though not near)y 四 full as in the Not'um Organum , to which we are referred. I These a l'e the Jdols of the Tribe. 2 which (he adds in the trans)ation) is the root or all superstition and vain credulity, in matte l's of ast l'o)ogy, dl'eams, omens, &c. 3 80 the word is spelt throughout Bacon's writio g5, as observed by Mr. Ellis, Vol. 1. p. 165. The introduction here of 阳i jru'is as the Latin equiva)ent seems to show that the ~rror a l'ose from a mlstake as to the etymology of ' the Gree);: word. 4ι e. the supposed resemb)ance betwcen the arts and actions of Man and the operations of Nat l1l' e: nt! luraliuIII operationum αd similitudinem actiollum hrmlα11剧 mn reductio: hoc ip刷刷 i叮uam ， quod plttetur taliu Na阳阳'" face l'e qualia Humo facit.

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better than the heresy of the Anthropomorphites, bred in the cells of gross and solitary monks, and the opinion of Epicuru8, answerahle to the same in heathenism , who supposed the goùs to be of human shape. And therefore Ve11eius the Epicurian 1 needed not to have asked, why God should have adorned the heavens with stars, as if he had been an .Ædi1is, one that should have set forth some magnificent shews or plays. For if that great work-master had been . of an human disposition , he would have c拙t the stars into some ple嗣ant and beautiful works and orders, like the freta in the roofs of houses; whereas one can sc乱，rce 盈nd a posture in square or triangle or straight line amongst such an in fÌ nite number; so differing an harmony there is between the spirit of Man and the spirit of Nature. Let us consider again the false appearances imposed upon us by every man's own individual nature and custom 2, in that feigned Su'pposition that Plato maketh of the cave: for certainly if a child were continued in a grot or cave under the earth untü maturity of age , and came suddenly abroad , he would have strange and absurd imaginations; so in like manner, although our persons live in the view of heaven, yet our spirits are included in the caves of our own complexions and customs; which minister unto us infinite errors and vain opinions, if they be not recalled to examination. 3 But hereof we have given many examples in one of the errors，优 peccant humours, which we ran brießy over in our fìrst book. And lastly, let us consider the false appearances that are imposed upon us by words 飞 w hich are framed and applied according to the conceit and capacitics of the vulgar sort: and a1though we think we govern our words, and prescribe it well , Loquendum ut vulgl向 sentiendum ut sapientes, [a man should speak like the vulgar, and think like the wise;] yet certain it is that word日， as a Tartar's bow, do shoot back upon the understanding of the wisest, and mightily entangle and pervert the judgment; so as it is almost necessary in a11 controversies and ‘

80

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the original: tbe word being pronounced in Bacon's t1 me Epwúrian. See 211 . 2 Tbese are tbe Ido1s of the Cave. • i. e. if they be not co町'tcted by the continual ∞ntemplation of nature at large : 3i e Sptcu sua raro tantum et ad breve aliquod tempu' prodeant, et non in contemp1ø.tione naturæ perpet时• tanquarn sub dio , morenlur. It may be worth observing that Bacon guards himstlf against being fupposed to represent the full intention of Plato'8 parable, by adding in a parenthesis mi..a illa 1

Shakespeare'. versification , p.

ezqui.ita parabolæ .ubtilitale.

• These are tbe Idols of the Market-place.

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disputatione to imitate the wisdom of the Mathematicians, in setting down in the very beginning the de fi. nitions of our words and terms, that others may know how we accept and understand them , and whether they concur with us or no. 1 For it cometh to pass for want of this, that we are sure to end there where we ought to have begun, which is in questions and differences about words. '1'0 conclude therefore , it must be confessed that it is not possible to divorce ourselves from these fallacies and false appearances , because they are inseparable from our nature and condition of life; so yet nevertheless the caution of them (岛r all elenches, as was said, are ~:".n~~iF~酬， but cautions)doth extremely import the true con·z吨缸刷…?h duct of human judgmentι. The particular elenches 阳 11 enU ωω 阳心';$ ，μ 11川 优r cautions 唔 o ag ，a 刻inst也 these three faω 汪剖lse 呻 appearances 1 fi. nd altogether defìcient. There remaineth one part of judgment of great excellency, which to mine understanding is so slightly touched, as 1 may report that also defìcient; which is the application of the differing kinds of proofs to the differing kinds of subjects; for there being but four kinds of demonstrations, that is, by the immediate consent of the mind or sense; by induction; by sophism; and by congruity, which is that which Aristotle calleth demonstrαtion in orh or circle, and not α notioribus 2 ; everJ of theee hath certain subjccts in the matter of sciences, in which respectively they have chiefest use; and cert乱.in other, from which respectively they ought to be excluded: and the rigour and curiosity in requiring the more severe proofs in some things, and chiefly the facility in contenting ourselves with the more remiss proofs in others, hath been amongst the greatest causes of detriment and hindrance to knowledge. !l; ~~~::. The distributions and assignations of demonstra- fi，~aîi;唰以 tions, according to the analogy of sciences, 1 note as defìcient. ~ 3 The custoùy or retaining ofknowledge is either in "'矿riting or Memory; whereof W riting hath two parts, the nature of the t:harαcter， and the order of the entry. For the art of characters , or other visible notes of words or things, it hath nearest conjuga1 lt might $~pm from thls tbat Bacon thought the l'remising of definltlons wouJd be a sufficient remedy for the evil. But in the translation he cbanges thc sentence and expressly warns us tbat it is uot: for the drtinitions themselves, he says, are made of words; and though we think to remove amhiguities' by the use of technical terms, &c., )'et all is not enougb , and we must look for a remedy which gocs rleeper. 2 1Ion a notioribus .cilicet, sed tanguαm de plano.-Dc Aug. S De Aug. v. 5.

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tion with grammar, and therefore 1 refer it to the due place. 1 For the dz'sposition and collocation of that knowledge which we preserve in writing, it consisteth in a good digest of commonplaces; wherein 1 am not ignorant of the prejudice imputed to the use of common-place books, as causing a retardation of reading, and some sloth or relaxation of memory. But because it is but a counterfeit thing in knowledges to be forward and pregnant, except a man be deep and full, 1 hold the entry of common-placesωbe a matter of great use and cssence in studying; as that which assureth copie of invention, and contracteth judgment to a strength. But this is true , that of the methods {)f common-places that 1 have seen, there is none of any 8U面cient worth; a11 of them carrying merely the face of a school, and not of a world; and referring to vulgar matters and pedantical division8 without a11 life or respect to action. For the other principal part of the custody of knowledge, which is Memory, 1 find that faculty in my judgment weakly enquired of. An art there is extant of it; but it seemeth to me that there are better precepts than that 町、 and better practices of that art tban those received. It is certain tbe art (as it is) may be raised to points of ostentation prodigious: but in use (as it is now managcd) it is barren; not burdensome nor dangerous to natural memory, as is imagined, but barren; that is, not dexterous to be applied to the serious use of business and occasions. And therefore 1 make no more estimation of repeating a great number of names or words upon once hearing, or the pouring forth of a number of verses or rhymes ex tempore, or the making of a satirical simile of every thing, or the turning of every tbing 切 a jest, or the falsifying or contradicting of every tbing by cavil, or thc like, (wbereof in the 也culties of the mind there is great copie, and such as by device and practice may be exalted to an extreme degree of wonder,) than 1 do of the tricks of tumblers, funambuloes, baladines; the one being tbe same in the mind that the other is in the body; matters of strangeness without wortbiness. Tbis art of Memory is but built upon two intentions; the I Al1 tbis is om!t ted in tbe trauslatlon. Tbe art of retaining k:nowledge is divided into two doctrines: viz. concerning thc helps (adminicllla) of mcmory, and concerning Memory itsclf. The nnly he11' of memory whi('h 15 mentioned i5 wl'iting; conceming whlch, after remarking that without tbis help the memory cannot be trusted to deal with matters of Jength and requlring exactness, especially 5uch a9 tbe interpretatfon of lIatU l"e, he insists upon the value of a goo(\ digest of common.plac田 even in tbc 0111 and populal' 5ciences, and $0 procecds as in tbe text.

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one Prenotion, the other Emblem. Prenotion dischargqth the inde1ìnite seeking of 也ba.t we would remember, and directeth us to seek in a narrow compass; that is, somewhat that hath congruity with our pZace of mem01'!1' Emblem reduceth conceit8 intellectual to images sensible, which strike the memory more; out of which axioms may be drawn much better practique than that in use; and besides which axioms, there nre divers moe touching help of memory, not inferior to them. 1 But 1 did in the beginning distinguish , not to report those things de1ìcient, which are but only ill managed. ~2 There remaineth the fourth kind of Rational Knowledge, which is transitive, concerning the expressing or transferring our knowledge to others; which 1 wilt term by the general name of Tradition or Delivery. Tradition hath three par t8 ; the 盘rst concerning the 0咿an of tradition; the second concerning the method of tradition; and the third concerning the illustration of tradition. 3 For the organ of tradition, it is either Speech or Writing: for Aristotle saith well , 1伤rds are tlte images of cogitations, αnd letters are the images of words; but yet it is not of necessity that cogitations be expressed by the medium of words. For 时atsoever 公 capabZe of叫fficient differenω 飞 αnd those percept必le by the sense, is in natU1'e competent to express 5 cogitations. And therefore we see ín the commerce of barbarous 6 people that understand not one another's language, and in the practice of divers that are dumb and deaf, that men's minds are expre邸ed in gestures, though not exac t1y , yet to serve the turn. And we understand further 7 that it is the use of Chinn and the kingdoms of the high Levant to write in Characters Real, which express neither letters nòr words in gross, but Things or Notions; insomuch as countries and provinces, which understand not one another's language, can nevertheless read one another's writings, because the characters are accepted more I The naturc and use of these prænotions and emblems is explained and ilI ustrated in the translatlon by several examples; b1lt the substance of the observation is not alter咽1.

• Dc Aug. vl. 1. 3 In the De Augmentis, t ,.a{l ition (in these three last cas叫 ls translated sermo: whfch appears to be u回d In the general sense of communication. • i. e. sufllcient to cxplain the varlety of notions. $ i. e. to convey the cogitlltlons of o l1 e man to another (jitre posse vehic u/ llm cogitationltm de homine 仇 hOlllinem)， and so to be an organ of tradítion (tl'adititæ). • BI.l rbarOU8 fs omitted In the translation; the tblng being equaIJy SWl in civilised people who know no common language. , lIolissilllum jie ,. i jam cæpit.

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generally than the languages do extend; and therefore they have a vast multitude of characters; as many, 1 suppose, aa radical worda. 1 These Notes of Cogitations are of two sorts; the one when the note hath some similitude or congruity with the notion; the other ad placitum , having force only hy contract or acceptation. Of the former 60rt are Hieroglyphics and Gestures. For as to Hieroglyphics, (things of ancient use , and embraced chießy by 也e Ægyptians, one of the most ancient nations,) they are but as continued impresses and emhlems. And as for Gestures, they are as transitory Hieroglyphics, and are to Hieroglyphics 倒 words spoken are to words written, in that they ahide not; hut they have evermore, as well as the other, an a面nity with the things signified: as Periander, heing con. Bulted with how to preserve a tyranny newly usurped, hid the messenger attend and report what he saw him do; and went into his garden and topped all the highest ßowers; signifying, that it consisted in the cutting off and keeping low of the nohilityand grandes. 2 Ad placitum are the Characters Real hefore mentioned , and Words: although some have heen wi1ling hy curious inquiry, or rather hy apt feigning, to have derived imposition of names from reason and intendment; a speculation elegant, and, by reason it searcheth into antiquity , reverent; but sparingly mixed with truth, and of 6mall fruit. a ' D_ Noli. This portion of know ledge, touching the N otes of ß . 7l

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THE SECOND ßOOK.

For the obtaining of the information, it resteth upon the true and 80und interpretation of the Scriptures, which are the fountains of the water of life. The interpretations of the 8criptures 1 are of two 80rtS; 皿ethodical， and Bolute or at large. For this divine water, which excelleth so much that of J acob's weU, is drawn forth much in the same kind as natural water useth to be out of wells and fountains; either it is first forced Up inωa cistern, and from thence fetched and derived for use; or else it is drawn and received in buckets and vessels immediately where it springeth. The former sort whereof, though it seem ωbe the more ready, yet in my judgment is more subjec也 to corrupt. 2 This is that method which ha.th exhibited unto us the scholastical divinity; whereby divinity hath been reduced into an a.rt, as into a cistern, and the streams of d∞trine or POsitions fetched and derived from thence. In this 皿.en have sough也 three things, a 8ummary brevity, a compacted strength, and a complete perfcction; whereof the two first 也ey faU to ñnd, and the la8t they ought not to seek. For a.s to brevity, we see in all summary methods, whUe men purpose 切 abridge they give causeωdilate. For the sum or abridgment by contraction, becometh obscure , the obscurity requireth exposition, and the exposition is deduced into large commentaries, or into common places and titles, which grow to be more vast th a.n the original writings whence the sum was 硝 first extracted. 80 we see the volumes of the 8choolmen are greater much than the 量r的 writings of the ' fathers , whence 由e Master of the 8entences 3 made his sum or collection. 80 in like manner the volumes of 也e modern doctors of the civi1 1aw exceed those of the ancient jurisconsults, of which Tribonian compi1ed the digest. 4 80 as this course of sums and com皿en1 A. sentence is Introduced here in the translatlon , to say 仙at he speaks only of the method of interpretatioD, not of the authority: the ground 01 the authority beiDg the consent of the Church. 2 Thls censure, as well as the remarks UpOD the metbodlcal system which are contained in the three foJlowing paragraph s, are omitted ln the translatlon; probably as involvlng matter whicb would not have been allowed at Rome. 3 Peter tbe Lombard , Bishop o! Parls, wrote a Sum of Theology in four 切。，ks， entltled .. The Sentences; ..缸ld according to the taste of the middle ages acquired the title of "Master of the Sentences." Many of these scholastic tltles are curious. Thus Thomas Aquinas is D∞tor Angelicus j Buonaventura, Doctor Seraphicus; Alexander Hales, Doctor Irrefragabilis j Duns Scotus, Doctor Subti1is; Raymund Lully, D四tor llI uminatus j Roger Racon , Doctor Mirabilis; Occam, Doctor Singularis.-

R.L.E. • Compare wlth tbis remark that of Maphæus Vegius - "

Existimab础， ut opinor," -he is apostrophislng Tribonian 一" plurimum conducere utiHtati studentium si quod antea in mulütudine tractatuum tardius effecerunt coangustatis postea libris citius adsequl possωlt. • • • Sed lollge 盹cus ac persuadebas tibi cessit. Quis namque

11 2

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OF TBE ADV ANCEMENT OF LEARNING.

taries is that which doth infallibly make the body of sciences more immense in quantity, and more base in substance. And for strength, it is true that knowledges reduced into exact methods have a shew of strength, in that each part seemeth to eupport and eustain the other; but this is more satÍsfactory than substantial; like unto bulldings which stand by architecture and compaction, which are more subject 如 ruin 也an those which are built more strong in their several pa时s， though less compacted. But it is plain that the more you recede from yo田 grounds the weaker do you conclude; and as in nature the more you remove yourself 仕'om particulars the greater peri1 of error you do inc盯， so much more in divinity the more you recede from the Scriptures by inferences and ω，nsequences， the more weak and dilute are your positions. And as for perfection or completeness in divinity, it is not to be sought; which makes this course of artificial divinity the more suspect. For he that will reduce a knowledge into an art, will make it round and uniform: but in divinity many things must he left abrup也 and concluded with this: 0 altitudo SO]地ntiæ et scient:也 Dei / quam incomprehens必ilia sunt judicia ejus, et non invest初abiles viæ ejus! [0 the depth of the wisdom

and knowledge of God! How incomprehensible are his judgments, and his waye past 盘nding out!] So again the apostle saith, Ex parte scim叫 [we know in part,] and to have the form of a total where there is but matter for a part, cannot be without supplies by supposition and presumption. And therefore 1 conclude, that the true use of these Sums and Methods hath place in institutions or introductions prepara'ωry unω knowledge; but in them, or by deducement from them，也o handle the main body and substance of a knowledge, is in all sciences prejudicial, and in divinity dangerous. As ωthe interpretation of the Scriptures solute and at large , there have been divers kinds introduced and devised; some of them rather curious and unsafe, than sober and warranted. N otwithstanding thus much must be confessed, that the Scriptures, being given by inspiration and not by human reason, do differ from all other books in the author; which by consequence doth draw on some di他rence to be nesclat inflnitas et nonnunquam lneptas vanasque interpretationes quibus nulIa fere les exempta est?" See Mapbæus Veg!U9 de Verborum signlfiω，t1one， xiv. 77., apud s刷刷Yl Bl!ωry of Roman La胃 ln tbe Mlddle Ages, cb. 69. - R. L. E.

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used by the expositor. For the inditer of them did know four things which no man attains to know; which are, the myeteriee of the kingdom of glory; the perfection of the laws of nature ; the secrets of the heart of man; and the future succession of a11 ages. 1 For as to the :6rs乌拉 ia eaid, He that presseth into the li衫屹 shall he oppressed of the glory: and again, No man shall see my face and live. To the second, Wlten he prepared the heavens 1 wαs prese矶 when by law and compass he 仇closed the deep. To the third, Neither ωas it needful that any should hear witness to him of M叨， for he knew well what was in Man. And to the last, From the beg切ning are knoωn to the Lord all his works. From the former two 2 of these have been drawn certain senses and expositions of 8criptures, which had need be contained within the bounds of sobriety ; the one anagogical, and the other philosophical. But as to the former, man is no也 to prevent his time: Videmus nunc per speculum in æn守mate， tunc autemfacie ad faciem: [now we see through a glass darkly, but then face to face :] wherein nevertheless there seemeth to be a liberty granted, as f注r forth as the polishing of this glass, or some moderate explication of thie ænigma. But to pressω0 :6世 into it:, cannot but cause a dissolution and overthrow ofthe BP让it of man. For in the body there are three degrees of that we receive into it; Aliment, Medicine, and Poison; whereof aliment is that which the nature of man can perfectlyalter and overcome: medicine is that which is partly converted by nature , and partly converteth nature; and poison is that which worketh who11y upon nature, without that that nature can in any part work upon it. 80 in the mind whatsoever knowledge reason cannot at a11 work upon and convert, is a mere intoxication, and endangereth a dissolution of the mind and understanding. But for the latter 3, it hath been extremely set on foot of 1 or these four things he mentions in the translation only tbe two 1a5t; introduclng tbe mention of them in tbe ne 1l:t paragrapb but tbree. and in tbe mean time omitting al切'getber both tbis and tbe following paragrapb. 2 i. e. from tbe inümations in tbe Scrlptures concernlng the Kingdom of Glol'f and tbe Laws of Nature. Edd. 1629 and 1633 bave "from the former of tbese two;" obviously a misprint, tbougb adopted in a1l modern editions. • •. e. the phüo5ol'1aical exposltlon. The" 庐rmer，" i. t. tbe anagogical expositioD. is not mentioned in tbe translatlon; wbicb only 盹)'S that tbe metbod of Interpretation &olute and at large bas been carried to exceS5 in two ways ;由 rst in supposing such perfection in tbe Scriptures that 副1 philosopby is to be sougbt tbere, secondl)' in illterpreting them 10 tbe same manner as one wou1d lnterpret an uninspired book. Tbe

118

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OF THE ADV ANCEMENT OF LEARNING.

Iate time by the sch∞lof Paracel日时， and some otberø, that have pretended to find the truth of all natural philosophy in the Scriptures; scandalizing and traducing all other philo四Iphy as heathenish and profane. But there is no such enmity between God's w.ord and his works. Neither do they give honour to the Scriptures, as they suppose, but much imbase them. For to seek heaven and earth in the word of God, whereof it is said, Heaven and earth shall pass, hut my word shall not pas马 is to seek temporary things amongst eternal: and as to seek divinity in philosophy is to seek the living amongst the dead, 60 to seek philosophy in divinity is 臼 seek the dead amongst the living 1: neither are the pots or lavers whose place wωh tbe outward p町t of the temple to be sought in the holiest place of a11, where the ark of the testimony was seated. And again, the scope or purpose of the Spirit of God is not 协 expreωmatters of nature in the Scriptures, otherwise than in passage, and for application to man'i自 capacity and to ma忱ers moral or divine. And it is a true rule, Authoris aliud agentis parva authoritas; [what a man 阻，ys incidenta11y about matters which are not in question has little authority;J for it were as忧ange conclusion, if a man should use a similitude for om ament or illustration sake, borrowed from nature or history a∞ording to vulgar conceit, as of a Basilisk, an U nicorn, a Centaur, a Briareus, an Hydra, or the 1ike, that 也erefore he must needs be thought to affirm the matter thereof positively to be 优ue. To concIude therefore, these two interpretations, the one by reduction or ænìgmatical, the other philosophical or phy自ical， which have been received and pursued in imitation of the rabbins and cabalists, are to be confined with a Noli altum 8apere, sed time, [be not overwise, but fear.] But the two later points, known to God and unknown to man, touching tke secrets of the keart, and tlte successions oftime, doth make a just and sound difference between the manner of the exposition of the SCriptures, and a11 other bOOks. For it is an excellent observation which hath been made upon the answers of our Saviour Christ to many of the questions which were propounded to him , how that they are impertinent to the remarks on the fìrst of these excesses co!ncide with the fi l'st half of tbis par鸣raph (the l'est belDg omitted), those on the second wlth the next paragrapb. I The rest of this paragraph is omitted in thc transJation.

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state of the queetion demanded; the reason whereof is, becauee not being like man , which knowe man's thoughte by hie words, but knowing man'e thoughte immediately, he never answered their worde, but their thoughte 1 : much in the like manner it is with the Scripturee, which being written to the thoughts of men , and to the succession of all ages, with a 岛re­ eight of all heresies, contradiction目， differing esta臼s of the church, yea and particularly of the elect, are notωbe interpreted only according to the latitude of the proper sense of the place, and respectively towards that pre自ent occasion whereupon the worde were uttered; or in precise congruity or contexture with the words before or after; or in contemplation of the principal scope of the place; but have in themselves, not only totally or collectively, but distributively in clauses and words, infìnite springs and streams of doctrine to water the church in every part 2; and therefore as the literal eense is 剧 it were the main stream or river; so the moral eense chiefly, and sometimes the allegorical or typical, are they whereof the church hath most use: not that 1 wisb men to be bold in allegOI切s， or indulgent or light in allusions; but that 1 do much condemn that in臼rpre饵tion of the Scripture wbich is only after tbe manner as men use to interpret a profane book. In this part touching the exposition of the Scriptures, 1 can repo此 no de量cience; but by way of remembrance this 1 will add: In perusing books of divinity, 1 盘nd many3 books of controversies; and many of common places and treatises 4 ; a mass of positive divinity, as it is 'ìn ade an art; a number of sermons and lectures, and many prolix commentaries upon the Scriptures, with harmonies and concordances: but that form of writing in divinity, which in my judgment is of all others most rich and precious, is positive divinity coUected upon particular texts of Scriptures in brief observations; not dilated into common places, not chasing after controversies, not reduced into method of art; a thing abounding in sermons, which will vanish , but defective in books, which will remain; and a thing wherein 也is age excelleth. For 1 am persuaded, and And also (the translation adds) because he addressed himself not sOlely to those but to men of all tlmes and places to whom the g由pel was to be preached. The rest of the paragraph 15 omitted in the translation. • In the translation hc 盹y5 too many. 4 also' ‘ cases of conscience .. -咽hich he especially commends further on, in a pas. sage not translated. 11" I

pre回n t， 2

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OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING.

1 may speak it with an Absit invidia verbo, [meaning no offence,] and no w也.ys in derogation of antiquity , but as in a good emulation between the vine and the olive, that if the choice and best of those observations upon texts of Scriptures which have been made dispersedly in sermons within this your Majesty's island 1 of Britain by the space of these forty years Emanation回 and more (le町ing out the largeness of exhortations 注'Z::.~，;;m and applications thereupon) had been set down in a po,ili.,... continuance, it had been the best work in divinity which had been written since the apostles' times. 2 The matter informed by divinity i8 of two kinds; matter of be!ief and truth of opinion, and matter of service and adoration; which is a180 judged and directed by the former; the one being as the inωrnal soul of religion , and the other as the exωrnal body thereo丑 And therefore the heathen religion was not only a worship of idols, but the whole religion was an idol in itself; for it had no soul, that i8, no certainty of belief or confession ; as a man may well think, considering the chief doctors of their church were the poe饲; and the re踊on was, because the heathen gods were no jealous gods, but were glad to be admitted intο par弘 as they had re嗣on. N either did they respect the pureness of heart, so 也ey might have extemal honour and rites. But out of these two do result and issue four main branches of divinity; Faith, Manner日， Liturgy, and Govemment. Faith containeth the doctrine of the nature of God, of the attributes of God, and of the works of God. The nature of God consisteth of 也ree persons in unity of Godhead. The attributes of God are either common to the Deity, or respective to 也e persons. The works of God summary are two, that of the Creation , and that of the Redemption; and both these works , as in tota1 they appertain to the unity of the Godhead, so in their parts they refer to the three persons: that of the Creation, in 也e ma8S of the matter to 也e Fa也er; in the disposition of the form to the I 80 edd. 1629 and 1633. Tbe original has iland8. z Tbis 1ast seoteoce is omitted in tbe tra081atioo, - 00 doubt as being ioadmlssib1e at Rome. But In its p1ace is lotroduced one of Bacon's happlest illustratioos, and one whlcb 趴时. 1 think, to be fouod 四 ywhere in bls 。胃口 English. .. Certainly (he says) as we flod It io wioes, tbat those wblcb tlow freely from the ftrst treadiog of tbe grape are sweeter than those wbich are squeezed out by the wine-press, because the latter taste somewhat of the stOI阳 aod the rind; 50 are those doctrioes most whole80me and sweet wbich ooze out of the Scriptures when gently crushed , and are not forced ioto controversies aod common places. " Tbe oext six paragraphs are entirely omit!ed，一 as be10nging to that part of the sul\i ect with which he bas professed io the beginning that he will not meddle.

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80n; and in the continuance and conservation of the being to the Holy 8pirit: 80 that of the Redemption, in the election and counsel to the Father; in the whole act and consummation to the 80n; and in the application tοthe Holy 8pirit; for by the Holy Ghost w制 Christ conceived in flesh, and by tbe Holy Ghost are the elect regenerate in spirit. This work likewise we consider either e他ctua11y in the elect; or privatively 1 in the reprobate; or according to appearance in the visible church. For Manners, the doctrine thereof is contained in the law, which discloseth sin. The law itself is divided, according to the edition thex:eof, into the law of Nature, the law Moral, and the law Positive; and according to the style, into Negative and A伍rmative， Pròhibitions and Commandments. 8in, in the matter and subjec也 thcreof， is divided according to the commandments; in the form thereof, it referreth to the three persons in Deity: sins of Innrmity against the Father, whose more special attribute is Power; sÌns of Jgnorance aga讪st the 80n, whose attribute is Wisdom; and sins of Malice against the Holy Ghost, whose attribute is Grace or Love. ln the motions of it, it either moveth to the right hand or to the left; either to blind devotion , or 协 profane and libertine transgreBsion; either in imposing restraint where God granteth liberty, or in taking liberty where God imposeth restraint. In the degrees and progress of i也 it divideth itself into thought, word , or act. And in this part 1 commend much the deducing of the law of God to c嗣es of conscience; for that 1 take indeed to be a breaking, and not exhibiting whole, of the bread of life. But that which quickeneth both these doctrines of faÌth and manners, is the elevation and consent of the heart; whereunto a即ertain books of exhortation, holy meditation, Christian re801ution, and the like. For the Liturgy or service, it consisteth of the reciprocal acts between God and man; wlúch, on the part of God, are the preaching of the word and the sacraments, which are seals to the covenant, or 倒也e visible word; and on the p町tofman 2， invocation of the name of God, and under the law，自acrinces， which were as visible prayers or confessions: bnt now the adoration being 仇 spiri归 et veritate, [in sp让it and in tru由.，] there remaineth only vituli labi01'um , [0证erings of the lips;] 1 The 01地inal， and al崎 edd. 1629 aDd 1633, have privately. The origiDal has mI.lll8.

, 80 rdd. 1629 and 1633.

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although the u~e of holy VOW8 of thankfulness and retribution may be accounted a180 as sealed petitions. And for the Government of the church, it consÍsteth of the patrimony of the church, the 仕'anchises of the church, and the offices and jurisdictions of the church, and the laws of the church directing the whole; a11 which have two considerations, the one in themselves, the other how they stand compatible and agreeable to the civil estate. This ma.tter of divinity is ha.ndled either ln form of instruction of truth, or in form of confutation of falsehood. The declinations from religion, besides the pri.vative 1, which is atheism and the branches thereo已 are three; Heresies, Idolatry, and Witchcraft; Heresies, when we serve the true God with a false worship j Idolatry, when we worship false gods, supposing them to be true j and Witchcraft, when we adore false gods, knowing them to be wicked and false. For 盼 your Majesty do由 exce11ently we11 observe, that Witchcraft is the height of Idolatry. Ând yet we see though these be true degrees, Samuel teacheth us that they are a11 of a nature, when there is once a receding from the word of God; for so he saith, Quαsi peccatum ariolandi est repugnare, et quasi sceltes idololatriæ no Zle

[rebellion is 嗣 the sin ofWitchcraft, and Stubcrime of Idolatry]. These things 1 have passed over 80 brießy because 1 can report no deficience concerning them: for 1 can find no space or ground that lieth vacant and unsown in the matter of divinity ; 80 diligent have men been, either in sowing of good seed or in 80Wing of tares. 叫uiescere

j

bornness 剖 the

THUS have 1 made as it were a. small Globe of the Intellectual W orld, as truly and faithfu11y as 1 could discover; with a note and description of those parts which seemωmenotcon­ stantly occupate, or not we11 converted by the labour of man. In which, if 1 have in any point receded from that 咋hich is ∞mmonly received, it hath been with a purpose of proceeding 切 melius， and not in aliud j a mind of amendmex比 and proficience , and not of change and difference. For 1 could not be true and constant to the argument 1 handle, if 1 were not willing to go beyond others; but yet not more willing than to have others go beyond me again: which may the be也ter appe町 I

50 edd. 1629 and 1633.

'.l'he

orlginal has primitiee.

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by this，也时 1 have propounded my opinions naked and unanned, not seeking to preoccup仙也e liberty of men's judgments by confutations. For in any thing which is well set down, 1 am in good hope that if 也e fìrst reading move an objection, the second reading will make an answer. And in those 也ings wherein 1 have erred, 1 am sure 1 have not prejudiced the right by litigiou8 ar，肌lments; which certainly have this contrary eft'ect and operation，也前 they add authority to error, and destroy the authority of that which is well invented: for question is an honour and preferment to fa1sehood, as on the other side it is a repulse to truth. But the errors 1 claim and challenge to myself as mine own. The good, ü any be, is due 归nquam adeps sacrificii, [嗣 the fat of the sacri6ce，]ωbe incensed to the honour，量rst of the Divine Majesty, and next of yourM纯jesty， to whom on earth 1 am most bounden.

F 1 L UM

L A B Y R 1 N T H 1, 8IVE

FORMULA INQUISITIONIS.

495

PREFACE.

THE following fragment wωfirst printed in Stephens's second collection(1734), from a manuscript belonging ωLord Oxford, which is now in the British Museum (Harl. M SS. 6797. 岛.139.) As far as it goes, it agrees so nearly with the CO!l itata et Visa that either might be taken for a free translation of the other, with a few additions and omissions. But 1 think the English was writt.en first; probably at the time when the idea fir的 occurred to Bacon of drawing attention tοhis doctrine by exhibiting a specimen of the process and the result in one or two particular cases. The CO!l itata et Visa professes 10 be merely a pref民e framedωprepare the way for an example of a legitimate philosophical investigation proceeding regularly by Tables. Such an example, or at least the plan and skeleton of i乌 will be found further on, with the title Filum Labyrinthi, sive Inquisitio le!l itima de Motu; and the ti tle prefixed 10 this fragment is most e回i与 eXplained by suppo到ng that a specimen of an Inquisitio le!litima was meant ωbe included in it. It is here printed from the original MS. which is a fair copy in the hand of one of Bacon's servants, carefully corrected in his own. J. S.

496

FILUM LABYIUNTHI, SIVE

FORMULA

INQUISITIONIS.

AD FILIOS.'

PARS PRIMA. 1. FRANCIS BACON thought in this mallner. The knowledge whereof the world is now possessed, especially that of nature, extendeth not to magnitude and certainty of works. The Physician pronounceth many diseases incurable, and fa i1eth oft in the rest. The Alchemists wax old and die in hopes. The Magicians per岛rm nothing that is permanent and proñtable. The Mechanics take smal1 light from natural phi1osophy, and do but spin on their own litt1 e threads. Chance 80metÎm es discovereth inventions; but that worketh not in years, but ages. 80 he saw well, that the invéntions known are very unperfect; and that new are not like to be brought to light but in great length of t ÍJne; and 也时也08e which are, came notωlight by phi1osophy. 2. He thought also this state of knowledge was t.he worse, because men strive (against themselves) to save the credit of ignorance, and to satisfy themselves in this poverty. For the Physician, besides his cauteles of practice, hath this general cautele of art, that he dischargeth the weakness of his art upon supposed impossibilities: neither can his art be condemned, when itself judgeth. Tbat philosophy also, out of which the knowledge of physic, which now is in use, is hewed, receiveth certain positions and opinions, wbich (if they be well weighed) induce this persuasion, th也t no great works are to be expected from art, and the hand of man; as in particu1ar that opinion , that tlte heat 01 the sun and fire dijfer in kind; and that other, that Composition 必 the ωork of man , and Mixture is t/te work 01

, Tbis i.s written at tbe top of tbe page, in tbe left-hand corner, ln Bacon's hand.

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nature, and the like; a11 tending to the circum8cription of maIÌ's power, and to artificial despair; killing in men, not only the comfort Ofl imagination, but the industry of trial; only upon vain glory to have their art thought perfect, and that all is impossible that is not already found. The Alchemist dischargeth his art upon his own errors, either supposing a misunderstanding of the words of his authors, which maketh him listen after auricular traditions; or else a failing in the true proportions and scruples of practice, which maketh him renew infìnitely his trials; and finding also that he lighteth upon some mean experiments and conclusions by the way, feedeth upon them, and magnifìeth them to the most, and supplieth the rest in hopes. The Magician, when he findeth something (as he conceiveth) above nat.ure effected, thinketh , when a breach is once made in nature, that it is all one to perform great things and small; not seeing that they are but subjects of a certaÏn kind, wherein magic and superstition hath played in all times. The Mechanical person, if he can re盘ne an invention , or put two or three observations or practices together in one, or couple things better with their use , or make the work in le88 or greater volume, taketh himself for an inventor. 80 he saw well, that men either per8uade themselves of new inventions a8 of impos8ibilities; or else think they are already extant, but in secret and in few hands; or that they account of those little industries and additions, as of inventions: a11 which turneth to the averting of their minds from any just and constant labour to invent further in any quantity. 3. He thought also, when men did set before themselves the variety and perfection of works produced by mechanical arts, they are apt rather to admire the provisions of man, than to apprehend his wants; not considering, that the original inventions and conclusions of nature which are the life of a11 that variety, are not many nor deeply fctched; and that the rest is but the subtile and ruled motion of the instrument and hand; and that the shop therein is not unlike the library, which in such number of books containeth (伽 the far greater part) nothing but iterations, varied sometimes in form , but not new in substance. 80 he saw plainly, that opinion of store was a cause of want; and that both works and doctrines appear many and are few. I of Is omltted in the MS. VOL. nI.

KK

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4. He thought &180，也at knowledge is uttered ωmen， in a were fìnished; for it is reduced into arts and methods, which in their divisions do seem to include all that may be. And how weakly soever the parts are 61100, yet 也ey carry the shew and reason of a total; and thereby the writings of some received authors go 岛，r the very art: wher回s antiq咀.tyusedωdeliver the knowledge which the mind of man had ga也ered， in observatioDs, aphoriBms, or short and dispersed sentenc魄。.r small tractates of some pa此s that they had diligently meditated and laboured; which did invite men, both to ponder 也at which w嗣 invented， and to add and supply further. But now sciences are delivered to be believed and accepted, and n的 to be examined and further discovered; and 也e succession is between master and disciple, and not between inventor and continuer or advancer: and therefore scien佣自 stand at a. stay, and have done for many ag咽" and that which is positive is fìxed , and that which is question is kept question, so 翻 the co1umns of no further pr.∞eeding are pitched. And therefore he saw plainly, men had cut themselves off from 缸.r­ ther invention; and that it is no marvel 也at that is not obtained, which hath not been attempted, but rather 8hut out and

form 嗣 if every 也ing

deb即re也

5. He though也 also，也.at knowledge is almost generally sought either for delight and satisfaction, or for gain and profession, or for credit and ornament, and 也.at every of these are as Atalanta's balls, which hinder the race of invention. For men 缸'e 80 far in these courses from seeking to increase the mass of knowledge, as of that mass which is they will take no more than will serve their turn: and ü any one amongst so many seeketh knowledge for itse民 yet he rather seeketh 如 know the variety of things, than to discern of the truth and causes of them; and ü his inquisition be yet more severe, yet it tendeth rather to judgment than to invention; and rathet to discover truth in controversy, than new matter; and if his heart be 80 large as he propoundeth to himself further discovery or invention, yet it is rather of new discourse and speculation of causes，也an of e西ecta and operations: and 副 for those that have so much in their mouths, .actiou and use and practice and the referring of sciences thereunto, they mean it of application of that which is known, and not of a discovery of that which is unknown. 80 he saw plainly, that this mark,

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namely invention of further means 臼 endow the condition a.nd life of man with new powers or works, wa8 alm08t never yet 8et up and resolved in man's intention and inquiry. 6. He thought &so, tha飞 amongst other knowledges, natural philo80phy hath been the least followed and laboured. For since the Christian faith, the greatest number of wits have been employed, and the greatest help9 and rewards have been con- ' verted upon divioity. Aod before time likewise, the greatest part of the studies of philosophers wa8 coosumed in moral philosophy, whìch was as the heathen divinity. And in both times a great part of the best wits betook themselves to law, pleadings, and causes of estate; specia11y in the time of the greatness of the Romans, who by reason of their large empire needed the service of a11 their able men for civil business. And the time amongst the Grecians in which natural philosophy seemed most to ßourish, was but a short space; and that a180 rather abused in differing sects and conflicts of opinions, than pro盘tably spent: sìnce which time, natural philosophy was never any profession, nor never possessed any whole man, except perchance some monk io a cloister, or some gentleman in the country, and that very rarely; but became a science of passage, to se邸on a little young and unripe wits, llnd to serve for an introduction to other arts, specially physic and the practical mathematics. 80 as he saw plainly, that natural phil佣ophy hath been intended by few persons, and in them hath occupied the least p缸t of their time, and that in the weakest of their age and judgment. '1. He thought also, how gr倒，t opposition and prejudice natural philosophy had received by superstition, and the immoderate and blind zeal of religion; for he found that some of the Grecians which fìrst gave the re剧on of thunder, had been condemned of impiety; and that the cosmographers which first discovered and described the roundness of the earth, and the consequence thereof touching the Antipodes, were not much otherwise censured by the ancient fathers of the Christian Church; and that the case is now much worse, in regard of the boldness of the schoolmen and their dependances in the monasteries, who having made divinity into an art, have almost incorporated the contentious philosophy of Aristotle into the body of Christian religion. And generally he perceived in men of devout simplicity J this opinion, that the secrets of nature KK2

500

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were the eecrets of God and part of that glory whereinto the mind of man if it eeek to press shall be oppressed; and tbat the desire in men to attain to so great and bidden knowledge, hath a resemblance with that temptation which caused the original fa11: and on the other side in men of a devout policy, he noted an inclination to have the people depend upon God the more , when they are less acquainted with second causes; and to have no stirring in philosophy, lest it may lead to an innovation in divinity, or else should discover matter of further contradiction to divinity. But in this part resorting to the authority of the Scriptures, and holy examples, and to reason, he rested not satisfied alone, but much confirmed. For first he considered that tbe knowledge of nature, by the light whereof man discerned of every living creature, and imposed names according to their propriety, was not the occasion ofthe fall; but the moral knowledge of good and evil, a他cted to the end ωdepend no more upon GOd'8 commandments, but for man to direct himself; neither could he find in any Scripture, that the inquiry and science of man in any thing, under the mysteries of the Deity, is determined and restrained, but c,ontrariwise a110wed and provoked; for concerning a11 other knowledge the Scripture pronouncetb, That it is the glor!J of God ω conceal， but it 必 the glor!J of man (or of the king, for the king is but tbe excellency of man) to invent; and again , The spir必 ofman 必 as the lamp of God， ωherewith he searcheth ever!J secret; and again most effectually, That God hath made all things beautiful and decent, according to the return of their seasons; also that he hαth set the world in man's heart, and !Jet man cannot.卢'nd out the work ωhich God worketh from the b吃gin­ ning to the end; sbewing tbat tbe beart of man is a continent of tbat concave or capacity, wberein the content of tbe world (that is, all forms of tbe creatures and wb础。ever is not God) may be placed or received; and complaining that tbrougb tbe variety of 也ings and vicissitudes of times (whicb are but impediments and not impuissances) man cannot ac∞mplish his invention. In precedent also he set before his eye8, tbat in tbose few memorials befare tbe flood, tbe Scripture bonouretb the name of the inventors of music and works in metal; tbat Moses bad this addition of praise, that he w制 seen in a11 tbe learning of tbe Egyptians; that Solomon 1, in bis grant of wisdom 1

So spelt in MS.

FILUM LABYRINTHI.

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from God, had contained as a branch thereof, that knowledge whereby he wrote a natural history of a.11 verdor, from the cedar to the moss, and of a.11 that brea.theth; that the book of J ob, and many places of the prophets, have gr臼t 姐persion of natural philosophy; that the Church in the b080m a.nd lap thereof, in the greatest injuries of times, ever preserved (as holy relics) the books of philosophy and a11 heathen le a.rning; and that when Gregory the b shop of Rome became adverse and unjust to the memory of heathen antiquity, it was censured for pusilIanimity in him , and the honour thereof soon a.fter restored , and his own memory almost persecuted by his successor 8abinian; and lastly in our times and the 唔es of our fathers , when Luther arid the divines of the Protestant Church on the one side, and the Jesuits on the other, have enterprised tD reform, the one the doctrine, the other the discipline and manners of the Church of Ro me , he saw we11 how both of them have awaked to their gre a.t honour 30nd succour 3011 human learning. And for reason, there c3o nnot be 30 gre30ter 30nd more evident than this; that a11 knowledge and specia11y that of natural philosophy tendeth highly to the magnifying of the glory of God in his power, providence , a.nd benefits; appearing and engraven in his works, which without this knowledge are beheld but as through a veil; for if the heavens in the body of them do declare the glory of God to the eye, much more do they in the rule and decrees of them declare it to the understanding. And another reason not inferior to this is , that the same natural philosophy principally amongst a11 other human knowledge doth give an excellent defence 30gainst both extremes of religion , superstition and infìdelity; for both it freeth the mind from a nurober of weak fancies and imaginations, and it raiseth the mind to acknowledge that to God 3011 things are possible: for to that purpose speaketh our 8aviour in that first canon against heresies delivered upon the case of the resurrection , You err, not knowing the Scriptures , nor the poωer of {}od j te30cbing th30t there are but two fountains of heresy, not knowing the will ofGod revealed in the 8criptures, alld not knowing the power of God reve30led or at least made most sensible in his creatures. 80 as he saw well, that natur30l philosophy was of excellent use to the exalt3otion of the Divine M呼臼ty; 30nd that which is 3odmir3oble , th30t being a remedy of superstition, it is nevertheless an help to f3oith. He saw like-

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且 K

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wise, that the former opinionsω 也.e pr，司 udice thereof ha.d no true ground; but must spring either out of mere ignorance, or ont of an excess of devotion, to have divinity a11 in a11, whereas it should be only above a11 (both which s幅tes ofmind m叮 be best pardoned); or else out of worse causes, namely out of envy, which is proud weakness and deserveth to be despised ; or out of some mixture of imposture, to tell a lie for God's cause; or out of an impious di面dence， as if men should fearω discover some things in nature which might subvert faith. But still he saw weU, howsoever these opinions are in right rea四n reproved, yet 也ey leave not to be most effectual hindrancesω natural philosophy and invention. 8. He thought also, tbat there wanted not great contrariety tοthe further discovery of sciences, in regard of the orders and customs of universities, and also in regard of common opinion. For in universities and co11eges men's studies are almost confined to certain authors, from which if any dissenteth or propoundeth matter of redargution, it is enough to make him thought a person turbulent; whereas if it be well advised , there is a great di他rence to be ma.de between matters contemplative and active. For in government change is suspec能d， though to the better; but it is natural to artsωbe in perpetua1 agitation and grow也; neither is the danger alike of new light, and of new motion or remove. And for vulgar and received opinions, nothing is more usual nor more usua11y complained of, than that it is imposed 1 for arrogancy and presumption for men to authorise themselves against antiquity and authors, towards whom envy is ceased, and reverence by time amortised; it not being considered what Aristotle himself did (upon whom the philosophy that now is chie1iy dependeth); who ωme with a professed contradiction to a11 the world, and did put all his opinioD8 upon his own authority and argument, and never 80 much as nameth an author but ωconfute and reprove him ; and yet his success we11 fulfilled the observation of Him that said, If a man come in kis otC n nam马 kim will you 7'eceive. Men think likewise, that if they 8hould give themselves 切 the liberty of invention and travail of inquiry, that they sha11light a;gain upon some conceits and contemplations which llave been formerly 0任ered to the world, and have been put down by better, which have preva:诅ed and brought them to oblivion; not I

50 M5,: a miscOPf, 1 8IlSpeC t, for

i~户tfd.

FILUM LABYRINTHL

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seeing that ho \Vsoever the property and breeding of knowledges is in great and excel1ent wits, yet the estimation o.nd price of them is in thc multitude, or in the inclinations of princes and gr臼，t persons meanly leo.rned. So o.s those knowledges are like to be received o.nd honoured, which h o.ve their found o.tion in the eubtility or finest 位ial of common senee, or 'Iuch o.s fi11 the imo.gination; 阻d no也 euch knowledge as is digged out of the hard mine of hisω'ry and experience, and fo.lleth out to be in some points o.s adverse to common senee or populo.r reo.son，制 rel惶ion， or more. Which kind of knowledge, except it be delivered with 耐o.nge advantages of eloquence and power, mo.y be likely to o.ppear and di回:loee a little to the world and straight to vanish o.nd ehut again. so tho.t time seemetb to be of tbe no.ture of 0. river or 11.∞d， that bringe也 down to us th前 which is light and blown up, and sinketh and drowneth 也o.t which is solid and grave. So he saw well, that both in the state of religion, and in the adminietration of le o.rning, o.nd in common opinion, there were many and continual stops and traverses to 也e course of invention. 9. He thought also , that the invention of worke and further possibility was prejudiced in a more special manner tban that of epeculative truth; for besides the impediments common to botb, it hath by itself been notably hurt and discredited by the vain promises and pretences of A1chemy, Magic, Aetrology, and sucb other 缸ts， which (副 they now pase) hold much more of imagination and be1ief than of eense and demonstration. But tοuse the poete' language, men ought to have remembered th o.t although bion of a cloud in the likeness of J uno begat Centaurs and Chimæras, yet J upiter o.lso of the true J uno begat Vulcan and Hebe. Neither is i也 just to deny credit to 也e greatness of the acωof Alexander, because the like or more strange have been feigned of an Amo.dis or o.n Arthur, or other fabulous worthies. But though this in true re幽on should be, o.nd tbat men ought not 阳 make 0. confusion of unbelief; yet he saw well it could not otherwise be in event, but that experience of untruth had made access 协 truth more 画面cult， and 出at the ignominy of vanity had abated 0.11 greo.tnes8 of mind. 10. He thought 0.180, there w制 found in the mind of man o.n o.ffection no.turally bred, o.nd fortified and furthered by discourse o.nd doctrine, which did perve抽出e true proceeding ωw配ds active and opero.tive knowledge. This w嗣0. false B.B.

4

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FILUM LABYRINTHI.

estimation, that it should be 嗣 a diminution to the mind of man to be much conversant in experiences and p即ticulars sub~ct to sense and bound in matter, and which are laborious to se缸ch， ignoble to meditate, harsh to deliver, illiberal to practise, infinite as is supposed in number, and no ways accommodate to the glory of arts. This opinion or state of mind received much credit and strength by the school of Plato, who thinking that particulars rather revived the notions or excited the faculties of the 皿i时， than merely inforriled; and having mingled his phi1osophy with superstition, which never favoureth the sense; extolleth 切o much the understanding of man in the inward light thereof. And again Ari的otle's school, which giveth the due to the sense in assertion, denieth it in practice much more than that of Plato. For we see the schoolmen, Aristotle's succession, which were utterly ignorant of history, rested only upon agitation of wit; whereas Plato giveth good example of inquiry by induction and view of pa时iculars; though in such a wandering manner as is of no force or 企uit. 80 that he saw well, that the 8upposition of the 8U盟ciency of man's mind hath lost the means thereof. 1

I Here the MS. ends abruptly in the middle of the page. At the top fs written In Bacon's hand "The English as much as was par6te也.. The blank part of the last page seems to have formed the outside of a mlscellaneous bundle, and bears the followwg docket, a1so in BaCOD 's hand, '‘ Severall fragments of 也scourses."

DE

INTERPRETATIONE NATURÆ P RO rlginaI. - .1. S. • See the Sgdereus NU7lci旧。f Ga1i1eo, which bad just appeared wben tbls tract was written; and compare the fo Jlowing p描sage in tbe 1etter of Slr Wm. Lower to H町riot， written wben be hnd 自由t heard of Galileo's di盹。町rl四.. We Traventane phllo盹­ phers were a consideri口 ge of Kep1er's reasons by which he Indeavers to overthrow No1anus and Gl1 bert's opinlons concerninge the immensltle of the sph四re of the starr.es . • S创d 1 (havinge heard you 阻y often 剖 much) what Is [If?) In that huge space betweene the starres and Saturne, tber remaine ever fixed Infiulte numbers which by rea阳n of their 1esser magnltud时 d田 ðie our sighte. • . what if about 'fl 'lf. J &c. , ther move otber planets als() 胃blch appear not. Just 8l; 1 wa9 saying tbis com四 your letter, whlch wben 1 had redd, L饵" quod J, what 1 蜘ke probablie, experience hath made gooå." The name ., Traventane" is taken from bls house Traventi. It probably aJl udes to the tltle Consentine philosopbers, a1fected by the dlsciples of Te1esiω­ Bruno a霄~cted to ta1k of the Nolan philosophy. • It was doubted whetber tbe orbs of Venus and Mercurγare superlor to tbe sun's 。r Inferlor to It. The former w回 the oIder hypothesis an,l 19 preferred by Pto1emy ; ~ho however remarks tbat some bad dissented from it. See the Megal. Syntaxls, iv. 1. Bac。目 's iuformation 始 apparently derived from Patricius, Panωsmia， 13.

DESCRIPTIO GLOBI INTEI,LECTUAUS.

747

recentiores quoque de Venere e也 Mercurio ambigitur, uter planeta 8Ít altero superior. N am pro Venere ut sit superior, stat il1 a ratio, quod tardius nonnihil movet; et pro Mercurio, quod alligatur ad distantiam propiorem a sole, unde quis asse. rat debere eum proxime ad 801em collocari. De luna vero nemo unquam dubitavit, quin locata sit proxime ad terram , licet variatum sit de appropinquatione ejus ad solem. N eque serio contemplantem fugere debet aliud genus quæstionis, pertinens ad constitutionem systematis; hæc est, utrum planeta alter alterum per vices supergrediatur 伊andoque， et qωndoque rur8us suheat j id quod de Venere per demonstrationes quas. dam non indiligentes evinci videtur, ut ilIa aliquando in. veniatur super 801em locata, aliquando subter. Atque omnino recte quæritur, utrum . apogæum humilioris planetæ per在7æum superioris non secet, ejusque fines suhinó'ef. Restat ultima quæstio de collocatione pαrtium systemati$, h∞ est， utrum 8int plura et diversa centra in sy.çtemate, et plures tanquam choreæ: cum præsertim non solum Terra primi lD obilis, 801 (ex sententia Tychonis) secundi mobilis, verum etiam J upiter minorum et Duperorum ilIorum erronum l ex Galilæo centrum constituatur. Atque hæ sunt quæstiones illæ quinque, quæ de systemate ipso proponendæ videntur, An sit videlicet systemα; et quod sit centrum ejus; et quan归 profunditas; et quαlis nexus ejus j et quis ordo in collocntione partium. De extimis vero cooli, et coolo aliquo empyreo, theses aut quæstiones non conficimus. N eque enim istarum rerum est histona, aut extat phænomenon ullum. ltaque quæ de iis sciri possunt, ea per consecutionem tantum, ac nullatenus pel' inductionem sciri possunt. Erit igitur talis inquisitionis et tempus congruum, et ratio et modus quidam. De coolis vero et spatiis immateriatis, religioni omnino standum et permittendum. Quæ enim a Platonicis et nuper a Patritio 2 (ut diviniores scilicet habeantur in philosophia) dicuntur, non sine superstitione manifesta et jactantia et quasi mente turbata, denique ausu nimio, fructu nullo, similia Valentini iconibus 3 et somniis; ea errol'Um In tbe onglnal: si1ently "orr~cted by M. Bouillet.-J. S. Patritius, or rather Patrlch帽， from whom much of tbe latter part of tbe prescnt tract is taken, was born at Cher.o 10 1529. and dìed in 1597. He wrote a treatise on phil脚phy - Nova de Univer8i8 Phüo叩Ma 一 [wbich w描 publì山din 1591]. It 15 an attempt, of no 雷reat value. to conciliate Plato and Arlstot1 e. In tbe 1剖t book, entì t1ed Pancosmia. there is some inter~sting information toul'hing theories of tbe tides. • [IJcollib时 in t.be original. J V111entlnus is the alchemist Ba .il Va1entine. He is said I

2

748

DESCRIPTIO GLOBI INTELLECTUA Ll S.

nos pro rebus commentitiis et levibus habemus. N ullo modo enim ferenda est Moriæ apotheosis, tanqunm Divi Claudii: I quin pessimum est, et plane pestis et tabes intellectus, si vanis accedat veneratio.

CAPUT VII. Seq 1t untur quæstiones de substantia cælestium; qualiø, videlicet , sit substantia cælestium ill genere comparata ad corpora sublunaria; et qualis substantia ætheris iuterstellaris comparata ad corpus stellæ; et qualis sit substantÎa astrorum ipsorum comparata ad invicem , et comparata ad ignem nostrum , et in natura propria; et qualis "it substantia galaxiæ et macuIarum nigrarum in hemisphærio antarctico? Tum pl'oponitur quæstio primα ， An sit heterogenca inter cælestia et sublunaria, et qualis ea esse possit? ABSOLUTIS quæstionibus de systemate, pergendum ad quæstiones de substantia cælestium. Nam de substantia cælestiu01 inquirit præcipue philosophia, et de causis motus eorum: de motu ipso vero et ejus accidentibus, astronomia: de influxu et potestate, utraque. Debuerat autem esse cautum inter astronomiam et philosophiam , ut astronomia præferat hypothescs quæ maxime expeditæ ad compendia calculorum; philosophia vero quæ proxime accedunt ad veritatem naturæ. Atque insuper, ut astronomiæ hypotheses ad commoditatem suam , rei veritati nullo modo præjudicent, vicissim ut philosophi纪 decret:L talia sint , quæ sint super phænomcna astronomiæ omnino explicabilia. At nunc contra 6t, viùelicct ut astronomiæ 6gmenta in philosophiam invecta sint, eamque corruperint; et philosophorum speculationes circa cælestia sibi tantum placeant，的副tro­ nominm fere deserant, cælestia generaliter intuentes, verum ad phænomena particularia atque eorum causas nu110 modo se applicantes. 1 taque cum utraq ue scientia (qualis nunc habctur) sit res levis et perfunctoria, fortius omnino fìgendus ' est pes; ac si ista duo, quæ propter angustas hominum contemplationes, et usum professorium per tot secula disjungi consueyerun也 una to bave been a Benetlictlne of tbe congregation of 8t. Peter's at Erfurdt, and to bave in tbe beginning of tbe fifteenth century. BlI t it se.ms tbat tbe writlngs wbich bear bis name a陀 spurious. 8ee Spr~ngel. Hi.t. Med. ii i. p 267.. and Morhof"Po伽hi巾r， i. p. 84. , who mentions tbat Placclu~， in th~ P ,eudon. Catalog. , 1$ disposed 10 deny the existence of any sucb person, and does Dot brlieve that his n.n刊 could be found either in the pro\'incial cata!o!t ue of Benrdictinp氯 at Erfurd儿。r in the genera! olle at Rome. I 8ee thc Lurl旧 dc ]lforlt Claudii Ca.ari, of 8eneca.

Ii ved

,

DESCRIPTIO GLOBI INTELLECTUALIS.

749

atque eadem res siut, atque in unum scientiæ corpùs conflata. Jtaque proponitur prima ea quæstio, An substantia cælestium Slt 'teterogenea ad substantiam inferiorum? N am Aristotelis temeritas et cavillatio nobis cælum peperit phantasticum , ex quinta eS :i entia, experte mutationis, experte etiam caloris. 1 Atque misso in pr副enti sermone de quatuor elementis, quæ quinta essentia i1l a supponit; erat certe magnæ cujωdam .fi duciæ , cognationem inter elementaria , quæ vocant, et cælestia prorsus dirimere , cum duo ex elementis , a吕r videlicet et ignis , cum síellis et æthere tam bene conveniant; nisi quod moris crat illi viro ingenio abuti , et sibi ipsi negotiu lD facessere , et ObSCUI切ra malle. Neque tamen dubium est, quin regiones sub luna positæ et supra, una cum corporibus quæ sub iisdem spatiis continentur. multis et magnis rebus di侄erant. N eq ue rursus hoc certius est quam illud , corporibus utriusque regionis inesse complures communes inclinationes, passiones , et motus, ut , salva naturæ unitate , ista distinguere potius debeamus quam discerpere. Quod vero attinet ad i1l am heterogeniæ partem , ut cælestia ponantur æterna, inferiora corruptibilia 2; videtur sententia illa sub u t.raque parte fallere , quod nec cælo ea competat æternitas quam nngunt, neque terræ ea mutabilitas. Siquidem de terra vcre rem reputanti judicium minime faciendum ex illis quæ nobis sunt conspiclla, cum nihil ex corporibus quæ oculus humanus videt erutum sit aut ejectum ex magis profundo quam spatio fort副se tl讪 m milliarium ad plurimum; quod res nihili est collatum ad ambitum globi terrestris universi. Itaque nih:l obstat quin intima terræ pari prædita sint æternitate ac ipsum cælum. Enimvero si terra pateretur mutationes in profunùo , neri non potcst quin consequentiæ earum mutationum , etiam in nostra regione quam calcamus , m斗 ores casus parituræ fu Ìs sent quam fieri videmus. Etenim earu l1l quæ nobis se dant conspiciendas mutationum hic versus supernciem terræ , fere se ostendìt quasi semper simul causa aliqua ruanifesta desuper imposita , ex tempestatibus cæli , per imbres , fervores , et similia; ut terra ipsa ex se et yi propria nu l1i admodum mutatioui causam

,

I Aristotlf a伍 rmed tbat the Iigbt anrl heat re{erretl 10 the bnvenJy bodies arises (I'om the mechanlca1 action on the air duf' to their motion , -De Ca!o, ü. 7. .. Qulntessentia accipitur a Peripateticis pro Cælo, quia iis Cælum neque fst call. dum neque frigidum neque bumidum ncque siccum , scu pro essentia sincera ft pura ut natura ætberi~. Al i:ls, ccrlestis subslantia, sic dicta quia est aliquid præter eleme口 ta nec iu c:ra~i bO l' um ortum," - GOtlill , Le:r. 1-气11;1. in voce E lS e,dia. 2 Aristot. ubi suprà.

150

DESCRIPTIO GLOBI INTELLECTUALlS.

præbere videatur. Quod si concedatur (quod certe verisimile est) etiam terram ip幅m， non solum cælestia, in regiones aëris agere, aut frigora exspirando, aut ventos emittendo, aut hujusmodi alia j tamen et ista omnis varietas referri pote8t ad regiones terræ ex propinquo, in quibus pl町imas evenire mutationes et vices nemo sanus negaverit. Verum fatendum omnino est, ex phænomenis 也erræ longe maxime penetrare in profundum terræ motU8 , et, quæ ejus 8uot generi8, eruptiones aquarum , eructationes ignium. hiatus et abruptiones terrarum , et similia i quæ tamen ipsa videntur non insurgere ex lQ Jl ginquo, cum plurima ipsorum parvum aliquod spatium in superficie terræ occupare solean t. Quantρenim latius spatium in facie terræ occupat terræ motuB, sive aJ iud quippiam hujusmodi , tanto magis raruces et origines ejus ad viscera terræ penetrare putandum est; et quanto angustiu8, minus. Quod si quis asserat " tìeri quandoque terræ motus qui amplos et spatiosos regionum tractus quatiant, prorsus ita es也 At illi certe raro eveniunt, suntque ex casibus m呼 oribus. Itaque æquiparari pos8unt cometis 8ublimioribus, qui et ipsi infrequentes sunt. Neque enim id agitur, ut terræ simpliciter asseratur æternitas, sed ut illud appareat (quod initio diximus) inter cωlurn et terram, quatenus ad constantiam et muta f.ionem , non multum interesse. 2 Neque operæ pretium est argutari de æternitate ex rationibu8 motus; quemadmodum enim motus circularis termini8 non indiget, ita nec quies; atque æque susceptivum est æternitatis, ut densa in loco et congregatione magna connaturalitatis suæ consistant, quam ut tenuia rotent: cum p町tes avulsæ amborum ferantur recta. Etiam illud in argumentum sumi pote8t, quod terræ interiora corruptioni magis obnoxia non 8int quam ipsum cælum i quod ibi aliquid deperire solet, ubi aliquid refici potesιCU Dl vero imbres, et quæ de alto decidunt, quæ faciem superiorem terræ renovaut, nullo modo penetrare possint ad interiora terræ , quro tamen ipsa 8taot mole 8ua, et quanto suo; necessario fieri ut nibil deperdatur, quando nihil adsit quod Buccedat. Postremo, mutabilitas quæ in extimis terræ deprehenditur , videtur et ipsa per accidens esse. Nam incrustatio illa parva. quæ ad milliaria pauca deorsum extendi videtur (intra quos terminos præcla.ræ

, a.fftf'ut in tbe orig! oal; which has in this part many misprint.s. -

'Compare Telesl阻， De Rervm unquaπ1 nec Immutari videntur."

Nal.

J. S.

i. Il.; .. Sol modo terraque. . . nec flni

DESCRIPTJO GLOBl INTELLECTUALIS.

751

0值cinæ et fabricæ , plantarum nempe et mineralium , concluduntur) nuUarn fere reciperent varietatem, multo minus tam pulehra et elaborata a.rtificia, nisi ea pa.rs terræ a cælestibus pateretur et perpetuo ve11icaretur. Quod si quis existimet calorem et vim activam solis et cælestium universæ terræ cr副situdinem transverberare posse, is supers t.Ï tiosus et fanat.ieus censeri possit; cum liquido patea.t quam parvo objectu ea retundi et cohiberi possint. Atque de constantia terræ hactenus: videndum jam de mutabilìta.te cælestiurn. Primo igitur non ea utendum est ratione, mutationes in cælo non fieri , quia sub aspectum nO !ltrum non veniunt. Aspectum enim frustrat et loci distantia，的 lucis sive excessus sive defectus，的∞rporis subtilitas aut parvitas; neque enim scilicet si oculus in circulo lunæ positus esset, hic quæ apud nos in superficie terræ 盘unt mutationes, veluti inundationès, terræ motus, ædificia, structuras aut moles, cernere posset; quæ parvæ festucæ rationem non exæquant ad tantam distantiam. Neque ex eo, quod cωlum interstellare diaphanum sit, et stellæ noctibus serenis eædem numero et facie cernuntur, quis facile pronunciet universum corpus ætheris lirnpidurn, purum, et immutabile esse. N arn et aèr innumeras varietates suscipit, æstus, írigoris, odorum, et omnigenæ mis饲ræ cum vaporibus subtilioribus, neque propterea exuit diaphanum; similiter nec imagini aut faciei illi cæli credendum. N am si magnæ illæ nubium moles quæ cælum inte;rdum involvuI此， et soHs et as衍。rum conspectum to11unt a nobis propter propinquitatem ipsarum ad visum nostrum , in superioribus cæli partibus penderent, neutiquam illæ faciem cæli sereni mutarent: nam neo ipsæ cetni possent propter distantiam , nec ullam eclipsin facere in astris, propter corporum parv让atem respectu magnitudinis astrorum. Quin et corpus ipsum lunæ, nisi qua parte lumen excipit, faciem cæli non mutat; ut, si lumen illud abesset, t:mtum corpus nos latere plane posset. At contra Hquido patet ex massis corporum quæ mole et magnitudine spatiorum distantiam vincere, et propter materiarn luminosam aut splendidam visum nostrum lacessere possint, admirandas in cælo accidere mutationes atque insolentias. Id enim perspicitur in cometis sublimioribus, iis nimirum qui 剖面guram stellæ induerunt absque coma, neque solum ex doctrina para11axium 1

il1æ

I

Galileo (In the openlng of his flrst 1ect川e on tbe new star In 1604) "军howed thRt the new star could not be, as the vu1gar bypothesis

from t), e uba阳ce '!f par"Ua~'，

DESCRIPTIO GJ.OBI INTELLECTUALIS.

752

8upra lunam collocati esse probantur, sed confìgurationem etiam certam et constantem cum stellis fìxis habuerunt, et stationes suas servarunt, neque errones fuerunt; quales ætas nostra non semel vidit, primo in Cassiopea ' , iterum non ita pridem in Ophiucho. Quod vero hujusmodi constantia quæ conspicitur in cometis fiat ob sequacitatcm ad aliquod astrum , (quæ Aristotelis opinio fuit, qui eimilem rationem esse posuit cometæ ad astrum unicum et galaxiæ ad astra congrega饵， utrumque falso) , id jam olim explosum est, non sine nota ingenii Aristotelis, qui levi contemplatione hujusmodi res coofingcre ausus est. 2 N eque vero ista mutatio in cælestibus circa stellas novas , locum tenet solummodo in iis stellis quæ videntur esse naturæ evanidæ, sed etiam in iis quæ morantur. Nam et in stella illa nova Hipparchi 3, apparitionis mentio facta est apud veteres, disparitionis nequaquam. 4 Etiam conspici nuper cæpit stella nova in pectore Cyg时， quæ jam per duodecim annos integros duravit 5, ætatem cometæ (qualis habetur) longo intervallo supergressa, nec adhuc diminuta aut adornans 6 fugam. Neque illud rursus proprium et perpetuum est, ut veteres stellæ mutationem prorsus non patiantur, sed tantum stellæ recentioris epiphaniæ, in quibus nil mirum si mutatio eveniat, cum ipsa generatio et origo ipsarum immemorialis non sit. Miss:l. cnim Arcadum fabula de prima epiphania lunæ, qua se jactant illi fuisse antiquiorcs 7, non desunt exempla in rerum memoria satis fida , cum sol per tres vices, absque incidentia eclipsis aut interpositione nubium , aëre liquido et se1'eno, prodiit vultu mutato per multos dies, neque tamen similiter affectus, semelluce ex.iH, bis subfusca. Talia enim evenerunt anno DCCXC , per septendecim dies, et temporibus J ustiniani represented. a mtre meteor enll'enrtertd in our atmospbere and nearer the eartb than the moon , but must be situated among tbe most remote beavenly bodi臼. "-Life of G"lil.o. L. U. K. p. 16. 一 J. S. I A new star was observed In Cassiopeia by Cornelius Oemma and Tycbo Brahe in 1572; it d isappe，‘四d in 15i 4. Tbe star in Opbiuchus was obstrved by Kepler in 1604, and disappeared about tbe end of 1605. Compare witb tbe argument in tbe text, Galileo, Dialogi d.i Si.t.mi. • 8ee Al'i tot. Meteorol. i.8. • Hippachi in origlnal.-J.S. 4 See Pliny , ii. 24. • 1'his star, wbicb is of varlable magnitude , was 自 rst observed by Jansea In 1600, 60 tbat the lJ.，CT伊tio Glnbi Int.llectuali. must bave been writ t.e n in 1612. • So in original. 一 J. S. 1 Orta prior Lnnâ (de se si creditur Ipsl) A magno tellus Arcade nomen habet. OVID, F.ωti， i. 469. S~e for a dissertation on tbls mytbical stOTY , He :r ne , Opωι i1. 332. , and a communi. l'ation from Prufessor Franz givcn in tbe fourtb volumc of Humboldt's Co.mo. ,

,

l>ESCRIPTIO GLOBI INTELLECTUALIS. per annum dimidium 1, et post mortem

J ulii

753

Cæsaris per com-

plures dies. Atque J ulianæ illius obtenebrationis manet testimonium illud insigue Virgilii:

Ille etiam extincto miseratu9 Cæsare

Romal目，

Cum caput obscura nitidum ferrugine texit, Impiaque æternam timuerunt secula noctem.2 Varronis vero, hominis in antiquitate peritissimi , narratio (iuæ invenitur apud Augustinum 3 de stella Veneris，一 illam scilicet tempore Ogygis regis mutavisse colorem , magnitudinem , et figuram , -

dubiæ fidei esse potuit, ni simile eventum celebri

spectaculo ætate nostra MDLXXVIII recurrisset.

Nam tum quo-

que per annum integrum novatio facta est memorabilis in stella

,

Veneris quæ conspiciehatur magnitudine et splendore insolitis

,

rubedine Martem ipsum superab时， et figuram sæpius mutab时， facta quandoque triangularis, quandoque quadrangularis, etiam retunda, ut in ipsa massa et substantia prorsus pati videretur. 4 I These phenomena are mentloned in jUlltaposition by Palrici肘， PanCOlmÎa , P 111. , from whom Ba~on proLably derivtd hi. knowiedge of them. For the darlmess in 790 Patri~ius quot臼 P，.u i the Deacon , and for that in Justinian's time Peter Messias or Mexia, ...ho was almost a contemporaryυf his own. The original authority for it is Procopius, B.II. Vandal. il. 14. It is to this darkening of the SUll that. Bacon refers in the phrase" 5emel luce exili." (;ompare a list of seventeen examples of 。bscurati。目。 f tbe sun's Iight in the third voiume of Humboidt's Cosmo s. He does not mention that wbich took place in 790 ; and the obscuration in tbe time of Justinian is said on the autbority of Abui.Faragiu~ to have lasted 14 months. Humboldt compares it to tbat ..hicb tωk pla~e ill 1783. ~ Virg. Oeorg. 1. 469. See Pliny, ii. 30. , aDd tbe other authorities mentloned in Heyce's Virgil ad I时. "St. Äugust. De Ci vlt. Dei, ui. e. • Patricius was Bacon's autbority for this sto l'J'. After mentioning ..hat Augustine repeats from Varro, lae goes on tbus: "Quæ res ævo etiam nostro accidit aDDO X. D ux. VIII. Romæque visum id 四t die XVl Novembrls. .l n Oermaniâ vero die Decembris XXVl. Perque totum eum annum, sub vesperam , sole nondum merso visa est magnitudine iDsolit品， tlgurâ vero modo triangulâ, mω。 quadrangulâ， modo rotund å, et splendore maximo, et rubedine majore quam 5it M盯tis rubedo. Cursum tamen non mutavit." 一 Patrici:旧• Panco$mia , p. 107. This 15 given 剖 evideDce again5t tbe Arlstotelian doctrine of tbe immutability of tbe beavens; and that it is oot mentioned by Oaiileo and tbe other writers who fO constantiy refer 10 the Dew stars in Cassiopela and Se rpeotarius for simiiar evidence seems to sbow tbat tbe story has no otber foundatioD than that Venus wa tben visiLle before SUDset. The 5tOη 啊。uid， if true. bavp been a better proof of a cbange in the superlunary beavens than the new stars. seeing that it could not be 国id that Venus w描 a merely subiunary meteor. S。胃。n­ deñul a fact ought not to hav~ been quoted on the autborlty of a 1∞盹 aDd some..bat rbetorlcai ...riter like Patricius. (We must not forget however that th.is is an unflnlshed ...ork, not publisbed, nor prepared, nor perbaps InteDded. for publlcation by tbe writer. - J. S.1 It i5l .PGssible that Patricius's stO I'J' may be connected with the phenomenon observed In China in 1578, aDd wbich is thωmentioned ill Biot' extracts from the annals oC the l\I ing dyn臼ty. .. 1578. 22 Fevrier (p剧。de Wanli 俨. année 1'" lune jour Woutrhin) il parut une étoile grande comme le soleil." Humboldt observes that it is extraordinary tbat no mention w描 made in the 16tb cenlury by European astronomers of this phenomenoo. It seerns tbat Bacon bas VOL.l l1. 3c

,

,

754

DESCRIPTIO GLOßI lNTEU.ECTUALIS.

Quin etiam stella illa ex veteribus quæ in cçxa Caniculæ sita est, quam ipse se vidisse dicit Aristoteles comæ nonnihil habentem eamque comam, præsertim obiter intuenti, vibrantem, mutata jam videtur et comam deposuisse , cum nibil ejusmodi jam nostra ætate deprebendatur. 1 Adde etiam quod complures mutationes cælestium, præsertim in stellis minoribus, ex neglectu observationum facile præterlabuntur, et nobis pereunt. At promptum erit sciolo alicui ista ad vapores et dispositionem medii referre: sed mutat.iones quæ corpus astri alicujus constanter et æquabiliter et diu obsidere deprehenduntur et una cum astro circumvolvi, omnino in astro ipso, aut saltem in æthere propinquo statui debent, non in regionibus aëris inferioribus; cujus rei etiam argumentum sumitur plane validum, quod hujusmodi mutationes raro fìunt，的 longis intervallis annorum; quæ autem in aëre fìunt per interpositionem vaporum , frequentius. Quod si quis judicium faciat ex ordine cæli atque motus ipsius æquabilitate, cælum immutabile esse; atque certitudinem illam periodorum et restitutionum sumat in æternitatis tesseram non dubiam, cum substantiæ corruptib诅i vix competere videatur motus constantia; is paulo attentius dispicere debuerat, istam reditionem rerum per vices et tanquam in orbem per tempora c~r饵， etiam hic infra apud nos reperiri in nonnullis; maxime in æstu oceani: differentiæ autem minores quæ in cælestibus esse possunt, et periodis et restitutionibus suis aspectum nostrum et computationes nostras fugiunt. Neque magis motus il1 e circularis. cæli in argumentum æternitatis sumi potest; quod scilicet lationis circularis non sit terminus 气 motus autem immortalis substantiæ immortali convenit. Nam etiam cometæ inferiores subter lunam locati rotant, idque ex vi propria; nisi quis forte credere malit commentum i1lud de alligatione ad astruIìl. Enimve l'o si placeat argum四" tari de æternitate cælestium ex motu circulari, id ad universitatem cæli trahi debuit, non ad partes cæli; etenim aër, mare, terra, massis æterna, partibus caduca. Quin potius contra, non ita bene ominari 1icet de æternitate cæli ex motu i1lo rotationis; quia ille ipse motus non est perfectus in cælo, nec restituit se exacte in circulo integro et puro, sed cum de cI inamistal.

3 c: 4

760

DESCRIPTIO GLOBI lNTELLECTUALI~.

et penetrare possit; lunam tamen neutiquam. At lux lunm ipsius in eclipsibus aliquibus cernitur nonnulla, lieet obscura; in noviluniis autem et ætatibus lunæ, nulla, præter pa悦em irradiatam a sole. Porro, ßammæ impuræ et fæculentæ (ex quo genere substantiæ Empedocles constare lunam opinatus e8t l) 6unt certe inæquale8 , 8ed tamen eæ inæqualitate8 non locantur, sed mobile8 plerunque 8unt; cum maculæ in luna con8tantes putentur. Accedit quoque quod maculæ illæ etiam suas 6ubinæqualitates babere deprehendantur per specilla optiea, ut jam plane multipliciter figurata reperiatur hina, et 8elenographia illa sive tYPU8 lunæ, quem animo agitabat Gilbertu8 2, jam ex Ga1ilæi et aliorum industria præsto esse videatur. Quod si luna ex materia quapiam 80lida constitui p08sit ut terræ a面nis， aut fæx cæli (hujusmodi quædam jaetantur), videndum rursus an iIl a sit in hoc genereωla. Nam et Mercurius quandoque repertus est in conjunctione solis , tanquam macula qnædam , sive pusilla eclipsis. At maculæ illæ nigricantes quæ in hemisphærio antarctico inveniuntur, suntque fixæ, non sect1 s ac galaxia, m苟 orem injiciunt dubitationem de globis opacis etiam in partibus cæli sublimioribus. 3 Nam quod illud in causa sit, quia cælum in illis ,locis sit tenue et tanquam perforatum , id minus verisimile est,; propterea quod bujusmodi decrementum et tanquam privatio rei visibilis ex tantadista的ia visum nostrum nullo modo percutere possit, cum etiam reliquum corpus ætheris iuvisibile sit, nec ni8i per comparationem ad corpora stellarum cernatur. 11I ud fortasse magis probabile foret, nigrores illos [defectuiJ ‘ luminis imputare, quia rariores inveniuntur stellæ circa eam partem cæli, quemadmodum circa galaxiam crebriores; ut alter locus continenter luminosus videatur, alter umbrosus. Magis enim committi videntur ignes cælestes in antarctico hemisphærio, quam in nostro; m功 ores siquidem stel1as habeat, sed pauciorcs, et spatia interstellaria majora. Verum ipsa t l'aditio de maculis illis non admodum fida est, 8altem non tam magna circa eam observationem adhibita est diligtm t.ia, ut consequentiæ inde deduci adbuc debeant. Ill ud I

Empedocl4's 臼 id

tbat tbe

m∞n

was

à/pa.

tr""ft1'-rpØ阳'VOV IIf1'Of峙， lI'f霄可')'4TCI Eclø!l. Phy ic. i. 27.

"~pl)f 品t1Tfσ i'I'μ'KTOI'. a:，刷。副局悦于币 t1x你M比一 SlobÆUS，

,

8feren remarts tbat Stobæus is the onl1 author by whom this opinion

is

v.. ò

men-

tio口ed.

• See hls Physiologla Nova均 ii. 14., and tbe map of the moon by wbicb it is iIl ustrattd. • See for tbis Patriclus. r. 90.; and Acosta's History of tbe Indle.，切ok 1. cba l'. 2. • This word was lupplied in Montagu', edition. 一 J.S.

DESCRIPTI0 GLOnI IN'fELLECTUALIS.

761

magis premit inquisitionem præsentem, quod possint esse plu. res globi opaci per æthera eparsi, qui omnino non cernuntur. Nam et luna ipsa in primis ortibus, quatenus i1lustratur a sole, visum sane ferit, cornu et labro i1lo tenui circuli extimi , in profundo autem minime , sed cernitur eadem specie tanquam reliquus æther: et stelh且læ ilIæ erraticæ circa J ovem a Galilæo (si fides constet) repertæ, merguntur ad visum nostrum in pelago iIlo ætheris, tanquam insulæ minores et non conspicuæ; similiter et illæ stellulæ quarum glomeratio effecit galaxiam, si singulæ sparsim, non congregatæ confertim, colIocatæ essent, prorsus conspectum nostrum effugerent; quemadmodum et complures aliæ, quæ noctibus serenis, præsertim per hiemem, micant; etiam nebulosæ illæ stellæ sive foramina ad Præsepe' , jam distinctæ per specilla numerantur; quin per eadem specilJ a in fonte lucis omnium purissimo (solem dicimus) , macularum et opaci et inæqualitatis scrupulus nonnullus objectus esse videtur. Quod si 'nihil aliud , certe gradatio ipsa inter astra cælestia quoad lucem , a clarissimis descendens et pertingens ad obscura et caIiginosa , eo rem deducit, ut fidem faciat posse esse et globos omnino opacos. Minor enim gradus esse videtur a stella nebulosa ad opacam , quam a stella clarissima ad nebulosam. A8pectus autem noster plane fa1litur et circumscribitur. Quicquid enim spnrgitur in cælo, neque hnbet magnitudinem insignem atque etiam lucem vividam et fortem , latet, nec faciem cæli mutat. Neque vero imperiti cujusquam animum percellat, si in ùubium veniat utrum globi ex materia compacta pensiles sisti possint. Nam et terra ipsa in medio aëris, rei molIissimæ, circumfusi, pens i1 is natat; et magnæ nubium aquosarum moles, et grandinis congeries, hærent in regionibus aëris，的 inde magis I The nebuJa Præsepe In Cancer, and the one in the head of Orion , were the tw。 flrst nebuJæ ever resoJved into distinct stars. GaJil eo gave figures of tbem as they appeared through hls telescope in the Syd.rt ll.' N lI. ncius , Wbat BacolI goes on to say of spots In the sun is particul副'Iy interesting. Galileo dld not publisb on the sulûed before 1613; so that 8acon's infonnation W3S probably not derived from GaliJeo, thougb it is believed that GaJileo's flrst observations were made in Nov l> mber 1610. The earliest account which is It nown to have been pl'inted of these spots is that of Fabrici时， whose father's interesting corresνondence with Kepler has recently bt- en publisbed. His Iract D. Ma~1I. 1is in Sol. ob..rvatis was published at Wittenberg, 1611. It srems difficult to clecicle tbe question ofpriority ofol'servation belween him and Oalileo. Harriot observed the 5pOts in December 1610, but did not apparently 1100'11' what 10 malle of the appearance, and does oot designatt- the phenomena by tbe specitic name of spots until December 1611. before whicb time tbeir u.istence had bcen fully ascertained by others. He drew a piclure hO ever of what he bad seen I) n the f\ rst occasi Cln, 01 whic、h a facsim lJ e has been puùlished ùy PI'OfeS50r Rigaud , 10 wt. om 1 am indeùted for most of the substallce of tbis note. See bis Supplement to B I'副 IJcy'， Wυ1'11. 5 ， pp. 32 , 35.37. 'll'

762

DESCRIPTIO GLOBI INTELLECTU AI.I S.

dejiciuntur quam descendunt, antequam terræ vicinitatem persentiscant. ltaque optime notavit Gilbertus, corpora gravia post longam a te rl' a distantiam motum versus inferiora paulatim exuere, utpote qui a nullo alio corporum appetitu quam illo co吕undi et se congregandi ad terram (quæ est corporum cum iisdem connaturalium massa) ortum habet, atque intra orbem virtútis suæ terminatur. 1 N am quod de motu ad terræ centrum asseritur, esset profecto virtuosum genus nihili, quod tanta ad se raperet; neque corpus nisi a corpore patitur. ltaque quæstio ista de globis opacis et 8o)idis, licet nova et ad opiniones vulgares durior, recipiatur; atque una conjungatur quæstio i1la vetus, nec tamen decisa , quæ e:r astris lucem promant primitivam, atque e:r sese, et quæ ru l' sus e:r illustratione solis, quarum alte~a consubstantialia videntur soli, altera luuæ. Denique omnem inquisitionem de diversitate substantiæ astrorum ad invicem , quæ mu)tifar恒 videtl汀， cum alia rutila, alia plumbea, alia candida, alia splendida, alia nebulosa manifesto et constanter cernantur, ad septimam quæstionem intelligimus referri. Altera quæstio ea est, An astra sint veri 初nes? quæ tamen quæstio desiderat prudentiam quandam intelligendi. Aliud est enim dicere , aslra esse veros ignes j ali时， astra (sillt licet veri ignes) cunctas e:rercere vires , atque easdem edere actiones , quas ignis communis. N eque propterea ad ignem aliquem notionalem aut phantasticum deveniendum est, qui nomen ignis retineat, proprietates abneget. Nam et noster ignis, si in tali quanto quale est quantum astri in æthere collocaretur, di他rentes daturus fuerit operationes ab iis quæ reperiuntur hic apud nos.; cum entia longe diversas nanciscantur virtutes, et ex quanto suo et ex consitu sive collocatione sua. Etenim mas~æ majores , hoc est corpora connaturalia quæ congregantur in tali quanto quod habeat analogiam ad summam universi , induunt virtutes cosmicas, quæ in portionibus sui i! nullatcnus reperiuntur. Nam oceanus, qui est aquarum congrcgatio maxima, fluit et refluit; 3. t stagna et lacus minime. Similiter universa terra pendet, portio terræ cadit. Collocatio autem entis plurimi ad omnia momenti est et in portionibus majoribus et minoribus, propter contigua et adjacentia, vel amica vcl inimica. Ât multo majorcm etiam evenire necesse e吕t actionum diversitatem inter ignem astrorwn ct nO l:i trum, quia non tantum in quanto et colI

Gilbert, Pbysiol. Nova, i.

2 1.

DESCRIPTIO GJ. OBl l!\TELLECTUALIS.

763

locatione, sed etiam in substantia, aliquatenu8 vanetu l'. Ignis enim astrorum purus, integer, et nativus; at ignis noster degener, qui tanquam Vulcanus in terram dejectus ex casu claudicat. Si quis enim advertat, habemus ignem apud nos extra locum suum , trepidum , contrariis circumfusum, indigum, et stipem alimenti ut conservetur emendicantem ，的. fugientem. At in cælo existit ignis vere locatus , ab impetu alicujus ∞b trarii di司 unctus， constans ex se et similibus conservatus, et proprias operationes libere et absque molestia peragens. Itaque nihil opus fuit Patritio, ut formam flammæ pyramidalem, qualis apud nos invenitur, salvaret, comminisci superiorem partcm astri , quæ versus æthera vertitur, posse esse pyramidalem, licet inferior pars, quæ a. nobis conspicitur, sit globosa.' Nam pyramis illa flammæ per accidens est ex coactione et constrictione nëris , siquidem Bamma circa fomitem suum plenior, ab inimicitia aëris sensim constrin!!itur et effin!!itur in formam ' " ‘ ' pyramidis. ltaque in flamma , basis flammæ lata est, vertex acutus; in fumo , contra, inferius acutum , vertex latu8，的 tanqnam pyramis inversa; quia a运r fumum recipit, ßammam comprimit. Quare COllsentaneum est flammam apud nos esse pyramidalem, in cælo globosam. Similiter et flamma apud nos corpus momentaneum est, in æthere permanens et durabilis. Attamen et apud nos flamma et ipsa manere possit in forma sua et subsistere , nisi a circumfusis perderetur; quod manifestissimum est in flammis majoribus. Omnis enim portio flammro in medio ßammæ sita, et flamma undique circumdata, non perit, sed eadem numero manet inextincta，的 cælum rapide petens; at in lateribus laboratur atque abinde orditur extinctio. Cujus rei modus (Bammæ interioris scilicet permanentia in figura globosa, et flammæ exterioris vanescentia et pyramis) in flammis bicoloribus experimento demonstrari possit. Quinetiam (l e ipso ardore ßammæ inter cælestem et nostram plurimum variari potest. N am flamma cælestis libenter et placide cxplicatur, tanquam in suo, at nostra tanquam in alieno compingitur ct ardet et furit. Omnis etiam ignis constipatus et incarceratus fit ardentior. Enimvero et radii flammre cælesti8 postquam ad corpora densiora et mngisυbstinata pervenerint，的 ipsi lenitatem suam deponunt, et fìunt magis adurentcs. ltaque nυn I "Aslrn ftammæ 51 sunt, etsl non rotundæ slnt etiamsi sursum tenrlant , nihil obstat quin t' xrm l'lo nostrarum , procul a1 iquanto spectatæ, et rotundæ appareant et radialæ." -P"t";Ci Il S , Panco.mia , xv.

'1 64

DESCRIPTIO GLOBI INTELLECTU ALIS.

dehuit Aristoteles conftagrationem Herac1iti orhi suo metuere, licet astra veros ignes statuisse t. Poterit igitur ista quæstio recipi secunùum hanc explicationem. Sequitur altera quæstio, An astra alantur, atque etinm an augeαntur， minuαntur， generentur, extinguantur 'l Atque certe ex veteribus aliquis ohservatione quadam plebeia ali astra putavit, instar ignis, atque aquas et oceanum et humidititem terræ depascere atque ex vaporibus et halitibus reparari. Quæ certe opinio non videtur digna esse, ut quæstioni materiam subministret. Nam et vapores hujusmodi longe citra 副trorum altitudines de 1Ìciunt; neque illorum tanta est copia, ut et aquis et terræ per pluvias et rores reparandis, atque insuper tοt et tantis gIobis cælestibu8 reficiendis sufficere u110 modo queant; præsertim cum manifestum sit terram et oceanum humore evidenter per multa jam secula non decrescere , ut tantundem reponi videatl汀， quantum exsorbetur. Neque etiam ratio alimenti astris tanquam igni nostro competit. Ubi enim aliquiù ùeperit et decedit, ibi etiam reponitur quippiam et assimilatur.' Quod genus a时milationis ex Tartarismis est , et ex contrariorum aut dissimilium circumfusione ortum ducit. At in astrorum mole similari et interiore nil tale evenit, non magis quam in visceribus teηæ， quæ nec ipsa aluntur, sed substantiam suam servant secundum identitatem, non secundum assimilationem. Attamen de extimis oris corporum sidereorum recte datur quæstio , Utrum ea uno eodemque tenore maneant， α ut æthera cirr. umfusum deprædentur , atque etiam i吃万ciant? Quare eo 8ensu de alimoniis astrorum etiam quæri poterit. De augmentis vero et diminutionibus astl'orum in toto suo, recte adjungitur quæstio; licet rara admodum fuerint phænomena, quæ illi dubitationi occasionem præbere possint. Primo enim exemplum nullum , neque simile aliquid inter ea quæ apud nos repcriuntur, huic quæstioni patrocinntur 2; cum gIobus noster terræ et aquarum non videatur suscipere, secundum totum suum, augmentationem aut diminutionem eviùentem aut ineigncm; sed molem suam et quantum suum servare. At stellæ apparent ad aspectum nostl'um interdllm m呼 ore ， interùum minore corpore. Ve l' um est; sed ilIa m乓joritas et minoritas steIlæ vel ad longinquitatem et ad vicinitatem refertur, ut in apogæis et perigæis planetarum, 'vel ad I

auìmuÚJlur in the origina1; sO a150 10 the next 6entellces

auim~/ationem. 一 J.

S.

t patrøcìnatl'u, in the origlnal. -

J. S.

øSl imulatiolli.

and

DESCRIPTIO GLO Bl INTELLECTUALIS.

765

constitutionem medii. Quæ vero 击 t ex constitutione medii facile dignoscitur, quod non alicui certæ stellæ, sed omnibus ex æquo apparentiam mutet , ut fit noctibus hiemalibus, gelu intensiore, quando stel1æ auctæ videntur magnitudine , quia vapores et parcius surgunt et fortius exprimuntur, et universum corpus aëris nonnihil condensatur, ct vergit ad aqueum sive crystallinum, quod species exhibet majores. Quod si forte fuerit aliqua particularis interpositio vaporum inter aspectum nostrum et astrum certum , quæ speciem astri ampliet (quod in sole et luna frequenter et manifesto 缸， et in reliquis accidere pote8t), ea apparentia nec ipsa fallere potest, quia mutatio 山a magnitudinis non durat, neque sequitur astrum nec cum corpore ejus movetur, verum astrum ab ea cito liberatur, et solitam recuperat specicm. Veruntamen quamvis ista ita se habeant , tamen cum et olim temporibus priscis atque etiam ætate nostra, celebri et magno spectaculo, magna novatio fact a. fuerit in stèlla Veneris et magnitudine et colore, atque etiam fìgura; cumque mutatio quæ astrum aliquod certum perpetuo et constanter sequitur, et cum corpore ejus circumvolvi cernitur, necessario statui debeat in astro ipso, et non in medio; cumque ex observationum neglectu multa quæ in cælo fiunt conspicua prætereantur et nobis pereant; istam partem quæstionis nonæ recte admitti censemu s. Ejusdem generis est altera pars quæstionis, Utrum astra per longos seculorum circuitus nascantur et diss争entur 1 nisi quod major suppetat phænomenorum ubertas quæ hanc quæstionem provocat quam illam de augmentis: sed tamen in uno genere tantum. N am q uoad veteres stellas, omni 8eculorum memoria, nec alicujus earum ortus primus notatus est (exceptis iis quæ Arcades de Luna olim fabulati 8unt), nec aliqua ex iis desideratur. Earum vero quæ cometæ habitæ sunt, sed form a. et motu stellari, et prorsus veluti stellæ novæ l, et apparitiones vi• Tbis mode of 5ptalting of the new stars conflrms Professor Rigaud's explanatloD of a curious phrase ID one of Sir William Lower's letters to Harriot. .. ßis elliptical Iur plaDetarum , methinbs, shewes a way to the 50lving of the unknown walks of comeu .. (旧 1I speaklng of Kepler) ; .. for as his ellipsls ln the earth's motion Is more a c1 rcle, and in Mars is more IODge, and iD some of the other planets may be longer 略aiDe，四 In thol commets that appeare find the ellipsis may be neere a right IIne." The Pro. fe8sor remarks that he may possibly allude to phenomena Il ke the new star of 1572. It is thl. letter of Sir Wi1l iam Lower's, the first part of "hich Baron Zach 画criberl t。 tbe Earl of Nortbumberland , an error "hich is repeated by Apelt in his R~如matiOA 01 Attronomy. 8ee Rigaud's Supplement to Bradley's Works, pp. 43. 49 The Idea that the new star of 1572 movfd aJ tematfly towards and from the earth In a rlsht. llne, W&5 proposed b1 Johr. Dee. See Narrien's HisL of Astrouom1. p. 384.

766

J> ESCRIPTIO

GLOBI INTELLECTUA Ll S.

dimus, atque etiam ab antiquis accepimus, et disparitiones, dum alÜ8 hominibus tanquam consump惚 visæ sunt, aliis tanquam 副sumptæ (utpote quæ ad nos devectæ tanquam in perigæis, postea ad sublimiora remearunt) , aliis vero tanquam rarescentes existimatæ sunt a问ue in æthera solutæ. Verum universam istam quæstionem de stellis novis ad eum locum rejicimus ubi de Cometis dicemus. Superest quæstio altera, de Galaxia videlicet, An Galaxia sit glomeratio astrorum minimorum , aut corpus continuatum, et pars ætheris , mediæ naturæ inter ætheream et sideream? Nam opinio illa de exhalationibus jamdiu exhalavit, non sine nota ingenii Aristotelis, qui tale aliquid confingere ausus est, rei tam constanti et fixæ imponendo naturam transitoriam et variam. 1 Quin et finis etiam hujus quæstionis, prout a nobis proponitur, adesse jam videtur, si iis credimus quæ Galilæus tradidit, qui confusam illam lucis speciem in astra numerata et locata digessiιN am quod Galaxia non tollit aspectum 嗣tro­ rum quæ intra ipsam inveniuntl汀， illud certe litem non dirimit, nec rem inclinat in alterutram partem; id tantu皿modo fortasse abnegat, non collocari Galaxiam inferius æthere stellato. Hoc enim si foret, atque insuper corpus illud continuatum Galaxiæ aliquam baberet profunditatex口， aspectum nostrum interceptum iri consentaneum esset. Si vero pari collocetur altitudine cum stellis quæ per eam conspiciuntur, nil obstat quin stellæ spargi possint in ipsa Galaxia, non minus quam in reliquo ætbere. ltaque et istam quæstionem recipimus. Atque hæ sex quæstiones pertinent ad substantiam cælestium; qualis sc吕icet sit substantia cæli in genere , et qualis ætheris interstellaris, et qualis Galaxiæ , et qualis astrorum ipsorum , sive conferantur ad invicem, sive ad ignem no~trum， sive ad corpus proprium. At de numero, magnitudine ,' fìgur毡， et distantia astrorum, præter pbænomena ipsa et quæstiones historicas, de quibus postea dicetur, problemata philosophica fere simplicia 8unt. De numero 8cilicet sequitur quæstio altera. An is sit numerus astrorum qui videtur, quique Hipparchi d必如ntia notatus et descriptus ωt， et in glohi cælestis modulum conclusu$? 2 N am et satis frigida est ratio ea quæ redditur innumeræ illius multitudinis stellarum occultarum et tanquam invisibilium , quæ noctibu8 serenis præsertim per hiemem conspici solet; ut i1læ apparentiæ sci1icet 8int non stellæ minores, 8ed radiationes tanI

A. ris t. Meteor. i. 8.

•

Namcl)'~ :I.

tbousand and twenty.two.

DESCRIPTIO GLOBI INTELLECTUALIS.

767

tum et micationes et taoquam 8picula 8tellarum cognitarum; et nova jam censa 8unt plebeculæ cælestis capita a Galilæo , non 801um in il1 a turma quæ Galaxiæ nomine insignitt汀， verum etiam inter 8tationes ipsas et ordines pJanetarum. Stel1 æ autem invisibiles fìunt, aut propter corporis parvitatem , aut propter opacitatem (nam tenuitatis nomen non admodu lD approbamus, cum ßamma pura sit corpus eximiæ tenuitatis) , aut propter elongationem et distantiam. De auctario autem numeri astrorum per generationem 8tel1 arum novarum , quæstionem, ut prius, ad locum de Cometis rejicimus. Quod vero ad magnitudinem astrorum attinet, ea quæ est secundum apparentiam magnitudo pertinet ad phænomena, vera autem ad inquisitionem philosophicam , solo illo contenta problemate duodecimo 1: Quæ sit vera magnitudo cujus'l ue astri, vel mensurat矶、 vel saltem collata? facilius enim est. inventu et demonstru. tu , globum lunæ esse globo terræ minorem , quam globum lunæ in ambitu ωt millia passuum continere. Itaque tentandum et contendendum ut exactæ magnitudines inveniantur; illæ si minus haberi possint, utendum comparatis. Capiuntur autem atque concJuduntur magnitudines veræ, vel ab ec1ipsibus et umbris, vel ab extensionibus tam luminis quam aliarum virtutum quns corpora quæque pro ratione magnitudinis longius aut propius ejaculantur et diffundunt; vel postremo per symmetriam universi , quæ portiones corporum connatura1ium ex necessitate quadam temperat et terminat. Minime vero standum iis quæ ab astronomis de veris magnitudinibus astrorum tradita sunt (licet videatur esse res magnæ et accuratæ subtilitatis) satis licenter et incaute; sed exquirendæ (si quæ se ostendunt) probationes magis fìdæ et sinceræ. Magnitudo vero et distantia astrorum se invicem indicant ex rationibus opticis; quæ tnmcn et ipsæ excuti deben t. 1sta autem de vera magnitudine astrorum quæstio numero duodecima est. Sequitur quæstio altera de figura, An αstrα sint globi? hoc est, coacervationes materiæ in figura solida rotunda. Videntur autem ad apparentiam tres se ostendere figuræ astrorum; globosa et crinita, ut 501; globosa etangula饵， ut stellæ (crines vero et anguli ad 剖pectum tantum referuntt汀， forma globosa tantum ad substantiam); globosa simpliciter, ut luna. Neque enim conspicitur steUa oblonga, I Th is problem would be the tbirtcenth if that which relates to tbe numbpr of the stars Is included in the enumpration. 1 3m ther~fore Inclined to think that it is not: the reason of the ornissioD belng that It is matter of direct observation.

768

DESCRIPTIO GLOBI lNTELLECTUALIS.

aut quadrata, aut alterius 盘.guræ. Atque secundum naturam videtur ut m部sæ rerum 1叫ore目， ad conservationem sui et veriorem unionem，自e congregent in globofl. Decima qua此a quæstio pertinet ad distantiam; Quæ sit vera distantia alicujus stellæ in p叫fiendo cæli? Nam distant幅 plane­ tarum 钮，m ad invicem quam cum stellis uxis laterales sive per ambitum cæli re伊ntur a motibus earum. Quemadmodum autem superius de magnitudine astrorum diximus, si exacta magnitudo et plane mensurata haberi non possit, utendum esse magnitudine compara饵，; idem ùe dist品ntiis præcipimus; ut si exacte capi distantia non possit (exempli gratia a terra ad Saturnum, vel ad Jovem), tamen ponatur in certo Saturnum esse J ove sublimiorem. N eque enim systema cæli quoad interius, sc丑icet ordo planetarum quoad altitudines, omnino sine controversia est, neque quæ nunc obtinuerunt, olim credita sunt. A饨ue etiam adhuc lis pendet de Mercurio et Venere, utra sit sublimior. Inveniuntur autem distantiæ aut ex p即allaxibus， aut ex eclipsibus, aut ex rationibus motuum, aut ex apparentiis diversis magnitudinum. Etiam alia aux出.a huic rei comparanda sunt, quæ humana queat industria comminisci. Præterea crassitudines sive profunditates sphærarum pertinent etiam ad distantias. aut 创m伊laris，

769

THEMA C(E LI ,

CUM vero tan饵 reperiantur undequaque incommo缸" satis habendum si asseratur quippiam quod minus durum sit. Constituemus itaque et nos Thema Universi, pro modo historiæ quæ nobis hactenus cognita est; omnia integra servantes judicio nostro, postquam historia et per historiam philosophia nostra inductiva magis adulta sit. Proponemus autem primo quædam de materia cælestium, unde motus et constructio ipsorum melius intelligi possit; postea de motu ipso (quod nunc præcipue agitur) quæ cogitata et visa nobîs sunt proferemus. Videtur itaque natura rerum in dispertitione materiæ, disclusisse tenuia a crassis; atque globum terræ crassis, omnia vero ab ipsa super.6. cie terræ et aquarum ad ultima cæli usque teriuibus sive pneumaticis assignasse; tanquam geminis rerum classibus primariis, non æquis scilicet sed convenientibus portionibus. Neque vero vel aqua. in nubibus hærens vel ventus in terra conclusus naturalem et propriam rerum collocationem confundi t. Hæc vero differentia tenuis vel pneumatici et crassi vel tangibilis omnino primordialis est, et ea qua maxime utitur systema universi. Sumpta autem . es也 ex rerum conditione omnium simplicissima, hoc est copia et paucitate materiæ pro exporrectione sua. Pneumetica vero quæ hic apud nos inveniuntur (de iis loquimur quæ simplicia et perfecta existun乌 non ∞mp侃侃的 imperfecte mi阳) sunt plane i1la duo corpora Aër et Flamma. Ea vero ut corpora plane heterogenea ponenda sunt, non ut vulgo putatur, quod flamma nil aliud sit quam aër incensus. His vero respondent in superioribus natura Ætherea et Siderea, sicut ct inferioribus Aqua et Oleum, et magis in profundo Mercurius et Sulphur, et generaliter corpora cruda et pinguia, vel aliter corpora flammam exhorrentia et concipientia (sal创刊ro compositæ naturæ sunt ex p削ibus crudis simul et inflammab出bus ).1 Istæ vero duæ magnæ rerum fam诅iæ， Aërea I Sa1 t Is mentloned here, because Mercury, Sulphur, alld Salt are according to ParaceJsus the three constituent principles of all substances. Bacon however, as we VOL.III. 3D

770

THEMA CæLI.

et Flammea, videndum quo fædere universi partem longe maximam occupaverint, et quas partes h乱，beant in systemate. ln aëre terræ proximo flamma vivit tantum vitam momentaneam, et affatim periιPos问uam autem aër cæperit esse ab efBuviis terræ defæcatior et bene attenuatus,' natura flammæ per varios casus tentat et experitur in aëre consistere, et quandoque acquirit durationem nonnullam, non ex succe自sione ut apud n08 , sed in identitate; quod in aliquibus cometis humilioribus ad tempus obtinet, quæ sunt mediæ fere naturæ inter flammam successivam et consistentem; non tamen figitur a时 constat 缸.mmea natura, antequam perven伽m fuerit ad corpus lunæ. Eol∞o flamma extinguibile illud deponit, et se tuetur utcunque; sed tamen in量rma et sine vigore est ejusmodi flamma, et parum habens radiationis, nec propria natura vivida, nec a contraria natura admodum excitata. Etiam integra non e盹 sed ex compositione cum substantia ætherea (qualis ibi invenitur) maculosa et interpolata. N eque in regione Mercurii admodum feliciter collocata est fl.amm息， cum ex coadunatione sua parvum tantummodo planetam conficere potis sit, eumque cum magna et per阳rbata varietate et fl.uctu motuum, tanquam ignem fatuum, laborantem et confl.ictantem, nec se a solis præsidiis nisi per parva spatia disjungi sustinentem. Atque postquam ad regionem Veneris es也 ventum， incipit roborari flammea natura et c1arescere, et in globum bene amplum èongregari; qui tamen et ipse famulatur soli，的 1佣gius ab eo recedere exhorret. ln Solis autem regione tanquam in solio collocatur fl.amma; media inter fl. ammas planetarum, fortior etiam et vibrantior quam fl.ammæ fixarum , propter majorem antiperistasin et intensissimam unionem. At fl.amma in regione Martis etiam robusta cernitur, solis vicinitatem rutil剖ione referens, sed jam sui juri目， et quæ per integrum cæli diametrum se a sole disjun岳阳iat盯­ ln regione autem J ovis fl. amma contentionem paulatim deponens, mngis placida videtur et candida, non tam ex natura propria (ut stella Veneris, quippe ardentior)，自ed ex natura circumfu抽 minus irrita钮， et exasperata; in qua regione verisimile est, 也ud quod reperit Galil邸， cælum incipere stellescere, licet see in the Hi.toria S，哗huris， 胁rcurii et Sali" of whlch only the ad!t皿 or preface bas been preserved, refuses ωrecognise saIt 幽 a co-ordlnate princ!ple wlth the other two, .• duo ex !llis, Sulpburem scilicet et Mercurlum (sensu nostro accepta) censemus es盹 naturas admodum prlmor创aI回 et penitissimos materiæ schematløm08, • • • Quod vero !Id Salem attinet, alla res est. ..

THEMA C