The Valley of the Six Nations: A Collection of Documents on the Indian Lands of the Grand River 9781487588960

Table of contents :
Foreword
Preface
Contents
Illustrations
Introduction
Documents
A. The People Of The Island
B. The Exodus To The Grand River
C. A Disputed Title
D. The White Man's Frontier
E. The War Path: 1812 And 1837
F. Christianity In The Longhouse
G. A Stock-Taking
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

THE VALLEY OF THE SIX NATIONS Edited with an Introduction by CHARLES M. JOHNSTON Although the Six Nations have not been neglected by historians, Professor Johnston here sheds new light on those factors—social, economic, and political—which shaped their early activities on the Grand River. After a general description of early Indian life in the area, starting with the first record in 1627, the author traces the history of the Six Nations from their arrival in Canada up to the middle of the nineteenth century, when the last sizable tracts of the original grant of 1784 were conveyed to white purchasers, and the present reserve assumed its definitive form. The Six Nations Indians had been dispossessed of their homes in the Mohawk River Valley because of their allegiance to the British cause during the American War of Independence, and the lands on the Grand River in Ontario had been granted to them after the War. From this grant arose many problems. Some were associated with the settlement of Europeans and Americans on the Indian lands. Disagreements arose over the actual rights that the Six Nations Indians enjoyed in the Valley, including their right to sell their land, and any such sales were surrounded with difficulties. Other problems concerned the positions of the Six Nations in the War of 1812 and the Rebellion of 1837, and their adjustment to a European way of life, religion, and education. Prominent throughout are a number of interesting and controversial personalities, including men like Joseph Brant, who led the Six Nations in the early years. After the Editor's Introduction, the story unfolds in the words of the missionaries, travellers, army officers, government officials, and settlers of the time, as well as in the vigorous letters and speeches of the Indians themselves. This book will appeal to all those interested in the history of Ontario, and in Indian affairs. It contains much that is relevant today in view of current disputes over Indian lands and rights. Ontario Series of the Champlain Society, Volume VII CHARLES M. JOHNSTON is a graduate of McMaster University and the University of Pennsylvania. He is currently Associate Professor of History at McMaster University.

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ONTARIO SERIES VII

JOSEPH BRANT AT THE GRAND RIVER, BY WILLIAM

[National Gallery of Canada.]

VON MOLL

BERCZY.

THE VALLEY OF THE SIX NATIONS A Collection of Documents on the Indian Lands of the Grand River

Edited with an introduction by

Charles M. Johnston THE CHAMPLAIN SOCIETY FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF ONTARIO UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS 1964

All rights reserved

Colour Plate: Joseph Brant at the Grand River by William von M o l l Berczy (National Gallery of Canada)

FOREWORD

F

LOWING through the rich heartland of Ontario, the Grand River has been of major importance in the history and development of the province. It was first visited by the white man more than three hundred years ago, when the Neutral Indians lived on its banks. French traders, missionaries, and explorers considered its possibilities as a trade artery into the rich fur country, while the Indians continued their age-old way of life in its valley. The early years of British rule saw little change, until the American Revolution disrupted the whole pattern of existence in eastern America. After the War, Great Britain was faced with the problem of helping many hundreds of Indians who had fought for her cause, and who were unwilling or unable to remain under the new United States government. Most of them had left their ancestral homes in the Mohawk Valley, and were seeking asylum across the border in Canada. It was for these Loyalist Indians, part of the proud Six Nations Confederacy, that the valley of the Grand River was acquired by the Crown in 1784. Here they settled and here many of their descendants still reside. It is their story that is told in this seventh volume of the Ontario Series. Professor Charles M. Johnston, Associate Professor of History at McMaster University, has found relevant documents in many sources on this continent and in England. These contemporary records which he has so painstakingly gathered give a fascinating picture of the Neutral Indians of the French régime, and of the refugee Six Nations coping with the vexing questions of re-establishment, land tenure, war, and acculturation. Like the earlier books in the Ontario Series, this is not interpretative history. Its purpose is to present to the modern reader a representative collection of the more interesting and significant documents concerning the Indians on the Grand River—documents that show clearly and accurately the thoughts and actions of Ontario's first citizens, as well as the conditions under which they lived. Background and perspective are provided in Professor Johnston's excellent introduction. The Ontario Series is a joint undertaking of the Government of Ontario and the Champlain Society, which for almost sixty

via

FOREWORD

years has been publishing historical works. The Society chooses and guides the editor of each volume in the Series, and the Government defrays the cost of preparation and publication. Volumes concerning the early history of the Trent Valley, Kingston, Windsor, Toronto, and Muskoka and Haliburton have already been published. In preparation are volumes on Toronto, the Ottawa Valley, the Lakehead, and the United Counties of Dundas, Stormont, and Glengarry. When the Ontario Series began in 1957, it was hoped that it would be of vital importance in the preservation of our province's heritage. So it has proved to the scholar and general reader alike. Professor Johnston has earned the gratitude of the citizens of Ontario for his valuable contribution towards the accomplishment of this high purpose. JOHN P. ROBARTS Prime Minister of Ontario Toronto September 28, 1964

PREFACE T egend has it that the roll call wampum, the great beaded JL/ device that laid down the order in which the representatives of the Six Nations grouped themselves about their council fires, was buried for safekeeping throughout the long years of the American War of Independence. Subsequently, we are told, it was dug up and made ready for use when Sir Frederick Haldimand, Governor of Quebec, granted the refugee tribesmen an extensive tract on the banks of the Grand River as a substitute for the ancestral lands they had lost during the campaign in New York. Shortly after the Indians took up residence in that "fertile and happy retreat," the Onondagas, the traditional "Fire Keepers" of the ancient Confederacy, rekindled the council blaze and read out the roll call, a ceremonial act that signalled the beginning of another chapter in the colourful history of these People of the Longhouse. In the Introduction and the Documents that follow an attempt has been made to illumine several facets of that history and in the process some of the Six Nations' social, military, and political affairs in old Ontario. The record is brought up to the mid-nineteenth century when the last sizable tracts of the original grant of 1784 were conveyed to white purchasers and the present reserve assumed its definitive form. The burden of preparation was eased immeasurably by a host of congenial librarians and archivists who spared no pains in unearthing appropriate documents and assisting in other ways. Overseas, the staffs of the British Museum, the Public Record Office, and the Guildhall Library supplied a great variety of material on the Six Nations' early years in Upper Canada. In the United States, the Library of Congress, the New York State Library, and the Newberry Library in Chicago made available items on such topics as the Confederacy's military history and social customs. At home, the following institutions and associations furnished invaluable assistance: Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa; Department of Public Records and Archives of Ontario, Toronto; Toronto Public Library; McMaster University Library; Hamilton Public Library; Brantford Public Library; Brant Historical Society; Institute for Iroquoian Studies. The National Gallery of Canada was good

x

PREFACE

enough to lend their plates of Berczy's portrait of Joseph Brant. Again, many of the expenses incurred in the course of the research were met by the Canada Council, which provided a summer research grant in 1961, and by a number of timely grants-in-aid from McMaster University. A special vote of thanks is due Dr. William N. Fenton, Associate Commissioner, New York State Museum and Science Service, and Professor Frank Vallée of Carleton University, for their guidance in matters of Iroquoian anthropology. To my colleagues at McMaster, notably Principal E. T. Salmon, Dr. H. W. McCready, Professor John Campbell, and Dr. G. S. French, I wish to express my heartfelt thanks for their sympathy, good wishes, and forbearance while this study was in progress. Professor Campbell kindly examined and made useful comments on much of the Introduction. My indebtedness to Dr. W. Kaye Lamb and other officials of the Champlain Society is difficult to put into words. Briefly, their help was indispensable, especially the cheerful editorial labours of Miss Edith G. Firth, whose enormous task it was to prepare the manuscript for publication. I would also gratefully acknowledge the efforts of the editorial staff of the University of Toronto Press and the aid afforded by Professor Morris Zaslow who suggested a number of worthwhile changes hi the presentation. The maps were redrawn by Mr. Geoffrey Matthews of the Department of Geography, University of Toronto. Mrs. Gordon Vichert of Hamilton assisted with the index. Lastly—subscribing to the unaccountable but tune-honoured custom whereby authors defer tributes to their spouses to the closing words of an acknowledgment such as this—I wish to thank my wife for her many and varied contributions, ranging from giving advice on how best to present particular points to ensuring that four active youngsters would not interfere unduly with their father's timetable during the final stages of the project. C. M. J.

Ancaster, Ontario 26 September 1964

CONTENTS FOREWORD TO THE ONTARIO SERIES BY THE HONOURABLE JOHN P. ROBARTS, PRIME MINISTER OF ONTARIO . . . vii PREFACE

ix

INTRODUCTION A. THE PEOPLE OF THE ISLAND B. THE EXODUS TO THE GRAND RIVER C. A DISPUTED TITLE D. THE WHITE MAN'S FRONTIER

E. THE WAR PATH: 1812 AND 1837

F. CHRISTIANITY IN THE LONGHOUSE G. A STOCK-TAKING

xxvÍÍ XXXÍÍÍ xlii lV

lxx

lXXÍX lxxxix

DOCUMENTS A. THE PEOPLE OF THE ISLAND A 1 Father Joseph de La Roche Daillon to a Friend in Angers, 1627 .......... 3 A 2 Sagard-Théodat's Description of Iroquoian Agriculture ............ 7 A 3 Father Jérôme Lalemant's Account of the Mission of the Angels to the Attiwandaronks . . . . 11 A 4 Father René de Brehant de Galinée's Exploration of the Grand River, 1669 ........ 22 A 5 Lafitau's Description of the Architecture of the Longhouse ............ 24 The Six Nations in the Late Eighteenth Century A 6 The Chase and Sport ......... A 7 Iroquoian Government ........ A 8 Iroquoian Mythology ......... A 9 Notes on the Mohawk Language ..... A 10 The Influence of the Mohawk Women . . . . A 11 The Marriage Customs of the Six Nations ... A 12 Iroquoian War Tactics ........

27 28 29 30 30 31 32

xii

CONTENTS B. THE EXODUS TO THE GRAND RIVER

B 1 Allan Maclean to Sir Frederick Haldimand, May 18, 1783 B 2 Brant's Speech to Haldimand at Quebec, May 21, 1783 B 3 Haldimand to Sir John Johnson, May 26, 1783 . B 4 Lord North to Haldimand, August 8, 1783 . . B 5 Claus to Haldimand, December 15, 1783 ... B 6 Haldimand to Johnson, March 23, 1784 . . . B 7 "Substance of Brant's Wishes Respecting Forming a Settlement on the Grand River," and Haldimand's Answer, March, 1783 . . . . B 8 Lord Sydney to Haldimand, April 8, 1784 . . B 9 Haldimand to John Chew, April 22, 1784 . . B 10 A Six Nations' Meeting with the Mississaugas, May 22, 1784 B 11 Sale of Grand River Lands by the Mississaugas to the Crown, May 22, 1784 B 12 The Report of the Rev. John Stuart, May 25, 1784 B 13 A. S. De Peyster to Haldimand, June 28, 1784 . B 14 Haldimand to De Peyster, July 15, 1784 . . . B 15 Robert Mathews to De Peyster, July 26, 1784 . B 16 Haldimand's Proclamation of October 25, 1784 . B 17 Mathews to Stuart, October 30, 1784 . . . . B 18 Haldimand to De Peyster, November, 1784 . . B 19 A Census of the Six Nations on the Grand River, 1785 B 20 "Means Suggested as the Most Probable to Retain the Six Nations and Western Indians in the King's Interest" B 21 John Dease to Henry Hamilton, September 16, 1785 B 22 Speech by John Deseronto at Council at the Bay of Quinte, September 2-10, 1800 B 23 Johnson to Dorchester, January 28, 1790 . . . B 24 David and Aaron Hill to Johnson, April 15, 1790 B 25 Dorchester to Johnson, May 20, 1790 . . . . B 26 Extracts from the Minutes of the Nassau District Land Board, December 20, 1790, and February 1, 1791

35 38 41 42 42 43

44 45 46 46

48 49 49 50 50 50 51 51 52

52 53

54 54 55 55 56

CONTENTS

B 27 Formation of a Committee to Investigate Indian Claims, January 4, 1791 B 28 Brant to Dorchester, March 24, 1791 . . . . B 29 Henry Motz to Johnson, May 9, 1791 . . . . B 30 Report of Committee Investigating Indian Claims, December 24, 1791 B 31 A Visit with Joseph Brant on the Grand River, 1792 B 32 Stuart's Report to the S.P.G., October 11, 1798 B 33 George Hillier to Alexander McDonell, March 31, 1819 B 34 Proceedings of an Indian Council at Hamilton, July 4, 1819 B 35 Lord Bathurst to the Chiefs of the Six Nations, September 28, 1821

Xiii

57 57 58 58

59 65 66 66 68

C. A DISPUTED TITLE

C 1 The Royal Proclamation of 1763 C 2 A Deed from the Six Nations Inhabiting the Grand River, February 26, 1787 C 3 Statement by Sir John Johnson in Dorchester's Name to Aaron and Isaac Hill, Montreal, September 20, 1788 C 4 Alured Clarke to Simcoe C 5 Simcoe's Patent of the Grand River Lands to the Six Nations, January 14, 1793 C 6 Brant to Alexander McKee, February 25, 1793 C 7 Simcoe to Dorchester, December 6, 1793 . . . C 8 E. B. Littlehales to Francis Le Maistre, Quoting Letters from Brant [probably March 29, 1795] . C 9 Brant to Israel Chapin, January 19, 1796 . . . C 10 Dorchester to Joseph Chew, February 19, 1796 C 11 Peter Russell to Simcoe, September 22, 1796 . C 12 Brant's Power of Attorney to Sell the Indian Lands, November 2, 1796 C 13 Brant's Address to William Claus on the Subject of the Indian Lands, November 24, 1796 . . . C 14 Portland's Instructions to Russell, March 10, 1797

70 70 72 72 73 75 75 77 78 78 78 79 81

84

xiv

CONTENTS

C C C C

15 16 17 18

Robert Liston to Robert Prescott, April 8, 1797 Russell to Prescott, May 30, 1797 Brant to Chapin, June 16, 1797 Minutes of the Executive Council, June 29July 1, 1797 C 19 Russell to Prescott, July 17, 1797 C20 The Rev. John Stuart's Report to the S.P.G., October 9, 1797 C 21 Memoir of William Dummer Powell, 1797 . . C 22 Portland to Russell, November 4, 1797 . . . C 23 Brant to James Green, December 10, 1797 . . C 24 Brant to Sir John Johnson, December 10, 1797 C 25 Brant to David William Smith, December 28, 1797 C 26 Brant to Liston, December 29, 1797 . . . . C 27 The Formal Transfer of the Grand River Tracts, February 5, 1798 C 28 Russell to Prescott (with enclosures), February 19, 1798 C 29 William Dummer Powell to John Askin, May 7, 1798 C 30 A Six Nations' Council at Fort George, October 8, 1803 C 31 Brant's Complaints of Glaus at a Council at Fort George, July 28, 1806 C 32 John Huff's Lease C 33 Resolutions of a Six Nations' Council at the Onondaga Village, March 1, 1809 C 34 Francis Gore to Lord Castlereagh, September 4, 1809 C 35 Isaac Brock's Proclamation on the Indian Lands, February 1, 1812 C 36 Leases of Isaac Whiting and Ezra Hawley . . . C 37 BenaijahMaUory's Lease, March 20, 1812 . . C 38 Petition of the Sons of Hendrick William Nelles, March 20, 1812 C 39 The Petition of William K. Smith, Enos Bunnil, Isaac Whiting, David Phelps, and Malci File, Junior, July 15, 1819 C 40 Confirmation of Leases Given by Joseph Brant, 1835

85 86 86 87 88 89 89 91 92 93 95 95

97 98 103 104

105 109 110 112

113 114 115 116 117 118

CONTENTS

xv

D. THE WHITE MAN'S FRONTIER

D 1 The Principal Surrenders of Land on the Grand River, 1798-1844 120 D 2 Survey Diary of Thomas Welch, 1796 . . . . 120 D 3 Survey Diary of Augustus Jones, 1797 . . . . 125 D 4 Description of Blocks 2-6 in the Indian Lands, February 4, 1798 127 D 5 List of Purchasers, Prices, and Acreage of the Blocks, February 5, 1798 129 D 6 Report of the Executive Council on Sales of Blocks, June 24, 1803 129 D 7 Speeches by Brant and Claus at Six Nations' Council, Fort George, August 17, 1803 . . .133 D 8 Proceedings of a Six Nations' Council at Onondaga, November 9, 1806 136 D 9 Claus' Speech at Six Nations' Council at Fort George, May 29, 1807 138 D 10 Resolutions of a Six Nations' Council at Onondaga Village, March 1, 1809 139 D 11 Report of the Executive Council on Indian Land Sales, May 14, 1830 140 Block No. 1 D 12 Grant of Block No. 1 to Philip Stedman, 1795 . 147 D 13 Report of Executive Council on Block No. 1, December 2, 1806 148 D 14 Daniel Penfield to Brant, April 27, 1807 . . . 149 D 15 Peter Hogeboom to Jones, December 26, 1809 . 150 D 16 Claus to Duncan Cameron, March 9, 1810 . .150 D 17 Hogeboom to Jones, AprilS, 1811 151 D 18 William Dickson to Claus, October 20, 1817 . . 152 Block No. 2 D 19 Articles of Agreement between Richard Beasley, and Daniel Erb and Samuel Bricker, 1803 . . 154 D 20 Principal and Interest Remaining due on Beasley's Mortgage, May 15, 1804 156 D 21 Claus' Receipt for Funds Paid by the German Company, May 21, 1804 156 D 22 Report of a Committee of the Executive Council on Beasley's Mortgage, May 18, 1804 . . . . 157

xvi

CONTENTS

D 23 Claus to Henry Allcock, May 29, 1804 . . . 160 D 24 Beasley to Claus and Alexander Stewart, July 20, 1805 160 D 25 Thomas Ridout to Francis Gore, October 16, 1809 161 Block No. 3 D 26 Brant's Speech to Claus, Respecting Block 3, September 23, 1806 162 D 27 Proceedings of the Executive Council, April 14, 163 1807 Block No. 4 D 28 Samuel Clark to Simcoe, December, 1797 . . . 163 D 29 Cozens'Affidavit, July 1, 1834 164 D 30 A Description of Nichol, 1817 167 Block No. 5 D 31 William Jarvis' Surrender of Block 5, April 17, 168 1807 D 32 A Speech by the Six Nations in Council, May 29, 1807 168 D 33 Alexander McDonell to Selkirk, November 16, 1807 169 D 34 McDonell to Selkirk, March 18, 1808 . . . . 170 D 35 McDonell to Selkirk, July 30, 1808 172 D 36 McDonell to Selkirk, November 28, 1808 . . . 173 Block No. 6 D 37 Brant's Declaration Respecting Block 6, June 9, 1802 178 D 38 Brant to Henry Allcock, June 17, 1803 . . . 179 Sherbrooke Township, Haldimand County D 39 Surrender of a Tract by the Six Nations to Dickson, March 13, 1809 180 D 40 Sir Frederick Robinson to Claus, July 15, 1815 . 181 D 41 Claus to James Givins, July 24, 1815 . . . .182 D 42 Claus to Robinson, July 24, 1815 182 D 43 Dickson to Sir John Sherbrooke, January 30, 1818 183

CONTENTS

xvii

Brantford D 44 John Brant to Z. Mudge, April 11, 1830 . . . 184 D 45 The Memorial of Brantford's Citizens, 1830 . . 185 D 46 Brant to Mudge, December 18, 1830 . . . . 186 Cayuga Township D 47 A Mennonite Petition to Sir John Colbourne, 1834 187 Surrender of Residual Lands, 1841 D 48 Samuel P. Jarvis to a Delegation of Mohawk Chiefs, January 5, 1841 187 D49 Jarvis to the Chiefs of the Six Nations Indians, January 15, 1841 189 D 50 Surrender of Lands by the Six Nations, January 18, 1841 191

E. THE WAR PATH: 1812 AND 1837 E 1 J. B. Rousseaux to William Glaus, June 7, 1812 . 193 E 2 Sir Isaac Brock to Sir George Prévost, July 3, 1812 194 E 3 General William Hull's Letter to the Six Nations, July 18, 1812 195 E 4 Brock to Lord Liverpool, August 29, 1812 . . 195 E 5 Joseph Willcocks to John Macdonell, September 1, 1812 196 E 6 Brock to Prévost, September 7, 1812 . . . . 197 E 7 Brock to Prévost, September 28, 1812 . . . . 197 E 8 Sir Roger Sheaffe to Prévost, October 13, 1812 . 198 E 9 Lieutenant-Colonel Cecil Bisshopp to Sheaffe, December 1, 1812 198 E 10 Claus to Bisshopp, June 24, 1813 199 E 11 An Account of the Battle of Beaver Dam, July 6, 1813 199 E 12 Dominique Ducharme's Account of the Battle of Beaver Dam, June 5, 1826 201 E 13 A Return of the Six Nations Tribesmen at Beaver Dam, June 24, 1813 203

xviii

CONTENTS

E 14 General Peter B. Porter to John Armstrong, July 27, 1813 206 E 15 General Orders Affecting the Awarding of Presents to Indian Warriors, August 7, 1813 . . . 206 E 16 General John Vincent's Speech to the Six Nations, October 22, 1813 207 E 17 Claus' Military Report, December 4, 1813 . . 208 E 18 Dissension in the Confederacy, January 9, 1814 219 E 19 Noah Freer to Sir Gordon Drummond, March 1, 1814 219 E 20 Harvey to Sir Phineas Riall, March 23, 1814 . . 220 E 21 Norton to Captain William Jervois, May 30, 1814 221 E 22 A Speech Delivered to the Western Warriors by Colonel William Caldwell, June 14, 1814 . . . 221 E 23 Freer to Robert R. Loring, July 9,1814 . . . 222 E 24 Riall to Drummond, July 6, 1814 223 E 25 Drummond to Prévost, October 10, 1814 . . . 223 E 26 Duncan McArthur to George Izard, November 224 18, 1814 E 27 McArthur's General Orders, November 18, 1814 224 E 28 Norton to C. L. Foster, February 23, 1815 . . 225 E 29 Drummond to Prévost, March 11, 1815 . . . 226 E 30 An Infantryman's Repudiation of the Indians, August 23, 1815 227 E 31 Another Criticism of the Iroquois 228 E 32 Sir George Arthur to Lord Glenelg, September 28, 1838 228 E 33 William Johnson Kerr to John Macaulay, October 3, 1838 230 E 34 Glenelg to Arthur, December 5, 1838 . . . . 231

F.

CHRISTIANITY IN THE LONGHOUSE

F 1 Daniel Claus to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1782 . . . 232 F 2 The Rev. John Stuart's Report to the S.P.G., July 4, 1783 234 F 3 Stuart's Report to the S.P.G., October 1, 1785 . 234 F 4 Claus to Evan Nepean, April 23, 1787 . . . . 235 F 5 Stuart's Reports to the S.P.G., 1787 . . . . 235

CONTENTS

xix

F 6 Sir John Johnson to Claus, October 19, 1787 . 236 F 7 Reports by Stuart and the Rev. Robert Addison to the S.P.G., 1788-95 236 F 8 Joseph Brant to Johnson, December 15, 1797 . 238 F 9 Peter Russell to Bishop Jacob Mountain, February 22, 1798 239 F 10 Russell to Brant, May 14, 1798 241 F 11 Reports by Stuart and Addison to the S.P.G., 1798-99 241 F 12 The Rev. Samuel Kirkland's Account of Religious Practices on the Grand River, February 26, 1800 242 F 13 The Emergence of the Indian Prophet, Handsome Lake 242 F 14 Norton's Comments on Religion in the Indian Settlements, 1806 243 F 15 Addison's Report to the S.P.G., 1807 . . . . 243 F 16 The Rev. Clark Kendrick's Opinion of the Six Nations, November 22, 1808 243 F 17 The State of Missions amongst the Iroquois about 1810 244 F 18 The Educational Problems of the Confederacy about 1810 245 F 19 The Rev. Ralph Leeming to Sir Peregrine Maitland, June 13, 1819 245 F 20 Report by the Rev. AlvinTorry, 1823 . . . . 246 F 21 Report by the Rev. William Case, October 7, 1823 247 F 22 George Martin to Claus, St. Martin's Day, December, 1823 248 F 23 Report by the Rev. Seth Crawford, August 10, 1824 248 F 24 Report by Torry, January 26, 1825 . . . . 248 F 25 The Chiefs' Rejection of a Methodist Missionary, Grand River, May 2, 1826 249 F 26 George Ryerson to Maitland, June 9, 1826 . . 250 F 27 The Rev. John West's Description of Religion and Education among the Six Nations, 1826 . . 252 F 28 Report by Case, January 10, 1827 255 F 29 History of the New England Company on the Grand River, October 16, 1872 256 F 30 The Rev. Peter Jones' Account of AnglicanMethodist Relations, 1828 258

H

CONTENTS

F 31 Petition of the Mohawk Chiefs to Bishop Stewart, 1830 F 32 Religion and Education in the Mohawk Village, 1832 F 33 The Rev. John Douse to the Rev. Richard Reece F 34 An Account of the Tuscarora Settlement, February, 1836 F 35 Petition of the Tuscaroras to Sir Charles Bagot, April, 1842 F 36 The Rev. Adam Elliot to Bishop Strachan, June 9, 1842 F 37 James Winnett's Evidence on Religion and Education among the Six Nations

259 259 260

262 264 265

268

O. A STOCK-TAKING

G 1 Brant to the Rev. Samuel Kirkland, March 8, 1791 G 2 William Claus to John Elmsley, February 20, 1800 G 3 An Account of John Norton's Mission to England in 1804 G 4 Memorial of the Six Nations, Presented by John Norton, 1804 G 5 Norton's Views on an Indian Migration, 1804 . G 6 A Six Nations' Address to Claus, September 3, 1806 G 7 Proceedings of a Six Nations' Council at Onondaga, November 9, 1806 G 8 Norton to an Unknown Correspondent, August 10, 1808 G 9 Norton to an Unknown Correspondent, September 1, 1808 G 10 Castlereagh to Sir James Craig, April 8, 1809 . G 1l An Indian Census, 1810-11 G 12 Claus to Duncan Cameron, April 26, 1811 . . G 13 Norton to Edward MacMahon, March 17, 1815 G 14 Petition of the Six Nations for Assistance, 1815 G 15 George Martin to Claus, September 8, 1816 . . G 16 George Ironside to Claus, April 22, 1817 . . . G 17 A Description of the Confederacy, 1817 . . .

269 270 270

272 273 273

275 276 278 279 281 281 282 283 284 284 285

CONTENTS

G 18 G 19 G 20 G 21 G 22 G 23 G 24 G 25 G 26 G 27 G 28 G 29 G 30 G 31 G 32 G 33

xxi

Robert Gourlay's Comments on Indian Affaks . 287 Maitland to Lord Bathurst, November 29, 1821 288 A Critique of the Six Nations, 1824 . . . . 290 Major General H. C. Darling's Report on the Six Nations, July 24, 1828 291 Proceedings of a Six Nations' Council at the Mohawk Village, October 5, 1829 294 Proceedings of a Six Nations' Council at the Onondaga Village, October 14, 1829 . . . . 295 James Winnett's Appointment as Superintendent 297 of the Six Nations Absolom Shade to Merritt, March 25, 1833 . . 298 Lord Durham's Comments on the Alienation of the Six Nations'Land 298 Sir George Arthur to the Rev. Abraham Nelles and the Rev. Adam Elliot 299 Jacob H. Busk to Sir George Grey, December 13, 1838 300 John Gwynne's Report on the Six Nations, 1840 302 Proceedings of the Executive Council, November 27, 1840 303 Report on Indian Land Tenure, 1844 . . . . 303 "The Past and Present Condition of the Six Nations," 1842 305 A Lament for the Indian 311

BIBLIOGRAPHY

315

INDEX

327

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ILLUSTRATIONS MAPS

1. BRANTFORD, 1830

2. PLAN OF THE GRAND RIVER, 1828, BY THE REV. ROBERT LUGGER 3. GRAND RIVER INDIAN LANDS, 1821

.

.

lXVii

facing page lxxxvi . facing page 128

PLATES Frontispiece

JOSEPH BRANT AT THE GRAND RIVER

Between pp. xlviii and xlix I. II.

A CLASS OF MOHAWK CHILDREN, JAMES PEACHEY

1786, ENGRAVED BY

THE MOHAWK CHURCH, ABOUT 1850

III.

THE MOHAWK VILLAGE, 1793, BY MRS. J. G. SIMCOE

IV.

INDIAN CHURCH AT TUSCARORA

V.

MISSION HOUSE AT TUSCARORA

VI. Vii. Viii. IX. X. XI. XII.

FATHER JEAN DE BRÉBEUF SIR FREDERICK HALDIMAND, BY FRANCIS ABBOTT PETER RUSSELL LORD SELKIRK THE REV. JOHN STUART WILLIAM JARVIS WILLIAM HAMILTON MERRITT

Xiii.

WILLIAM DICKSON

XIV.

MRS. WILLIAM JOHNSON KERR, NÉE ELIZABETH BRANT

XV. XVI. XVII.

WILLIAM CLAUS JOHN BRANT SIR JOHN JOHNSON

XVIII. QUEEN ANNE'S PLATE, MOHAWK CHAPEL, BRANTFORD

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THE VALLEY OF THE SIX NATIONS

INTRODUCTION

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A.

THE PEOPLE OF THE ISLAND

ONCE THE FLOOR OF A GREAT SEA, the peninsula through which the Grand River now winds its way to open water was uplifted and then moulded by the chemistry of wind and ice into the familiar topography of the present day. Nourished by its many tributaries, among them the Irvine, the Conestoga, the Nith, the Canagagigue, and the Speed, the Grand commands one of the largest watersheds in the province, draining in all over 2,600 square mues. Taking its rise in the country once known as the "Queen's Bush," the river slopes and curves through some of the most productive agricultural land in southwestern Ontario. Successive generations of grateful farmers and hosts of visitors have waxed enthusiastic over its fertility and abundant resources of wood and water.1 Men of the cloth, representing many diverse creeds and groups, from the Récollets of the seventeenth century to the New England Company of the nineteenth, have extolled die region's spiritual as well as material potential, viewing the Grand in part as a holy river destined to sustain a thriving and pious community. "If a world labouring under the curse exhibits such natural loveliness," remarked a missionary, "what shall the inheritance, incorruptible, undefined, and which f adeth not away, be?"2 The earliest recorded residents of the area, the people destined to be so profoundly affected by the European crusader and colonist, were almost without exception of Iroquoian stock, descendants presumably of tribes which centuries before had trekked from their original homeland in the northwestern wilds of this continent to what is now New York and northern Pennsylvania.8 Standard iDetailed information on the geography and resources of the area is furnished in R. W. Packer, "The Geographical Basis of the Regions of Southwestern Ontario," Canadian Historical Association Report, 1953 (Ottawa, 1954), 45ff.; and Chun-fen Lee, "Land Utilization in the Middle Grand River Valley of Western Ontario," Economic Geography, XX (1944), 130-51. 2 McMaster Divinity College, Baptist Historical Collection, "Some Account of a Recent Tour by a Minister [1841]." 3 A. C. Parker, "The Origin of the Iroquois as Suggested by their Archaeology," American Anthropologist, XVIII (1916), 479-507. This view has recently been questioned, however, by those who conclude "that as a mechanism to account for the northeastern position of the Iroquois . .. migration fails in demonstrating any route . . . over which archaeology can convincingly trace a prior or developmental movement." For a discussion of this problem consult W. A. Ritchie's paper, "Iroquois Archaeology and Settlement Patterns," in W. N. Fenton and John Gulick, eds., Symposium on Cherokee and Iroquois Culture (Washington, 1961), pp.

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THE VALLEY OF THE SIX NATIONS 4

accounts of these so-called Hurons (Wendats), Neutrals (Attiwandaronks) and Petuns assert that some time before the advent of the white man, they had fled westward from their more warlike kinsmen—the Mohawks, Sénecas, Onondagas, Cayugas, Oneidas, and Tuscaroras5—who, late in the sixteenth century, had come together to form the Six Nations Confederacy or League of the Finger Lakes country. More recent interpretations, however, suggest that commercial ambitions arising out of the fur trade—that is, the desire to establish control over the productive beaver grounds of the upper lakes—rather than timidity or military inferiority prompted them to migrate to the western extremity of the Ontario peninsula.6 In any event, in pursuit of strategic locations where they could farm, hunt and trade in relative security, the Hurons, with a population of some 25,000, occupied the southeastern shores of Georgian Bay and set up several camps near the headwaters of the Grand River. Further to the south on the fringes of Lakes Erie and Ontario, settled the Neutrals, approximately 10,000 strong, who acquired their name by refusing to engage in the conflicts that repeatedly convulsed the relations between the Hurons and the Six Nations7 (A3). The Petuns, or "Tobacco People"—they cultivated "the weed" extensively—lived immediately to the west of the Hurons on the shores of the Bruce Peninsula.8 Despite the dispersal of the Iroquoian family, all the groups— residents of the storied "Island of the Turtle"9—retained certain 27-38. On the strength of this argument another writer has commented that the Iroquois' "historic, social, and economic patterns would appear to have developed within the general context of Northeastern culture." B. G. Trigger, "Settlement as an Aspect of Iroquoian Adaptation at the Time of Contact," American Anthropologist, LXV (1963), 89. 4 See, for example, Diamond Jenness, The Indians of Canada (3rd éd., Ottawa, 1955), pp. 289 ff. s Although the Tuscaroras (originally inhabitants of the Carolina country) did not join the League until the early years of the eighteenth century—some accounts assign the date 1715—the term "Six Nations" is employed throughout to describe this association of Indian tribes so that confusion might be kept to a minimum. «B. G. Trigger, "The Historic Location of the Hurons," Ontario History, LIV (1962), 137-48, and G. T. Hunt, The Wars of the Iroquois: A Study in Intertribal Trade Relations (Madison, 1940). T An old but informative study of these people may be examined in J. H. Coyne, The Country of the Neutrals (St. Thomas, 1895). 8 G. W. Bruce "The Petuns," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, Vm (1907), 34 g. 9This phrase is borrowed from W. N. Fenton's "This Island, The World on the Turtle's Back," Journal of American Folklore (1962), 283-300, an interesting study revealing, among other things, that these nations conceived their "Old Island" as "resting on the back of a turtle swimming in the primal sea."

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practices and customs peculiar to their ethnic legacy. Primarily cultivators (A 2) who ordinarily indulged in the chase only to augment the produce of the corn field ( A 6) , the Iroquois peoples developed relatively well-organized and functional systems of society, religion, and government (A 7-A 11). "[The] principal traits associated with maize culture," one ethnologist has explained, "have been diffused everywhere that corn will grow throughout the Eastern Woodlands. Maize culture everywhere permits semisedentary village life, frees the village elders from hunting to attend council and develop political forms. . . . One might say that the principal concerns of Iroquois life were . . . the maize complex, hunting, going on the warpath, holding councils, attending treaties and death. . . ." In the course of emphasizing the influential role which the women played in the community (A 10), the same authority remarked: "The League [in particular] was the climax form of Iroquois social structure of which the maternal household was the core image. In the . . . joint-family longhouse there developed a pattern of ... life, with the two halves of the family living across the fire, which became the symbol of a society. When enlarged by projection from village to tribe to confederacy, the Longhouse of the League with its central fire was to dominate Indian-white relations throughout the colonies____"10 The primary kin group in this matriarchal society was made up of "all the male and female progeny of a woman, and also the progeny of a woman and of all her female descendants, tracing descent of blood in the female Une and of such other persons as may have been adopted into it"11 (A 11). When such a group joined with other lineages, a clan was formed which was known by its own totem (Turtle, Bear, or Deer, for example) and which, in the case of the Mohawks, usually occupied a village of its own. As already suggested, the architectural hallmark and social centre of the Iroquois village was the longhouse, a bark structure normally measuring some hundred feet in length and fifty in breadth, through which ran a central hallway studded with hearths and flanked by apartments occupied by single families12 (A 5). The government established by the clans was firmly controlled by the women, who enjoyed the right to select and even depose chiefs, and had comi^W. N. Fenton, American Indian and White Relations to 1830: Needs & Opportunities for Study (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1957), pp. 14-15. "J. N. B. Hewitt, A Constitutional League of Peace in the Stone Age of America (Washington, 1918), p. 530. 12 L. H. Morgan, League of the Ho-de-no-sau-nee, or Iroquois (New York, 1904), n, 315.

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petence in such matters as land allotment, supervision of field labour, the care of the treasury, the ordering of feasts, and the settlement of disputes.13 The vital link between the several tribes of the Confederacy was afforded by the presence in each of a number of the same clans, an arrangement which ensured the minimum of internal disorder. While the administrative functions of the clan were confined to questions of a local nature, those of the tribes were more concerned with larger problems such as interclan disputes, relations with allied and hostile nations, declarations of war, and provision for defence. Within the Confederacy, which was ruled by a council of fifty hereditary chiefs, three "elder" tribes—the Mohawks, the Sénecas, and the Onondagas—held certain special prerogatives: thus the Mohawks were called "the fountain of good works," the sponsors of crucial matters in the councils; the Sénecas, the keepers of the "western door"; and the Onondagas, the firekeepers and the custodians of the wampum. Ultimately involved in the power politics of Europe, the Six Nations sought the support of the maritime states—England and the Netherlands—who gained control over the Hudson Valley, whereas their rivals, the Hurons, desired that of the French on the St. Lawrence. These two great river valleys, arteries of migration, trade, and war, that converged on the Niagara helped to shape the fortunes of the country traversed by the Valley of the Grand. Apparently the missionaries were not the first Europeans in that Valley for in the Jesuits' own accounts, compiled a generation after Samuel Champlain constructed his habitation at Quebec, that distinction was awarded to those merchant adventurers who had sought "the advantages of the fur trade." Father Joseph de La Roche Daillon, a Récollet, visited the Valley "with the intention to preach the gospel" as early as the winter of 1626-27 (A 1), but his crusade had been ill received by the unfriendly Neutrals and a party of fellow Frenchmen had been obliged to organize a rescue mission on his behalf. A similar fate befell the equally short-lived Mission des Anges formed on the Grand in 1640 by the Jesuits Jean de Brébeuf and Joseph Marie Chaumonot (A3). Save for an occasional trader and wandering Indian band, the Neutral country was left virtually undisturbed in the period immediately following these abortive ventures. In the years 1649-1651, however, "This section is based, in the main, on J. A. Noon, Law and Government of the Grand River Iroquois (New York, 1949), pp. 37-9.

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the region was abruptly transformed into a battlefield as the militant Six Nations, in pursuit of commercial gain and new farmlands—and anxious perhaps to avenge themselves on their errant kinsmen— fell violently upon their western neighbours, shattering the hapless Neutrals and putting the Hurons to flight and the mission stations to the torch.14 Little could they have foreseen, en route through the peninsula to Huronia, that their descendants, a little over a century later, would be given a title, albeit a questionable one, to a section of the very country they were then laying waste. As a result of their devastating campaign, the invaders from the Finger Lakes established a sphere of influence far beyond their ancient longhouse and dared the struggling French colony on the St. Lawrence to challenge their sovereignty on that part of the frontier. Not until the accession of Louis XIV and the massive intervention of Versailles did the French, capitalizing on information gained in limited reconnaissances in the 1650's,15 make a concerted attempt to re-establish their power in the area. Cowed by a series of assaults executed by seasoned European troops brought to the colony for that purpose, the Six Nations were compelled, in the spring of 1669, to admit an expedition of missionaries and explorers from Quebec. While Louis Jolliet and Le Sieur Père set out to examine the country of the upper lakes, a party of Sulpician priests, led by Dollier de Casson and René de Galinée and accompanied by an inexperienced visionary named René Cavelier de La Salle, negotiated the route along the southern shore of Lake Ontario to its western end, then pushed overland some twenty miles to the Seneca village of Tinawatawa. There, near the site of recent battles, they effected a meeting on September 24, 1669, with Jolliet and Père on the latter's return from the upper country (A4). The Sulpicians' odyssey brought them next to the Grand, named by Galinée le Rapide, for the swiftness of its current. Though the river obligingly provided the party with the means to reach Lake Erie, they found it disappointing chiefly because, to use Galinee's words, "of the difficulty we had in descending [it], for we had to be in the water almost all the time, dragging the canoe . . . so that although this river is not more than forty leagues in length, we took eight whole days to descend it." With such limitations, the Grand could not in the days of the fur trade hope to rival in strategic "A. W. Trelease, Indian Affairs in Colonial New York: The Seventeenth Century (Ithaca, 1960), pp. 118-21. ispercy Robinson, Toronto during the French Régime (Toronto, 1933), p. 15.

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value the Toronto Carrying Place (the Humber River, Lake Simcoe, and Severn River route to Georgian Bay), which furnished the most desirable short cut from the lower lakes to the northwest. After the missionaries' brief sojourn in the Valley, almost a century passed before it again seriously engaged the attention of Europeans. The Seven Years' War, one of the critical contests of this hemisphere, finally destroyed the military and political structure France had so painstakingly erected in North America. Ironically, her setback was but the prelude to a crisis that seriously embarrassed her rival. Great Britain's taxation of the American colonies, imposed in part to defray the expenses of the late conflict and to subsidize her enlarged empire, merely antagonized those communities without producing the funds needed for discharging her new responsibilities. Westminster's attempt, in the Proclamation of 1763, to retard settlement in the west in an effort to pacify the uneasy Indians, further aggravated an explosive situation,16 and helped to pave the way for the American War of Independence. Those hostilities subsequently assigned to the Grand River Valley the role of haven for those who supported the losing cause. 16 On the face of it, a decision of the King's legal advisers, submitted in 1757 as the Torke-Camden Opinion, invalidated this policy. Though dealing with a situation in India, it had nevertheless some bearing on the North American problem. In any case, the Opinion, in the words of one student, "was so garbled as to seem to state what was probably valid and good law, to wit, the right of any English subject to acquire land from any Indian who would sell or give it to him, and the right to enter upon it and possess it." T. C. Pease, "The Ordinance of 1787," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XXV (1938-39), 175.

B. THE EXODUS TO THE GRAND RIVER EVEN BEFORE THE War of Independence came to a close Britain was compelled to review her ancient commitments to those Indian allies who were sharing her defeats on the battlefields of New York and Pennsylvania. Under the best circumstances the problem would have been a delicate one, but it was even more complicated because not all of the Six Nations had rallied to the King's side in 1775. Some of the Mohawks and Sénecas and a majority of the Oneidas either had tried to maintain a neutral posture or had campaigned actively alongside the Americans. This divided allegiance created turmoil in the ranks of the Confederacy, and would haunt for years the relations between the tribesmen who ultimately accepted the proffered asylum in western Quebec, and those who remained in the United States. It is not surprising, in view of these developments, that many despaired of the future of the federation and anxiously awaited news "of what [would] happen to the whole [Long] house."1 The neutral Iroquois endeavoured on several occasions to justify their motives for remaining aloof: at Niagara, on February 12, 1780, for instance, an acrimonious debate was carried on between the "Rebel Indians" and the loyal Mohawks.2 Meanwhile, as the war progressed, those Indians who had honoured the alliance with Britain became increasingly apprehensive despite the assurance, first offered by Sir Guy Carleton, Governor of Quebec, and later confirmed in 1779 by his successor, Sir Frederick Haldimand, that their property and rights would be fully restored at the end of hostilities. Colonel Guy Johnson, who had succeeded his uncle, Sir William Johnson, as Superintendent General of Indian Affairs in 1774, reiterated this pledge in the spring of 1780, though he called on his Indian listeners for much "better behaviour" and "greater exertions."3 Despite these pledges, some Mohawk sachems, whose followers had already achieved a considerable degree of sophistication in New York, were fearful that "in the great Hurry of [Bus]iness" attending the peacemaking their interests might be neglected and they might actually ^Ontario, Department oí Public Records and Archives (P.A.O.), Kirby Collection, Claus Papers, No. 6, John Deseronto to Daniel Claus, Dec. 3, 1778. 2Public Archives of Canada (P.A.C.), Haldimand Papers, B 119, 104-12, Proceedings with Four Rebel Indians, Feb. 12-18, 1780. 8/fcW., B 119, 119, Proceedings of Meeting of Six Nations with Guy Johnson, Niagara, March 28-29, 1780.

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be forced, in the event of their returning to the Mohawk Valley, to accept the more primitive tribal conditions of the past.* British authorities did their utmost to allay these misgivings throughout the critical months of 1780 and 1781, when so much depended on the Indians' ability and readiness to maintain adequate pressure on American forces. At the same tune these authorities did not neglect to remind their restive allies of the treatment they had received at the hands of the rebels, alluding to the various devices employed to terrorize the villages of the Confederacy. And indeed bitter memories of that fierce border warfare would serve years later to reconcile many an Iroquois refugee with his lot on British soil. As the tide of war definitely began to turn against the British, it became increasingly difficult to convince the loyal members of the Six Nations of their ally's ability to make restitution for their losses in New York State. Reports, albeit vigorously denied, began circulating in the spring of 1782 that some tribesmen had akeady contemplated suing for peace and throwing themselves on the mercy of the victors. Westminster therefore attempted to disguise the full effects of her reverses and to keep from the Indians the disquieting news that in recognizing the independence of the emergent republic she might be forced to renege on her earlier promise to restore them, as one observer put it, "to the condition they were in before the contest began." In fact, no definite provision was ever made either in the preliminary negotiations or in the definitive treaty of peace concluded in September 1783 for the territorial rights of the Six Nations. In the beginning American officials understandably gave short shrift to the pleas of their Indian enemies, taking the view that they were "now in the same situation with the [Loyalists] who left us, their Lands forfeited in the same manner,"5 and never for a moment entertaining what appeared under the circumstances to be the somewhat absurd Iroquois claim to the old tribal lands in the Finger Lakes country. The Indians' mounting fear that their position was about to be betrayed stirred some British officials, who were only too mindful of the timely advice of old Indian hands, to use every means of keeping the Six Nations "in Good Humour," including attempts to convince them that Britain "was still strong" and hence capable of protecting their interests.6 Haldimand, who had first *P.A.C., Claus Papers, III, 51-2, Daniel Claus to Sir John Johnson, Oct. 15, 1781. BHaldimand Papers, B 103, 236-40, Proceedings of Six Nations Council at the Onondaga Settlement, July 2, 1783. «Ibid., B 103, 147-8, Allan Maclean to Haldimand, May 9, 1783.

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learned of the serious omissions in the draft convention early in April, 1783, was disturbed lest the Indians assembled so expectantly at Niagara might turn on their old confederates once they learned the negotiators had virtually excluded their claims. To complicate matters for the British, the refugees did not lack vocal and aggressive leadership. Joseph Brant, an influential Mohawk war chief who had ably supported the King's cause throughout the war, was regarded as "much better informed & instructed than any other Indians"7 and, accordingly, was expected to make things difficult for the Governor (B 1). Moreover, at this stage of his career Brant was held in great esteem by many persons of authority and influence, ranging from Colonel Daniel Glaus of the Indian Department, who was especially impressed by the chiefs "genius,"8 to Haldimand, who had unhesitatingly acclaimed his military services, appointing him on May 23, 1783, captain of the Northern Confederate Indians. The timing of the promotion suggests that the Governor may not have altogether overlooked the need for mollifying Brant at that dangerous juncture. Be that as it may, just two days before Brant received his new commission he addressed Haldimand on the question of boundaries and other matters arising out of the negotiations with the Americans (B 2). He made repeated references to the line of demarcation between the League and the white settlements, that had been agreed upon in 1768 and which extended from the head of Canada Creek (near Fort Stanwix, New York) to the Ohio, adding that this agreement had been "gratefully Accepted and Ratified by the different Governors and Great men" of the American colonies. Receiving no formal reply to this speech, even after an interval of three years, Brant finally visited Britain and re-opened the question in conversations with a number of responsible officials. Obviously he was little gratified by their response for following his return to the colony he appeared, despite the personal favours bestowed upon him, to have cooled perceptibly in his relations with the British, though never to the point of becoming markedly friendlier with the Americans (B 31). Meanwhile the chiefs worst fears, expressed in very "Strong Language," had been blunted by the conciliatory actions of such ^Educated at Moor's Charity School in Lebanon, Connecticut, through the sponsorship of Sir William Johnson, Brant was described by one of his teachers as a "promising youth of a sprightly genius, singular modesty, and a serious turn." E. B. O'Callaghan, Documentary History of the State of New York (Albany, 1851), IV, 211. 8 Claus Papers, II, 207-14, Claus' "Observations of Joseph Brant's Distinguished Genius and Character."

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hard-working administrators as Brigadier Allan Maclean and Sir John Johnson, who had succeeded his cousin as Superintendent General of Indian Affairs (B 1). But those persons were not so sanguine, in view of Brant's lingering dissatisfaction, as to imagine that their kind words and professed regard for the Six Nations had dulled all the chief's suspicions. Although these officials merely deferred the "evil day" when the Indians would have to be told all, their activities were warmly applauded by the badgered Haldimand. At the very least, they had succeeded in keeping alive the League's hatred of the Americans, somewhat typically described in 1783 as those "designing Knaves," those "Canting Hipocritical Yankees." Still extremely critical of Britain's inability to obtain better terms for his people, Brant nevertheless agreed to use his influence to keep the Six Nations "in temper," and to consider the possibility of settling the exiled tribesmen in close proximity to other Loyalist communities on lands still under British control in western Quebec. Haldimand had already emphasized that it had "never been the intention to abandon [the Indians] . . . as long as any part of the Continent remains in our possession."9 Aware of what had occurred twenty years before when disgruntled tribes had followed Pontiac along the road to rebellion,10 the Governor was most anxious to gratify Brant's desire for a suitable asylum. Haldimand's position was dangerously weakened, however, by the lack of precise instructions from his superiors at home (B 3). Furthermore, that bugbear of the first empire, frequently faulty transatlantic communications, as well as the shock inflicted by the recent "catastrophe shocking to think of"—the AngloAmerican civil war—conspired to throw what remained of Britain's dominions on this continent into considerable confusion.11 Goaded by necessity, Haldimand decided to proceed on his own and on May 26, 1783, resolved, following conversations with both Claus and Brant, to despatch a surveying crew under the command of Major Samuel Holland to examine the Cataraqui district at the eastern end of Lake Ontario with "a view to settle such of the Six Nations as will prefer that situation" (B 3). Although Brant had tentatively accepted a proposed "Retreat" on the Bay of Quinte, he gave priority in the end to the region with which he was already familiar—he had visited it hi the company of several chiefs some BHaldimand Papers, B 104, 418, Haldimand to Maclean, May 23, 1783. A full account of this crisis is presented in H. H. Peckham, Pontiac and the Indian Uprising (2nd éd.; Chicago, 1961). "See G. S. Graham, British Policy and Canada, 1774-1791 (London, 1930). 10

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years before —that lying to the westward of the lake, in particular, the Valley of the Grand (B 7). Haldimand agreed that the reasons for his selection were "Politick enough," though he felt that if the majority of the tribesmen preferred Cataraqui, "Joseph" should respect their wishes (B9). Brant argued, however, that a powerful and integrated Indian community on the Grand could afford a bridge to the "Western Nations," the people of the upper lakes who for some tune had figured prominently in British diplomacy and revered the Confederacy as their guardians or "Uncles" (B 14). Also, Brant did not wish to isolate his kinsmen, the Sénecas, who were still clinging to part of their lands in the Genesee Valley of western New York (B 13) . Had the eastern end of Lake Ontario actually been selected as the principal haven for the Six Nations, the Sénecas would have been condemned to a highly vulnerable position on the borders of American settlement. This larger aspect of Indian affairs was underscored by the negotiations then going on between specially appointed Commissioners of the United States and those members of the Confederacy still residing in New York. Under the terms of the Treaty of 1783 the victors had undertaken to protect their former adversaries on condition that the tribes relinquish their claims to a large portion of their territory and deliver up all their prisoners. To ensure an agreement the Indians were obliged to surrender six hostages, one of whom, Aaron Hill, was a close friend of Brant. This procedure and the subsequent Second Treaty of Fort Stanwix which embodied the American terms proved extremely distasteful to the chief and his colleagues and strengthened their resolve to maintain close relations with their fellows on the other side of the newly established international boundary. Apart from these dictates of blood and strategy was the added inducement offered by the manifest advantages of the Grand River country: "the mildness of the climate, the fertility of the soil, and the convenience of hunting" (B 12). Admittedly some of the uprooted Iroquois made unfavourable comparisons between western Quebec and their conquered homeland in New York12 (B5), but both Brant and Haldimand were agreed that the former, if properly administered and developed, would enjoy every prospect of success ^On the other hand, an impartial observer a few years later remarked: "One is struck by the levelness, the wealth, and the good cultivation of the lands watered by the Mohawk, but it must be admitted that its valley is very narrow and that there are almost no rivers. . . ." H. Huth and Wilma Pugh, eds., "Talleyrand in America as a Financial Promoter, 1794-96; Unpublished Letters and Memoirs, II" (America Historical Association, Report, 1941 [Washington, 1942]), 87.

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and become, in the Governor's words, "a Fertile and Happy Retreat" for the Indians.18 In spite of Brant's arguments, a number of sachems, including John Deseronto, had already rejected the Grand as a refuge, choosing instead the site allotted at the Bay of Quinte, convinced that in such a relatively remote area they could live undisturbed by the Americans (B 12). Although sympathizing with Deseronto's views, Haldimand regretted his decision, arguing that the Six Nations' "Strength and existence depend alone upon their being firmly united" (B 17). The situation on the Grand, moreover, was a highly strategic one for clearly it could serve as a buffer for the British communities already being formed toward the western end of Lake Ontario. Brant, who seldom took lightly any attempt to spurn his own projects, endeavoured on a number of occasions in the next few years to entice the Quinte Mohawks to disavow Deseronto's leadership and take up residence in the west. As soon as the chief made up his mind to locate the bulk of the Six Nations in the Valley Haldimand hastened to make the necessary arrangements. On March 23, 1784, he instructed LieutenantColonel John Butler, the Rangers' commandant, to purchase from the Mississauga Indians—originally a northern people of Ojibwa stock who had settled in the region before the Seven Years' War— a "Tract of Country . . . situated between Lakes Ontario, Erie & Huron" (B 6). Approximately two months passed before all the details were satisfactorily completed and the objections of some dissident Mississaugas overruled. At a meeting held at Niagara on May 22, 1784, attended by the Six Nations, Butler and his entourage, and the Mississauga delegates, the latter publicly announced their decision to transfer the sought after territory to "their Brethren" in the hope that they would always live "in friendship" together (B 10). Even so, the sum of £-1180/7/4 was paid by the King's representatives to seal this otherwise commendable fraternal bargain (B 11). In the autumn Haldimand issued his oft-quoted proclamation, formally awarding the tract to the Mohawks "and others of the Six Nations" (B 16). According to the terms of the grant, they were authorized to "Settle upon the Banks of the River" and were allotted "for that Purpose six miles deep from each Side of [it] beginning at Lake Erie, & extending in that Proportion to [its] Head." What appears on the face of it to be a most unequivocal document was to stir up endless controversy, since Brant, appearing from the outset to regard the territory as his own to manage on "Glaus Papers, III, 277, Haldimand to Claus, Dec. 17, 1783.

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behalf of the Confederacy, interpreted the proclamation as tantamount to full national recognition of the Mohawks and their fellow tribesmen, an interpretation later strongly denied by the British. Among the more immediate problems was that of marking the precise limits of the grant. Since no qualified surveyors actually went over the ground in 1784, it was described in the most misleading terms. For example, in delineating its northern boundary the original deed from the Mississaugas to the Crown stated that the Une extended from the "Creek that falls from a small Lake into ... Lake Ontario known by the name of Waghquata [Burlington Bay] . . . until it Strikes the River La Tranche [the Thames]" (B 11). This fanciful reference accounts for the confusion which plagued the steps of the first surveying parties despatched to the area, for at once they proceeded to mistake the Thames for the Conestoga, a northern branch of the Grand. This highly unsatisfactory conclusion prompted the authorities in 1790 to plan a much more thorough examination of the upper part of the Valley (B 26); even so the original survey had established a working boundary in the "base Une," projected from Waghquata to the point actually marked on the Conestoga. Equally imperative was the need to determine the eastern boundary of the tract: already European enclaves had been formed in the vicinity and appeared to be encroaching on Indian lands. In due course Augustus Jones, a professional surveyor of Welsh extraction, who, appropriately enough, had married the daughter of a local Mississauga chief, was selected to perform the necessary duties. On the basis of the plan which he subsequently submitted, the Land Board of the District, after consulting Brant and other chiefs, decreed that the "Bend of the River easterly nearly two Miles from its Mouth . . . & the Mohawk Village [the community shortly known as Brant's Ford] shall be the two fixed Points & that a Straight Une drawn from one of these points to the other shall form the Center Line of the Indian Lands on the Grand River, & that two Parallel lines to this Six Miles Distant on each Side of the Grand River Shall form the Bounds between them & the Settlement of Nassau," the territorial unit organized earlier in 1788 (B 26). Appearing satisfactory when first submitted, this new outline, as subsequently demonstrated, did not include the actual headwaters of the Grand, the area to the north of what was later known as "Block Nichol," the parcel of land conveyed to white purchasers in 1798. According to explanations furnished later, it would appear that Jones' surveys had not been extended to the river's source for

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the simple reason that the authorities had never intended that they should be, arguing that the Six Nations had "misconceived the extent" of their property (B 33-B 35). One may assume with considerable assurance, however, that haste and a profound ignorance on the part of both Indians and officials of the precise northern limits of the country ceded to the Confederacy in 1784 had led to this unfortunate result. In any event, the Indians were obliged to make the best of the situation, although leaving no one in any doubt as to their dissatisfaction. While the disputes continued about the precise meaning of the Haldimand proclamation, the Six Nations were establishing themselves on the Grand River. In November, 1784, they were promised government assistance for their settlement, and a mill, church, and school (B 18). During the winter and spring of 1784-5 the Indians moved from Niagara to their new home. The Mohawks settled around Brant's Ford; the other refugee Nations organized then* communities to the southeast. Immediately adjacent to the Mohawk tract were those of the Onondagas and Tuscaroras, on the eastern and western banks of the river respectively. The latter's nearest Indian neighbours were the Sénecas and the Oneidas who occupied corresponding locations, and the Cayugas who had taken up their allotted land near the mouth of the Grand. There were, in addition, representatives of other tribes who had attached themselves to the Six Nations and accompanied them to the west after 1783, notably contingents of Delawares—the most numerous of these allies, Tutelos (or Tutelies), and Nanticokes. Their number, negligible when contrasted with the population of the Six Nations, relegated these tribes to a minor role in the politics and the economy of the area (B 19, G 11). With respect to the Confederacy itself—though statistics must be viewed with great caution—there is no question that the Mohawks were the numerically significant as well as politically paramount group. Of the approximately 1,600 Iroquois who actually settled on the Grand, there were about 450 Mohawks,14 380 Cayugas, 200 Onondagas, 125 Tuscaroras, 75 Sénecas, and a handful of loyal Oneidas (B 19). These rough figures starkly reflected the misfortunes that had recently befallen the Six Nations and disrupted their political organization. Most of the Sénecas—though many of that tribe's warriors had championed the British cause after 1776—had 14

A missionary of the Church of England reported in the summer of 1788 that there were 399 Mohawks at Brant's Ford: 120 men, 154 women, and 125 children. P.A.C., Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (S.P.G.), Journals, XXV, 120-1.

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an access of homesickness and elected to remain on their tribal lands in western New York and seek, if possible, a working agreement with the United States.16 In 1790 a scheme to attract them to the Grand was proposed, but was vetoed by Lord Dorchester (B 25). From the first there is evidence of some disagreement among the Indians (B 22, B 23), yet in a comparatively short time they were able to become established in their new home. When Patrick Campbell visited the Grand River in 1792, he was impressed not only by the personality of Joseph Brant but also by the flourishing condition of the Indian settlers in their new communities (B 31 ). 18

A census return prepared by the United States in 1792 revealed that nearly 1,700 Sénecas and over 600 Oneidas had ignored the opportunity of accompanying other Indian refugees to British soil. New York Historical Society (N.Y.H.S.), Henry O'Reilly Collection, Papers Relating to the Six Nations Indians, VIII.

C. A DISPUTED TITLE ONE OF THE MAJOR PROBLEMS arising from the Haldimand grant was the question of whether or not Indians could dispose of their lands directly to whomsoever they chose. In the years immediately following the grant, when effective government was little more than a promise in western Quebec, it was relatively easy for the strongwilled Brant to take the initiative, and to invite white settlers to the tract, actually providing them with rough land titles. For that matter, it appears that even before the area was formally transferred to the Six Nations, several whites, including two named Preston and Dodge, had taken up residence in the vicinity of present-day Gait and Kitchener, principally as fur traders—that "unruly" element so despised by John Graves Simcoe, the future Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada. Subsequently, in 1787, a number of families, all friends or acquaintances of Brant—the Dochsteders, the Nelles (C 38), the Huffs (C 32), and the Youngs—were issued deeds by the chief clearly stipulating that their grants, to extend in length "three miles back from the River," were to "be possessed by their recipients and their posterity forever" and, it is worth noting, were "never to be transferred to any other" (C 2). The Youngs were doubtless the family of John Young, who, according to a letter addressed to Haldimand late in 1783, resided that early "amongst the Indians settled on the river," and frequently kept the authorities informed of untoward developments in the Valley.1 After the Youngs and their neighbours occupied their holdings other friends of Brant, the families of John Smith (C 39) and John Thomas, encouraged by the chief's offer of land, made their homes in the neighbourhood of what came to be known as Brant's Ford, the Mohawk Village where a boom had been placed across the Grand.2 Over the next quarter of a century, a considerable number of Europeans and Americans obtained similar leases authorizing them, at least so far as Brant was concerned, to occupy and improve lots overlooking the river. They included Benjamin Fairchild and Alexander Wesbrook, two "Volunteers" who had served under the chief during the American War of Independence and !£.§., P.A.C., Haldimand Papers, B 103, 476-8, Young to Haldimand, Oct. 5, 1784. 2 See Charles and J. C. Thomas, "Reminiscences of the First Settlers in the County of Brant," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XII (1914), 58-71.

INTRODUCTION

xliii

moved to the Valley in 1788; Isaac Whiting, who five years later leased "for 999 years" a farm on "Fairchild's Creek so calP' (C 36); Gordin Chapin, Whiting's son-in-law; David Phelps, who secured a lease in 1801; William Dennis, who settled in the "Nelles Tract" in 1806; Ezra Hawley, self-styled "son of a Loyallist", who occupied a farm in 1811 (C 36); and one Benaijah Mallory, who, after obtaining a lease hi 1805 (C 37) and prospering as a farmer, had a most diversified career hi the colony, acting occasionally as a spokesman for the Six Nations, serving as a member of the Legislative Assembly of Upper Canada, and still later defecting to the Americans during the War of 1812. While these small white colonies were being formed in the Indian lands, the Confederacy was striving to consolidate its own position. There were, however, less than 2,000 Indians (B 19, G 11), and the tract was a large one. In view of the discouraging "statistical account" of Indian population in the Valley, and the scarcity of qualified Indian "yeomen," Brant's practice of inviting white settlers to the district should not be dismissed solely as a gesture of friendship. From the very beginning the chief, obviously a considerably Europeanized entrepreneur, appears to have realized that the original grant of 1784 was much too large to be managed productively by the Six Nations alone and that the ingenuity of, and examples set by, white merchants and farmers would be highly desirable assets. Consequently, an effort was made to encourage white newcomers both to provide the Indians with informal instruction so that they might improve then: domains in the most advantageous fashion and to construct mills and other facilities for processing whatever the Mohawks and their confederates could in time produce to fill their own pressing needs. Some such plan was imperative, in the view of many observers, for very few Iroquois males appeared capable, once the hunt had ceased to be profitable or feasible in that part of western Quebec, of coping with the problems of agriculture (G 7). Hence the tribesmen were to be retrained, so to speak, in the "arts of husbandry," a pursuit which had invariably been left to the distaff side of the community. At any rate, the effective termination of the fur trade3 and the close of an era in the economic history of the Valley seemed to confirm the wisdom of Brant's policy of orderly white colonization. 3As early as 1796 the Board of Trade in London had satisfied itself that the "Fur Trade cannot now probably be carried on, to any great Extent on the Eastward of the Lakes, and it will gradually diminish in Proportion as the Country becomes cultivated and inhabited." British Museum (B.M.), Liverpool Papers, Add. Mss. 38310.

xliv

THE VALLEY OF THE SIX NATIONS

None the less officials in the province shortly questioned the legality of such leases of Indian lands (C 7) on the grounds that they had been arranged independently of the Crown and if permitted to stand would unquestionably embolden other Europeans to seize control by one means or another of the better part of the Six Nations' reserve. In addition, there is evidence to support the assertion, made by many at the time, that the various leases, sales, and grants honoured by Brant in the decade after the American war seriously divided the Confederacy, because, among other reasons, they tended to violate the ancient principle that land was "not a commodity which could be conveyed."4 Thus in the summer of 1788 two Mohawk sachems, Captains Aaron and Isaac Hill, who had originally selected the Cataraqui site but eventually joined Brant on the Grand, took strong exception to the latter's policy of "bringing white People to settle on their lands" (B 22). Either unimpressed by Brant's argument that ancient tribal customs could never be revived in the Valley or distrusting his motives for inviting Europeans in the first place—or both—these chiefs went so far as to take up arms for the purpose of "deposing" him. Their "rebellion" proved abortive for the chastened Hills soon reappeared at the Mohawk settlement on the Bay of Quinte. At a meeting held to review their grievances in September, 1788, Sir John Johnson assured them, with as much conviction as he could muster, that measures would shortly be taken to compel the whites on the Grand to vacate their holdings (C 3). Nothing of the sort was actually accomplished, however, and when a formal investigation was launched in!812(C35),it was manifestly too late to set aside the deeds and leases which Brant had assigned two decades or more before. They were not confirmed, however, until 1835, following another investigation the preceding year (C 40). To further complicate matters during that .interval the relations between the authorities and those members of the Six Nations who had accepted Brant's leadership were seriously strained when an attempt was made to prohibit further transfers of land to prospective white colonists. Trouble arose primarily because Brant contended that Haldimand's proclamation of 1784 not only constituted the creation of an estate in fee simple for the Indians, but recognized the Confederacy as a distinct national community, one presumably competent to arrange as it saw fit its own relations with other sovereign states such as Great Britain and the United States. The *J. A. Noon, Law and Government of the Grand River Iroquois (New York, 1949), p. 97.

INTRODUCTION

xlv

British retorted that the Six Nations, Brant's arguments notwithstanding, did not enjoy nor should be permitted to enjoy any such status, adding, for good measure, that Haldimand's action should not be construed as the authority to dispose of their property without official approval. So far as Westminster was concerned the question had already been settled some twenty years before by the Proclamation of 1763 (C 1). "The Indians," asserts one scholar, "possessed rights of prior occupancy, although not of sovereignty, over all lands not formally surrendered by them; that all land surrenders to be legal must be made to the Crown alone; and that all persons unlawfully occupying Indian lands should be expelled by authority of the Crown."6 The problem, however, was not solved by appeals to established policy; and indeed it was aggravated by the reorganization of western Quebec as Upper Canada in 1791 and the appointment of John Graves Simcoe as lieutenant governor of that new colony. Nearly all students of that official's career are agreed that whatever he may have lacked in other departments of his personality, he possessed an almost inexhaustible store of imagination. "It was Colonel . . . Simcoe," writes one historian, "who found in the new frontier society of the lakes a stimulus sufficient to arouse his ingenious enthusiasm and tremendous energy."6 Many of Simcoe's contemporaries were less disposed to praise his almost suffocating ebullience, repelled as they were by his irritating assumption that he alone was qualified to carry out Britain's wishes in the colony. "The officers of Government," a disgruntled colleague wrote, "seem to have been considered by Gen1 Simcoe only as footballs: to be kick't about at his pleasure." "It has always appeared to me," he concluded, "as if that Gentleman thought the Government had been established as a thing whereon he might exercise the sportiveness of his fancy."7 This then was the personality who in the course of meticulously managing the affairs of Upper Canada collided with Joseph Brant over questions concerning the disposal of lands on the Grand River. Simcoe positively refused to permit the Indians to sell or lease any part of thek reserve, not only because he regarded any such action as a violation of the orders governing the matter, but also for fear that they would promptly be taken in by unscrupulous 8 G. F. G. Stanley, "The Indian Background of Canadian History," Canadian Historical Association, Report, 1952 (Ottawa, 1953), p. 18. «Donald Creighton, The Empire of the St. Lawrence (Toronto, 1956), p. 116. Toronto Public Library (T.P.L.), Russell Papers, John White to Russell, June 30, 1796.

xM

THE VALLEY OF THE SIX NATIONS

"Land Jobbers" (C 7). Though there is some indication that he later offered to review his decision (C 13), Simcoe remained adamant on this point to the very end. Brant argued vainly that the Six Nations could no longer hope to survive on the hunt exclusively and that failing the speedy agricultural development of the tract, their only recourse was to sell portions of it in order to obtain some financial compensation (C 7, C 13). The chief firmly rejected the patent Simcoe prepared in 1793 (C 5) because its acceptance would have made the disposal of Indian lands conditional upon an offer first being made to the Crown.8 Thus it would, in effect, have set aside the argument that those lands formed an estate in fee simple and reduced them to an estate in leasehold from the Crown (C 7). In addition, much to Brant's displeasure, the patent also made provision for the "Rascally Oneidas," many of whom had refused to fight alongside their kinsmen during the "late War" with the United States. Brant's avowed opposition to Simcoe finally prompted the latter, despite his healthy respect for the chief's unquestioned power and influence, to threaten openly "the curtailment of our [the Indians'] lands to one half of the [Grand] River" (C 23). Brant bitterly complained that he could "hardly reconcile myself to Live on Such [a] Situation" (C 6), and confided to an American acquaintance that he might consider moving to the United States if conditions in Upper Canada did not improve to his satisfaction (C 9). Matters were complicated further when Lord Dorchester, Simcoe's titular superior, publicly expressed the opinion that despite the lack of conventional legal sanctions the "advantages" Haldimand had conferred upon the Confederacy— including presumably the right of alienation—should be unconditionally reaffirmed9 (C 10). Condemning what he regarded as a virtual endorsement of Brant's arguments, Simcoe resented the Governor's lecturing him in the fine points of the law, inasmuch as he felt that he was adequately conversant with that discipline and had competent legal advisers of his own.10 8 The Six Nations, it would appear, have never recognized the so-called "Simcoe Deed." Noon, Law and Government of the Grand River Iroquois, pp. 86-8. See also G. C. Paterson, Land Settlement in Upper Canada, 1783-1840 (Toronto, 1921), p. 223. 9 One respected employee of the Indian Department felt that Dorchester's "Sentiments and opinions are so just & Equitable, as I apprehend will induce His Excellency [Simcoe] to give Such a full and ample a Grant of the Lands in Question, as will give Satisfaction to the Indians and I hope will remove Every Cause of uneasiness." P.A.C., Claus Papers, VII, 148, Joseph Chew to Colonel McKee, Jan. 20, 1796. io/Md., 276, Chew to McKee, Sept. 26, 1796.

INTRODUCTION

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Simcoe's decision in 1795 to apply for leave did not disappoint those persons who, like Brant, had come to despise his manner and envy his authority. Giving as his excuses general ill health and a "slow fever," Simcoe left York bound for Britain on July 24, 1796, never to return to Upper Canada. His place was immediately occupied, if not satisfactorily filled, by the much less vigorous Peter Russell, who assumed the duties of acting Administrator and President of the Council. No sooner had he entered upon his office than Brant, so long blocked by Simcoe, made his weight painfully felt. Even more sickly than his predecessor, Russell had more than his share of difficulties, especially with the Mohawk chief.11 Convinced that he should take full advantage of the change of regimes and armed with the requisite authority from the Confederacy (C 12), Brant intensified his campaign to satisfy the prospective purchasers of Indian lands on the Grand. In a lengthy explanation composed late in 1797 the principal reason he gave for so expediting matters was by that time a hackneyed one, for he reiterated the Indians' need for an immediate assured income from land sales12 (C 23). Even had this argument been acceptable, Russell, for one, would have opposed the proposition on the grounds that most of the applicants for property on the river appeared to be Americans (C 11), an allegation with which the chief rightly took issue, however (C 23). Moreover, some officials, like the one who in 1785 had warned of his "ambitious views,"13 alleged that Brant's programme was inspired either by calculations of power—by a desire to have himself acclaimed as a person to be reckoned with in the colony—or simply by a wish to frustrate those in high places who had repeatedly quarrelled with his interpretation of the Six Nations' status. Still "The Administrator complained on one particularly depressing occasion that "Sancho Panca was never more thoroughly convinced of the Misery of Governing than I am." Russell Papers, Miscellaneous No. 1, Russell to Major Shank, Sept. 12, 1797. 12 "To a man of Brant's sagacity," one of his earliest champions wrote, "it was . . . obvious that in such an attractive region of country [as the Grand River Valley] the approach of the white man would soon circumscribe the huntinggrounds of his people . . . that the effect would be to drive his people from the hunter to the agricultural state; in which case . . . his territory [the use of this particular form of the possessive is significant] would be far larger than it would be necessary for the latter condition of life. As a compensation for the loss of his game, therefore he conceived the idea of making sales of portions of his lands, for the creation of an immediate fund for the benefit of the nation, and of leasing other portions in such manner as to ensure a perpetual revenue." W. L. Stone, Life of Joseph Brant—Thayendanegea (New York, 1838), II, 397. 13P.R.O., C.O. 42, v. 49, Dec. 15, 1785.

xlviii

THE VALLEY OF THE SIX NATIONS

others wondered whether his motives in arranging the sales were fostered by a sincere resolve to remedy the plight of his fellow tribesmen, or by one of those rarely afforded opportunities to make a handsome personal profit. Although it is not unreasonable to suppose that given some luck Brant could well have achieved all these objects simultaneously, one of the chief's most stalwart champions had little difficulty in assuring himself that Brant's plans were dictated not by "selfish designs" but by a genuine regard for his own people.14 Further, the writer insisted that at no time did Brant use one penny of the Six Nations' funds to gratify his own wants. In this connection, it should be noted that Brant—and the Indians as a whole—had been rewarded, if not magnificently, at least adequately by British standards for their loyal conduct in the American war. Among other emoluments, Brant himself received a little over £1000 "N. Y. Currency," partly in compensation for the loss of some 600 acres of land which he had cleared or been about to clear in the Mohawk Valley before the outbreak of hostilities.16 Again, the United States, which valued him as a liaison with the restless and suspicious tribes of the Northwest, did something more than merely meet the travelling expenses incurred. Notwithstanding the favourable character references furnished by his admirers, several commentators unhesitatingly questioned Brant's integrity. One such, Thomas Douglas, Lord Selkirk, confided to his diary the damaging information that during the negotiations which set the stage for the sale of the Grand River lands in 1798 Brant had demanded a substantial commission for his services, as high indeed as 10 per cent.16 Accurate or groundless, his lordship's comment was not the first accusation of Brant. In the late autumn of 1796 the Caughnawaga Indians—the so-called Seven Nations of Canada or "praying Mohawks"—many of whom resided within the northeastern limits of New York, had charged that Brant had surreptitiously sold a part of their lands to that state. Although he was exonerated of all blame following an official enquiry, and although his accusers did not themselves enjoy untarnished reputations for telling the truth, doubts respecting Brant's honesty were conveniently revived whenever he became involved in land transactions of any sort.17 Unquestionably, the chiefs alleged misadventures in real estate "Stone, Brant, U, 415. «C.O. 42, v. 47, Estimate of Brant's Losses in American War. i«P. C. T. White, éd., Lord Selkirk's Diary, 1803-1804 (Toronto, 1958), p. 148. ifpor other instances consult Claus Papers, IX; Report on Canadian Archives for 1890 (Ottawa, 1891), p. 215.

PLATE I.

A CLASS OF MOHAWK CHILDREN,

1786,

ENGRAVED BY JAMES

PEACHEY. [Claus, A Primer for the Use of the Mohawk Children (London, 1786), insert in copy in Toronto Public Library.]

PLATE ii.

THE MOHAWK CHURCH, ABOUT 1850. [Jones, History of the Ojebway Indians.]

PLATE III.

THE MOHAWK VILLAGE, 1793,

BY MRS. J. G. SIMCOE, SHOWING THE COUNCIL HOUSE ON THE LEFT AND THE

CHURCH ON THE RIGHT. [Simcoe Sketches, Department of Public Records and Archives, Ontario.]

PLATE iv. INDIAN CHURCH AT TUSCARORA. [Bcaven, Recreations of a Long Vacation.]

PLATE v.

MISSION HOUSE AT TUSCARORA. [Beavcn, Recreations of a Long Vacation.]

PLATE VI.

FATHER JEAN DE

BRÉBEUF. [John Ross Robertson Collection, Toronto Public Library.]

PLATE VIII.

PETER RUSSELL.

[Department of Public Records and Archives, Ontario.]

PLATE VII. SIR FREDERICK HALDIMAND, BY FRANCIS ABBOTT.

[Royal Ontario Museum, University of Toronto.]

PLATE IX.

LORD SELKIRK.

[Department of Public Records and Archives, Ontario.]

PLATE X.

THE REV. JOHN STUART.

[Courtesy of Sir Campbell Stuart, G.C.M.G., K.B.E.]

PLATE

XII.

WILLIAM

HAMILTON

MERRITT. [Department of Public Records and Archives, Ontario.]

PLATE XI.

WILLIAM JARVIS. [John

Ross Robertson Collection, Toronto Public Library.]

PLATE XIII.

WILLIAM DICKSON.

[John Ross Robertson Collection, Toronto Public Library.]

PLATE XIV. MRS. WILLIAM JOHNSON KERR, NÉE ELIZABETH BRANT. [John

Ross Robertson Collection, Toronto Public Library.]

PLATE XVI. JOHN

BRANT. [Stone,

Life o] Joseph Branf.]

PLATE XV.

WILLIAM CLAUS.

[Niagara Historical Society, Publications, no. 42.]

PLATE XVII.

SIR JOHN JOHNSON.

[John Ross Robertson Collection, Toronto Public Library.]

PLATE XVIII.

QUEEN ANNE'S PLATE, MOHAWK CHAPEL, BRANTFORD. [Etskine Studio, Brantford.]

INTRODUCTION

xlix

estranged many of his fellow Indians, occasioning serious divisions within the Confederacy. Lord Selkirk's opinion was shared by Red Jacket—a Seneca sachem whose distrust and envy of Brant were almost pathological18—who felt that the Mohawk leader invariably enriched himself at someone else's expense, the victims usually being the very people whom he had professed to defend. Selkirk was convinced—though his evidence, it should be noted, did not include names or specific details—that in "the affair of the Grand R[iver] lands," the chief had been in collusion with "a few leading men" who had hoped to make capital out of land speculation in the Valley.19 He added that when the young men of the Confederacy, who clearly suspected that Brant was attempting to dupe them, protested the chiefs behaviour, they were silenced by their "mothers and aunts." This last observation, made by a perceptive European observer, confirms that the women still wielded power in the councils of the Six Nations (A 10) ; the classic account of Iroquoian customs stresses the frequently dominant role females played, maintaining that "their influence [made] itself felt" whenever "business of national concernment was transacted."20 Brant's defenders—and they were as numerous as his detractors —dismissed the allegations of the "younger warriors" as the work of the immature and the thoughtless who had forgotten the services that people of Brant's generation had rendered the community (C 31). His supporters never wearied of pointing out that the Mississaugas who had settled on the River Credit and adopted Brant as their chief had boasted that he "is fittest to be their Chief because he alone knows the value of Land" (C 29). As on other occasions, however, such reassuring claims on his behalf did not spare Brant, for he continued to serve as a convenient target for the most impassioned abuse. Those of the Six Nations who had settled at the Bay of Quinte complained that the Mohawk leader had 18 Among other things, Brant had personally insulted the Seneca. An American official, who was on good terms with both parties, related: "on one occasion when Brant . . . and Red Jacket, had been dining with me ... I observed . . . when the bottle had circulated pretty freely . . . evident mortification in the looks of Red Jacket. I did not at the time know the cause of this; but Brant subsequently explained to me that he ... had been amusing [himself] at Red Jacket's expense, by telling a story about some other Indian, to whom [he] imputed the very same conduct practised by Red Jacket, when he killed his neighbour's cows. . . ." "Pioneer Settlement in Western New York . . . Personal Memoir of Thomas Morris . . . read before the New York Historical Society . . . in Feb. 1852," N.Y.H.S., O'Reilly Collection, XV. i»White, éd., Lord Selkirk's Diary, 1803-1804, p. 161. 20 L. H. Morgan, League of the Ho-De-No-Sau-Nee or Iroquois (rev. éd.; New York, 1922), pp. 66, 179.

1

THE VALLEY OF THE SIX NATIONS

never hesitated to resort to reprehensible methods in his campaign to lure them to the Grand River, including, it would appear, vaguely worded promises to share with those who did accept his invitation all proceeds from the sale of reserve lands21 (C 20, B 32). Although what had been condoned in Dorchester's day—the virtually unrestricted leasing or selling of tracts to Europeans and Americans—had been roundly repudiated in Simcoe's, that energetic frontier governor was no longer in control when the issue came to a head at the close of the eighteenth century. Rather it was the beleaguered Peter Russell who bore the brunt of Brant's criticism and ridicule and he and his colleagues proved incapable of reversing those arrangements Brant had actually made with various purchasers of Grand River property and which were formally registered and sealed on February 5,1798. As everyone in authority knew only too well, in the course of bringing those transactions to fruition Brant practically coerced Russell into accepting conditions which the latter's predecessor had steadfastly refused to sanction. Selkirk was repeating only common knowledge when he informed his diary that a the chiefs demands had not been met he would have mounted an attack on the provincial capital itself,22 a controversial charge that was echoed by William Dummer Powell who presided over the colony's Court of King's Bench (C 21 ). Ever since the formation of Upper Canada, all officials who recalled the Pontiac Rebellion had been haunted by the spectre of an Indian uprising, and Brant's menacing posture in 1797 did little to sooth their ruffled nerves.23 They were painfully aware of the manifold shortcomings of the colony's military establishment in general and of York's inability to muster an adequate defence in particular. To compound the problem, rumours began to circulate that French and Spanish forces were being marshalled in the upper 21 Proceedings of a Council held at the Bay of Quinte . . . September 1800, P.A.C., Indian Affairs, Records and Correspondence of the Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, XXVI, 7-8. See also P.A.C., State Papers, Upper Canada, LXVII, 146. There is evidence that a number of the "Quainty Indians," anxious to avenge themselves on Brant, attempted to disrupt negotiations which the chief opened with the Connecticut Land Company, an American enterprise that sought in 1796 to obtain territory on the south shore of Lake Erie to which the Six Nations held a title. O'Reilly Collection, XII, Israel Chapin to Brant, April 30, 1796. 22\Vhite, éd., Lord Selkirk's Diary, 1803-1804, p. 148. 23 For a discussion of Indian military tactics—based in large part upon the testimony of experienced British army officers of the eighteenth century—consult J. K. Mahon, "Anglo-American Methods of Indian Warfare, 1676-1794," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XLV (1958-59), 257-61.

INTRODUCTION

li

Mississippi country for the purpose of attacking the exposed western flank of Upper Canada. Russell, who appears to have taken most such threats at their face value, was convinced, in spite of assurances to the contrary offered by one of his advisers, that Brant meant it when he warned that he would joui "some other people" if the necessary concessions regarding the Indian lands were not offered.24 The President's concern was excusable under the circumstances, for in the months following the resumption of the ancient AngloFrench conflict in 1793, it was feared that Britain's foe would do everything in her power to regain her proud position in North America.25 Although the vigorous Simcoe, always afraid of an American invasion, had instituted a military training programme and undertaken to fashion strong points on the colony's borders, Upper Canada's defences at the end of the century still left much to be desired.26 Vital to Simcoe's projects had been the retention of the western posts taken over from the French in 1763 and denied the United States when that country gained its independence twenty years later. In 1794, however, Britain, distracted by the conflict with her enemy across the channel, agreed in the so-called Jay's Treaty to surrender Detroit and the other disputed stations to American authorities, this over the bitter protests of those who had long maintained that Britain should offer no concessions adversely affecting the balance of power she had sought to sustain to her own advantage in the ulterior of the continent. Although certain parties in Upper Canada disdainfully questioned the need for any sort of compact with the United States, that country was none the less grudgingly courted by Britain in a turnabout that ushered in a brief but productive period of Anglo-American co-operation.27 The French, for their part, angered by the implications of Jay's Treaty and by what they regarded as a dangerous reconciliation between the former colonies and their "Old Stepmother," proceeded to threaten the United States on the high seas and to encroach upon her interests in the Mississippi Valley (C 29). Extremely sensitive wherever the security of that great artery was concerned, the Americans proceeded to exchange with Britain valuable information on their mutual concerns in the region. 24

O'Reilly Collection, XI, Chapín to Pickering, June 13, 1795. Russell Papers, William Osgoode to Russell, Jan. 26, 1797. M A gloomy report on the colony's security, prepared in the previous decade, still held true in large part for the situation at the close of the century. See C.O 42, v. 49. 27 The details of this interesting diplomatic manoeuvre may be found in Bradford Perkins, The First Rapprochement: England and the United States, 17951805 (Philadelphia, 1955), pp. 104 ft. 25

lu

THE VALLEY OF THE SIX NATIONS

By that time—the early months of 1797—France and Spain appeared to be on the verge of mounting a full-scale assault on British North America (C 15). Though their rumoured campaign against Detroit and Upper Canada has been dismissed as nothing more than a cloak for a projected attack on the St. Lawrence,28 responsible officials, and least of all Peter Russell, could ill afford to take chances with the safety of the colony, or defer much longer settling such compelling domestic problems as Brant's longstanding dispute over the Grand River lands (C 16). Britain's troubled Foreign Secretary, Lord Grenville, who was fully conversant with reports on the alleged duplicity of Indians and with Brant's thinly veiled threat to defect to the enemy if his wishes were not met, repeatedly urged Robert Liston, his envoy to the United States, to observe the chief carefully whenever the Mohawk visited Philadelphia.29 Liston, in turn, who bent all his efforts to preserve the Anglo-American entente, admonished the Canadian administrators to accommodate Brant's claims (C 15). Always mindful of the painful possibility that the Six Nations, at Brant's urging, might turn against their old allies if Indian interests were not safeguarded, the authorities felt they were justified in viewing the matter in the most serious light. As both British and American officials discussed the feasibility and objects of a temporary alliance, Russell, thoroughly beside himself because of Brant's menacing gestures and the alarming reports coming in from the frontier, decided to heed Listen's strongly worded advice, a decision that immediately produced a much "better humour" in the chief. Although seriously hampered by the lack of precise and sufficiently appropriate instructions (C 11) and by his inability for a time to enlist the support of his own colleagues,80 Russell finally succeeded in convening a full council late in June, 1797, at Government House in York. After a lengthy discussion of the various issues involved in the crisis, the President put some unmistakably rhetorical questions to his visibly abashed aides. Above all, he wished to know if he could count upon their co-operation during the emergency which faced the colony. Judging by the speed and eagerness with which the councillors responded to his queries in the affirmative, the outcome of the debate 28 A. L. Burt, The United States, Great Britain and British North America from the Revolution to the Establishment of Peace after the War of 1812 (New Haven 1940), note 12. 29 Bernard Mayo, éd., Instructions to the British Ministers to the United States, 1791-1812 (Washington, 1941), pp. 133 fi. 80C.O. 42, v. 321, pp. 21-2, Russell to Portland, Nov. 14, 1796.

INTRODUCTION

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had never really been in doubt (CIS). Yielding to Brant's demands, the administration recognized the arrangements already concluded with the various purchasers with whom the chief had negotiated. Both Liston—who had clearly expedited the settlement (C 26)— and Brant were much gratified by this action, the latter having reported to a friend, even before Russell and his fellow councillors had assembled, that "as to the Title I believe there's no danger now" (C 17). Unfortunately certain problems remained for all the parties concerned. The question immediately arose as to who would be expected to pay the fees charged for issuing the various patents. Brant's angry contention that that expense should be borne by government was shortly upheld by the Governor-in-Chief, General Robert Prescott,81 who feared that if no such step were taken the Six Nations might remain discontented and a threat to British interests. Ultimately Russell acted on his superior's strongly worded advice, substituting for regular fees special honoraria for the officials who had taken on the responsibility of preparing the patents. Despite the varied concessions akeady made to the Confederacy, Russell still feared that Brant would seize upon any "feasible excuse" to collaborate with an invading French army (C 19). At the very least, he was expected to capitalize on his triumphs by submitting more sweeping claims than those asserted earlier, including the Indians' right to cede additional sections of their grant to would-be buyers, an object, however, which Russell had akeady been urged by his critical superiors at Westminster to deny him (C 22). In a letter addressed to Sir John Johnson in December, 1797 (C 24), which protested his loyalty and reviewed his unhappy dealings with Simcoe, the chief retorted that the authorities had been tardy in honouring those pledges so vociferously offered in the previous summer. To this allegation that Russell and his colleagues were deliberately holding up the proceedings, one official who was apparently on good terms with the Mohawks replied that their leader was poorly informed and should have tried to understand the complexity of the problems that consumed so much of the President's time and patience.82 For his part, Russell was at a loss to explain Brant's displeasure, assuming that all was going well and that the necessary arrangements were being completed as expeditiously as possible. Indeed in «1P.A.C., Indian Affairs, Civil Control, I (1796-7), 48-56, Prescott to Russell, July 31, 1797. &Ibid., I (1798-9), 187, Green to Brant, Jan. 11, 1798.

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his correspondence with the chief during the fall and early winter of 1797 a number of important matters had been dealt with: notably the business of appointing trustees to act on behalf of the Six Nations clothed with the authority to receive the mortgages and other securities for payment from the individuals who were making the purchases (C 28). After a number of likely candidates were canvassed, Brant ultimately settled for the services of Alexander Stewart, David William Smith, the Surveyor General (C 25), and William Claus, who, after some delay, was formally named Deputy Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs in 1800. Learning of Russell's distress, Brant tried to convince D. W. Smith, one of the newly selected trustees, that he had not been criticizing the President personally—despite the delays in redeeming the commitments made earlier—but merely cataloguing all the difficulties that had blocked the land transfers for "some years past."33 In any case, on February 5, 1798, the chief presented himself before the authorities and, through the good offices of government, formally transferred the lands already assigned to their several purchasers (C 27). Thus ended what was surely one of the more complex episodes in the early history of Upper Canada, one which appeared to reflect little credit on the leading personalities involved. And yet, with respect to Brant, his eagerness to alienate so much reserve land may well have stemmed—as he never tired of asserting —from a highly realistic assessment of the Indians' dubious capacity for improving their huge domain on their own, and the need for exposing them, at the admitted risk of corrupting their ancient practices and sapping their cultural defences, to the vigour and enterprise of the better class of white immigrants. Brant had encouraged the first squatters to settle in the previous decade, doubtless realizing that wherever there was good land, the man best capable of exploiting it would ultimately come into possession of it; unfortunately, as events proved, the Six Nations failed to obtain their rightful dividends from the operation of this law hi the Valley. Thus the actual sale of the tracts in 1798, while it solved one problem and heralded the organized settlement of much of the Indian country, also set the stage for new crises and difficulties in that region's affairs. SSE. A. Cruikshank and A. F. Hunter, eds., Russell Correspondence (Toronto, 1935), H, 104, Brant to Smith, Feb. 27, 1798.

D. THE WHITE MAN'S FRONTIER OF THE SOME 570,00o1 acres that constituted the original Haldimand grant, approximately 350,000 were disposed of in the several conveyances that were formally sanctioned early in 1798 and parcelled out in six large but unequal blocks (D 4). Although Block 4, the northernmost, comprising a little over 28,000 acres, was not sold at this time, "owing to some Circumstances which did not distinctly appear to the [Land] Board" (D 6), no difficulty was experienced in finding purchasers for the remainder (D 5). Block 1 (94,035 acres) had been deeded as early as March, 1795, to Philip Stedman (D 12), who for some years operated a ferry service at Fort Erie, and Block 2 (94,012 acres) to Richard Beasley, James Wilson, and Jean Baptiste Rousseaux. The last-named, whose family had long been associated with the Indian Department, had constructed the first grist mill for the use of the Six Nations at the Mohawk Village. Block 3 (86,078 acres) was transferred to William Wallace and Blocks 5 (30,800 acres) and 6 ( 19,000 acres) were granted to William Jarvis and John Dochsteder respectively. Block 1 Without exception these tracts were plagued by confusion and misfortune. Thus Philip Stedman, the original proprietor of Block 1, made no effort to occupy or give any security for his acquisition, derelictions which lend some weight to Selkirk's suspicion that Brant and the purchasers were conspiring to launch a highly speculative venture. Had that actually been the case nothing came of it, at least for the unfortunate Stedman, for he ended his days miserably in an American jail (D 6). Thereafter uncertainty reigned for several years as to how and by whom the grant should be reconveyed (D 13). At an Indian council held at the Onondaga Village in November, 1806, the assembled "chiefs and warriors," Brant included, intimated in one passage of the published proceedings— which may have suffered in translation—that certain parties who had either posed as or actually become the ill-fated Stedman's rightful assigns had paid several annual instalments on the interest, but had ultimately been refused the opportunity of making further iQne chart indicates that the total acreage was approximately 675,000. The figure quoted above, however, is the generally accepted one. See G 26.

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payments and obtaining a clear title to the property (D 8). Doubtless this was because they had chosen to ignore the good offices of the trustees, an omission that normally invalidated such applications. In any case, it appears that no fewer than three claimants presented themselves to the authorities, armed with credentials purporting to show that they had come into lawful possession of the tract. They were, in order of appearance, Elisha Welles (D 6, D 7), Peter Hogeboom (D 15, D 17), and Daniel Penfield (D 14); Welles' place of origin is unknown, but Hogeboom and Penfield were residents of New York City and Albany respectively. According to Hogeboom's rather garbled testimony he had obtained a deed from Welles in the summer of 1802—reputedly bought from an unnamed assignee two years before—and, he claimed, moreover, that he had paid the Six Nations the not inconsiderable sum of almost $9,000; at the same time Hogeboom accused Penfield of deliberately falsifying the record by asserting that the latter's deed postdated his own (D 15, D 17). Apparently Penfield paid little attention to Hogeboom's charges; more than two years before, in the spring of 1807, he had duly advised the Lieutenant Governor that he had become "vested in all [the title] which the several antecedent purchasers" had enjoyed to the Block in dispute. Furthermore, virtually echoing Hogeboom's financial report, he disclosed that in the summer of 1802 he had paid over to the Indians about a quarter of the price, some £2,100, and accordingly requested the necessary patent from the authorities.2 Shortly before he sent his memorial off to York, he presented Joseph Brant with what he thought were equitable arrangements for discharging his financial obligations to the Indians (D 14). They appeared on the surface eminently fair, but William Claus, the Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, concluded that had they been accepted, the Indians would have incurred a heavy monetary loss, perhaps as much as $13,000 (D 16). Consequently, Penfield's appeals for immediate action were denied (D 18). This decision may have been governed—apart from the fear that Brant had exceeded his authority as agent of the Six Nations—by the growing crisis in Anglo-American relations and the mounting fear that former citizens of the United States then domiciled in the colony might prove an acute embarrassment in the event of hostilities. At this juncture applications for land from prospective immigrants of Penfield's ilk were scrutinized most carefully. 2P.A.C., Upper Canada State Papers, IX (i), 190-5, Penfield's Memorial, May 2, 1807.

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It is a matter of some moment that one of the leading "War Hawks"—the aggressive group in the American Congress that helped to precipitate the War of 1812—had evinced an interest in acquiring some Grand River property some ten years earlier, actually entering into negotiations with Brant on the matter. Peter B. Porter, Yale-educated and New England-reared and named in 1811 to chak the Senate's influential Committee on Foreign Relations, had, after moving west to Ontario County, New York, established his reputation as a champion of the Niagara country, a skilful promoter of his own transportation interests, and a most vocal supporter of the war that promised to open the way for the American conquest of Upper Canada.8 But Porter's attempt to obtain title to a township on the Grand in 1801 did not succeed, a fate which the subsequent campaign "On to Canada" shared. Such distractions notwithstanding, some questions affecting Indian lands were resolved before the War of 1812, and by 1811 Claus and other officials, after reviewing the difficulties attending the disposition of Block 1 had come to the conclusion that the various affidavits presented by Elisha Welles, Peter Hogeboom, and Daniel Penfield were "spurious" and the so-called Stedman transfer nothing but a clumsy forgery. At that time, Stedman's sister, Mrs. John Sparkman, and her husband, who had been denied recognition earlier,4 were accepted as heirs at law to the Block. Shortly thereafter, however, they were forced through straitened circumstances to convey it to Thomas Clark, a prosperous merchant and resident of Stamford in the Niagara peninsula. Barely five years later Clark in turn sold the tract to his equally affluent cousin, William Dickson, who assumed the mortgage and paid £. 15,000 in hard cash for the property (D 18). From that point in 1816 the fortunes of Block 1, long plagued by one minor disaster after another, took on a much rosier hue. Block 2 Like those of its neighbour, the early affairs of Block 2 were full of confusion. Only one fact, apparently, can be accepted with any certainty—even before Richard Beasley purchased the titles of bis one-tune associates, James Wilson and Jean Baptiste Rousseaux, 3

George Dangerfield, The Era of Good Feelings (New York, 1952), pp. 34-8. *The authorities excused the delay on the grounds that she had no right to a tract for which her brother had refused to make payments. P.A.O., Upper Canada Land Book A.

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that aspiring frontier squire virtually took full charge, since the terms "Beasley Tract" and Block 2 became practically interchangeable in the conversations of legislators and settlers. But in 1803 Beasley's career was almost nipped in the bud when the authorities, following their lengthy investigation of all the assignments of 1798, charged that he had not only failed to make regular payments on the principal and interest but had completedly ignored the trustees, thereby violating one of the conditions of the original conveyance (D 6). Thereupon the Six Nations in full council—reputedly coached by Brant—countered that an exception should be made in Beasley's case, since he had "honourably" endeavoured to meet some of his commitments by paying over sums of money directly to the Mohawk chief (D 7). Yet this was precisely the point to which Claus addressed himself in the ensuing debate, contending repeatedly that the two parties to the transaction, Beasley and Brant, both of whom he obviously distrusted, had deliberately circumvented the trustees and ignored official regulations. In the end the whole matter was referred to the Executive Council for a judgment. Still another problem confronting the government stemmed from Beasley's natural anxiety to capitalize on his investment. Less than two years after his title had been recognized, he had sold a portion of Block 2 to a group of Mennonite immigrants, the advance guard of a considerable influx of would-be settlers from Pennsylvania. In the spring of 1800 two such arrivals from Franklin County, Joseph Shôrg and Samuel Betzner, both of whom had spent some time in the vicinity of Niagara and Ancaster where a number of Mennonites had already congregated, were advised by an earlier visitor, Jacob Bechtel, that the Valley of the Grand, particularly Block 2, was highly attractive and merited their investigation. Heeding Bechtel's suggestions, the Mennonites "found everything beyond then- expectations," promptly sought out the jubilant Beasley, the owner of the land they had carefully toured, and negotiated a purchase on the southern limit of the Block.6 They duly received from "the Squire" what appeared to be the necessary titles and immediately brought in their relatives and friends from Niagara. Three years later, however, while the Executive Council was reviewing Beasley's financial dealings with Brant, it was discovered that the former had neglected to advise the Mennonites that their deeds were virtually worthless because of a large mortgage still outstand5 See Ezra Eby, A Biographical History of Waterloo Township (Berlin, Ontario, 1895).

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ing on the property (D 20). Even before the outcry of the aggrieved had subsided, Beasley confessed his negligence and offered to make whatever amends he could for his recent behaviour.6 In the end, this somewhat chastened "Land Jobber"—Simcoe's epithet has some relevance here—after submitting a number of proposals to the government, agreed to sell outright to the unhappy Mennonites a parcel of 60,000 acres for the sum of £-10,000 (D 19) and, in addition, to pay off the mortgage (D 22). Moreover, with respect to the latter obligation he promised to work through the good offices of the trustees in order to fulfil, somewhat belatedly, the condition to which Claus had attached so much importance. Bargain or not, Shôrg and Betzner were taken aback by Beasley's proposition, even contemplating for a brief period the abandonment of their enterprise. Eventually several of their associates returned to Pennsylvania and there, after some difficulty, persuaded a group of their more adventuresome and affluent co-religionists and other interested investors to organize a joint stock enterprise for the purpose of completing the purchase of the original tract.7 The fruits of their labours, the so-called German Company, launched yet another Volkswanderung on this continent when it despatched to the middle Grand the requisite capital and the picturesque trains of heavily-laden "Conestoga wagons." The principal officers and directors of the Company who arranged the final details with Beasley and the trustees were the brothers Daniel and Jacob Erb, Samuel Bricker, and Benjamin Eby (D 19, D 21), the lastnamed doubling as secretary-treasurer of the venture and bishop of the first Mennonite Church formed in the new community. In addition, Eby helped to lay the foundations of present-day Kitchener, first known as Ebytown and, at Eby's own suggestion, renamed Berlin in 1825 out of respect for the German immigrants then flocking into the district.8 A fellow official of the Company, John Erb, constructed the first mill at the junction of the Grand and the Speed, setting the stage for the establishment of the town of Preston. A few years later, in 1816, his brother, Abraham, also prospered as a miller and became in time one of the founders of the village of Waterloo. «Mabel Dunham, Grand River (Toronto, 1945), pp. 88-9. 7 A. B. Sherk, "The Pennsylvania Germans in Waterloo County," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, VII (1906), 100 ff. 8 For a discussion of this German immigration and its effects, see G. E. Reaman, The Trail of the Black Walnut (Toronto, 1957).

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For their guidance during the proceedings with Beasley, the Company relied heavily on the talents and advice of William Dickson, described as a "reputable lawyer and merchant of Niagara." Commissioned to legalize all the transactions entered into by the Pennsylvanians, Dickson, who subsequently became a powerful figure in the Valley, secured on June 29, 1805, for the Mennonites and others whom the Company had sponsored a clear title to the tract of 60,000 acres that was finally assigned to them. William Claus, who had supervised these rather complex arrangements, had apparently anticipated some trouble from the purchasers who he felt had been too anxious at one stage to obtain more favourable financial terms. But no serious difficulties actually materialized, owing in part to the good nature of the Mennonites and in part, if one may believe Claus, to the presence, at the latter's invitation, of two military officers, prepared to support the Deputy Superintendent General had an attempt been made to intimidate him (D 23). The gratification produced by the orderly sale of the land was soon destroyed when it was discovered that there were 2,900 acres fewer than the number actually specified in the original patent (D 24, D25). It would appear that in all four separate surveys had been undertaken in the years 1796 to 1805. The first, executed by Thomas Welch (D 2) had made a return of 93,160 acres, a figure that was duly recorded in the office of the Surveyor General, David William Smith. None the less, one day before the authorities formally recognized the transfers on the Grand, that is, on February 4, 1798, Smith, following another study made by Augustus Jones (D 3), who had surveyed the whole of the Indian lands some seven years before, changed the initial figure to 94,012, the one that was actually quoted in the documents signed on February 5. Still another survey, carried out by James Mitchell some time later arrived at the figure of 93,180 acres (D 30). Distressed by these many disparities, officials authorized Richard Cockrel, an experienced surveyor, to conduct a further examination of the Block. Apparently it was his survey, completed early in 1805, that prompted Dickson to intervene, for Cockrel's findings indicated that aie tract contained no more than 91,112 acres, leaving 2,900 unaccounted for and for which Beasley had been duly charged. Though the matter was still being discussed in a most technical fashion as late as 1809 (D 25), Cockrel's figures had obviously been accepted in as much as in 1807 Beasley was provided, by way of compensation, with some 3,000 acres in an adjoining tract (D 27).

INTRODUCTION

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Block 3 While Block 2 was thus taxing the patience and arithmetical prowess of the authorities, the adjoining property, Block 3, was arousing the interest of the Pennsylvanians. In the process of arranging for tiie settlement of their compatriots and examining the limits of their acquisition in the "Beasley Tract," Daniel Erb and Benjamin Eby, accompanied by Augustus Jones, ventured into Block 3 and were impressed at once with its possibilities. This parcel of land had originally been conveyed to William Wallace who turned out to be almost as improvident as the wretched Stedman; unable to honour the terms of his contract he had been forced to relinquish all but 7,000 acres of the Block. Speaking for the Six Nations, Brant announced in September, 1806, that of the remaining 79,000 acres, 5,000 and 10,000 were to be reserved respectively for himself and Ann Claus, the daughter of Sir William Johnson (D 26). At the same time, the Indians confirmed a transfer of 15,000 acres at the northern end of the Block made by Wallace to Captain Robert Pilkington of the Royal Engineers. Pilkington's ambitious project for establishing a settlement was subsequently thwarted, leaving the way open for the Pennsylvanians; in May, 1807, the Six Nations assigned them the remainder of the tract. Naming the principal rivers traversing their enlarged domain the Conestoga and the Canagagigue, the new owners lost little time in surveying and charting the property. The communities organized by these people have long posed interesting questions for students of the frontier. The Waterloo district, "the last area [in the colony] to receive settlers from Pennsylvania," one historian has observed, "is . . . now the only locality hi Ontario to retain the ethnic characteristics of its [founders]."9 The pronounced folk traits of these pioneers from the south were magnified by the relative inaccessibility of the area in the early days of settlement, its very remoteness and isolation unquestionably constituting a great inducement to a group so anxious to preserve the purity of their religion and to be insulated from the less desirable influences of profane society. Apart from the Mennonites there were representatives of other separatist communities such as the Tunkers or Dunkards, who in 1801 established the nucleus of a congregation on the middle Grand through the efforts of two of then- leaders from Lancaster County, George Shupe and David Gingrich. The oldtime Tunker, "with his long hair parted in the middle . . . and his »Ibid., p. 108.

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full beard," soon became a familiar figure in the area.10 But good works were closely allied with material progress and success in more worldly enterprises; consequently, the devout from the Susquehanna, like the Mohawk from eastern New York, looked appreciatively upon the fertile banks of the Grand as worthy reminders of the bountiful water courses which had sustained them in more comfortable, if not more promising, days. Block 4 The early career of the northernmost of the Indian lands, Block 4 or Block Nichol, is shrouded in obscurity, for in 1798 when it was formally put on the auction block no buyer came forward (D 5). In later years, however, Joshua Cozens claimed that he had bought it from Joseph Brant in the fall of 1796 (D 29). Cozen's agent, a Connecticut merchant called Samuel Clark, attempted to sell the land in England, even trying to interest Simcoe in the speculation (D 28). Failing in his mission, Clark pawned the deed in 1799 for £250 with a London firm which shortly afterwards went bankrupt. Cozens spent the rest of his Ufe trying to substantiate his claim to the land; as late as 1839 he was still sending memorials to the British government,11 despite the fact that Lord Glenelg had finally decided the issue against him two years earlier.12 It was agreed that Cozens had probably had some speculative dealings with Brant, but was denied that these ventures were ever sanctioned by the government, a step necessary to validate all Indian land sales. Meanwhile, Block 4 had been sold to Thomas Clark, a Niagara merchant, in 1806 (D 9). Two years later Clark sold the southern section, which passed to the Reverend Robert Addison, the rector of St. Mark's Church in the village of Niagara. Upon his death Mrs. Addison conveyed it to Captain William Gilkison, a cousin of John Gait and a former sea captain who had served for some years on Lake Erie. Gilkison died hi 1833, but his sons followed his plans for the development of his tract in and around Elora. In the 1830's Clark sold the rest of Block Nichol, which was then opened up by settlers from Scotland. i°A. B. Sherk, "The Tunkers," United Empire Loyalists' Association, Transactions, VI (1909), 66; E. M. Sider, "The Early Years of the Tunkers in Upper Canada," Ontario History, LI (1959), 121-9. HP.A.C., G 93, p. 344, Normanby to Arthur, Aug. 14, 1839. 12P.A.C., G 79, pp. 86-109, Glenelg to Head, Jan. 29, 1837.

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Block 5 In 1798 Block 5 near the mouth of the Grand River on the east side, was sold to the Provincial Secretary, William Jarvis (D5). Apparently in financial difficulties, Jarvis had by the late summer of 1806 already decided to surrender that property, requesting his lawyer to advise him as to the best means by which this could be achieved. Acting on the recommendations proffered, he presented himself before a session of the Executive Council on September 4, 1806, and initiated proceedings for "yielding" the land, with but one stipulation: that in return for the surrender he be compensated for the money he had already consigned to Brant and the Six Nations. Although he failed to receive as much financial consideration as he had sought—£600 instead of The Rev. Samuel Kirkland (1741-1808), a former schoolfellow of Joseph Brant's, was an Presbyterian to the Oneidas in the Mohawk Valley. "Handsome Lake (1735-1815) was a half-brother of Cornplanter (1732-1836) with a common father John Abeel, a white trader. About 1800 after an illness he reported revelations calling for a return to ancestral customs and strict morality; his cult spread from the Allegheny throughout the Iroquois peoples.

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ancestors—giving out that he had seen the great Spirit in Visions, who commanded them to leave off drinking Rum, selling Land & other white mens practices.—He has had no great success with the Christian Indians Catholic or Protestant—but very great among all the others & his adherents have been steady hi their renunciation of spirits to a degree that has surprized every body. . . . F 14 NORTON'S COMMENTS ON RELIGION IN THE INDIAN SETTLEMENTS, 1806 [N.L., Ayer Collection, Norton Letterbook] ... Temperance has gamed ground and is yet gaining, there remaining very few at Present that drink to excess openly, industry has also encreased with some individuals notwithstanding the various things that operate against it, and many have made considerable improvements on land and encreased their stock of Cattle—But religion does not flourish as might be wished—there is too much catching at the Shadow and neglecting the Substance—the Clergyman who favors us with visits is so far off and enabled to come so seldom that it is only the ceremony that is most perceived; we must however do as well as we can, earnestly seeking the help of God—without whose favour all our exertions might be hi vain— F 15 ADDISON'S REPORT TO THE S.P.G., 1807 [P.A.C., S.P.G., Journals, XXIX, 269] From Mr Addison, Missionary at Niagara, dated Head of the Lake Ontario, 50 miles from Niagara, January 29, 1807—Where he was upon a visit to the Indians, & took the opportunity of writing by a gentleman on his way to England, & therefore could not send an exact account of Baptisms & c. He had baptised 19 Indian Children, & married 3 couple. His congregation was uncommonly large. He sent to the neighbouring villages, & went himself to one of them, where he understood a great number of Indians was assembled to partake of an entertainment given by an Indian lately married. He has the satisfaction to add, that several from the other Six Nations besides the Mohocks have become Christians, & many of them have left off the ruinous habit of drinking spirituous liquors.— F 16 THE REV. CLARK KENDRicK's12 OPINION OF THE Six NATIONS [Massachusetts Baptist Missionary Magazine, 1809, II, 172-3] 22 November 1808 . . . On the Grand River, in this province, you may see the natives returning from the whisky shops, when they appear and act more like i2The Rev. Clark Kendrick was sent to visit Upper Canada in the autumn of 1808 by the Massachusetts Baptist Missionary Society.

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incarnate devils than Christians; yet consecrated water and bread and wine are administered to crowds of such allies of the nether world as these, by hands who profess skilfully to handle the word of lifel Were a Baptist minister to begin with a tribe in their darkest state of paganism, (which, however, offers much greater encouragement than the case above-mentioned,) yet probably the arts and intrigues of some, who can make Christians more readily, might take them out of his hands, and his labours would all prove abortive. . . . F 17

THE STATE OF MISSIONS AMONGST THE IROQUOIS ABOUT 1810 [N.Y.S.L., MSS #13350-51}

I must not omit giving some detail of the religeon which is practised among the Mohawks, perhaps some may be suprised when I assert that they have a Church for the protestant religion—but here is the misfortune they have no proper minister to instruct them hi the word of God; Mr. Addison who attends this Church only twice in the year, lives at niagara which is as I have said 70 miles from the residence of Mr. Mortons countrymen, it is much to be wished that some Society established in London for spreading the gospel, would depute some proper person who had time & inclination to devote his attention to the instruction of these his unenlightened fellow creatures—I am sure that it would be work highly commendable & one which is more likely to be crowned with success than many others of the same nature—the Mohawks Come in great numbers from all quarters to be baptized when Mr. Addison is with them—this is a spirit which ought to be encouraged as much as possible ... the sedulity [?] & art of the roman Catholics are absolutely surprising who would have supposed that this religion was spread even among the Mohawks; but they spare no means to make a convert; if they take so much trouble to inculcate a false religion, should it not behove as to the more diligent in assisting & directing the rigious tenets of these tribes . . . I must not finish18this part, my narrative without adverting to the Maravian Missionaries who have been sent among the American nations—it is a pity that those who possess the established Church of England do not take upon themselves this Office—the Maravians are of no effect—they begin by preaching a doctrine so very opposite to the prejudices of the tribes that then- exertions are of no use whatever, it is well known that the Moravians forbid war hi the strongest terms & I need scarcely add that war is the most favorite Idea in the Mohawks imagination. . . . 18 The Moravians or United Brethren, who had been carrying on missionary work among the Indians of Pennsylvania and New England since their arrival from Saxony in 1741, established an Indian mission at Fairfield in western Upper Canada.

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F 18 THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEMS OF THE CONFEDERACY ABOUT 1810 [N.Y.S.L., MSS #13350-51}

... with respect to their Education; besides, w h a t . . . I have already Stated there is a School in Mohawk village, when the hunting season is over some send their children to it; they are merely taught to write & read; Mr. Norton says that many of the old men are not certain whether this School is of use or not—for some by learng. to read not only become idle, but contracts habits of Idleness which prevent them from excelling in the [.. ?] They also object & this is a remarkable objection, that while they are under the care of the Schoolmaster their manners are neglected; & again that many who have learnt to read & write are not the better for it unless they continue to read after they have left school This is an objection of a nature which I fear is but too common; for they cannot have any great number of Books: & it is needless to add that the improvement of those who cannot get access to these few, must necessarily be inconsiderable & as Mr. Norton said their writing can be of little use unless they read to furnish materials for writing: the principal Books which they have are Milton Popes Homer & a bible And in general they are very few; lately several have become writers, or as we should say Authors So that individuals have Manuscripts, they are not yet acquainted with the art of printing there is a perticular age for sending the youth to school Some send them sooner then others & all generally let them remain there till the object is accomplished. . . . F 19

THE REV. RALPH LEEMINGU TO SIR PEREGRINE MAITLAND [P.A.C., Upper Canada Sundries, XL1V, 1819] Ancaster, 13 June 1819

After having been repeatedly requested by the Tuscarora Chiefs to assist them to procure a Schoolmaster, I took upon myself last Year to establish a School in their Village, & to endow it with 100 Dollars . . . either to the liberality of government here, or to that of the Society at home, for Indemnification—The School was opened on the 18th of November 1818— The number of Scholars has averaged from 30 to 35—They are tolerably regular hi their attendance, & as I understand, have made much Improvement—Some of them are learning to write—The Master, a steady moral young man, calls the people together on Sundays, and reads the Church Service to them—They are on the point of building a School House, having akeady provided timber for that purpose—The Idea of 14 Rev. Ralph Leeming (1790-1872), a clergyman of the Church of England, came to Canada in 1816 as a representative of the S.P.G. He served as the first rector at Ancaster.

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having the School established by proper Authority is highly gratifying— It would be a good thing, to promote morality— If your Excellency would condescend to represent the matter to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, they probably would endow the School in question—

F 20 REPORT BY THE REV. ALVIN TORRY," 1823 [Methodist Magazine (U.S.), VI (November, 1823), 232-4] HAVING received my appointment,... by the Bishop to labour among the scattered and destitute inhabitants on the Grand River, I set off for my appointment and reached my station about the last of August [1822] I commenced my labours among the whites at the mouth of the River, . . . From this place I pursued my route up the River—now passing an Indian Town, then preaching to a few white families, till I reached the uppermost settlement of the whites, about 25 miles from the mouth of the River; thence west into the Townships of Rainham and Walpole, forming a route of about 140 miles, and ten appointments, to be performed once in two weeks. In every place, I found the inhabitants well disposed towards the Gospel, and doors were opened for preaching in every neighbourhood I visited. The Indian Reservation is a tract of twelve miles wide, embracing both sides of the river, and extends up the river a north-west course the length of about 60 miles. On this tract reside the Six Nations, inhabiting the towns throughout the whole extent, and numbering about 2000 souls. The only religious service performed among these Indians, I understand, is at the Mohawk Village, SO miles from the mouth of die river. Here they have a Meeting-House, where Divine Service is performed occasionally, by a Minister of the Church of England, and where the church service is read in the Mohawk, by one of the natives every Sabbath day. The Delawares reside near the mouth of the river. Many of these can understand English. I have lately preached several times to them. The first time about 20 attended, at other times more. I gave them two Testaments, and some tracts, as there are some among them who can read. Some of this Nation attend pretty regularly at one of my appointments among the whites. Others possess their prejudices, which appear to have been formed upon the immoral conduct of the white people. The Cayuga's and Onondaga's are the next nation above, and though they are far the most moral, and have the best regulated community, they "The Rev. Alvin Torry (b. 1797), the first fully ordained Methodist missionary on the Grand River, was born in Stafford, Conn. In 1822 at the Genesee Annual Conference of the American Methodist Episcopal Church, he was appointed to the Grand River mission, which was not begun "professedly for the conversion of the Indians ... but for the benefit of the scattered white population on the Indian lands." (Report of William Case, Oct. 1, 1823, Methodist Magazine (U.S.), VI, Nov., 1823, 436). Torry later served at Long Point and Ancaster.

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are entirely unfriendly to the Gospel. Great pains are taken by their principal men to prevent polygamy, and the use of ardent spirits among these people; and if at any time, one happens to transgress by becoming intoxicated, they never cease what might be called churching him, till he is humbled for his crime, and performs certain humiliating ceremonies, expressive of his penitance before the whole congregation. . . . In such cases he is seldom guilty of a second offence. They are opposed to the Gospel, for 'the Mohawks have the Gospel', say they, 'yet rum causes them to commit wickedness'. They take immense pains to persuade their brethren of the other tribes to renounce liquors entirely, and not without some success. F 21 REPORT BY THE REV. WILLIAM CASEIS [Methodist Magazine (U.S.), VII (January, 1824), 35-6] Niagara, 7 October 1823 ... On the 24th of September, in company with a religious friend, we passed into the wood and arrived at the Indian dwellings, about 9 o'clock in the morning, a tune at which they generally hold their morning devotions. We were received with cordial kindness, and the shell was blown as a call to assemble for religious service. Soon the people, parents and children, were seen in all directions repairing to the house of prayer. When they arrived they took their seats with great solemnity, observing a profound silence till the service commenced.—Having understood that they were hi the habit of singing hi the Mohawk, I requested them to sing hi their usual manner, which they did melodiously. The following verse is taken from the hymn, and the translation hito English is annexed. "O sa va ner Tak qwogh sni ye nough, Ne ya yonk high sweagh se, Ne o ni a yak hi sea ny, Sa ya ner tea hegh sm'yeh." "Enlighten our dark souls, till they Thy sacred love embrace; Assist our minds, (by nature frail,) With thy celestial grace." After the sermon, several addressed the assembly in the Mohawk, and the meeting was concluded by prayer, from one of the Indians in his native tongue. . . . ^The Rev. William Case (1780-1855), a native of Swansea, Massachusetts, served from 1810 to 1827 as presiding elder of the Methodist Church in Canada. In 1828 he became Superintendent of Indian missions and schools in Upper Canada.

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F 22 GEORGE MARTIN TO CLAUS [P.A.C., Clous Papers, Xll, 197-8] St. Martin's Day, December 1823 I have recived your letter therefore yesterday dade the 8 of this month saying I should let you know, about the Mathodist Breacher had been on the Grand River it is I believe one or two and I think he preach twice in the Mohawk Church in the Mohawk Village put I believe None of them join them put your friend Thomas Davis has join the Mathodist and few famalys that lives round him So I am told and this few Massesawgas That is in the return to the 6 Nation 4 or 5 of them put as for the Dellawares I do not know they are so far down the river I cant say nothing bout them—all I can Say for that, I did seen the Breacher come up the river and he told me, he was going at Mc [Augustus] Jones to preach, and him is The one that preach in the Mohawk Church I was told afterwards—... F 23

REPORT BY THE REV. SETH CRAWFORD," AUGUST 10,1824 [Methodist Magazine (£7.5.;, VII (1825), 110-11]

... Tuesday and Friday evenings are our stated times for public prayer meetings: at these meetings all who are disposed are invited to pray. Here sinners and mourners are prayed for. If one is overtaken in a fault, they hasten to his relief, and they seldom cease their supplications till he is reclaimed from the errors of his ways. The ardour which is manifested on these occasions, I have seldom seen in other societies; so faithful are they to help one another on in the way to heaven: and the answers to prayer which they obtain are powerful, and sometimes overwhelming. This was remarkably manifest at one of these prayer meetings lately. The commencement of the meeting was rather dull, but their wrestling and ardent prayer was soon succeeded by songs of joy, and shouts of praise. After a suitable season the meeting was concluded, and the congregation was advised to retire. The brethren, however, were in such a happy state of mind, that they were unwilling to separate, and they continued singing. As I retired to my lodgings, the melodious voices of these happy Indians reverberated through the woods with a solemnity I cannot forget.... F 24 REPORT BY TORRY [Methodist Magazine (US.), VIII (1825), 199-200] Grand River, 26 January 1825 Since our communication of July last, the good work of our God has continued to prosper on this reservation, among both whites and Indians. «The Rev. Seth Crawford, a native of Saratoga, New York, lived with the Indians and became proficient in their language.

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The house erected last spring for the school and meetings is a convenient and comfortable room for the purpose, and is generally filled on the sabbath with attentive hearers. The sabbath and day school is attended by from twenty-five to thirty children, who are making good improvement in reading, and some have commenced writing. If we had the means of boarding the children the school might easily be increased to fifty or sixty native scholars. Numbers at a distance would send their children to this school, but they are not able to board them from home. . . . Our school is increased lately by the arrival of two principal chiefs of two different nations.18 They have pitched their tents at the missionhouse with a view to have their families learn to "read the Great Book". And what is remarkable, both of these chiefs with several of their families have been converted.... Embracing the late conversions, our society at the mission-house now consists of forty-four members, seven of whom are whites. There is one thing we should keep continually hi view, in order to extensive usefulness to the tribes, i.e., the raising up of native teachers, whose piety and zeal shall be commendable, to preach the kingdom of God to then: brethren in their native tongue; as the means, under God, we look to the schools and the revivals. F 25

THE CHIEFS' REJECTION OF A METHODIST MISSIONARY [P.A.C., Clous Papers, XII, 277-8] Grand River, 2 May 1826

Communication between the Mohawk & Oughauaga Chiefs and the Methadist preacher on the subject of their religion, Chiefs We ask you who sent you here or what authority have you to build on our land, Preacher I was sent here by the methadist bishop of Canada to instruct you the way of ufe and lern your children to read the bible, Chiefs We will not let you build the school house neither will we except you as our preacher Mr Steward19 has promised [a] Clergyman & school Master to us whom we expect to arive this summer, Preacher I did not expected to be disputed by you because I did not come to apose Your Church I only came to teach you to do as the book says, 18 A number of Mississaugas settled on land provided by Thomas Davis near the Methodist mission-house in 1824, where they remained until 1826 when they moved to the Credit River and built their own village with government assistance. 19 Charles Stewart (1775-1837), a native of Scotland, was Anglican Bishop of Quebec from 1826 to 1837.

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Chiefs That is the way of the wite folks they will talk fair but as soon as they settle among us they will fall on our land so we do not expect you no other way, Preacher I do not want a foot of your land I came here only to preach the word of life to you and to get you to do as the book says, Chiefs We sepose you to have written authority will you let us see your authority, Preacher I can not show no writeing now but I can get Mr Brant & Cayr [Kerr] to write to you that my Statement is true, Chiefs We will not believe Mr Brand nor Cayr any more than we do you excepting the deputy Col. Claus and the Ministers of the Church of England, Many more words pased between them but this is only the main meaning of it. F 26 GEORGE RYERSON20 TO MAITLAND [Sissons, éd., "George Ryerson to Sir Peregrine Mcdtland, 9 June 1826," Ontario History, XLIV (1952), 24-9] Vittoria June 9th 1826 . . . I wish first to give a hasty sketch of some attempts which I have made to instruct the Six Nations, with the present state of religion amongst them. Nearly a year ago the Honorable & Reverend Dr. Strachan21 was on a visit to Vittoria; I then informed him of my intention to retire from the London District School, and of my wish to enter into the service of the Society [for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts] as a missionary to the Six Nations, or as a Catechist, should no other Missionary be stationed at the Grand River. The Honbl. & Revd. Dr. suggested to me the propriety of visiting the Indians occasionally . .. and of endeavouring to do something for the promotion of religion & learning among them This I was strongly inclined to do, as I considered them as emphatically a people for whom no one cared, and 2°George Ryerson (1791-1882) was the eldest son of Colonel Joseph Ryerson, who settled in the Long Point district after the American War of Independence. He was the brother of the Rev. Egerton Ryerson, the noted Methodist leader. Although George Ryerson considered ministry in both the Methodist and Anglican Churches, he eventually became a minister in the Catholic Apostolic Church. 21 John Strachan (1778-1867), the first Anglican Bishop of Toronto, 1839-1867, came to Canada in 1799. Ordained in the Church of England in 1803, he came to York in 1812, after serving in Cornwall. He exerted great political influence as a member of the Family Compact.

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as sheep without a shepherd ... I have always found them very attentive & apparently willing to be instructed. They are for the most part [,] however [,] strangers to the practice, & ignorant of the nature of the Christian religion which they profess, but commendably attached to some of its forms. The Mohawks, the only nation professing Christianity, are in a melancholy state of moral degradation. They have some good & noble qualities, but these are in a manner overwhelmed by their excessive drunkenness. The men with a very few exceptions, are much addicted to this detestable & ruinous vice. The love of strong drink seems to exercise a mysterious & uncontrollable dominion over them. When I have affectionately explained to them the obligations of religion, & reproved them for their vices so ruinous to their nation & so disgraceful to their Christianity, they have answered, 'Your words are good words, we like to hear the sound of your voice, we wish our children to learn right, we are wrong, we must do better &ca'—but then" good resolutions are commonly like the morning dew. The next time I go down I probably find these penitents lying drunk hi the streets of Brantford. They are surrounded by an unprincipled set of white people, who for their own private gain allure them to the commission of their favourite vices. In the vicinity of the Mohawks, are two villages of Cayugas, I think more than 200 [;] these are all heathens. Their principal objection to Christianity seems to be the bad example of the Mohawks: 'We do not wish to have our young men spoiled like the Mohawks', say they. I have, in conversation with them, explained to them, that their neighbours had not the religion of Jesus Christ, only the name. That all true Christians had the Spirit of God & kept from Sin. From the candid manner in which they reasoned on the subject I presume they might be persuaded to receive Christian instruction & they offer a fair field for the exercise of that noble ambition that 'desires to preach Christ where he has not yet been named'. The Tuscaroras live some distance down the river [;] they, for either with their neighbours [,] the Onondagas [,] have built a comfortable place of worship & desire Christian instruction from 'The King's Church'. They are chiefly heathens. I could not visit them but sent a short address which was interpreted to them. In all these villages they understand the Mohawk well, & the English partially. The Methodist Missionaries have done much good among the Indians, but have not as yet made any attempt, or any progress in the villages which I have mentioned. Their labours have been chiefly successful among the Chippewas who have now removed to the River Credit. A few Mohawks have joined them and they have reformed 2 or 3 of the most drunken of them, shewing what religion may do. The religious Mohawks who have joined the Methodists, now value their Prayer Book more highly than ever, saying that they now understand it, which they did not before. Were a pious minister sent to their Countrymen they would no doubt return to the bosom of the Church.

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Your Excellency will probably ask: What can I do for these natives? I answer, may it please your Excellency, and I give it as my decided opinion, that nothing effectual can be done for them without the permanent residence among them, of a pious and zealous missionary. One who will feel it his duty and his delight to imitate him who bears his lambs in his bosom, and who with unwearied step went about doing good. Let him treat them with the utmost condescension and kindness for they are a very proud and haughty people, and cannot endure the least neglect, but are e[a]sily won by condescension and kindness. Let him make himself intimately acquainted with their manners &tc, and, if possible, with their language. Let him establish English Sunday, and day schools under his own immediate superintendance, in the four principal Villages and let him preach to them in plainness and simplicity "Christ" a name which can alone humble and subdue the heart of a heathen. And, may it please your Excellency, send a missionary of an opposite character, and the drunkard will remain a Drunkard still—the well disposed will join the Methodist, and the heathens will either continue such, till intemperance exterminates them or they will be gradually won over by the zeal and assiduity of the Methodist Missionaries.—But by using the means mentioned above I confidently believe that this poor demoralized and degenerate remna[n]t of a once noble race of people, will in a few years become an ornament to our Church, and every way worthy to be called "Christians"— From what is above stated Your Excellency will not be surprised that I have discontinued going to the Grand River for the last four weeks. In addition to the reasons already stated I add, that . . . I have neither authority nor means to establish schools, nor to correct abuses in the ones established by the Honl. & Revd. Dr. Stewart of which I wish to remark, that the Mohawk School taught by William Hesse is faithfully conducted and attended, I cannot say one word hi favour of the School in the Village by David Lawrence [Laurence Davis?] . . .

F 27 THE REV. JOHN WEST'S22 DESCRIPTION OF RELIGION AND EDUCATION AMONG THE SK NATIONS, 1826

[West, A Journal of a Mission to the Indians of the British Provinces of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, and the Mohawks on the Ouse or Grand River, Upper Canada, 276-59] The following Indians are settled along the margin of the Grand, and as called by them, the Mohawk River, to the extent of thirty or forty miles, and consist of 22 The Rev. John West (17757-1845), an Anglican clergyman, was appointed chaplain to the Hudson's Bay Company in 1820, and spent the next three years at Red River. In 1825-6 he was sent by the New England Company to survey the condition of the Indians in the Maritimes and the Grand River.

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The Mohawks, Professed Christians, The Oneidas, The same, The Cayugas, - — Heathens, The Onondagas, - - The same, The Sénecas, Likewise Heathens, and the Delawares, who form the sixth nation, and are called Nephews by the Five Nations. Soon after the location of these confederated tribes, a very neat church was built by the British Government, at a village formed by the Mohawks, and adjoining to which the Oneidas were settled. There were erected also at the same time a school house and a house for their general assembly in council. These latter have gone to decay, but the church remanís, though in a very dilapidated state. There was every inviting circumstance to place a resident missionary for the propagation of the gospel throughout these suffering tribes, who had left their lands on the Mohawk River, in the State of New York, to retreat within the British dominions. But for forty years, since their first settlement on the Grand River, they have not been successful in obtaining a resident missionary. . . . The morning after I arrived at the Mohawk village was that of the Sabbath, and I found upon inquiry, that part of the Liturgy of the Church of England was read by a native Mohawk, named Aaron Hill; he possesses considerable abilities, and in addition to the gospels already translated, he is engaged with an Indian Princess, sister to Mr. Brandt, the Mohawk chief, in rendering the Acts of the Apostles into the Mohawk language. Though there is not altogether a desirable consistency and regularity in the reading of the service, yet such is then: attachment to it, that numbers of the Mohawk and Oneida Indians regularly attend at every opening of the church. It becomes an honest question, Why have they been neglected in the want of a resident missionary's care, for so long a series of years? ... I preached in the Mohawk church to about two hundred Indians, and never witnessed a more solemn and attentive audience. They sang one of the Psalms in the Mohawk language with a most pleasing melody and impressive effect. At the conclusion of the service, I baptized twelve of their children, and married a couple. On the following morning, we visited from the Mohawk village, the school at Davis's Hamlet, a distance of about five miles, where I saw George Johnson, a native teacher, who was the appointed schoolmaster of the New England Company. He was well qualified as a teacher, and taught in the school or mission house, that was built by the Methodist Episcopal Church Missionary Society, with their appointed schoolmaster, S. Crawford. This school was established nearly five years ago, and originated with Thomas Davis, a Mohawk chief, who gave me an interesting account of his conversion, under the ministry of the Wesleyan missionaries, who visited, as itinerant preachers, the Mohawk Indians. . . . This aged chief, on his conversion, became much concerned for the instruction of others around him, and before the school-house was

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completed, actually gave up his own house for a school, and a place for the Wesleyan preachers to hold divine service in, and retired to a cabin hi the woods. He would pray with the Indians himself, sometimes read to them portions of the Liturgy, which they have in the Mohawk language, and exhort them to leave off their habits of drunkenness, and lead sober lives. . . . It was stated, that twenty, sometimes twenty-five, Indian children regularly attended, and that the Sunday school consisted, during the summer on some occasions, of about sixty youths and children. This Sabbath and day-school, with the preaching and exhortations of the Missionaries, have not only been productive of much good among the Indians in the more immediate neighbourhood of Davis's Hamlet, but the means of effecting a most remarkable change, both in a moral and religious point of view, among the Mississaugah tribe, the aborigines of the north side of Lake Ontario. These Indians, at the invitation of the Mohawks, came and pitched their tents, about two years ago, near the school-house at Davis's Hamlet, to the number of about one hundred adults, with a view that then' children might receive the advantages of education. The principal chief of the tribe set an encouraging example, by influencing bis young wife to attend the school; others followed, and . . . the majority of the tribe were led to embrace the Christian religion,. . . We next proceded to the Oneida school, and called on the chief of that nation, Tèwàserakè, who received us most hospitably in a neat farm house, situated near some well cultivated fields, which, with some cattle that belonged to him, presented the appearance of industry, comfort, and prosperity. Accompanying us to the school house, which has been recently built at the expense of the New England corporation, under the superintendance of Mr. Brandt, he expresseid a warm interest in educating the children of his tribe,... Our next visit was to the Mohawk school, for the erection of which, the New England Company had placed money also in the hands of Mr. Brandt. The wood and materials were collected on the spot, but the building was not completed. I urged the immediate completion of it, as the place where the children of this district met for instruction was attended with much inconvenience. There were about twenty present, who were taught by a Mohawk named Laurence Davis, some of them were just beginning to read, and of the thirty-four, who were said to belong to the school, twelve could read in the English Testament. Within a few miles of this school in the Mohawk village, is a school supported by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, which Mr. Brandt informed me consisted of about twenty children, with their schoolmaster William Hess. These schools present every encouraging prospect of further, and most extensive usefulness, but will fail in those expectations which have been raised at their establishment, if they are

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left without the active superintendence, and watchful care of a devoted, resident missionary. Every friend of Christian missions must rejoice hi the opening of a way for preaching the Gospel, not only among the Mohawks, and Oneida Indians, but also among the Onondaga, and Seneca Tribes, on the Grand River. These last, have lived hitherto in the darkness of heathenism; but having observed the children of the former improved by education, they have lately solicited the establishment of schools among them, that their children may have the same advantages. These Indians, with the Cayugas', who are the most numerous of the six nations, on the above station, keep many feasts, and particularly one at the time of planting their corn. A dog is killed, at this season of the year as a sacrifice to the Great Spirit, and being all assembled on the occasion, one of the chiefs delivers a solemn address. He usually begins, by observing that they were all placed on the earth by the Great Spirit, and that their forefathers celebrated the like ceremonies, and after enumerating, perhaps, some of their war exploits, he implores the assistance of the Great Spirit, asking Him to command the sun to shed his rays on the corn that is planted, that it may take root, and grow up, so that they may gather in the fruits of the earth. During the time of this address, the fire is consuming the sacrifice, and as the flame ascends, he occasionally pours incense on it, which arises as a perfume, from a preparation that they make of aromatic herbs, dried, and pulverized. The chiefs of these heathen nations lately met in council, to deliberate on the subject of education, and particularly requested Mr. Brandt to use his influence with those who had encouraged and defrayed the expenses of educating the Mohawk children, to make known the wish of the different tribes, located with the Mohawks, and the Oneidas, to have their children educated in like manner... . F 28 REPORT BY CASE, JANUARY 10, 1827 [Methodist Magazine (U.S.), X (1827), 227,229] . . . The society at the mission house on the Grand river continues to advance in its Christian course. Its numbers, however, have been lessened by the removal of the Chipeways, and the society has met with a heavy loss hi the death of one of its most faithful members, The faithful warnings and triumphant death of the pious Jacob Hill, will be long remembered by the Mohawks on the Grand river. The conversion of another Mohawk chief in the same neighbourhood, has again renewed their strength. And the addition of several of the families of the Chipeways, lately from the forest, has increased the society to the number of forty We have a second school in operation on the Grand river, which commenced about the first of January.—There are about twenty-five native

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children who attend, and make fine progress in learning. A sabbath school was commenced at the same time, which is well attended by the parents and children, so that the prospect in that place is more favourable than ever it has been before....

F 29 HISTORY OF THE NEW ENGLAND COMPANY28 ON THE GRAND RTVER

[Guildhall Library, New England Company MSS 7966, "Extract from an Agreement between the Company and the Rev. Robert Ashton, 16 October, 1872," 5-10] . . . At a distance of a mile or more from the Town of Brantford towards the south east stands the old Mohawk Church on the north east bank of the Grand river and near it in One thousand eight hundred and thirty buildings were erected by the Company's then Missionary there the Reverend Robert Lugger24 as part of the scheme for teaching handicraft trades to Indian youths and accordingly for about thirty years the Indians were taught trades in these buildings which comprised a Mechanics shop and two large rooms for teaching girls to spin and weave and two for teaching boys tailoring and carpentering. . . . The said Robert Lugger arrived at Brantford in the month of October One thousand eight hundred and twenty seven and shortly afterwards visited all the tribes of the Six Nations and some other Indian tribes dispersed along the north east bank of the Grand river from Brantford to Lake Erie and found the population of the six nations about One thousand nine hundred in number and also found a settlement called Nelles' Settlement consisting of thirty families of whites midway between Brantford and Lake Erie.... On the ground of the distances being so great the said Robert Lugger strongly recommended the appointment as his assistant among the Tuscaroras of the Reverend Abraham Nelles25 (who then held some appointment under the Society for Propagation of the Gospel 28 The New England Company was established by an act of the Long Parliament in 1649 for the purpose of ministering to North America's aborigines, and was reorganized for political as well as spiritual reasons in 1661, following the Stuart restoration. After the American War of Independence it transferred its attention from New England to Canada. It did not limit its membership to priests of the Established Church; Nonconformists were also sent as missionaries. It was known variously as the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England, the Company for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England and Parts Adjacent in America, or, simply, the New England Company. For a recent account of its American career consult William Kellaway, The New England Company, 16491776, Missionary Society to the American Indians (London, 1961). 2*The Rev. Robert Lugger (1793-1837) left the Royal Artillery for the Anglican ministry. In 1827 he was sent by the New England Company to the Grand River, where he served until his death on a visit to England. 2 5The Rev. Abraham Nelles (1805-84), the son of Robert Nelles, was stationed on the Grand River from 1831 until his death, becoming Archdeacon of Brant in 1875.

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in Foreign parts) and in One thousand eight hundred and thirty one his services were transferred from the Society to the Company and he remained in the service of the Company from the thirty first July One thousand eight hundred and thirty one as the said Robert Luggers Assistant till the death of the latter. . . . Joseph [Le., John] Brant one of the then Chiefs of the Six Nations Indians for many years acted with the New England Companys Missionaries as a sort of lay Agent reporting to the Company and drawing for remittances but he died in One thousand eight hundred and thirty two and by that time the Six Nations Indians on the Grand river had seven day schools among them and their population on the reserve had increased to about Two thousand three hundred. . . . In One thousand eight hundred and thirty three the Company increased their annual allowance for the grand river station and at Mr. Luggers suggestion engaged Mr. William Richardson as lay Agent and early in the following year the Company sent full instructions to him and the Missionaries and opened the Institution for ten boys and four girls from the Six Nations to be boarded lodged and taught (with day scholars) and to be instructed in fanning and gardening as well as handicraft trades. . . . In order to prevent whites from purchasing unproved lands from individual Indians thus driving the latter into the back woods and rendering useless the Companys schools and establishments arrangements were made by Sir John Colborne26 dividing their land into six portions for the sole occupation of the different Nations. . . . In One thousand eight hundred and thirty five at the instance of the said Robert Lugger an Act was passed by the Colonial parliament interdicting the sale of ardent spirits to Indians directly or indirectly. . . . Individual Indians by the Colonial laws as understood in England have no power to alienate any part of the Indian reserves but practically they do make very inconsiderate alienations of their improvements to unworthy white settlers and thus squatters are introduced. . . . Between the years One thousand seven hundred and eighty two and One thousand eight hundred and thirty eight some small portions of the Indians reserve on the banks of the Grand river were surrendered by the Chiefs to the Government for valuable consideration and great encroachments were made on the other parts (in some cases by consent of individual Indians and in some surreptitiously) by European Settlers and in One thousand eight hundred and thirty eight the Indian lands remaining in the Niagara and Gore districts were reckoned at Two hundred and fifty seven thousand acres In the course of the next ten years large numbers of the Indians (under the pressure of Squatters and Government influence strongly but in vain resisted by the Indian chiefs and by the New England Company and their Missionaries and Agents) removed from the north east to the south west side of the river where a remnant of only Fifty five thousand acres (equal to an allotment of about one hundred acres for each Indian 2

6Sir John Colborne (1778-1863), a veteran of Waterloo, was Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada from 1829 to 1835.

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family) was to be reserved for them and sales of their relinquished improvements were to be made by the Government for increasing the Indian funds. . . . In the year One thousand eight hundred and thirty seven one of the Company and their Clerk as his Secretary went to Canada and visited all the scenes of the Company's operations there and (Thirtieth September One thousand eight hundred and thirty seven) appointed the Reverend Abraham Nelles to be their Chief Missionary at Mohawk 'Village and amongst the Indians of the Six Nations on the Banks of the Grand river subject to such directions as the Company might from time to tune give and to the appointment of such other Missionaries or Agents lay or clerical within the district above mentioned as the Company might think proper and he was to have during the continuance of his appointment as their Missionary a fixed stipend and the use and occupation of the Mohawk parsonage and Glebe. . . The Reverend Adam Elliot27 was hi One thousand eight hundred and thirty seven appointed to succeed the Reverend Abraham Nelles at Tuscarora and has ever since been the Company's Missionary there. . . . F 30

THE REV. PETER JoNEs'28 ACCOUNT OF ANGLICAN-METHODIST RELATIONS, 1828 [Jones, Life and Journals, 116-17]

Wednesday 5th [March, 1828]—. . . In the afternoon went to Brantford and saw Mr. Lugger, the Church Missionary. A number of the Mohawk Methodists were assembled to have an audience with him. The substance of what they had to say was as follows: William Doxstader, the exhorter, informed Mr. Lugger that the object of their coming was to enquire whether he would allow them the privilege of holding meetings in the Mohawk church, provided they granted him similar liberty to preach at the Salt Springs. Mr. L. replied that he had no objection to their attending his Church whenever there was Divine service, but that he would not suffer them to preach or hold their own meetings in his church or school houses, as he considered them unqualified to preach, and consequently in danger of spreading erroneous doctrines, and causing enthusiasm and wild-fire, &c. W. D. answered that since he had known what religion was in his heart, he had felt it his duty to warn his native brethren to flee the wrath to come, and invite them to the Saviour of sinners; and as he did not fear 2 The Rev. Adam Elliot (1802-78), a native of England, was an Anglican missionary in the Home District and to the Indians on Manitoulin Island before coming to the Grand River in 1837. 28 Peter Jones (1802-56) was the son of Augustus Jones and his Ojibway wife. In 1833 he was ordained a minister of the Methodist Church, and spent his life as a missionary among the Indians in Ontario. In 1824 he and the Rev. Seth Crawford superintended the building of the Methodist mission-house at Davisville on the Grand.

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man, he should still strive to discharge his duty to God in the way he thought would be most pleasing to him and for the good of his people." After much discussion on both sides, they parted with this resolution, that each should keep to their own ranks and not interfere with the other party. I advised the Methodist Indians to be careful not to speak evil of the Church of England, but go peaceably on in the way they thought right, and rejoice if the Church of England minister did any good amongst the Indians. They appeared to approve of my advice, and we parted. . . .

F 31 PETITION OF THE MOHAWK CHIEFS TO BISHOP STEWART, 1830 [P.A.O., Strachan Papers, 1830] To the Right Reverend Charles James by divine Permission Lord Bishop of Quebec Oneida Joseph, John Johnston, George Martin, Lawrence David, John Hill, & Moses Carpenter, all of the Mohawk Village, District of Gore and Province of Upper Canada, Do humbly represent that our Sovereign Lord the King has been pleased to grant unto the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Quebec, the Archdeacon of York, the Minister of the Mohawk Church, the Superintendent of the Six Nations, and to the Church Warden, and to their respective successors, lawfully appointed for ever, a certain tract or parcel of Land, situate, lying and being in the Mohawk Village containing by admeasurement about One Acre. Upon trust as a site for a protestant Episcopal Church to be built thereon—your Petioners do further represent that the Inhabitants of the said Mohawk Village and its vicinity as aforesaid have caused to be erected a substantial and commodious Church on the parcel or tract of Land granted upon trust as aforesaid, at their own expense aided by contributions from certain benevolent individuals in England and elsewhere, that the said Church is furnished with a Pulpit, a reading desk, a Communion Table, and all things necessary for the decent celebration of divine worship—Your Lordship's Petitioners therefore humbly pray that Your Lordship will consecrate the said Church to the service of Almighty God when and as Your Lordship shall see fit,... F 32 RELIGION AND EDUCATION IN THE MOHAWK VILLAGE, 1832 [Fergusson, Practical Notes Made During A Tour in Canada, 135-8] . . . About two miles from Brandtford, an Indian Village has been established under the charge of Mr. L. [Lugger] a clergyman of the Church of England, sent out by the Society for Propagating the gospel. Next day being Sunday, we resolved to make a small detour, and attend worship in their church. The institution embraces both spiritual & secular objects. They have a Mechanics' School, where instruction is

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given in handicraft trades, and many by steady progress in acquiring knowledge, and in managing their farms &c afford sufficient evidence of their capacity to be weaned from the dissolute habite, of the most dissolute of all human beings, a half-reclaimed savage. Too many, however, of these poor creatures still roam about, ignorant and idle, seldom indeed injuring others, save in a moment of frenzied intoxication, but utterly useless. And unprofitable to the community and to themselves. . . . We found . . . the Sunday School at work, and it appeared to be conducted in an orderly and becoming manner. . . . The church is a neat, small building, in which the male and female portions of the congregation occupy respective divisions. The clergyman required the aid of an interpreter in the reading-desk and pulpit. No hearers could be more attentive or devout than these children of the forest. The old men, with their milk-white heads and placid dignified countenances, would have made admirable portraits, and all appeared to join earnestly in the liturgy, and to listen with deep attention to a plain, suitable discourse, upon the faith of Abraham, in offering his son, and the assurance which all Christians may entertain, that in His all-wise and all-righteous way, the Lord will provide for His people hi every emergency, whether of a spiritual or temporal nature. . . . F 33 THE REV. JOHN DousE29 TO THE REV. RICHARD REECESO [Clark, "Earliest Missionary Letters oj the Rev. John Douse, from the Salt Springs Mission on the Grand River in 1834 and 1836," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XXVIII (1932), 42-5] . . . My appointment is among the Six nations of Indians on this River, the chief of which is the Mohawk, a very shrewd & haughty people, looking with contempt on the other Indians. Religion has done great things for them. Some are very comfortable & happy possessing large & good farms; while more of the inconverted are miserably wretched, & lost hi drunkenness & poverty. We have eight preachers & exhorters, nearly as many leaders, & a fine, large, good society. Generally they are very pious, & sustain a consistent moral character. It is most interesting to witness their devotional exercises in the chapel. The men & women sit apart, & sing delightfully. Their voices are very good. They keep proper time & sing three parts. They have hymns hi tiie native tongue, & generally on the opposite page the English hi the same metres so that we can sing hi both languages, the same time & hymn. During prayer they become considerably excited & cry aloud— 2 »The Rev. John Douse (18027-1886) was sent to the Grand River mission by the British Wesleyan Methodist Conference at the request of the Canada Conference. After two years on the Grand, he served in a number of other charges in Canada. 8 °The Rev. Richard Reece was a Wesleyan minister in Sheffield, England.

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sometimes fall down, but, I have not seen any as yet. At first it greatly disconcerted me, hearing such loud crying & feared somewhat has befallen them. The women are fine, modest, interesting, & intelligent looking persons. Sometimes they will just smile & nod to you, but never seem to laugh. Their step & gait are very careful, slow & demure. Features rather broad & strong but often soft & delicate—of darkish colour & a fine piercing black eye. The men dress pretty much like the settlers, except some few wear moccasins, & no trousers but have long leggings, & the shirt overall, loose & on the outside—as to the women;—They wear cloth chiefly—a petticoat—leggings of it, & a bedgown of print, constitute the principal of the ladies wearing apparel. A good black stuff hat, such as men wear in England & a large square of broadcloth, often very good, complete then* dress, as far as I can see. The cloth answered for cloak, shawl & general purposes.. .. There is no grammar, or Dictionary. We have a few of the Epistles and Gospels, translated, & a short compilation of words in a small spelling book—The words are very peculiar in length & sound. I give a specimen—God - Niyoh. Men - Ronongweh. Trees - Karabta-ogon. Jesus - Yesus Kerestus .... I love - Genoranhkhwa. Bible - Kayatonhseradogenhti. Schools Yondaderihannyeanishasgon . . . Holy Angels - Radironghyakeghre nontseradokenghdi ahon . . . . A sounds as in far—E like a in date—I like e in me—G like khy or khe, some letters are silent. They have no 1, m, p, q, v, and x . . . . They [the Mohawks] are a sensible shrewd class of men. About half are pagans & Idolaters. We have about 150 thus members of our Society, & the Church of England have nearly twice that number attends service . . . . The pagans have a simple & yet interesting ceremony when two of them agree to live together. When a youth wishes to secure a partner he lets his parents know about it, & tells them who is to be the favoured Kandiyatase, & a council takes place between the "old people" & if they are agreed the matter is soon settled. The Bridegroom sends to the bride a present of a piece of cloth, & some venison, in token of his engaging to supply her in these things, & she returns some cornbread in token of her pledge to provide this part of their subsistence & without any further ceremony he joins her at the house of her parents. Sometimes they have feasts & dance, at these times any may attend, eat & drink. The pagans have worship at a long house, or council house, as it is called, three or four times during the year. About Xmas, First fruits, & when all the harvest is brought home. At some of these feasts, as they are called, a dog is sacrificed. In the morning they make prayers & hear discourses; in the afternoon returns thanks & dance. Their dance is only a skipping & leaping about to the sound of a kind of drum about the size of the toy-drums in England & accompanied with a chorus & the Indian whoop & yell, not very agreeable or musical. Their dress is very fantastical & grotesque. Adorned with feathers & light, gay & different

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coloured garments. Some have trinkets & other things to sound & jingle as they caper about in horrid & frightful postures. libe women generally are only spectators & if they dance, it is by themselves, as the men treat them with little deference or concern. It is difficult to gain access to these people. I had an interview with one of the chiefs at a feast, but he would not give any encouragement for preaching or the establishing of a school among them. However, I hope God will soon open the way among them; for we have had considerable success among one nation whom our people seem disposed to abandon on account of their drunkenness. The great difficulty lies in their language, showing strong prejudices against our converted Mohawks. Besides they live considerably down the River, & I cannot persuade our native speaker to visit them F 34

AN ACCOUNT OF THE TUSCARORA SETTLEMENT, FEBRUARY, 1836 [Ralph, A Brief Account of Upper Canada, 273-4]

I have stated hi my account of the Tuscarora settlement, that the country was extensively and excellently cleared on both sides of the Grand River .. . entirely by the Indians. They hold their service in the School-house at present, but a spacious Church is in progress of erection. The Christians of the Mohawk and Tuscarora tribes, located on this river, belong to the Episcopal Church of England. The pastor, of the latter tribe, the Rev. Mr. Nelles, is the son of a very old settler hi the Province, and is a young man of exemplary deportment, and unassuming manners. He informed me that there were about 2,300 Indians belonging to the Six Nations, and that the greater portion of them were still Pagan, preserving their several rites, observing their quarterly festivals, and sacrificing annually a white dog. It would seem, from the periods, selected for their festivals, that they worship the sun, as the source of fertility and light. Mr. Nelles read the prayers with much fluency, in the Mohawk language. He introduced me, after service, to the Chief of the Seneca tribe, who is called the Fire-keeper, whose province it is to light their council fires,81 and without whose authority a council cannot be convened; he was a most venerable looking, white haired old man, of tall stature, distinguished by a black hat, broad ribbon, and blue coat; cloth leggins cased his lower limbs, and on his feet were the light moccasins of deerskin, ornamented with porcupine quills. He had not himself embraced Christianity, but advised all those over whom he had any influence, to attend and listen to the instructions of the Christian teacher. His reluctance to embrace its doctrines, arose from the disinclination to 81 Rolph may have been mistaken, for this role was traditionally reserved to the Onondagas.

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follow its precepts, by abandoning the doctrine of polygamy, which he practised. Mr. Nelles is principally supported in his interesting labors by a society established as far back as the reign of Charles II. for the express purpose of civilizing and propagating the gospel among the Indians. The Indians had also given him fifty acres of fine land, for a glebe, on which he has erected a very comfortable habitation, situated on the banks of the river, and in the midst of them, in order the better to prosecute his praiseworthy undertaking. The Mohawk Indians have preserved the communion plate given to them by Queen Anne, part of which is kept at the Mohawk village, and the remaining portion at the Mohawk settlement, in the Bay of Quinte. Mr. Nelles regretted that his interpreter, whom he described as an intelligent man, was absent, having accompanied a deputation of Indians to Toronto, to present a loyal and congratulatory address to Sir F. B. Head,32 the new Governor. A catechist, of whom Mr. Nelles also spoke very favorably, addressed them hi their own language with considerable fluency, his expressive gesticulations seemed an earnest of his fervor and zeal. Some of the Indian youths are receiving a course of instruction, hi the Mohawk village, from proper teachers, hi the English language, still maintaining sufficient intercourse with the Chiefs and amongst themselves, as to retain a perfect knowledge of the Indian language, whilst the great object is strictly attended to, their complete attainment of the English. Amongst the numberless acts of benevolence with which the Hon. Mr. Dunn's career has abounded, he has undertaken to be the guardian of six youths, carefully selected from amongst the Indians, who are to be educated at that invaluable institution, the Upper Canada College, for the sacred character of Indian Missionaries.—They will be under his immediate, personal surveillance. Greatly to his honor, he has always taken the most warm and lively interest hi the welfare of the aborigines of the country. The squaws were more elegantly decorated with trinkets and finery than those we had seen at the Mohawk Church. They sang very harmoniously, and it was really a most affecting scene to witness the hítense devotion of these red men and women, raising their voices hi loud canticles . . . . Mr. Nelles informed me that the Church was thinly attended that day. Usually a large number of Pagan Indians frequent the service, and even join in it; but the day being so beautiful, and the river firmly frozen, and perfectly smooth, with a coat of snow on it, many of the Indians were enjoying their different games on the ice, some racing, some throwing sticks, at a mark, at a long distance, and other amusements peculiar to the winter solstice, which is, indeed, a period of great merriment with them . . . .

g

szSir Francis Bond Head (1793-1875) was Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada from 1836 to 1838.

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PETITION OF THE TUSCARORAS TO SIR CHARLES BAGOT,M APRIL, 1842 [P.A.C., Indian Affairs, Civil Control, VI, 390-4]

May it please your Excellency, We, the Chiefs and Warriours of the Tuscarora Nation of Indians residing on the Grand River, beg leave to approach your Excellency to express our sincere respects to your Excellency, and our thanks to our Great Mother, the Queen, for appointing your Excellency to come over the Great Water and govern this part of her vast dominions. We would furthermore inform your Excellency that whereas many of us have seen proper to differ only in the form of our Worship of the only Wise God and our Saviour from others of our friends of the Six Nation Indians, and have left the Church of England and united ourselves to the Baptist Church, our Chiefs have been deposed from their office and we are threatened farther oppression in consequence of our differing with them in matters of conscience. We beg leave to inquire of your Excellency, and wish your Excellency to inform us, if, in doing as we have, we in any respect have transgressed the laws, or shall in any way suffer any losses as it respects our rights to presents, &c. from the Government. We cannot bring ourselves to believe that the threats which have been thrown out hi respect to this, will ever be put in execution, but as there are many among us who are fearful, we hope your Excellency will merely inform us in writing whether we shall be deprived of our privileges as Indians because we have thought proper to act "according to the dictates of our conBciencies" hi merely changing the form of our Religious Worship. Signed by Chiefs, William Johnson William Green John Silver And Warriours Cornelius Owen x his mark Cornelius Otter x his mark Nicholas Smith x his mark Jacob Thomas x his mark Joseph Adam x his mark William Johnson x his mark Jacob Thomas x his mark Adam Longface x his mark

X X X

his mark his mark his mark

Isaac Whitby Levi Turkey Abram Groat William Groat John Sherry Henry Dickson Augustus Johnson Powerless Silver

x x x x x x x x

his his his his his his his his

mark mark mark mark mark mark mark mark

33 Sir Charles Bagot (1781-1843) was Governor General of British North America from 1841 until his death.

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Jacob William James Dagget William Groat Aaron Hill F 36

x x x x

his his his his

mark mark mark mark

John Douglass John Denna William Ash

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x x x

his mark his mark his mark

THE REV. ADAM ELLIOT TO BISHOP STRACHAN [P.A.O., Strachan Papers, 1842] Tuscarora, 9 June 1842

I beg to communicate for your information a concise statement of facts respecting the missionary affairs under my charge at this station. On reaching this place above four years ago I considered that such of the Indians as had become Christians first claimed my attention. Though most of the Tuscaroras had been baptized the congregation was not so numerous as might have been expected: this probably was principally to be attributed to the inconvenience of the place in which they then assembled. Very often, however, the little Schoolhouse was filled to overflowing. From small beginnings through the zeal and diligence of the Reverend Abram Nelles the number of communicants had increased to more than thirty, but I was not a little surprised and discouraged on finding that on several sacramental occasions after my arrival comparatively few of them attended the Holy Communion. It appeared afterwards that this was in a great measure occasioned by dissatisfaction and consequent neglect on the part of John Obadiah who had been employed as a Catechist. His dissatisfaction seemed to arise from his being unable to cause the removal of William Alvis from the office of Interpreter and because he thought his power as Catechist too limited. He appeared to expect that all things in the Church should be ordered according to bis own directions. Alvis voluntarily resigned bis situation and the Catechist then seemed more contented. By the munificence of the New England Company in erecting a Church and the united labors of their missionaries attended by the Divine blessing our affairs soon assumed a more pleasing aspect. The Indians attended Divine service so well that it was found necessary to enlarge the Church and the number of communicants amounted to above eighty. Nearly all such of the Tuscaroras and Onondagas as were attracted to the Methodists had returned to our Communion. Three members of the Church, whom we believe to be sincere Christians, were encouraged by John Obadiah to assist him hi my absence to exhort and instruct the people on religious subjects. One of these was from the United States and had formerly belonged to the Baptists, another is a Chief of the Tuscarora Nation, and the other is also a Tuscarora, who joined the Methodists, but had returned to the Church. Then- zeal and conduct appeared so laudable and examplary, that I had no hesitancy in allowing them to act as a

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kind of catechists in different parts of the neighborhood. Not long after I had much reason to regret that so much notice had been taken of these individuals. They soon began to be extremely assuming, considering themselves regularly appointed Catechists, and evincing too much solicitude for making speeches in the Church. A difference arose between them and John Obadiah the Catechist which has lasted above a year, and is not likely to be of speedy termination. These observations lead me to mention an occurrence which has been exceedingly troublesome and discouraging to me, and which Your Lordship will regret to hear. I frequently attempted to reconcile the Catechist and his assistants to each other and I hoped that I had nearly succeeded. A very short time before Christmas day last they met at my home ostensibly for mutual explanation and peace. John Obadiah commenced a speech which he addressed to me, by assuring me of their good will towards me and of their satisfaction with my ministrations among the Indians. At the same time he said he would suggest some improvements which he thought might be made. Among these he observed that he considered it would be best for me when administering the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper to call him and his three assistants to come forward first and partake of the Holy Communion before the rest of then- brethren. One of the others ventured a step further and said he thought they ought to be admitted within the communion place and kneel around the Lord's Table itself to communicate! The one who had been attached to the Methodists told me that when he belonged to that Society he was encouraged to make speeches from the Pulpit and that he did not approve of laymen being excluded from that privilege. They assured me that they were all of one mind on these points, and said that as they labored much for the welfare of the people they ought to be honored before the congregation. They made other demands of a similar nature, but I deem it inexpedient to occupy Your Lordship's attention by going further into detail. It at once occurred to my mind that compliance with their wishes would have been alike injurious and unjustifiable. Though my refusal was expressed in the mildest manner of which I was capable, they replied with rudeness, and said that as I had deprived them of all their power they would cooperate with me no longer, and even threatened me with schism hi the congregation. I had several conversations with them afterwards on the subject, and Mr. Nelles did his best to dissuade them from pursuing so erroneous a course. But expectation and persuasion were vain, It is gratifying, however, to be able to state that the Catechist John Obadiah appeared at length to be convinced of his error and its pernicious tendency, He expressed both to Mr. Nelles and myself his sorrow for having offended and his apparent repentance and explanations were such as to induce us to continue him in the office of Catechist. The other three not only separated themselves from our Communion, but endeavored to persuade all within their reach to follow their example. Through the influence chiefly of two or three

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Indians from the United States a Minister of the Baptist Persuasion was suddenly introduced among the members of the Church. On his arrival the Baptism of all such of the Indians as had not received that sacrament of immersion was declared invalid and the very next day two of the leading separatists and several other persons were plunged in the River. I am not personally acquainted with the Preacher but am informed that he is from the neighboring States and now resides not far from Brantford. He and several others of the same denomination have regularly visited our settlement for above three months and a very considerable number have been induced to desert the Church and join them. These consist partly of persons who many years ago seceded from the Church, but had returned to our Communion, others of them are from the U. States of a mixed breed, having parents of Indian and African extraction. All of them so far as I have been informed had previously been baptized. Anyway the reasons and inducements alleged for leaving us and attaching themselves to the Baptist are the Following. They say they would not have then: "own way" in the Church—That the new Preacher assured them that the Baptists are a very numerous and powerful body of people—and that they expect from England an abundance of money to erect a Church and support an educational institution similar to that of the New England Company at the Mohawk Village. One young man informed me that he wished to be a Baptist, because he had been told that on being immersed his sins would all be washed away by the waters of the Grand River! I shall only trouble Your Lordship with one additional observation concerning this lamentable occurrence—It has afforded me some encouragement to find that since the poor misled people left us the Service of the Church has hitherto been as numerously attended as it was before the separation took place. Permit me further to state that the Delawares, who had so long shut their eyes against the light of truth, have lately renounced Paganism. Forty three of them have been admitted into the Church by Baptism, twenty seven of whom are adults and have become the most docile breed I have yet seen among the Indians. I visit their settlement regularly once a fortnight. The number of Baptisms during my four years residence here is one hundred and fifty three: above a third of the persons baptized were adults who had forsaken the heathen ceremonies. I have officiated at thirty four marriages and thirty two Burials.—Truth obliges me to confess that the Tuscarora School has never been very satisfactory to me, and that it is with great difficulty that even a few children can be induced to attend. Once after much persuasion above sixty made their appearance at School, but such was the apathy of their parents that they would not be prevailed upon to insist upon then- regular, daily attendance. We have reason, however, to expect that arrangements will shortly be made by Government for drawing the Indians closer together, when their perma-

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nent settlement will present a favorable opportunity for introducing such changes respecting our Schools as may be for their advantage. In speaking of the Delawares I omitted to mention that a School has been lately commenced at their settlement and that about twenty children of the new converts are in regular attendance. F 37

JAMES WINNETT'S EVIDENCE ON RELIGION AND EDUCATION AMONG THE SlX NATIONS

[P.A.C., C.0.42, v. 516, Report on the Affairs of the Indians in Canada, 1844, Appendix 17} . . . That the Christian Indians are sensible of their improvement is evinced by their expressed disgust at the barbarous practices of their pagan bretheren, and their anxiety for their conversion; as a proof of their desire for advancement it may be mentioned that they are anxious for the education of their Children, a few years since there was difficulty in getting fourteen Children to attend the Boarding School, of the New England institution at the Mohawk Village, there are now fifty applications in addition to the fifty already there—Their desire of advancement is further manifested by their discouragement of drunkenness—A large Majority of the Upper and lower Cayugas, Onondagas, Sénecas, and some of the Delawares are still Heathens—The Missionaries of the Church of England have made every effort for their conversion and not without some success, about 130 have been baptised by them in the last few years—during the past year a large portion of the Delawares has renounced paganism and upwards of 60 have been baptized by the Revd. Mr. Elliot one of the Missionaries of the New England Company. . . . I believe the principal obstacle to the conversion of the Heathen Indians, is their prejudice against the religion of the White Man, such is the prejudice of the Chiefs that they have adopted the strongest resolutions amongst themselves never to be baptized & use all their influence with their Warriors to prevent their getting baptized. This prejudice has been much increased and strengthened, by the Inconsistency which they observe between the profession and practice of many professed white Christians....

G. A STOCK-TAKING G 1 BRANT TO THE REV. SAMUEL KIRKLAND [N.Y.S.M., Kirkland Transcripts} Grand River, 8 March 1791 . . . I observe with no small regret that you are discouraged of ever making that progress in civilization amongst the Indians in which you once appeared much more sanguine.— I must acknowledge that the present face of Affairs seems to throw a damp upon the undertaking, and makes the prospect more gloomy, as it again spreads that dark veU which had begun to remove from off the minds of some, which will not only make the Undertaking more difficult, but protract the work, while those already enlightened, are moving gradually off the Stage, to leave the completion to less experienced hands.— Altho' the minds of the Ind08 seem to be encompassed in a cloud which their own strength of Judgement cannot remove, and their prejudices so great that access becomes difficult, still, I cannot condemn them when I consider the many reasons which opperates upon them.—To comput it to defect in Nature would be centreing the blame where we have no right to search—they believe the same supreme power created both them and the white people, but perhaps for different purposes; there originates the first prejudice—a chain of corroborating circumstances, and events, seems to evince to them that the white people, under whatever pretence, aim at their destruction—possess'd with such Idea's their prejudices naturally encrease and seeing the sword in one hand, supported by injustice and corruption, is it any wonder that they suspect the sincerity of any proposals made on the other hand for so great a change as civilization must make, hi whatever coulour it's represented—No: they must first be convinced that a Change will not place them in a worse situation then they are now in—and that must be begun by a strict adherence to the dictates of Justice—, a rigid observance of all compacts and engagements on the part of the white people—Boundaries may be fix'd and Territory's describ'd, Unity and Concord, amongst themselves must be encouraged, and their own customs rather nourished than discouraged whilst you introduce agriculture—by this shewing and proving that you have the happiness of them, and their posterity at heart you may gain their confidence by degrees, and civilization wUl then make progress— But whilst the white people, who have already engross'd the best part of their former Territory continue to crowd, disunite, and raise dissension amongst the Indians, and Individuals who are conversant with them, and

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pretend the greatest friendship & recommend civilization and adherence to the manners & customs of the white people as an essential means of securing happiness, will not only connive at, but be the secret instrument of effecting the designs of those wicked encrouchers, harmony cannot long prevail, nor civilization flourish.—and the more knowledge the Indians acquire, the clearer they will see the impositions which has been practic'd upon them by the White people, and consequently they will be the more averse to adopting the Manners of such people in place of the customs of their Forefathers who liv'd happy, & free from strife before they became acquainted with them. . . . G 2 WILLIAM CLAUS TO JOHN ELMSLEY [P.A.C., Upper Canada State Papers, XLVI1, 31-32] Fort George, 20 February 1800 On the 15 Instant two Chiefs from the Grand River, spoke to me in Council, and repeated a Message which I had sent the 19th Ultimo to the Chiefs residing on the Grand River, cautioning them, and thenpeople against disposing of too much of their Corn, and not to leave themselves in that distressed situation that they were in last Summer from want of that article. I am sorry to observe to you, Sir, that there is such numbers of people going constantly to the Grand River, with quantities of that most pernicious Liquor Whisky and unless a stop is put to it I have reason to fear that some serious accident may happen. Mr Murray went there about two weeks ago, with two Barrels, and one Kegg of that Liquor, the Chiefs recommended to him to take it back, as there was too much of it, and to bring such tilings as would cover their Children, to which he paid no attention—the consequence was, that the young men knocked in the head of one of the Barrels—I have recommended to them to pay Mr Murray for the Liquor, what it cost him—they have cheerfully agreed to that, but I cannot answer for its' being done a second time—I therefore hope, Sir, that you will use your endeavours to put a stop to so much Liquor's being taken to that place. th

G 3

AN ACCOUNT OF JOHN NORTON'S MISSION TO ENGLAND IN 1804 [N.Y.S.L., MSS #13350-51]

At the pease in 1783 Certain lands were granted to the Mohawks by the English government; whether as a reward for their exertions in our behalf or as a means of securing their assistance in case of any future Contest; it is not matereal to ascertain. It was land over which they had been accustomed to hunt without restriction from time immerorial Notwithstandg such undoubted right, our government in upper Canada, from time to time have incroached upon Parts of this territory, as agri-

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culter improves Among the Mohawks, one of the most natural points at which they aim is to get a proper security for their possessions, their object is to lease the land; But as the neighbouring Settlers will not admit that they have any further privelege, then that of Hunting over it—it is by no means a desirable tenure they represented to the Canadian Governmt: their greivance describing to them, the absurdity of Calling it their property without permitting them to improve it; but they Could not obtain redress; under these circumstances it was difficult to decide what measures they ought to Adopt; they saw that it would be in vain to cultivate the soil without some better security against the inroads of their neighbours & could hardly persuade themselves to relinquish the advantages of twenty years labor They came to a resolution of asking the English Government to renew their own grant, and put them Once more into a Quiet enjoyment of their property. For this purpose Teyoninhokarawen one of their principal war chfs. or Mr. Norton as he was called in England Was commissioned by a grand Councel of the 5 nation's to undertake this important Embassy; and for this purpose procured credentials from Capt. Brant & from the concel of the 5 nations; to this was affixed a seal representing a turtle, a wolf, & a Bear, the emblems of 3 different divisions of the Mohawk tribe, thus intrusted, he undertook a long & tedious journey in the behalf of his country, & thought little of the dangers he was to encounter by land & sea to secure his object. . . . With respect to his mission At first there seemed to be every prospect of success; Their right of hunting which was never doubted; & the grant of the English government seemed to give the claim an appearance of the most strict justice; but the American arguments was soon learnt & produced against it; and I am sorry to add that they have certainly delayed & may, I fear, at last frustrate the object of the ambassy; but upon what principal is the English government to refuse the ratification of their own grant & with them the argument that they may hunt, but not cultivate the land Can have no weight; Consider the hardness of the case; at the time the Mohawks received the grant & determin'd to settle in these lands they were induced to do it, thro' the love of their great Father, (for so they call our King) and their faith in the English government; at that time it was indifferent to them whether these should take these lands or go further westward where there was a better soil, or live under the American government which would have protected them; but their attachment to great Britain prevailed; does it agree with the charactr. of the English nation to desert these men; is it honorable no longer to assert their rights (perticularly when they were granted by ourselves) because we fear no danger from them?, the case is evident; neither can it be politic to cause the depopulation of a tract of country at presant but thinly inhabited; and shurely it is not wise & cannot Conduce to the greatness of the English power not to abide by the treaties which themselves have made. . . .

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MEMORIAL OF THE Srx NATIONS, PRESENTED BY JOHN NORTON, 1804 [P.R.O., C.0. 42, v. 336, pp. 175-8]

. . . Both Chiefs and Warriors have requested Mr Norton (who has the honor of presenting this Statement) to make a just representation of the difficulties they labor under in this respect [the unsatisfactory nature of their land title and the problems connected with the sales of the six blocks], and also touching the tract at present in their actual possession, it being an undistinguished and undivided property of the various tribes of the Six Nations at large, and possessed according to their ancient customs the inconvenience of which was never felt until the selling and buying of land was introduced by Europeans; and a sale made by two or three Chiefs very frequently sanctioned although the Majority were not consulted as their concerns regarded. As this was a new thing to Indians they had no laws to remedy it; but in general mildly put up with their loss and removed to a greater distance. At present the Mohawks and other confederated tribes are rapidly improving in agriculture; but the present mode of possessing in common, and restrictions on their right is a great curb to their industry and the published prohibition against leasing any of their lands; the leasing of which for a short space of time the more industrious Mohawks found aided them to improve their lands to greater extent than otherwise they could have done; when possessed of a few cattle more than they wanted for their private use, by lending them, and leasing a small tract of land to the indigent farmer, they received a rent, and at the expiration of the lease had a considerable portion improved, as stipulated in terms of their agreement, a threatened opposition to derive benefit from their property by all the means in their power, and an undetermined title, apparently disputed, it is obvious must dishearten and render uneasy the industrious: but from the paternal regard his Majesty has ever shewn to his loving and faithful children the Six Confederate Nations, they hope when he may be made acquainted with their situation, from his accustomed goodness he will direct them to enjoy every benefit therefrom according to the true interest and meaning of the original Grant. Were every tribe and family to have their several portions confirmed to them, there is not the smallest doubt, that the Major part of the Six Nations—more than one half of whom yet remain within the American Une, would soon remove to their brethren, now in the British territory, which cannot be expected, from the present unsettled, and undecided nature of their grant and possession. It is therefore humbly hoped that His Majesty's Ministers will consider their case, and either of themselves give redress or send instructions to the Governors of Canada, for that purpose, so as the brave and loyal Six Nations may enjoy that security and comfort which Government originally intended for them, as well as that these tribes may be preserved

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entire and confirmed in their attachment to the British cause, which they have always been forward to support. G 5

NORTON'S VIEWS ON AN INDIAN MIGRATION, 1804 [White, éd., Selkirk Diary, 1803-04, 245]

. . . Norton thinks the 5 nations would have no objection to remove to some distant situation West—out of reach of Whites—this has even been proposed among the Cherokees.—But difficulty was found in that case to reconcile jarring plans & parties—& N. tho' he thinks that the plan would be for the interest of the Indians (& promote then: gradual progress in agriculture & civilization, would be opposed by the officers of the Indn Department as it would render many of them useless—The Indians too would not like to go out of reach of the Kings presents.—... G 6 A SK NATIONS' ADDRESS* TO GLAUS [P.A.C., Indian Affairs, Records and Correspondence of the Deputy Superintendent General, XXVII (1806), 168 ff.] York, 3 September 1806 Brother—The purport of the present meeting is to explain the cause of our not having transmitted to His Excellency the Lt. Governor our communications through you, as the head of the Department, and for His Excellency's further information on some other points. Brother—When we retrace our back tracks; and come to the point from which we first started, we find that the source of all our troubles, is no more than the desire we possess of having General Haldimand's Grant confirmed hi such a manner, as to secure to us, and our posterity the use and possession of these lands—It is on this subject that we have had repeated Councils for ten years past, and yet this affair remains undecided. Brother When Teyoninhokarawen (Norton) expressed a desire to go to Europe to serve hi the War, we yet retained some feeble hopes that this Government might give a favorable conclusion to our business, this together with the haste he was in to go, prevented us giving him the regular powers in writing to act for us—Yet the repeated obstructions we had met with here made us unwilling he should go without some instructions, to this purpose he was requested that should an opportunity offer to make full representation of our situation and petition redress, and to facilate such application, he had letters from Cap1 Brant to his friends the Duke of Northumberland, Earl of Moira & Sir Evan Nepean. Norton's mission to England was regarded by the Indian Department and the government of Upper Canada as an attempt to appeal to the British government over their heads. This is the Indians' explanation of their action.

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In no point whatever do we consider him Teyoninhokarawen to have passed the bounds of the authority of a Chief interested in the welfare of our tribes; he endeavored to do good for us; but injury to none. Brother—You know that he was made a Chief in a public manner, you received the Wampum on the occasion: Your communications with Government should they not have corresponded with this knowledge. ... Brother You said that the Council fireplace should always be open, if you were not present yourself, we went to Niagara, Chiefs and warriors to the number of one hundred fifty, we acquainted you with our desire to meet you in public Council, you deferred it from day to day, as you said, waiting the arrival of Mr Selby2—the necessity of delivering what we had to say in the presence of a numerous assembly, the difficulty of detaining such a number of people for a length of time, the uncertainty of Mr Selby's arrival, and his attendance having never been particularly required at any of our former Councils, was the reason we urged meeting you at the Council house on a certain day; for as you had not given us previous notice of this your intention, we thought we had already went too far to go back without speaking—We went there and you came to tell us that you would not hear us—we delivered our intended Speech [C 31] in the presence of several respectable gentlemen, of which we sent you a copy, and request that you will lay the same before His Excellency the Lt. Governor. Brother This treatment did not give us reason to hope for an introduction through you to His Excellency; but we considered it nevertheless to be our duty to wait on him—And to acquaint him with this our intention a chief was sent.. .. Brother You have said that we meditated the destruction of the Indian Department, in this you are certainly mistaken, we have no right neither have we any desire to interfere in any of His Majesty's appointments, any farther than as their conduct affects our interest; but we wish to have our lands confirmed to us, a just reward of our fidelity and reparation of our losses in territory, and we desire that the income to be derived from a certain allotment of that land may be guaranteed to us by His Majesty's Government indépendant of that Department—We formerly had communications directly with His Majesty's Representatives, General Haldimand gave us the Grant without the interference of the Department. Brother Unanimity has ever been recommended to us by His Majesty's Governors and notwithstanding the change in our situation, His Excellency has now the goodness to urge the same advice, which we are sincerely desirous to take; but at the same time have to request, that an 2

Prideaux Selby (d. 1813) came to Canada as a subaltern in the 5th Regiment, and was employed in the Indian Department in the Western District. He was Receiver General of Upper Canada from 1808 until his death.

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inquiry may be made, in an open manner, into the cause of its not generally prevailing at present. Brother When we first obtained the Grant of the Grand River and settled there, the Chiefs who had served through the War, considered it to be the interest of our Settlement, to give portions of land to some of our fellow loyalists, who had suffered with us. General Haldimand was informed of this part of our conduct and approved of it; in consequence of which these people built there; and for upwards of twenty years have been gradually improving their farms—therefore in honor we cannot allow that any Chiefs living within the American boundary, or any among ourselves should presume to dispossess them, and undo what we have done, and which honor binds us to support. Brother We request, that you lay this before His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor; who we hope will acquaint us how far we have to expect redress. . . . We deliver this on behalf of the Five Nations inhabiting the Grand River. Jos. Brant G 7

PROCEEDINGS OF A Six NATIONS' COUNCIL AT ONONDAGA, NOVEMBER 9,1806 [P.A.C., Indian Affairs, Records and Correspondence of the Deputy Superintendent General, XXVI (1806)] Brother, . . . You are acquainted with the attachment shewn by our ancestors and ourselves to His Majesty's interests, but fidelity we consider no more than a duty becoming dutiful children and warriors, we shall therefore only remind you of the distress and poverty, we have been therefore reduced to,—You know the extensive range for hunting we enjoyed before the war, from the St. Lawrence and the Lakes to the Susquehanna and the Ohio, the exertions of the hunters were then rewarded with abundance of skins to furnish their families with clothing; but in this respect we are now poor, and this poverty and the manner in which His Majesty's bounty is distributed, is the cause that many of our people are continually on the road to Niagara in hopes of receiving something. Brother, We find these journies detrimental both to the moral character and industry of our people, and as we are convinced, that our Great Father means the welfare of his children, by the great expence he is at on our account—We take the liberty to state to you our wishes on this subject. We hope that in future the bounty of our beloved Father may be given in a public manner, at the meeting we annually hold with you in the autumn that the aged warriors, who served through the war, may have

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something, that they can divide among them, to protect them from the inclemency of the season; that the women may also thereby receive some relief without strife, and that the young men may have their portion of ammunition to enable them to hunt at some distance. Brother, Finding the produce of the chace rapidly decreasing, we desire during the summer months to make improvements in the extension of our plantations and ulerease of our stock, for this purpose, we also petition, the aid of our Great Father, that we may be furnished with implements of agriculture and working cattle, with which to instruct our young creatures, and draw the materials for fencing, building, and other work. Brother, You were informed several years ago, that our brethren of the Chippawa language, invited us to enjoy mutually with themselves the use of their hunting grounds; This we have found of great advantage to our hunters, otherwise our narrow slip of land, surrounded by your settlements, would afford them little scope—We therefore petition, that these hunting grounds may remain for the use of our brethren & our hunters, unless that our Great Father should really want them, in that case, as affectionate children we have nothing to aUedge. Brother, We are now about reviving the regular manner pf managing public business pursued by our Ancestors, we have again rebuilt the General Council Fire, which had been trampled under foot last war, we have gathered the scattered embers, and it again begins to burn; to adorn this Fire Place, we petition that our Father, may favor us with a flag emblematic of Peace, and for the convenience of those, who may meet there in great numbers, that kettles may be furnished to cook in Brother, We are confident of the greatness and benevolence of our beloved Father, and we ask these favors with the humility and assurance of dutiful children, remaining in the hopes that the Great Spirit may ever protect us, and enable us to brighten the bands that have ever linked our hands to those of our brethren, ever trying [?] to surpass in sincerest tokens of affection and duty to our common Father... . [Names of 40 chiefs and warriors, including those of Brant and Norton.] G 8 NORTON TO AN UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT [P.A.C., Indian Affairs, Civil Control, II (1808)] Grand River, 10 August 1808 . . . The grant of General Haldimand is so long and narrow, and the settlements so near us, that it is impossible for us to keep liquor from

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among us, unless when the people have resolution to refrain from drinking. The people would be more distant from Americans, consequently less liable to be corrupted by their Intrigues. More approximate to the Chippawas, Ottawas, Pontawattamies, Shawanons, Wyandots, Miamies and others from the Southward that might be collected between the Lakes and the Mississippi. . . On the other hand as the Grand River lands are of such higher value from their situation than any we could receive on Lake Huron (lands not equal in fertility to ours a few miles from us selling now for five and six Dollars an acre) it would be neither reasonable nor just to obtain them from the five Nations and grant them away to others, neither would it be to the advantage of the country. The Government should first take a view of the whole, and provide that none of the Industrious be injured by the change, by giving individual grants to every Family or Man that had made any improvement according to the extent of their improvements, then the sale of the remainder to be made under the inspection of Government, and after securing annuities superior to those paid by the Americans with the remainder purchase a tract from the Chippawas on Lake Huron, such as might be chosen by the Five Nations, convincing them in the whole proceeding that the Grant of General Haldimand was not violated, but changed to remedy the difficulties it had been involved in. As the lands of Lake Huron from their situation are not likely to be wanted by Government this Century, the same extent should be given to the Five Nations as General Haldimand granted, only in a different form, instead of 120 by 12, let it be 50 by 30, a Mission might there be established for giving Religious Instruction, and a Seminary formed to instruct the Youth in Agriculture and Letters. For the encouragement of industry a Trader should be placed in our settlement with useful Articles, such as Blankets, woollens, cottons, iron cutlery, and ammunition with these to purchase wheat and Pork as well as skins, the money of the Five Nations placed in the bank by the Agents of Government might in this manner be turned to the Support of Industry; those cultivators of known industry and economy might be allowed to borrow of the public to half the amount of the property they possess in improvements cattle &c. on mortgaging the same for the payment to pay annually interest and so much of the principal as to discharge the whole in twenty years or sooner, should he who borrows see fit. Many are the obstructions and clogs to industry existing in the customs of the Five Nations, more than in any constitutional Indolence, I know it because I have felt the inconvenience myself, but if we can make a good road I feel assured that there will be some to walk on it, and time may at last effect the desirable change. The Mohawks are improving rapidly, there are several so much agriculturists as to raise three or four hundred bushels of Wheat in the Year,

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those who suppose that the being farmers will debilitate them from being Hunters are mistaken. The most industrious at the plough, generally shew themselves the most persevering at the chase, when in Winter they throw aside the hoe and take up the gun. I wish you to understand this, not [as] a proposal from me, but rather as the most equitable and justifiable Method to be taken by Government should the supposed good of the Colony induce them to desire any further relinquishment of the claims of the Five Nations. And should such a change take place, the tract of land given in exchange should be sufficiently capacious to assemble therein all the Tribes of Upper Canada.... G 9 NORTON TO AN UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT [P.A.C., Indian Affairs, Records and Correspondence of the Deputy Superintendent General, XXVII] Grand River, 1 September 1808 I believe that it is generally allowed that secure and peaceable possession of property is the basis of civilization as far as relates to labor and Industry, which it encourages, at the same time it prevents the feelings of humanity from being shocked so frequently in contemplating the dire effects of revenge, when flagrant injustice animates the dark and gloomy passion to rage with all its cruel horrors. As lands are the principle property of our Tribes, and perhaps of most other people unpractised in the arts of industry and commerce; unless they are secured in the peaceable possession of these, little hopes can be entertained of their improvement either in Christianity or agriculture. The native Tribes of America for the most part hold their lands by no other tenure than that which the bénéficient Creature of the Universe had given them, this Christianity, humanity and justice might have respected; but we find all to the Eastward have been dispossessed of their lands either by force or intrigue, and perhaps in some instances by what may be called fair purchase; but for many reasons the stipulated equivalent has always been so trifling a compensation as not to be of much utility to the receivers. But let the means be what they may by which they have lost their lands; it is the effects I wish to inform you of. When a Tribe is surrounded by European Settlements and deprived of all their lands, destitute of every species of property, and for the most part of the abilities necessary in a civilized community to the acquirement of a decent livelihood; they are necessitated either to become the servile members of society or to retire to Forests more remote, there to enjoy their independence; and to persevere in the occupations in which they find themselves making placed these the most eligible. They withdrew with disgust at Europeans, and what is worse prejudiced for the most

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part against their Religion, judging of it, not by the security of its tenets, of which they are ignorant, but by the practice of many of its professors, of which they have had experience. Can it be wondered that more have not become Christians and Civilized. The Title of the Five Nations to the Grand River is something more than that which they derive from Nature, for it was granted to them by Sir Frederick Haldimand in lieu of a more extensive territory they had lost through their loyalty. When wide extending dominion rakes under its protecting wings, nations differing in customs and manners to cement such to the general fabric, it may be adviseable to indulge them in their peculiar customs so far as they may be harmless; but it is absolutely necessary to treat them hi such a Manner that they may feel the benefit of protection, so as to beget hi them, that confidence and affection becoming Children of the same family, that when their assistance might be wanting to defend that part of the Empire they inhabit, they may with alacrity and all the ardor of filial affection, wish to battle to defend the rights and interests of their beloved Father, which they would come to consider as their own. I am just going to meet the Rev* Mr Addison, who is on the way to visit the Mohawk Village and perform Divine service there. I regret much that this Gentleman cannot by reason of his avocations at other parts of the settlement visit us more than twice a year, should he be enabled to come something oftner, it might tend much to promote the increase of Religion; and check the career of vice; at present the people of Niagara, and of the other parts of his mission might complain, should he absent himself too frequently from them to be with us. If the Five Nations were all collected in a body, religious instruction might be given them, and attempts at improvement be made with much greater facility and effect, than can be at present, when dispersed in different Villiages. And I think with the assistance of the British Government we could prevail on those inhabiting the American limits, to come and live with us. ... G 10 CASTLEREAGH TO SIR JAMES CRAIGS [P.A.C., Indian Affairs, Civil Control, HI (1809), 38-43] Downing Street, 8 April 1809 I enclose you the Copies of some Correspondence which has been received from Upper Canada upon the Claims of the Indians to have the Terms of the Lands granted them by Geni. Haldimand changed into a Tenue by Free Socage. This Correspondence comes principally from Mr. Norton, who calls himself an Indian and came over here in 1804, deputed as he stated by the Indians of Upper Canada upon a similar Subject. 3 Sir James Craig (1748-1812) served in Cape Colony and India before coming to Canada, where he was Governor from 1807 to 1811.

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Mr Norton came without any regular Deputation, and without any previous Communication with the Lieut. Governor of Upper Canada upon which the application which he made on the part of the Indians and the Objects of his Journey were referred to the Lieut. Governor of Upper Canada; He referred the Subject to the Superintendent of Indians who took Measures for having meetings of the Indians Chiefs, and reported that the Indian Chiefs disavowed Mr. Norton's Journey and the objects of it. During Mr. Norton's Residence here he procured introduction to several most respectable Famines who, considering him to be an Indian took great interest in his conversation and accounts and also in the objects of his Journey. He also engratiated himself with some Gentlemen who are earnestly engaged in the Cause of Christianity, and he persuaded them that much might be done by proper means for the Conversion of the Indians and he engaged in translating the Gospel of St. Mathew into the Mohawk Language though I believe this had been already done by a Clergyman of Upper Canada. After this introduction I am to state to you that an opinion is entertamed by some Persons here of a most respectable description that means may be devised for civilizing the Indians, infusing into them a just notion of Property, of morality, of Religion and of the happiness they and their Famines would derive from fixed Residence, and the pursuits of Agriculture and arts. It is further conceived by them that an alteration in the tenure of the Grant made by General Haldimand and the allowing the Indians to separate lease and alienate their Lands would be advantageous to the above Ends, and that Mr Norton might be usefully employed into carrying into effect whatever Measures are proposed for improving the Situation of the Indians. I am therefore to desire you will take the Subject into your consideration with a view of fully investigating the Subject and of having a detailed report transmitted for the consideration of His Majesty's Ministers. . . . . . . You will be pleased to take an early opportunity of transmitting a Copy of this Letter to the Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, and ultimate the desire of His Majesty's Ministers that he would cause a similar investigation and report to be made respecting the Indians inhabiting or frequenting the Province over which he presides. If any rational System can be devised with any reasonable hope of Success for altering and bettering the Habits and Condition of the Indians and bringing them to a state of settlement and improvement, His Majesty's Ministers will be anxious to promote it; but as plausible Schemes are often suggested which when brought hito trial prove injurious or impracticable, I wish to have the fullest information from the best authorities of the two Provinces before any measure is recommended for Execution.

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G i l AN INDIAN CENSUS, 1810-11 [P.A.C., Claus Papers, X, 29-30] Number of the different Nations of Indian Living at the Grand River Taken in the Years 1810 & 1811.

[1810] Taken Mohawks Upper Cayugas Lower Ditto. Aughhquagas Delaware Tuscaroras Onadagas Turkey Delawar Aaron Sénecas Upper Tootelîes Onadagas B : Foot4 Onyda Joseph Montuers Lower Tootelies S* Regis Nanticokes

436 208 200 158 216 141 180 73 41 53 32 38 27 29 15 9

M e [1811] n

W o m e n

C h i 1 d r e n

436—83—100—91 [?] 209 a Stout Young Cayuga Man 203 Tall Shawane lad [?] 158 no return given 230 by Delawar Dame [?] 143 Billy Jack 192 by Turkey & Clear Sky 73 no return given 39 Tahquesca 64 By a Young Tootelie lad 33 Bears Foot 47 Onyda Joseph 31 By George Montuîr 41 By a Tootelie . . . 19 by a Young Man said to be of the Family 10 By Hobkins the White man

G 12 CLAUS TO DUNCAN CAMERON [P.A.C., Indian Affairs, Records and Correspondence of the Deputy Superintendent General, XXVII] Fort George, 26 April 1811 In the begining of March, the Principal Chiefs and some of the Warriors, of the Six Nations, from the Grand River, came down to this Post, to report to me, their proceedings at a Council, held a short time before, at their Council fire; it was for the purpose, of renewing their friendship, and then to talk over the situation of their Country, instead of which, when the Old Chief (Clearsky) spoke and expressed his happiness, at seeing the whole of the Nations assembled, for so good a purpose. Tekarehoga [John Brant] got up, and said, his party, did not come down for that purpose, but to explain, the cause of their division, from the begining, this was very properly stopd, as that business had been publicly buried, at the King's Council fire, three years ago, and *An Onondaga faction which spurned Clear Sky's leadership and accepted that of Bear's Foot.

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according to Indian custom should never be looked upon again, the Belt on which the Business was transacted, was shewn, to the Tekarahoga, and every word, repeated, that had been spoken on it. he said he did not mind that, and that what he had done, and what he would hereafter do, he would never repent. Upon which he and his party, about twenty, left the Council; After the Old Chief had mentioned the above to me, he told me, his son had something to say; Upon which the Echo, spoke, and complained very much of the encroachments of the white people, that many had excellent Farms, for which they did not pay any rent, and hoped that the King would allow some of his Officers, to caU on those people for the Rent, and that some were so bad, that they wished them removed, particularly [David] Phelps, who claims 1500 Acres of their land, he has taken possession of it, and has built a Mill, which he has let to Mr [Richard] Hatt, for 12 years at 300 Dollars a year. He also renewed the application for a mill, as they were very much distressed for want of one, that the King, had built one before for them, which was unfortunately burnt, they hoped he would take pity on them, and build them another. I beg to recommend strongly to His Excellencys consideration, the necessity of some Steps, being taken, respecting the white Settlers, on the Indian Lands hi General, not only those at the Grand River, but throughout the Province, I am apprehensive some evil consequence may arise between the Indians and those Settlers, if some steps is not taken, either to remove them, or to renew their leases, under proper authority, so that the Indians may receive some advantage from the lands, occupied by those settlers, which they do not at present— . . . G 13 NORTON TO EDWARD MACMAHON* [P.A.C., Indian Affairs, Civil Control, IV (1815), 71] Grand River, 17 March 1815 I enclose to you the Speech of the Five Nations [G 14] delivered at Burlington on the subject of rations, the building of a Mill, a blacksmith, implements of agriculture, and oxen trained to labor. That part of their petitions respecting provisions, appears to be the most necessary, there being many people in a distressed situation for want, who, even when possessed of the means to purchase can hardly find any to buy. It being difficult to ascertain who are the most in need, as they are all equally craving. And no regular line having been drawn when they first commenced to draw rations generally with the Indians from Amherstburg; I therefore submit to the consideration of His Honor Lieu5

Edward MacMahon, one of Brock's civil secretaries, became Chief Clerk in the government office for many years.

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tenant General Drummond, as a remedy, that the whole might draw until the Maize Harvest at the rate of half a ration cash, a computation of the amount of which I enclose to you, including those also who now receive rations with those who yet require them; these causing an addition of about twelve hundred persons. As to their demands, I can say nothing in their recommendation, as I know that they derived little benefit either from the public Mill or blacksmith, when they possessed them; and at present there is no want of private establishments of the kind in their vicinity.—In war an armourer was much wanted, such artificers being scarce; but in peace they may do as we did before the War. Hoes and iron to make ploughs might be Furnished by the Indian Dep». G 14 PETITION OF THE Six NATIONS FOR ASSISTANCE, 1815 [P.A.C., Indian Affairs, Civil Control, IV (1815), 71-81] Speech made by the Five Nations and delivered by Katgwiroten or Sir John Chief, Onondaga as Speaker for the whole, petitioning assistance in Provisions untill Harvest, a Mill to be rebuilt, a Black Smith to be employed on the Grand River, and to be supplied with implements of Husbandry and working Cattle, and addressed to Captain Norton, to be communicated to His Honor Lieutenant General Drummond. Brother We have now heard the pleasing Sound of Peace; but the distress of our Families for want of provisions renders us insensible to all Kinds of News, unless it should be such as would give us hopes of finding some relief for them. Brother We therefore intreat You to represent to the General, while he is yet here, Our distress and our humble Petition that he afford us relief until our Fields shall again Yield us Support which we hope they will this Fall if God favors our labors. Brother You know we had once a Mill it has been burnt by accident We hope this may be taken hito consideration; and that another may be built for us at the expense of Government. We also hope that as we had a Smith allowed us before the War to repair our Axes and our Arms, that a Person of that Profession may yet be appointed to remain with us. The troubles of War has also obliged us frequently to remove and in doing so We have lost many implements of Husbandry, as also our Cattle, We therefore petition that these may be furnished to us, and also some Yokes of working Cattle for each Villiage. .. .

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G 15 GEORGE MARTIN TO CLAUS [P.A.C., Clous Papers, X, 225-7] Grand River, 8th Sep. 1816 . . . On the subject of moveing My Indians to Wabash I also heard such Rebort[.] as for certanty I can not say I am sorry To Sayed for I been trying to fined out the Truth Ever since Last Sbring but to save my Ufe I can not[.] I did wrote you a letter some time this sbring saying Delaware Arons Party was all going but when the Tekarihoga [John Brant] Came back from Buffalow he Stops them and told them to wait till Norton return so they staid[.] Where they where To go I do not know but they tell me they where to go [?] Moravian town. The Chiefs of the Six Naton Enquired of this subject of moveing and It was only Sir John Chief and the White hat Chief That was going of to the westard and thus the Chiefs ask them what Place they attent to go[.] Answered they did not know when they see there brethren[.] All I can tell you That your friends are never to attent To move from this river on less the Goverment Gives them better Country some where and Then I believe some would stay for all If it is any Such thing of moveing it must be those people that was not a friend of the Goverment. I know the Obinion of the Prinsible Chief of the Onondaga that is the son of Clear Skey[.] He is not for moving[;] he rather the Six Naton to Collect the other Nations to this Place and die all this place. This is his Obinion the young Clear Skey. . . . P.S. Very bad times for my People Corn most all dead some famalys want have nothing at all to eat this whinter G 16 GEORGE IRONSIDE* TO CLAUS [P.A.C., Claus Papers, XI, 25-6} Amherstburg, 22 April 1817 Some days ago Chantot a very worthy man who has been faithful to the Government since the commencement of the American Revolution . . . passed here. . . . He says that all the Grand River Indians will soon pass here, that 15 or 20 families were (when he came away) at their Sugar Camps, and that when the season for making Sugar was over they would immediately proceed to this place.—That He (Chantot) was on his way to Sandusky to bring . . . all the surplus Corn the Six Nations had raised there to enable those from Grand River to prosecute their journey to the westward.—Another party under Aaron Hill he says will leave that part of the province as soon as they find it practicable and all to proceed towards the Wabache or Mississippi. . . . ^George Ironside was an agent in the Indian Department stationed at Amherstburg.

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The cause of the Six Nations leaving the Grand River, Chantot says, is the failure of their Next Years Crop & consequent Security, and that they could get no assistance from the Government. G 17 A DESCRIPTION OF THE CONFEDERACY, 1817 [Hdl, Travels in Canada, and the United States in 1816 and 1817, 219-26] The powerful Indian confederacy, known by the name of Massawoomics, or Five Nations, originally occupied the whole of the country betwixt the lakes, and the Allegany ridges, from the sources of the Ohio to the banks of the Hudson. They were known and dreaded by the French Canadians, under the name of Iroquois. ... In 1779 they were attacked by general Sullivan, and driven to Niagara; their numbers were at this time estimated by Dodge at 1580. At Niagara, many of them died, "from being obliged to live on salted provisions." The remainder had the lands round the Grand River assigned them for their support, by our government, where they have since resided, with the Delawares and Missisagas, joint sufferers in the same cause. . . . The Mohawks have always been esteemed the head of the confederacy. They were strongly attached to the British interest, and first followed Sk William Johnson into Canada, under thek chieftain, "the Monster Brandt." The Monster had, however, some good qualities. He accustomed his people to the arts of civilized Ufe, and made farmers of them. He built a church, and translated one of the Gospels into the Mohawk language; for, like Clovis, and many of the early Anglo-Saxon, and Danish Christians, he contrived to unite much religious zeal with the practices of natural ferocity. His grave is to be seen under the walls of his church . . . on the Sunday of my visit to the church . . . the usual church, and baptismal service was performed by a Dr. Aaron, an Indian, and an assistant priest; the congregation consisted of 60 or 70 persons, male and female: many of the young men were dressed in the English fashion, but several of the old warriors came with thek blankets, folded over them, like the drapery of a statue; and in this dress, with a step and mien of quiet energy, more forcibly reminded me of the ancient Romans than some other inhabitants of this continent, who have laid claim to the resemblance. Some of them wore large silver crosses, medals, and other trinkets, on thek backs and breasts; and a few had bandeaus, ornamented with feathers. Dr. Aaron [Hill] a grey-headed Mohawk, had touched his cheeks and forehead with a few spots of vermilion, in honour of Sunday; he wore a surplice, and preached at considerable length; but his delivery was unimpassioned, and monotonous in the extreme. Indian eloquence decays with the peculiar state of society to which it owed its energy. The Mohawk village stands on a little plain, looking down upon the Grand River, upon die alluvion of which the inhabitants raise their

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crops, chiefly of Indian corn. Their houses are built of logs, rudely put together, and exhibiting externally a great appearance of neglect, and want of comfort: some few are in a better condition: the house belonging to Brandt's family resembles that of a petty English fanner; Dr. Aaron's was neat and clean. The Doctor, who had been regularly ordained, and spoke very good English, told me the village had been injured much during the war, which had put a stop to its improvements, and dispersed the inhabitants over the country. This is probable enough: the Indians advance towards civilized life with a forced motion, and revert to habits of warfare, and wandering with a natural rebound. The Cayugas seem to have made less progress than the Mohawks, towards domestic accommodation: the fire is still hi the middle of their dwellings: the earth, or a block of wood, suffices for chair, and table; and planks, arranged round the walls, like cabin births, form then- beds. They seemed very cheerful, though with little reason; for their crop of Indian corn, which they were now drying and husking, had been spoiled by premature frost, and in common with all the other Indians of the settlement, their only resource against starvation, was the British Commissariat. They confine themselves to the cultivation of Indian corn, because it requires little labour, and of that sort which may be performed by women; the consequence is, that a single frosty night strikes them with famine. . . . The evil and remedy proceed from the same source: an habitual dépendance on our bounty destroys, by rendering needless, all exertion towards self-support: But from the system of Indian tutelage results the necessity of guardianship, that is, of the Indian department, through which some thousand of the public money are annually filtered: plentiful harvests on the Grand would destroy golden crops of place and patronage. I had little opportunity of observing their manners and character. It may be conjectured that European intercourse is fast obliterating the characteristic features of then: former social system. Their increased knowledge of our arts, and enjoyments, has been probably followed by a proportionate increase of wants, and desires, and these by the usual accession of then: concomitant passions. It is likely they are less brave, less temperate, less sagacious, and less ardent hi their social affections, than their woodland ancestors; but also less cruel and revengeful, more selfish, and more religious, in the vicinity of their settlements they have the character of being inoffensive neighbours, and of living peaceably among themselves, except when under the occasional influence of intoxication. Their manners seemed to me remarkable for nothing so much as for that quiet self-possession, which constitutes the reverse of vulgarity. Their women, before strangers, are extremely timid: most of those who lived at any distance from the church, came mounted with their husbands walking by their sides; a symptom, perhaps, that the sex is rising among them into an European quality of rights, and enjoyments. The whole of the settlements are reckoned to furnish about 500

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warriors to our Government. These, if not the best, are certainly the dearest of our allies: besides the support of themselves and their families during war, several thousands are expended, annually in clothing, and nick nacks, under the name of presents. Every accidental loss, from failure of crops, or other disasters, they are in the habit of expecting should be made good by the liberality of their "Great Father", whose means and generosity they are well disposed to consider as unbounded; an idea which his agents are little careful to repress. During the late war they behaved with the cautious courage of German auxiliaries, evidently considering it their first interest to spare themselves, their second, to serve their father; a mode of conduct which was nearly resented by the more enterprising warriors of the West, who had taken up the hatchet from a strong feeling of necessity, and hatred to the encroachments of the Americans. . . . G 18 ROBERT GOURLAY'ST COMMENTS ON INDIAN AFFAIRS [Gourlay, Statistical Account of Upper Canada, //, 390-2] . . . The Indian can now, happily, be no longer looked to by Canada, as allies in war, and within the province will soon be extinct. Yet, it is well to note, in the history of the country, of what consequence they were considered, and how they were treated at the first settlement. . . . To attempt any improvement with grown-up individuals would be of no avail. Near Quebec, near Montreal, on the Grand River, &c. churches have been erected for the reform of such poor people, but no change has been effected for good. Their children grow up, wild, irregular in their habits, and altogether useless members of the community. Here the push should be made. Well-ordered and efficient establishments should be erected for training up the youth. They should be taught not only to read and write, but be bred in to industry and regular business. There are ample funds for this. Government need no longer throw away presents on Indians ... or maintain a useless Indian department, with a view to conciliate and hold on the Indians for a war time. The speedy civilization of those within the surveyed bounds should be the sole object, and in ten or twelve years it could be completely effected. The Indians of the Grand River have monied means of their own, to accomplish this under proper management; and the rising generation could be portioned off with land as they grew up, qualified to improve and enjoy their inheritance. Speaking of the Grand River Indians, it may not be improper to say a few words in defence of their right of soil, which has been encroached upon by the Provincial Executive Government. These Indians, who retired to Canada after the American revolutionary war had, by written grant, a tract of land TRobert Gourlay (1778-1863) came to Upper Canada from Scotland in 1817. Highly critical of the colony's administration, especially in regard to land matters, he was tried as a seditious alien and exiled in 1819.

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assigned to them, extending from the mouth of the Grand River to its source, averaging six miles in width from the river, on each side. It will be observed . . . that the source of the Grand River lies beyond the farthest survey; viz. the township of Nichol. Soon after Sir P. Maitland arrived in the province [1818], orders were issued for extending surveys in that quarter and lands have been granted away, which, hi fact belonged to the Indians.8 The Indians complained, but were denied compensation. Their right, I hope, will only need to be made known at home, to admit of justice being done.. . . Many considerations urge to an extraordinary exertion being made to advance the Indians of Canada, who are now interwoven with civilized society as fast as possible, hito a condition to amalgamate—to mix and be lost in that society: but I repeat, that with all other Indians, savages, the best policy is to keep them as distinct as possible, and always on the outside of settlements. Of all things Government should guard against allowing these primitive beings from being vitiated and led on to crimes by ruffians escaping out of civilized society. . . . G 19 MAITLAND TO LORD BATHURST [Harlow and Madden, eds., British Colonial Developments, 1774-1834: Select Documents, 588-91] York, 29 November 1821 In obedience to the desire expressed in your Lordship's dispatch of the 31st May, I have the honour to submit for your Lordship's consideration the details of the plan which I would propose should be carried into effect for the amelioration of the Indian tribes in the neighbourhood of our settlements hi this province. By which your Lordship will perceive that so far from any additional expense being incurred by the Government, a considerable diminution may be effected hi that now existing, whilst an ample quantity of land will be reserved for the use of the Indians. In the event of the plan I have the honour to submit meeting with the approbation of His Majesty's Government, I would beg leave to solicit particularly your Lordship's attention to the expediency of the lands in question being advertised for sale and disposed of at home, as I am aware that there is more than one society of persons, besides many individuals, desirous of obtaining tracts in that particular part of the province, and who are now in England. In the enclosed paper I have taken the liberty to suggest the propriety of the trusteeship for this property being vested hi the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, and in addition I beg leave to state my humble conviction that no persons connected with the Indians should be employed hi such a trust. . . . «See B 33, 34, 35.

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[Enclosure.] The Indians within the province of Upper Canada may be considered under two divisions—the Mohawks or Six Nations, and the Mississaguas: the former possess two settlements, one in the Bay of Quinte nearly forty miles west of Kingston consisting of about 25 or 30 families—the other on the Grand River in the London district consisting of nearly five hundred families. The Mohawks are in some degree civilized and profess themselves of the Church of England. There is a place of worship in each of their settlements and occasional visits are paid them by clergymen of the established church; but visits of this kind are found to have very little effect in ameliorating their manners and preserving among them a proper knowledge of religion. A more steady and vigilant system is necessary to make them truly Christians and gradually to diminish that inclination to a desultory and savage life which still prevails among them. In prosecuting such a plan little perhaps can be expected from the grown-up Indians; its success will therefore chiefly depend upon the influence which it may acquire over the young—and a paramount influence of this kind may be reasonably expected if conciliation and kindness be the leading principles of the system, as the Indians never restrain their children who may be easily attracted to the schools by proper management. The following plan for the civilization and religious instruction of the Six Nations which proposes a diminution of expense to the Government appears to present a reasonable hope of success. 1st. It is proposed that the reserve appropriated to that portion of the Mohawks which has settled on the Grand River and which is no longer useful as a hunting ground (being surrounded by settlements) be vested in a Board of trustees (appointed by His Majesty's Government) to be disposed of by sale or lease for the benefit of the Six Nations with these exceptions:—first, that the head of each family shall have a certain parcel of land secured by the King's Patent (under such restrictions as shall be judged necessary) for the uses of himself and dependants— second, that such of the Whites as are found to have an equitable claim, and are so acknowledged by the Six Nations, shall be confirmed in their possessions. 2nd. That in consequence of His Majesty's relinquishing the fee simple of the whole tract which was purchased for the reception of the Six Nations after the conclusion of the Revolutionary War, the expense attending the annual presents shall be defrayed from the proceeds of the land thus relinquished for their benefit. 3rd. That with a view to their religious instruction and civilization there shall be a further application of die proceeds for the maintenance of a Mission including schools of instruction and industry, all under the direction of the missionaries, and residing constantly among the Six Nations.

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4th. That the remaining proceeds, which it is presumed will be very considerable especially if die lands be disposed of in England, shall be applied to the uses of the people of the Six Nations. . . . [In the statistical table which follows it is calculated that out of a total acreage in the old Grand River Reserve of 318,203 acres, 117 chiefs should receive grants of 200 acres (23,400 acres), 400 heads of families should receive grants of 100 acres each (40,000 acres), 12,000 acres should be allotted "to supposed claims of Whites," and 1,200 acres for a village site. This would leave 241,603 acres remaining for sale, which at $3 per acre would realize a capital of $724,809, and this sum at 6 per cent interest would produce an annual revenue of $44,488. After deducting $17,000 for presents to the Indians each year and $2,200 for the salaries of the Mission staff there would be an annual balance of $24,868, thus providing about $14 for each Indian man, woman, and child.] It is proposed that Government shall continue the presents one year after this revenue comes into operation, to defray the expense of building a church, missionary house, school houses of instruction and industry etc. It is likewise proposed that only ten dollars instead of this whole surplus of fourteen shall be distributed, annually, to each Indian (a part of which may be in money and a part in goods) which will be all in addition to what they receive at present, and that the remainder amounting to 6,800 dollars, be appropriated to the schools of industry where all the boys and girls that are without immediate protection shall be taught, clothed, and fed, and provided with farming utensils, and when they go on their land, with this provision that all the boys and girls shall be admitted as boarders to these schools, fed and clothed etc. on being allowed from their parents their (the children's) share of the presents and annual proceeds of the land. For it is presumed that the expense of a school of industry well regulated would not exceed 5 each for board and lodging etc. because the boys would be employed at trade or on the farms, and the girls making clothes, taking care of dairies etc. and their food and clothing would be simple. The introduction of spirituous liquors should be particularly guarded against. . . .

G 20 A CRITIQUE OF THE Six NATIONS, 1824 [Howison, Sketches of Upper Canada, 161-4] . . . Three miles below the Grand River ferry there is an Indian settlement called the Mohawk village, which contains about two hundred Indians, the majority of whom are half civilized. There is likewise a church, in which the doctrines of the Christian religion are regularly preached & explained, in the Mohawk language, by an individual

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belonging to the tribe. The population of the Mohawk settlement varies at different times of the year. When the hunting season approaches, many of the inhabitants forsake their homes & agricultural occupations & assume for a time, the savage mode of life from which they have been but partially reclaimed. The habits & dispositions of the Indians are alike opposed to civilization; & those who reside permanently in one place, and cultivate the ground, probably do so that they may avoid the fatigues & privations attendant upon hunting, but their attachment to a wandering Ufe is so strong, that even the most civilized of them continually evince an inclination to return to it. The Indians have for many years past, frequented the European settlements, & even associated, in some degree, with then" inhabitants; but I never yet saw any whose manners or dispositions were at all influenced by their intercourse with the white people except hi so far as they had acquired a number of vicious propensities. Most of the former obstinately refuse to assimilate to the latter in any respect, or even to learn from them those arts that would be useful to an Indian; while a communication with the Europeans, instead of improving them has been the means of divesting them of those rude virtues & barbarous qualities which alone give a sort of respectability to the savage. Various attempts have been made to civilize the Indians; but the failure of most of these, with the very partial success of others, convincingly proves, that they are a people whose habits and characters are incapable of improvement, & not susceptible of amelioration. . . .

G 21 MAJOR GENERAL H. C. DARLING'S» REPORT ON THE 10 Srx NATIONS

[Great Britain, Colonial Office, Parliamentary Paper, 1834, no. 617, Aboriginal Tribes, 28-30] Quebec, 24th July 1828 MOHAWKS and the Six NATIONS.—Under 2,000 souls are settled on the banks of the Ouse, or Grand River, a fine and fertile tract of country, which was purchased from the Chippawas (the Aborigines) exclusively for them when they were brought to this country from the Mohawk River, in the state of New York, at the termination of the revolutionary American war. »Major General Henry Charles Darling, Lord Dalhousie's military secretary was Deputy Superintendent General, 1826-28, and Superintendent General and Inspector General of Indian Affairs, 1828-31. w>In 1828 at the request of the Colonial Office, General Darling made a survey of the Indians of Canada to determine the merits of Goderich's proposals to reduce and ultimately to abolish the Indian Department and to commute all payments to the Indians made in goods, including annuities and presents, into money. General Darling's report advised against both proposals, and they were not acted upon.

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The proclamation of Sir F. Haldimand, which constitutes, I believe, their only title, allots them "six miles deep from each side of the river, beginning at Lake Erie, and extending in that proportion to the head of the river." They are now considered as having retained about 260,000 acres of land, mostly of the best quality. Their possessions were formerly more extensive, but large tracts have been sold by them, with the permission of His Majesty's Government, the monies arising from which sales were either funded in England or lent on interest in this country. The proceeds amount to about 1,500/. per annum. Their principal village, or Mohawk Castle, as it is called, consists now of half a dozen miserable huts, scattered without any order, and a paltry church. The town was formerly more respectable; but the increasing scarcity of fuel in its neighbourhood and the fine quality of the soil induced them by degrees to separate and settle on the banks of the river, where they cultivate the ground hi companies or bands, a certain number of families dividing amongst them the produce of certain numbers of acres. Their knowledge of farming is exceedingly limited, being chiefly confined to the cultivation of Indian corn, beans and potatoes; but those of more industrious habits follow the example of their white neighbours, and have separate farms, on which they raise most kinds of English grain. Were I to offer to your Lordship all the observations which appear to me worthy of attention respecting these ancient allies of His Majesty, this Report would assume the character of a history, and far exceed the expected limits. J hasten, therefore, to submit a statement, which has been compiled with great attention, showing their present possessions in houses, horses, cattle, &c.; viz. Dwelling-houses Computed number of acres of land in cultivation . Horses Cows Oxen Sheep Swine

.

416 6,872 738 869 613 192 1,630

I have already adverted to the introduction of Methodist missionaries and teachers amongst the Indians of Upper Canada, several of whom are found in this neighbourhood. There is also an English Protestant missionary [Robert Lugger] lately sent out from London by the New England Corporation, a young man whose zeal and devotion to the cause in which he has embarked promise the best results, the Indians giving hi all cases the preference to whatever is given or recommended by their great father to whatever comes from any other quarter. In earnest of their disposition to profit

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by and assist the labours of this minister, they have readily agreed, on my recommendation, to allot 100 acres of land to each school that may be established on the Grand River under his direction. I submit with all deference whether it is not worthy the liberality of the British Government to encourage the disposition now shown generally amongst the resident Indians of this province, to shake off the rude habits of savage life, and to embrace Christianity and civilization. It appears to me that this would not be attended with much expense. A small sum by way of salary to a schoolmaster wherever a school may be formed, say four or five hi the whole; a trifling addition to the salary of the present missionary, who is paid by a society, and of a second if appointed, which I believe is contemplated by the Lord Bishop of the diocese; and some aid in building school-houses. The observations which I have offered as to the consequences to be expected in Lower Canada from a total suppression of the Indian department, or the abandonment of their interests by Government, would be felt with aggravated force hi the Upper Province; in this important section of it hi particular, where the Indians pride themselves on their fidelity and adherence to the cause of their great father, which on a former occasion cost them sacrifice of the land of their forefathers and their native soil, and hi the late contest was attended with the loss of their little all to many of them. I endeavoured, without exciting alarm, to ascertain the feeling on this subject, as well as the probable result that would attend the suppression of the gratuitous presents, (for your Lordship is aware that we are bound by treaties of very late date, in the annual payment of goods to the amount of 5,000/., for lands ceded to us since the year 1819,) or their commutation into money, and can have no hesitation in saying that either measure would be received with the utmost apprehension and alarm as to the further intentions of their great father. The Indian would receive no benefit whatever from a small sum of money put into his own hand, which he would find of little value, compared with his blanket and ammunition, while a total suppression of their great father's bounty would be considered a cruel infraction of custom, which, from its duration, has attained hi their estimation to the sacred character of a treaty. Their sentiment on this point is, that when they were brought from their own country, they were promised clothing and protection "while grass should grow and water flow." The former they complain of as having been already unfairly reduced, since their father required them to raise the tomahawk hi his service against the big "knives" (Americans.) I am nevertheless of opinion, that a sum of money, in lieu of a portion of the presents now given, might be annually laid out for them to advantage, in the purchase of a few pairs of working oxen, ploughs, harrow-teeth, hoes, hammers, saws and other agricultural implements

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and common tools; of the use of which they would gradually become sensible as they advance in civilization. This expenditure should be made from the money payable to them for the lands above-mentioned. I come now to that part of your Lordship's instructions which speaks of the importance you so justly attach to the friendship of the western and warlike tribes, and which directs me to endeavour to ascertain correctly the feelings of the Six Nations on the Grand River, in regard to the American Government, or to that of Great Britain, and what intercourse they uphold with the Foxes and Scion, and others that rendezvous annually for presents at Amherstberg and Drummond Island. That the Six Nations may be considered faithful in their attachment to the British Government, is justified as well by the events of the American revolutionary war as then: conduct in the late contest. It will depend upon the conduct of the British Government during this period of peace, to improve that feeling and rivet their attachment. This I humbly presume will be best promoted by taking advantage of the disposition now so rapidly spreading amongst them to advance in civilization; by creating and improving in them, by every means, a love of the country, of the soil hi which they are settled, and a respect for the Government which protects them. • • •

G 22

PROCEEDINGS OF A Six NATIONS' COUNCIL AT THE MOHAWK VILLAGE, OCTOBER 5,1829 [P.A.C., Indian Affairs, Civil Control, V (1829), 222 ff.]

The Council opened with the usual ceremonies— His Excellency The Lieut* Governor [Sir John Colborne] addressed the Six Nations to the following effect.— By representing to them the necessity of their dividing their lands and Cultivating them for their own benefit That the King had given them one of the finest tracts of land foreseeing that at some period they would be surrounded by a large population of Colonists and their hunting and fishing would be interrupted That the time had arrived and that for their future Subsistence and Comfort they must become Agriculturists hi recommending that each family should take a certain Number of Acres to cultivate and the lots should descend to their Children and they should not have the power of disposing of them of Selling them, and the remainder of their lands should be leased for the benefit of their Children. He recommended them to pay attention to the instruction given by their Ministers, and to send their Children to the Schools conducted by them His Excellency then referred to their petition respecting the rents and documents in Mr Claus's hands and offered as their Guardian to

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endeavour to recover their property, and stated that he should at all times be ready to attend to their representations. He then desired them to take time to Consult on the Subjects he had brought before them. Echo, Onondaga chief, arose and said—I am requested by the Chiefs of the Six Nations to thank Your Excellency for the communication that you have made to us, and to say that we are very glad Your Excellency has been pleased to visit our Village and to meet the Chiefs of our Respective tribes in Council.— We shall bear in mind your recommendations, and calmly deliberate upon the several subjects adverted to in your Speech.— Joseph (principal chief of the Oneidas,) said—Please Your Excellency —I rise in behalf of the Tribes now around you, briefly to reply to the words that fell from Your Excellency, for which we sincerely thank you— As to the Schools that we have now established amongst us, for the benefit of our young people; we are thankful to Your Excellency for your recommendations.— We have had a Church for forty years and no resident Minister.— We feel much indebted to our Superintendant [John Brant] for his exertions in establishing schools for the instruction of our children, and also for the Minister that we have now residing with us—And we feel grateful to the King for appointing our own Chief to take charge of our affairs.— . . . G 23

PROCEEDINGS OF A Six NATIONS' COUNCIL AT THE ONONDAGA VILLAGE, OCTOBER 14, 1829 [P.A.C., Indian Affairs, Civil Control, V (1829), 225 ff.]

. . . Isaac Lock (a Mohawk Chief), addressed the Superintend4 Captn Brant to the following effect.— Brother, I am happy to express to you our grateful sentiments for the communication that the Governor [Colborne] was pleased to make to the Chiefs of the Six Nations. . . . With respect to our unoccupied Lands—We are thankful that the Govr is willing to assist in leasing our waste Lands in order that an income may be derived from the same, for the benefit of our Women and Children.—The Chiefs of the Six Nations are desirous that the unoccupied lands should be leased—and recommend the following Tracts—that is, all the land adjoining the Dundas Street, and at the mouth of the River— With regard to dividing the land to the Several tribes, and then to families, we see great difficulties would arise in consequence of intermarriages—And the Mohawks Oneidas and Cayugas being located BO near to each other; We cannot expect the Oneidas and Cayugas to abandon then: Houses and improvements, and remove to such allotments

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of land as may be selected for them—without remuneration—Which We, the Mohawks have not, to give them—Nor do We wish to see our Cornfields divided, because it may lead to misunderstandings amongst our tribes.— I conclude Brother by returning thanks to the Governor for his Speech, and his visit to us.— Oneida Joseph said I will communicate to you the sentiments of the Oneidas—That we cannot consent to a division of the lands, we are intermixed with the Mohawks and Cayugas and we think it very difficult to cause the Oneidas and Cayugas to remove to any allotment that may be made for our tribes. . . . With regard to our Money matters the Oneidas are thankful to His Excellency the Governor for his kind offer in our behalf, to step forward in securing our money—And we are unanimous in appointing the Governor, and the next in Authority, with our elder Brother Tekarihoga [John Brant] to be our Trustees.—And I . . . repeat, We must be united in every subject upon which the Governor spoke.— Van Every, a Cayuga, Said, I speak in behalf of the Cayugas and recapitulated His Excellencys Speech delivered at the Mohawk Village.— Our Chiefs who are dead and gone, had the firmest confidence in the King, for He had always assured them, that their lands should be secured to them and their children without encroachment; for which we are thankful.— With respect to dividing our Lands among the several tribes of the Confederacy, We leave to our Elder Brothers the Onondagas.—We remember that our forefathers had their respective territories and Villages—but our situation is now different.— We are truly happy that the Governor has paid us a visit, and that he is disposed to stand forward to assist us in our difficulties, as a father— With regard to leasing our unoccupied lands for the benefit of our women and children, we fully concur in the words that fell from the Governor and to take charge of our Lands. ... We thank him for his offer to remove off, of our Lands all those persons who are in the habit of selling spirits to our young men—and to get good people to reside amongst, us, for at present the people behave very bad to our tribes—and that he has promised to remove the squatters from our land, for they have given us much trouble— He recommended to us, to attend to our farms, We beg to assure him, that we shall make every exertion With respect to religion we thank the Governor for what he said, and we know that there is but one God for all mankind—Nor will we

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forget the difference he maintained, between the broad, and narrow roads for we know it is true. . .. Whatever plans the Government may adopt, we understand is to be for the benefit of our several tribes for ever.... We are thankful to the Governor for his goodness in saying that his door should be open to us if we requested an interview & we hope that he may remain among us for many years,— The Echo, said it is the wish of the Onondagas that the Council should calmly deliberate upon the words that fell from the Governor, and there is reason to be grateful for his Kind offer to assist us in all our affairs.— And it is our wish to comply with his recommendations. G 24

JAMES WINNETT'S APPOINTMENT AS SUPERINTENDENT OF THE Six NATIONS [P.A.C., Indian Affairs, v. 803, part ii, Correspondence of the Six Nations Superintendency, 1832]

. . . Major Winniett will proceed to the Grand River and Assemble the Chiefs of the Six Nations and notify to them that he has been appointed to watch over their Councils and to promote their interests— He will find that the Tribes of the Six Nations have been divided into parties,11 in consequence of which they have long remained hi an uncivilized state; from the same Cause the good intentions of the Lieut Governor [Colborne] have been constantly frustrated—Major Winniett will therefore endeavour to explain to the Indians how much they have neglected their own Interests in this respect, and that now it becomes them to think seriously in what mode their Lands can be best brought into cultivation for their own benefit and for that of their Children, and also in what way they and their Children can be instructed and rendered fit to take their proper Station in the Province—Major Winniett will pay particular attention to the suggestions of the Missionaries established on the Grand River by the New England Society and endeavour to labour with them to promote their religious instruction and improvement and to forward the views of any Missionary who appears to have in view the religious instruction of the Indians and their Civilization. The Lands of the Grand River have been greatly mismanaged; it is the intention of the Lieut Governor to ascertain the number of persons who now occupy the Lands of the Indians without leave or authority, and to take measures to make them quit the Indian Reserves. . . . n

ln his letter to Goderich announcing Winnett's appointment, Colborne wrote, "The Indians of the Six Nations have been long divided into parties, one of which was in the interest of the Brants, and another supported by the chiefs opposed to them." (Colborne to Goderich, Nov. 30, 1932, Great Britain, Colonial Office, Aboriginal Tribes, Parliamentary Paper, 1834, no. 617, p. 142.)

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G 25 ABSOLOM SHADED TO MERRITT [P.A.O., Memtt Papers, Package # 6] Gait, 25 March 1833 I proceeded to York as I had previously determined upon to Solicit a Loan13 from the Trustees of the Indians. I called upon the Lt. Gov. [Colborne] on the subject in reply to my application he said that he could not consistantly appropriate any of the funds of the Indians now in England, but would recommend their taking stock to a very large amount nearly the whole of the Charter that he only wished to have a few active persons in it to take Charge of the work, he proposed to raise the means of going on with the Improvement from the Sale & Leasing of Lands and wished the Directors to make a formal application to the Trustees, setting forth the Contemplated expense & the advantages to be derived to the Indians & Country in general upon the completion of the work as also the necessity of their undertaking it and preventing it going into the hands of other persons—upon this application being made he will direct a Council to be called immediately, and will solicit the influence of Mr. Lugger, W. J. Kerr, & such others as have any vote with the Indians, and will direct Major Winnett to use every exertion to induce them to sanction the undertaking. I have had some conversation with Mr. Kerr upon the subject, he appears anxious that the Indians should undertake it. I have also seen Mr. [Augustus] Jones he thinks favourable of the improvement, & will give an answer as to the Company's talcing stock immediately upon the arangement being made with the Indians— G 26

LORD DURHAM'S COMMENTS ON THE ALIENATION OF THE Six NATIONS' LAND [Lucas, éd., Lord Durham's Report on the Affairs of British North America, ///, 57-8] . . , The land appropriated for the use of the Six Nations' Indians, consisting chiefly of 570,000 acres of fertile and advantageously selected land lying on each side of the Grand River, from its mouth to its source. At the present time, according to the statement of Mr. Jarvis, 12

Absolom Shade (1793-1862) came from Buffalo, N.Y., to assist his kinsman, William Dickson, in laying the foundations of the village of Gait. An early promoter of the Grand River Navigation Company, he withdrew from it in 1834. 13 The Grand River Navigation Company was incorporated in 1832, with Shade, Merritt, Samuel Street, William Richardson and others as directors. Sir John Colborne involved the Six Nations to the extent of % of the stock. In the 1840's there was some traffic on the River, but the Company was never very successful, and the development of roads and railways ended its usefulness. The Town of Brantford took a first mortgage on its property, and foreclosed in June, 1861.

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agent for the Indians, they do not possess, in round numbers, more than about 200,000 acres; I believe the precise amount is 187,000 acres. Of the manner in which the large portion they have alienated was acquired by the individuals into whose hands . . . it passed with the sanction of the government of the colony, and nearly the whole of whom were connected with that government, I could not obtain any testimony upon which I could feel myself justified in relying. It is, however, certain that the consideration paid for it was for the most part of merely temporary benefit to them. The government, under whose guardianship the Indians were settled, and whose duty it should have been to provide efficient securities against any improvident grants, by which a provision, intended to be permanent, might be disposed of for inadequate or temporary returns, would seem, in these instances, to have neglected or violated its implied trust. To the extent of this alienation the objects of the original grant, so far as the advantage of the Indians was concerned, would appear to have been frustrated, by the same authority, and almost by the same individuals that made the grant. I have noticed this subject here for the purpose of showing that the government of the colony was not more careful in its capacity of trustee of these lands, than it was in its general administration of the lands of the Province. . . .

G 27 SIR GEORGE ARTHUR TO THE REV. ABRAHAM NELLES AND THE REV. ADAM ELLIOT [Great Britain, Colonial Office, British North American Provinces . . . , Parliamentary Paper, 1839, no. 323, 165] Brantford, 19th September 1838. Last Week, during my Visit to the Six Nation Indians, a few Circumstances came under my Observation to which I wish to call the Attention of the Church of England Missionaries stationed at Mohawk and Tuscarora Villages; and in forwarding any Plan for the temporal and spiritual Improvement of this interesting People you may be always assured of my Sanction and Support. On my Way up the Grand River I visited some Indian Families, and found them suffering from Fever and Ague, without the Prospect of Medical Advice. Upon Inquiry I learned that Disease had made great Ravages amongst them; and I have therefore given Directions that a Physician be immediately appointed, whose Time and Attention shall be exclusively devoted to the Indians along the Grand River. You will be pleased to inform the Indians that this Want is supplied. The Education of their Children appeared to me in the next place to require immediate Attention. Deplorable as the Condition of the untutored Heathen has generally been, the Case of these Indians

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(particularly Cayugas, Onondagoes, and Sénecas), if they do not send their Children to the Schools, will be much worse. This Subject cannot be too frequently urged upon the Parents; and though the Matter doubtless has been brought before them in your public and private Ministrations, I thought it of so much Consequence as to make it Part of my public Charge to the Heathen and Christian Chiefs assembled in Council on Saturday last; and I now request y o u , . . . to tell all the Indians that nothing can benefit them more, or be more pleasing to the Head of the Government, than to comply with this Advice. In the third place, you will be pleased to request the Pagan Chiefs to bear in mind the Hope expressed in my last Words to them, "that the "Period was not far distant when they would all become Christians, as lam." If they comply with this, the most important of all my Requests, I make no doubt that the New England Company will, at my Desire, build a Church, and send a Clergyman to the Cayugas, as they have done for the Mohawks and Tuscaroras. I have heard with the deepest Regret that several Indians are in Habits of Intemperance in the Town and Neighbourhood of Brantford, and should be glad of any Suggestion to remedy this most grievous Evil. I intend to address a Letter to the Magistrates upon the Subject. . . . G 28 JACOB H. BUSK" TO SIR GEORGE GREY [Great Britain, Colonial Office, British North American Provinces .. ., Parliamentary Paper, 1839, no. 323, 115-17] No. 9 Great St. Helen's, 13 December 1838 . . . The New England Company have also been anxious to inform themselves how Things actually were among the Indians at their different Stations, and for that Purpose last Year, prior to the Appointment of Messrs. Nellis and Elliott to their present Situations, sent over a Deputation to Canada. It was the Duty of these Deputies to ascertain accurately the Character and Qualifications of different Candidates for these Appointments, and to collect the fullest Information respecting the Situation and Circumstances of the Indians. The Company, satisfied with their Report, do not themselves feel the Want at present of further Investigation. The Representation which has been made has induced the New England Company to continue and extend their Exertions on the Grand River. If they cannot immediately comply with the Request of Lord Glenelg by establishing another Missionary amongst the Cayugas, it is not for Want of Inclination to adopt a Measure so recommended, and so congenial with their own Views, but because their Funds "Jacob H. Busk was Treasurer of the New England Company.

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are at this Moment fully employed in other Quarters. They would look forward with greater Confidence to being able at some early Period to effect such an Arrangement could they see a fairer Prospect of procuring the Attendance of a sufficient Number of Indians on such a Mission. The Company are somewhat disheartened by finding themselves obliged for the present to shut up for Want of Scholars the Schoolhouses which they had built, and which were once well attended, at Onondaga and Cayuga. This Defection may have in part proceeded from the busy Interference of Methodists in the Neighbourhood, but they fear it is mainly to be attributed to Causes much more to be lamented. The Number of Indian Inhabitants on the lower Part of the Grand River has lately considerably decreased, owing to the Dams across the Grand River, for the Purpose of improving the Navigation, having flooded to a considerable Extent the bordering Lands, and introduced Agues and Fevers into Situations formerly healthy. Other Parts which the Indians used to frequent have been disturbed and intruded on by White Settlers improperly and illegally introduced, but whom no Prosecutions in the Courts of Upper Canada have yet been able to dislodge. Among the numerous Complaints and Petitions which Sir George Arthur states he has received from the Indians, there is certainly none entitled to more immediate and serious Attention than this Grievance, nor any Cause that militates so much against the Operations of every one who sincerely desires effectually to benefit the Indian Population. The Committee hope that when Sir G. Arthur shall recover Leisure to pursue the Investigation he proposes, and to compare Things as they are with Things as they were some Time back, and as they would probably have been had no Instruction been imparted, he will be disposed to think more favourably of the Proportion between Expense and Improvement, though that is a Proportion which it is very difficult accurately to calculate, for the Progress of Improvement is always gradual, and amongst People so little accustomed to any Learning must naturally be slow. With the promised Sanction and Support of the Governor, there still seems no Reason to despair of ultimate Success. I must not omit to mention the Participation of the Committee in the Feelings of Gratitude which the Indians must entertain towards Sir G. Arthur for his judicious Kindness in the Arrangement he has made for supplying them with Medical Advice. The New England Company have heretofore paid considerable Sums for this Purpose, but it was found not easy to get the Indians to apply for Prescriptions at a sufficiently early Stage of their Disorders, nor could the prompt and punctual Attendance of the Gentlemen then practising in the Neighbourhood be always relied on. The Influence of Government, it is to be hoped, may overcome these Difficulties. For a still more important Kindness will the Indians be indebted to Sir G. Arthur, if his Authority can effect the rigid Execution of the Laws against the selling of spirituous Liquors to the Indians, and

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check the Practice of Intoxication, that constantly harassing Source of Vexation, Mischief, and Wickedness. . . . G 29 JOHN GWYNNE'S REPORTIS ON THE Six NATIONS, 1840 [P.R.O., C.O. 42, v. 516, Report on the Affairs of the Indians in Canada, 1844, Appendix 16} However visionary the hope may be to work any good in the minds of those advanced in years, to reclaim the youths presents a fair field for the exercise of humanity from which the humane mind would reap a rich harvest hi the speedy and marked improvement of the race. The Indian Youth appears to be endowed with no small portion of active civilized intelligence capable of being successfully directed to a cultivation of the Arts. The Exertions of the society [New England Company] of the Mohawk Village are limited at present, it is true, being confined, as I am informed, to the instruction of 25 Children, but there cannot be a more interesting spectacle than to visit that establishment nor can there be a more convincing proof of the possibility of improving the Indian Condition. A System extending early education to all would be attended with the utmost satisfactory results and exhibit in a few years a race of beings totally different from the present who would not continually require the interference of Government to protect them from injuries from the White man, but fully equal to compete with the mass and differing from him only in the cast of his features. The success which has attended the efforts of the English Society (limited as they have been) is an additional motive to encrease the funds of the Department for the purpose of attaining so desirable an object as the improvement of the race: and to apply them in this manner would be ... a most legitimate and judicious appropriation. Without this early education the youths being brought up by their Parents, accustomed to their habits of wandering for the purpose of hunting will inherit that exclusiveness which prevades the Elder portion and unfitness for society: their present helpless state when brought into competition with the White man will be perpetuated and when the country around them becomes more thickly inhabited, which from its advantages and fertility it speedily must, surrounded upon all sides by a dense population with whom they have no feelings in common the only possible remedy to make them happy according to their nature and inclination will be, half reclaimed, to compel them to remove far away from the scenes of civilization until the Indian will become extinct before it can be ascertained how far his character is capable of improvement and before that interesting experiment has been fairly tested. . . . 15

John Gwynne of the Indian Department was appointed by Sir George Arthur in January, 1840, to report upon the condition of the Grand River tract.

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G 30

PROCEEDINGS OF THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL, NOVEMBER 27, 1840 [P.A.C., Indian Affairs, vol. 796, Grand River Navigation Company, I, #85} . . . As respects the Indian Investment in the Stock of the Navigation Company of the Grand River, although the Council feel, that they never would or could have advised the investment of Indian funds in a commercial speculation . . . Yet these funds are involved to the amount of three fourths of the Stock,—the Indian Interests are not represented in the direction,—and there is no resource open, but the payment of Instalments on the Stock, until the whole shall be called in. For these reasons, the Council are of opinion, that most probably the purpose of the whole outstanding Stock by the Indians, would be for them a beneficial operation, as they will unquestionably be in funds to complete the navigation, and to make it profitable, if it ever can become so, and at all events, the affairs of the Company can thereafter be managed with an exclusive view to the interests of the Indians. Before this operation, which would in itself imply an intention of completing the Navigation the Council would recommend an inspection, and report upon the work, and its probable results by a competent and disinterested Engineer. . . . The Council will be prepared to enter hito detail if it should be required, on any division of the subject before them; but they have adopted general principles of action after much consideration; and they conceive it useless to enter further into detail, unless the principle hereby recommended by them shall meet with approval. The Council conclude by disclaiming any Intention, even the most remote, of inducing the Indians to remove from the Grand River settlement, on the contrary, they wish to see the Indians collected, with as much land as they can beneficially occupy, and to see the funds of the Tribes made available for the comforts of their members and for the purpose of placing them as far as possible, on terms of equality with white Settlers, and with all the advantages of the paternal care, and favour of the Government. G 31 REPORT ON INDIAN LAND TENURE, 184418 [P.R.O., C.O. 42, v. 515, "Report on the Affairs of the Indians in Canada, part i, 1844," 355 ff.] Owing to the peculiar Title under which the Indians hold their lands and their incapacity to alienate them, they continue as in their uncivilized state to hold them in common. "In October, 1842, Rawson William Rawson, John Davidson, and William Hepburn were appointed by Sir Charles Bagot to examine the condition of the Indians in Canada. Their report, presented on January 22, 1844, is the first

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Every Member has an equal right, with the sanction of the Chiefs, to choose and mark off a plot of land for himself in any unoccupied part of the reserve, and to occupy as much as he can cultivate—In their wild state they actually cultivate one large field hi common but in most of the settlements in Canada they have advanced beyond this stage, and each individual cultivates his own field or farm—They are never disturbed hi the possession of this, and they are generally allowed to dispose of it, during then: Ufe or by bequest, to any other Member of the Tribe. They may also dispose of their improvements in the same manner; and such as are of a moveable nature may be transferred to Persons not belonging to the Tribe. In some of the more advanced settlements, as on the Grand River . . . some Indians hold farms of 100 to 150 acres of cleared land and some have acquired by inheritance or purchase two or three, or even a greater number of farms. The transfer of property is frequent hi these settlements. But this mode of Tenure, and the uncertainty of the Title to their lands has caused great uneasiness among the more enlightened Indians hi Upper Canada. They apprehend that as the tide of settlement flows on, and the pressure of the whites to possess their lands ulereases, they may at some future day be dispossessed or forced to surrender on disadvantageous terms, because they can shew no Title deeds for their reserves—With regard to the mode of tenure experience has taught them that while the lands are held in common, and an individual may at any time be deprived of his farm and be forced to abandon his improvements, perhaps without any compensation, by a decision of the Majority of the Tribe to surrender their lands to the Government, there is no real security for property and no encouragement for industry. . . . Another great drawback has been the absence of distinct ideas of separate property with regard to then: lands. These ideas must necessarily precede any considerable advancement hi industry and civilization; because no man will exert himself to improve his lands and procure the comforts of life unless his right to enjoy them is exclusive and secure— The American Government at an early period adopted this view. . . . Mr. Justice Macaulay17 hi his Report to Sir George Arthur hi 1839 states, "It should also be borne hi mind that one object of Policy should be to induce the Indian families as they advance hi civilization to settle on separate farms, and become holders hi fee simple, hi their own individual right, subject to all the existing privileges and burthens of such tenure, and that the present arrangements to guarantee their lands detailed and statistical consideration of the subject ever produced. It was published in the Appendix to the Journals of the House of Assembly, 1844-45, Appendix EEE, and 1847, Appendix T. "Sir James Buchanan Macaulay (1793-1859) became a puisne judge in the Court of King's Bench in 1829, and Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas in 1849.

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provision should be made for effecting such partition whenever circumstances may admit. . . ." The present Chief Superintendent, Mr. Samuel Jarvis is much averse to giving titles to the Indians. In his communication to Your Commissioners he states that "although there are some Indians at this moment fully competent to exercise these rights (political privileges) yet for different reasons I think it not advisable for some time, nor until a great improvement takes place in their condition, to grant them.— If alienable titles should now be given to any one, it would be difficult to avoid the necessity of conferring them on all: the majority are decidedly unfit to receive them, and would not clearly comprehend the propriety of their being withheld, or of a distinction being made. . . . I think, however, that if any plan could be devised to prevent alienation, and at the same time confer the political privileges incident upon having titles to lands without also incurring the consequences incident upon their liability for debts in the Province, titles might be given as a reward to industry and capacity, but I apprehend great difficulties will be found to stand in the way of such a plan. . . ."

G 32

"THE PAST AND PRESENT CONDITION OF THE SK NATIONS," 184218

[P.R.O., C.O. 42, v. 515, Report on the Affairs of the Indians in Canada, 1844, part ii, 142-56]

The Six Nations consist properly of the Mohawks, Oneidas, Sénecas, Onondagas, and Cayugas, which form the original confederacy of the Five Nations, called Iroquois by the French, with the Tuscaroras, who were adopted into the confederacy. The community on the Grand River includes also a few Delawares, Tutelies, Muntures, Nanticokes, and some other Indians, together with a few families of negroes,19 adopted into the Nation. The number according to a census taken in 1843 is 2,223. They are settled in small Bands, divided according to their Tribes, or collected under separate chiefs, on both sides of the River, from the Cayuga Township line, to the south side of the Hamilton Road, but are at present about to retire altogether to the South Side. The greater part live in log houses scattered over this Tract;—very few, comparatively, live hi Villages; of these there are properly but three, the Mohawk, the Tuscarora, and Cayuga. The first, which is between 18 This account is based on evidence given in December, 1842, by Major James Winnett, Rev. Abraham Nelles, Rev. Adam Elliot, and Rev. W. H. Landon. See Canada, Parliament, House of Assembly, Journals, 1847, Appendix T for their evidence. 19 The Negro community in the Brantford district had been formed by the descendants of slaves who had accompanied their masters to the colony in the late eighteenth century. For example, Joseph Brant owned several Negro slaves. This group was enlarged by the subsequent arrival of fugitives from the Southern States.

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one and two miles from Brantford, was established in 1784-5 the year after the emigration of the Six. Nations. It contains about 24 houses, and extends in a very irregular form from a quarter to half a mile. Its church which is said to be the oldest in Canada West, is a very neat building in excellent repair, and contains the family vault of the Celebrated Chief of the Mohawks, Joseph Brant. All the Indian Inhabitants of this village with the exception of 4 or 5 families, have sold their improvements to white settlers and have removed to other parts of the reserve for the convenience chiefly of procuring fuel, which they had great difficulty in obtaining at the Village. The Tuscarora Village is a mile and a half from the site of the Six Nations Council House, which is 11 miles distant from Brantford. It was established 10 or 15 years later than the Mohawk Village [c. 1800], and is of nearly the same extent, but the houses, of which there are about 30, are less scattered. It contains few or no white settlers, and there is a neat little Church at one end of the Village— The Upper Cayuga Village is now deserted by the Indians. The Onondaga Settlements . . . can scarcely be called Villages. The Houses are all of logs, and hi each settlement there are several barns—None of the Six Nations Indians reside in Wigwams. The wealth and condition of each Tribe is sufficiently Shewn in the . . . [accompanying] Table, from the abstract of which it appears that 2,223 individuals forming about 500 families occupy 397 houses, having 55 Barns attached to them. They possess 85 Wagons and 127 Sleighs—153 Ploughs and 97 Harrows—Their Stock consists of 350 Horses—561 Oxen—790 Cows—2070 Swine and 83 Sheep. The extent of unproved land among them is 6,908 Acres, or, on an average, about 15 Acres to a family. Some however hold extensive farms, as will be seen from the following abstract. No. of Indians holdjng no improved land— 50 do holding under 5 Acres— 96 from 5 to 10 Acres — 85 from 10 to 20 do —67 " 20 to 50 do —68 " 50 to 100 do — 28 " 100 to 150 do — 9 " 150 to 200 do — 1 Total

404

In those cases in which the family has no improved land, the males generally work out in the Winter, chopping and carrying wood for fuel &c &c. In the spring and summer, and the early part of tibe Autumn, they engage as laborers, for which they receive high wages. The females remain with then: relations, and are supported by the earnings of the Men—Many of the Indians Work on the farms of the White Settlers during harvest time, being excellent Cradlers of various Kinds of grain.

TABLE STATEMENT OF THE NAMES AND NUMBER OF THE SEVERAL TRIBES OF THE Six NATIONS, WITH THE QUANTITIES OF IMPROVED LAND, HOUSES, BARNS —AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS AND STOCK BELONGING TO EACH IN THE YEAR 1843 Names of the Tribes Upper Mohawks Lower Mohawks Clear Sky's Onondagas Bearfoot's Onondagas Nekarontasa's Sénecas (included in the Onondaga return) Kaghnegtases Sénecas (Do) Oneida Joseph Peter Green's Aughquagas Upper Cayugas Lower Cayugas Tuscaroras Tutelles (included in the Upper Cayuga return) Delawares (Tom) St Regis (included in the Onondaga return) Muntures (included in the Lower Cayugas) Old Nanticokes (included hi the Delaware return) New Nanticokes Aughquagas (Joseph) Canada Family (included hi the Lower Mohawk return) Kayentagowa (included hi the Upper Mohawk return) Brant Family (Do) Bay of Quinte Mohawks TOTAL

Number in each Tribe in 1843

No. of Acres

Houses

Barns

Wagons

Sleighs

Plows

Harrows

Horses

Oxen

Cows

Hogs

8 15 3

17 18 7 1

28 28 2 1

29 28 14 2

21 23 5 1

36 32 55 3

90 74 109 9

107 110 125 9

377 253 184 44

Sheep _

364 310 219 64

1163 1/2 1648 700 111

64 60 51 12

55 52 42 75 114 287 192

— —24 283 417 1003 500

— — 6 15 18 76 38

— —1 4 1 7 7

— —5 3 5 10 7

— —6 5 7 21 10

— —2 5 10 25 21

— —2 5 4 12 9

— —7 8 33 58 44

— — 12 10 26 82 76

— —9 19 36 151 105

— — 30 45 161 403 183

— — 8 11

40 127

— 347

— 29

—2

—3

—6

—5

—5

— 22

— 23

— 38

— 167

— 12

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

— 169 260

—6 11

—3 2

—3 3

—3 5

—5 8

—3 5

— 14 25

— 17 27

— 25 41

— 61 70

— —1

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

— 183

—11

—2

—5

—5

—6

—2

— 13

— 8

— 15

— 92

397

55

85

127

153

97

350

561

790

2070

— — 83

6 20 30 17 82 9 10 94

2223

6908 1/2

—

30 — —

— 21 —

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The land is not subdivided into regular plots. Each Indian selects his own locality, and takes as much land as he can cultivate, or wishes to reserve to himself, without the interference of the Chiefs. They are generally secure from the intrusion of other Indians, and they can transmit their land to their heirs, or convey their interest in it to any other Indian. If any disputes arise, they are submitted to the Chiefs in Council, who decide upon the matter. These Indians, however, suffer a good deal from the encroachments of the whites against whom it has been found impossible entirely to protect them; and they have been rendered very uneasy and unsettled by the uncertainty attending the possession of their farms, in consequence of the frequent removals, rendered necessary by the successive Surrenders of their Tract. They depend almost entirely upon Agriculture for their subsistence, and seldom resort to hunting and fishing for a supply of food, although many of them indulge hi these sports for various periods, extending from a fortnight to three Months, towards the close of the year. Their chief hunting grounds are hi the Townships of Norwich, Zorra, Dereham, Windham, Blenheim, and at the Chippewa Creek; but when unsuccessful at those places, they resort to more distant localities. At least one third do not hunt at all, and it is probable that when the game becomes exhausted hi the surrounding Townships, the inclination of the remainder for the chase will have altogether ceased. They are much improved in then: habits of industry and their mode of Agriculture, and they raise a greater variety of grain and vegetables than formerly; but it has been observed that then" crops have been less abundant, and their horses and stock less numerous, than at former periods. This may be accounted for by a large portion of their cultivated land having fallen into the possession of white Settlers, and by the erection of certain dams on the Grand River, which have flooded much of their Marsh land, and obliged them to abandon it. The large farmers pursue exactly the same Mode of Agriculture as the Whites, except that they sow less seed, and are not so careful in preparing it. Hence their crops are frequently severely injured by smut— They sow wheat and oats, and grass down with timothy. They also grow peas hi large quantities, with which, and Indian Corn, they fatten their Hogs—The small farmers grow little else than Indian Corn and Potatoes, hi the cultivation of which they only use the Hoe—On the large farms, the field labour is performed by the men, with the exception of the cultivation of Indian Corn, which, on large or small farms, is always performed by the Women. The young men of the Upper Tribes, who are Christians, and further Advanced hi Civilization, engage more hi farm labor, and are more industrious than the young Men of the Lower Tribes, who are mostly heathens. They perform a fair share of the Work on the farms. The regular division of the day as to labor and Meals, is pretty generally attended to on the large farms; but not so

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systematically as among the whites—From the irregular habits in which the Indian children are brought up, they are not, when they arrive at mature age so regular in these particulars as Whites. No statement can be furnished of the quantities of Produce raised. The Indians only measure such as they intend to take to Market, and this bears a very small proportion to the quantities consumed hi their families. They seldom hold any stocks of grain; and when their crops fail they are often reduced to great distress, and obliged to purchase large quantities of flour—At various periods the government has had occasion to come to their aid, and to take steps to furnish them with necessary supplies. As regards Religion, the Mohawks had been Christians for many years before the American Revolution. The church at the Mohawk Village was built by the Government for then" use, the year after their settlement. For many years, however, they had no resident Missionary among them—the Nearest Clergyman lived at Niagara, 70 Miles distant. He visited them about twice a year; but so strong were their religious principles and their feelings of devotion, that the Liturgy of the Church was regularly read every Sabbath by one of their body, and by this means a congregation was always kept up among them. About 16 Years ago [1827], a Clergyman was first settled here for the benefit of the Indians by the "Company for the propagation of the Gospel hi New England and the parts adjacent hi America", commonly called the "New England Company". Some attention had been previously paid to the Inhabitants of this Neighborhood by one of the Missionaries of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts; but by an arrangement with the New England Company, the care of this station was entirely resigned to that Company, who have ever since maintained a Missionary at the Mohawk Village, Kept the church in repair, and have established several schools and a Mechanics Institute for the Indians hi and about the Station. More recently they have established an assistant Missionary hi the Tuscarora Village, where they have built a Church and a Parsonage House. Besides the Services hi these two churches, Divine Worship is performed hi a school house hi the Johnson Settlement; hi the Neighborhood of the Salt Springs—in a private house at the Four Springs Settlement at the Lower Onondaga, and at the Delaware Settlement;—and hi a private dwelling near the Council House. There is also a Methodist Chapel at the Salt Springs, and a Congregation of Baptists hold service hi private houses at Tuscarora. A large majority of the Indians on the Grand River are Christians, and belong Mostly to the Church of England. A few years ago, some of the Lower Mohawks left that church, and attached themselves to the Episcopalian Methodists; but lately part of these have returned to the Church. During the last year about 40 of the Tuscarora Tribe joined a sect of Baptists—There are also some Wesleyan Methodists.

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A Considerable number, however, of the Upper and Lower Cayugas, the Onondagas, Sénecas, and some of the Delawares are still heathens. The Missionaries of the New England Company have been zealous and persevering in their efforts for their conversion, and not entirely without success. Within a few years they have baptized 100 Adults, and within the last year, 60 of the Delaware Tribe, who are gradually renouncing Paganism, were baptized. The Indians who still remain professedly Heathens, do not for the most part deny the troth of Christianity, and their spiritual condition has been Manifestly improved by their intercourse with the Christian Indians. Many of them occasionally attend Divine Service, which is performed in a language they understand, and thus they are led almost imperceptibly to imbibe the doctrines and sentiments of Christianity. The chief obstacle to their conversion is a joint determination on the part of certain of their Chiefs to persevere in their rejection of Christianity, and to induce all under then: influence to follow their example. The glaring inconsistency, which they cannot fail to discover, between the profession and practice of many of the nominal Christians among the white people who have settled around them, and who are generally of very bad character, has furnished them with a plausible objection to the Christian Religion. The improvement among the Christian Indians has been very perceptible. They frequently express the sense which they entertain of the benefits arising from their change, and their disgust at the Heathen Ceremonies in which they once delighted. Among the evidence of their desire for advancement is their attention to religious Instruction and divine Worship, and their eagerness to obtain admission for their Children into the boarding school of the New England Company at the Mohawk Village. A few years ago there was difficulty in procuring 14 Scholars for this School. There are now fifty applications in addition to the 50 already there. The discouragement of Drunkenness is another sign of improvement. Besides the Boarding School above mentioned, in which the Scholars are taught handicraft, and are instructed generally upon the system adopted hi White Schools of Industry, there are five day schools including one at the Methodist Mission. These, however, are very irregularly attended. The total number of Children under instruction, including those at the Boarding School is 160. The mode of teaching is the same as that among Common Schools for the Whites, and the Books in use are those recommended by the Board of Education—Viz—the Bible, Mavor's spelling book, English Reader, Daboll's Arithmetic, Murray's English Grammar and Geography—The Instruction is carried on altogether in English. The children shew as much aptitude in acquiring Knowledge as the Whites. At the New England Company's School 15 Boys are under instruction in the Several Trades of Wagon Maker, Black-

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smith, Carpenter & Shoemaker. The Girls 12 in Number, are taught housekeeping, needlework, Spinning and Knitting. The adults evince much aptitude for mechanical Arts. Many of them, without instruction, are Blacksmiths, and Carpenters, capable of erecting and furnishing a frame house. Many, and particularly among the Women, are sufficiently good Tailors to be able to make their own Clothes. These Tribes have increased by about 100 during the last ten Years. The average number born to a couple is 3 or 4, of whom 2 arrive at Maturity. The estimated number of half-breeds among them is small— not above 3 in 100. The Six Nations Indians are under the superintendence of an Officer of the Indian Department, who resides at Brantford—They receive Medical Attendance from Practitioners in the same town, who are remunerated out of the Funds of the Tribes. If the property of these Indians had been properly managed, they would at aie present time have been an independent and opulent people. Of the extensive Tracts which they have surrendered, a large portion has been sold for their benefit, and large quantities of excellent timber have been either sold or pilfered from their lands. There is at present a sum of £25,733 arising from this source, invested in the British funds—A further sum of £.38,000 has been invested upon the Authority of Sir John Colborne hi the Grand River Navigation Company, in which they hold three fourths of the Stock. This investment, which was made by Lieutenant Governor, hi the expectation that it would not only yield an early profit, but greatly enhance the value of the remainder of the Indian Lands, has proved very unfortunate. It has absorbed all their funds, for the last Seven Years, leaving no surplus for distribution hi money or provisions, as formerly. . . . The Indians have frequently complained of the transaction and have petitioned the Government to take the Stock off their hands. G 33 A LAMENT FOR THE INDIAN [Rolph, A Brief Account of Upper Canada, 276-7] .. . Two bunded years have changed the character of a great continent, and blotted forever from its face, a whole peculiar people. Art has usurped the bowers of nature, and the anointed children of education have been too powerful for the tribes of the ignorant. Here and there, a stricken few remain, but how unlike their bold, untamed, untameable progenitors! The Indian of falcon glance and lion bearing, the theme of the touching ballad, the hero of the pathetic tale is gone! and his degraded offspring crawl upon the soil where he walked in majesty, to remind us how miserable is man when the foot of the conqueror is on his neck. As a race they have withered from the land. Their arrows are broken, their springs are dried up, their cabins are in the dust. Their

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council fire has long since gone out on the shore, and their war cry is fast dying to the untrodden west. Slowly and sadly they climb the distant mountains, and read their doom in autumn's setting sun, receding far behind the western cloud, which blots it from our sight. . . . Ages hence, the inquisitive white man, as he stands by some growing city, will ponder on the structure of their disturbed remains, and wonder to what manner of person they belonged. They will live only in the songs and chronicles of their exterminators. Let these be faithful to their rude virtues as men, and pay due tribute to their unhappy fate as people. . . .

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND

INDEX

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BIBLIOGRAPHY MANUSCRIPTS

CANADA Public Archives of Canada (P.A.C.) Claus Papers. Haldimand Papers. Hamilton Papers. Jarvis Papers. Merritt Papers. Selkirk Papers. R.G. 1, E 1, Upper Canada State Books. R.G. 1, E 3, Upper Canada State Papers. R.G. 1, L 1, Upper Canada Land Books. R.G. 5, A 1, Upper Canada Sundries. R.G. 7, G 1, Despatches from Colonial Office. R.G. 8, C Series, Military Papers. R.G. 10, Indian Affairs Papers. Journals of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, vols. 2533, microfilm of originals in the Society's Archives, London.

ONTARIO Archives of the United Church, Victoria College, Toronto The Rev. John Douse Papers, vol. I. Department of Public Records and Archives (P.A.O.) Brant Papers. Crown Land Papers. Gilkison Papers. Kirby Collection (Claus Papers). Merritt Papers. Norton Papers. Ridout Papers. Rousseaux Papers. Russell Papers. Simcoe Papers. Strachan Papers. Street Papers.

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Department of Lands and Forests Survey Records, Surveyors' Letters and Field Notes. Hamilton Public Library Land Papers. Toronto Public Library (T.P.L.) William Jarvis Papers. Peter Russell Papers. D. W. Smith Papers. Lawson Memorial Library, University oj Western Ontario Gilkison Papers. Harris Papers. GREAT BRITAIN British Museum (B.M.) Haldimand Papers. Liverpool Papers. Guildhall Library New England Company Papers. Public Record Office (P.R.O.) C.O. 42, Colonial Office Papers. UNITED STATES Hamilton College, New York, Library The Rev. Samuel Kirkland Journal. Library of Congress McArthur Papers. Newberry Library, Chicago (N.L.) Ayer Collection, Norton Papers. New York Historical Society (N.Y.H.S.) Henry O'Reilly Collection, Papers Relating to the Six Nations Indians. New York State Library (N.Y.S.L.) MSS# 13350-51. New York State Museum (N.Y.S.M.) Kirkland Transcripts.

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317

PUBLISHED GOVERNMENT REPORTS Canada, Indian Department, Report on the Affairs of the Indians in Canada, laid before the Legislative Assembly, 1845-1846 (2 vols., Montreal, 1846-47). Special Commissioners appointed on the 8th of September, 1856, to Investigate Indian Affairs in Canada, Report (Toronto, 1858). Great Britain, Colonial Office, Aboriginal Tribes (North America, New South Wales, Van Diemen's Land, and British Guiana) (Parliamentary Paper no. 617, 1834). British North American Provinces, Return to an Address of the Honourable the House of Commons, Dated 11 June 1839, for Copies or Extracts of Correspondence since 1st April 1835 between the Secretary of State for the Colonies and the Governors of the British North American Provinces Respecting the Indians in those Provinces (Parliamentary Paper no. 323, 1839). Great Britain, Parliament, House of Commons, Select Committee appointed to consider what measures ought to be adopted with respect to the Native Inhabitants of Countries where British Settlements are made ... Reports (Parliamentary Papers no. 538, 1836, and no. 425, 1837). Upper Canada, House of Assembly, "Report on Petition of N. Cozens," Journals, 1836, Appendix 37. PUBLISHED DOCUMENTS AND CONTEMPORARY WORKS ASKIN, CHARLES, "Journal of a Journey from Sandwich to York, 1806," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, VI (1905), pp. 1520. BEAVEN, JAMES, Recreations of a Long Vacation; or, A Visit to Indian Missions in Upper Canada (London, 1846). BELL, K. N., and W. P. MORRELL, eds., Select Documents on British Colonial Policy, 1830-1866 (Oxford, 1928). BROADHEAD, J. R., éd., Documents Relating to the Colonial History of New York (4 vols., Albany, 1853-57). CAMPBELL, PATRICK, Travels in the Interior Inhabited Parts of North America in the Years 1791 and 1792 (Toronto, 1937). CARROLL, JOHN, Case and his Contemporaries; or, The Canadian Itinerants' Memorial (5 vols., Toronto, 1867-77). CLARK, A. J., éd., "Earliest Missionary Letters of the Rev. John Douse, from the Salt Springs Mission on the Grand River in 1834 and 1836," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XXVIII (1932), pp. 41-6. COYNE, J. H., éd., "Exploration of the Great Lakes, 1669-1670 by Dollier de Casson and De Bréhant de Galinée," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, IV (1903).

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CRUIKSHANK, E. A., éd., "Campaigns of 1812-14; Contemporary Narratives by Captain W. H. Merritt, Colonel William Claus, LieutenantColonel Matthew Elliott and Captain John Norton," Niagara Historical Society, Papers, IX (1902). Correspondence of Lieutenant-Govemor John Graves Simcoe (5 vols., Toronto, 1923-30). The Documentary History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier ... 1812-1814 (9 vols., Welland, 1902-8). "Some Letters of Robert Nichol," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XX (1923), pp. 41-74. and A. F. HUNTER, eds., Correspondence of the Honourable Peter Russell (3 vols., Toronto, 1932-36). EDGAR, MATILDA, Ten Years of Upper Canada in Peace and War, 18051815: Being the Ridout Letters (London, 1891). FERGUSSON, ADAM, Practical Notes made during a Tour in Canada and a Portion of the United States in MDCCCXXX1 (Edinburgh, 1833). FIRTH, EDITH, éd., The Town of York, 1793-1815 (Toronto, 1962). GARLAND, M. A., éd., "The Proudfoot Papers, 1834-1835," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XXVin (1932), pp. 71-113. GOURLAY, ROBERT, Statistical Account of Upper Canada (2 vols., London, 1822). "Grants of Crown Lands in Upper Canada," 1792-8, Upper Canada Land Books A-D, Eighteenth-Twentieth Report of Department of Public Records and Archives of Ontario, 1929-31 (Toronto, 1930-2). Great Britain, Treaties, Indian Treaties and Surrenders from 1680 to 1890 (2 vols., Ottawa, 1891). HALL, FRANCIS, Travels in Canada and the United States in 1816 and 1817 (London, 1818). HARLOW, V. T., and F. MADDEN, eds., British Colonial Developments, 1774-1834: Select Documents (Oxford, 1953). HEAD, SIR FRANCIS BOND, A Narrative (London, 1839). HODGINS, J. G., éd., Documentary History of Education in Upper Canada, vols. I-VI (Toronto, 1894-99). Historical Educational Papers and Documents of Ontario, 17921853, vol. HI (Toronto, 1911). HOWISON, JOHN, Sketches of Upper Canada, Domestic, Local, and Characteristic, to which are added Practical Details for the Information of Emigrants of Every Class (Edinburgh, 1821). HUNTER, A. F., éd., "The Probated Wills of Men Prominent in the Public Affairs of Early Upper Canada," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XXIH (1926), pp. 328-59. "Indian Lands on the Grand River," Note A, Report on Canadian Archives, 1896 (Ottawa, 1897), pp. 1-23. JONES, PETER, History of the Ojebway Indians (London, 1861). Life and Journals of Kah-ke-wa-quo-na-by: (Rev. Peter Jones) Wesleyan Missionary (Toronto, 1860).

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KENNEDY, W. P. M., éd., Statutes, Treaties and Documents of the Canadian Constitution (Oxford, 1929). KINGSTON, W. H. G., Western Wanderings; or, A Pleasure Tour in the Canadas, vol. n (London, 1856). LAFITAU, JOSEPH FRANÇOIS, Mœurs des Sauvages Ameriquains (2 vols., Paris, 1724). LAND, JOHN, "Recollections of Lieut. John Land, a Militia Man in the Rebellion of 1837," Wentworth Historical Society, Papers and Records, VIII (1919), pp. 20-4. LECLERCQ, CHRESTIAN, First Establishment of the Faith in New France, translated with notes by J. G. SHEA, vol. I (New York, 1881). LEE, T. R., "An Artist Inspects Upper Canada: The Diary of Daniel Fowler, 1843," Ontario History, L (1958), pp. 211-18. LORD, N. C., éd., "The War on the Canadian Frontier, 1812-14: Letters Written by Sergt. James Commins, 8th Foot, August 1815," Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research, XVIII (1939), pp. 199-211. LOSSING, B. J., Pictorial Field Book of the War of 1812 (New York, 1869). LUCAS, C. P., éd., Lord Durham's Report on the Affairs of British North America (3 vols., Oxford, 1912). MARGRY, PIERRE, Découvertes et établissements des Français dans l'ouest et dans le sud de l'Amérique septentrionale, 1614-1754, vol. I (Paris, 1876). Massachusetts Baptist Missionary Magazine. MAYO, B., éd., Instructions to the British Ministers to the United States, 1791-1812 (Washington, 1941). Methodist Magazine (U.S.). O'CALLAGHAN, E. B., Documentary History of the State of New York, vol. IV (Albany, 1851). QUAIFE, M. M., éd., The John Askin Papers (2 vols., Detroit, 1928-31). RIDDELL, W. R., éd., "George Coventry's Concise History of the Late Rebellion in Upper Canada to the Evacuation of Navy Island," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XVJJ (1919), pp. 116-74. "LaRochefoucault-Liancourt's Travels in Canada, 1795," Thirteenth Report, Ontario Department of Archives (Toronto, 1917). ROBERTSON, J. R., éd., The Diary of Mrs. John Graves Simcoe (Toronto, 1934). ROLPH, THOMAS, A Brief Account, together with Observations, made during a Visit in the West Indies, and a Tour through the United States of America in Parts of the Years 1832-3; together with a Statistical Account of Upper Canada (Dundas, 1836). SAGARD-THEODAT, GABRIEL, Histoire du Canada et Voyages que les Frères Mineurs Recollects y ont faicts, vol. IV (Paris, 1636). SANDERSON, C. R., éd., Sir George Arthur Papers (3 vols., Toronto, 1957-59).

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SISSONS, C. B., éd., "George Ryerson to Sir Peregrine Maitland, 9 June, 1826," Ontario History, XLIV (1952), pp. 24-9. SPRAGGE, G. W., éd., John Strachan Letterbook (Toronto, 1946). "A Visit to Upper Canada in 1830 by John Richards," Ontario History, XLVIII (1956), pp. 117-24. STACEY, C. P., éd., "Upper Canada at War, 1814: Captain Armstrong Reports," Ontario History, XLVIII (1956), pp. 37-42. "Stedman-Indian Deed," Waterloo Historical Society, Annual Report, II (1914), pp. 7-8. THWAITES, R. G., éd., The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (74 vols., Cleveland, 1896-1901). WEST, JOHN, A Journal of a Mission to the Indians of the British Provinces of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, and the Mohawks on the Ouse or Grand River, Upper Canada (London, 1827). WHITE, P. C. T., éd., Lord Selkirk's Diary, 1803-1804 (Toronto, 1958). WOOD, W., éd., Select British Documents of the Canadian War of 1812 (3 vols., Toronto, 1920-28). WRONG, G. M., éd. and H. H. LANGTON, trans., Sagard's Long Journey to the Huron Country (Toronto, 1939). YOUNG, A. H., éd., "The Rev. Robert Addison: Extracts from the Reports and (Manuscript) Journals of Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XIX (1922), pp. 171-91. SELECTED SECONDARY WORKS AITKEN, H. G. J., The Welland Canal Company (Cambridge, Mass., 1954). ANDERSON, E. C., "The Work of American Baptist Missionaries in Upper Canada to 1820," B.D. thesis, Divinity College, McMaster University, 1952. BEMIS, S. F., Jay's Treaty: A Study in Commerce and Diplomacy (New York, 1924). BONHAM, M. L., "The Religious Side of Joseph Brant," Journal of Religion, IX (1929), pp. 398-418. BRANT-SERO, J. O., "The Six Nations Indians hi the Province of Ontario, Canada," Wentworth Historical Society, Transactions, II (1899), pp. 62-73. BREITHAUPT, W. H., "First Settlements of Pennsylvania Mennonites in Upper Canada," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XXIII (1926), pp. 8-14. BRUCE, G. W., "The Petuns," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, VIII (1907), pp. 34-9. BURT, A. L., The United States, Great Britain and British North America from the Revolution to the Peace after the War of 1812 (New Haven, 1940).

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Tuscaroras," Canadian Baptist Home Missions Digest, VI (1963-4), pp. 273-82. RAYMOND, ETHEL, Tecumseh (Toronto, 1915). READ, D. B., Lije and Times of General John Graves Simcoe (Toronto, 1890). Lije and Times of Major-General Sir Isaac Brock (Toronto, 1894). REAMAN, G. E., The Trail of the Black Walnut (Toronto, 1957). REVILLE, F. D., History of the County of Brant (2 vols., Brantford, 1920). RIDDELL, W. R., Life of Lieutenant-Governor John Graves Simcoe (Toronto, 1926). ROBINSON, PERCY, Toronto during the French Régime, 1615-1793 (Toronto, 1933). SAUNDERS, R. M., "What was the Family Compact?" Ontario History, XLIX (1957), pp. 165-78. SCOTT, D. C., John Graves Simcoe (Toronto, 1910). SERVOS, A., "History of Mrs. Jean Baptiste Rousseaux," Niagara Historical Society, Publications, V (1899), pp. 8-10. SHERK, A. B., "The Pennsylvania Germans in Waterloo County," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, VII (1906), pp. 98-109. "The Tunkers," United Empire Loyalists' Association, Annual Transactions, VI (1904-13), pp. 62-8. SHIMONY, ANNEMARIE, Conservatism among the Iroquois at the Six Nations Reserve (New Haven, 1961). SIDER, E. M., "The Early Years of the Tunkers in Canada," Ontario History, LI (1959), pp. 121-9. SISSONS, C. B., Lije and Letters of Egerton Ryerson (2 vols., Toronto, 1937-56). SMITH, D. A., At the Forks of the Grand, 1793-1820 (Paris, Ont, 1956). SPRAGGE, G. W., "Elementary Education in Upper Canada, 18201840," Ontario History, XLIII (1951), pp. 107-22. "John Strachan's Contribution to Education, 1800-1823," Canadian Historical Review, XXII (1941), pp. 147-58. STANLEY, G. F. G., Canada's Soldiers, 1604-1954 (Toronto, 1954). "The Indian Background of Canadian History," Canadian Historical Association, Report, 1952, pp. 14-21. "The Indians in the War of 1812," Canadian Historical Review, XXXI (1950), pp. 145-65. STONE, W. L., Lije of Joseph Brant—Thayendanegea (2 vols., New York, 1838). THOMAS, J. and C., "Reminiscences of the First Settlers in the County of Brant," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XII (1914), pp. 58-71.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

325

TRELEASE, A. W., Indian Affairs in Colonial New York: The Seventeenth Century (Ithaca, 1960). TRIGGER, B. G., "Settlement as an Aspect of Iroquoian Adaptation at the Time of Contact," American Anthropologist, LXV (1963), pp. 86-101. "The Historic Location of the Hurons," Ontario History, LIV (1962), pp. 137-48. TUCKER, G. N., The Naval Service of Canada: Its Official History, I, Origins and Early Years (Ottawa, 1952). WALDIE, JEAN, "Pioneer Days in Brant County," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XXXV (1943), pp. 56-63. WATSON, J. W., "The Changing Industrial Pattern of the Niagara Peninsula: A Study in Historical Geography," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XXXVII (1945), pp. 49-58. WEEKES, W. M., "The War of 1812: Civil Authority and Martial Law in Upper Canada," Ontario History, XLVIII (1956), pp. 147-61. WILSON, A., "The Clergy Reserves: 'Economical Mischiefs' or Sectarian Issue?" Canadian Historical Review, XLII (1961), pp. 281-99. WISE, S. F., "The Indian Diplomacy of John Graves Simcoe," Canadian Historical Association, Report, 1953, pp. 36-44. WOOD, J. D., "A Scottish Note on Dickson of Dumfries," Waterloo Historical Society, Annual Volume, XLVIII (1960), pp. 37-9. "The Stage is Set: Dumfries Township, 1816," Waterloo Historical Society, Annual Volume, XLVIII (1960), pp. 40-50. WOOD, L. A., The War Chief of the Six Nations (Toronto, 1920). WOOD, W., The War with the United States (Toronto, 1915). WOODHOUSE, T. R., "The Birth of the Town of Dundas," Ontario History, XLIII (1951), pp. 56-69. WRIGHT, A. W., Pioneer Days in Nichol (Mount Forest, 1924). YOUNG, J., Reminiscences of the Early History of Gait and the Settlement of Dumfries (Toronto, 1880).

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INDEX References in italic indicate biographical or brief identifying notes. AARON, CAPT., 122, 124, 125. See also Delaware Aaron; Hill, Capt. Aaron Abeel, John, 242n Aborigines' Protection Society, xc Adam, Joseph, 264 Addison, Rev. Robert, Ixii, xcii, 236; sent to Niagara, Ixxxi; his missionary work on Grand River, Ixxxii-lxxxiii, Ixxxiv, Ixxxviii, 2378, 240, 244; his views on Indian education, Ixxxv; present at Six Nations' Council, 108; describes Block 4, 167; meets Norton, 279; his reports to S.P.G., 238, 241-2, 243 Addison, Mrs. Robert, Ixii Ade ragh ti, 205 Ade ri youghs, 204 Adet, Pierre Auguste, 85, 90 Ade wea ni ne, 205 Ade wea noktea, 205 Afse ra tenghs tha, 204 Afta wenghes, 205 Agageghte, 56 Aghsete, 67 Aghsigwarison, David, 71 Agh to songh, 204 Agongh sa tsi, 205 Ago wa nagh tha, Elias, 203 Agriculture: adopted by Six Nations on Grand, xliii; state of among Six Nations, xcv, 306-9; Sagard describes Iroquoian, 7-11; Six Nations' knowledge of, 105, 272, 277-8, 292 Akagh gwen taks, Joseph, 204 Alcoholism. See Drunkenness; Liquor trade Algonquins, 7 All Saints. See Kandoucho Allcock, Henry, 134; letters to, 160, 179 Allen, Thomas, 186 Alvis, William, 118-19, 265 American Revolution. See War of American Independence Amherstburg, 172, 196-7, 294 Ana ka ra rik on, 204

Ana ta egh se, 204 Ana ta nongh ne, 205 Ancaster, Iviii, Ixxvii, Ixxxiv, Ixxxv, 125, 221, 226 Anderson, , 111 Andrews, Capt., 150 Anegh wa ryo, 205 Anengh rateaghe tha, 204 Anglican Church. See Missionaries, Church of England Anongh shi agh tha, 204 Antastoes, 22 Arigh wagh segh tha, 205 Arigh wa nonwaks, 205 Arigwi you ghs tha, Joseph, 204 Ari ho Karonghs, 205 Ariron, 205 Armstrong, John: letter to, 206 Army American: numbers of, 194; invade Western District, 195; at Queenston Heights, 198, 208; cross Niagara, 198-9; at Beaver Dam, 199-202, 210; shut up at Fort George, 206; skirmishes with, 2079, 211, 214-16; at Battle of Chippawa, 223; invade Grand River valley, 223-5 British: relations of with Indian Department, Ixx-lxxi; 19th Light Dragoons, Ixxi; 49th Regiment, 160, 200, 209; 104th Regiment, 200, 209; 1st (Royal Scots) Regiment, 223; 8th (King's) Regiment, 209, 211 Arongh yen te, Peter, 203 Arthur, Sir George, 187-9, 230, 301; letters from, 228, 299; letter to, 231 Ash, William, 265 Asharekowa. See Haldimand As hea tas, 205 Ashegwa, David, 219 Askin, John: letter to, 103 As wagh tha, 204 At agh se ra rea, 204 Ata wak on, 204 Atewonoote, 67

328

INDEX

At ren ta, 205 Atsistaehronons, 13 Attiwandaronks. See Neutral Indians Atyen no tagh, Isaac, 203 Aughuaga Joseph, 204, 219 Aughuagas, 40, 80-1, 147-8; statistics of, 52, 281, 307; at Beaver Dam, 203n, 204; reject Methodist missionary, 249-50 Austin, Calvin, 186 Awea ha gea rat, 205 Awe ya waks, 205 Ay on ente, 205

BÂBY, JAMES (JACQUES), 57, 184 Bagot, Sir Charles, 303n; petition to, 264-5 Baldoon Settlement, Ixiv, Ixv, 11 In Ball, John, 214, 216, 219 Banghnavagas, 210 Banty, Joseph, 204 Baptists. See Missionaries Barnard, Lt. Thomas, 216 Barrell & Servante, 166 Bathurst, Henry, Earl, Ixxxviii; letter from, 68; letter to, 288 Battersby, Lt. Col. Francis, 216 Bearfoot, John, 204 Bears, hunting of, 27-8 Bear's Foot (Onondaga), 52, 281, 307 Beasley, Richard: buys Block 2, Iv, lvii-lx, 97, 129-36, 138, 142, 1445; agreement of with Erb and Bricker, 154; mortgage of, 156-62; given land in Block 3, 163; letter from, 160 Beasley Tract. See Block 2 Beaver Dam, Battle of, Ixxv, 199-206, 210 Bechtel, Jacob, Iviii Benjamin, Andrew A., 186 Betzner, Samuel, Iviii-lix Bible, parts of translated into Mohawk, Ixxix, Ixxxiv, 235-6, 253, 280, 285 Bisshopp, Lt. Col. Cecil, 208, 210; letter from, 198; letter to, 199 Black Chief, 205, 219 Black Jacob, 205 Blackbird (Ottawa chief), 211 Blacksmiths, 93, 282-3, 311 Blenheim township, 308 Block 1 (North and South Dumfries townships): sale of, lv-lvii, 129, 131-3, 137-8, 140, 142, 147-53; Selkirk interested in, Ixiv, 177; acquired by Dickson, 144

Block 2 (Waterloo township): sale of, Iv, lvii-lx, 129, 137-9, 142, 144, 154-62; area of, Ix, 160-2; description of, 127 Block 3 (Woolwich and Pilkington townships): sale of, Iv, Ixi-lxii, 129, 132-3, 139, 142, 144, 162-3; description of, 127 Block 4 (Nichol township): sale of, Ixii, 129-30, 139, 142, 144-5, 1638; Selkirk interested in, Ixiii, 169; description of, 127, 167 Block 5 (most of Moulton township): sale of, Iv, Ixiii-lxv, 129, 132-3, 139, 142, 145, 168-78; description of, 128 Block 6 (most of Canborough township): sale of, Iv, Ixv, 129, 131, 137-8, 142, 145-6, 178-80; description of, 128; value of, 169 Block Nichol. See Block 4 Boerstler, Lt. Col. C. S., 7PP-200, 202, 210 Boston, 38-9 Boulton, Henry John, Ixv, 145 Bowene, Henry, 121 Brant, Henry, 118-19 Brant, Isaac, 203, 219 Brant, Jacob, 203 Brant, John (Tekarehoga), 146, 177, 219, 254; at Queenston Heights, Ixxiii; at Beaver Dam, Ixxv, 201, 203; accepts Indian land boundaries, 56, 67; confidence of Brantford citizens in, 186; will authorize Methodist missionary, 250; and establishment of schools, 255, 295; as agent of New England Company, 257; and dissension among Six Nations, 281-2; stops removal of Six Nations, 284; appointed trustee, 296; speeches by, 67-8, 174, 176; letters from, 184, 186 Brant, Joseph (Thayendanegea), Ixxxviii, xcii, xcvi, 71, 88, 148, 151, 156; character of, xlvii-1, liv, Iv, 108-9, 112-13, 143-4; Campbell's impressions of, xli, 59-65; Simcoe's opinion of, 76; Hall's opinion of, 285; religious views of, Ixxix, 64; leadership of, 38, 66, 108; opposition to, Ixiv, 54-5 Goes to Cataraqui, 41, 51; prefers Grand River, xxxvii, 41, 46, 49, 50; wishes of respecting Grand

INDEX River, 44-5; and Mississaugas, 47, 103; goes to Grand River, 52; and Quinte Mohawks, xxxviii, 1; wishes of concerning religious instruction on Grand, Ixxx, Ixxxi-lxxxii, 235, 237, 238, 239-41, 242; translates Gospels, Ixxxiv, 235-6; desires authority for Six Nations to sell lands, xxxvi, xxxviii-xxxix, xlviiliv, 58, 79, 87; refuses Simcoe's deed, xlvii, 75; power of attorney to from Six Nations, 79-81, 141-2; surrenders land for sale, liv, 97-8, 99, 143; sells Indian lands, Ivi-lvii, Iviii, Ixi, Ixii, Ixv, 77, 89-90, 100, 129, 133, 164-6, 169, 178; leases land to Europeans, xlii-xliv, 10910, 114, 115-16, 118-19; accepts Indian land boundaries, 56; suggests moving to United States, 78; complaints of against Upper Canadian government, 85-6, 98; complaints of against Claus, 1059; land given to, 111, 162-3; and surveys, 121-2, 124, 125-6; describes Blocks 2-6, 127-8; visits Britain, xxxv; visits Quebec and Detroit, 237; visits Philadelphia, 85; and Norton, 271, 273; death of, Ixiii, 170 Speeches by, 38, 81-4, 133-5, 162; letters from, 57, 75, 77, 78, 92, 93, 95, 99,101, 102, 179, 238, 269; letters to, 99, 101, 149, 241 Brant, Mrs. Joseph, 59-60, 65 Brant, Joseph: at Beaver Dam, 203 Brant, Molly, 39n, 98n, 201n Brant family, 60, 286, 307 Brant County. See Block 1; Dumfries, South, township Brantford, xxxix, xl, xlii, Iv, Ixxxvi, 192, 258; sale of lots at, Ixvi-lxviii, 184-7; map of, Ixvii; Americans reach, Ixxvii; during Rebellion of 1837, Ixxviii; Indian surrender of, 120; memorial of citizens of, 185; drinking in, 251, 300; mortgage of on Grand River Navigation Company, 298n. See also Mohawk Village Brebeuf, Father Jean de, xxx, 3, 6, 11, 16-22 Bricker, Samuel, lix, 154-5 Brisbois, Antoine, 211 Brock, Sir Isaac, Ixxvi, 220, 230; attitude of to Indians, Ixxii-lxxiii;

329

sends Willcocks to Grand River, 196; death of, 198, 208; proclamation of, 113-14; letters from, 194, 195, 197 Broom, , 165-6 Brown, William, 232n Brown and Gilmore, 232n Bruce Peninsula, xxviii Brûlé, Etienne, 3 Buffalo Creek (New York), 38, 106-9, 121, 193-4 Bunnil, Enos: petition of, 117 Burford, Ixxvii, 221 Burgoyne, Lt. Gen. John, 42 Burlington, Ixiii, 207, 220, 222, 226, 227, 282 Burlington Bay (Waghquata Creek), xxxix, 47-8, 76, 125 Burlington Beach, Ixxiv, 136, 218 Burlington Heights, Ixxiv, 208-9, 224-5 Busk, Jacob H.: letter from, 300 Butler, Col. John, 49; buys Grand River lands, xxxviii, 43-4, 47-8, 67; assists Maclean, 55-6; to reduce expenditure, 50; proposes American Indian immigration to Grand, 55; member of land board, 66 CALDWELL, COL. WILLIAM, Ixx, 221-3 Cameron, Duncan: letters to, 150, 281 Campbell, Patrick, xli; describes visit to Grand River, 59-65 Canada family, 307 Canagagigue River, xxvii, Ixi Canajoharie (New York), Ixxx, 49, 54, 107 Canal (between Grand and Chippawa) : proposed by Selkirk, Ixiv, 171, 173, 176; proposed by Simcoe, 178 Canborough township, Ixviii, 120, 127n. See also Block 6 Canby, Benjamin: buys Block 6, Ixv, 97, 111, 129-32, 142, 145, 178-9; to be sued for arrears, 134-5; his deed disallowed by Six Nations, 140; his asking price for Block 6, 169 Carleton, Sir Guy. See Dorchester Carpenter, Moses, 259 Carpenter, Stephen, 114 Case, Rev. William, Ixxxvii-lxxxviii; reports by, 247, 255-6 Casson, Father Francois Dollier de. See Dollier de Casson

330

INDEX

Castlereagh, Robert Stewart, Viscount, xci; letter from, 279; letter to, 112 Cataraqui, xxxvi, Ixxx, 41, 49, 51. See also Quinte, Bay of Catfish Creek, 47-8 Catholic Church. See Missionaries Cattle, 104, 218, 276, 283, 292, 306-8 Caughnawagas (Seven Nations of Canada), xlviii, Ixxv, 199, 201 Cayuga, North, township, Ixviii Cayuga, South, township, Ixviii Cayuga township, 120, 187 Cayugas: number of, xl, 52, 281, 307; settlement of, xl, 286, 295-6; religion of, Ixxxii, Ixxxvi, Ixxxviii, 246-7, 251, 253, 268, 310; school for, Ixxxvi; at Beaver Dam, 203n, 204-5. See also Six Nations Champlain, Samuel de, xxx Chantot, , 284-5 Chapin, Gordin, xliii Chapin, Israel: letter to, 78 Chaumonot, Father Pierre Joseph Marie, xxx, 12, 16-22 Chauncey, Commodore Isaac, Ixxiv Cherokees, 52, 65, 214, 273 Chew, John: letter to, 46 Chew, Joseph, xlvin, Ixx; letter to, 78 Chewett, William, 95, 176 Chiefs: duties of, 28-9; made at Buffalo Creek, 106-7. See also Six Nations' Council Chippawa, Battle of, Ixxvi, 223 Chippawa Creek, Ixiv, Ixxvi, 171, 173, 175-6, 178, 308 Chippewas: in War of 1812, 210, 226. See also Mississaugas Chiwatenhwa, Joseph, 18 Christianity. See Missionaries Christian's Creek, 128 Church Missionary Society, Ixxxix Church of England. See Missionaries Clans, xxix Clark, Samuel, Ixii, 165-7; letter from, 163 Clark, Thomas: buys Block 1, Ivii, 1523; buys Block 4, Ixii, 139, 144-5, 167, 168; describes Block 4, 167; negotiates with Selkirk, 169, 172; at Beaver Dam, 200 Clarke, Sir Alured: letter from, 72 Claus (Classen), Daniel, xxxv, xxxvii, Ixxix, Ixxx, 41, 46; letters from, 42, 232, 235; letter to, 236 Claus, Mrs. Daniel (Ann), Ixi, 162-3 Claus, John, 146

Claus, William, xci, 99, 102, 113, 125, 207, 250; appointed Deputy Superintendent, liv; and Block 1 sale, Ivi-lvii, 177; and Block 2 sale, lviii-lx, 156, 158; and Block 5 sale, Ixiv, 169-72, 174-5; and Block 6 sale, Ixv; in War of 1812, Ixx-lxxi, 201; opposes Norton, Ixxiii, 222-3; military report of, Ixxiii, 208-18; and liquor trade, Ixxxii; appointed trustee, 95, 101; as trustee, 98, 130-1, 143-5, 161, 179; Brant's complaints against, 105-9; refuses copy of speech, 134-5; urges unity, 139; asked to continue financial management, 140; death of, 146; addresses to, 81, 162, 273; speeches by, 135, 138; letters from, 150, 160, 182, 199, 270, 281; letters to, 100, 103, 152, 160, 181, 193, 211, 248, 284 Clear Sky, chief, 281, 282, 284, 307 Clench, Ralph, 60, 62, 63 Clergy reserves, 82 Clothing: of Neutrals, 14; of Six Nations, 59, 261, 262, 285 Cockrel, Richard, Ix, 755, 160, 162 Colborne, Sir John, xciii, 187, 257, 297, 298, 311; speech by, 294-5 Collins, John, 57, 58 Commins, Sgt. James, 227 Conestoga River, xxvii, xxxix, Ixi Connecticut Land Company, In Cook, Capt. James, 33 Copper mine, 22 Cornplanter, Ixxi, Ixxxiii, 242 Cornwallis, Charles, Marquis, 34 Cotter, Francis, 203, 219 Cotter, Nicholas, 203 Cozens, Joshua Young, Ixii, 163, 164; affidavit of, 164-7 Cozens, Nelson, 164n Craig, Sir James: letter to, 279 Crawford, Rev. Seth, Ixxxviii, 253, 258n; report by, 248 Credit River, xlix, 249n, 251 Creek Indians, 52 Crondadekha, Hendrick, 71 Crum, William, 114 Cunningham, , 126 DAGGET, JAMES, 265 Daillon, Father Joseph de La Roche, xxix, 16; letter from, 3 Daniel, chief, 203

INDEX Darling, Maj. Gen. Henry Charles: report of, 297-4 Davids, David, 204 Davids, Isaac, 203 Davidson, John, 303n Davis, Laurence, 204, 252, 254, 259 Davis, Thomas, 71, 108, 204, 219, 248, 249n, 253-4 De agh na ho renghs, 205 De agh shi ta he re, Peter, 203 Dearborn, Gen. Henry, Ixxiv Dease, Dr. John: letter from, 53 DeCou, John, Ixviii, 209 De gea ta ra ne gengh, 204 Degh agh ne toron, 205 Degwanie, Henry, 203 De ha enghra ton gwaghs, 205 De ha nyen ta yea, 204 De ha ongh stigh, 204 De Harén, Major Peter W., 200, 202, 210, 215 De harongh wea tats, 205 De ha we yagwenhg ta re, 205 De ha we ya yea, 204 De ho najan hea, 204 De hona tan hea, John, 203 De ho serontye, Peter, 204 Dehoweanaghrion, Henry, 203 De ja ta yea ser, 205 Dekagh na wadeghon, John, 203 De Kagh ra ta ne gea, Joseph, 203 De Kanaghwaghsea, Henry, 203 De ka na to gengh, 204 De kan ya ro te, 204 Deka nya ta reghgwen, John, 203 Dekarihoga, Henry, 203 Dek tsi rere, John, 204 Delaware Aaron, 284. See also Aaron, Capt. Delaware Indians, xl, 36, 38, 248, 285; school for, Ixxxvi, 268; religion of, Ixxxvii, Ixxxviii, 246, 267-8, 310; number of, 52, 281, 307; at Beaver Dam, 203n, 205. See also Six Nations Denna, John, 265 Dennis, William, xliii De on wagh ja ra nigh, 204 De on wagh sayengh ton, 204 De on wa tagh gwen, Jacob, 203 De on wa ta se, 204 De Peyster, Arent Schuyler: letter from, 49; letters to, 50, 51 Dereham township, 308 Deseronto, John, xxxiiin, xxxviii, 46, 49, 51, 59, 76; speech by, 54

331

Detroit, lii, Ixxvii, 63; surrendered in 1796, li, 35n; capture of, IxxiiIxxiii, 196, 220, 230; Brant visits, 237 Dewaenennote, Jacob, 118-19 De wa en naghseagh, 205 De wa heans te, 204 De was gwayea, 204 De wegh ni to gengh, 204 De yok degh ronton, 204 De yon egh gwen, John, 203 De yo tea hará tirongh, 205 De yo tea ha ratthe, 205 De yough tegh ro gengh, 204 De yo yon watthe, Laurence, 203 Dickendow Creek, 128 Dickson, Henry, 264 Dickson, William: buys Block 1, Ivii, 144; as lawyer for Mennonites, Ix, 155; granted Sherbrooke township, Ixiv-lxv, Ixvi, 112, 173, 180-1, 183; as lawyer for Beasley, 161, 162; and Selkirk's land transactions, 169, 174-5, 177-8; letters from, 152, 183 Dochsteder, Henry, 179 Dochsteder (Dockstader), John, 121, 123-1; given Block 6, Iv, 71, 137; sells to Canby, Ixv, 111, 129, 135, 142, 145, 178-9; his lands surveyed, 125-6 Dochsteder, Joseph, 118-19 Dochsteder, William, 258 Dochsteder family, xlii Dodge, , xlii, 285 Dog, sacrifice of, 255, 261, 262 Dollier de Casson, Father François, xxxi, 23-4 Dorchester, Sir Guy Carleton, Baron, 1, 83; assures Six Nations of protection, xxxiii; vetoes invitation to Sénecas, xli; and sale of Indian lands, xlvi, 82, 147; and European encroachment on Indian lands, 54, 72; sets up committee on Indian claims, 57; requests land from Indians, 176-7; letters from, 55, 78; letters to, 54, 57, 75 Do tis, 205 Doty, Rev. John, 232 Douglass, John, 265 Douse, Rev. John: letter from, 260 Drummond, Sir Gordon, 222; letters from, 223, 226; letters to, 219, 223 Drummond Island, 294 Drunkenness, Ixxxii, 60-3, 242-3,

332

INDEX

243-4, 251, 268, 300. See also Liquor trade Ducharme, Dominique: his account of Beaver Dam, 201-2 Dumfries, North, township, 127n. See also Block 1 Dumfries, South, township, 127n. See also Block 1 Dumfries township, 120, 167. See also Block 1 Duncombe, Dr. Charles, Ixxviii Dundas Street, 67, 76, 80, 125, 140, 147, 177, 295 Dunkards. See Tunkers Dunn, John Henry, Ixv, 184, 263 Dunn township, Ixviii, 120 Dunnville, Ixv Duquoin (Tehaosennoghton): speech by, 139-40 Durham, John George Lambton, Earl of, xc, 228; extract from Report of, 298-9 Dutton, William, Ixviii, 186 EBY, BENJAMIN, lix, Ixi Echo, chief, 194, 213, 282; speeches by, 295, 297 Education: effects of, 245; importance of, 287, 299-300, 302. See also Mohawk Institute; Schools Egh ni se ra, 205 Elliot, Rev. Adam, 258, 268, 300; letter from, 265; letter to, 299 Elliot, Mathew, 218 Ellis, , 65 Elmsley, John, 88; letter to, 270 Elora, Ixii Ennigh naks gwa, Isaac, 204 Erb, Abraham, lix Erb, Daniel, lix, Ixi, 154-5, 156-9 Erb, Jacob, lix, 156, 163 Erb, John, lix Erb family, 139 Erie, Lake, xxxviii, 12; Neutrals near, xxviii; Câlinée reaches, xxxi, 24; Selkirk interested in shore of, IxiiiIxiv, 172, 174; defenses on, Ixvi, Ixxvi; Six Nations requested to sell lands on, 57-8, 67, 76; Welch travels on, 121; Americans have possession of, 223 Erieehronons, 12 European settlers on Indian lands: invited by Brant, xlii-xliii, 54, 275; encroachments by, Ixviii-lxix, 146-7, 188-90, 257, 282, 296, 301;

objections to, 68; land granted to, 70-2; to be evicted, 72, 113-14; asked to remain, 104-5 Evans, Lt. Col. Thomas, 209 FAIRBANK, , 151 Fairchild, Benjamin, xlii, 114, 126 Fan-child's Creek, xliii, 114 Ferguson, John, 99, 101, 226 Fergusson, Adam: describes religion and education, 259-60 Fidler, Abraham, 219 File, Malci, Jr., 117 Finger Lakes, xxviii, xxxiv Fire Nation, 13 Fish, Jacob, 192 FitzGibbon, James, Ixxv, 199-200, 202, 210 Five Nations Confederacy. See Six Nations Flamborough, West, township, 167 Food: of Iroquois, 8-10; of Neutrals, 14 Forsyth, , 65 Fort Erie, Iv, Ixxiii, Ixxvi, 38, 121, 136, 176, 208, 223 Fort Frontenac, 43 Fort George: in War of 1812, IxxiiIxxv, 201, 206-8, 211, 215-17; Six Nations' Councils at, 104-9, 133-6, 138-9, 168 Fort Hunter, New York, Ixxx, 107, 234, 235, 237 Fort Niagara, 35n, 55, 208 Fort Stanwix: Treaty of, 36-7, 40; Second Treaty of, xxxvii Forty Mile Creek, Ixxiv, 201, 209-10, 218 Foster, Colley Lucas L.: letter to, 225 France: support of sought by Hurons, xxx; threatened invasion by, 1-liii, 87, 90, 103; defeat of, Ixxv Frazer, David, 203 Frazer, John, 203, 219 Freeman, Norman L., 186 Freer, Noah: letters from, 279, 222 Funeral customs, 14-15 Fur trade, xxx, xlii-xliii, 4-7, 16, 36-7, 42, 53, 232-3

GALINÉE, FATHER RENÉ DE BREHANT DE, xxxi; describes travels, 22-4 Gait, xlii Gamelin, Lt., 202 Ga-ne-o-di-yo. See Handsome Lake Gaucher, Charles Gédeon, 201-2

INDEX Gearagengbgewagh, Peter, 203 Cea ta rontye, 205 Georgian Bay, xxviii, xxxii Geristian, 205 German Company, lix-lxii, 154n, 156 German immigration, Iviii-lxii Gilkison, William, Ixii Gingrich, David, Ixi Givins, James, Ixxiii, 199, 208, 213, 214, 216; letter to, 182 Glegg, Capt. J. B., 208, 221 Glenelg, Charles Grant, Baron, Ixii, xciii, xcv, 300; letter from, 231; letter to, 228 Gonehsaneyonte (Goughsomyoute), 56, 67 Goodrich, , 151 Gordon, Col. Andrew, 59 Gore, Francis, 146; letter from, 112; letter to, 161 Goughsomyoute. See Gonehsaneyonte Gourlay, Robert: extracts from his Statistical Account, 167, 287-8 Grand River: natural resources of valley of, xxvii, xxxvii-xxxviii, 64; navigation of, xxxi-xxxii, Ixiv, 23-4, 64, 301; mouth of, Ixiv-lxvi, Ixxvi, 172, 174, 176; strategic importance of, Ixxvi-lxxvii, 84; American invasion of valley of, Ixxvi, 223-5 Indian lands: purchase of, xxxviiixxxix, 44, 48, 53, 66, 67, 73, 77; boundaries of, xxxix-xl, 47, 48, 55, 56-7, 66-9, 73, 287-8; area of, Iv, xcvin, 257, 290, 292, 299; surrender of residual lands of, IxviiiIxix, 120, 187-92; tax exemption of, 117; proposed division of among Six Nations, 257, 294, 295-6; value of, 277, 290; Mailland proposes sale of part of, 289. See also Haldimand's proclamation; Land tenure Grand River Navigation Company, xciii, 191, 298, 303, 311 Grant, William, 57 Great Britain, House of Commons, Select Committees on native races, xc Green, Aaron, 219 Green, Jacob, 203 Green, James: letter to, 92 Green, John, 203 Green, Joseph, 203 Green, Laurence, 203

333

Green, Peter, 118-19, 192, 204, 307 Green, Sage, 204 Green, William, 264 Grenolle, , 3, 6 Grenville, William Wyndham, Baron, lii Grey, Sir George: letter to, 300 Griffin, E. C., 186 Groat, Abram, 264 Groat, William, 264 Gwa nen ik, 205 Gwe ha ton, 204 Gwynne, James: report by, 302 HALDIMAND, Sm FREDERICK (Asharekowa), xlii, Ixxi, xcvi, 274, 276-7, 279; assures Six Nations of protection of rights, xxxiii; learns of omissions in Treaty, xxxiv-xxxv; problems of after Revolution, xxxvi; approves choice of Grand River, xxxvi-xxxvii; orders purchase of Grand River lands, xxxviii; views of on religious and educational needs of Six Nations, Ixxix, 232n, 234; answers Brant's wishes concerning Grand River, 44-5; assigns Indian lands, 49; attempts to discourage Quinte settlement, 51; approves Europeans on Indian lands, 105, 275; Brant's speech to, 38; views of on means to retain Six Nations in King's interest, 52-3; letters from, 41, 43, 46, 50, 51; letters to, 55, 42, AS, 49 Proclamation granting Grand River lands, 50; terms of, xxxyiii-xl; Brant's interpretation of, xliv-xlv; supported by Dorchester, xlvi; area included in, 66-9; not registered at Quebec, 105; could not mean fee simple, 147; references to, 57-8, 72, 75, 77-9, 81, 83-4, 86, 88-9, 93, 96-7, 99, 109, 130, 138, 141, 148, 167, 180, 273, 280, 292 Haldimand County, 115. See also Block 5; Block 6; Canborough township; Moulton township Hall, Francis: describes Six Nations, 285-7 Hall, Capt. John, 200, 202 Hall, Sir Robert, 184 Hamilton, Henry: letter to, 55 Hamilton, Lt. J. Matthew, 120 Hampton, Robert, 67 Hamilton: Six Nations' Council at, 66-8

334

INDEX

Handsome Lake (Ga-ne-o-di-yo), Kurd, Seth, 186 Ixxxiii-lxxxiv, Ixxxvii, Ixxxviii, Huron, Lake: Norton proposes move to, 242-3 xci, 276-8 Harrison, Gen. William Henry, 218 Hurons, xxviii, xxx, xxxi, Ixxi, 6, 16; Harvey, Sir John, Ixxv, Ixxvii, 207, 215visited by Daillon, 3; spread 17; letters from, 211, 220 rumours about missionaries, 5, Hasleps, 124 17-18; trade with, 7; pottery of, Hatt, Richard, búv, 176, 282 10-11; Jesuits' comment on, 12-13; Hatt, Samuel, Ixiv, 775 compared with Neutrals, 14; lanHawley, Ezra, xliii; lease of, 114-15 guage of, 21; cabins of, 24; AmeriHead, Sir Francis Bond, xciii-xciv, 265 cans wish to destroy, 36 Hemp, 171 Hymns, Mohawk, 247, 260 Hepburn, William, 303n ICON HA, 205 Heriot, Major Frederick G., 215 Indian affairs: Canadian government to Hess, Gilliam, 203 Hess, Peter, 219 report on, 280; 1844 report on, xciv, 305-11; 1858 report on, xcv Hess, William, 219, 252, 254 Hfll, Capt. Aaron (Kanonraron) xxxvii, Indian Department: control of, Ixx, Ixxxix, 144; relations of with xliv, 55-6, 49, 54, 71; letters from, Norton, xci, 219-20, 222, 273-5; 55, 233-4. See also Aaron, Capt; would oppose westward migration, Delaware Aaron Hill, Aaron (Tuscarora), 265 273; useless, 287; proposed reduction of, 291n, 293. See also Claus, Hill, Abraham, 196, 203 William Hill, David, 35n, 51, 61 65, 71; letter lo ñas gwa Kawe, 205 from, 55 lo nya ta rea ton, 204 Hill, George, 203 Hill, Henry Aaron, 5 In, 61, 203, 253, lo ragh gwe sea, 204 lo rongh yo rongh, 204 285-6 lo sera ton, 205 Hill, Henry Nelles, 203 Ironside, George: letter from, 284 Hill, Isaac, xliv, 35n, 54 Iroquois: early history of, xxvii-xxviii; Hill, Jacob, 204, 219, 255 agriculture of, xxix, 7-11; manners Hill, John, 203, 259 and customs of, xxix-xxx; governHill, Salomon, 203 ment of, xxix-xxx; attack Neutrals Hill, Seth, 203 Hillier, George: letter from, 66 and Hurons, xxxi, 13; religion of, Hogeboom, Peter, Ivi-lvii, 140, 150; Ixxxii-lxxxiii; architecture of, 24-7. See also Six Nations letters from, 150, 151 Irvine River, xxvii Holland, Samuel, xxxvi, 41-3 Iskoutegas, 23 Homer, Thomas, 153 Howison, John: extracts from his "Island of the Turtle," xxviiin Sketches of Upper Canada, 228, Izard, George: letter to, 224 290-1 Hudson River, xxx, Ixxx JACK, BILL, 193, 219, 281 Jackson, Bombadier , 199 Huff, Hendrick, 71 Huff, John, 71, 111, 126; lease of, 109- Jackson, Jedidiah, 186 James, Lt. Col. Reginald, 225-6 10 Huff family, xlii James, Yenkey, 203 Hull, Gen. William, Ixxi, Ixxvi, 195; Jarvis, Samuel Peters, Ixviii-lxix, 191, 298, 305; letters from, 187, 189 letter from, 195 Jarvis, William: buys Block 5, Iv, Ixiii, Humber River, xxxii Hume, Joseph, 228, 230-1 Ixvi, 97, 129, 130, 142; surrenders Block 5, Ixiii-lxiv, 139,168; Canby Humphreys, Norris, 124 Hunter, Peter, 129, 146 makes false statements to, 131; does not give security, 132-3, 134, 135, Hunting: Neutral way of, 6; Iroquois 137 way of, 27-8; grounds, 276, 308 Huntington, A., 186 Jay's Treaty, li

INDEX Jervois, William: letter to, 221 Jesuit missions, xxx, 11-22, 232-3 Jogh ryo gea, Adam, 203 John, 204 Johnson, Augustus, 264 Johnson, George, 204, 253 Johnson, Guy, xxxiii Johnson, Isaac, 203 Johnson, Jacob, 118-19, 203, 219 Johnson, Sir John, lui, Ixxxii, 44,57,138, 176, 234; becomes Superintendent of Indian Affairs, xxxvi; reassures Six Nations about white settlers, xliv, 72; views of on church, IxxixIxxx; Americans wish to destroy, 36; to go to Niagara, 38; to buy Grand River lands, 45, 47; requests land along lake, 67, 76; departure of, 72; Brant complains to, 98; recommended as trustee, 160; orders Lower Canadian Indians to Niagara, 201; to send prayer books, 235; statement by, 72; letters from, 54, 236; letters to, 41, 43, 55, 58, 93, 238 Johnson, John, 118-19 Johnson, John Smoke, 192 Johnson, Sir William, xxxiii, Ixi, 36, 37, 40, 163, 285 Johnson, William, chief, 264 Johnson, William (Mohawk), 203 Johnson, William (Tuscarora), 264 Johnson family, 40 Johnson Settlement, 192 Johnston, John, 259 Jolliet, Louis, xxxi, 22-3 Jones, Augustus, Ixi, Ixv, Ixxxviii, 124, 248, 298; surveys Indian lands, xxxix, Ix, 56-7, 58, 66, 161; Indians reject claims of, 112; acquires land, 139, 140, 177; survey diary of, 125-6; letters to, 150, 151 Jones, Rev. Peter, Ixxxviii; extract from diary of, 258-9 Justice, Pairlus, 219 KAGH NEGH TAG EGH, 204 Kaghneghtaghno, 110 Kaghnegtase, 307 Kagh ratongh sere, 205 Kagh ra ton on, Jacob, 204 Kaghra toton, 205 Ka hea na tí rongh, 205 Kaikhake River, 78 Kajen gwaghs, 205 Ka nagh sa tirón, Peter, 203

335

Ka na gwi yo harón, 205 Ka na ho gwaghs, 205 Ka na wa to, 205 Ka na yegh, 204 Kandoucho (All Saints), 17, 20 Ka nen da gen agh, 204 Ka nen ent tho, 204 Kanen ho go yat, 204 Kanen ho teagh, 205 Ka neny Ka rea re, 204 Kanokaretini, 192 Ka nongh sagh ragh gwen, 204 Kanonraron. See Hill, Capt. Aaron Ka nyen go ton, 204 Karea ha geayate, 205 Ka rea ha ta segh, 204 Ka righ wi yough, 205 Ka ri wa te, 205 Karonghyaktatye, John, 203 Karon ya tsi go wagh, 204 Karotshe ra, 205 Karrihoga, 197 Ka seagh, 205 Ka ta gwa ra son, 205 Kat gwi roton, 204, 283, 284 Ka weron tyegh tha, 205 Kayendadirhon (Kayondoderhow), 56, 67,71 Kayentagowa, 307 Kayonaghahnorow, 219 Keitwerota, 212 Kempt, Sir James, Ixxxix, xciü Kendrick, Rev. Clark: his opinion of Six Nations, 243-4 Ke nonwa ta ses, 205 Kerr, Dr. Robert, 151, 165 Kerr, William Johnson, 208, 209, 217, 250, 298; at Queenston Heights, Ixxiii; at Beaver Dam, Ixxv, 201-2, 210; during Rebellion of 1837, Ixxviii; letter from, 230 Kerr family, 110 Khoietoa, 22 Kirkland, Rev. Samuel: his account of religious practices, 242; letter to, 269 Kironhgontye, Joseph, 118-19 Kitchener, xlii, lix LA BROSSE, FATHER JEAN BAPTISTE DE, 232-3 Lafitau, Joseph François: describes longhouse, 24-7 Lalemant, Father Jérôme: account of mission to Neutrals, 11-22

336 INDEX Land tenure: insecurity of Indian, Lock, Isaac: speech of, 295-6 270-1; report on Indian, 303-5 London District: disaffected in, 229 Six Nations' right to sell land, xlii-liv; London Missionary Society, Ixxxix Indians request deeds, 55, 58, 72-3; Long Point, Ixxvi, Ixxvii, 24, 110, 176, law concerning Indian land sales, 220, 224 70; Simcoe's deed, 73-4, 75; Brant's Longface, Adam, 264 views on, 75-6, 81-4, 86, 89-91, Longhouse, xxix; construction of, 24-7 92-7; Russell's views on, 78-9; Looyay, John, 186 Portland's views on, 84, 91-2; Lorimier, Jean Baptiste, chevalier de, authority given for sales, 87-8, 201-2, 214 130, 142-3; no more sales to be Loring, Robert Roberts: letter to, 111 allowed, 136; Six Nations request Lottridge, Samuel, 203 right to sell, 137 Loveland, , 150 Six Nations' right to lease land: Brant Louisiana, 103 gives leases, xlii-xliv, 109, 114, Lugger, Rev. Robert, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, 115-16, 117; Six Nations request xciv-xcv, xcvi, 255-9, 292, 298 authority to lease, 104-8, 272; Lundy's Lane, Battle of, Ixxvi Brant's leases confirmed, 118-19; Lyons, Barnett, 211 no more allowed, 136; Colborne recommends, 294-6 Surrender of land to government for MABANE, ADAM, 57 sale, liv, Ixviii-lxix, 97-103, 120, McArthur, Col. Duncan, Ixxvii; general 141-3, 257-8 orders of, 224-5; letter from, 224 Sale of land. See Block 1; Block 2; Macaulay, Sir James Buchanan, 304 Block 3; Block 4; Block 5; Block 6; Macaulay, John: letter to, 230 Brantford; Cayuga township; Sher- McDonell, Alexander, Ixiii-lxv; letters brooke township from, 169, 170, 172, 173; letter to, Proposed division of land among 66 tribes and families, xci, xciii, 272, McDonell, Angus, 165 294-6 Macdonell, John: letter to, 196 See also Grand River, Indian lands McDowell, Capt. Andrew, 200 Langlade, Louis, 201, 202, 211 McKee, Alexander, Ixx; letter to, 75 La Salle, René Robert Cavelier, sieur McKee, Thomas, 218 de, xxxi, 23-4 Mackenzie, William Lyon, Ixxviii, 231 La Sere, 215 Maclean, Allan, xxxiv, xxxvi; letter Laurence, David, 252 from, 55 La Vallée, ,3 MacMahon, Edward: letter to, 282 Le Carón, Father Joseph, 3 MacNab, Sir Allan Napier, Ixxviii Leclair, Isaac, 201-2 MacNab, Capt Colin, 62 Learning, Rev. Ralph, Ixxxiv-lxxxv, Maitland, Sir Peregrine, xciii, xcvi, 66, xcii; letter from, 245 288, 289-90; letter from, 288; letLe Maistre, Francis: letter to, 77 ters to, 245, 250 Lewis, Isaac, 118-19 Malcolm's Mills, Ixxvii, 225 Lewis, Jacob, 203, 219 Mallory, Benaijah, xliii, 110; lease of, Lickers, George, 203 115-16 Liquor trade, 257, 270, 296, 301-2. See Markland, George H., 184 also Drunkenness Marlet, Adrien, 170, 173 Liston, Sir Robert, lii-liii, 86, 87, 90; Marriage customs, 31-2, 261 letter from, «5; letter to, 95 Martin, George, 193, 196, 203, 219, Little David, 219 259; letters from, 248, 284 Little Peter, 68 Martin, Jacob, 118-19 Littlehales, Edward Baker: letter from, Martin, Joseph, 203 77 Martin, Peter, 203 Liverpool, Robert Banks Jenkinson, Mary Cayuga, 219 Earl of: letter to, 195 Mathews, Robert: letters from, 50, 51 Livingston, Robert Ramsay, 215 Medical attention, 299, 301

INDEX Mennonites: buy Block 2, lviii-lx; buy part of Block 3, Ixi-lxii; in Cayuga township, Ixviii, 187 Merritt, William Hamilton, 211', letter to, 298 Mesplet, Fleury, 232n Methodists. See Missionaries Michilimackinac, Ixxiii Migration, of Six Nations westward, 273, 276-8, 284-5 Militia: in War of 1812, Ixxii, 195, 198, 208-10, 216-17, 223, 225; in Rebellion of 1837, Ixxviii, 230; Russell arms, 89 Miller, , 210 Mills, 110, 185; promised by Haldimand, xl, 52; King's Mill at Mohawk Village, Iv, 111, 122; at Preston, lix; miller provided by government, 93; Six Nations request, 282-3 Mission des Anges, xxx, 11-22 Missionaries: training of Indian, 249, 263 Baptist, Ixxxii-lxxxiii, Ixxxviii, 243-4, 264-5, 267, 309 Church of England, Ixxix-lxxxvii, 232-^2, 243, 244-6, 252, 253, 254-5, 256-60, 262-3, 265-68, 289, 309. See also Mohawk Chapel; Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts Methodist, Ixxxvii-lxxxviii, 251-2, 253-4, 258-9, 265, 292, 301, 309; reports by, 246-50, 255-6, 260-2 Moravian, 244 Presbyterian, Ixxxi, 238 Roman Catholic, xxx-xxxi, Ixxxii, 3-7, 11-22, 232-3, 242, 244 See also New England Company Mississaugas, 65; sell Grand River lands, xxxviii-xxxix, 44, 48, 53, 66, 67, 73, 77; adopt Brant as chief, xlix, 103; move to Credit River, xlix, 249n, 251, 255; meet Six Nations, 46-8; some become Methodist, 248, 251, 254; settle on Grand, 249n. See also Chippewas Mississippi River, li, 87, 90, 284 Mitchell, James, Ix, 162 Mohawk Chapel, Ixxx, 64, 246, 256, 290-1, 295, 309; promised by Haldimand, xl, Ixxix, 52, 53; repaired, Ixxxvi; service in, 60, 246, 260, 285; decoration of, 60; visited by Johnson, 236; described by

337

Stuart, 237; Brant thanks government for, 238; and Methodists, 248, 258-9; visited by West, 253; consecration of, 259. See also Queen Anne's Plate Mohawk Institute: establishment of, Ixxxvi, 257, 309; new building of, xciv-xcv; subjects taught in, 256, 259-60, 310-11; number of pupils at, 268, 302 Mohawk language: translations into, Ixxix, Ixxx, Ixxxiv-lxxxv, 232-3, 235-6, 253, 261, 280, 285; description of, 30, 261 Mohawk River, xxxvii, 83, 93, 104, 291 Mohawk Village, xlii, 56, 118, 123, 125, 126, 139; mul at, Iv, 111, 122; parsonage at, Ixxxvi, 258, 309; school at, 60, 64, 236, 245, 252, 253-4; Wallace helps build, 162; issue of provisions at, 226; Stuart visits, 237; description of, 285-6, 305-6; Six Nations' Council at, 294-5. See also Brantford Mohawks: prerogatives of, xxx, 108; attitude of in American Revolution, xxxiii; settlement of, xl-xli, 295-3; number of, xl, 52, 237, 281, 307; at Beaver Dam, Ixxv, 203-4; religion and morality of, Ixxxii, Ixxxvi-lxxxviii, 247, 249-50, 251, 253, 260; government of, 15; dissension among, 54-5, 221. See also Quinte, Bay of; Six Nations Moira, Francis Rawdon-Hastings, Bail of, 273 Montagnais Indians, 7, 232-3 Montagnais language, translations into, 232-3 Monture, George, 281 Montures, number of, 52, 281, 307 Moravian Indians, 226 Moravians. See Missionaries Moraviantown, Battle of, 218n Morgan's Point, 121 Motz, Henry: letter from, 58 Moulton township, Ixviii, 120, 127n. See also Block 5 Mount Pleasant, 110 Mountain, Bishop Jacob, Ixxxii, Ixxxvi, 238, 241; letter to, 259 Mountin, Moses, 219 Mudge, Zachariah: letters to, 184, 186 Muirhead, James, 186 Muirhead, William, 186 Muirhead family, Ixviii

338

INDEX

Munsey Indians, 220, 221, 226 Murray, Sir George, xciii, xcv Murray, -, 270 Musical instruments, 33 NA owi NYON, 205 Nanticokes, xl; number of, 52, 281, 307; at Beaver Dam, 203n Nassau District Land Board, xxxix; extract from minutes of, 56-7 Naval establishment See Sherbrooke Naval Depot Navy Island, 229 Negroes, 267, 305 Nekarontasa, 307 Nelles, Abraham, 116 Nelles, Rev. Abraham, 256, 258, 2623, 265, 266, 300; letter to, 299 Nelles, Hendrick William, 70-1, 116 Nelles, John, 110, 111, 116 Nelles, Robert, 70-1, 116 Nelles, Warner, 70-1, 111, 116 Nelles, William, 111, 116, 124 Nelles family, xlii, 126 Nelles Settlement, xliii, 256 Nepean, Sir Evan, 273; letter to, 235 Netherlands, xxx Neutral Indians, xxviii; missions to, xxx, 3-7, 11-22; attacked by Six Nations, xxxi; country of, 6-7, 12; clothing of, 7; language of, 7; population of, 12, 19-20; naming of, 13; funeral customs of, 14-15 New England Company, xxvii, 253, 263, 268; sends out West, Ixxxv; establishes Mohawk Institute, xciv, 310; builds schools, 254; history of work of on Grand, 256-8, 309; builds Tuscarora church, 265; sends out Lugger, 292; Winnett to co-operate with, 297; requested to send missionary to Cayugas, 300; views of on progress of Indians, 300-2. See also Missionaries; Mohawk Institute; Schools New Oswego. See Mohawk Village Neywash, 222 Niagara, Iviii, 51, 53, 85, 106, 136, 274, 279; Six Nations gathered at, xxxv, xxxviii, 35-8, 49, 50, 285; Six Nations move from, xl; in War of 1812, Ixxii, Ixiv, Ixxvi-lxxviii, 197, 220; Stuart to be sent to, Ixxx; Addison appointed to, Ixxxi, 309; last Neutral village, 18; venison

sent to, 61; Six Nations' Council at, 158, 175; in Rebellion of 1837, 229; Stuart visits, 237; Six Nations continually visit, 275. See also Fort George Niagara River, 12, 41, 121, 198, 201, 212, 224 Ni aks tea se ra agh, 205 Nichol, Robert, 275 Nichol township, 120, 127n. See also Block 4 Nigeajagowagh, Thomas, 203 Ni ha go ja ha, 204 Ni Ka nongh sa agh, 204 Nipissings, 210 Nith River, xxvii Noof, John, 126 North, Frederick, Earl of Guilford: letter from, 42 Northumberland, Sir Hugh Percy, Duke of, 273 Norton, John (Teyoninhokarawen), Ixxi, xcii, xcvi, 27, 72, 194; and Block 5 sale, Ixiv, 170-1, 175, 176; at Queenston Heights, Ixxiii, 198, 208; comments of on Beaver Dam, Ixxv; leads Indians in War of 1812, Ixxvi, 211, 214-15; views of on religious state of Indians, Ixxxi, Ixxxii, 243, 244; and translation of Gospels, Ixxxiv-lxxxv; views of on Indian migration, xcxci, 273; describes Iroquoian customs, 27-34; visits England, 106, 270-1, 273-5, 279-80; actions of confirmed by Six Nations, 107; rivalry with Claus, 209; 213-14, 222-3; appointed captain, 219-20, 226-7; and Western Indians, 2212; reports on education, 245; memorial presented by, 272-3; letters from, 221, 225, 276, 278, 282 Norwich township, 308 Noue, Father Anne de, 3, 6 OBADIAH, JOHN, 265-6 Odenenyaron, Henry, 203 Ogh gwa reta, 205 Oghnawera, David, 219 Oghsonwaghlageghte, Jacobus, 71 Oghs to sera, 205 Oghs wea karo, 204 Oghs wis tanoron, 205 Ohe ros gon, 205 Ohgse gwara geghte, 204

INDEX Ojagethe, 67, 205 Ojonta, 205 Okoghsenniyonte, Benjamin, 108 Onagh to rengh, Jacob, 203 Ona ka ron tongh, 204 Ona tagon gegh, John, 203 Oneida Jacob, 219 Oneida Joseph, 118-19, 204, 219, 259, 281, 307; speeches by, 295, 296 Oneidas: attitude of in American Revolution, xxxiii, 39, 40, 52; settlement of, xl, 295-6; number of in United States, xlin; Simcoe's deed includes, xlvi; school for, Ixxxvi; American Oneidas sent by Washington, 36-8; at Beaver Dam, 203n, 204; are Christian, 253. See also Six Nations Oneiochronons, 15 Onengh so tyenyon, 205 Onguiaahra. See Niagara Onondaga Village: council fire re-established at, 107-8, 136; councils at, Iv, 110-12, 136-8, 139-40, 275-6, 295-6 Onondagas: prerogatives of, xxx; number of, xl, 52, 281, 307; settlement of, xl; school for, Ixxxvi, 255; religion of, Ixxxvii, Ixxxviii, 246-7, 253, 265, 268, 310; at Beaver Dam, 203n, 204; and American Tuscaroras, 212. See also Six Nations Onontio, 22 Onontiyo, Isaac, 203 Onwaneharon, Paulus, 203 On wan hoton, 205 On wa nya ra wigh, 205 On wa ya ton tyongh, 204 Oon wa ker ha, Henry, 203 Oronghya tek ha, 205 Osa he ta tse, 205 Osequerison, 212 Otat he rorongh, Adam, 203 Otsi non wan honte, 205 Ottawas, 22-3, 210, 277 Otter, Cornelius, 264 Ouaroronon, 5 Ounontisaston, 6 Ouse River. See Grand River Owen, Cornelius, 264 Owen, Sir Edward, Ixvi, 181-2 Oxford, town of, 225 PAGE, HENRY F., 186 Palmer, William, 203

339

Parker, John, 124 Pattison, Peters, 203 Paulus, Abraham, 203 Pearson, Lt Col. Thomas, 223 Pelham township, 121 Penfield, Daniel, Ivi-lvii, 138, 140, 150-3, 177; letter from, 149 Pennsylvania: Indians from, xxvii; Mennonites from, Iviii-lxii Percy, Sir Hugh, Baron, xci Père, Jean, xxxi Petun Indians, xxviii, 3, 4 Phelps, Davenport, Ixxxi-lxxxii, 23941 Phelps, David, xliii, 282; petition of, 117 Phelps, Hester, 219 Philadelphia: Brant visits, Hi, 59, 85 Pilkington, Robert, Ixi, 163 Pilkington township, 127n. See also Block 3 Point Abino, 121 Pokquan, 46-7 Pontiac, xxxvi, 1 Port Colborne, Ixvi Port Maitland, Ixvi Porter, Peter Buell, Ivii; letter from, 206 Portland, William Henry Cavendish, Duke of: opinion of requested on Indian land sales, 83, 86, 87; instructions of to Russell, 84; authorizes sales, 89, 130, 143, 183; letter from, 91 Pottawattamies, 23, 277 Powell, William Dummer, 1; memoir of, 89; letter from, 103 Pownall, Sir George, 57 Prayer book, translation of, Ixxix, 2323, 235 Presbyterians. See Missionaries Prescott, Robert, lui; letters to, 85, 86, 88, 98 Presents: distribution of, Ixxxix, 53, 91, 236, 275-6; system of abandoned, xciv-xcv; types of, 65; in War of 1812, 206, 218-21, 225-6; Indians do not wish to move beyond, 273; cost of, 287; expense of to be defrayed from land sales, 289; proposed commutation to money, 29 In, 293 Preston, , xlii Preston, lix Prévost, Sir George, 215, 221; letters to, 194, 197, 198, 223, 226

340

INDEX

Price, , 218 Primer for the Use of the Mohawk Children, 232-3, 235 Pring, Capt. Daniel, 183 Prisoners: treatment of, 13-14, 34, 634; in War of 1812, 199, 201, 211, 215 Procter, Brig. Gen. Henry, 218 Provisions: scarcity of, xcii, xcv, 56, 123-4, 270, 282-3, 284, 285; to be reduced, 50 Put-in-Bay, Battle of, Ixxvi QUEBEC, xxx-xxxi, 12, 232, 233, 287; Brant's speech at, 38-41; Haldimand's grant not registered at, 105; Brant visits, 109, 237; Norton at, 220 Queen Anne's Plate, Ixxx-lxxxi, 234, 235, 237, 263 Queenston, Ixxiv, 151, 212 Queenston Heights, Battle of, Ixxiii, Ixxvi, 198, 208, 230 Quinte, Bay of: Mohawk settlement at, xxxviii, xlix-1, Ixxx, 49, 50, 57; Hills retire to, xliv, 54; school for, 46; Haldimand discourages, 51; Council at, 54; land granted for, 59, 76; some Indians move to Grand River from, 89; part of Queen Anne's Plate at, 263; statistics of, 307. See also Cataraqui RAINHAM TOWNSHIP, 174, 246 Rajen es ta tsi, John, 203 Ra nya ryaks, 205 Ra rea ho ton gwagh, 204 Rawson, Rawson William, 303n Raya ta ra tye se, 204 Rebellion of 1837, Ixxvii-lxxviii, 22831 Récollet missions, xxvii, xxx, 3-7, 16 Red Jacket, xlix, Ixxi, 193 Reece, Rev. Richard: letter to, 260 Riall, Sir Phineas, Ixxvi, 221; letter from, 223; letter to, 220 Richards, John, Ixxxvi Richardson, William, 257 Ridout, Thomas: letter from, 161 Roads, 105, 167, 170, 185. See also Dundas Street Robinson, Sir Frederick Philipse: letter from, 181; letter to, 182 Robinson, Peter, 186 Rolph, Thomas: extracts from his Brief Account, 262-3, 311-12

Roman Catholic Church. See Missionaries Rots bin hea, Adam, 203 Rottenburg, Francis, baron de, 211, 213-14, 215, 216-17 Rousseaux, Jean Baptiste: buys Block 2, Iv, Ivii, 97, 129, 130, 142, 1545, 160-1; buys farm, 114; gives security for Block 2, 131; in arrears, 132, 158, 159; present at Six Nations' Council, 139; mortgage of, 156-7; reports enemy crossing at Queenston, 208; letter from, 193 Royal Proclamation of 1763, xlv, 70, 90, 136, 147 Roya tagh ni rongh, 205 Roy a ta nen ta gongh, 204 Russell, Peter, xlvii, 130; and Indian land sales, 1-liv, 83, 87, 90-1, 98, 113, 143; his opinion of Phelps, Ixxxii; Portland's instructions to, 84; letters from, 78, 86, 88, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 239, 241; letters to, 91, 99, 101, 102 Ryckman, John, 110 Ryerson, Rev. George, Ixxxvi-lxxxvii; letter from, 250 SAGARD-THÉODAT, GABRIEL: describes Iroquoian agriculture, 7-11 Saguenay River, 232 Sahonwadi, Paulus, 71 St. Germain, Jean Evangelista, 201 St. Guillaume. See Teotongniaton St. Joseph. See Teanaustaiae St. Michel. See Khoietoa St. Regis Indians, 201; number of on Grand, 52, 281, 307 Sainte-Marie, 12 Satckariwate, 71 Sault St. Louis, Indians from, 201 Sawatis, 203 Schools: promised by Haldimand, xl, Ixxix, 52, 53; at Tuscarora Village, Ixxxv, 245-6, 262, 265, 267; planned by Lugger, Ixxxvi; schoolmaster provided, Ixxxvi, 52, 93, 293; at Bay of Quinte, 46; at Mohawk Village, 60, 64, 236, 245, 252, 253-4; Methodist, 249, 253-4, 255-6; for Oneidas, 254; for Onondagas, 255, 301; for Sénecas, 255; number of, 257; for Delawares, 268; Maitland's proposals for, 289-90; Six Nations grant

INDEX land for, 292-3; being established, 295; for Cayugas, 301; instruction in, 310-11. See also Education; Mohawk Institute Schuyler, Gen. Philip John, 36, 38 Scott, Thomas, 155 Selby, Prideaux, 274 Selkirk, Thomas Douglas, Earl of, 181; reports proposed westward migration, xc; comments on Brant's land transactions, xlviii, 1, Iv; buys Block 5, Ixiii-lxv, 111, 139, 145, 146, 168-78; buys Sherbrooke township, Ixvi; reports new sect, Ixxxiii; naval establishment on lands of, 183; extracts from diary of, 242-3, 273; letters to, 169, 170, 172, 173 Sénecas: prerogatives of, xxx; attitude of in American Revolution, xxxiii; in New York State, xxxvii, xl-xli, 67, 76, 106, 193-4; settlement of on Grand, xl, 58; number of on Grand, xl, 52, 281, 307; number of in United States, xlin; boundaries of land of, Ixiv, 126, 174; school for, Ixxxvi, 255; religion of, Ixxxviii, 242, 253, 268, 310; feared by Hurons, 18; at Beaver Dam, 203n, 204; in War of 1812, 214. See also Six Nations Seth, Captain, 101 Seven Nations of Canada. See Caugnawagas Severn River, xxxii Shade, Absolom: letter from, 298 Sha gogh sea nagegh te, 204 Sha goha wi negh tha, David, 204 Sha ho tea, 204 Shakokaeyas, Cornelius, 118-19 Shana Kara, John, 204 Sharp, Andrew, 186 Shascouanie, 56 Shawnees, 23, 36, 277 Sheaffe, Sir Roger Hale, Ixxvi, 208; letter from, 198; letter to, 198 Sheehan, Walter B., 110, 126, 172, 174, 176, 177 Sheevlan, John, 114 Sherbrooke, Sir John: letter to, 183 Sherbrooke Naval Depot, Ixvi, Ixxxvi, 181-4 Sherbrooke township, Ixiv-lxv, Ixvi, 172, 173, 180-4 Sherry, John, 264 Shoghsgoharowani, Thomas, 71 Shogh she gwaro wane, 205

341

Sho na ka ro wa ne, 204 Sho negh so wa ne, 204 Sho nyo wane, 204 Shorg, Joseph, Iviii-lix Short Hills, 229 Shosgoharowane, Henry, 203 Show wea tigh, 204 Shupe, George, Ixi Silver, John, 264 Silver, Powerless, 264 Simcoe, John Graves, 1, lix, Ixvi, Ixx, 77, 176; despises fur traders, xlii; and Indian land sales, xlv-xlvi, 75, 78, 82-3, 86, 90, 93, 94; departure of from Canada, xlvii; organizes defence, li; requests land on Dundas Street, 67; deed of for Grand River lands, 73-4; sails to San Domingo, 84; settlers introduced by, 96; orders surveys, 148; employs Cozens, 165; proposes canal, 178; letter from, 75; letters to, 72, 78, 163 Simcoe, Lake, xxxii Sir John Chief. See Katgwiroten Six Nations: formation of Confederacy of, xxviii; population of, xl, xcvin, 52, 53, 256, 257, 262, 281, 285, 291, 305-7, 311; dissension among, xliv, 54-5, 108-9, 136, 219, 281-2, 297; religion of, Ixix-lxxxviii, 2930, 232-68, 309-10; relations of with other Indians, Ixxii, 46-8, 66; conservatism of, Ixxviii; government of, 28-9; personal names of, 31; financial affairs of, 108, 139, 146, 156-60, 189, 290, 311; festivals of, 261-2. See also Cayugas, Iroquois, Mohawks, Oneidas; Onondagas; Sénecas; Tuscaroras Councils: description of, 28-9; to be held at Onondaga Village, 107-8, 136; Aug. 17,1803, at Fort George, 133-6; Oct. 8, 1803, at Fort George, 104-5; Sept. 3, 1806, at York, 273-5; July 26, 1806, at Fort George, 105-9; Nov. 9, 1806, at Onondaga Village, Iv, 136-8, 275-6; May 29, 1807, at Fort George, 138-9, 168; March 1, 1809, at Onondaga Village, 11012,139-40; July 4, 1819, at Hamilton, 66-8; Oct. 5,1829, at Mohawk Village, 294-5; Oct. 14, 1829, at Onondaga Village, 295-6; at Buffalo Creek, 106

342

INDEX

Skanawate, 192 Skanawatih, Thomas, 118-19 Skayon, Gilliain, 203 Skeagh naks hea, 205 Skea tyogh gwa tigh, 204 Slave trade, Ixxxix, xc Slaves, 61, 305n Smith, Sir David William, Ix; appointed trustee, liv, 99; as trustee, 98, 130-1, 143, 179; needs description of blocks, 102; in England, 145, 159; suggested resignation of as trustee, 146; orders survey of Block 2, 161-2; letter to, 95 Smith, Joel, 204 Smith, John, xlii, Ixxix Smith, Major John, 77 Smith, Nicholas, 264 Smith, William Kennedy, 110,122; petition of, 117 Smythe, Gen. Alexander, 208 .Snow, Joseph, 118-19 Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (S.P.G.), 259; missionaries sent by, Ixxx, Ixxxi, 256, 309; Norton brought to attention of, Ixxxiv; Brant requests money from, 239; asked to endow Tuscarora school, 245-6; Ryerson wishes to serve, 250; school of, 254; Maitland suggests as trustee for Indian property, 288; reports to, 65, 89, 232, 234, 235, 236-8, 241-2, 243 So jen ho wa ne, 204 Sorcerers, 5, 17-19, 21 Souharissen, 4, 17 Spain, threatened invasion by, 1, lii, 87, 90 Sparkman, John, Ivii Sparkman, Mrs. John (Susannah), Ivii, 152 Speed River, xxvii, lix Squatters. See European settlers Stedman, Philip, Ixi, 77n, 86, 149; buys Block 1, lv-lvii, 97, 129, 130, 131, 138, 142; proposes establishment of Leicestershire families, 90; death of, 132, 152; fails to keep agreement, 140; name of forged, 144; grant to, 147-8; heirs of surrender Block 1, 148; deed of to Whitney, 151, 153; alleged sale by to Penfield, 177 Stewart, Alexander, 100, 101, 103, 151; appointed trustee, liv, 99; as

trustee, 98, 131, 143, 144, 161, 179; letter to, 160 Stewart, Col. Archibald, 214 Stewart, Bishop Charles, 249, 252; petition to, 259 Stoney Creek, Battle of, Ixxv, Ixxvi, 207, 209 Stovin, Maj. Gen. Richard, 225, 226 Strachan, Bishop John, xcii-xcv, 250; letter to, 265 Stuart, Rev. John, Ixxxviii, xcii; visits of to Grand River, Ixxx, Ixxxi, 233, 235-6, 236-7; translates Gospels, Ixxxiv; reports of, 49, 65, 89, 234, 235, 236-8, 241; letter to, 51 Sullivan, Maj. Gen. John, 285 Superior, Lake, 22 Surveys, xxxix, 55, 56-7, 58-9, 82; of Block 2, Ix, 160-2; of Block 5, 170, 173, 175-6; of Brantford, 184; Welch's diary of, 120-5; Jones' diary of, 125-6 Susquehanna River, 40, 104, 275 Sydney, Thomas Townsend, Viscount, 53; letter from, 45 TAHQUESCA, 281 Ta Ka gegh ronta tye, Peter, 204 Talbot District: disaffected in, 229 Taloiska, 30 Ta ris ongh gwa, 204 Ta ya go to rengh se re, 205 Ta yorongh ya karegh re, 205 Tea ha wigh tha, 205 Teanaustaiae, 16 Tecumseh, Ixxii Tehaosennoghton. See Duquoin Te Kaichaga, 212, 214 Te Kanya taregh gwen, 205 Tekarehoga. See Brant, John Tekarihogea, Hendrick, 71, 219 Ten Broeck, Peter, 67 Teotongniaton, 20 Tes ho na re nyon, 205 Tèwàserakè, 254 Teyoninhokorawen. See Norton, John Thames River, xxxix Thanattharea, 205 Thaweyakiariat, Adam, 71 Thayendanegea. See Brant, Joseph Thorn, Captain, 205 Thomas, Jacob, 264 Thomas, John, xlii, Ixxix Thomas, John S., 186 Thorigh waregh, 205 Thorold, 121, 124

INDEX Thorough yongo, 205 Thorpe, Robert, 108 Tice, Mrs. Gilbert, 209 Tiffany, Isaiah, 164 Ti ka sea, 205 Tinawatawa, xxxi, 22, 23 Tinting, Lt. , 52 Tiweghnitogeagh, Johanuss, 71 Tools: provided by government, 42, 45, 293-4; Six Nations request, 276, 283 Torke-Camden Opinion, xxxiin Toronto. See York Toronto Carrying Place, xxxii Tony, Rev. Alvin, Ixxxvii-lxxxviii; reports by, 246-7, 248 Totems, xxix

Translations, into Mohawk, Ixxix, Ixxx, Ixxxiv-lxxxv, 232-3, 235-6, 253, 261, 280, 285 Treaty of Ghent, Ixxxii Treaty of 1783, xxxiv-xxxv, xxxvii, 35-41 Trustees: appointment of, liv, 95, 99, 101-2, 184-5, 296; ignored, Ivi, 130, 135-6; appointments unsatisfactory, 107; to sue for arrears, 132; report on, 144-6; to certify securities, 148-9; in sale of Block 2, 157-61; more appointments recommended, 159-60; Maitland proposes appointment of, 288-9; and Grand River Navigation Company, 298 Tsohahissen (Souharissen), 4, 17 Tucker, , 151 Tunkers, Ixi Turkey (Onondaga), 281 Turkey, Levi, 264 Tuscaroras, 65; settlement of, xl, 262-3, 306; number of, xl, 52, 281, 307; religion of, Ixxxii, Ixxxvii, Ixxxviii, 251, 256, 262-8, 309; school for, Ixxxv, 245-6, 262, 265, 267; at Beaver Dam, 203n, 205; from United States, 211-12; petition of, 264-5. See also Six Nations Tuteles (Tutelies), xl; number of on Grand, 52, 281, 307; at Beaver Dam, 203n, 205 Two Mountains, Lake of, 201 Tyaka we he, 205 UNITED STATES: attitude of to Loyalist Indians, xxxiv, 36, 40; values Brant as liaison, xlviii; rapprochement of

343

with Britain, li; threat of war with, Ivi, Ixxxix, 55-6; Methodist circuit riders from, Ixxxvii; Commissioners of negotiate with American Indians, 77. See also War of American Independence; War of 1812 Upper Canada, Executive Council: and leasing Indian lands, xliv, 104; decisions of on Indian land sales, liiliii, Iviii-lix; to consider legality of Indian land sales, 83; considers land situation, 134; reports and proceedings of, 87-8, 129-32, 140-7. 148-9, 157-60, 163, 303 VAN EVERY (Cayuga), 296 Vincent, Maj. Gen. John, Ixxiv-lxxv, 151, 208, 216; speech of, 207 WABACANINE, 103 Wabash, migration to, 284-5 Waghquata Creek. See Burlington Bay Wainfleet township, 169-70, 171, 178 Wakefleld, Gibbon, xc Walker, Moses, 192 Wallace, William: buys Block 3, Iv, Ixi, 97, 129, 130, 142, 144, 164; unable to complete contract, 132-3, 162-3; to relinquish claims, 134; to be allowed land for money paid, 135 Walpole township, 246 Wampum belts, use of, 29 Wannats, Adam, 203 War dances, 32-3, 61-2 War of American Independence, xxxiiixxxiv, xlvi, 52-3, 96, 230, 235, 275, 294; losses of Six Nations in, xlviii, 44-5, 104. See also Treaty of 1783 War of 1812: Six Nations' participation in, Ixx-lxxvii, 193-228, 283, 287; Six Nations' casualties in, 198-9, 201-2, 210-11, 214-16, 224-6 Warfare, Six Nations' customs of, 1314, 32-4, 63-4 Washington, George, 36, 38 Waterloo, lix Waterloo County, Ixi-lxii. See also Block 1; Block 2; Block 3; Dumfries, North, township; Waterloo township; Woolwich township Waterloo township, 120, 127n, 167. See also Block 2 Wa te wa tas ha rya ge, 204 Wedderburn, 171

344

INDEX

Weekes, William, 108 Welch, Thomas, Ix, 80, 161-2; survey diary of, 120-5 Welland Canal, Ixvi Welland River, 120, 124 Welles, Elisha, Ivi-lvii, 132, 134, 150 Wellington County. See Block 3; Block 4; Nichol township; Pilkington township Wendats. See Hurons Wesbrook, Alexander, xlii Wesleyan Methodists. See Missionaries West, Rev. John, Ixxxv; describes religion and education, 252-5 Western Indians, 38, 53, 237; in War of 1812, 207, 210, 215, 218, 220-2, 287 Whitby, Isaac, 264 White, John, 82, 94, 98, 143 White Coat Chief, 205, 219 White Hat Chief, 284 Whitecoat, John, 192 Whiting, Isaac, xliii; lease of 114; petition of, 117 Whitney, , 151 Wilberforce, William, xc, xci Wilkes, John, Ixviii Willcocks, Joseph, Ixxii-lxxiii; letter from, 196 William, Jacob, 265 Willson, Benjamin, 186 Willson, Matthias, 186 Wilson, James: buys Block 2, Iv, Ivii, 97, 129, 130, 142, 154-5, 160-1; granted Block 4, 129n; gives se-

curity for Block 2, 131; in arrears, 132, 158, 159; mortgage of, 156-7 Windham township, 308 Winnett, Major James, Ixxxviii, 118, 268, 298; appointed Superintendent, 297 Women: role of, xxix, 28-9, 30-1, 98; in battle, 33-4; legal status of, 98, 101-2; description of, 261 Wood, Guy Carleton, 164 Woodruffs Tavern, 196 Woolwich township, 120, 127n, 167. See also Block 3 Wright, Oscar F., 186 YACK DE HA. WE RYAGH SAT, 205

Yeo, Sir James Lucas, Ixxiv Yoha ho waneagh, 205 Yo no wea ton nyon, 204 York, Ixxiv, 95, 101-2, 103, 298; Six Nations' Council at, 273-5 Yota ra tekha, 205 Yote rough yatasegh, Thomas, 203 Yotta gwa righ syon, 204 Young, Adam, 70-7 Young, Daniel, 71 Young, Hendrick, 71 Young, John, xlii, 65, 70-1, 111, 123-4, 125 Young, Col. Robert, 211 Young family, xlii Yo wison tyon, 205 Yroquet, 5 ZORRA TOWNSHIP, 308