The Valley of the Lower Thames 1640 to 1850 9781442615168

Table of contents :
Foreword
Contents
Illustrations
Part I. Beginnings
1. Indian Territory
2. The Land Boards And The Surveyors
3. The Moravians At Fairfield
4. The Baldoon Settlement
5. Economic Development Of The Lower Settlements
6. The Evangelists
7. War On The Thames
Part II. Development
8. Renewal Of Settlement
9. Development Of Agriculture
10. Commercial And Industrial Expansion
11. Roads, Inns, And Stage-Coaches
12. Disease, Crime, And Trickery
13. Churches And Preachers
14. Some Aspects Of Pioneer Life
15. Background Of Discontent
16. The Patriot War
Part III. Expansion
17. The Farm And Its Harvest In The 1840's
18. Chatham: Emporium Of The West
19. Chatham: Social Life
20. Rise Of The Village Community
21. The Dawn Of Self-Government
Appendices
A. State Of Improvements On The Thames, January, 1794
B. Original Patentees On The Thames
C. Petitioners For Lots In Chatham, 1832
D. Some Additional Biographical Notes
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

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FRED

COYNE H A M I L

THE

VALLEY OF

THE

LOWER THAMES 1640 TO 1850

UNIVERSITY

OF TORONTO PRESS

Copyright, Canada, 1951 by University of Toronto Press Toronto and Buffalo ISBN 978-1-4426-1136-8 (paper) Publication cataloguing information is available from Library and Archives Canada.

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the finanical assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council. University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial support for its publishing activities of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP).

TO MARGUERITE, ELLANOR, AND DAVID

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THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

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FOREWORD

_

HE REGION of the Lower Thames, comprising the major part of the County of Kent, and now one of the richest and most populous agricultural sections of the Province of Ontario, was purchased by the Crown from the Indians just one hundred and sixty years ago. Land-hungry Loyalists waited impatiently until the surveyor had measured and divided part of it into townships and farm lots. Eventually they carved out homes for themselves from the forest and swamp, and with others who followed them, created a society. In the process the settler had first to return at least partially to the primitive way of life of the Indians whom he had displaced from their hunting grounds; but his advance was as rapid as the retreat of the wall of trees which hedged him in. The acquisition of large areas of fertile land laid the economic basis for a higher type of living. The surplus fruits of the soil gave rise to commerce and industry, to villages and towns, and to improved roads and transportation. Wealth and leisure time made possible a more complex society, in which music and art and literature could find a home. The history of the Lower Thames Valley is in miniature the history of Ontario, of Canada, or in some respects that of a much wider area. A minute, detailed account of the everyday life of the people—the little people as well as those who ranked as leaders—can give a truer picture of social history, even though confined to one small segment of the country, than a broad treatment which must of necessity overlook many local but significant variations. The Lower Thames can be conveniently treated as a unit, because for many years it was separated from the settlements on the upper part of the river by miles of primeval forest. It had indeed close ties with the Detroit River area, but rather as an outlying province than an integral part; and here again extensive unsettled lands lay between. The Thames River was the highroad for commerce and travel, which bound the people on both its banks into one community, and connected them with other communities far above, or those on the great

xii

FOREWORD

chain of lakes and rivers stretching from the Atlantic Ocean to the Far West. The present study closes with the early 1850's, when the first railroad was completed and the Thames River began to lose its importance as the main unifying influence of the region. By the middle of the nineteenth century the pioneer phase of life was largely ended there; and politically the County of Kent had broken its dependence upon its older neighbour to the west, and was embarked on a new phase of local self-government. I am indebted to many persons for assistance during the preparation of this book. Miss Pearl Wilson and Mrs. John Keil of Chatham, and Mr. O. K. Watson of Ridgetown have generously provided valuable information and manuscript material. Mr. George F. Macdonald of Windsor made available to me his extensive collection of manuscripts and early newspapers. My sister, Miss Geneviève Hamil, devoted many hours to transcribing certain documents. The staffs of the Kent Registry Office, the Chatham-Kent Museum, the Public Archives of Ontario, the Public Archives of Canada, the Public Library of Toronto, the Survey Office of the Department of Lands and Forests of Ontario, the Burton Historical Collection, the Detroit Public Library, and the Library of the University of Western Ontario, provided facilities and courteous assistance. Professor Fred Landon of the University of Western Ontario called my attention to the Selkirk Papers in the Public Archives of Canada, and loaned me a number of transcripts that he had made. Dr. M. M. Quaife of Detroit, then Secretary of the Burton Historical Collection, Dr. James J. Taiman, Librarian of the University of Western Ontario, Dr. George Spragge, Archivist of the Province of Ontario, and the late Mr. Ernest Green of Ottawa, read the preliminary manuscript and made many helpful suggestions. Through the courtesy of the Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Society, and the Ontario Historical Society, I have been able to use, virtually unchanged, large portions of articles previously published by them. Finally, I wish to thank Professor George Brown and Miss Eleanor Harman of the University of Toronto Press, for their assistance in seeing the work through the press. F. C. H. Wayne University, October, 1950

CONTENTS

xi

FOREWORD PART I. BEGINNINGS I II

Indian Territory

3

The Land Boards and the Surveyors

16

III

The Moravians at Fairfield

31

IV

The Baldoon Settlement

46

Economic Development of the Lower Settlements

57

The Evangelists

68

War on the Thames

78

V VI VII

PART II. DEVELOPMENT VIII

Renewal of Settlement

105

Development of Agriculture

119

Commercial and Industrial Expansion

137

Roads, Inns, and Stage-Coaches

158

Disease, Crime, and Trickery

171

XIII

Churches and Preachers

187

XIV

Some Aspects of Pioneer Life

200

Background of Discontent

210

The Patriot War

228

IX X XI XII

XV XVI

Xiii

CONTENTS PART III. EXPANSION XVII The Farm and its Harvest XVIII

245

Chatham: Emporium of the West

262

Chatham: Social Life

279

XX

Rise of the Village Community

299

XXI

The Dawn of Self-Government

317

XIX

APPENDICES A.

State of Improvements on the Thames, January, 1794

335

B.

Original Patentees on the Thames

339

C.

Petitioners for Lots in Chatham, 1832

344

D.

Some Additional Biographical Notes

346

BIBLIOGRAPHY

361

INDEX

373

xiv

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES opposite page 100

Battle of the Thames Bush Farm near Chatham, circa 1838

132

Buttonwood Tree, 18 feet in circumference, in the Bush near Chatham, circa 1840

164

Barracks at Chatham, 1837

196

Barracks at Chatham, 1838

228

Sixth Street, Chatham, 1838

260

King Street West, Chatham, 1860

292

Chatham, 1854, looking northeast from above the Rankin Dock

324

MAPS The Valley of the Lower Thames

viii-ix

Sketch-Map of Baldoon, 1810

47

The Battle of the Forks

86

A Plan of Moravian Town

92

Town of Chatham, 1832

144 xv

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PART I

BEGINNINGS

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1 INDIAN TERRITORY

T

HE RIVER THAMES lies like an uncoiled lash across the face of South-Western Ontario. Its muddy waters, unhurried except in flood, are garnered from many streams drawing tribute from the peninsula. In its lower reaches through the County of Kent the Thames runs roughly parallel to the shore of Lake Erie, at a distance of from ten to fifteen miles, until it flows into Lake St. Clair. The branches of the river perhaps reminded the Chippewa of the prongs of a deer's horn, for they named it the Escunnisepi or Horn River. To the French its trench-like appearance suggested the name La Tranche, by which it was known for nearly a century. Lieutenant-Governor John Graves Simcoe gave the river its present name soon after his arrival in the province in 1792. Two years previous to this, on the 19th of May, 1790, the chiefs of the Chippewa, the Missisauga, and the other tribes that dwelt or hunted in the great forests from Long Point to Lake St. Clair, assembled at Detroit. They were there at the summons of the King, who wished to buy their lands. For the last two or three years white squatters had been moving up the Thames in increasing numbers, building log huts along its banks, and planting corn in the open spaces. These people had bought or rented farms from speculators who held the river front on both sides from the mouth as far up as the Forks (now Chatham), by virtue of illegal Indian deeds, which the chiefs had been willing to grant for guns and powder and rum. While the settlers were few the Indians could still hunt and fish as before along most of the river, and even plant their corn fields near its mouth. But a government purchase would be another matter. A horde of farmers was waiting to descend upon the lands, and the Indians knew that they would lose these favourite hunting and planting grounds forever. 3

4

THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

The chiefs fought hard to have the Thames made the northern boundary of the purchase, but the deputy Indian agent Alexander McKee was firm. He advised the Indians to agree peacefully to what the King desired, and they knew that they could not long resist. McKee assured them that they would still be permitted to hunt and plant throughout the tract, except for a short distance back on each side of the river. Perhaps they could not imagine that the time would come when all that vast area would be turned into a smiling countryside, the game would disappear, and they would be herded into small reserves or driven into the far North or West. On the 21st of May the treaty was signed, and the chiefs traced their various totems on the bottom of the document, with the customary passing of strings of wampum and the smoking of the pipe. The ceded territory included the area south of the Thames River and Lake St. Clair, from Long Point to the Detroit River, as well as that south of a line drawn due east from the Chenail Ecarté, a few miles above Lake St. Clair, until it met the Thames. All this was obtained for £1200 (Quebec currency), paid in merchandise.1 The purchase occurred just a century and a half after the first known visit of a European to the Lower Thames region. When the Jesuit fathers appeared there in the winter of 1640-41 the total white population of Canada numbered about 200, and Montreal had yet to be founded. Louis XIII and his minister Cardinal Richelieu ruled in France, too busy with European intrigue to devote much thought to their infant colony in the New World. Only the fur traders and the missionaries were interested in the interior of the continent and its aboriginal inhabitants. The Jesuits at the newly established station of Ste Marie near Georgian Bay began to question the Indians and wandering coureurs-de-bois who passed their way, making notes and crude maps from the vague information supplied them. They had resolved to establish the "Mission of the Angels" among the Attiouandaron or Neutral Nation, who inhabited the territory north of Lake Erie. Late in the year 1640 Jean de Brébeuf and Joseph Marie Chaumonot set out on the forest trail which led around the head of Lake 'Ontario Archives, Reports, XVII, 182-5; III, 9, 41. Sec also the statements of the chiefs to the Council, Mar. 7, 1794, with the petitions of Sarah Ainse; Public Archives of Canada, Land Petitions, A, 14, no. 45.

INDIAN TERRITORY

5

Ontario and along the shore of Lake Erie. They visited eighteen villages of the Neutrals, staying for a time in ten of them. Sanson's map of 1650, probably based on a lost map of the Jesuits, shows two which appear to be within the present County of Kent. It is possible that the fortified village near Clearville in Orford Township, or that on McGregor's Creek near Chatham, was the one named St. Joseph. Another, near the mouth of the Thames River, may have been the village of Khiostoa or St. Michel. Brébeuf and Chaumonot lived for four months among these Indians, in great discomfort and constant peril of their lives. Finally they gave up the Mission of the Angels and returned to Ste Marie. Within ten years the Neutral nation had ceased to exist, destroyed by the Iroquois, who turned on it as soon as they had eliminated their old enemies the Hurons. Thousands of the latter were slaughtered in 1649; Brébeuf and other priests were tortured to death; and Ste Marie was abandoned. In the autumn of 1650 the Iroquois brought fire and slaughter to the eastern villages of the Neutrals. Towns farther inland were deserted by their terrified inhabitants, who fled into the forests of the north. Fighting continued until 1653, but only scattered remnants of the Neutrals survived to join the few bands of Hurons at Michilimackinac and on Lake Superior. Their descendants were among the Huron-Wyandot whom Cadillac settled near Detroit in 1701.2 The Neutrals had been in general a sedentary people, inhabiting some forty villages set in the midst of cultivated fields of corn, beans, pumpkins, and tobacco. The settlers who came to the Lower Thames region in the later eighteenth century were astonished to find evidences of extensive occupation long before. Almost everywhere the earth yielded up stone weapons and other artifacts. The remains of villages could be seen along the lake, the streams running into it, along the Thames River, and McGregor's Creek near the Forks, surrounded by overgrown cornfields. One of the settlers in the southern part of the Township of Howard wrote in 1832 that there were evidences of a 2 J. H. Coyne, The Country of the Neutrals (St. Thomas, 1895). J. H. Coyne, "The Indian Occupation of Southern Ontario," Waterloo Historical Society, Reports, IV (1916), 13-23. "The Attiwandarons or Nation of the Neutrals," Annual Archaeological Report, 1913 (Appendix to the Report of the Minister of Education, Ontario. Toronto, 1913), 7-20.

6

THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

much more extensive occupation in the past than in his time. He had seen the ruins of seven houses in a field of about five acres, and had ploughed up many pieces of broken pottery. The outlines of two strongly fortified villages could still be traced on the lake, at the mouth of Big Creek and the adjoining creek. Trees growing upon these sites appeared as old as those in the neighbouring forests.3 The Neutrals also had two villages on McGregor's Creek near Chatham, another on the west bank of Baptiste's Creek near the mouth of the Thames, and one on the south bank of the river east of Jeannette's Creek.4 McNiff's map of 1790 shows the last, and across the river a mound, with the following notation:3 In the side of this knoll there are great quantities of human bones. A battle is said to have been fought near it between the Chippewas and Seneckas contending for the dominion of this country, when the latter was put to flight with great slaughter and drove across the river at Niagara. Simcoe and his suite, on their way to Detroit in 1793, also heard this story, and saw the ruins of the village and the bones.6 McNiff while surveying found the remains of many huts on the north side of Rondeau Bay, near the present village of Shrewsbury. The Chippewa Indians still came there in the spring of the year to fish and shoot wildfowl. In recent times flints and arrow points, pottery, and skeletons of Indians have been unearthed at various places along the lake and Rondeau Bay.7 The best known Neutral 3 Sandwich 4

Canadian Emigrant, May 19, 1832. Edwin B. Jones, "Homes of the Attiwendrons," Chatham Evening Banner, Nov. 25, 27, 1896. Edwin B. Jones, "Relic of a Peace Pipe," Chatham Daily Planet, Aug. 20, 1907. Jones first visited the remains of the villages on McGregor's Creek in 1878, and traced the outlines of their fortifications. He dug up a number of artifacts as well as thirty or forty skeletons in the site on the west bank of Baptiste's Creek near the railway bridge. I am indebted to Mrs. Grace Jones Morgan of Alameda, California, for sending me copies of her father's valuable articles in the Chatham newspapers. •'Ontario, Dept. of Lands and Forests, Survey Office, Map of the Thames River, 1790. The village near Jeannette's Creek was on lot 5, East Tilbury. 6 Major Littlehales, "Journal," London and Middlesex Historical Society, Transactions, VIII (1917), 6-14. Ontario Archives, Reports, III (1905), 10. Ubid., Ill, 70. E. B. Jones, "The First White Men who saw the Round Water," Chatham Evening Banner, Oct. 31, 1898. G. T. McKeough, "The Early Indian Occupation of Kent," Kent Historical Society, Papers and Addresses, IV (1919), 13-27.

INDIAN TERRITORY

7

village site is that of the "fort" near Clearville, on Clear Creek about three miles from Lake Erie, which has been investigated by archaeologists at different times since 1888.8 The surveyors' maps show a number of Indian trails connecting these villages, and leading to outside points. One path led from Rondeau Bay to the river at the Forks (Chatham), and another from Lake Erie at the mouth of Big Creek to the river at the site of Arnold's Mills, thence north to the River Sydenham. Other trails followed the gravel ridge parallel to the lake from the village near Clearville through the sites of Ridgetown and Blenheim. The trails along the River Thames and Lake St. Clair were probably the oldest of all. Today the main roads of the county closely parallel these ancient paths. With the passing of the Neutrals their lands became for a time the hunting ground of the Iroquois, who came each winter to trap beaver for the trade with the English. Their enemies the French left this territory alone, and passed westward to Lakes Superior and Michigan by way of the Ottawa River, Lake Nipissing, and Lake Huron. Explorers later skirted the shores of the Great Lakes, and reached the Mississippi by the Ohio River or Lake Michigan. The first known European to use the Lake Erie route was Louis Jolliet, who made his way by canoe along the northern shore on his return from Lake Superior in 1669. The following spring two Sulpicians from Montreal, Francis Dollier de Casson and René de Brehant de Galinée, retraced Jolliet's route to the Detroit. They camped on the open sandy shore of Pointe aux Pins, where they killed a wolf. Then they saw a large herd of deer on the far side of Rondeau Bay, and managed to kill ten does.9 Nine years later La Salle and his men, on board the Griffon bound from Niagara to the mission of St. Ignace, passed within sight of Pointe aux Pins and Point Pelee. Tonty preceded them in a bark canoe, and probably camped overnight near 8

David Boyle, "Village Site at Clearville," Report of the Minister of Education,1889 (Toronto, 1889), App., 15-17. Recently excavations have been carried on by the University of Western Ontario. 9 J. H. Coyne, "The Dollier-Galinée Expedition, 1669-70," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XX (Toronto, 1923), 75-81. J. H. Coyne (transi. & éd.), "Exploration of the Great Lakes, 1669-70, by Dollier de Casson and De Brehant de Galinée," ibid., IV (1903), xxiv-vi.

8

THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

Rondeau Bay.10 La Salle returned from the lower Illinois by land to the Detroit River in April 1680. He crossed on a raft and continued eastward on foot along the north shore of Lake Erie, until, as he relates, "The Indian and one of my men succumbed to the toil of walking continually in water, the constant rain and the great thaw having flooded nearly all the woods." With great difficulty he was able to get to Niagara at Easter.11 While Louisiana was being colonized from the Gulf of Mexico, and a string of forts was built at strategic points along the Mississippi, the Ohio, and the Great Lakes, the interior of the southern peninsula of modern Ontario still slumbered on, an uncharted wilderness. In 1721, twenty years after the founding of Detroit, Charlevoix travelled the now familiar route along the north shore of Lake Erie. He was delighted with the "charming country" west of Long Point. "Whenever I went ashore," he wrote, "I was quite enchanted by the beauty and variety of a landscape, which was terminated by the noblest forests in the whole world."12 On Lake St. Clair he noticed a river with a wide mouth on his right, and was told that it was "navigable for four-score leagues without any rapid current, a rare thing in the rivers of this country," but no one could tell him its name. This was the Thames, which remained nameless to the map-makers for decades.13 The northern shore of Lake Erie became well known to the English after their capture of Detroit and the other western posts 10 Louis Hennepin, A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America, ed. R. G. Thwaites, I (Chicago, 1903), 108. Talbot Creek in Elgin County appears on the early maps as the River Tonti. lx Pierre Margry, Lettres de Cavelier de la Salle, in his Découvertes et établissements des Français dans l'ouest, Part 2, 63. 12 P. F. X. de Charlevoix, Journal of a Voyage to North America, trans, by L. P. Kellog, II (Chicago, 1923), 2-5. 13 Bellin's map also shows five streams between Long Point and Le Petit Lac (Little Lake, or Rondeau Bay), marked "unknown rivers." The shore here is labelled "Grand Ecores" (Highbanks), while west of Rondeau it is "Les Petites Ecores (Lowbanks). The name "Pointe aux Pins" (Pine Point), still used for the narrow peninsula separating the bay from the lake, appears on D'Anville's map of 1755. Mitchell's map of the same year labels the Thames the "New River," and this is followed by Thomas Kitchen on his maps of 1773 and 1794. The latter also has the names "Pine Point" and "Little Lake" at Rondeau. Bellin's maps of 1764 call the Thames "Grande Rivière inconnue" (large unknown river), or "Rivière peu connue" (river little known) ; see L. Karpinski, Historical Atlas of the Great Lakes and Michigan (Lansing, 1931),

INDIAN TERRITORY

9

in 1760. Sir William Johnson and his men landed and dined at the eastern end of Pointe aux Pins the following year, and found here a portage to the bay, by which the trip around the Pointe might be avoided, but it was "hardly passable without more trouble than profit." This was apparently part of the Indian trail to the Forks on the River Thames. When Sir William encamped at the other end of the bay he noticed great quantities of pigeons in the vicinity.14 The camping ground at the eastern end of the Pointe, at the mouth of Patterson's Creek, was the scene of a disaster on November 7, 1763, when Major John Wilkins' fleet of some fifty bateaux was forced ashore while on its way to Detroit, then under siege by Pontiac. Several boats foundered in deep water during a storm, and others were pounded to pieces in the surf. Sixty-three British privates lost their lives, besides several officers.15 A few years later the trader John Porteous stopped at "Major Wilkins' encampment, where he was wrecked coming to the relief of Detroit." Porteous made frequent trips to and from Detroit during the 1760's, as did many other French and English traders. Their canoes and bateaux carried supplies from Montreal, or from New York, Albany, and Schenectady by way of the Mohawk and Oswego rivers, and returned laden with furs and skins from the West.16 In 1768 John Lees, a merchant of Quebec, after rounding the Pointe put in at the west side, "at a large sandy beach, where there was formerly a river, but it is now shut up by the Lake's rising up the sand in the mouth of it." Duck, deer, and wild turkey were plentiful here, and bass and pike abounded in the bay. On landing Lees found three bateaux from Schenectady, and in the evening another came in under sail from Detroit. Two canoes also put in, with seventy packs of furs and skins aboard, "mostly cats, bears, and deer leather."17 14

W. L. Stone, Life and Times of Sir William Johnson II (Albany, 1865), App. 455. 15 The bodies of Lt. Davidson and six men were found on the shore and buried there. See John Porteous, "Journal. Schenectady to Michilimackinac 1765 & 1766," ed. by F. C. Hamil, in Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XXXIII (1939), 98, App. 19 Ibid., 75-98. Burton Historical Collection, Detroit, The John Porteous Journals. ^Journal of John Lees of Quebec, Merchant (Detroit, 1911), 33.

10

THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

From such sources come brief glimpses of the continual traffic in small boats which closely followed the shore line during the British régime. Only gradually was the interior of these forest-covered lands becoming known. Now and then the traders and their men had to make their way on foot to Detroit or to Niagara, when their boats were wrecked. Some of them began to visit the Thames River to trade with the Chippewa, who had long since driven the Iroquois from their hunting grounds. The Chippewa were a fierce nomadic people, who wandered through the forests in the winter trapping and hunting. In the spring they made sugar from the sap of the maple trees, and planted fields of Indian corn in the open spaces, such as were to be found near the mouth of the Thames and here and there along its banks. During the cold weather a fire was built in the middle of their bark huts, warming the five or six families that lived in each, and drying the meat hung from the rafters. The white people often called the Chippewa "The Nation of Beggars," because of their annoying custom during times of scarcity.18 No doubt an occasional French or English trader had established himself on the Thames long before Jean Baptiste Lacroix, who was living on the river as early as 1779,19 and David Lynd, alias Jacquo, who acquired a small farm from the Chippewa in 1780, and was murdered by them ten years later. Perhaps the oldest farm on the river was one on the south bank, later occupied by John Peck, and purchased by George Jacob and Alexis Labutte in 1791. At that date it was said to have been cultivated for the past thirteen years.20 During the course of the American Revolution there was a shortage of foodstuffs at the western posts, and these had to be transported at great expense from Montreal. Plans were made in 1780 to alleviate the situation by settling refugee loyalists at Niagara and Detroit, who would be required to sell their surplus produce to the garrisons. Five families took up free land at Niagara during this year, 18

H. A. Jacobson, "Narrative of an Attempt to Establish a Mission Among the Chippewa Indians of Canada, between the Years 1800 and 1806," Moravian Historical Society, Transactions, V, Part I (1895), 3-4. in Burton Historical Collection, Thomas Smith ledger, 1779-1800, 172. 20 See App. D for an account of the Peck family.

INDIAN TERRITORY

11

and the Government also provided them with ploughs and other farm implements. By the fall of 1782 there were sixteen families of loyalists settled on the western side of the Niagara River. These were the vanguard of a large influx which came after the signing of the peace in 1783. At Detroit many of the merchants began to engage in land speculation during the later years of the war. They must have foreseen that the Government would have to purchase tracts of land from the Indians on which to settle the loyalists. Some of them were shrewd enough to see the advantages of the lower Thames valley for this purpose, and they hastened to secure grants there from the Chippewa chiefs, hoping that the Government would eventually recognise their claims. In the year 1780 Sarah Ainse bought the whole north bank of the river from Lake St. Clair up to the Forks (now Chatham), 150 acres in depth. At the same time Charles Gouin acquired the south bank from the mouth up to Jeannette's Creek; and the following year the Detroit firm of Garret Teller and William Groesbeck purchased the remainder of the south bank as far up as the Forks.21 A few loyalists found their way to Detroit during the war, but most came after the peace. In 1784 Captain William Caldwell brought a number of disbanded Butler's Rangers and their families from Niagara, to be settled on land which the Government had provided for them at the mouth of the Detroit River. Most obtained free farms there, but few were able to make improvements on them for lack of provisions and tools, which had been ordered for their use but failed to arrive. Others found their lots unfit for farming because they were too wet. A few tools were eventually supplied, but many of the settlers had to go without them. In 1785 another group of twenty-six loyalist families under the leadership of Frederick Arnold, a German Dunkard from Redstone, Pennsylvania, came to Detroit at the invitation of Lieutenant-Governor Hay. But due to the latter's death, and the lack of available crown lands, these 21 See F. C. Hamil, "Sally Ainse, Fur Trader" (Algonquin Club, Historical Bulletin, III, Detroit, 1939). Records of Indian grants may be found in the Detroit Notarial Registers in the Burton Historical Collection, Detroit, and in the Public Archives of Canada at Ottawa.

12

THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

families failed to secure free grants. They as well as other loyalists and ex-soldiers who came to Detroit were forced to buy or rent farms, or to hire themselves out as labourers or seamen.22 Beginning in 1787 some sales were made by the speculators from their lands on the Thames River. In that year Sarah Ainse sold her house and lot in the fort at Detroit and moved to the Thames, where with the help of her negro slaves she began to cultivate a small farm for herself and one for her son Nicholas Montour, who was engaged in the North West fur trade. Two farms were purchased from her by William Brown and Joseph Cissney. The former was a Detroit merchant and the latter a settler on the River Rouge near Detroit; neither came to live on the Thames. Garret Teller also sold two farms from his tract on the south side of the river, one to the Detroit firm of Arthur McCormick and Michael O'Neal, and the other to a loyalist named Daniel Field. These sales were all made between 1787 and 1789; during the next two years many others were made to merchants and to the loyalists who had grown tired of waiting for the Government to supply them with lands. Many who did not have the money to buy farms came to the Thames as labourers or renters.23 When Patrick McNifT first surveyed the course of the River Thames in the fall of 1790, he found twenty-eight log houses below the site of Chatham, all but nine on the south bank in what is now Raleigh Township. Starting near the western boundary of the township, there were first three empty huts, two of them belonging to men named Charon. Just above lived Robert Surphlet, then came an empty hut and after a considerable distance the houses of Richard Merry, John Peck, Jr., a Frenchman named St. Carty, Robert Peck, Elizabeth Peck, and John Peck, Sr. "A Canadian," later identified as Jean Marie Le Cerf, lived much farther up. His house was closely followed by those of Daniel Field, Samuel Newkirk, Thomas Williams, Charles McCormick, and Isaac Dolsen. Two empty houses above Dolsen's completed the establishments on this side. On the north bank an empty house stood opposite that belong"Ontario Archives, Reports, III, 13-14, 42. Public Archives of Canada, U.C. Land Boards Reports, Hesse, E. Ontario Archives, Reports, XVII (1928), 211-12. 23 See note 21, above.

INDIAN TERRITORY

13

ing to John Peck, Sr. Then came huts or houses belonging to Thomas Holmes, Meldrum and Park (merchants of Detroit), Arthur McCormick, and Sarah Wilson (alias Sarah Ainse or Sarah Montour), who lived nearly opposite Samuel Newkirk. Between Sarah Ainse and a house belonging to Matthew Dolsen, which was much farther up, was a hut belonging to a negro, apparently one of Mrs. Ainse's slaves. Thomas Clarke the millwright lived above, not far from the Forks. An empty house stood between him and Matthew Dolsen. Other records indicate that there were several other farmers or labourers living on the Thames River at this time, who did not yet have houses of their own. A list of those applying for lands and provisions, dated July 20, 1790, includes the following new names: Peter Shonk, farmer, and Jacob Quant, John Wright, Thomas Parsons, and Nathan Lewis, labourers, all former Butler's Rangers; John Goose, William Harper, and John Embry, labourers, formerly of the 84th Regiment; and Hezekiah Wilcox, Josiah Wilcox, Hugh Holmes, Gaspar Brown, John Hazard, Jacob Hill, and John Gordon, all farmers and loyalists. Several of these must have been working on the farms noted by McNiff, such as those of the Dolsens and Daniel Field, who had not yet moved to the river. Others doubtless worked for such merchants as Meldrum and Park, and the McCormicks. The Dolsens and the Fields were substantial men from Wyoming, Pennsylvania, who had lost farms and other property when they remained loyal to the King and fought with Butler's Rangers against their former neighbours. Peter Shonk, now a servant of Matthew Dolsen, was lame from a wound sustained in an engagement near Schoharie, New York. He had joined Burgoyne's army in 1777, been taken prisoner at the Battle of Saratoga, escaped and joined Brant and the Mohawks, and later fought with Butler's Rangers. Robert Surphlet was a kinsman of Alexander McKee, who had come from Fort Pitt in 1777 with him and other well-known loyalists such as Matthew Elliott and Simon Girty. As a lieutenant in the Indian Department Surphlet had taken part in several expeditions and engagements, including that of Hamilton against Vincennes. Now, paralysed and afflicted with palsy, he was living near his fatherin-law John Peck, Sr., Gaspar Brown, with his wife and children, had been carried captive to Detroit from Kentucky by the Indians.

14

THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

John Peck, Sr., was an Englishman who had been present at the taking of Quebec from the French in 1759, as band-master of his regiment. Similar stories of war and fighting, imprisonment and exile, could be told of the other inhabitants on the River Thames at this time. Sarah Ainse was an Indian women who played a considerable part in the early history of the Lower Thames. Her fantastic career was but briefly hinted at in her petition for lands made in 1789, when she stated : Your petitioner was brought up on the Susquehanna River, and at seventeen years of age married one Andrew Monture, Interpreter for the Crown, by whom she had several children who are now living. Her husband a few years after left her with her relations the Oneidas living on the Mohawk River, and being a little accustomed to civilized ways of living, your petitioner requested of the said nation to give her the portion of land she was entitled to in order to improve upon it in the manner of white people. The nation in consequence had a council and granted to your petitioner six miles from each bastion of Fort Stanwix by deed signed, sealed and delivered. From her attachment to the British Government she abandoned her possessions at Fort Stanwix and came into this district . . . It was in 1756 that Sarah separated from her husband, who then induced the governor of Pennsylvania to provide for the care of his children. Sarah took only one child with her, who was born this year and baptised in the Dutch Church at Albany as Nicholas Montour. Years later he became a member of the North West Company, acquired a fortune, and purchased the seigneury of La Pointe du Lac in Lower Canada. His mother operated as a trader on the Mohawk and then on the lakes. In the fall of 1766 she was seen at Long Point on Lake Erie with a boat-load of goods, intending to spend the winter there. In the spring she was at Michilimackinac, where she lived for a time with the trader William Maxwell. She continued to trade in this area until 1774, when she moved to Detroit. It was not until 1787 that she moved to the Thames. The land which these early pioneers helped to convert into the fertile countryside of today was then covered with forest and swamp. The great marshes and plains of Dover and Tilbury spread eastward along the banks of the river for six miles from Lake St.

INDIAN TERRITORY

15

Clair. Then the trees began, but on the south the plains continued almost to the Forks at Chatham, at a distance of less than a mile from the stream, and with an average width of three or four miles. On the north the prairies extended along the shore of Lake St. Glair and the Chenail Ecarté to the River Sydenham, and for several miles inland. The grasses there grew rank and luxuriant to a height of four or five feet, presenting a level sea of verdure broken only occasionally by small islands of shrubs and dwarfish willows, and by streams of sluggish water. Herds of elk roamed through these thousands of acres, where eagles and hawks circled in quest of prey, and where blackbirds, meadowlarks, and thrushes nested among the reeds. In the fall wild ducks and geese swarmed on the waters, which were filled with turtles, frogs, crayfish, and venomous snakes. For the Indians it was a hunter's paradise, and a place where in the drier portions they could plant their corn. The remainder of the Lower Thames area was covered with a dense forest, intermixed with bogs and swamps, and open beaver meadows. In the depth of the woods the overhanging foliage shut out the sunshine and most of the daylight. The black mould produced little underbrush or herbage there, except for a reedy grass which sheltered deadly rattlesnakes. The great trunks of the forest giants and the vaulted boughs which closed like a roof far above created the impression of an enormous cathedral. These were, in general, hardwood trees, oak and walnut and maple and ash ; white pine grew only on Pointe aux Pins at Rondeau Bay. The birds and the animals lived in the clearings, which abounded in sumach and flowers, and in grapes and berries. It was a hard and lonely life for these men and women who ventured up the winding stream into the gloom of the forest. Their primitive log huts clung to the steep banks of the river, their only means of communication with the outside world. Some of the men engaged in trade with the Indians, and most cultivated a few acres of land which had once been Indian cornfields, or which had been won with great toil by chopping down the trees. The river was still known by the French name of La Tranche, or more properly La Tranchée, meaning "the trench" a name that must have seemed peculiarly appropriate as it sliced its way through the tall grasses near the mouth, and through the dense forest farther up.

2 THE LAND B O A R D S AND THE S U R V E Y O R S

A

T LONG LAST the Government provided for the setting up of Land Boards in the several districts into which the Province of Quebec was divided.1 The Land Board for the District of Hesse, which extended westward from Long Point on Lake Erie to Detroit, met for the first time on June 19, 1789. Most of the district was still Indian territory, and the Board could do little except receive petitions from loyalists and other deserving people who were seeking free grants of land. The surveying of the territory, and its settlement, had to wait until the projected government purchase was completed. Alexander McKee, the Deputy Indian Agent, was entrusted with the negotiations, but he was absent on business at the Ottawa River until December, and it was not until May 19, 1790, that he was able to assemble the chiefs in a council at Detroit. As soon as the treaty was signed two days later, the Board ordered the deputy surveyor, Patrick McNiff, to survey the front of the tract along Lake Erie, and mark off the boundaries of the townships. About the middle of June McNiff returned with the discouraging report that no townships could be laid out fronting on the lake, except for one back of Rondeau Bay, where there were ten miles of excellent land and a convenient site for a town. Elsewhere the high banks between Long Point and Point Pelee made the land inaccessible from the lake. The Board then decided to front the townships on the Thames River, and it directed McNiff to take the general course of the river for thirty miles from the mouth. The surveyor did not begin this work until October, and after completing x

The records of the Land Board for the District of Hesse are published in Ontario Archives, Reports, III. For additional letters and documents pertaining to the survey see ibid., XVII, passim. 16

LAND BOARDS AND SURVEYORS

17

seventeen and a half miles discontinued the survey because of illhealth. He reported that the townships could not be laid out according to the General Plan, with the crown reserves in front, without dispossessing all the squatters on the river. In the spring he set out again to survey the fronts of the townships, beginning the first one (later named Raleigh on the south and Dover East on the north) where the plains ended and the trees commenced. He had completed half of the third township (Howard and Camden), when he discovered that the river was taking a much more southerly direction than he had expected. McNiff then returned to Detroit to see if the Board wished to change the direction of the side lines. The Board did not, but owing to various difficulties no more surveying was done on the Thames during the next two years. Immediately after his return McNiff wrote to the Land Committee of the Executive Council protesting against the standing order of survey, or General Plan, by which only two lots in each of the first two concessions in each township could be granted to settlers. This was known as the "chequered plan", to be used in townships fronting on navigable waters; this plan interspersed the crown reserves among the lots to be granted to settlers in such a way as to keep most of the latter from the lands near the water, the only highways for many years. McNiff pointed out that people would refuse to settle in the back concessions separated from the river by unoccupied woodlands through which they would have to build roads. In addition, the promising colony of squatters already established on the Thames would have to be removed, and the few people who could be settled in front would be separated from their neighbours by blocks of wooded reserves, and thus be defenceless against the numerous bands of Indians that were continually passing up and down the river. Although the danger to the settlers from the Indians was not great, the annoyance was serious, and it is true that the trader David Lynd had been murdered by two Chippewa Indians the previous year. The Moravian missionaries at Fairfield complained for some years after the settlement of that village in 1792 about the riotous and drunken behaviour of bands encamped near them. Shortly after the

18

THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

purchase, in 1790, Isaac Dolsen and thirty other inhabitants of the Thames petitioned the Land Board as follows:2 Whereas the subscribers have formerly been plundered by the Indians who plant corn at and about the mouth of the River La Trenche and is making preparations for continuing this summer at the same places, the subscribers wanting to live in peace and quietness humbly pray that the Indians would be dispossessed of that liberty as Government had bought and paid them for that land.

The Land Committee was impressed by McNiff's letter as well as by similar protests from the Land Board of Hesse and those of other districts. It recommended to the Council that all the front lots in townships situated on navigable waters should be granted to settlers, and that each squatter should be granted one lot, whether he had settled under Indian deed or otherwise. No action was taken on this recommendation, because of the constitutional changes made by the Canada Act which came into effect early in the summer of 1791. This act provided for the division of the Province of Quebec into the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, with a lieutenantgovernor, legislative council, and assembly for each. It also provided for the reservation of land equal in amount and value to one-seventh of that granted for other purposes, to be used for the support of a Protestant clergy. Thus the reserves for the crown and clergy together were to consist of two-sevenths of the land. On February 7, 1792, Colonel John Graves Simcoe, who had recently arrived to fill the post of lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada, issued a proclamation embodying the land rules then in effect. This meant that the reserves were to be distributed among the other farms in the old "chequered" fashion. The first assignments of land on the Thames were made on April 20, 1792. The Board had finally decided to issue certificates for the front lots which were not reserved, as well as those in the second concession. These were the lots numbered six and nineteen in each of the first two townships north and south (Raleigh, Dover East, Harwich and Chatham), and lots numbered six in the half of the third township (Howard and Camden), which had been surveyed. These twenty 2 Public Archives of Canada, U.C. Land Petitions, D, Miscell. (Under Isaac Dolsen. )

LAND BOARDS AND SURVEYORS

19

farm lots of 200 acres each, half of them undesirable because they were back from the river in the second concession, were all that were available for the crowd of qualified settlers who had been waiting for years. When it first met in 1789 the Board had received a large number of petitions from ex-soldiers and loyalists desiring locations on the Thames, and from the squatters already established there. The following February so many people were moving to the river that the Board announced it would not consider any unauthorized improvements made after that date in making its assignments. A year later, as soon as McNiff had surveyed the fronts of the townships, people began to select and send in petitions for the lots situated there. The long delay in obtaining grants of land had caused a great deal of discontent, particularly among the two groups of loyalists brought in by William Caldwell and Frederick Arnold in 1784 and 1785. Some had returned to the United States, and others, because of the failure of the Government to supply them with tools and provisions, had "entered into various services, and on board ship or in the Indian country may have acquired a distaste to labour and habits of indolence unfavorable to a farmer's life." The distribution of provisions to the loyalists had finally begun in March 1791, on orders from Lord Dorchester, but it was badly conducted and many complaints arose. Colonel England, the commandant at Detroit, informed Simcoe in the fall of 1792 that many had received provisions who were not entitled to them, while others who were entitled had received none.8 It must appear hard to a man [he wrote], not to receive the same indulgence with his neighbors, with whom probably he served in the same corps, and has been employed in the same service and perhaps is a better conducted man as a soldier and a citizen, and it must appear to him still more severe to see several men receiving provisions for themselves and numerous families that never have served or are not by any means entitled to the bounty . . . Many continue to draw rations for children male and female who have been married and separated since the list was approved. When it met on April 20, 1792, to make assignments of the ten 3

Dept. of Lands and Forests, Survey Office, Letters Received, I, 10-15.

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THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

front lots available on the Thames, the Board found it difficult to decide between the merits of those who had petitioned for certain lots, and those who had made improvements on them as squatters. It expressed the opinion that where the actual occupant was disposssessed in favour of the original petitioner, the former should be paid the value of his improvements by the latter; but it had no power to enforce such a regulation. In most cases, if the squatter had settled before 1790, he was assigned the lot within which his principal improvements fell. Considerable difficulty arose over lot 6 in Raleigh, for which there were several claimants. The Board finally decided in favour of a former Ranger named Thomas Parsons, who had occupied the land for four or five years on an Indian deed purchased from Michael O'Neal, and who was also the first petitioner for it. The trustees of the estate of Caldwell and Elliott were told that they would have to go to court to enforce their claims that Parsons had sold the land to them. By proclamation of July 16, 1792, Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe divided the province of Upper Canada into nineteen counties. Essex County then included the land south of the River Thames as far as the carrying place between Pointe aux Pins and the site of Chatham. The territory east of this in the present County of Kent was made part of the short-lived County of Suffolk. Kent County then consisted of the land north of the Thames River, not included in other counties or belonging to the Indians, as well as Detroit, which was connected to the rest of the county by a four-mile wide strip along the south shore of Lake St. Clair. In October the districts were renamed, and the District of Hesse became the Western District. The new Land Board for the counties of Essex and Kent, into which the Western District was divided (the County of Suffolk shortly disappearing), was given ten members. On July 16 Simcoe also agreed to the proposals of the Board that the first two concessions on both sides of the Thames River should be thrown open to settlement, except for a block of forty lots, twenty in the front concessions and twenty in the rear, around the juncture of the townships at the Forks, which were to be reserved. In addition, all persons established on land previous to the existence of the Board were to be secured in their improvements to the extent of

LAND BOARDS AND SURVEYORS

21

two hundred acres. Acting on this authority the Board proceeded on August 22 to August 24 to assign the remainder of the available front lots through two and a half townships on each side of the river. In the spring of 1793 McNiff laid out six lots of the meadows below the first township on each side of the river (in the present townships of Tilbury East and Dover West), numbering them in reverse, and completed the survey of the front of the third township (Camden and Howard). Soon afterwards the Board made assignments of these lots. In September, however, the third township was reduced to a width of eighteen lots, so that the fourth, belonging to the Moravians who had settled in the spring of 1792, could have the same width. The wet lands in the lower part of Raleigh and Dover East, and along the river in Tilbury East and Dover West, were mostly settled by French people from the Detroit River area, who preferred them to the forested lands higher up. Many of them had served in the war as Volunteers, or as officers in the Indian Department; a few were the widows or children of those who had served; most were related to each other. Three widows, of prominent French families, Mesdames Gamelin, Gouin, and Sterling, were related to each other and to several more on the river, including Alexis Labutte, George Jacob, Charles Gouin, and Fontenoy Dequindre. Above the French, in Dover East and Raleigh, were the original squatters, as well as other loyalists who settled at this time. The farm lots in the reserve at Chatham were later granted to favourites of the Government, most of whom remained non-residents. The remainder of the river front as far as the Moravians' township was settled by loyalists and ex-soldiers of German or British ancestry. Among the former were Frederick Arnold and his three sons; Stephen Kessler of Colonel Wurms' Regiment of Jaghers; George Sickelstiel, a Hessian who had served with the Brunswick troops; and former Pennsylvanians Jacob Quant, John Messmore, and Peter Traxler. Messmore and Arnold were Dunkards or Mennonites, as were a few others on the river. Some of the settlers, including Robert Bedford, had been born in England and had lived for a time in the colonies before the Revolution; many, like the Cornwalls from Danbury, Connecticut, were native-born Americans. Negroes had been known on the Thames for several years before

22

THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

the purchase; one or two had been brought there as slaves by Sarah Ainse. Edward Smith, a former slave who had been taken prisoner by the Cherokee Indians during the war, was apparently the only negro who received an assignment of land on the Thames as a loyalist; but he had to be content with a lot in the second concession. He had been released at Detroit through the intervention of the commandant, Colonel De Peyster, and had then been employed by him as a servant. There were a number of other negroes on the Thames who worked as hired labourers. In 1793 there were six living in Raleigh Township alone.4 Escaped slaves were already finding this region a haven, although now and then they were caught and returned to their masters. The Land Board was much troubled by the claims of Sarah Ainse, who fought with great tenacity to keep the lands which she had acquired from the Chippewa. While surveying the front of Dover East Township in 1791, McNiff found that her house was on the upper half of lot 10, and her improvements, consisting of a fenced plain and a small apple orchard, extended across two-thirds of lot 11. She also had a farm on lot 15, where there was a natural plain, part of it tilled by her negro slave. The farm which she had sold to Joseph Cissney fell within lot 7. Cissney had never lived there, and as a result the house was now dilapidated, and several apple trees had been dug up by other settlers and carried away. The Board granted this lot to Thomas Duggan, and informed Cissney that he would have to look to Sarah for his money, as she had no right to sell the land. The Board had decided that no consideration could be given to Mrs. Ainse's claims, beyond the usual grant of a single lot of two hundred acres. She insisted that since she was an Indian, and there was no law against conveyance of land among Indians, her case was different from that of the white speculators, whose Indian deeds had been disregarded. Nevertheless she was willing to compromise by accepting only eight lots in the centre of the township front.5 Although 4 They were James Jackson, Bango Smith, Abram Gray, John Gun, Tobias, and Jacob; Public Archives of Canada, Militia, Reports for Essex, Oxford, Norfolk, C 703, 1787-1839. 5 Previous to 1792 several persons had settled on Sarah's land without authority. Pierre Charon and John Barbeau had built on lot 10, where she had a farm of 30 acres of clear land rented to a Mr. Munro. James Donaldson

LAND BOARDS AND SURVEYORS

23

the Board told her it would refer her case to Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe for instructions, it proceeded to issue assignments for all the lots, giving her only lot 10 on which her house stood. Sarah hurried to Newark and succeeded in getting Simcoe and the Council to pass a resolution that she should receive all eight lots. Colonel Richard England, commandant at Detroit and thus head of the Land Board, protested that the authority of the Board would be greatly weakened, and the settlers in general alarmed, if the certificates already issued for Sarah Ainse's lots should be recalled. At Colonel England's suggestion, Simcoe agreed to let the Board try to find some other arrangement which might satisfy Sarah or the present possessors. Nothing was done, however, and in the summer of 1793 Mrs. Ainse went again to Newark to see Simcoe. Her story aroused his sympathy to such an extent that he threatened to have the attorney-general proceed against those persons who withheld her lands. The Board now offered to give her an equal amount of land elsewhere, probably in the back concessions since all the good lands on the river were now assigned, but Sarah refused. During the next few years petitions from the occupiers and pleas from the Board were met with order after order from the Government in Sarah's favour, but the dilatory tactics of the Board were finally successful. In 1798, after Simcoe's departure from Canada, the Council decided that Mrs. Ainse had no claim to the lands in dispute.6 McNiff was again at work on the Thames River in December 1793, surveying three townships above that of the Moravians. Colonel England wrote D. W. Smith, the Surveyor-General, that he found it very unpleasant to have to employ him, as it was only with great difficulty he could be induced to work. After many delays NcNiff set out with nine soldiers loaned by Colonel England, with orders to resurvey all the side lines of the lots in the lower townships on his way up the river. Many of the marks had been removed, and the settlers were making loud complaints. McNiff proceeded by boat to the River Ruscum on the south shore of Lake St. Clair, where he found had also taken part of the farm from her, and was about to sow wheat where her apple trees were planted. Another of her farms on lot 15 had been taken from her by Andrew Hamilton and Matthew Gibson, who had ploughed and sowed it, and were living there. «See Hamil, "Sally Ainse."

24

THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

his way blocked by ice. Two of the men were sent to Louis TrudelPs, the nearest settler on the Thames, to get assistance, while the rest removed their provisions from the boat and made hand sleighs. While returning by a short cut through the marsh from Trudell's, the two men broke through the ice on Baptiste's Creek and were drowned.7 McNiff was not again employed in the survey after his return to Detroit early in 1794. The Land Boards came to an end in November of that year, and it was provided that henceforth qualified settlers would be assigned land on the recommendation of a magistrate of the county.8 A few days later the surveyor-general informed NcNiff that he could not employ him, since there were then no settlers seeking lands in the Western District. In the spring of 1795, when it was desired to lay out the town of Chatham at the Forks, Colonel England objected to the use of McNiff, on the ground that he had "already been the cause of much confusion wherever he was employed." The commandant even refused to recommend him for a farm lot in the reserve around the Forks, stating that he was a troublesome, radical character, who had been concerned in improper conduct towards some of the officers of the government. McNiff moved to Detroit in 1796, soon after it had come under American control, and was reported making assignments of land on the Thames at two dollars each. President Russell, then administrator of Upper Canada in the lieutenant-governor's absence, ordered public notice to be given that these assignments would not be admitted, and he threatened to have the attorney-general proceed against McNiff if he ever entered the province.9 Abraham Iredell, a former surveyor and a loyalist from Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, was appointed deputy-surveyor for the Western District in June 1795, less than a year after McNiff had been told the office would not be filled. Iredell completed the first survey of the town of Chatham in August. Simcoe had planned this town, and one higher up the river at London, nearly four years before. He hoped, by establishing forts at these places, to divert the trade of 'Survey Office, Letters Received, I, 291, II, 342, 366-7. McNiff Papers, no. 77. Ontario Archives, Reports, III, 247. 8 The power of the magistrates in this regard ended July 14, 1796. •Survey Office, Letters Received, II, 539, III, 882-5, V, 1462, VI, 1845. McNiff Papers, no. 100.

LAND BOARDS AND SURVEYORS

25

the western Indians from Detroit when that post should be given up to the Americans. He also planned to institute a safe inland route between Lake Ontario and Detroit by way of the Thames River, which would "annihilate the political consequences of Niagara and Lake Erie." Chatham was to become the capital of the "Lower Country" and a naval arsenal for the building of gunboats, with a safe and convenient harbour for lake vessels in the river below. In the fall of 1794 William Baker of the Detroit shipyard had been charged with the building of a blockhouse, storehouse, and six gunboats at Chatham. The ground on the point between the creek and the river was cleared, and temporary huts and sheds were constructed from lumber brought from Detroit. Pine lumber for the boats was floated down the river from above Delaware, near London, but most of it was lost in the floating ice, and Baker decided to use walnut timber from the surrounding forests. Simcoe disapproved, and as the cost greatly exceeded his expectations, ordered the work discontinued at the end of March 1795. By that time the blockhouse and two gunboats were completed and two more boats nearly finished, each carrying a twelve-pound cannon and rowed by twenty oars. Sergeant Mulholland of the Queen's Rangers arrived later in the year to take charge of the property; and in 1796 George Ward was in charge for a time. However, no one seems to have been there in 1797 when part of the boat-house fell in and slightly damaged one of the boats. In March 1798 President Russell informed the Duke of Portland that he had permitted the blockhouse to be moved to Sandwich to be used as a jail and court-house. The unfinished gunboats were left to rot amidst the weeds and brush on the river flat.10 The failure of the naval programme at Chatham meant the failure of the projected town as well, and people did not come to live there. In 1795 the only building within the town plot was a small hut at the western boundary, where the firm of Meldrum and Park 10

E. A. Cruikshank (éd.), The Correspondence of Lieut. Governor John Graves Simcoe (5 vols., Toronto, 1923-31), I, 90, 132, 144, 342; II, 62, 180; III, 116, 126, 142, 168, 245, 323, 328, 336; IV, 4-5, 18, 23, 43, 92, 94, 105. E. A. Cruikshank and A. F. Hunter (eds.), The Correspondence of the Honourable Peter Russell (3 vols., Toronto, 1932-6), I, 125. Survey Office, Abraham Iredell Papers, no. 105. Public Archives of Canada, Colonial Office Records, Q 332, Part I, p. 17, Petition of George Ward, Apr. 25, 1822.

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THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

of Sandwich carried on trade with the Indians. The town lots were granted to favoured people on condition they be occupied within one year, but this stipulation was not enforced. Colonel Alexander McKee was permitted to choose eight lots for himself and his friends. Many others were granted on the recommendation of Colonel England.11 The only legal resident for many years was Iredell himself, who built a log house near the river, on the south-east corner of Water and William streets. He cultivated an old Indian field on the reserve opposite the blockhouse; and before his death in 1806 he had also improved twenty acres across the river in Chatham Township. A few squatters came to the town site at various times, but soon drifted away. About the year 1796 John Quick with his wife and fourteen children settled in the rear of lots 71 and 72, where he made a considerable improvement. They were very poor, and had been prisoners of the Indians for some years. "The man is much discouraged," Iredell reported to the surveyor-general, "He bares a good character in this neighborhood and is industrious." In 1799 the family moved to Colchester in Essex County. A man named McCormick settled on the reserve in 1798 and cleared four or five acres, but he soon moved away.12 Iredell lived at Chatham until his death in 1806. Here he performed marriages as a magistrate, kept his headquarters as deputy-surveyor of the district, and acted as returning officer for the provincial elections of 1800 and 1804. His wife remained at Chatham for some time after his death. From 1795 to 1800 Iredell had been engaged in various surveys throughout the County of Kent. The clergy and crown reserves were set apart in the centre of each township, except in the case of Tilbury East and Romney, where the old chequered plan was to apply. Iredell ran the boundaries of the townships, as well as the side lines of the lots for three concessions back from the river. He then surveyed the Communication Road from Chatham to Rondeau Bay, where a townsite was reserved, later to be known as Shrewsbury. Farm lots were laid out along both sides of this road.13 "Survey Office, Letters Written, III, 956; IV, 1054. See also Iredell's map of Chatham in the Survey Office. 12 Survey Office, Iredell Papers, nos. 6, 130. Public Archives of Canada, Selkirk Papers, LIV, 14413. "Survey Office, Letters Written, IV, 1113-15, 1121-3, 1193-6. Letters Received, IV, 1170; IX, passim. Iredell Papers, passim. Iredell Field Notes. Smith

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Now that the river front was settled, other people began to move into the back concessions. Some with sufficient capital purchased fronts lots from non-residents or from those who moved on to uncleared lands in the backwoods. Most of the newcomers were still loyalists from New York State, Pennsylvania, or New Jersey; but an increasing number of Americans came to join their former neighbours and friends, or merely drifted across the border in search of cheap lands. The Cornwalls from Danbury, Connecticut, had been followed in 1789 by Lemuel Sherman, who later purchased Wheeler Cornwall's farm in Camden. By 1796 the population of the Thames was fast increasing, due to a large immigration from around Niagara, and also from Detroit, which the British evacuated in that year. Large grants of land in the back concessions were given to former officers, or to prominent and wealthy people, who held them for speculation. The surveyor-general directed Iredell to appropriate 26,000 acres in the most northerly concessions of Dover and Chatham for the families of the Babys, the Dequindres, the Chênes, the Lamothes, and the Reaumes;14 but these grants were eventually made along the St. Clair River. Iredell was also ordered to provide two front lots on the lake near Pointe aux Pins, with an additional 1,000 acres near by, for Commodore Grant, and the same for Lieutenant David Cowan. Surveyor-General Smith selected several lots for himself at the upper end of Howard Township, on the river, but desired the remainder to which he was entitled to be near the lake. Iredell wrote to him in January 1798, advising him to take a lot just east of the RaleighHarwich line, on the lake, and the rest extending back to the eightmile post. "The high ridge I think is handsome land as I ever see in the country," he wrote, "and will make a fine settlement when given out." He reported that the land in Harwich back of Rondeau Bay was "beech land" in general, but good soil. He advised against it, howtold Iredell to run the townships south of the river to the lake, whatever the distance might be, and those on the north to the purchase line of 1790, which ran due east and west. He also told him how to establish a magistral line for each township, to touch, but not intersect, the curve of the river which came farthest into the township. Between this line and the river, where there was space enough for two lots or more in depth, short broken concessions numbered A, B, C, etc., were to be run. Any front lots less than full size were to be attached to the ones in the rear. The regularly numbered concessions were to be measured back from the magistral line. 14

Survey Office, Letters Written, VI, 1622.

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ever, as the marsh and low ground adjoining the bay would hinder settlement, since no road could be had there in the summer.15 During the next three or four years most of the remaining lands in Harwich, outside of the crown and clergy reserves near the centre, were granted to army and navy officers, magistrates, and others, who were each entitled to from 1,200 to 3,000 or more acres. In the five concessions from Rondeau Bay to the reserves, the principal grantees were the Reaumes, the Reynolds, David Ramsay, George Meldrum, Mrs. Eleanor McKillop, and Captain Philip Louis Joncaire de Chabert. Along the southern part of the Communication Road, and westward to the Raleigh line, some of these names appear again, as well as those of Nicholas Lascelles, Charles Gouin, François Drouillard, Charles Boulanger, James Fraser, and others.18 These were prominent people who never came to live in the township. Thus most of Harwich was tied up with the reserves and the lands of speculators and absentees, destined to remain a wolf -infested forest for many years. It was inevitable that charges of favouritism and corruption in the making of land grants should appear. In 1799 Iredell reported to the surveyor-general concerning the attempt made by Ebenezer Allan of Delaware to bribe him three years before. Allan had come to his house in Chatham and there offered him £100 if he would locate twenty men, nearly all Frenchmen, on the plains of Dover. Iredell said he ordered him from the house and refused to return the tickets of recommendation, which had been made out by the surveyor Thomas Smith. The next spring Israel Ruland, who was concerned with Allan in the project, again offered Iredell the bribe, but the latter refused and resisted all Allan's efforts to get possession of the certificates. Thomas Smith also intervened; and Iredell told him and Allan that he would make locations only if the people named in the recommendations would come forward, for he believed they had never been in the province; but none appeared.17 ^Ibid., V, 1398; VII, 1977-8. Iredell Papers, no. 101. Grant's lands were located for him in Raleigh, while Cowan's were in Harwich at the eastern end of Rondeau Bay. 16 See Iredell's map of Harwich Township in the Survey Office. "Survey Office, Letters Received, IX, 565-72, 577. Iredell Papers, nos. 127, 134-8.

LAND BOARDS AND SURVEYORS

29

Thomas Smith's account of this transaction, given to Hillier, Maitland's secretary, in 1828 in a series of charges against the members of the old Land Board, was as follows:18 Next was the corruption of the King's Surveyor Iredell to make a monopoly of the best lands under different names: and to defraud the Emigrants and others of their locations—as proved before Prideaux Selby, Esq., Judge of the District Court, and again verified by an accidental discovery of the very articles of confederacy, which, with other documents were transmitted to the office of Governor Gore. The following was the substance of the testimony of Ebenezer Allan, agent for the settlers, before Mr. Selby; viz: 'That the surveyor Iredell selected the best lands under various names for Mr. Robertson and Matthew Dolson; and when he (Allan) made choice of a lot for his Employers, the surveyor located it for Robertson and Dolson; and that he was convinced there was a co-partnership between them; or, that that surveyor was B[ribe]d; he believed the latter, which induced him to offer one hundred pound York to the Surveyor as a douceur; but Allan not producing the money—which he said he never intended—the surveyor made a merit of reporting his Integrity . . .' While engaged in re-marking the lots along the river, Iredell found that many of them varied greatly in width. He suspected that the stakes had been shifted by some of the people to suit themselves, as McNiff had seldom marked any trees to establish the boundaries. Iredell's new survey immediately divided the settlers into two camps, depending on whether they stood to lose or gain by the changes. Petitions and complaints flooded into the surveyor-general's office. Most of them came from the townships of Howard and Camden. In the latter the chief difficulty arose between Edward Richardson and John Cornwall. Iredell's survey showed that Richardson's buildings were on Cornwall's land. Although Richardson sold his farm during the War of 1812 and moved to Detroit, the dispute was continued by his successors for many years. In Howard, David McKirgan's buildings were found to be on the farm of his brother-in-law Hugh Holmes. The latter had bought his farm from John Williams, although he 1& Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Sundries, Thomas Smith to Hillier, 18 Aug., 1828.

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knew it was not much more than half as wide as McKirgan's, and he was content with it until the new survey. An angry dispute arose between the two, who became bitter enemies.19 Besieged by protests and petitions from both camps, the surveyorgeneral finally ordered Iredell to leave the lots as they were, whatever might be their inequalities. But a hornet's nest of litigation and bitterness had been stirred up, and the quarrels between neighbours continued for decades. In 1809 the surveyor Thomas Smith reported that a number of lawsuits over the two surveys were then in agitation. Ten years later he wrote to the surveyor-general that he was setting out for the Thames to adjust matters so there would be no lawsuits. He believed this would be a difficult job, because now neither survey could be followed without causing some to lose their buildings and improvements. The surveyor Thamas Caldwell blamed the early settlers for altering the boundaries to suit themselves, and later surveyors for measuring from some interior line instead of the township line, thus causing further errors.20 As late as 1836 Nathan Arnold and forty other inhabitants of the townships of Camden and Chatham petitioned the Assembly to have their boundary lines confirmed. They stated that no regular survey had been made in front of their townships, and they had settled according to the boundaries of the lots in the townships on the opposite side of the river. At this time many boundary disputes were being heard by commissioners appointed to arbitrate them. 19 Survey Office, Iredell Papers, nos. 139, 151, 196. Letters Received, IX, 572-4, 578-81, 594-8. 20 Survey Office, Thomas Smith Papers, nos. 80, 81, 205, 210. Smith to Ridout, 22 Oct., 1819, in Surveyors' Letters marked "Saunders to Tiffany," no. 54. Thomas Caldwell Papers, no. 79. Roswell Mount Papers, no. 5. Mount was called upon to settle boundary disputes in the years 1823 and 1824. He left the district in January, 1825, "after doing what was wrong," as Thomas Smith informed Ridout, and complaints were made about his alterations in Tilbury. Smith still believed that although McNiff's lines were incorrect to begin with, "time and the improvements made had now made them correct." See also Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Land Petitions, B 13, Part I (1820-1822), nos. 67, 92. John Blackburn had bought from Alex. Harrow lot 10 in the Second concession about 1798. In 1820 he petitioned the Council stating that by the recent survey of Thomas Smith, his buildings and other improvements were found to be on lot 10 in the First concession, originally granted to Robert Bedford.

5 THE MORAVIANS AT F A I R F I E L D

T

HE INDIAN VILLAGE of Fairfield, or Moraviantown, as it was commonly called, was settled in the spring of 1792, while the river above the Forks at Chatham was still an unbroken wilderness.1 It was an off-shoot of the first Moravian or United Brethren Church in America, established at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, in the year 1741. Moravian missionaries devoted themselves to work among the Indians; and various settlements of converts were made in the South and in the Ohio region. During the Revolution they were regarded with suspicion by both sides, despite their neutrality, and the Ohio missions were removed to Detroit by the British. The Christian Indians who escaped the massacre by American frontiersmen at Gnadenhiitten, where they had returned to reap the harvest, soon went with their missionaries to the Clinton River in Michigan. Here they first became acquainted with the traders Sarah Ainse, Matthew Dolsen, and Abiah Parke. In 1787 the hostility of the Chippewa induced them to return to Ohio. Although the Revolution had ended, warfare continued between the western Indians and the American militia. In 1791 the Moravians again left this dangerous area and took refuge at the mouth of the Detroit River. But it was still too close to the scene of fighting, and they were terrified by threats from Indians who attempted to draw them into the war against the Americans. They soon decided to withdraw to a safe distance within British territory, into a wilderness where they hoped to remain undisturbed by friend or foe. They were 1 See F. C. Hamil, "Fairfield on the River Thames," Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, XLVIII (1939), 1-19. For additional references to the economic transactions between John Askin and Fairfield see the Burton Historical Collection, The John Askin Papers, 1799-1802, 1807, and 1809, passim.

31

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advised to settle on the Thames River by Abiah Parke, who knew it well and praised the beauty and fertility of the land. On the morning of April 12, 1792, the band of about one hundred and fifty Christian Delaware Indians, led by their missionaries David Zeisberger, Gottlieb Senseman, William Edwards, and Michael Jung, set out to search for their new home. Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe had promised them a grant of land when he should come to Detroit, but they felt they must start at once so they could clear and plant their fields and thus secure provisions for the following winter. The Indian-Agent, Alexander McKee, and Colonel Richard England, the commandant at Detroit, gave them permission to go, and loaned them a transport, which, with nine canoes, would carry them to their destination. Jung and several of the Indian brethren went overland driving the cattle. At Fighting Island in the Detroit River the little fleet was detained for three days by unfavourable winds. Then the transport sailed for Lake St. Glair, but the canoes were forced to stay behind for several days longer. The wind was so strong that the transport lost its mast and sail on the lake. Another mast was rigged, and by nightfall they had reached the mouth of the Thames, where in the darkness they ran aground after striking a floating tree. They spent a miserable night, drenched by the cold waves that continually broke over the boat, but the next morning with the aid of some Chippewa who came in their canoes and partly unloaded the cargo, the ship was floated. A day later they came to the settlement of the "Sally Hand" (Ainse), where they secured one hundred bushels of corn which they had bought in Detroit from John Askin. Zeisberger lodged at the home of Coleman Roe, who lived just below the Forks on the north side. The settlers were very friendly and refused to take payment for bread or other provisions. But when Zeisberger preached on Sunday only the women came, the men having no use for religion. Jung and the Indians with the cattle arrived on April 21, and four days later the canoes appeared with the brethren who had been detained near Detroit. Senseman and his wife had gone above the Forks with William Edwards, where they had erected a hut. It was decided that they should remain there while the rest went on and found a suitable place to settle. Accordingly the transport was sent

THE MORAVIANS AT FAIRFIELD

33

back to Detroit, and on the 27th Zeisberger set out with some twenty canoes, Jung, and the Indians, with the cattle following along the bank. That night they ate a supper of turtles taken on the way, and the next day cranberries picked by several of the sisters. By May 1 they had gone some distance above the "Big Bend," east of the present village of Wardsville. The following day, having gone back part of the way, they took possession of a height below a vacant hut belonging to a French trader. This site was abandoned after the arrival of Senseman, Edwards, and the remainder of the Indians on the 6th, and they moved three miles farther down stream, where there was better land for farming. Three days later all had moved except the old Indian Thomas, who died worn out with labours. His body was taken to the site of the future Fairfield and buried in "a beautiful graveyard upon a little height." The Indians immediately began to cut down the hardwood timber which covered the sandy soil of their town-site on the north bank of the Thames. The rich bottom lands, mostly across the river, were divided into fields, and the work of clearing and corn-planting went on for nearly two weeks. Thirty-eight lots were laid out in the village, nineteen on each side of a single long street extending westward along the Thames from a small ravine. Vegetables were planted in the gardens at the back of the lots, and preparations made for building the houses. Until these were completed all lived in temporary huts "under the green trees," plagued by swarms of mosquitoes and flies. There was but little time for hunting, though a few deer and a bear were brought in for food. During the early days of June the supplies of corn were exhausted, and some more was bought for a dollar a bushel from the Munsey Indian village far up the river. By the middle of June the Zeisbergers and the Sensemans were able to move into their new homes, which were to do until better ones could be built. A month later a temporary chapel or meetinghouse furnished with wooden benches had been completed, and the bell hung in the little tower. The day after Christmas they began to cut and square timber, which was then split into boards, drawn in on sleds, and used to build a schoolhouse. A plan of the village, dated August 1793, shows the church on the fifth lot from the ravine on the north side of the street, with Zeisberger's house on the sixth.

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Directly opposite the latter was the house occupied by the unmarried missionaries, Edwards and Jung, then Senseman's home and then the schoolhouse, extending down river. Some distance behind the church was a small field belonging to Zeisberger, which he used for pasture and turnips. One of the Indians, named Ignatius, had a large wheat field on the eastern side of the ravine, extending across the present road. Twenty years later the town had grown no farther westward, but there were several houses across the ravine, which had been bridged, and a number of others on a cross street just east of the chapel. Recent excavations have uncovered the basements of many of the houses along the main street. New and better homes were completed for the Zeisbergers and the Sensemans in October 1793, and the old ones then served as stables. A year later a new meeting house was constructed of planks split from wild cherry timber, and the name of Fairfield, or in German, Schônfeld, was chosen for the village. Its inhabitants were fortunate in having a good spring of water at the head of the ravine, which fed the little creek running into the Thames. There was also a salt spring on the bank of the river less than half a mile away, which supplied them with this otherwise expensive necessity, and the oil from a petroleum spring nearby was highly esteemed as a medicine. Some of the Indians built a road to the white settlement below them in December of the first year. This must have been little more than a trail, for five years later Zeisberger notes that the people below had laid out and cleared the road as far as their township, which the brethren completed through their land, and it was only then that the trees were cleared away from the village street. In the summer of 1796 they constructed a bridge across the ravine, which had been almost impassable in bad weather. Senseman fell from the bridge while directing its construction. His severe injuries may have hastened his death from tuberculosis four years later. The proximity of Fairfield to the Munsey and Delaware Indians on the upper Thames, the Mohawks on the Grand River, and the Chippewa who wandered about the country, was the source of much annoyance. The river was a well travelled highway between Niagara and Detroit. At times the younger and wilder spirits among the Moravian Indians were enticed away by war parties bound for Ohio.

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35

Bands passed almost daily, usually encamping overnight or for days and weeks near the village, sharing its hospitality. When the Chippewa had plenty of venison they exchanged it for such products as corn, milk and butter. Usually they begged and stole. Each New Year's Day was the occasion for them to assemble and perform their beggar dance through the village ; and this was frequently done at other times during the year, until it became a serious nuisance. They would smear their bodies with white clay, and their faces with black, so that they were hideous to look at. Then they would dance from house to house, refusing to go away until they were given something. The drumming and carousals within the Indian camps also disturbed the people of Fairfield. French traders supplied the Indians with rum, and murders often resulted. After the departure of a band of Munseys who had caused much trouble, Zeisberger wrote thankfully in his diary: "Then followed great stillness in town, and our King of Peace, to whom we are greatly subject, came again to his rule." During the early years Joseph Brant and the Mohawks were often seen as they stopped on their way to or from the Miamis. Sometimes the village was saluted with the death-hallow from canoe-loads of warriors returning with scalps. Sometimes it was a salvo from the guns of Brant's party, which the Moravians answered in like manner. During the fall of 1794 Fairfield had to feed many Indians fleeing from the Miamis after their fields and dwellings had been laid waste by the Americans. In August 1795 the treaty of Greenville was signed between the various Indian nations and the American representatives, and Brant was seen less frequently at Fairfield. In June 1793 the new village was visited by the Moravian John Heckewelder, and by the Quakers who had accompanied the American peace commissioners to Detroit. The Quakers gave the mission an order on Matthew Dolsen for $100 worth of provisions. In October 1795 Zeisberger noted in his diary: "White people arrive almost daily. The road to Niagara is much used, for it costs much by water over the lake." And again in May 1797: "Hardly a day passes that some or more do not come here." Many of these people were looking for land on which to settle, or were driving cattle through to their farms. The most distinguished of the visitors was Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe, who stopped to examine the village on his way to Detroit

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in February 1793. On the way back nine days later, he and his suite stopped for the night. Simcoe informed the missionaries that the government would grant them land on both sides of the river, but not a whole township. He intended to settle the river thickly, and did not believe they could use so much. He also agreed to advance the colony 200 bushels of corn, by an order on the commandant at Detroit, because of the failure of their first crops. The missionaries still hoped to secure a township, and in April 1793 they petitioned the Land Board for that purpose. McNiff had just finished surveying the third township (Howard and Camden), and they noticed with concern that it came too near them. Senseman informed Colonel England that it took away some of the Indians' improvements, and almost all their maple sugar places. He suggested that the upper six lots of the third township should become part of the Moravians' grant. In July Senseman went to Newark to present his petition to the Council. It was favourably received, despite Simcoe's original opposition. By an order-in-council dated July 10, 1793, the colony was ganted a "tract of land on the River La Tranche, on a width of six and three quarters miles about their village, extending twelve miles back on the south side, and northward to the purchase line." The next January McNiff surveyed twelve lots on each side of the river through their lands. Six lots from the third township were added to it by orders from Simcoe. A second order-in-council dated June 11, 1798, directed a survey of the whole tract, and appropriated it to the trustees of the Moravian Society, for the use of their converts. The activities of the Indians at Fairfield were largely confined to agriculture, and the production of sugar from the extensive maple groves. Corn was the principal crop from their fields, but in the gardens behind their houses they grew tobacco, turnips, potatoes, beans, and pumpkins. In 1793 only one field was sown in wheat; a few years later a good deal of winter wheat was grown. Until the new apple-trees were ready to bear, the Indians made frequent trips to the settlements below, or to Detroit, to obtain this much prized fruit. There was little time for hunting, and game was scarce, but in 1796 it was unusually plentiful, and many deer and bears were shot. In other years enough meat was secured from the hunt to feed the

THE MORAVIANS AT FAIRFIELD

37

people while they worked on the buildings, or when they joined together to harvest the crops. They constructed a fish dam in the river, which enabled the children and older people to catch large quantities of fish which came up to spawn in the spring. In the summer the women picked and dried wild berries, and in the autumn they gathered chestnuts, walnuts, and hickory nuts. A hive of bees had been brought from Ohio, and soon the village was plentifully supplied with honey. In later years many of the white settlers kept bees, the offspring of this hive. The missionaries had much to complain of in their associations with the white settlers on the river. Whenever the Indians worked among them, or went down to the mills or stores, many of them returned drunk. "This is a godless people on this river," Zeisberger wrote, "and if they can lead our Indians astray they do so gladly." Many were jealous or suspicious of the Moravians, and accused them of stealing. In June 1797 Zeisberger recorded in his diary: Trouble begins again with the white people, that if they lose cattle, or these are killed or torn to pieces by wolves, they always accuse our Indians of it. We heard today that the people in the lower townships write and wish to hand in a petition about this, although they know well enough that they themselves kill, steal, or slaughter the cattle of one another, and that sometimes the Chippewas do it. If they could drive us away from here, so as to take possession of our land, they would do so gladly.

Nevertheless there was a close connexion between the white settlements and Fairfield. During their first winter when they had little, the Moravians had gone to the people below the Forks at Chatham to get corn, but could obtain none, because "the settlers are new beginners and have little." Later the Indian brethren often worked among the whites to earn corn and flour. Fairfield remained dependent on the mills below to grind its grain, despite the creek which offered a suitable site for a mill within the village. Several white men offered to build and operate one there, but this was not permitted. Corn and wheat were usually ground at Cornwall's mill in Camden, near the present Thamesville. After the first year the Moravians were able to produce a surplus of food, and it was exchanged for goods from such traders as Abiah

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Parke, Matthew Dolsen, and John Askin. The principal exports were corn and maple sugar, with some pelts, cattle, and baskets. Dolsen wished to establish a store at Fairfield, but the missionaries refused to let any white person settle within the reserve. When Dolsen's boat arrived from Detroit the scene resembled a yearly market for two or three days, as the Indians bartered their produce for his goods. Parke was a much more frequent visitor. He was always welcome, for they found him an honourable dealer.2 One year after the founding of the settlement Parke brought away a heavy load of pelts and more than 1,500 pounds of maple sugar. In 1794 he and Dolsen obtained 2,000 bushels of corn at Fairfield. French traders often passed, but they were disliked by the missionaries because they sold rum to the people. Zeisberger finally threatened to smash their casks of liquor if they did not stop carrying them through the village. After this they were careful to go around it, although this did not prevent the Indians from going into the woods to meet the traders. On one occasion a negro brought a keg of whiskey close to the village, and was greatly mortified to find on his return with several Indians whom he had enticed out to buy, that the keg had been overturned by some hogs and was completely empty.3 Askin's clerk came but seldom in the early years. Later he came more often, and by 1798 he had built up a considerable trade with the Indians. This was principally on a credit basis, the debts being paid in corn after the harvest. In the summer of 1798 Askin sent his boat to Fairfield to collect 200 bushels of corn owing him, and to buy ten or twelve bushels of seed potatoes, as well as 100 or 200 pounds "of that very fine Indian sugar," at one shilling per pound. The Indians were now selling 2,000 bushels of corn and 5,000 pounds of maple sugar yearly. 2 In 1793 Abiah Parke secured the grant of a lot in Tilbury East, near the mouth of the Thames, on which he grazed cattle. He made frequent trips to Niagara, Albany, and New York, probably to purchase cattle. In 1795 he sold his lot to Louis Trudell and left for the East. In 1802 he wrote Askin that he was then confined to the limits of the jail yard in Canandaigua, New York, for debt to one McCoy of Niagara. He expressed regret that he had ever left the Thames, for he had lost in cash and time £2,000, in a speculation "with the worst man in the world." By 1805 he was back again on the river. ^History of the Moravian Mission Among the Indians in North America (London, 1838), 310-11, footnote.

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39

It was in this year that Fairfield said goodbye to Edwards and the venerable Zeisberger, who returned to the Tuscarawas Valley in Ohio with forty or fifty Indians to found the village of Goshen, not far from the site of their former homes at New Schônbrunn. The troubles which had forced their emigration from Ohio had ended with the defeat of the hostile Indians by General Wayne in 1794; and an Indian reservation had been established in the Tuscarawas Valley. As Zeisberger's canoe passed down the River Thames the white settlers, now numbering more than one hundred families, gathered on the banks to bid him farewell and to bring him presents from their flourishing gardens and orchards. Zeisberger left forever the settlement whose destinies he had guided for six years. This exodus of part of the colony gave rise to rumours that the mission was to be abandoned. Those who had for years cast covetous eyes on the Moravians' lands took new heart. As early as October, 1795, Iredell had received orders from the surveyor-general to make confidential inquiries relative to the missionaries. Iredell reported the departure of Zeisberger to Smith, who immediately relayed the information to President Russell. The Moravians became alarmed at the rumours that they were only waiting to sell their lands to move back to Ohio, and Senseman went to York to see Russell. Their fears were augmented by the delay in the survey of their lands, despite the orderin-council to that effect. Russell assured Senseman that the Government would protect the Moravians' rights. When the missionary Gottfried Sebastian Oppelt arrived at Fairfield in 1799, he found the Indians deeply indebted to Askin and other merchants. After struggling with the situation for some time he finally wrote Askin in May 1801 asking him not to give any of them too much credit. The Indians did not understand how to trade, and would buy goods without considering how they would be able to pay for them. Askin appears to have taken Oppelt's advice, and relations between them remained cordial. Oppelt presented Mrs. Askin with gifts of seeds of flowers, Spanish beans, and pumpkin; and in return she gave him two rose twigs, which he grafted on wild rose bushes. Gottlieb Senseman, who was ill with tuberculosis, died in January 1800, a few months after the arrival of Oppelt. In the summer of 1804 the latter led out a second colony from Fairfield, and with the

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assistance of John Benjamin Haven, began a settlement on the Pettquotting River (now the Huron) in northern Ohio, near the site of the former Moravian village of New Salem. Fairfield was left under the administration of John Schnall, who had come in 1801, assisted by Christian Frederick Denke who had arrived in 1800 and lived at Fairfield since giving up his ill-fated mission among the Chippewa in 1806. Michael Jung was old and ill, and was unable to be of much assistance. In the spring of 1809 Abraham Luckenbach received a call to Fairfield from Goshen where he had been stationed. He arrived on the Thames about the middle of May and remained for two years.4 Another missionary named Joachim Hagen was also at Fairfield at this time. A report made to the General Assembly of the Moravian Society in Bethlehem in August 1809 describes the progress of the Fairfield mission to this time : 5 Externally seen our Indians there are in a very fortunate position; hunting is not plentiful but agriculture offers them a rich substitute for it, and in good years they sometimes sell 2,000 bushels of corn. Besides, they manufacture baskets, dishes, brooms, etc., and find for all this a satisfactory and comfortable market. The planting of wheat they have given up because it is not very profitable at the low price of wheat. For cultivating the land some of them are using the plough, and four of them are at present in use there. As advantageous as the neighbourhood of the white people is for them in some respects, it is in others disadvantageous, mainly with regard to the temptations of sin and the misuse of drink, of which a few very disheartening examples can be quoted during this year. Since the large and only highway from Maiden on the southern border of Upper Canada to York, the seat of the government, runs through Fairfield, and since the district around Fairfield has been made passable by our Indians, this locality is very often visited by strangers. Often this is connected with great difficulties for our missionaries on account of the lodging of them at night, especially when several of them arrive at the same time, as is often the case. Thus it is reported . . . that at the end of February of this year five sleighs pulled up in front of the house of Br. Schnall at one time. Among the travellers last *"Autobiography of Abraham Luckenback," trans, by H. E. Stocker, Moravian Historical Society, Transactions, X (1917), 394. "Moravian MSS, Burton Historical Collection.

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41

summer was also the new lieutenant governor of Upper Canada, the Hon. Francis Gore, who on his trip to Maiden rowed down the river with a great following of white people and Indians in seven canoes however without stopping here. In place of Capt. McKee, sometime ago Capt. Elliott who is very well known to our missionaries was named agent of Indian affairs for the government. He has shown himself very friendly, and at a visit to Fairfield in January of this year he brought as a gift to our Indians from the Royal stores 100 pounds of lead and 25 pounds of powder.

The missionaries at Fairfield had long been troubled by the temptations to which their Indians were exposed during their yearly trips to Maiden to receive the presents from the Government. This difficulty was now unexpectedly removed when Colonel Glaus, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, informed the Fairfield Indians that these presents were only intended for those Indians who would assist the King in time of war. Since the Moravian converts did not go to war, and had been given a large tract of land to cultivate, they were not entitled to any merchandise from the stores. Captain Elliott on his visit to Fairfield explained this more fully, and told the Indians there that in future they had better stay at home. Colonel Glaus was requested by the mission to forbid the white people selling liquor to the Indians, but he refused on the ground that the Indians themselves called for it at the white people's houses. This was one of the principal temptations to which the Indians were subjected. In regard to the spiritual situation at Fairfield the report of 1809 stated: It cannot be denied that there is a number of Brothers and Sisters here who love the Saviour and His Lord, and who search for redemption of their souls with deep sincerity. In looking at the adult congregation as a whole, however, it becomes apparent that there are a great many weeds among the wheat, which is the cause that in relation to the number of inhabitants the number of communicants is very small. With some of them we find ourselves in a peculiar position; they do not want to leave the community, and even if they do go away for a while they cannot stand it very long. For a while they enjoy the foolishness of this world, then they tire of it and they return without a noticeable change of heart ; and therefore they cause us trouble over and over again.

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The heathen Chippewa who made frequent calls at Fairfield were often the cause for serious complaints. Their evil behaviour and their dominating lust for drink at times led some of the Christian Indians astray; and the Chippewa showed little evidence of any interest in religion. A few Indians were converted from time to time; and the Fairfield community occasionally received additions by the arrival of Christian Indians from the United States. In the summer of 1808 a Sopsi Indian named Abraham and a Mohican squaw named Marion, who had been baptized at New Stockbridge on the Mohawk River, moved to Fairfield from the Niagara country, bringing their grandchildren. The man was about sixty years of age, and was extremely skilful in woodworking; among other things he made violins, which must have been readily saleable to the white people. When the Methodist circuit-rider William Case arrived at Fairfield late in June 1809, he found the missionaries very agreeable and friendly. "In every respect they discover the character of gentlemen and ladies, being strictly moral and truly Christian in their outward deportment," he wrote; but he did not believe that they had any "spiritual attainment." He attended the usual morning meeting of the Indians in the chapel, which consisted of the singing of a hymn and then the reading by one of the missionaries of something in the Indian language. "All was done sitting and without any outward appearance of prayer. It all appeared to me a most lifeless performance."6 The missionaries realized the need for a "greater liveliness" in their meetings, as they reported in 1809. To this end they made use of the tendency of the young people to enjoy singing. Schnall and Hagen, one with the boys and the other with the girls, devoted one hour four evenings a week to teaching them to sing hymns and learn verses by heart. At the same time they tried to teach them many lessons from the Gospel. In addition there was the daily school, which was kept going during the summer with as few interruptions as possible. At the end of 1808 the Indian inhabitants of Fairfield numbered 117, of whom 23 were communicants and 16 were still not baptized. Schnall attended the meeting of the General Assembly of the «William Case MSS, Burton Historical Collection.

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43

Society in 1809, and while at Bethlehem discussed with the others the question of introducing spinning among the Indian women at Fairfield. The Society agreed to purchase three spinning-wheels for them. Schnall planned to keep the spinning-wheels in the schoolroom, under the care of the missionaries' wives, who would instruct the Indian sisters in their use, and how to take good care of them. A year later these had not yet arrived, but Schnall was hoping to receive them soon. In December 1809 four or five Indian families who had been members of the Pettquotting congregation in Ohio, which broke up at this time, came to Fairfield and were the cause of much trouble because of their drinking, as well as their heathen customs. Schnall reported on March 26, 1810:7 Our Indians now hear the Lord's word extensively in their own language ; but it is a shame that many of them do not make better use of it. This also is the reason that many a coarse sin is committed among us... The heathen Indians of Monseytown employ all kinds of ruses to tempt our Indians by inviting them to come to their parties. And quite often they have succeeded in inducing a few of them to follow their invitations. Schnall believed that when such people showed no signs of repentance they should be removed from the congregation, so that their vices would not spread. In spite of all this, he was gladdened by the fact that there were a number of truly Christian Indians of both sexes at Fairfield. It was also clear that the work of the missionaries with the youth had not been in vain. During the present sugar boiling, he wrote, when the Indians were out in the woods, some of the children did not wish to miss the daily early meetings, and induced their parents to bring them into the village so they could attend. Luckenbach left Fairfield in 1811, and for a time was engaged in an attempt to gather together the various Christian Indians who, since the abandonment of the settlement on the Pettquotting, were scattered from that region to the Sandusky. Denke wrote him a long letter in September, giving much information on affairs at Fairfield.* 7

Moravian MSS, Burton Historical Collection. Denke to Luckenbach, Fairfield, Sept. 16, 1811. Moravian MSS, Burton Historical Collection. 8

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My dear wife was sick quite often during the summer [he wrote], arid in the begining of August she was so very sick that I had to call for the doctor. Thank God she is better now, however she is not quite well yet. We go out riding a lot, which seems to do her most good. This is now very easy as we can use our own horses . . . B. Schnall and I go riding frequently . . . Besides the illness of my dear Polly I have taken care of the repairs of the house and stable during the summer. The chimney was torn down and instead of the double one a single French one has been built in Kitchen; this has enlarged the living room and the stove pipe goes into this new one. Above in the attic I have arranged a smoking room with plastered boarded walls near the chimney. The room has a new floor with a new threshold as all had rotted away. The Kitchen will get new floors from Jacob, he has done the room very well. A new cellar in the Kitchen, wider and deeper than the old one. The boards for it we hauled with the sleigh. The cowshed and the little house are newly covered and there are a few small renovations. The little house now is just right for us and I enjoy once more being in my old home. But it must be newly covered. In spite of the great drought we had a good harvest of hay. Where we fertilized last fall, it turned out badly, perhaps because it is on the slope and burned . . . The Monseys above us are more impertinent than ever . . . During the summer a few of them have stayed here and caused us a lot of trouble with their liquor, dancing and playing. It went so far that they did not let us interrupt them at their playing when we went [there], but kept right on with it. Now they all have gone to Maiden. They sent us the message that they would play here for a day and dance for a night and they would like to see those who would forbid them to do it. It took place, but we did not give them the pleasure of having a chance to laugh at us as they had hoped we would . . . Due to our sickness this summer the schools had to be closed sometimes. We did what we could however, and took care of our business at the same time, until a short time ago when the blackbirds arrived so numerously that we had to give it up until after the harvest.

When Schnall became ill Denke had to take care of everything, including most of the cooking and baking for the labourers, and the milking. He was able to cut all his tobacco, and was thankful that

THE MORAVIANS AT FAIRFIELD

45

not one green worm appeared on it. The missionaries had planted flax that year, and that caused Denke more work; but due to the damage caused by the drought he did not have to pick many hops. He had to care for the bees, of which they had five hives when Luckenbach left. Since then they had swarmed seventeen times. One swarm had escaped into the woods, two others had been given to Indian brethren, and the rest were kept by the missionaries. Schnall had to get straw from the nearby white settlers and quickly make hives for the swarms. He was trying to get rushes from the lake, which made good hives. "Our cabbage is bad," Denke concluded his letter, "We had water and dampness frequently. I am now dressed in homespun altogether, for which Polly spun the yarn. It turned out well and is very strong and durable. Brother Schnall will tell you that we have a black sheep on the meadow for a sample try out. The Lord help that it turn out well."

4 THE BALDOON SETTLEMENT

T

:HE SELKIRK COLONY, in the extreme north-east corner

of Dover East Township, was for years separated from the settlements along the Lower Thames by miles of forests and marshes. But there were passable trails between the two regions; and the water route by way of Lake St. Glair and the Chenail Ecarté. Later the Baldoon Road provided a direct land route from Chatham to Baldoon, as the colony was called. Although the Selkirk experiment in colonization proved unsuccessful, it provided a number of settlers who played a significant part in the history of the county.1 By the terms of an arrangement with Lord Selkirk of St. Mary's Isle in Scotland, the Government agreed to grant him 150 acres for each colonist he should bring in during a period of five years. The settlers were to receive an additional fifty acres apiece for themselves. Selkirk was also to receive as an outright gift 1,200 acres in any unappropriated township he might select for the colony. His choice fell on Dover Township in the County of Kent, which was recommended by his manager William Burn, who had been sent out from England with the shepherd Alex Brown in the fall of 1802. Since the lands along the Thames had already been settled, the unappropriated parts of both Dover and Chatham townships were reserved for him. Selkirk's agent Richard Savage had been sent to New York State to buy 1,000 ewes for his private farm, and the earl brought a number of Merino rams and ewes from Scotland and Denmark to add to them. The next year was spent in planning and preparing, and it was not until the spring of 1804 that Burn arrived at Baldoon with five farm labourers and three carpenters. Selkirk's farm lay in the triangle of land formed by the Chenail Ecarté and Big Bear Creek ( River Syden1 For this chapter see F. C. Hamil, "Lord Selkirk in Upper Canada," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XXXVII (1945), 35-48.

46

48

THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

ham), and the northern boundary of Dover East. It was low and wet, but it lay on navigable water near the passage way between Lakes Huron and St. Clair, and was clear of encumbering forest. It was planned to keep the settlers here until they received lots of their own along the eastern bank of the Chenail Ecarté and Big Bear Creek. Selkirk selected as his general agent and manager of his farm and settlement, Alexander McDonell, sheriff of the Home District and member of the Assembly. They arrived at Baldoon in June 1804, and Selkirk remained for a month directing operations. The buildings included an ox stable and storehouse, a barn, a house and kitchen for the overseer, and two log houses for the farm labourers who were to come from Prince Edward Island. A mill, distillery, and various sheds and work-houses were planned for the following year. For some reason Selkirk made no provision for the housing of the immigrants who were on their way from Scotland. The survey of the northern parts of Dover and Chatham had been begun by Iredell early in the year. He traversed the shore of Lake St. Glair from the mouth of the Thames to the Chenail Ecarté, up this stream to Big Bear Creek, along it to the purchase line of 1790, and eastward along this line until it met the Thames. In the spring he did some work in Orford, but then fell ill with malaria, and remained in bed during the summer and fall. The deputy-surveyor, William Hambly, who had been sent from York to assist Iredell, arrived at Baldoon early in July, after running the division line between Dover and Chatham. At Selkirk's request Hambly began to survey the northern part of Dover adjoining the farm. The surveyor Augustus Jones had already laid out a string of lots along Big Bear Creek, opposite Selkirk's land. It was not long until Hambly and his party fell sick with the deadly fever. They were removed by Selkirk's men to Baldoon, where several of the people were also ill, and others were "flying everywhere from this supposed fatal country," as Hambly wrote. He hired two Frenchmen from the Thames to bring his party to McCrae's in Raleigh. One of the sick men was cared for at Iredell's in Chatham, and another at Matthew Dolsen's tavern in Dover. Nicholas the Mohawk died at the house of Sarah Ainse. The men were still ill and unfit for work about the middle of September, when Hambly returned to York.

THE BALDOON SETTLEMENT

49

In the meantime Selkirk had departed for Niagara the previous July, after making arrangements at Sandwich to procure supplies for the farm for the winter. He purchased 5,000 pounds of live beef and 50 ewes from James May of Detroit, and 1,000 bushels of corn from Matthew Dolsen. Two scows were bought from Thomas McCrae of Raleigh. At Kingston Selkirk met fifteen Highland Scottish families, comprising more than eighty souls, mostly from the Island of Mull, who were on their way to Baldoon. The heads of the families were nearly all indentured men, who agreed to work on the earl's farm for a term of years to pay the cost of their transportation. After a time each would receive fifty acres of land, on which he could work in his spare time. Selkirk planned to bring out many more Scots and Irish, and to induce others who had recently arrived in the United States to come over. His personal farm was to be the centre and mainstay of the whole colony; its economic basis was to be sheep-raising. The colonists arrived at Baldoon on September 5, 1804, in bateaux from Amherstburg. No shelter had been provided for them, and even the two workmen's huts were uninhabitable because of the rains which had flooded much of the land. They had to live under tents and makeshift coverings, and it was not long until most of them were ill with malaria. The wife of Lionel Johnson, one of the shepherds who had arrived earlier, and the overseer William Burn, had recently died, partly as the result of the fever. The angry settlers met Alexander McDonell, who came a few days later to take charge, with the demand for houses. He immediately gave contracts for the building of 14 log houses back of the overseer's house, and brought up a doctor and supplies from Sandwich. The heavy rains continued throughout October, almost destroying the small crops of peas, barley, and oats which had been grown during the summer. Even the hay which had been cut and stacked on the plains of Little Bear Creek could not be brought in because of the flood. Lionel Johnson was forced to keep the flock of sheep, which he had driven from Queenston, at the mouth of the Thames until the plains froze over. Alex Brown brought the rest of the sheep as far as the Grand River. Here they were kept until spring, the wolves killing a score of them, and all suffering from the scab. Despite the difficulties at Baldoon, McDonell started back to York

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THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

early in November. On the way he received word that sixteen of the colonists had died, five of them heads of families. He sent word that John McDonald from Prince Edward Island was to take charge in place of Peter McDonald, who was among the dead. Selkirk was greatly distressed when the news of the calamity reached him in England, but he advised McDonell not to give the survivors more assistance than was necessary, which would discourage industry and frugality. He advised moving them to the forks of Big Bear Creek (Wallaceburg), or to the River St. Glair, so that they would be out of danger during the next rainy season. Their farms should be situated in the woods on Little Bear Creek and on the projected Baldoon Road to the Thames. The land north of Little Bear Creek and the 16th concession, was to be drained and kept as his personal property. McDonell disregarded Selkirk's advice when he returned to the settlement in the spring. Finding the people recovered in health, he let them remain at Baldoon. The fever struck again early in the summer; two more heads of families died, and three of Selkirk's hired men left. McDonell again moved the survivors to Sandwich, where the expense of caring for them was great. He now wanted the earl to abandon the settlement at Baldoon. He was completely disgusted with the settlers, whom he accused of being ungrateful and dishonest, and in general "a rapacious, discontented, indolent, filthy set." Two girls died at Sandwich, but by September the rest had recovered and were moved back to Baldoon. Selkirk's farm had produced very little during the summer of 1805, due to sickness and continuous drought. The people did their work sullenly during the following winter and spring, eager to leave as soon as their engagements had expired. Meeting with no success in his attempts to secure a grant of the Shawnee Township2 to the north of the purchase line of 1790, as well as the islands in front of his farm, which had to be drained before the situation could become healthy, Selkirk decided to abandon Baldoon temporarily. He hoped eventually to get the Shawnee Township for his settlers, but in the meantime directed McDonell to buy two or three cleared farms on the Thames. Here they could be kept together, working the land on shares. The stock at the farm 2

Now the Gore of Chatham; and Sombra Township in Lambton County.

THE BALDOON SETTLEMENT

51

was to be sold, except part of the sheep which were to be kept at Baldoon or let out among neighbouring farmers. McDonell spent the winter negotiating with the government and the Six Nations Indians for the purchase on Selkirk's behalf of certain lands on the Grand River. He came to Baldoon in April, 1806, but decided to disregard the earl's instructions and give the settlement another trial. He reported that the sheep were doing well, although some had been lost through the attacks of rattlesnakes and wolves. He did not reveal until months later that about 300 had died during the winter from the scab. Selkirk viewed his agent's decision with considerable anxiety, but he did not censure him; and he sent out Dr. Sims from Scotland to act as physician for the colony. But he was unable to conceal his surprise and vexation at the excessive expense accounts for the first winter, when McDonell had left affairs to the incapable guidance of John McDonald. In August McDonell was again at Baldoon, having spent the previous three months with his family in York. The people were at last free from malaria, and expenditures had been reduced. Thirteen lots along Big Bear Creek and the Chenail Ecarté were now occupied. Allan and John, two sons of Angus McDonald, were located at Little Bear Creek to keep the ferry. Each family had been provided with six sheep, for which they agreed to return double at the end of three years. John and Donald McDonald from Prince Edward Island had been dismissed as worthless. Angus McDonald, printer, was in charge of four labourers on the farm, and the shepherds Mitchell and Johnson were in charge of the sheep. The people were already more content now that they had their own lots to work. McDonell believed that the farm would do much better managed by a few hands, than by the "numerous hordes of idlers who formerly loitered about it." In the spring of 1807 the Council granted Selkirk 2,800 acres of land in right of the fourteen settlers located. McDonell decided to leave the people at Baldoon, since there had been no sickness the previous summer. "They are a strange set," he wrote Selkirk, "and not unlike our neighbors the Chippawas and Ottawas in their inordinate love of whiskey and incorrigible propensity to filthiness." He visited Baldoon for a short time in August, and then returned to York, leaving Dr. Sims in charge. Mitchell had been dismissed the previous

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year for drunkenness, and the other shepherd, Lionel Johnson, had left rather than serve under Dr. Sims. Mitchell departed for England, where he saw Selkirk and made charges against McDonell's management. McDonell was attempting to secure the position of receiver for the province. He asked Selkirk if he would be willing to release him in case he obtained it. This suggestion was not unwelcome to the earl, who was dissatisfied with McDonell's administration. He replied that he wished to begin winding up his affairs in the province. Once again he gave directions for reducing expenses to a minimum, and for letting the farm on shares. If the government did not give him an outright grant of Dover and Chatham he would drop the business altogether. This letter reached McDonell in November 1808, after he had found that he could not secure the receivership.3 He now wanted to keep his job with Selkirk. He thought that the earl's chief dissatisfaction was caused by his failure to spend more time at Baldoon. Accordingly, instead of carrying out his instructions, McDonell took his family to Baldoon in March 1809, spent large sums on improving the house, and settled down for a permanent residence. He reported that many sheep had died from disease, the settlers on Big Bear Creek wanted to exchange their lots for wooded ones farther back and they would not unite to dig a drain in the rear of their lots. Selkirk was anxiously waiting for news that the farm had been let on shares. In the meantime he wrote McDonell to open up the road to the Thames. Lots on the road were to be offered for sale at a moderate price to any good settlers, or given free to persons of influence from the United States who would induce others to come. McDonell decided that the best place for the street was just west of the line between Dover and Chatham, from Big Bear Creek to the second concession on the Thames, thence east to the township line and then south to Chatham. Three 100 acre lots in each concession could be laid out on each side of the street. Selkirk approved of this, and he directed McDonell not to sell any land nearer Baldoon than the 13th or 14th concession. He also wished to keep any marsh lots which the settlers might give up in return for lots on the road. People placed 3 This refers to the office of Receiver-General of the Province, where land fees and other revenues were paid in.

THE BALDOON SETTLEMENT

53

on the Baldoon Street were to be spread out in groups of three or four at a place, with a mile or two between, so that it could be opened and partly settled throughout. The survey of the street and the lots was done by Thomas Smith in April 1810. A year later he had completed the survey of the remaining parts of Dover and Chatham. McDonell hoped to be able to settle most of the street with French Canadians from the American side. They were not good farmers, he told Selkirk, but they would serve to secure the township to him, and would keep the communication with the Thames open. Dr. Sims's engagement with Selkirk expired in the summer of 1809, but at McDonelFs suggestion he stayed on at Baldoon until they should hear from Selkirk concerning a renewal. McDonell reported that he was a good medical man, but that his "apathy and torpor are beyond belief, and his mode of living singular and unbecoming a man of his acquirements." The earl wrote that he was not to be hired again, so McDonell refused to pay him for the period since the expiration of his term. Later Sims caused much trouble until a settlement was made. Hugh McCallum and several other colonists sold their lots to Sims and left Baldoon, although they were still indebted to Selkirk. Lionel Johnson and his son-in-law James Stewart, who had lived on the Thames since quitting Baldoon, applied to McDonell at this time for a grant of land on St. Anne's Island. This was outside the reserve made for Selkirk, so McDonell offered them lots below Little Bear Creek, which they refused. Instead they went to the Forks on Big Bear Creek, where they built a house on land obtained from the Indians. McDonell quarrelled violently with them for this encroachment on lands which Selkirk was still attempting to secure for himself. He also quarrelled with many of the Baldoon settlers, who failed to pay their debts to the earl's store. Except for three or four families they were, he declared, "the most drunken, quarrelsome, spunging, indolent, of any people in Upper Canada." The McDougalls were particularly noted for fighting, and caused most of the broils. McDonell bound several of them over to the Quarter Sessions at Sandwich. The limit of Selkirk's patience with his agent was reached at the end of 1809, although his letter of dismissal did not get to Baldoon until the following May. He ordered McDonell to stay at Baldoon

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THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

until he received word to come to England for an accounting. The earl's business was to be wound up as he had previously directed, with the advice of Thomas Clark of Queenston, whose endorsement was necessary for any bills that might have to be drawn. McDonell was utterly unprepared for Selkirk's action. His letters show a mixture of shame, repentance, and attempted justification for his conduct. He said that he had not carried out the orders for the lease of the farm and the sheep because he could not find tenants who were equal to it. "Here indolence, ignorance, and brutality to dumb animals," he wrote, "loudly forbid the entrusting of any of them with so extensive a concern." Clark had brought Selkirk's letter to Baldoon, and he stayed for sixteen days going over the accounts. He reported that he found no evidence of dishonesty on McDonelPs part, although the accounts were very irregular and sometimes inaccurate. Part of the difficulty had been due to McDonell's absences from the settlement, but much blame could be put on the people he had to deal with. It was nearly impossible to make the settlers do anything for themselves or anyone else. They are in general the most turbulent, discontented and ungrateful set I ever saw [Clark wrote]. Those of them who have farms of their own are yet principally to be supported by Your Lordship, and for which they give labour or promise payment otherwise. For so long a time as they have been settled, I saw none of them that had any other building than the hut they lived in—no barn nor other outhouse— neither had they a garden or a pig. A few cattle seemed to be all they possessed. Clark advised Selkirk not to bring out settlers on indenture, who would continue to have a claim on him for support. Expenses had been heavy at the beginning of the settlement, and particularly during the people's illness. Great waste and mismanagement had resulted at the start from the untimely deaths of Burn and Peter McDonald. John McDonald's administration was "a compleat scene of lavish extravagance and expenditure." There was little improvement under Dr. Sims, a peculiar character who had worked at cross purposes with the people under him. Clark investigated charges of mismanagement

THE BALDOON SETTLEMENT

55

by Sims, made by Lionel Johnson, but found they were "instigated rather by jealousy and revenge," and both were equally at fault. The farm was left under McDonell's superintendence, as Clark was unable to find a trustworthy and capable tenant to take it on shares. The flock was left as before under the charge of Angus McDonald. Clark strongly advised getting rid of both the farm and the sheep, to avoid a continued deficit. Eight lots were already located on the Baldoon Street, and more settlers were expected from Ohio. John McKenzie was the only Baldoon settler who now wished to give up his farm and move to the street. In May 1811 McDonell was able to send over 500 bushels of wheat to Queenston by Matthew Dolsen's vessel. He requested Clark to have it made into flour and disposed of in Montreal or Quebec. In the summer he left for England on orders from Selkirk. The farm was left in possession of two of the hands, John Brown and George Sweener, under the guidance of Robert Innis of Sandwich. When McDonell arrived back in Canada in the fall of 1812 the war between the United States and Great Britain was in progress, and the following year he was taken prisoner at Fort George. He attempted for some time to induce Selkirk to compensate him for the loss of his job. The war prevented Clark from disposing of the lands and stock at Baldoon, as Selkirk had at last asked him to do. The farm continued to be a drain on his resources until the end of the war, when it was leased to William Jones. In 1818 it was sold to John McNab, a former Hudson's Bay trader, subject to Jones's lease. Two years later McNab died, and in 1822 the farm was sold at sheriff's sale to William Jones and James Wood of Sandwich for £1,281. Jones and his descendants remained in possession of the farm for many years. Most of the rest of Selkirk's lands in Dover were purchased by Thomas Clark. In 1818 Selkirk addressed a petition to the Council for a grant of 2,200 acres of land in right of eleven settlers located since the original fourteen. The Council decided that the time limit on his reserve had run out, but ordered the lands granted because they had previously recommended that the time be extended. It was also decided that since so little progress had been made in the fifteen years

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THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

of the reserve, it demonstrated the "impolicy of keeping it shut up any longer," and the remaining lands were thrown open to settlement. Thus Selkirk's connexion with Baldoon came to an end. Much of his wealth had been dissipated in the Red River settlement in Manitoba, and in the long-drawn-out trial which resulted from his conflict with the North West Company. He died at Pau in France in April 1820.

5 ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE LOWER SETTLEMENTS

T

HE FIRST SETTLERS on the Thames River made use of old Indian fields or open meadows in which to plant corn and wheat, and they cleared additional land by cutting down or girdling the trees. The soil was found to be of excellent quality in general, partly clay and partly a rich sandy loam which yielded good returns even when the only cultivation consisted of holes dug with a hoe or an axe to plant the seed. Soon the river banks were marked here and there by fields of grain, often growing among the stumps or dead trees. Rail fences surrounded the clearings and the log buildings; and the dark wall of forest retreated into the background year by year, leaving the winding river exposed to the light of day. A visitor to the settlement in 1793 remarked on the fine wheat, corn, peas, and grass which grew in abundance.1 Cattle were brought in from Niagara for beef and dairy products, oxen were used as work animals, and pigs produced the pork which became a staple article of diet and export. As the years passed, many apple orchards grew to maturity and began to bear fruit. Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe believed that the climate of the district along the north shore of Lake Erie was too warm for the best quality of wheat; and he thought that tobacco and indigo could be produced to advantage for export.2 In 1791 the Government recommended that the settlers grow hemp and flax. England was dependent on Russia for most of its supply of hemp, a necessity for naval cordage. By 1800, due to the war with France, the price had almost doubled. The next year the Government of Upper Canada offered l joseph Moore, "Journal of an Expedition to Detroit, 1793," Michigan Pioneer Collections, XVII (1890), 639. 2 Simcoe Papers, III, 57.

57

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THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

bounties and grants of land to encourage the growth of hemp, but they did little to increase the small quantity already being produced on the Thames, although one farmer grew twelve acres in 1802. More encouragement was given in 1804, when government commissioners were appointed to buy hemp at about ten pounds per ton above the market; and the price was considerably increased in succeeding years. The hemp acreage on the Thames expanded somewhat, although few of the farmers were able to sell before the government appropriations were exhausted. In 1810 they raised sixteen tons, and twice as much the next year. Plans were made to double the production in 1812, but the war intervened.3 Pickering reported in 1826 that the Government was dilatory in encouraging its production;4 but the real reason for the failure was that hemp production took a great deal of labour, which could be put to much better use in the growing of grain. A mill for the grinding of wheat and corn into flour was a pressing necessity for the early settlers. Until one could be built, the settlers on the Thames had to use the primitive hand method, or make the long journey to the Detroit River. Saw-mills were usually associated with the grist-mills, using the same power, but were not so necessary when houses could be built of logs. Eventually surplus flour and lumber became important articles of export. Mill-sites were reserved by the Government, and it was necessary to get permission before a mill could be constructed. King's mills were built in each of the four districts for the use of the settlers, but the closest to the Thames was the wind-powered mill on the Detroit River. An English millwright named Thomas Clarke started to build a mill at the Forks as early as 1788. He selected a spot on the south bank of the creek which for a time bore his name, just outside the 3 N. Macdonald, "Hemp and Imperial Defense," Canadian Historical Review, XVII (1936), 385-98. Some was grown on the Thames as early as 1801; Burton Historical Collection, John Askin Papers, Dec. 31, 1801. See also Ontario Archives, Reports, IX (1912), 23-4. In 1804 the commissioners were to buy hemp from the farmers at Í40 per ton, or give a bounty of Í10 per ton for hemp sold to private buyers. In 1805 the price was raised to £50 per ton; and in 1808 to £62^4 per ton. See also George Ward's statement of raising nine acres in 1807, and his difficulty in selling at Id. per pound; Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Sundries, Ward to Maitland, Jan. 9, 1824. *Joseph Pickering, Inquiries of an Emigrant (London, 1831), 64-5.

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF LOWER SETTLEMENTS

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5

future townsite of Chatham. After the survey he applied for permission to build the mill, and for a grant of three farm lots, to include his house and improvements on the north side of the river. The Land Board was unable to make the grant because the lands were within the reserve; but Clarke continued with the construction of the mill, having entered into partnership with Meldrum and Park of Detroit in 1792. It was still far from completed two years later, when the spring floods carried away the dam and injured the foundation of the building. Meldrum and Park refused to advance further funds, and demanded payment from Clarke for his share. In 1795 they petitioned for a grant of the mill-site, on the ground that they had spent £1,800 on the mill which was only half completed. They also alleged that Clarke was not a millwright, and had done no work on the building for several months. Colonel England and many others were sympathetic to Clarke, which probably induced the Council to reject this petition and to grant Clarke the farm lot on which the mill stood. Clarke was also granted lot 8 in Dover East as compensation for the loss of his farm lands north of the river, which were within the reserve. Clarke was eventually able to pay his debt to Meldrum and Park and complete the mill, by borrowing from John McGregor, a merchant of Sandwich. The building was square in form, of hewn logs whose ends had not been trimmed off to the proper lengths at the rear and on some of the upper courses. This peculiarity is said to have resulted from too copious drinks of whiskey by the settlers who assisted during the "bee." The completed mill was little more than this frame of logs, covered with a roof thatched with bark laid on poles, and a floor on which rested the stones and simply machinery, and the grain and meal. The product must have been as poor as the mill itself. In 1802 Angus Mackintosh of Sandwich complained: "The quantity of shorts, out of so small a quantity of wheat, surpases anything I have beared." Clarke was unable to pay off his debt to McGregor, and in 1810 surrendered the mill to him. McGregor operated it until it was burned during the War of 1812. It was rebuilt in 1818 and run for many years by John McGregor and his son Duncan. 5

Clarke was in Detroit as early as 1783, and in 1786 got an Indian deed for land opposite the Forks on the Thames.

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Clarke retired to his farm in Dover East, where he appears to have lived until his death, leaving a son named James. A local historian has described him as follows : 6 Tom Clarke was a character, and for many years was by his great size and with his No. 12, 12-lb iron nobbed shoes and 5-foot cane, a better known person than any one in the county. He was particularly so to the women, whose meagre and hard-earned tea caddies sadly suffered by the five or six cups of that beverage which he indulged in (when he could get it) at a sitting, when on his frequent visiting tours, Tom having a peculiar weakness for tea and small talk. Indeed this middle-aged feminine peculiarity at times interfered so seriously with household arrangements that a desperate woman set his long stick—at one time it was a long rifle barrel—outside the door, intimating at the same time the fact, a hint which Tom took in good part and left, as he did always subsequently, for this effective recipe soon spread abroad. Tom, however, never brooked insults respecting his person, particularly his pedal peculiarities; and he never after entered the door of an esteemed friend—Mrs. Isaac Dolsen, of Dover—when he found her olive branches early one morning weighing his enormous shoes.

Clarke's mill was not the first in operation on the Thames River. Colonel England reported to the surveyor-general in 1792 that Isaac Dolsen and Daniel Field, "two of the most industrious and respectable settlers on the River Thames," wished to build a mill on on a small stream on lot 18 in Harwich, which belonged to John Flynn. Clarke had no objection to their mill, believing it would not interfere with his own; and, permission having been obtained from Simcoe, the Field mill was built and in operation by 1795, if not sooner.7 About the same time another grist mill was built by Joshua Cornwall on lot 14 in Camden; this was burned by the Indians in 1813, but was rebuilt later.8 A more important mill was that of Christopher Arnold on lot 3 in Howard, which was in operation sometime previous to 1797. It produced a better grade of flour than the others, and luckily escaped destruction during the War of 1812. 6

James Soutar, The Chatham Directory for 1885-6 (Chatham, 1886), 58. Survey Office, Letters Received, I, 10. M. M. Quaife, The John Askin Papers, I, 582. 8 Zeisberger, Diary, II, 429, mentions a mill about seven miles below Fairfield in 1795. See also Sandwich, Canadian Emigrant, Feb. 2, 1832. Pickering mentions it in 1826, in Inquiries, p. 62. 7

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Various traders from the Detroit region came up the Thames in their boats from the earliest days of settlement, to trade with the Indians at Fairfield or the white people farther down. In 1799 the Moravian missionary Senseman suggested that John Askin of Sandwich start a store at Peter Traxler's house on lot 10 in Harwich, about four miles above the Forks. Here the Moravian Indians could bring their produce and buy goods. Boats could come up to Traxler's at any time, but to Fairfield only when the water was high. Askin agreed to give the plan a trial, and that fall sent to Traxler eighteen kegs of West India rum, two barrels of cider, and some bricks and tiles. These could hardly have been the kind of goods that Senseman wanted, and the store does not appear to have continued long.9 Askin may have been influenced less by Senseman's request than by information supplied by Hugh Holmes, who had written the previous fall that there was considerable trade to be had with Fairfield, since there was no store within twelve miles of it. He said that the Indians would not buy cider if they could get whiskey, nor buy whiskey if they could get rum. Holmes's wife had just had the misfortune to be wrecked near Belle River on Lake St. Glair, while bringing up a supply of goods purchased from Askin for sale on the Thames. Askin later gave Holmes an additional supply on credit, including a barrel of spirits and some cloth. It was probably due to the latter's failure to pay his debt the following spring that Askin employed Traxler instead. Holmes only escaped arrest for debt by leaving home just before a deputy sheriff arrived. Askin's judgement against him was not settled until 1812.10 Matthew Dolsen was operating a tavern and store on lot 19, Dover East, in 1797, having sold his tavern in Detroit the year before when the American occupation began. He continued to carry on an extensive trade with Fairfield, the white settlers, and the merchants of the Detroit and St. Glair rivers. He sold much of the grain, lumber, «Burton Historical Collection, The John Askin Papers, Aug. 18, 28, 1799, Jan. 5, 15, 1800. John Askin Journal, 1800. Quaife, The John Askin Papers, II, 262-3. A keg of rum was to be sold for $16.50, or 12 bushels of wheat, a barrel of cider for $10 or 8 bushels of wheat, tile at 6d. each, and brick at $1.50 per cwt. 10 Quaife, The John Askin Papers, II, 153-4, 207. Burton Historical Collection, The John Askin Papers, Sept. 19, 1799, Jan. 9, 1800, Apr. 7, 1802, Dec. 11, 1809, Apr. 18, 1812. The John Askin Journal, 1799-1804, under Holmes, Nov. 13, 1802. Kent County Registry Office, Register Book AB, p. 104.

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and pork which he acquired on the Thames to Angus Mackintosh of Sandwich, the local agent for the North West Company.11 During 1801 and 1802 Dolsen obtained from six to eight pence per pound for his hogs, depending on the weight and demand. Mackintosh complained frequently that Dolsen's hogs were much too light, probably due to the settlers' practice of letting them forage for themselves in the woods. The raising of hogs to provide pork for the western fur traders, and for the garrisons of the posts on both sides of the boundary line, was becoming a profitable means of disposing of the surplus corn supply of the Thames; but many appear to have begrudged its use in this way. The North West Company and its competitors purchased a good deal of corn and wheat for the use of their employees in the fur trade. For a number of years the Western District found its only market at Michilimackinac and Sault Ste Marie, in addition to the military posts on the Detroit River and Lake Erie. In 1793 Detroit merchants exported about 4,000 bushels of corn and 190,000 pounds of flour to the northern posts. In 1796 John Askin contracted to supply the North West Company with 1,200 bushels of shelled corn and 12,000 pounds of flour during each of the succeeding three years. Askin purchased much of the wheat and corn from Fairfield and from the white settlers on the Thames.12 In the spring of 1802 Mackintosh informed Matthew Dolsen and other merchants on the river that the North West Company wanted white flint corn rather than the yellow gourd, and unless the farmers there would cultivate the former variety they could not expect to sell their corn. Refusing to take any more of the yellow gourd, Askin contracted with Dolsen in the fall to take 1,000 bushels of the white flint, with an equal amount to be delivered in May, at 5s., lOd. per bushel, payable as usual in goods. He also offered to take 20,000 or 30,000 pounds of good flour at 20s. per barrel.13 11

For the following account of Mackintosh's connexions with the Thames, see his Letter Book in the Burton Historical Collection. 12 Robert L. Jones, History of Agriculture in Ontario, 1613-1880 (Toronto, 1946), 24. 13 Mackintosh also bought supplies from Thomas McCrae of Raleigh. In the fall of 1801 he took 2,000 pounds of pork at 6d. per pound, and contracted for 1,000 bushels of corn at 5i. per bushel, payable in goods at Sandwich.

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Mackintosh had formed a partnership the previous year with George Jacob, a former Sandwich merchant who now had a store on his farm on the Thames in the lower part of Raleigh. Jacob collected wheat and corn from the settlers in payment of their debts to Mackintosh. Some wheat was sent to Arnold's mill to be made into flour; the rest of the wheat and corn was shipped to Sandwich. Soon Mackintosh had all the wheat and flour he could dispose of, and refused to take anything except white flint corn. There was plenty of the yellow variety grown on the Thames, but he would not buy it. Instead he offered to purchase 1,000 bushels of the scarce white flint corn if Jacob would agree to grow it, and to take payment in merchandise. Mackintosh found a market for flour early in 1802; and he told Jacob to notify the farmers on the Thames who were still indebted to him from a former trading venture, that they must take advantage of this opening for their wheat. It was to be ground at Arnold's mill, and the cooper at Jacob's was to make seventy oak barrels to hold the flour. Jacob suggested that they use Clarke's mill to save transportation costs; but the resulting flour was of such poor quality that Mackintosh brought some of the wheat to Sandwich to be ground there. He left the rest to be used in Jacob's distillery, agreeing to take whiskey at 7 shillings per gallon in exchange for his wheat. The demand for flour, and also pork, increased to such an extent that in November Mackintosh wrote that he was greatly in need of both. He had already bought from Jacob, the previous May, 3,000 pounds of hogs at Id. a pound, and he offered to take an equal amount at 6rf. to be delivered in January. Boiling peas for hog feed were also in demand from the Thames. Mackintosh had explained to his employers at Montreal, when he formed his business connexion with Jacob in 1801, that they planned to carry on the distillery business, to take advantage of a sharp drop in the price of grain. The principal product would be whiskey, which had become the chief article of trade with the western Indians since the Americans had introduced it to them. There was now little demand for West India rum, which the British supplied. Mackintosh also expected to make some high wines (brandy) for the Indian trade.

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It was not until the spring of 1802 that Jacob began to produce double-distilled whiskey "of the best quality." There had been many delays before the stills were obtained from Pittsburgh and a distiller was brought over from Michigan. In April Mackintosh shipped a few barrels of whiskey to Sault Ste Marie so that the officials of the North West Company could judge it. The price in Lower Canada had fallen greatly due to the signing of peace with Napoleon; but it went up again in 1803 with the resumption of the war. Mackintosh had planned to supply the company with 1,300 to 1,500 gallons during the year, but only 1,200 were delivered due to the difficulty in getting more stills. Many farmers on the Thames also began to operate small stills at this time, now that they had plenty of grain which was low in price, and the price of whiskey was comparatively high. Whiskey was a product which could be easily transported, and was in great demand everywhere. Prominent whiskey producers on the Thames were Matthew Dolsen and his son John, the McGarvins, John Williams of Howard, and the millers who operated distilleries in connexion with their mills. There were also approximately twenty farmers or innkeepers on the river above Chatham who obtained licenses to operate stills previous to 1812. John Askin rented stills to some of the inhabitants, who used them for the season and made payment in whiskey. Liquor soon became abundant and cheap on the Thames, and was sold in every store as well as in the numerous taverns. Above Chatham the chief stores at this time were those of James McGarvin of Chatham Township, and the millers Field, Cornwall, Arnold, and McGregor. In Dover and Raleigh stores were run by George Jacob, James Urquhart, and Matthew and Isaac Dolsen and their sons.14 There were still no towns or villages outside of Fairfield, and farming and store-keeping were combined. Lord Selkirk wrote in 1804 that there were temporarily good prices for grain in the Northwest ; and Indian ponies, which could be grazed on the plains around Lake St. Glair and the lower part of the Thames, were in demand in the western fur trade. In that year, 14

Public Archives of Canada, U.C. Sundries, Customs, Shops, Taverns and Still Licenses. Burton Historical Collection, John Askin Papers, Aug. 25, Dec. 19, 1809, Apr. 11, Aug. 18, 1810, Aug. 29, Sept. 6, 1811.

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however, the North West Company and its principal rival the X Y Company amalgamated, and the market at Michilimackinac and at Sault Ste Marie became much less attractive due to the cessation of competition in buying between the two. By 1807 American agricultural produce began to come to the northern posts. But in the meantime there had developed a small export trade to the East, despite the fact that previous to the War of 1812 the cost of transportation from Detroit to Montreal ordinarily prohibited it. As early as 1801 the Detroit district had sent 2,489 barrels of flour to Montreal. Prices in Great Britain remained above the limits set by the Corn Laws for the importation of grain and flour for several years, due to a succession of poor crops there and the war with France. As a result there was a demand in Montreal for these products, and at times the prices were high enough to attract some from as far away as the Western District.15 In the spring of 1811 McDonell sent over 500 bushels of wheat from Baldoon to Queenston, to have it made into flour and disposed of in Montreal or Quebec. The raising of beef cattle for sale to the garrisons at the posts was of importance only on the lower part of the Thames River and along the shores of Lake St. Clair, where there were great natural meadows for pasture. Abiah Parke, the trader much liked by the people of Fairfield, was also a grazier and butcher. In 1793 he petitioned for a tract of land below the first township on the south side of the Thames, in the present Tilbury East. He stated that he had fought in the British army during the Revolution, and had come to Detroit in 1788, since when he had principally dealt in cattle. He now had a considerable stock, and hoped in future to furnish beef for the Government on reasonable terms. The land he applied for was too wet for anything except grazing stock.16 As a result of this petition Parke was granted lot 6, River front, in Tilbury East ; but in the summer of 1795 he sold it to Louis Trudell. Whether or not he pastured many cattle on the Tilbury plains is uncertain, but there were many other people who did so. A traveller in the autumn of 1801 remarked on their custom of setting fire to the dry grass to ensure fresh pasturage in the spring.17 The export of 15

Jones, op. cit., 24-8. Public Archives of Canada, U.C. Land Petitions. 17 Jones, op cit., p. 31. 16

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cattle to the United States from this and other parts of Upper Canada was profitable up to the War of 1812. The lumber trade was as yet of small consequence on the lower Thames. Matthew Dolsen frequently sold some lumber to Angus Mackintosh of Sandwich, Alexander Harrow of the St. Glair River, and others.18 In general the timber of this area was then of little value, except to build houses, barns and fences locally. Most of it was burned in great piles as the land was cleared. Soon potash became a valuable by-product, especially during the years 1808-10 of the Napoleonic Wars. The early inhabitants found it convenient to haul timber to the banks of the river and roll it into the water, where much of it sank or lodged on the banks at the bends.19 Pine timber was not available locally, but it was floated down from the pinery far above near Delaware. In 1793 the Quaker Lindley noted that large rafts of excellent pine timber were brought into the King's shipyard at Detroit from the Thames.20 Two years later the surveyor-general wrote Iredell that he had heard certain settlers on the river were planning to go to the pinery and employ themselves in the lumber trade to Detroit. There had already been considerable waste of white pine, which was reserved to the Crown. Iredell was asked to let it be known that he would permit no raft of pine logs, staves, shingles, or lumber in any form to pass Chatham for export from the river. However, Zeisberger noted many rafts of pine lumber and timber going down the Thames from the pinery in the spring of 1797 and the following year.21 The increasing commerce of the river brought in many vessels from outside ports. The larger ships which plied the Thames came only as far as Matthew Dolsen's landing in Dover. The schooners Wilkinson and Thames were making regular trips to Dolsen's in 1799. The latter was an eighty-ton vessel in the service of the North West 18

Burton Historical Collection, Alexander Harrow, Journal and Letter Book, July 23, Aug. 16, 1798. "Survey Office, Letters Received, IV, 1125-6. Iredell wrote in Nov., 1795 to Surveyor-General Smith, that the depth of water in the Thames and the creek at Chatham was irregular, due to sunken timber. In later decades men often fished for logs on the river bottom. 20 Jacob Lindley, "Journal of Expedition to Detroit, 1793," Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, XVII (1890), 594. "Survey Office, Letters Written, IV, 1052-4. Zeisberger, Diary, II, 480, 521, 524. Perhaps this timber was for Government use.

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Company, commanded by Captain Gilkinson; but in 1801 it was owned by the McGregors of Sandwich. The Wilkinson was an American ship of sixty-five tons which had been built at Detroit in 1797. In 1802 it was plying the lakes under the command of James Robinson. At this time Captain Rough's forty-ton sloop Hunter was also coming to the Thames. Small sailing vessels could go much farther up the river, even to Fairfield when the water was high. Among them were James May's Swan and John Askin's Weazel, which came from the Detroit to the Thames in 1796 and probably earlier. The Weazel was wrecked in 1798, and its successor, the sloop Annette under Captain Timothy Grummet, made a trip to the Thames in August of that year for a load of grain. It was wrecked at Long Point soon after, and Askin sent William Daly to Delaware to build another ship for him with a twenty-eight-foot keel and sixteen-foot beam. This must have been the Surprise, which Askin sent to the Thames in 1800 to bring down wheat for the McGregors of Sandwich. At this time Captain Harrow of the River St. Clair owned the coaster schooner Ranger, twelve-anda-half tons, which he often employed on the Thames. For several years before this he had transported goods to and from the river in a scow. About the year 1800 Captains Thorne, Todd, and John Drake had vessels which plied the Thames.22 Matthew Dolsen had a goodsized boat, and several other inhabitants of the Thames had smaller ones. Abiah Parke purchased sails and rope for a small boat from John Askin in 1795. Many of these ships and boats must have been among those burned and sunk by Procter's army above Chatham during its retreat in 1813. Í2

F. C. Hamil, "Early Shipping and Land Transportation on the Lower Thames," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XXXIV (1942), 4-5. In September, 1796, Alexander McKee of the Thames promised to secure 10,000 bricks and tiles for Harrow. Next year Harrow sent, by Doben's boat, a barrel of whitefish to Gaspar Brown, and two barrels each to Thomas McCrae and Matthew Dolsen, at £3 York per barrel. In 1798 Harrow bought 200 bushels of rye from McCrae.

6 THE EVANGELISTS

^ir ^»

XCEPT FOR the Moravian missionaries at Fairfield, there f were no preachers or ministers on the Lower Thames until the early part of the nineteenth century. The Quaker Joseph Moore, who visited the river in 1793, thought that the inhabitants appeared as much in need of cultivation as the lands they lived on. He noticed that it was their custom to visit each other on Sundays, collecting in groups at various houses. Zeisberger found that the men scorned religion. When he preached at the home of Coleman Roe in 1792, his congregation consisted only of women. This attitude changed gradually, and some who lived near Fairfield came occasionally to attend services in the Moravian chapel. Soon the missionaries were called upon to extend their ministrations beyond the village. Senseman frequently dispensed the sacraments to the white settlers, sometimes at Fairfield but more often in their homes. At intervals he went down to preach among them, or to attend the sick, and he rarely left without baptizing some of the children. The Moravian Michael Jung was also a favorite preacher among the people. In February 1796 he was asked to deliver a sermon at the house of Francis Cornwall, seven miles away. After this he preached there nearly every Sunday, and often baptized children or conducted funerals. The following winter when he found travelling difficult, and wished to discontinue, they begged him to come, and offered to buy him a horse so he would not have to walk. Zeisberger wrote of Francis Cornwall that he was "a man who loves the good and arouses his neighbors to hear the preaching of the Gospel. If there is no sermon he reads something to them." The Quaker Lindley had called at his home in 1793, while he was living at Petite Cote on the Detroit River. Lindley talked with him and "his precious wife Anna, on the subject of water baptism, the bread and wine, etc., 68

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which they endeavored for a while to defend; but at length gave it up."1 The heathen Chippewa on the Chenail Ecarté requested that a Moravian teacher be sent among them as early as 1794. It was not until June 1801, that Christian Frederick Denke set out on horseback to visit them, to determine the prospects of a mission. He took the trail through the dense forest and swamps which led north from Fairfield for ten miles to Big Bear Creek, which the Indians called the Jonquakamick. Here the trail passed through a prairie filled with wild flowers and ferns. Denke travelled westward down the river to the Chenail Ecarté, and soon arrived at an Indian settlement of some thirty persons not far from Lake St. Clair. The friendly chief Nangi and most of his men were away hunting. It was raining heavily, and Denke spent the night in the chief's hut, greatly annoyed by snakes and sand flies. The next morning, after a breakfast of deer's head cooked with corn, he decided to return to Fairfield. The following year Denke again visited the village. This time he found the people unfriendly, probably due to the influence of the traders, but they guided him to the camp of their chiefs Nangi and Witanesse, near Pointe du Chêne. A council was held and it was decided to give him 110 acres of farm land and meadows on the upper part of Harsen's Island, where he was to found his mission. Until a house could be built, Denke went to live at the home of the widow Harsen. A few weeks later John Schnall arrived. That night a barrel of gunpowder was accidentally exploded in the room, killing two of Mrs. Harsen's grown children and injuring the two missionaries. Schnall, severely burned, was taken on a sledge to the home of William Groesbeck on the St. Clair River. Two weeks later the missionary Oppelt and four Indians from Fairfield brought him in their canoe to Matthew Dolsen's tavern in Dover. From here he was carried in a spring waggon over the winding, jolting trail to Fairfield. Denke returned to Harsen's Island in September. Many of the Indians were hostile, blaming him for the fever which then prevailed. Groesbeck informed him that certain white men had turned the Indians against him because they claimed his land under a pre1

See Hamil, Fairfield. Jacob Lindley, Journal, 593. Joseph Moore, Journal,

640.

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vious grant. To avoid further trouble Denke gave up his land and accepted another plot at Pointe du Chêne. Here, with the assistance of Mrs. Harsen's sons, he built a log hut and furnished it with articles brought from Fairfield in one of Dolsen's vessels. Denke lived there throughout the winter, eating with the Indians such unfamiliar food as muskrat, dog, hawk, and owl. He came to feel his isolated position keenly, particularly since he was able to accomplish little with the Indians, who were influenced by the white traders fearing for their sales of liquor. He was unable to win them from the control of their medicine men, with their rain and harvest dances and other heathen practices. At last he gave up the mission in despair, and returned to Fairfield in February 1803. One year later Denke and Schnall explored Big Bear Creek, looking for a suitable location for another attempt. They decided to go above the Chippewa village of Kitigan, where there were hills, creeks, and good bottom lands for planting. The site finally chosen was on the eastern side of the river, about two miles below the present town of Florence. The banks were low, and the dry, level ground was covered with sugar maples. Farther inland was a winding creek suitable for turning a mill, which flowed to the river through a broad valley containing patches of rich bottom land. Lieutenant-Governor Hunter gave permission for the Moravians to settle there. On the 13th of April, 1804, Denke and his wife, accompanied by nineteen Moravian Indians carrying their goods, walked the fifteen miles from Fairfield to their new home. Three weeks later a one-room log hut was completed, rude tables and benches were constructed from the abundant walnut trees, and land was cleared for a garden. Mrs. Harsen's sons brought Denke's furniture from Harsen's Island. At intervals food was sent from Fairfield, until they were able to provide for themselves. Corn and potato-peelings were planted in the garden, the inner part of the potatoes helping to supply the table. In August Denke hauled timber from the bush to build a storehouse. It was completed with the help of the Indian Joseph from Fairfield, who received singing lessons from Denke in the evenings. Often other Moravian Indians came to join them in the singing of hymns. In the fall they harvested twenty-two bushels of potatoes, and a little corn which had been greatly damaged by squirrels and birds.

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The neighbouring Chippewa were friendly, and they never went by without calling to inquire how they were. In October several from Kitigan passed on their way to the hunt up the river. Then a large band camped beside them for several days, and Denke was convinced that one of them was converted by his appeal. Other Indians sought the friendship of the missionaries. Some of the younger ones came to Denke's school. He was optimistic, but progress in making conversions was very slow. With the approach of Christmas the Chippewa hunters came frequently, sometimes listening to the story of the birth of Christ. Their chief Nangi besought the missionaries to move farther down the river, but Iredell had already begun the survey of Denke's land, and he did not want to establish himself closer to the new settlement of Baldoon. In February there came word that the chiefs Nangi and Witanesse had both died. Denke recalled that they had often listened to the word of God, and Nangi had more than once been moved to tears when he heard the story of Jesus. Witanesse was succeeded by his son Big Bowl, whom Selkirk's agent described as "a rapacious old dog." The mission seemed to progress favourably during the spring of 1805. A Shawnee Indian and his squaw visited the Denkes and were much impressed with their teachings. They settled close by, and were followed by a Chippewa family from Kitigan. Then a Christian Indian family came from Fairfield. Denke held services in the Delaware and the Chippewa languages, and taught the Indian children in his school. Famine was raging among the tribes, and the Denkes gave some of their scanty supply of bread to the hungry. In May Denke visited several of the Indian plantations higher up the river, to spread the word of God. Despite the small signs which gave hope to the Denkes, few converts were made. The majority of the Chippewa evinced little interest in the Christian religion. The missionaries had to witness the heathen bear dances, and once a medicine man performed his incantations in an attempt to restore a man's lost soul. The sudden death of Nangi and Witanesse deprived the Denkes of two of their most powerful friends among the Chippewa. French traders of the St. Clair instigated plots to drive the missionaries away, and Denke was threatened with death for stealing the Indians' lands. A hostile Chippewa named Siskiboa stirred up the others. He induced a number of evil-disposed

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families to camp near the mission and indulge in drunken orgies and heathen practices to annoy them. For days and nights at a time the Indians would keep up their shouting, dancing, and drumming. At last Denke could stand it no longer, and he decided to leave. The entire Fairfield congregation arrived on December 13, 1806, and helped to carry back their possessions to the village. The house and lands at the mission on the Jonquakamick were immediately occupied by the evil Siskiboa, and the Moravians never returned. Only the name Dankey Creek remains to show that they had once been there.2 The Chippewa always remained the least susceptible to the Moravian missionaries' teachings. "On May 24th," it was reported at the meeting of the General Assembly held at Bethlehem in 1810, "they had the joy in Fairfield to see the young Indian Abraham, the first one of the Chippewa tribe die a blessed death. As it is well known, his hostile relations had pursued him; now he is in eternal safety, removed from all dangers."3 It was in this year that Abraham Luckenbach, then at Fairfield, was asked to visit the Munsey and Delaware towns thirty miles upstream, as well as those of the same nation living one hundred miles farther away on the Grand River. They assembled in their council houses and listened to the Gospel preached in their own language. Later on Luckenbach went again to the Munsey town on the Thames; but he found that "the hearts of the Delawares and Monseys in that region seemed for the time closed against the teaching of the Gospel, because they feared their chiefs and relatives." It was not until their neighbours the Chippewa were in later years converted to Christianity, that they were also. During his last visit Luckenbach had stayed with the well-known Indian medicine man Onim, who had long been hostile to Christianity. His heart seems to have been touched, however, and several years later when he fell sick he sent for the assistant Jacob "to show him the right way." Afterwards he was visited by Denke, and before his death was baptized with the name of Leonard.4 2

H. A. Jacobson, Narrative of an Attempt to Establish a Mission, 3-4. Burton Historical Collection, Excerpt from the Report of the Denke Family about their stay on the Yonquahamick from Aug. 24, 1804, to May 24, 1805 (translation). 3 Moravian MSS, Burton Historical Collection. ^Autobiography of Luckenbach, 394; History of the Moravian Missions, 314-15.

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In the meantime the first of the Methodist itinerant preachers had come to the Lower Thames. While at Oxford on the upper part of the river in 1801, Nathan Bangs received a letter from John Messmore, a Mennonite of Chatham Township, urging him to come there, as the lower settlements were without religious provision.5 Bangs wished to answer the call, but his presiding elder withheld his consent because of the notoriously unhealthy climate and Bangs's delicate physique. Three years later, however, Bangs was able to induce Bishop Asbury to appoint him a misionary on the Thames. And so it was that on August 10, 1804, Bangs and a fellow traveller were making their way on horseback along a blazed trail that led through the Longwoods from Delaware to Fairfield. They carried Indian corn bread and dried beef in their saddlebags, to eat on the way. At sunset they came to a small log hut belonging to a Frenchman, about seven miles above the Moravian village. They had endured torments from the clouds of mosquitoes and flies in the woods, and they were hungry, thirsty, and tired. The woman of the house regretted that she had no tea, but provided them with water and a supper of corn pudding and milk. That night, after praying with the family, the travellers slept on a bundle of straw on the floor. In the morning they were served tin cups of tea, which the good woman had borrowed from a neighbour and boiled in a "dish-kettle." At noon Bangs dined with the missionary at Fairfield, whom he found sociable and possessed with the "simplicity of the Gospel." The Moravian expressed the hope that Bangs's work might alleviate the corrupting influence of the white settlers on the Indians. In the middle of the afternoon Bangs stopped his horse in front of Lemuel Sherman's house in Camden. The owner was standing at the door watching the approach of the strange rider. Bangs asked if he wished to have the Gospel preached there. After a moment's thought Sherman said that he did, and invited the missionary in. Bangs said that 5

Abel Stevens, Life and Times of Nathan Bangs (New York, 1863), 132. The fame of these preachers had spread rapidly in the fifteen years since the first Canadian circuit was formed at Kingston by William Losee, a member of the New York Conference. By 1801 there were eleven of them travelling between the Ottawa River and the Upper Thames, enduring severe hardships and preaching two or three times a day. Riding on horseback through the forests and scattered settlements, which could not support regular churches, they preached in the open or in the houses of friendly people.

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he had come a great distance to preach to the people, and since the next day was Sunday he must find a place to do so before he dismounted. Sherman thought again, and then invited him to stay and preach in his house, promising to provide for him and his horse. The missionary thanked him and entered, saying, "Peace be to this house." Sherman mounted his own horse and rode ten miles down the river, requesting the people along the way to attend a meeting at his place the next morning. The house was filled when the preacher opened the service. He began by telling about himself, how he had been converted, and why he had come among them. He then described his method of worship, adding that those who did not wish to follow it could use their own. But without exception all arose when he gave out the hymn, knelt when he prayed, and took their seats when he preached. Afterwards he explained his manner of travelling about the country, and his doctrine, and he concluded by asking those who wished to hear more preaching to stand. All did so, and he told them to expect another sermon there in two weeks. At the end of the service an elderly man, William Everitt, offered his hand "with much affection." He said that he was from New Jersey, had been a member of the Methodist Church, and had frequently entertained Bishop Asbury and other preachers in his home there. He joyfully agreed to let Bangs preach in his house some ten miles down the river,6 where he had lived for seven years. One of his sons set out to notify the people that a sermon would be delivered there at three o'clock that afternoon. The house was filled at the appointed time, and among those present was an old man with a long beard who proved to be John Messmore, the Mennonite. At his invitation Bangs went to his house, about two miles above Chatham, where he preached the next day. Later the missionary rode with Messmore another ten miles to the house of the old Indian woman Sarah Ainse, where he made his headquarters while on the Thames. She was a "good, simple hearted, earnest creature," who prepared a bed, a table, a chair and a candlestick for him in an upper room. She considered herself highly honoured by having the Gospel preached in her house, and always prepared his food and served it in his room, thinking herself unworthy 6

At the present Louisville.

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to eat with him. When he left the next day she gave him a dollar, which he received gratefully, being nearly out of money. Bangs went on to Sandwich, Detroit, and the Lake Erie settlement in Essex, where he fell seriously ill with malaria. Later he visited at Sandwich the Highlanders who had been moved down from Baldoon because of the sickness. He found them drunk and uproarious, but his demeanour and his tract on drunkenness impressed them. After preaching and praying among them he departed amid their hearty blessings. At the mouth of the Thames he entered a tavern where a boisterous crowd were drinking and gambling around a large table. Fearing his displeasure they leaped from their seats and fled through the back door or the windows. He continued his work on the Thames for some time, but the approach of winter and the almost impassable roads convinced him that he should return to the Niagara circuit, and attempt to induce some local preachers to emigrate to the river with their families. He left in November for the east.7 With the departure of Bangs the Methodist preachers did not again come to the lower Thames for five years. Then in 1809 the Rev. William Case, who had just been appointed to the Ancaster circuit, set out to visit the Western District. It was the end of June when he reached the house of Lemuel Sherman. Here he preached to the people, who showed great attention. But his soul, as he confided to his diary, was wading in deep waters, and he went out into a field to find relief by casting his trouble on the Lord. The next day as he rode down the river he ventured to tell people that there would be a meeting in one hour at the home of William Everitt. Then he grew afraid that Everitt might not let him preach there, and he thought that he would speak to the people in the street. But when he arrived and greeted Everitt with "Peace be with you," he was received with a welcome. The people seemed much moved at his sermon,8 and he took courage that the Lord would bless him among them. He preached again the next day, and three times on Sunday, to large congregations 7

See Nathan Bangs, A History of the Methodist Episcopal Church (4 vols., N.Y., 1840-1844), II, 166-70. Stevens, op. cit., 116, 134-46. Thomas Webster, History of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Canada (Hamilton, 1870), 88-91. John Carroll, Case and his Cotemporaries (5 vols., Toronto, 1867-77), I, 29-32. 8 He preached on: "Be not forgetful to entertain strangers."

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in different places, and "the Lord seemed to work mightily in the hearts of the people." One night he dreamed that he saw an orchard in full bloom, which he took as an omen of a blooming prospect of revival. Case travelled as far as Amherstburg, preaching as he went. Two weeks later he returned to preach at a tavern near the mouth of the Thames. When he came to the door he could hear a man cursing the Catholic priest for going about deceiving people. After a few days he rode fifteen miles up the river, stopping at various houses and preaching and praying with the inhabitants. He wrote: "The Lord witnessed the truth on the hearts of several present who appeared alarmed." The next day he went on and preached twice to attentive and weeping congregations. After the sermons he talked with all he met on the state of their souls. One man and his wife seemed greatly concerned. When he parted with them he joined their hands, "and they promised to set out for Heaven together." On Sunday he preached three times, spending his strength greatly. During the second one he sang the Garden Hymn, and at the last verse reached out his hand to several to meet him in the Heavenly Land. Many in the congregation were much affected, weeping openly. He thought there appeared a prospect of good resulting.9 Because of this revival on the Canadian side, it was December before Case visited Detroit. He spent some months there, and in the New Settlement on Lake Erie, which he described as "the most wicked and dissipated of any part of America." When he left for New York in the spring he wrote that a gradual revival had taken place along the Thames. But except in a few instances there was little of the "wild and boisterous spirit sometimes seen in real revivals of true religion." When he had first arrived he found only an occasional person who had once had religion, and not one praying family. Some had never heard a sermon before. Now there was a society of ten Methodists, and many more were under deep conviction.10 9

Burton Historical Collection, William Case's Journal. Once while speaking of the evils of liquor at the home of Isaac Dolsen in Raleigh, he remarked that some men would even bring whiskey to the place of worship in their pockets. A rough-appearing man near the door departed hastily, exclaiming: "You are a wizard!" and broke his bottle against the house; Webster, op. cit., 92-3. 10 Carroll, op. cit., I, 181-2.

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Case was succeeded in 1810 by the Rev. Ninian Holmes, sent by the newly formed Genesee Conference, with which the Upper Canada district was now associated, in place of the New York Conference. Holmes was born in New York State of Irish parents, and was a small, neat person, fairly well educated hi both English and French. In 1815 he retired from circuit riding and lived on the farm in Raleigh inherited by his wife Elizabeth Newkirk from her father. He died in 1829 at the age of forty-four, leaving his wife and eight children. "Thus terminated the career of one of the purest, most amiable, and best qualified of Canada's early Gospel laborers." Egerton Ryerson wrote of him, that "he possessed a remarkable faculty of arresting attention—not so much by the splendor of his style, as by bringing them into the immediate presence of God."11 11

Ibid., I, 146, 264-6. Holmes's assistant in 1811-12 was Silas Hopkins, who was such a poor preacher he soon returned to his father's farm near Burford. At a service at Isaac Dolsen's, he had an experience similar to that of Case. He was denouncing the conduct of ungodly men in the community, when one of his listeners, thinking he was pointing at him, jumped up in great anger and offered to fight Hopkins for singling him out and exposing him before a public assembly; Webster, op. cit., 93. .See also Carroll, op. cit., I, 255, 261.

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HE KENT MILITIA was formed in 1793 under the Militia Act of that year. Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe appointed the Honourable James Baby as Lieutenant of the County of Kent, in the English fashion, with power to recommend for appointment militia officers and magistrates. The Lieutenants of Kent and Essex came under the command of Colonel England, the commandant of the Detroit area and senior colonel of militia. Baby reported that there were nearly 700 men fit to bear arms in the County of Kent, which then included Detroit. With considerable difficulty, owing to jealousies among the officers, the militia was formed.1 The new companies, ill-equipped and with little training except what they might have had in the last war, did not have long to wait before being called up. Colonel England issued orders on August 20, 1794, for them to assemble at Detroit immediately, having learned of General Anthony Wayne's advance down the Maumee River, and of his hostile intentions towards Detroit. In his letter to Simcoe explaining his action, Colonel England noted that 67 of the militia from the Thames had come to Detroit with great alacrity, had been supplied with arms and provisions, and were being kept there until General Wayne's designs should be learned. A few days after the defeat of the Indians by Wayne at the Battle of Fallen Timbers, when it was clear that the American army did not intend to attack the British, Colonel England wrote again to Simcoe, praising the conduct of the Thames militia, whom he proposed to dismiss the next day.2 ^Simcoe Papers, II, 93, 95. Public Archives of Canada, Militia Reports, Essex, Oxford, Norfolk, c 703, 1787-1839. On the south bank of the Thames there were 104 men capable of bearing arms, six of them negroes. But only 37 whites and two negroes were enrolled. *Simcoe Papers, II, 381, 388-9, 395, 400, 413-4, III, 21, 46.

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Following the Treaty of Greenville between the Indians and the United States, and Jay's Treaty between Great Britain and the United States, Detroit and the other western posts on the American side of the boundary were evacuated by the British in 1796. War between the United States and Great Britain did not come until 1812, after years of controversy over British commercial restrictions and impressment of American seamen during her war with Napoleonic France. The commercial grievances, however, were on the point of settlement, and perhaps the real cause lay in the new American West beyond the Alleghenies. Here the British were accused of stirring up the Indians; and the frontier spirit of expansion looked to the conquest of Canada and the whole American continent. News of the outbreak of hostilities reached Amherstburg, the British military centre on the Detroit, on June 30, 1812. LieutenantColonel Thomas St. George, commandant at Fort Maiden in Amherstburg, immediately called up the Kent militia from the River Thames, which consisted of 215 men, exclusive of officers. These, with the Second Essex Militia of about the same strength, were sent to Sandwich to oppose the expected crossing of the American army under Hull, which was approaching Detroit from Ohio. St. George kept his force of 300 regulars at Fort Maiden. On July 5 the militia were thrown into confusion by several cannon shots fired at them by the American army from across the river. The next morning, expecting Hull to cross at any minute and knowing that his few hundred ill-trained men could not put up any effective resistance, Colonel Baby began to withdraw towards Fort Maiden, but was met at the Canard River by Captain Muir and a detachment of regulars who prevailed on him and his men to return to Sandwich. St. George knew that he would soon have to move the troops down to Maiden, but he wished first to get all the cattle possible from the Sandwich area and the Thames. He was also working at top speed to strengthen the fort, and to collect and arm the Essex militia from Lake Erie. During the morning of July 12 the American army crossed the Detroit River above Sandwich without opposition, St. George having ordered the evacuation of the town the previous day. Hull then issued a proclamation promising protection for inhabitants who remained

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neutral, and destruction for those who should resist. This had a great effect on the militia, and many of them left their posts and returned home. St. George reported to General Brock on the 15th that he had only 471 militiamen left, and these were in such a state that they would be of no use to him in the field. "There are certainly many well disposed," he wrote, "but the idea of leaving their families and farms at this season occasions their principal dissatisfaction."3 They were anxious to get home to harvest their wheat, so necessary for their subsistence, and they feared American reprisals on their families. Probably the Kent militiamen had heard that a detachment of about 100 foot-soldiers and 20 cavalry, under the command of Colonel Duncan McArthur, had set out on a raiding expedition to the Thames River on July 14. They marched rapidly, and camped for the night near the mouth of the river. The next morning the men ate breakfast at Louis TrudelPs, having purchased a beef and some bread from him. Travelling up the south bank of the river, the detachment confiscated a considerable quantity of flour at Captain Richard Pattinson's, and a large amount of military stores at Captain George Jacob's. A quantity of flour, whiskey, and salt, was seized at the homes of Isaac Dolsen and Thomas McCrae. The Americans encamped for the night at Matthew Dolsen's in Dover. Here they discovered four bales of three-point blankets, one hundred in each bale, and a roll of cloth. The officers cheerfully accepted Mrs. Dolsen's invitation to have supper with her. At McArthur's assurance that they would not disturb private citizens or private property, she sent for her husband, who had fled to the woods, and he returned to spend a sociable evening with the invaders. At dawn McArthur moved rapidly on to McGregor's mills at Chatham, where he found about 300 barrels of flour belonging to 3 E. A. Cruikshank, Documents Relating to the Invasion of Canada and the Surrender of Detroit, 1812 (Public Archives of Canada, Publications, VII, 1912), 45-63, 65, 75. Quaife, John Askin Papers, II, 709-710. Public Archives of Canada, First Regiment of Kent Militia, Pay List and Muster Roll, July 2-24, and July 25 - Aug. 24, 1812. Hull counted on the desertion of the militia to give him a bloodless victory. Large parties of them came in to his army and were sent to their homes. By July 24 only 39 men were left of the Kent militia, besides the officers. About 50 men had been given leave of absence to return to their farms; the rest had gone without leave. All but 32 subsequently returned to duty. Most of the Indians, with the exception of Tecumseh and his warriors, were inclined to quit the war.

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the military, and several bales of merchandise marked for the Indian Department. McArthur immediately loaded everything into several boats which had been waiting to convey these supplies to Amherstburg, and sent them down the river under the command of Major Denny. The rest of the detachment began its retreat before noon of July 16, picking up the provisions and military stores which they had discovered in the various houses as they went by. The total booty consisted of nearly 300 barrels of flour, 400 blankets, and some guns, ammunition, and whiskey, to an estimated value of $4,000. The Americans reported that the inhabitants had received them in a friendly manner, and they had left some their "warm friends." Major Denny noted that vast quantities of wheat remained unharvested, due to the fact that every male subject capable of bearing arms had been drafted.4 At this time a small band of American militia under Captain Robert Forsyth raided the Baldoon settlement on the Chenail Ecarté. The tradition has persisted that they were a "ruffian crew," who plundered the settlers' homes as well as Selkirk's farm. They left a feeling of resentment that was not present after McArthur's orderly occupation there two years later. After several days at Baldoon Forsyth returned to Sandwich with a small herd of cattle, nearly 1,000 of Selkirk's sheep; and with the settlement's large boat and ten small ones loaded with grain, flour, and other supplies.5 General Hull remained with his army at Sandwich, doing little and relying on delay to make his task easier. Every day some of the British militia and Indians came into his camp to surrender; a few of the militia joined the American army, the others took the oath of neutrality and were sent to their homes. Hull sent reconnoitring parties down the road towards Amherstburg, and these engaged in a series of skirmishes with the British and Tecumseh's Indians at the River 4 An Ohio Volunteer (James Foster), The Capitulation, in M. M. Quaife (éd.), War on the Detroit (Chicago, 1940), 234-9. Niles Register, II, 399. J. McDonald, Biographical Sketches of General Nathaniel Massie, General Duncan McArthur, etc., (Dayton, Ohio, 1852), 109-112. "Letter of Col. Denny to Mrs. Denny, July 17, 1812," in Old Northwest Genealogical Quarterly, X (1907), 288-9. 6 Col. W. S. Hatch, A Chapter of the History of the War of 1812 in the Northwest (Cincinnati, 1872), 31. E. A. Cruikshank, "General Hull's Invasion of Canada in 1812," Royal Society of Canada, Proceedings, 3rd ser., I, sect. II (1907), 241.

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Canard. He informed the secretary of war that he was mounting the 24-pound guns and making every preparation for the siege of Fort Maiden. General Brock, who was at Fort George on the Niagara River, believed that Hull would have little difficulty in taking Maiden. He ordered Colonel Procter to proceed to Amherstburg to take command, and made plans for an advance down the Thames for its relief. He was soon forced to abandon this because of the refusal of the Indians of the Grand River and most of the militia of Long Point and Oxford to move. Enemy agents were everywhere, influencing the people to remain neutral. Brock had to content himself for the time with the occupation of Delaware on the Thames, about forty miles above Moraviantown, by a detachment under the command of Captain Chambers. By August 8, however, Brock had succeeded in collecting at Long Point 260 picked volunteers, 40 regulars from the 41st Regiment, and 20 Indians, and with these he set out by water for the relief of Amherstburg. In the meantime the news of the fall of Michilimackinac to the British had reached General Hull on July 26, and he was greatly alarmed at the prospect of the "northern hive of Indians" being let loose against him. His communications with Ohio were now cut off by Tecumseh, who ambushed and defeated an American party under Major Van Home which had set out from Detroit. Hull moved his army across the river during the night of August 7, and again tried to open communications with an American party at the River Raisin, which was bringing supplies from Ohio. His detachment of 600 men under Lieutenant-Colonel Miller was attacked north of Brownstown and forced to return. Hull now believed that his position was hopeless. General Brock arrived at Amherstburg on August 13, and immediately formed the troops into three brigades, of which the three Kent and Essex companies of militia formed part of the first. The next morning he moved up to Sandwich by land and by water; and early on the 15th, after a well-directed bombardment of the fort at Detroit from the Canadian shore, the British army of about 750 men crossed the river without opposition some three miles below the fort. Nearly 600 Indians had crossed during the night, and were in woods to the west. The extended British column marched up the

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road to within a mile of the fort, in the face of two 24-pounders loaded with grape-shot, and a six-pounder loaded with canister. It was in a precarious position ; but Hull had already made up his mind to surrender, fearing a massacre by the Indians if he should resist. A flag of truce was sent out from the fort, and negotiations were opened for the capitulation. When the terms had been agreed to, the American troops marched out and piled their arms, and the British entered Detroit.6 The militia of the River Thames did not take part in the Battle of the River Raisin in January 1813; but they participated in Procter's unsuccessful attack on Fort Meigs in May, and in later expeditions to Ohio. The inhabitants of the Western District were concerned about the absence of their men from the farms. Crops of corn, oats, and other grains were needed to make up for the deficiency of wheat resulting from the men's absence during the summer and fall of 1812. They asked for a force of at least 1,600 regulars to be stationed at Amherstburg, so that the militia might be released from duty.7 Many were allowed to work in the wheat harvest which began early in August; but the food scarcity was not immediately relieved, due to broken dams at McGregor's and Arnold's mills, and because the windmills on the Detroit were of little service at that season. During August and early September parties of soldiers for Procter's army and seamen for Barclay's fleet often passed down the Thames on their way to Maiden. The farmers were told to hold themselves in readiness with their teams to forward supplies. On September 10 Barclay's fleet was destroyed in the Battle of Lake Erie, and the way was left open for the advance of a new American army from Ohio, under General William Harrison. It was now Procter's turn to be cut 6 Cruikshank, Documents, 1812, 53, 142. In addition to the sources already noted see the following for Hull's campaign and the British opposition: R. Lucas, Journal of the War of 1812 during the Campaign under General William Hull, ed. by John C. Parrish (Iowa City, 1906) ; John Richardson, The War of 1812, ed. by A. C. Casselman (Toronto, 1902) ; Burton Historical Collection, John Robison's Journal; W. Wood (éd.), Select British Documents of the Canadian War of 1812 (4 vols., Champlain Society, Toronto, 1920-28); E. A. Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaigns upon the Niagara Frontier, 1812-1814 (Lundy's Lane Historical Society, Publications, III, Parts MX, 1902-1908) ; Charles Askin's Journal, in Quaife, The John Askin Papers, II, 711-729. 7 Cruikshank, Documentary History, Part V, 50, 220. Wood, Select British Documents, II, 5. Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, XV, 251.

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off from his communications, except by way of the boggy roads along the Thames River and through the forests to the east. He decided to abandon Maiden and retreat by this route, believing that his force of some 850 regulars and militia, and 1,000 Indians under Tecumseh, could not hope to withstand the American army of about 3,500 men. A week after the Battle of Lake Erie many persons began to move up the Thames, and Procter sent his ordnance and stores for which transport could be found. He then burned the rest, as well as the public buildings at Amherstburg, and moved up to Sandwich on the 24th. Three days later the enemy landed nine miles below Amherstburg. Despite Tecumseh's opposition to the move, Procter began a slow retreat to the Thames, which he reached on the 29th. He promised Tecumseh that he would go only as far as Chatham, where he would defend the passage over McGregor's Creek. The British army encamped on October 1 at Matthew Dolsen's in Dover. It had been retarded by the rain-soaked roads, and by the slow progress of the supply boats up the tortuous course of the river. Procter later explained that he had intended to oppose the Americans near the mouth of the Thames, probably at Baptiste's Creek, but his troops had been moved up to Dolsen's while he was absent observing the country in the rear. He had then decided to defend his vessels and supplies at Chatham, but changed his mind when reaching Dolsen's because ovens had been constructed there, and his troops would have some shelter.8 Procter did not anticipate an immediate advance of the enemy from Sandwich, believing that they would be held back by the bad roads. On the 3rd he left his forces at Dolsen's under the command of Major Warburton, and departed with his staff for Fairfield (Moraviantown), nearly twenty-five miles away, where his wife and family and the heavy baggage had been sent some days before. He had been gone but a few hours when Warburton received word that Harrison 8 Cruikshank, Documentary History, Part VI, 317 Part VII, 99, 106-7, 180, Part IX, 41. Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, XV, 427-8. G. O. Ermatinger, "The Retreat of Proctor and Tecumseh," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XVII (1919), 17. Thomas McCrae noted in his diary for Sept. 30: "This morning still raining and rained all day. The roads are most shocking bad. The people from Maiden are still flocking up on their way, through the Americans having taken possession of Maiden on Monday last."

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had crossed Baptiste's Creek and was rapidly advancing up the south bank of the river, aided by an early frost which had suddenly hardened the roads. Warburton decided in the absence of Procter not to defend Dolsen's, and he hurriedly moved his troops to a point on the north bank of the Thames opposite the Forks at Chatham. Tecumseh and the Indians were posted on the north-east side of McGregor's Creek, to oppose the crossing of the American army. An express met Procter at William Shaw's in Camden, with the news of the enemy's advance. Harrison had left Sandwich on October 2, having sent the heavy baggage by water in fifty small boats, protected by three gunboats. The bridges over the small streams were found intact; and at Jeannette's Creek a British guard was captured before it was able to destroy the bridges there. Several deserters came in with information as to Procter's position in Dover. After skirmishing with some Indians the American army encamped for the night of October 3 on the farms of John Drake and John Peck, about four miles below Dolsen's. Here provisions for the men and horses were obtained, and some of the militia amused themselves by breaking open the beehives and eating the honey. Early the next morning the advance continued, with the vanguard and the infantry marching in the road, and the rest of the mounted regiment in the prairies about a mile away on the right. Opposite Dolsen's a few British and Indians fired on the American reconnoitring party from behind barns and fences; and the mounted men several times formed in une of battle expecting an attack. Here a Canadian woman came to them through the woods, and described the position of the Indians at Chatham. An American described her as a "guardian angel" because of the value of this information. The British forces under Warburton now began to retire up the river, leaving the Indians at Chatham to resist the Americans alone. Six miles up they were joined by Procter, who ordered the retreat to continue, although he reproached Warburton for leaving Dolsen's. During his absence Procter had arranged for the construction of ovens in the rear, and for the evacuation of the sick and the women and children at Moraviantown. Warburton had sent the boats up the river, laden with provisions, guns and ammunition, but they were too large for the shallow waters above Chatham. As a result, all of those he did

A. revreseittatîozi. of- trim 33a£t¿e of tíie for/is of1 the, River Thames oti.trh^e 4th.. day of Octoier o-s stated ia,

tíiLsfoarnaZ..

Drawn from sketch in McAfee's Journal

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not destroy fell into the hands of the enemy, leaving the troops with such supplies as had been issued to them.9 The Americans reached the bridge at the mouth of McGregor's Creek at noon, and found that the planks had been torn off. Colonel Whitley and some of the other scouts or spies attempted to cross on the sills, but were met by a heavy fire from the main force of the Indians hidden on the other side, and from a party of Indians and British posted in a small house on the north bank of the Thames. Colonel Whitley was an old Indian fighter from Kentucky who rode a fine horse, carried a silver-mounted rifle, and was attended by two negro servants. He had dismounted from his horse, and with rifle in hand walked out on the muddy timbers of the bridge. Half-way across he slipped and fell about twelve feet into the water below, but was able to swim back without assistance, still gripping his rifle. The Indians defending the bridge soon retired under the fire of two sixpounders, and within two hours the bridge was repaired. A large log house on the opposite side of the creek had been set on fire, but it was soon extinguished, and a considerable quantity of arms saved. McGregor's mills had also been set on fire by the Indians, and burned to the ground with several thousand bushels of wheat. Here the left wing of Tecumseh's force was routed by a heavy fire from Colonel Richard Johnson's men, and this bridge was repaired within half an hour. Altogether the Americans lost two privates killed and six or seven officers and men wounded. The Indians were believed to have had many wounded, and twelve or thirteen killed. The invading forces crossed the creek and continued their advance, passing a large two-masted schooner loaded with arms and ordnance burning in the river half a mile from the Forks. Here a house was also on fire, but nearly one thousand stands of arms were taken from it. The army encamped for the night of October 4 at Bowies' farm, four miles farther on, where a large distillery filled with naval and military stores, and two vessels, were burning. The next morning the march 9 Procter expressed surprise that Dolsen's had not been fortified in his absence. Richardson says it was unfitted for fortification, and that Procter had taken with him to Moraviantown the only officer of engineers who was attached to the division. He denies that Procter had left any such instructions with Warburton. The officers seriously considered depriving Procter of his authority and investing Warburton with it, but he refused the responsibility.

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was halted after three miles by a deep ravine near a large frame house. The bridge had been destroyed, but the ravine was soon filled with fence rails, and the advance continued. The cavalry captured a boat here with twenty British soldiers, although they were unable to save a burning one-masted vessel. Farther on they took a large boat filled with women and children, and a number of other boats in which were soldiers and ammunition. At Arnold's mills in Howard, a captured British officer told the Americans that the Indians were hidden in a thick woods across the river. Some were later observed on the bank, and Colonel Whitley shot two, then swam his horse across and scalped them. The American army forded the river at this point and began to advance cautiously up the north bank, passing many boats and canoes filled with Procter's stores, which had been abandoned. Joshua Cornwall's mill was on fire and burned completely, but the bridge over the creek was saved. At Lemuel Sherman's farm, where the British had encamped the night before, the Americans found eight or ten bake-ovens filled with bread, and a number of cannon and empty carts. Sherman came to meet the Americans, and said that the Indians had nearly ruined him. The undisciplined Kentuckians emptied nearly all of his sixty beehives, which were kept in the garden enclosed by a paled fence. While this was taking place, Colonel Johnson's mounted regiment had advanced rapidly along a good road through a beech forest free of underbrush in many places. After riding two miles, the scouts captured a British waggoner, who informed them that the British and Indians were drawn up in battle order not 300 yards in front. Procter's army had marched as far as Sherman's the previous day. The main body encamped there, while Captain Muir's company and the company of Grenadiers acted as a rear-guard at Richardson's, a mile below. Next morning as the men were preparing breakfast, word came that the enemy were fast approaching. A few soldiers hastily cut slices of raw beef from the cattle which had been shot for food, and ate them raw; but most went hungry. When they had come within a mile and a half of Moraviantown, the troops were halted. For nearly an hour they sat by the side of the road, exhausted, hungry and dispirited. Then the Indians gave the alarm that the

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enemy were approaching, and the men were quickly formed in two lines some 200 yards apart, across the road and into a thick wood on the right. Both lines were at extended order, the men placing themselves behind the beech trees. There was no underbrush here to hinder the movement of the enemy's mounted riflemen, and no attempt was made to fell trees for a breastwork. The six-pounder was placed in the road, with some of the Canadian Light Dragoons on each side of it.10 Nevertheless Procter's position was well chosen. An almost impassable morass ran at an angle with the river, drawing closer to it near the British lines. Between the river and the morass was a narrow swamp about two or three hundred yards from the stream. The British lines were to the left of this swamp, while the Indians under Tecumseh occupied the higher ground between the two swamps. The right of the Indians, commanded by a Chippewa chief named Oshawahnah, was placed along the edge of the large one to flank Harrison's left. The British numbered about 850, the Indians perhaps 800. Tecumseh, dressed in deerskin, his forehead wrapped about with a handkerchief in which was a large white ostrich feather, passed along the British lines just before the battle, shaking hands with the officers and making some remark in Shawnee to each. Harrison's total force probably did not exceed 2,500 men, and consisted of five brigades of Kentucky volunteer militia under Governor Shelby, Colonel Richard Johnson's regiment of mounted riflemen, and 120 regulars. Johnson's regiment was drawn up between the river and the small swamp, opposite the British infantry. Generals Trotter and King formed their brigades in two lines in the rear, 150 yards apart and extending a short distance into the small swamp. Still farther back was Chile's brigade, which was posted in the road as a reserve. The brigades of Allen and Caldwell, and the regiment of Colonel Simral, were formed in a line parallel to the outer swamp, where the Indians were hidden. Governor Shelby stationed himself at the obtuse angle formed by this line and the front line under Trotter. 10 Procter said it was loaded with canister and case shot when taken, but others reported that there was no ammunition for the gun, and that the only officer of artillery was posted with the reserve guns at Moraviantown.

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Colonel Johnson began to arrange his cavalry in front for the attack, but soon decided to extend them farther to the left to give more freedom of action. The first brigade, under the command of his brother, was drawn up in four columns of double files on the right of the small swamp, with the scouts in front. The second brigade was formed in two double columns between the two swamps, the right under the command of Colonel Johnson, and the left under Major Thompson. The corps of regulars under Colonel Paul was placed between the first brigade and the river, with orders to advance under the bank with a group of about forty Indians and seize the cannon. It was nearly the middle of the afternoon when all was in readiness. Suddenly the dead silence which had fallen over the forest was broken by a ringing bugle call, sounding the charge of the Kentucky mounted. On the American right the first brigade began to advance slowly among the huge beech trees. Soon a distant fire from the British lines began, and the scouts in front fell back to fire from behind the trees. The cavalry halted in some confusion, but were soon rallied by the officers, and charged forward with a shout in the face of heavy fire. The men in the front line of the British did not have time to reload before the horsemen were among them. Those who escaped retreated behind the second line, which had opportunity to fire only one irregular volley before its centre too was broken. The Kentuckians rode through, then wheeled to the right and the left and poured in a destructive fire from the rear. The British officers tried to rally their men, but, finding themselves surrounded, most threw down their arms and surrendered. Lieutenant Bullock and fifty men of the 41st Regiment escaped, as did General Procter, who fled on horseback with his personal staff, a few dragoons, and some mounted Indians. The cannon in the road was taken without having fired a shot. This action was over before the American left had come in contact with the Indians. Colonel Richard Johnson had put himself at the head of twenty mounted riflemen, who went in advance to draw the first fire of the enemy. Finally a volley blazed from the swamp, killing or wounding every one of this band. Johnson was wounded in four places, but kept his saddle. A prominent Indian warrior wounded him again with a rifle-shot, then rushed forward with lifted tomahawk to deliver the finishing stroke. Johnson managed to draw his pistol and fire, killing the warrior, then fell unconscious from the saddle.

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He was afterwards credited with having slain the famous Tecumseh, who fell in this battle. Some believed that Colonel Whitley, whose dead body was found not far from that of Tecumseh, had killed him. Dozens of stories of alleged eye-witnesses were later told, each of them giving a different version of Tecumseh's death and who was responsible for it. The rest of Johnson's brigade had dismounted to meet the onrush of the Indians. Fighting raged furiously for several minutes, with many hand-to-hand encounters, and several charges by each side. The Kentuckians fought as savagely as the Indians, with shouts of "Remember the River Raisin," recalling the massacre of their comrades there. Now the Indians on their left advanced from the edge of the large swamp, and attacked the first line of the infantry near its junction with Desha's division. For a moment they made some impression on it, but then the reserve troops under Governor Shelby poured in a severe fire, and part of Johnson's men were able to fight through to the rear of the Indians. The latter fled into the large swamp, pursued by the Americans under Major Thompson, and the firing there continued for nearly half an hour. This ended the Battle of the Thames. The British lost 3 sergeants and 9 privates killed, 36 wounded, 600 prisoners, and all their artillery, ammunition waggons, small arms, and personal property. Thirty-three Indians were killed on the field, and perhaps a dozen others in the retreat through the forest and swamp. The American loss was 15 killed and 40 or 50 wounded, most of them in the attack on the Indians. The bodies of the dead were brought to a small knoll close to where the British artillery had been placed, and the next morning they were buried there to the beat of drums. A firing-squad fired a volley over their graves; and the names of the dead were carved on beech trees near by.11 The village of Fairfield had been deserted by the Moravian In11

For the movements of the British and American forces up the river, and the Battle of the Thames, see especially the following: Richardson, War of 1812; Cruikshank, Documentary History; Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, XV, 427-9; R. McAfee, "The McAfee Papers, Book and Journal," Kentucky State Historical Society, Register, XXVI ( 1928), 4-23, 107-36, 236-48; R. McAfee, History of the Late War in the Western Country (Bowling Green, Ohio, 1919); B. J. Lossing, The Pictorial Field Book of the War of 1812 (New York, 1869); Rev. A. Brunson, A Western Pioneer (2 vols., Cincinnati, 1880) ; Ermatinger, The Retreat of Proctor and Tecumseh.

AolcLasufAfptvivicui- 'Tousti.j on- the River Thomas in, Ufy>er GinadoL. iíL¿iaL¿¿t&(¿ ¿y 2¿o¿t¿¿& 2íu¿¿afts of the jOeíaa&are 'Triée

cottfaigiruf¿7 •sixty ¿x or seventy \^7 ¿Lotues - iírii¿c2i, ure eufftt

Drawn from sketch in McAfee's Journal

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dians two days before. Procter had sent his family and some seventy sick and wounded soldiers by boat to Delaware, when he came up from Dolsen's. After the defeat of the British left, Procter fled through the village pursued by the American horsemen. The latter interrupted a score of dragoons who were spiking the six brass cannon which Procter had placed near the ravine. The road beyond the town was strewn with discarded clothing and other possessions, and with waggons in which were about fifty women and children. That night Fairfield was occupied by the American officers and Johnson's men, the rest of the army having encamped on the battlefield. Mrs. Schnall, the missionary's wife, was kept busy all night baking bread for the hungry men, who sometimes ate the dough before it was put in the oven. Others robbed the beehives, or ate the vegetables in the gardens. Five tons of hay and 2,000 bushels of corn were seized to feed the horses. The next day the missionaries were accused of hiding some English officers and their effects; the soldiers searched the houses, as well as the garrets of the church and the school-house, but they found nothing. Then the village was given over to plunder. The mission family was left without food until Commandant Perry heard of their plight and brought them some from the commissariat. He used them kindly, preventing the soldiers from troubling them further, but on October 6 he advised them to hurry away, as he had to quit the village. John Dolsen, who had fled with his family to Fairfield before the battle, loaned them his waggon and horses. As they drove down the river they saw the flames breaking through the roofs of the houses. Harrison had decided to destroy the village to prevent its use by the British during the winter.12 The American withdrawal began on October 7. That night the troops encamped at Sherman's, and the next morning the infantry continued on the north side of the river as far as Matthew Dolsen's in Dover; but the mounted regiment crossed to the south side at Arnold's mills and went somewhat farther down, probably to McCrae's. Soon the army was gone from the Thames, leaving many of the inhabitants almost ruined by what it had taken,13 and by the 12

Hamil, Fairfield, 15-16. "McAfee, Papers, 129.

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depredations of the Indians, who plundered the houses, killed the cattle, and stole the horses. Governor Lewis Cass at Detroit wished to retain as far as possible the local machinery of administration in the Western District, which fell under his jurisdiction. To avoid military law most of the remaining magistrates agreed to resume their functions; among these were James Wood of Sandwich and George Jacob and Thomas McCrae of the Thames.14 By the end of the year, however, the American Government began to fear that the British, encouraged by their victories on the Niagara frontier, would attempt to regain the Northwest and the friendship of the Indians. General Harrison received orders to destroy completely the settlements on the Thames River, and to bribe the Indians to drive out every settler west of Kingston. Fortunately President Madison countermanded these orders, and instead directed Harrison to seize and remove to the United States any male inhabitants who might be dangerous.15 A few weeks after the Battle of the Thames a small British post was established at Delaware, to check the inroads of American light horsemen who passed up and down the river on foraging expeditions. A detachment of the Kent militia was among the 200 men stationed here under Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart. In December the Americans established a post of their own at Thomas McCrae's in Raleigh, where Lieutenant Larwill in command of 40 men began to administer the oath of neutrality to the inhabitants. They had hardly established themselves when they were taken prisoners by Lieutenant Henry Medcalf and a small British force. Medcalf had set out from Delaware on December 5, with twelve Volunteers and six Provincial Dragoons, to secure some cattle reported to be at Rondeau Bay. At Port Talbot they were joined by two officers and seven Volunteers from the Middlesex militia. On arrival at Rondeau they found that the cattle, a herd of 300 belonging to the Thames settlers and kept by John Craford in the marshes, had been seized by the Americans. Hearing about the American post at McCrae's, Medcalf decided to attack it. That night the party rode 14

Wood to Jacob, Nov. 4, 1813, Public Archives of Canada, John Askin, Military Papers, Vol. 30. 15 McAfee, History, 438-40.

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to McGregor's mills, where they were joined by Lieutenant John McGregor, Roderick Drake and five others. On December 15, just before daybreak, they surrounded McCrae's house and fired a volley through the door and windows, killing one American and wounding three others. The rest surrendered without resistance, and the British immediately retreated eastward with their prisoners. When word of this exploit reached Sandwich, an American force of 300 militia and regulars under Major Laugham was despatched to the Thames. They arrived at McCrae's on the 20th, but finding the British gone, returned to Sandwich the next day, after authorizing Thomas McCrae to administer the oath of neutrality to the inhabitants. Within a few days most had taken the oath, and a few who had aided the Americans departed for Detroit, fearing that another British party might come and seize them.16 Despite their losses sustained during the American invasion, the farmers of the Thames had managed to save a considerable amount of wheat. General Cass was directed to purchase as much of the provisions on the Thames as he could use, and to destroy all the rest except what was absolutely necessary to feed the inhabitants. Major Smiley with a detachment of 200 men spent a week on the river early in 1814, departing with 1,000 bushels of wheat and 200 stands of arms, drawn by teams impressed from the people.17 During the next few weeks small parties of American scouts frequently appeared on the Thames, sometimes pursued by Kent Volunteers and other scouts from Delaware.18 About the middle of February a detachment of 200 British under Captain Basden moved down to Louis Trudell's at the mouth of the Thames, to cut off a party of Americans under Lieutenant Ruland who were rounding up cattle at Rondeau Bay. Ruland arrived at Hitchcock's on the Thames the next day, where 1B Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, XV, 458-9. Cruikshank, Documentary History, Part VIII, 267, IX, 21. Burton Historical Collection, The Joseph H. Larwill Papers, 1814-26. "Cruikshank, op. cit., IX, 110. Burton Historical Collection, Wm. H. Harrison Papers, Harrison to Armstrong, 23 Jan., 1814. "Robert Yost his Book," Ohio Archaeological and Historical Society, Publications, XXIII (1914), 158. 18 Cruikshank, op. cit., IX, 143-4. Burton Historical Collection, Harrison Papers, Harrison to Armstrong, Mar. 5, 1814. Among prisoners taken by the Americans were Lt. Col. Francis Baby, John Dolsen, Capt. Daniel Springer, and Capt. Bela Brewster Brigham.

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he heard about the British ambush. Leaving the forty or fifty cattle which they had collected, the party fled north on the Baldoon Road. Some of the British went in pursuit, while the rest tried to cut off the Americans by way of the trail along Lake St. Clair, but most of Ruland's men escaped. The next day an American company of Rangers arrived from Sandwich, and Captain Basden retreated up the Thames.19 Colonel Butler, then in command at Detroit, decided to send an expedition against either Port Talbot or Delaware, to stop these attacks on his foraging parties. For the sake of secrecy he despatched Captain Andrew H. Holmes with 180 men and two six-pounders through the forest along Lake Erie.20 They were able to get as far as Tilbury East,21 but were then forced to leave the artillery behind. "No wheel carriage of any kind had ever attempted [the route] before," Holmes reported, "and none will ever pass it until the brush and fallen timber are cut away, and the swamp cause-wayed or drained."22 At Rondeau they were met by a party of 80 Michigan Rangers under Captain Gill, who had been pursuing Lieutenant John McGregor and some Kent militia up the Thames.23 Holmes decided to make a dash to surprise the force at Delaware, and to intercept any British detachment which might be on its way down the river. He therefore crossed to the Thames on the trail from the mouth of Big Creek 19

Cruikshank, op. cit., IX, 175-6, 194. Burton Historical Collection, Harrison Papers, Harrison to Armstrong, Mar. 11, 1814. 21 At a point now within lot 177. 22 John Brannan, Official Letters of the Military and Naval Officers of the U. S. during the War with Great Britain, 1812-15 (Washington City, 1823), p. 314. While surveying the Talbot Road in September, 1816, Burwell noted in his journal that he had passed the place where Holmes and the Americans had encamped for a day or two. "I find here," he observed, "as well as upon every other occasion, where they have remained all night in our woods, they have felled large trees flat to the ground all round their encampment, to serve as a breast work in event of attack. Two field pieces and ammunition waggons were left by Holmes, and were destroyed by the Loyal Essex Rangers. The carriages were burnt, and the guns and ammunition were carried back and deposited in a black ash swamp where they remained till the treaty of peace." Archibald Blue, Colonel Mahlon Burwell, Land Surveyor (n. imp.), p. 11. 23 McCrae noted their passing, and wrote in his diary that the wolves were unusually plentiful, being seen in packs around the neighbourhood, where they kept up a continual howling throughout the night. 20

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to Arnold's mills, and hurried through the Longwoods towards Delaware. Fifteen miles from his destination Holmes heard that Captain Basden was approaching with a force of 240 men, so he retreated to Twenty-mile Creek, three miles east of George Ward's station, and took up a position on its western bank, protected by an abattis of logs on three sides. The British attacked across the ravine and tried to climb the ice-covered slope, but were driven back by a devastating fire from the top. Caldwell's Indians and Lieutenant John McGregor's Loyal Kent Volunteers attacked from the right and the left. Finally the British had to retire with the loss of 14 killed, two prisoners, and 50 wounded, of whom five or six died within a few days. The American loss was slight, but Holmes immediately retreated down the river.24 The British abandoned Delaware as a result of this defeat, and kept only a moderate force much higher up at Oxford. But even here the American raiders sought them out. In April Andrew Westbrook and two other scouts surprised Major Sykes Tousley in bed and brought him bound to Detroit. Parties of horsemen searched for other inhabitants along the river who were active on the side of the British. Westbrook and John Walker were among the most active of those who supported the American cause against their former countrymen.25 On August 8, 1814, the American secretary of war wrote to Duncan McArthur, then at Erie, Pennsylvania, reviving his plan for the destruction of all the settlements on the Thames and eastward, as the only efficient means of quieting the frontier and breaking the chain that bound the Indians to the British. Governor Cass wrote to the acting secretary a month later, that there were abundant supplies of 24

J. I. Poole, "The Battle of the Longwoods," London and Middlesex Historical Society, Transactions, IV (1913), 9-61. Brannan, Official Letters, 314. McAfee, History, 443. Cruikshank, Documentary History, IX, 212. 25 Burton Historical Collection, Harrison Papers, Butler to Harrison, Mar. 27, 1814, and Harrison's letter of May 10, 1814. Cruikshank, op. cit., IX, 271, 322, 328. C. O. Ermatinger, The Talbot Regime (St. Thomas, 1904), 77-8. Near the western end of the lake, Lt. C. Harrison of the 28th U. S. Regiment and a number of soldiers were attacked by Indians after their boat had run aground near Point Pelee. Harrison and eight others were killed, and four wounded. The bodies of the dead were later recovered and buried at Fort Covington, a temporary American post outside Amherstburg; Columbian Centinel, Boston, Mass., Aug. 24. 1814.

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wheat on the Thames, which were in danger of falling into enemy hands unless they were destroyed. He too supported the policy of breaking up the settlements between the Detroit River and the British. "With the command of the Lakes," he wrote, "and a desert between us and them, a small force would be competent to the protection of this quarter, and the influence of the Enemy over the Indians would be destroyed with the destruction of the means by which it is maintained." For humanitarian reasons, however, this policy was never carried out.26 In October General McArthur undertook to lead an army of 600 Kentucky Volunteers, with some 50 Michigan militia and 70 Indians, to Burlington Bay on Lake Ontario, as a diversion to aid Genera] Brown at Fort Erie. To disguise his intentions he marched northward from Detroit to the River St. Clair. On the 27th he crossed the river and occupied Baldoon, where he remained for two days until boats arrived from Detroit to ferry the army across Big Bear Creek. He then advanced along the east branch of that river (now the Sydenham) until he was opposite Fairfield, crossed by the trail to the ruined village, and encamped for the night and the following day. On the morning of the second day he moved up the River Thames towards Delaware, carrying two three-pounders and a howitzer on horseback. A British sergeant who was on his way east with news of the approach of the Americans was captured, but two men reached Captain Bostwick with word on November 3. By November 5 McArthur was at Burford, having destroyed considerable public property at Oxford, which he was able to enter before the inhabitants were aware that a force was approaching. The next day the Americans arrived at the Grand River, but an unexpected freshet had swollen the waters so that they found it impossible 28 C. E. Carter (éd.), The Territorial Papers of the United States, X, The Territory of Michigan, 1805-1820 (Washington, 1942), 471, 482, 489. A proclamation dated Sept. 6, signed by Col. John Miller, "the military and civil commandant of that district of Upper Canada which is above the Round O, on Lake Erie," called on the inhabitants to deliver by Nov. 1 all flour, wheat, and oats they had, except what was absolutely necessary for their use, under penalty of severe punishment. Those living above or around Dolsen's were to make delivery there; those below, at Detroit. Prices were set at $6 per cwt for flour, $1.50 per bushel for wheat, and 75c per bushel for oats; Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, XV, 661.

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to cross. McArthur decided to give up his design of marching to Burlington; and leaving a force at the Grand River to engage a detachment of British regulars which was approaching, he turned back to attack a group of militia at Malcolm's Mills, ten miles from Burford. In the resulting skirmishes at the two places, the British lost eighteen killed, nine wounded and about 120 taken prisoner, while the American loss was reported by McArthur as one killed and six wounded.27 The next day the Americans pursued the British on the road to Dover, taking some prisoners and destroying five mills as well as many houses and other property. They then turned westward by way of the Talbot Road until opposite Munsey Town. On the 12th the army crossed the Thames, built rafts, and sent the sick down the river in charge of the Indians. The rest of the army proceeded by way of the Thames road to Sandwich.28 On his return to Detroit McArthur directed Major Thrasher, who then commanded a detachment at Arnold's Mills on the Thames, to collect the grain on the river as soon as possible. Thrasher reported on November 24th: I have sent men from the detachment to thrash out all the grain on both sides the river above this and shall tomorrow send down as low as Dolson's, as I find from the scarcity of hands and the bad state of the Barns the inhabitants will not be able to deliver the grain either here or at Dolson's in less than three weeks . . . At present there is not a bushel of grain in the mill, but on Saturday I expect between one and two hundred bushels. I shall dispatch the Boat that I expect this evening as soon as possible. I have only been able to get one small boat on the river and that was found hauled out some distance in the woods. Thrasher also reported that he had seized Richard Jackman, his son William Jackman, Michael Traxler, and John Everitt, "for secreting ten wagon Tiers [tires] belonging to the United States and refusing to deliver them when called on untill I threatened to burn their houses and property."20 27 Burton Historical Collection, McArthur Papers, McArthur to Izard, and General Orders, Nov. 18, 1814. 2 *Michigan Historical Collections, XV, 659, 717. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book, 852. McAfee, History, 482-8. 29 Burton Historical Collection, McArthur Papers, Thrasher to McArthur, Nov. 24, 1814.

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Apparently Thrasher did not hesitate to carry out such threats. On the 28th McArthur's adjutant general wrote to him: [General Me Arthur is] much surprised to learn that many unwarrantable acts have been committed by the detachment under your command. The destruction of private property, farther than is absolutely necessary for the support of the troops, and that too regularly receipted or paid for, is a violation of the regulations of the army and disgraceful to the individual and (by implication) to the Government concerned. In all cases of wanton destruction of property the officer commanding is not only chargeable as an officer but is answerable as a man for the damages and it will be deducted from his pay . . . The General expects a more favorable report in future of your command.

McArthur also warned Thrasher to be vigilant against an attack by the British, as he was in their territory and beyond the support of the main body of the Americans. If attacked, he was to maintain his ground or retreat, as he could not be reinforced. However, McArthur was sending Captain Audrain of the U.S. Rangers with his company to the Thames to be employed as spies towards Delaware, to help secure and bring down the wheat and flour, and to protect Thrasher's command in the event of a retreat. The letter continued: "The General has understood that Capt. McGregor has been lately at Delaware. If you are not vigilant and do not keep out a party of the settlement, some of your fatigue parties will be surprised. The conduct of your troops has made all the inhabitants your enemies. They will constantly give information of your situation. They will wish to retain their grain, of course, will exert themselves with the public enemy in defeating you and taking all the wheat and flour you may have collected."30 The following February Colonel A. Butler, then in command at Detroit, informed McArthur that Major Thrasher had been brought to trial by Colonel Gratiot, probably for illegal actions on the Thames, but had been acquitted. However, Butler like McArthur stood for a stern policy towards the unruly inhabitants. McArthur had directed Colonel Gratiot in October "to remove from Upper Canada all persons suspected of any designs or practices unfriendly to the United 30Ibid., Todd to Thrasher, and Todd to Capt. Audrain, Nov. 25, 1814.

BATTLE OF THE THAMES From Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of War of 1812. Burton Historical Collection

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States." Now, as Butler wrote on February 12, 1815, "I shall adopt a pretty strict regimen for the River Trench and the New Settlement population ; a little blood letting may do them good and make the country tranquil; yet I am of opinion decidedly that the safest course is to depopulate the territory. I have issued a very strict order to the New Settlement. A similar one is prepared for the River Trench. The order shall be enforced."31 But by now the war was already over, having been brought to a close by the Treaty of Ghent, signed on December 24, 1814. All captured territory was returned, and a commission to delimit the northeastern frontier of the United States was provided for. However, because of the time involved in bringing the news to America, the futile battle of New Orleans was fought two weeks after the peace began. 31

Ibid., Butler to McArthur, Feb. 12, 1815.

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PART II

DEVELOPMENT

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ê RENEWAL OF SETTLEMENT

W

W ITH THE COMING OF PEACE many who had

left their homes to escape the enemy returned, and a new movement of immigration began. The Moravian Indians and the missionary Denke returned to the site of Fairfield in August 1815, after spending nearly two years in exile near Burlington Heights. For a few weeks after their return they lived in temporary huts near the ruins of their former homes, then moved to the opposite side of the river, where New Fairfield was founded. There were good lands here, but probably the move was occasioned by the superstitious belief that the old site was unlucky. The ruined basements of old Fairfield remained in view for several decades, and were the object of remark by various travellers who passed that way. One family of Indians named Jacob continued to live on this side of the Thames, but east of the little ravine. They were descended from the white man Joseph Bull, who had joined the Moravian Church in 1742 and married an Indian woman. He was called by the Indians Schebosch, or "Running Water." When the site of Fairfield passed to the crown the Jacobs were not disturbed, and they continued to live beside the ravine until the latter part of the century. By this time the basements of the old village had been filled in, by the farmer or by nature. Only recently has archaeological research uncovered some of them. The site was long marked by apple trees, whose descendants still remain, as well as the ancient graveyard near by. In 1814 the Moravian Mission Board had written to President Madison of the United States asking compensation for the destruction of Fairfield. Congress refused the petition on the ground that the Indian converts had been in sympathy with the British, and that some had fought against the Americans. There is no doubt that this 105

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was true. It was affirmed by the Moravian missionary Abraham Luckenbach in a letter to Lieutenant-Governor Maitland in 1821 : At the commencement of the last struggle between the British and American Governments . . . the Moravian Indians were called out to take a share in the warfare, which they had repeatedly refused, as being repugnant to their principles. But being harder pressed upon and necessitated to take hold of the war hatchet which Col. Eliot sent to them, he again solemnly made this promise to them, that if they would faithfully fight for their Grand father the king, they should have a double claim to the Tract of land on which their Town then stood; upon which the young men turned out and fought valiantly during the war, for the rights of their country, with a loss of several of their men. Compensation for their burned village was later given by the British authorities.1 Denke went back to Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, in 1818 and John Schnall returned to the mission to take his place. When he died there unexpectedly in September 1819, Abraham Luckenbach who was then at Goshen in Ohio received the call to New Fairfield. He and his family and the Indian Jeremiah Kilbuck set out in May of the following year by schooner to Detroit, where they hired two men to row them to the Thames in an open boat. A short distance up the river they halted for the night at a small hut belonging to a Frenchman. Next morning they went on to Isaac Dolsen's, where their goods were unloaded and the boat sent back to Detroit. Two days later they were driven in a waggon to the home of John Dolsen. In the meantime the Indian Jeremiah had been sent up to New Fairfield to announce their coming, and the Luckenbachs were met by many of the Christian Indians and the missionaries Renatus Schmidt and Adam Haman. Schmidt had come as an assistant to Denke soon after the founding of New Fairfield, and Haman had been there but a few 1 Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Sundries, Luckenbach to Maitland, June 20, 1821. H. A. Jacobson, "Dispersion and Flight of the Missionaries and Indians Living at Fairfield, Canada, in October, 1813," Moravian Historical Society, Transactions, V, Part I (1895), 45-7. Hamil, Fairfield, 18-9. In 1833 Latrobe visited the site of Fairfield and wrote: "The general disposition might be traced by the hillocks on the sod or among the bushes, and better by the little avenues or the detached groups of apple trees which have survived that wreck which had not left a single rafter or stone." Charles J. Latrobe, The Rambler in North America, 1823-1833 (2 vols., London, 1836), II, 157.

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days. The horse and waggon which had brought the latter from Bethlehem now transported the Luckenbachs to New Fairfield, and in a little while set out again for Bethlehem with Schmidt and the widow Schnall. The Luckenbachs and Haman were left in charge of the mission. The population of New Fairfield was augmented in 1821 by the arrival of several families from Goshen, including the Kilbuck and White Eye families. The money received from the sale of the Indian lands on the Muskingum was distributed to the New Fairfield congregation as an annuity of $400, in the form of clothing and other articles brought from Detroit. It was a difficult task to distribute these to the satisfaction of all. Luckenbach and his wife journeyed to Bethlehem in 1825 to put their eldest daughter in school, and while there induced the directors of the Society to grant funds for a new church at the mission. This church, which still stands, was completed and dedicated on September 17, 1828, in the presence of the Rev. Thomas Morley of St. Paul's church in Chatham. A year or so later the Luckenbachs again left for Bethlehem, taking their youngest daughter to the school. The mission was left in charge of Christian Miksch and his wife, and Adam Haman, whose wife had died in 1829. On their return the Luckenbachs visited the Mohawk Indians at Brantford, and then proceeded up the Grand River to the Delaware and Munsey Indians, where they conducted services. Many of these Indians later came to live at New Fairfield. Haman and his six-year-old daughter left the mission in 1832. The next year Jesse Vogler and his wife arrived, and Luckenbach then found time to translate Huebener's Bible History of the Old and New Testament into the Delaware language, which was published by the American Tract Society in New York and used as a reading book for the Indians.2 Most of the Moravian reserve of over 50,000 acres remained in a state of nature. The neighbouring white settlers and others who were seeking new lands cast covetous eyes on this rich tract. The trustees of the Moravian Brethren's Society had never succeeded in obtaining a patent for it. Their rights, and those of the Indian con2

Autobiography of Abraham Luckenbach, 403-8.

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verts, were based on two orders-in-council, one of July 10, 1793, granting Senseman's petition for the tract, and another of June 11,1798, providing for its survey and reservation to the Society forever in trust for the sole use of the Indians. The legal title of the trustees was thus incomplete, but their possession remained uninterrupted. The Government of Upper Canada, in July 1819, tried to induce them to sell part of their land, promising a deed to secure to them the remainder if they did so. The missionaries protested that the two government agents, John Atkins and Dr. R. Richardson, had come to the village and made the proposal to the Indians themselves, instead of to the trustees in whom the ownership of the property lay. The Indians at first seemed willing to accede to the proposal, but were soon convinced by the missionaries that they should retain all their lands and so declined the offer. It was agreed that a surrender would eventually prove the ruin of the mission by permitting settlement too close to it. "The neighborhood of the white settlers has ever proved most destructive to the morals of the young Indians, who are too easily drawn aside by various allurements."3 In 1821 the mission was threatened from a different direction. A new survey showed that the purchase line of 1790 met the river some distance below the Moravian lands. By the order-in-council of July 10, 1793, these lands were to extend twelve miles south of the river, and northward to the purchase line. Since the purchase line was here the river itself, the mission would lose the site of the old village and about 80 acres of well-cultivated land lying in the flats on the north side of the river. Even worse was the prospect of white settlement there, with sales of liquor to "the Indians, and quarrels over the fishery and the wandering cattle which were unfenced on the reserve and could easily cross the river when the water was low. But since the beginning, the missionaries had received various solemn promises that whenever the north side of the river were purchased, the Government would make a grant to the Moravians of the land on which their plantation and the old village stood. Luckenbach reminded Lieutenant-Governor Maitland of these promises, and asked that an equal amount of land be granted them on each side of the «Public Archives of Canada, Q 328, Part 2, 368-71; see also G I, vol. 59, 261-2.

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river, by extending their boundaries six miles on the north side, and limiting those on the south to the same distance. This would place the present Moravian village in the centre of the tract and insure that no land would be lost by the settlement of the Talbot Road, which ran across the southern part of the township. The Government agreed; and the Indians were encouraged to spread out, extending their cultivated fields on both sides of the river.4 Under Lieutenant-Governor Sir John Colborne in 1833, another unsuccessful attempt was made by the Government to induce the Moravians to give up part of their land. At this time there was considerable unrest among the Christian Indians at New Fairfield, and a movement grew to join the tide of emigration moving to the American West. In the summer of 1834 three of the most reliable Indians were sent to the region near the headwaters of the White River, west of the Mississippi. They returned in the fall to report that they had been able to go but 350 miles north-west of St. Louis, and had received a poor reception from the Delawares living there. The winter of 1835-36 was marked by a deep religious revival, so that by the end of the year the congregation at New Fairfield numbered 282; but many still wished to move away. Sir Francis Bond Head, who became Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada in January, 1836, conceived a plan to induce all the Indians in the southern part of the province to migrate to the north or west, so that their lands could be thrown open to settlement. In September he travelled down the Thames to the Western District. While passing through New Fairfield, where he failed to call on the missionaries, the lieutenant-governor stopped at some of the houses of the Christian Indians and requested them to meet him at a place about twelve miles farther down, where he intended to stay for the night. Five Indians did so, and Head proposed to them that the band should sell all their land to the Government. When the Indians would not agree he offered an annuity of $600 for the portion north of the river, observing that they had more land than they needed, and that they neglected to keep in repair the public road which ran through it. The Indians still refused to part with any of their land, 4 Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Sundries, Luckenbach to Maitland, June 20, 1821.

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and the lieutenant-governor continued his journey much dissatisfied. The missionaries and part of the Indians supported the stand of the delegates, but the minority who wished to emigrate to the West sent word secretly to Head that they would agree to his terms. A month later Colonel Joseph Clench came to New Fairfield and held a council in the church with all the Indians, in the presence of the missionaries and five settlers of the neighbourhood as witnesses. He offered an annuity of $600 in return for the surrender of the land north of the river, with compensation for the Indians' improvements there. A warm debate followed, and when a vote was finally taken the proposal carried, 28 to 26. Only those voting for the surrender signed the document. The missionaries protested that they alone had the right to dispose of any part of the reserve, as representatives of the Moravian Society. They said they would agree to the cession only if the land between the road and the river, and a block one-and-a-half miles square about the site of the old village were excepted from it. Lieutenant-Governor Head would offer only 200 acres around the village, and permission to cultivate the lands between the river and the road for one year. He informed the colonial secretary that the surrender consisted of a tract six miles square, with very fine but uncultivated land, where sixteen or eighteen families of Indians lived in destitution with no game available; the highroad through this tract was almost impassable, and the white people implored relief from such an obstacle to improvement. Head finally gave in to some extent, agreeing in April 1837 to exclude from the purchase the lands south of the road, where the cultivated lands lay, but he left undecided the amount of the reservation about the old village. All the Indians now signed the instrument, with the provision that the reservation be at least 200 acres; but the signatures of the missionaries were neither mentioned nor required. In this way some 26,000 acres of land pledged to the Society were alienated without its consent. The trustees protested to the Government in England. They declared they would concur in the cession only if the reservation about the old village were one-and-ahalf miles square, if the remaining 25,000 acres south of the river were secured by a legal instrument, and if in future negotiations the provincial Government would consult with the resident missionaries and

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secure their consent and that of the trustees before any contract was completed. To this Lord Glenelg, the Colonial Secretary, agreed, having discovered that the complaints had been made "with some appearance of justice." He was not quite satisfied, he wrote, that it was proper to withhold even the lands already surrendered.5 In the summer of 1837 nearly 200 of the New Fairfield Indians and some from Munsey Town, with the missionary Jesse Vogler, left in sixteen canoes for the Missouri, travelling by way of the lakes and Green Bay. They eventually settled near Fort Leavenworth in Kansas, where the village of Westfield was founded, but it proved a failure due to the tide of western migration that engulfed it. Some eighty inhabitants were left at New Fairfield, which now knew more peace and quiet with the removal of the unruly elements.6 Emigration from within the British Empire began to flow again to the Lower Thames at the end of the war, as economic distress forced many to seek a new land. United States citizens were discouraged by various impediments, including a requirement of seven years' residence in order to hold land, so that for a few years this element in the population declined as compared with the British. Many of the new settlers came to the southern part of the townships along Lake Erie on the Talbot Road. Lord Selkirk had planned to open this area for settlement as early as 1803, by building a road from York (Toronto) to Amherstburg which would run close to the shore of the lake. Estimating the total cost at £40,000 he had asked for a grant of three concessions on each side of the road; but the Council had refused.7 In 1811 the provincial Government entrusted to Colonel Thomas Talbot the control of settlement in part of the London and Western 5 Public Archives of Canada, Q 400, Part 2, 308-28; G I, vol. 87, Part I, 392-415; Macaulay, Report on Indian Affairs, April, 1839, 155-79. Memorandum on the Indian Reserve at New Fairfield, MS. copy in possession of the author. Robert Davis, The Canadian Farmer's Travels in the United States of America (Buffalo, 1837), 6-7. ^Autobiography of Abraham Luckenbach, 407-8. 7 Public Archives of Canada, Selkirk Papers, LXXV, 19918-9, 19940; LV, 14647-8; LII, 14114, 14121. In the fall of 1803 Selkirk's agent Burn and two men had explored the line for this road, and the next spring Selkirk had the surveyor Augustus Jones explore for the best line between the Grand River and Chatham. He planned to settle it as a street, with Scots, Irish, and Americans or others suited to the work.

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districts. He received no ostensible compensation for this work, but was able to complete the Talbot Road from his townships of Dunwich and Aldborough to Sandwich. The road followed the lake through the County of Kent, thus in part carrying out Lord Selkirk's design. It cost Talbot nothing, since each settler was required to clear onehalf the width of the road, as well as 100 feet deep along the front of his lot and ten acres elsewhere. Mahlon Burwell began the survey, under instructions from the surveyor-general, on August 26, 1811. Two weeks later he had progressed westward to lot 90 in Howard (now Morpeth), numbering the lots consecutively without regard to townships. He then ceased work for the season, and due to the outbreak of war in 1812 he did not take up the work again until the summer of 1816.8 Burwell had informed the surveyor-general that the plans of the townships and the instructions furnished him in 1811 had all been taken and destroyed by an American plundering party. Duplicates were sent him and he completed the survey of the Talbot Road between May 1 and November 30, 1816. It ran close to the lake through the townships of Raleigh, Tilbury East, and Romney, so that only one tier of lots was laid out there ; elsewhere it was farther inland and lots were laid out on both sides. When Burwell made his report to Surveyor-General Ridout, the latter immediately noticed that he had laid out lots on the road through the Township of Harwich, where the lands had long since been granted to non-residents. "It appears, therefore," Ridout informed Colonel Talbot, "that the plan of Harwich sent in November 1815 to Mr. Burwell had not been resorted to, but the one sent in 1811, and stated to have been taken' and destroyed, was made use of, which plan has also been returned to this office, and on that it appears the previous locations had not been marked." Although Ridout requested Talbot to make no locations on the road through Harwich, it was too late, and the disappointed recipients had to seek lands elsewhere. Referring to this mistake, Lieutenant-Governor Maitland took occasion to comment to Lord Bathurst that the granting of 8 Blue, Colonel Mahlon Burwell, 9-11. Survey Office, Burwell Papers, no. 28; and his Field Books, Talbot Road West, 1811, and Howard, 1816.

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lands to non-residents who neither settled on them or cultivated them, was the most serious evil under which the colony laboured. The only remedy he could suggest was a small tax on such lands, which would induce the owners either to settle them or sell to others who would do so.9 By an act of the provincial legislature of 1803 the tax on cultivated land was set at one penny per acre, while that on wild land was but one-twentieth of a penny. In 1819 Maitland secured the passage of an act imposing an additional tax of one-eighth penny per acre on absentees in lieu of statute labour, to be expended in the district where the land lay. This act was limited to eight years, but it was made permanent in 1824 with a clause stating that assessments in arrears for eight years were to be paid by sale of part of the lands, with redemption within twelve months. This helped to impose a check on speculation and absentee ownership.10 John Craford was the first settler on the lake shore in Kent County. He had settled in Howard Township east of Pointe aux Pins at the mouth of what is now Patterson's Creek, in 1811. This was the terminus of the old Indian path from Chatham to the lake, as well as the portage from Rondeau Bay, and had long been the camping ground for travellers rounding the Pointe. In applying for a patent in 1817 Craford stated that he believed he was settling on land in Harwich belonging to Denis Brouillard, which he had intended to buy. In the fall of 1811 Burwell noted Craford's new house and a cleared field planted with corn and buckwheat.11 The War of 1812 intervened, during which Craford was often away on militia duty, once exchanging shots with the "notorious traitor John Dixon" in an effort to apprehend him. When at home he rendered assistance to the British in various ways. He was made prisoner at Port Talbot on August 16, 1814, but managed to escape near Sandwich. In 1816 when Burwell continued his survey through Howard he found that Craford's establishment was on lot no. 100. He had by then erected 9

Public Archives of Canada, Q 324, Part I, 172-8. Gilbert C. Paterson, Land Settlement in Upper Canada, 1783-1840 (Toronto, 1921), 99, 128-30, 140-41. "Survey Office, Burwell's Field Book, Talbot Road West, 1811, 7-8. Craford had come to Canada from Mississippi in 1801, when 30 years of age, and had lived at Port Talbot until moving to Rondeau. 10

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two log houses and a stable, and had cleared and fenced ten acres of the front part of the lot on Lake Erie.12 The Talbot Road was now open to settlement, and Craford soon had many neighbours. Perhaps the earliest was John Palmer who, with his wife Nancy, settled on the lake shore in Howard in 1815, before the survey.13 By 1817 only two lots on the Talbot Road in each of the townships of Raleigh and Howard were still not located, in addition to most of the irregular lake shore lots in the western part of Howard. There were still a few lots available in Orford, and in Romney less than a dozen grants had been made ; in Tilbury East none had been located. At this time there were fifty log houses on the Talbot Road in Kent County. Three years later almost every lot had been taken up except a few in Tilbury East and Romney. The only lands on the road not located in 1829 were two blocks in Romney, the first two-and-a-half miles and the other four-and-a-half miles in extent, which had long been deeded to non-residents.1* Another area was opened for settlement in 1820, when the Shawnee Township on Big Bear Creek (River Sydenham) was surveyed by Thomas Smith.15 The fertile soil along this river was excellent for farming; and the great forests of white oak made possible the development of an extensive lumber industry. Many of the Baldoon settlers moved here from their unhealthy, wet farms lower down. This was especially true after 1827 when the level of the water in the lakes rose very high. In that year a Detroit newspaper reported that the Detroit River was nearly a foot higher than had been seen in ten years, or as some said, in twenty years. Much of the Baldoon farm lands was completely flooded. A number of the younger generation from the Thames River, as well as immigrants from Nova Scotia and the British Isles, came into the Big Bear Creek region. It remained the 12 Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Land Petitions, B 8, Part 2 (1856-58), no. 92, petition of John Craford, Sept. 24, 1817. 13 Ibid., no. 92D. "Public Archives of Canada, Talbot Settlement Papers. Robert Gourlay, A Statistical Account of Upper Canada (Edinburgh, 1822), I, 285, 291. 15 Now the Gore of Chatham and Sombra Township. Survey Office, Thomas Smith Papers, no. 175. Thomas Smith to Ridout, July 11, 1820, in Surveyors' Letters, Vol. marked "'Saunders to Tiffany," no. 63. Smith's three assistant surveyors were Thomas Caldwell, Hiram Houchett, and a man named Ball. He soon discharged Ball, and the other two left within a few days. Houchett, who had been a tavern-keeper at the River Raisin, was very fond of liquor, and neglected his work in consequence.

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frontier of settlement until the opening up of the interior parts of the townships on the Thames. The completion of the survey of the back concessions of all the townships from Orford to Sandwich was begun by Mahlon Burwell in the spring of 1821 and completed in 1823. A road was laid out along the height of land which ran across the southern part of the townships, for the purpose of hastening and consolidating the settlements between the river and the lake. Burwell and a number of deputysurveyors, including Peter Carroll and Roswell Mount, worked on this Middle Road.16 A tier of lots on each side of it was laid out only in Orford and Tilbury East; elsewhere the road cut across the older surveys from the lake. In Orford it is extremely irregular, twisting and turning to follow the height of land; Burwell found it necessary to execute 28 courses in its survey. Late in the year 1823 the provincial government agreed to Colonel Talbot's proposal to superintend the settlement of Howard Township and the Middle Road; lots on the road were to be granted on condition of making and maintaining it. Talbot replied that his "sole object in undertaking this additional laborious service, is to promote the welfare of the Province by realizing an actual settlement in a part where it is most essential for the security of the western frontier to encourage population." He asked for correct plans of Howard and the Middle Road, "so as to enable families, who have been waiting several months in the expectation of obtaining locations in those places, to erect houses, before the snow falls too deep."17 Talbot found his task indeed laborious and beset with difficulties. On February 20, 1824, he wrote Hillier: "Every hour of the days that I have been at home I have been beset by Battalions of applicants for the land in Howard, certainly not fewer than 1000, the third day 500 in a body, in consequence of which, and to get rid of the pest, I intend having a Lottery on the 1st of March, so as to give a general chance, but I will not include the Middle or Town Line Roads in it, 16 Mount was ill for a time, and permitted Alexander Mackintosh, a young chain-bearer, to proceed with some of the work. Thomas Matthews of Lobo complained that Mackintosh was unlicensed, and had not either "the talent or experience necessary." Blue, Colonel Mahlon Burwell, 11-12. Survey Office, Burwell's Field Books for Howard, Harwich, etc., 1821-1825; and Letters Received, XVIII, 268-9. "Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Sundries, Talbot to Hillier, Dec. 12, 1823.

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keeping them for a more select description." He suggested that if there were any vacant lots in the townships of Mosa, Ekfrid, Caradoc, and Lobo in the London District, he could provide for some people there, north of the lots on the Longwoods Road, and thus enable him "to get rid of these unpleasant visitors."18 Talbot was very successful in his work of settlement, largely because of his insistence oi. the completion of settlement duties before he would grant a certificate. Indeed the certificate came to be regarded by the settlers as almost as valid as a regular patent, and many delayed applying for a patent for years, which did not please the Land Department which thus had to wait for the payment of the fees. Sir John Colborne reported on the Talbot settlements in eulogistic terms, praising Talbot for his success in producing good roads and well-cultivated farms.18 Until about 1830 settlement was largely confined to the first three concessions on each side of the River Thames, to the Talbot and Middle roads, and to the Big Bear Creek region. In 1829 the Pain Court block in Dover East was surveyed by Charles Rankin for a group of French settlers.20 About the same time roads were opened along the lines between the different townships. A tier of lots was laid out on each side of the Howard-Harwich townline road between the Lake Erie and Thames surveys, and most of these were taken up during the next decade. Roads were also opened along the concession lines, as well as sideroads parallel to the township lines; and the crown lands in the centre of each township were acquired by the Canada Company in 1826 and sold to settlers. Baldoon Street had not attracted many settlers since it was opened by Selkirk in 1810. Only two families were living on it in 1833: William Caldwell with 15 acres under cultivation, and John McKenzie from Baldoon with 22 acres improved.21 A more progressive settlement was that of the Block Concession in Howard, a strip of land between the second and third concessions from the river. Here John McKinley, Archibald McBrain, and William Atkinson had settled 18

Upper Canada Sundries, Talbot to Hillier, Feb. 20, 1824. Paterson, op. cit., 191-2. 20 Survey Office, Charles Rankin Papers, nos. 11, 15. 21 Survey Office, Springer Papers, nos. 16, 17. Caldwell had a good log house on lot 32 west; McKenzie, who had been located by Selkirk in 1810, had a log house and barn on lot 40. 19

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in 1831, William McKecher in 1833, and Henry Symington in 1834. By 1837 each had a good log house and barn and from 19 to 33 acres under improvement.22 A great many Scots, English, and Scots-Irish families, fleeing from the difficulties of the Old World, settled in the back concessions and along the townline roads during this decade. Others were native Canadians and Americans who moved with the frontier, selling their farms as soon as cleared and taking up new locations. The land around Rondeau Bay, mostly held by speculators, settled very slowly due to the marsh along the shore. In 1821 Howison talked with a man who had been at Rondeau with a view to taking a lot there, but finding it covered with water had decided to return to the backwoods of Kentucky.23 Some of the higher lands farther back from the bay were purchased from the non-resident proprietors by well-to-do Americans, as in the case of the Lees. In 1817 Moore Lee, a merchant of New York, bought more than 2,000 acres which had been originally granted to David Ramsay and George Meldrum. Ramsay had died in New York about 1810, bequeathing his possessions to William Bruce, who later sold the Rondeau lands to Lee. Meldrum sold his property to Ephraim Lee of the County of Monmouth, New Jersey, who then sold it to Moore Lee. The latter sold the Ramsay lands to John Inglis of New York in 1824, but kept the rest. Several of the younger generation of Lees settled on farms in Orford, Howard, and Harwich.24 The negro element in the population continued to increase steadily as escaped slaves arrived from the United States.28 Pickering noted in 1826 that negroes from Kentucky arrived in Canada almost every week, and most of them were employed in growing tobacco. Hundreds had settled at Sandwich and Amherstburg, where a volunteer militia corps had been formed from them. On the Talbot Road Pickering met a negro and his son who told him they had escaped from their master in Kentucky. In 1833 Shirreff also noted the 22

Survey Office, A. Mackintosh Papers, no. 211. John Howison, Sketches of Upper Canada (Edinburgh, 1821), 222. 2 *Kent County Registry Office, Register Book AB, 258-9, 261, 264; Register Book C, 128, 178. See also Survey Office, Iredell Papers, no. 209. 25 Between the years 1817 and 1821 the names of four negroes appear in the Account Books of John Dolsen of Dover. These were Tom Surphlet, George Askin, William Booker, and Israel Williams. 23

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great number of runaway slaves in the western parts of Canada; and he talked to two negro brothers from Kentucky who worked farms on lease above Chatham. Seven negro families were living as squatters in the growing village of Chatham in 1832. Here Shirreff met Israel Williams, whom he described as a smart, active, stout little fellow in good circumstances, with several stacks of wheat on his excellent farm. Williams and his glossy black wife Juliana had escaped from Virginia. The white people of Chatham considered him a troublesome character, and had tried to exclude him from the village. His half-dozen children had never been to school because the teacher was afraid of displeasing his white employers by accepting them. Archdeacon Strachan had met several coloured people on his visit to Chatham in 1828, and had attempted to establish a school for their children; but the sum of money subscribed by the inhabitants was found to be insufficient for the purpose. Negroes were not excluded from the common schools, but Strachan found that they were prevented from attending because of the prejudice against them.26 The population of Kent County grew slowly but steadily during the first fifteen years after the close of the War of 1812. From 1,400 in 1817 it had increased to 3,167 ten years later; and in 1830 it was nearly 4,000. A considerable influx of settlers began in the prosperous year of 1832, so that by the following year the total population had reached 5,570. By 1838 when the disorders following the rebellion caused a cessation of immigration, the population numbered 8,790, having more than doubled since the beginning of the decade. At this time the townships of Howard, Harwich, and Raleigh, which included the rising town of Chatham, had about 43 per cent of the total population of the county. But the Bear Creek area, and Romney and Tilbury East, were attracting many settlers.27 20 Pickering, Inquiries, 63, 65. Patrick Shirreff, A Tour Through North America (Edinburgh, 1835), 191, 195, 202. Ontario Archives, Strachan Papers, Archdeacon J. Strachan, Journal of a Tour through Upper Canada, Aug. 19— Oct. 23, 1828. Survey Office, C. Rankin Papers, no. 52. 27 Censuses of Canada, 1665 to 1871, in Canada, Statistics Bureau, Census of Canada, 1870/71, IV (Ottawa, 1876). Appendices to the Journals of the Legislative Assembly of Upper Canada, 1828-1838. Public Archives of Canada, S, Census of Upper Canada, 1820-1855. Gourlay, Statistical Account, I, 285, 291. Soutar, Directory of Chatham, 41.

9 DEVELOPMENT OF AGRICULTURE

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HE AMERICAN RAIDS during the War of 1812 caused considerable devastation on the Upper Thames and eastward, but on the Lower Thames property destruction was confined to the Moravian village, and, with one exception, to all the mills, which had been burned by the Indians during Procter's retreat. On the other hand the inhabitants had lost most of their cattle and crops; and many people had left their homes to serve in the militia, or to escape capture by either the Americans or the British. At the same time immigration ceased, and economic development was temporarily at a standstill. Even after the war progress was hampered for some years by the exclusion of American settlers. Prices remained high after the war, owing to several factors : poor harvests in 1815 and 1816, a demand for livestock to replace war losses, and easy credit extended by Montreal wholesalers to the country store-keepers which they in turn passed on to their customers. In addition the market in Britain was open to Canadian wheat and flour for the next few years, as the result of bad crops there which sent the price of wheat above 67 shillings a quarter. The Corn Law of 1815 admitted these products free from the colonies when the price in Great Britain was above that level, and excluded those from foreign countries until the price reached 80 shillings.1 In 1817, according to reports made at that time, the farmers of the Lower Thames still grew principally wheat and corn, although considerable quantities of oats, peas, barley, hemp, flax, potatoes, and turnips were also produced. Newly cleared land was customarily planted with corn, followed by wheat in the fall. Much of the soil was so rich that good crops were obtained without the use of manure for ten years, and in some cases for twenty-five years. Wheat yielded 1

Jones, History of Agriculture, 36-8. 119

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on the average from twenty to twenty-five bushels to the acre, with forty bushels not uncommon when well cultivated. During the summer of this year 40,000 bushels of wheat had been harvested by 114 farmers on the river. The wild range was so extensive in the lower townships that no one had his own pasture. Cheese and butter sold for about 18 cents a pound, and wool for from 30 to 46 cents a pound. A four-year-old work-horse cost from $33 to $38, a cow from $12 to $15, a good ox $25, and a sheep $2.50 or less. Farm labourers in 1817 were paid about $6 a month in the winter and $8 in the summer; and harvest labourers 60 cents a day. Women servants for house work and spinning were paid from 60 cents to 75 cents a week. On the other hand, the wages of masons averaged $1.25 per day, and of carpenters and blacksmiths 60 cents to 90 cents per day. Board and lodging for labouring men could be had for less than 25 cents a day. Bricks sold at the kiln in Raleigh for $4.68 a thousand ; blacksmiths sold their wrought iron for 23 cents per pound.2 In 1819 a temporary provincial act levied specific duties on certain articles, and an ad valorem duty of 5 per cent on non-enumerated goods, imported from the United States into Upper Canada for domestic consumption. But flour, oak, pine, and fir timber for exportation only, were admitted free of duty. The next year a similar temporary act doubled the ad valorem duty, and levied a duty of 10i. per barrel on flour and pork and 7j. 6d. per barrel on beef imported for domestic consumption. In 1821 a new act to last four years imposed new specific duties on many agricultural products, and enlarged many old ones. The former ad valorem duty of 10 per cent on non-enumerated articles remained the same; while specific duties on flour, pork, and beef were set at 10i., 20j., and 15i. per barrel, or 6s., Ws., and 10s. per cwt if not barrelled, respectively. Many products of the forest and farm were admitted duty free for export only. This act was succeeded in 1824 by another, which kept the ad valorem duty of 10 per cent, modified many of the specific duties, and admitted free for export all articles which were the growth, produce, or manufacture of the United States, except those enumerated in the imperial act of 1822.3 2 Gourlay, Statistical Account, I, 285-94. I have translated English into American money. 3 Public Archives of Canada, Q, 431 A, Part I, 47-9.

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In the fall of 1820 wheat and flour were excluded from the British market as a result of an excellent harvest there, which forced wheat prices below 67s. per quarter. Upper Canada had already been in the throes of an economic depression for more than a year, owing to a similar depression in the United States which produced a glut of flour and wheat in the Montreal market.4 Howison reported in 1820 that wheat, which had been selling for 75 cents a bushel, had fallen to 56 cents on the Talbot Road and to 40 cents on the River Thames. At the same time rye was selling at 50 cents a bushel, oats at 22 cents, buckwheat and corn at 38 cents, apples at 32 cents, and hay at $5 per ton. Very little barley was grown in this area, but potatoes, pumpkins, and turnips were abundant and profitable. Accustomed to the intensive and careful cultivation in the British Isles, Howison thought that the farms on the Thames gave the impression of being but recently occupied, although they had been settled and under cultivation for nearly thirty years. Some had a good deal of cleared land, but "miserable log-huts, ill-ploughed fields, shackling barns, and unpruned orchards" were to be seen everywhere. The object of the farmers was to have a great deal of land under cultivation, so they kept cutting down the forest. But they knew nothing of crop rotation or the advantage of good tillage to produce larger yields. Howison remarked that the fault was due not alone to ignorance, but to the lack of capital and the difficulty in getting labourers.5 In this he was correct, for it was indeed the high cost of labour, and the cheapness of land, which made this system of extensive agriculture more profitable. Howison also visited the Talbot Road settlements in Howard and Orford, where the first settlers had come but three years before, and little progress had yet been made. The only agricultural implements used were the axe and the hoe, and Howison was astonished that the people on the newly cleared farms were not disheartened by the labour necessary to bring order out of confusion.6 It was not long, however, before this region became the most advanced in the county. Prices collapsed still further as a result of the union of the North West Company and the Hudson's Bay Company in 1821, which perdones, op. cit., 39.

5 Howison, Sketches, 192-4, 233-6. *Ibid., 219-20.

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mitted the supplying of all the fur-traders from the Red River settlement instead of from the Lower Thames and other parts of Upper Canada. In addition the depression in the United States caused the loss of that market for Upper Canada livestock; and American drovers brought quantities of cattle and beef into the province to compete with the farmers there. Prices of wheat, livestock, and real-estate in Upper Canada fell by 50 per cent or more between 1819 and 1822.7 The principal exports from Upper Canada were lumber, flour, peas, pot and pearl ashes, furs, peltries, and pork. A report of a Select Committee of the Assembly of the province stated that the fall in prices had resulted in a large decline in the export of flour, furs, and peltries. But exports of flour had probably never been over 30,000 barrels a year. It could hardly be sold in Montreal because it was often damaged by heat and moisture, and could not compete with flour from the United States, which was better manufactured and packed. The Committee urged that wheat be shipped to Great Britain instead of flour; however, at that time neither wheat nor flour could be sold there because the price of wheat had fallen below 67i. per quarter.8 There were some observers who believed that the Western District was too remote, and the charges of transportation too great, for wheat and flour ever to become articles of profitable trade. As William Kerr of Burlington Bay informed Lieutenant-Governor Maitland in 1827: "At the rate that article [wheat] has borne for these last seven or eight years it is impossible for the farmer to become either wealthy or comfortable, unless he possessed the means before; indeed one half of them are in debt, which increases year after year—it has not warranted them in the wear and tear and implements. The present price of wheat in this District is 2/6 and on the Thames and the Western District 2/3 per bushel. When it brings 3/9 it pays, and at 5/- it gives a clear profit of about 1/3." Kerr believed that hemp, hogs, and tobacco would have to become the staple articles for the more remote parts of the province, such as the Grand and Thames rivers, and most of the Western District. Hemp paid the farmer a great deal better than wheat, he said, 7 Jones, op. cit., 39. «Gourlay, op. cit., II, 667-8.

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when the latter was under five shillings per bushel. It was more profitable and surer than Indian corn, and required about the same amount of labour. It had not been a success, however, despite the government bounties, because it was a new crop and there were no established channels for its trade. Usually the farmer had to dispose of his crop to some merchant at a low price.9 The commercial production of tobacco had begun in the Western District a few years after the end of the war, and it was much more successful than hemp in becoming a new staple to supplement lowpriced wheat. William Berczy of Amherstburg, writing for the information of the lieutenant-governor in 1829, described its origins as follows:10 About the years 1819 and 1820 a few negro slaves who had run away from their masters in Virginia and Kentucky, and a white man from the former place, were the first who introduced the culture of Tobacco in this District, according to the manner adopted in the United States. It was however not till 1821 that it was brought into notice or supposed fit for exportation. My brother and myself were the persons who in that year shipped the first Hogshead of Tobacco ever sent from this Province. It was carefully examined by the Tobacconists in Montreal and bought by one of them at 6d. the pound, and declared by him equal to the best Kentucky Tobacco. Much pains, however, had been taken to cull and pack it, and to this perhaps may be attributed the good opinion formed of it. The liberal price obtained for this first shipment gave an immediate impulse to its cultivation. . . . By 1822 tobacco was being raised in some quantity on the Lower Thames. Mahlon Burwell noted a tobacco field of John McGregor when he surveyed in the town-site of Chatham during this year. It was also in 1822 that William Chrysler gained local fame by harvesting 2,000 pounds of tobacco from one acre of land near Chatham. Later he was said to have taken 1,500 pounds per acre for two years in 9

Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Sundries, Kerr to Maitland, Jan. 30, 1827. 10 Ibid., Berczy to Mudge, Apr. 3, 1829. See also Charles Stuart, Emigrant's Guide to Upper Canada, 35; Niles Register, XXI, 48, 112, XXX, 411; Public Archives of Canada, Q, 337, Part 2, 261. William D. Powell in 1821 stated that escaped slaves cultivated for hire or on shares excellent tobacco equal to the growth of the Ohio or the Mississippi; Powell to Lt. Gov. Sept. 25, 1821, in Upper Canada Sundries.

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succession off the same land.11 In the following winter at Amherstburg there was considerable activity in the tobacco trade, and it was estimated that not less than 100 hogsheads would be shipped from there that spring.12 The previous year only 30 hogsheads had been shipped. Efforts now began to be made to get protection against Americangrown tobacco imported into the Canadas, as well as a reduction of the duty on Canadian-grown tobacco entering the British Isles. In a memorial to the House of Commons of Great Britain, William McCormick of Essex County estimated that upwards of 300 hogsheads of tobacco would be ready for market from that region in the spring of 1824; and he thought that more than 500 would be shipped the following year, which would more than supply the Montreal market. The merchants and farmers would then have to look to the British Isles for a market or cultivation would cease. Tobacco growers of the United States had the great advantage of slave labour and the experience gained during many decades. But if Canadian-grown tobacco imported into Great Britain and Ireland were given a reduction of 4d. or even 3d. a pound in duty lower than the duty on the growth of other countries, McCormick foresaw the time when the colonies would be able to supply the entire market of the United Kingdom.13 McCormick's memorial had been preceded by a joint address from both houses of the legislature of Upper Canada on the same subject. In asking the Home Government for a reduction in the duty of at least 3d., they stressed the great disadvantages that the western districts were subject to in the production of bread-stuffs, due to their remote situation and the expense of transporting their goods to market. This, coupled with the uncertainty of a profitable market, had depreciated the value of these staples and had checked the agricultural and commercial prosperity of the western districts. But tobacco, which they were well adapted to produce, was an article of greater value in proportion to its bulk than ordinary products, and could better bear the charge of transportation to market. If given proper encouragement tobacco would be extensively cultivated in that part of the province, resulting in a rapid increase of population, economic de11

Pickering, Inquiries, 63-4. Quoted in Jones, History of Agriculture, 40. Public Archives of Canada, Q, 337, Part 2, 261-4.

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velopment, and a greater consumption of the manufactures of Great Britain.14 As a result of these representations the British Parliament admitted Canadian-grown tobacco at a duty of 3d. less per pound than that grown elsewhere. Nevertheless until 1827 tobacco from the Western District of Upper Canada continued to find its market solely in the two provinces, where prices continued good. A dispatch to Niles Register from York, dated August 12, 1826, stated:15 The steamboat Niagara arrived here on Monday last from Prescott. Her cargo consisted, in part, of 60 hogsheads of leaf tobacco, for the Montreal market, the produce of the western part of the province. The cultivation of this article of consumption is attracting the farmers in the Western district, and a large quantity of it will be offered in the market this year. The next season it will be very much increased.

Another item under the same date called the attention of the planters of Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky to the increased cultivation of tobacco in Ohio and Canada. More than 260 hogsheads of leaf tobacco had been exported from the Western District that year.16 A traveller in the Western District in 1826 wrote that tobacco was becoming a staple crop there, and paid better than any grain crop. It was well adapted to the rich sand or loam of the Big Bear Creek region where it produced from 800 to 1,500 pounds to the acre. Prices ranged from 20 to 35 shillings per hundredweight, according to quality and demand. Much of the work in the tobacco fields was done by negroes, one of whom could attend to four acres during the summer.17 In the spring of 1827 James W. Little took in more than 32,000 pounds at his store at Erieus, on the lake shore in Raleigh.18 Lower Canada now became overstocked by the quantities of tobacco sent down from the Western District. Its reputation also began to suffer because of increasingly inferior quality, resulting from the neglect of the growers and the shippers. As William Berczy reported : ™Ibid., Q, 335, pt. I, 64-7; and Q, 337, Part I, 211-3. ™Niles Register, XXXI, 41. ™Ibid., XXX, 411. "Pickering, Inquiries, 63-4. 18 Kent County Historical Society, James W. Little Day Book, 1827.

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In 1827 the price suddenly fell from 5d. and 5y3d. to 3d. and 4¿. the pound for leaf tobacco, and the sales became as dull as the price was low; last year [1828] even those prices could with difficulty be realized, and there is now in the Montreal market about 300 or 400 hogsheads unsold of the growth of 1827. The causes of this sudden change must be mainly attributed to the negligence of the growers and the over anxiety of the merchants to make large returns, which induced them to send down inferior qualities. The culture of tobacco and the management of it, after it is removed from the ground, until it is finally packed, requires the utmost care and application. The glut in the tobacco market in Montreal induced some of the tobacco merchants to ship a few hogsheads to England in 1827. This venture turned out to be an almost total failure, as the tobacco had not been cured and packed in the proper manner. One broker reported that the quality was "very ordinary, and this description cannot be sold here for home consumption at any price." Nonetheless, as Berczy observed, "the result was so far favorable as to show clearly that it required but attention to proper management to render our tobacco fit for that market." Another broker stated that with "proper attention in stemming and curing tobacco may be produced in Canada, equal if not superior to that of Kentucky." "It is a pity," Berczy wrote to the lieutenant-governor's secretary in 1829, "that the cultivation of so valuable a staple should have been nearly altogether abandoned, the low price it has latterly brought and the difficulty of disposing of it, has so discouraged the cultivators that it will be difficult to persuade them to attempt growing it again; and the merchants who have dealt in the article, from the severe losses they have sustained, will hardly be willing to enter into a trade which has hitherto been so unprofitable." Although about 500,000 pounds of tobacco had been raised in 1827, it was estimated that not more than 100 hogsheads were raised the following year. The price of leaf tobacco in Montreal and Quebec had been about 6d. per pound in 1821 and 1822; 5d. in 1823; and 4d. in 1824. During the next two years it rose slightly, reaching 5d. to 5/ad. in 1826. The next year the price fell again to 3d. or 4d.; and in 1828 to 3d. Berczy suggested the possibility of inducing men with capital and enterprise to "employ persons accustomed to grow tobacco, to make the experiment of raising a quantity, suitable to the English market. If they should sue-

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ceed, every farmer in this District would embark cheerfully in the same business, and a large export be annually made, by which large sums of money would be brought into this Province, which are now paid to our neighbours of the United States."18 In 1829 the British market was once more tested. A considerable quantity was shipped to England, one merchant alone sending 90 hogsheads. This tobacco found buyers, but at a price that did not make the trade profitable. The following spring the merchants and farmers of the Western District addressed a memorial to the House of Commons requesting a further reduction of 3d. per pound on Canadian tobacco imported into Great Britain.20 Nevertheless, as these same memorialists admitted in 1832, the "qualities of tobacco hitherto exported from Upper Canada have not been found suitable, with some small exceptions, for the consumption of Great Britain." Meanwhile the Western District was threatened with the loss of its market in Lower Canada. In 1832 it sent a memorial to Sir John Colborne on the bill passed by the legislature of Lower Canada, which greatly reduced the duty on foreign leaf tobacco imported into that province. The memorialists feared that this would open the market to the United States product at a price that they could not compete with. The price under protection was then 4ya£?. which gave the cultivator but a bare remuneration. The memorial stated that tobacco had been cultivated extensively and profitably of late years in the Western District, and had enjoyed an adequate protection in the markets of Great Britain as well as those of Lower Canada. It had become an important staple production for a region which had previously laboured under great disadvantages due to scarcity of waterpower for grist-mills. Within the last two years the "Hessian fly" had ravaged the district, "whereby the culture of wheat (so valuable a branch of Canadian husbandry) is rendered exceedingly precarious." It was thus most important that the district should not "be deprived of its sole resource, the cultivation of tobacco, as yielding the only exchangeable commodity it may be said to possess."21 19

Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Sundries, Berczy to Mudge, Apr. 3, 1829. See also Q, 346, Part I, 244-9, 251-6. 2 °Q, 354, 214, 218-222. 21 Q, 374, Part 3, 641-9. See also on tobacco, Select Documents in Canadian Economic History, 1783-1785, ed. by H. A. Innis and A. R. M. Lower (Toronto, 1933), 64, 294.

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A good deal of tobacco was being produced along the lake shore in Kent County. James Ruddle of Antrim at the mouth of Big Creek in Howard took in tobacco at his store and exported it from there. Most, however, was raised on the Talbot Road in Raleigh. In the summer of 1836 an exhibition of leaf tobacco was held at the farm of Nathaniel Hughson, and prizes were given for the best acres of tobacco.22 A year later, when Major Lachlan made his presidential address to the new Western District Agricultural Society at Sandwich, he stated that the district had no single exclusive agricultural production of any consequence, except for tobacco and a few choice fruits.23 Meanwhile prosperity had returned to Upper Canada generally by 1825, partly because of the duties imposed in 1822 on agricultural products and provisions and lumber from the United States, which had previously been admitted free, or nearly so. Other contributing factors were the opening of the Erie Canal in 1825, which enabled many Americans to ship their products to the Eastern United States more profitably than to Upper Canada; the finding of new local outlets for the Canadian agricultural surplus among the new British immigrants, and in the construction camps of the Canadian canals, as well as the camps of the Ottawa Valley timber trade; and the resumption of the export trade in grain to Great Britain, under new Corn Laws which admitted colonial grain whatever the average price, but under a sliding scale of duties much less than those imposed on foreign wheat.24 In 1826 Joseph Pickering visited some fine cleared farms below Moraviantown, from which the stumps had been removd. Most of them belonged to merchants of Sandwich and elsewhere, and were worked on shares by tenants in a slovenly manner. The houses and barns were dilapidated, but there were some good apple and peach orchards. Great quantiti s of cider were made, which sold at prices ranging from 56 cents to $1.15 per barrel. Old cleared farms on the flats, complete with houses and barns, were worth about $5 per acre. Only wheat, corn, oats, and a few peas were grown, with little or no "Sandwich Canadian Emigrant, Apr. 21, 1832, Mar. 8, 1836. 23 Sandwich Western Herald, May 22, 1838. 2 *Jones, History of Agriculture, 44-7.

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clover. Wheat was grown on the same land for several years in succession, until the soil deteriorated. It was then allowed to remain in wild grass for several years. Pickering thought the people lacked energy for improvement, permitting their ill-managed farms to become infested with couch or twitch grass. Some of the great wheat farmers were too indolent to gather hay, and they half starved their cattle in the winter. Travelling to the Big Bear Creek area in western Zone Township, Pickering saw tall corn with huge pumpkins growing between the rows. The pumpkins were dried for making pies in the winter, or kept whole in cellars to fatten cattle and milch cows. Pickering also saw a fine first crop of corn, oats, peas, tobacco, and vegetables on six acres of newly cleared ground. Some hops were grown for beer, which was then coming into use. Uncleared land on the Bear Creek flats could generally be bought for four or five shillings an acre.25 Until 1832 the farmers of Upper Canada were fairly prosperous, despite partial failures of the wheat crop in 1828 and 1829. Prices rose, and large exports of wheat and flour from Upper Canada to Great Britain took place in 1830. The Western District was now able to take advantage of this trade to a great extent, due to the opening of the Welland Canal late in 1829 which cut transportation costs sharply.26 An official report in 1841 stated that since the completion of the canal the wood and timber trade had extended itself to Lake Erie, principally from the pine forests which continued a considerable distance west of Long Point. The waste of this public property had been immense, because until recently it had been almost unprotected.27 In 1835 the cost of shipping a bushel of wheat from Chatham to Montreal was only 14/za.28 However, between 1832 and 1835 the British market was almost closed to the Canadian farmers, because of the excellent British harvests, which caused the price there to fall, and the duty on imports to rise drastically. Partly as a result of this there was a severe depression in Upper Canada, as elsewhere, during these years. Little wheat was sent to the British market until 1840. Prices, 25

Pickering, Inquiries, 63-5. Jones, op. cit., 48. "Public Archives of Canada, Q, 431 A, Part I, 44-5. 28 * 11 ^V

] FIRST REGULATION of the practice of medicine HE in Canada was made in 1788, when all persons practising "physic and surgery" were required to have a licence from the governor. An Act of 1795 provided for an appointed Board of Surgeons to examine and pass upon such persons, as well as upon midwives and sellers of medicines. Practising without a licence was punished by a fine of £10, half of which went to the informer. "Nobody above the rank of a common cowherd would travel round a circle of forty or fifty miles in the wilderness for the pittance which could be collected long after this law was made," Gourlay wrote. He considered it absurd and cruel that a neighbour woman could not act as midwife without being liable to fine, or the people in the backwoods could not choose whom they wished to doctor them. This Act was repealed in 1806, but it was practically revived in 1815, except that sellers of medicine were not included, and the fine was raised to £100. Three years later a new Act exempted midwives, and it provided for the examination of medical candidates by an appointed board. This remained in effect, with some amendments, until 1839, when a new Act provided for the incorporation of the College of Physicians and Surgeons of Upper Canada, which took over the powers of the board.1 The Thames settlements had some medical service from the doctors of the Detroit area who occasionally visited the Thames, and were available to those who could go to them. In 1794 an American, Doctor Freeman, came to Fairfield from the lower settlement to visit a woman and a girl who were ill. One of the Moravian women took her daughter down the river in 1796, to have her treated at a white woman's house, although a Dr. Caleb Abernethy was then living on the Thames. About the same time one of the Moravian Indians took 1

W. Canniff, The Medical Profession in Upper Canada, 1783-1850 (Toronto, 1894), 16-38, 112.

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in a white woman suffering from cancer, but his treatment was unsuccessful. A surgeon named Anselm Guthrie was living in Dover in 1816. Three years later the newly constituted Medical Board found him "unfit to practise," and he was refused a licence. Nevertheless he continued to practise, later moving to Clearville. In 1817 there was a doctor in each of the townships of the county, with the exception of Raleigh, Tilbury, and Romney. A Dr. Patrick McMullin appears as a customer at John Dolsen's store in Dover East in 1824. Some years later he built a house in Chatham village, which he sold to Israel Evans in 1830, and then he moved to Sandwich.2 The Dolsen account books show that the inhabitants were accustomed to buy from the stores various drugs with which to doctor themselves. Sales of opium, Peruvian Bark (quinine) for malaria, Epsom salts, and sulphur are common, and emetics were taken on the spot. In addition, every family used various home remedies, the knowledge of which was either brought with them or acquired from the Indians. The petroleum from the springs near Fairfield was widely employed for its supposed medicinal properties, both internally for the stomach and externally in the treatment of rheumatism. While Howison was at the home of a woman on the Thames near Moraviantown in 1820, a doctor came to visit her. He appeared carrying a pair of saddle-bags filled with bottles and medicines of various kinds. The woman, probably Mrs. Sherman or Mrs. Hubbell, had rheumatism, for which she had tried petroleum without result. She lay on a bed behind curtains, and told the doctor that she thought she was about to die. The family physician at her former home in Connecticut was a "root doctor," in whom she had more confidence than in the present one. But this doctor was confident he could cure her. After describing the cause of her ailment in terms designed to impress his listeners, he proceeded to mix several "recipes" from the parcels and phials in his saddle-bags. One of the mixtures was to be put in a pint of whiskey, and a tablespoonful taken three times a day. As the doctor mounted his horse to leave, the husband remarked that he would be able to pay him in buckwheat.3 2 Zeisberger, Diary, II, 358, 448, 451, 472. John Dolsen's Account Books, 1816-1832 (MSS, George Barclay, Detroit). R. V. Bray, "The Medical Profession of the City of Chatham and the County of Kent," Kent Historical Society, Papers and Addresses, IV (1919), 6. 3 Howison, Sketches, 194-7.

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Indian root doctors were not unknown on the Thames, at least in 1841 when Morleigh met a "tall old fellow with a shrewd grey eye," who had been in jail for a month for practising without a licence. He had just been treating a man "far gone in the black janders," and was on his way to cure a woman with cancer of the nose. He boasted of his knowledge of herbs and simples, and offered to show Morleigh a tree from which he obtained Peruvian or Jesuits' bark. After an hour's walk in the forest, during which he explained the wonderful curative properties of various herbs and shrubs, the root doctor stopped before a mountain ash, which he said was the "dogmatic tree" from which he obtained the Jesuits' bark.4 In June, 1832, the Government sent circulars to the magistrates of the various districts warning them of the advance of cholera. Charles Eliot replied on June 29th: 5 No time has been lost in convening the magistrates of the Western District, at which preventive measures were adopted to stay the Asiatic pestilence from our shores. But it is supposed, that all plans employed to obstruct the spread of this fatal malady through our district, should it unhappily visit us, will be rendered wholly nugatory, from the shoals of Indians daily arriving at Amherstburg for their presents. Their disgusting filth, their lamentable intemperance, their thoughtless and inevitable exposure to the damps and dews of night, must eminently predispose them to receive the disease in a most malignant form; and their roving and careless habits tend to its fearful extension, be it contagious or merely communicated by the less rapid process of infection. Cholera struck the Thames a few weeks later, the first case being that of a negro who died August 10 at Chatham. The Board of Health of the County of Kent applied for assistance to the Quarter Sessions Court at Sandwich, which made a grant of £25 and a supply of medicines to combat the disease on Big Bear Creek and the Thames. The court also ordered a guard to be stationed at the River Ruscum in Essex to stop all travellers suspected of being infected; but special permission was given to one man to go to the Thames for a load of flour and wheat. Inn-keepers were ordered to sell no more *Morleigh (pseud.), Life in the West; or Morleigh in Search of a Farm (London, 1842), 212. 5 Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Sundries.

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liquor until further orders. By October cholera and small-pox were prevalent to an alarming extent among the French population. There were twenty cases among those at the mouth of the Thames, and some had already died. The disease continued to rage for several months, in some cases carrying off nearly all the members of a family. Shirreff stopped at a French-Canadian tavern on the river in 1833 and found that the proprietor had died of cholera. A young man who had assisted the widow had died of small-pox within the fortnight. Hardly a traveller had come to the tavern in seven weeks. Proceeding up the river, Shirreff found that he was no longer welcome at places where he had formerly stayed, for fear that he might infect them with the disease. At Chatham the friendly coloured man, Israel Williams, was reluctant to talk to him.6 Many travellers remarked on the unhealthy appearance of the people, and the prevalence of fever and ague, or "lake fever," particularly below Chatham. It was commonly believed that malaria was caused by the stagnant swamps and the bad drinking water, the agency of the mosquito not being suspected. The settlers on the Thames drank water from the river, from which they probably acquired other diseases. Most of them had ice-houses to insure a supply of ice in the summer to mix with the warm river water. Timothy Parridge drank a tumbler of ice-water after a ten-mile walk to Chatham in the summer of 1841, which "foundered" him immediately. When Bangs came to the Thames in the fall' of 1804 he found almost every family suffering from attacks of malaria. Few died, as did the newly arrived Highlanders at Baldoon who had not yet acquired immunity. The ordinary treatment consisted of liberal doses of whiskey. Thirty years later Shirreff, who was accustomed to the ruddy faces of his fellow Englishmen, was struck with the "sallow, dried, and sickly appearance" of the people along the Thames and Big Bear Creek. Those recently from the Old Country were noticeable for their healthy complexions, and often for their portliness. But John Goose,7 "Howison, Sketches, 223-4. Public Archives of Canada, John Askin Papers, Vol. 32. Sandwich Canadian Emigrant, Oct. 26, Nov. 16, Dec. 14, 1832. Shirreff, Tour, 201. 7 Burton Historical Collection, Miles Papers, T. Partridge to Mrs. C. M. Milles, June 13, 1841. Bangs, Methodist Episcopal Church, II, 166. Shirreff, Tour, 194.

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one of the settlers, "did not like the chunky (stout) appearance of Britons, and could not comprehend why the skins of their faces seemed to creep like Muscovado sugar." Violent deaths were very common in this new land. One of the strangest was that of R. Scott, a native of Scotland, who lived alone in a mud-walled shanty on the banks of Pain Court Creek in Chatham Township. Early in 1834 a neighbour named Moe found him dead beside a fence, having been hanged by a cord attached to a bag of wheat, which had slipped from the top of the fence while he was throwing down the rails. The coroners' inquests attest to the number of accidental drownings in the Thames and the lakes. Some were not accidental, as when Mrs. Henry Martin, sister of Henry Verrall of Chatham, drowned herself in the river while temporarily insane, or when an Englishman from the London District took his life in Lake Erie near Erieus.8 A certain amount of lawlessness was inevitable in a pioneer society, at times involving some of the most worthy inhabitants. The case of Penuil Stevens illustrates this. In April 1831 he was summoned to appear at the Court of General Quarter Sessions in Sandwich, to give evidence against Garret Lee and Company of Howard (Morpeth) for selling liquor without a licence. But a group of sixteen men of the neighbourhood seized him, tarred and feathered him, and threatened him with great bodily harm if he appeared. A grand jury indicted these men for aggravated assault and riot, but only four were tried, and only one convicted and punished. Bench warrants were issued against the twelve others, and a reward offered for the apprehension of each by the court. None was taken, although, as Charles Eliot wrote in 1833 to the lieutenant-governor's secretary, two were then resident on the spot. Eliot blamed this condition on the aged sheriff, William Hands. "Senile imbecility in a sheriff subserves to embolden transgressors to bring disrepute upon a police."0 Lee's store at Howard was also the scene of the killing of Samuel Craford, eldest son of John Craford of the lake shore. A feud between the Crafords and the Parkers, who were neighbours, had been going 8 Sandwich Canadian Emigrant, Feb. 1834. Chatham Weekly Journal, July 17, Aug. 14, Aug. 28, Sept. 11, 1841. Sandwich Western Herald, Sept. 8, 1841. "Sandwich Canadian Emigrant, Dec. 1, 1831. July 4, 1833 in Upper Canada Sundries.

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on for years, apparently growing out of a boundary dispute. In 1830 both parties appeared before a grand jury at Sandwich, each charging assault by the other; and the Crafords were bound in the peace for a year. In 1831 John Parker accused John Craford of burning his barn; and Craford was heard to say something about Mrs. Parker murdering a child. Craford was said to have chased Mrs. Parker with an axe. John Parker had once aimed a gun at Samuel Craford, and had threatened to kill him. The trouble culminated on the afternoon of October 3, 1832, when an arbitration of the land dispute was made by two magistrates at the schoolhouse in Howard. The decision was in favour of the Crafords, and although both parties signed the award the Parkers departed in anger. A little later both went to Lee's store, half a mile away, where a dispute between the Ruddles and John Kennedy was being arbitrated. Drinking and abusive language followed. When Mrs. Lee closed the store for the day the Parkers and James Moody got on their horses to leave, but became infuriated by taunts from John Craford. In the ensuing fight Samuel Craford was beaten over the head with clubs by James Moody and Parker's stepson, Francis Larue, so that he died a few hours later. Larue, Moody, and John Parker and his wife, were arrested and taken to Sandwich jail, from which Larue later escaped. The others were tried at the assizes the following summer; James Moody was convicted of murder, and the Parkers of manslaughter. Both parties appealed to the lieutenantgovernor for clemency, the Parkers on the ground that they had been imprisoned ten months before trial and their affairs at home were going to ruin, as their children were all under fourteen years of age. Moody's plea for a pardon was reinforced by a petition signed by thirty-one inhabitants of the vicinity, who believed the killing was not premeditated. Even Chief Justice Robinson, before whom the trial was held, had not passed sentence because he believed the indictment was insufficient to support a conviction for murder. James Moody was either pardoned or sentenced for manslaughter, for he was later living in Essex County. The Parkers moved to Malahide Township in Elgin County a few years after the trial.10 "Sandwich Canadian Emigrant, Dec. 1, 1831, Aug. 17, 1833. Public Archives of Canada, John Askin Papers, Vol. 32. Petitions of Moody and the Parkers, Sept. 21, Aug. 8, 1833, in Upper Canada Sundries.

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Soon after the death of Samuel Craford his brother Thomas attempted to defraud the widow and her infant son of their rightful inheritance. This eventually led him into a long-drawn-out conflict with the Pattersons, who claimed under a prior grant, and an almost successful deception of the Executive Council. In 1817 John Craford had received a patent for the southerly half of lot no. 100 fronting on Lake Erie, containing 100 acres. Four years later he sold the farm to his eldest son Samuel for £300, but continued to live there with the rest of his numerous family. In 1826 Samuel married Sophronia Smith of Southwold in the London District and brought her to his farm, where they resided until the death of Samuel in 1832. Sophronia then moved to her father's home in Southwold with her three small daughters and a son, Samuel Philander Craford, who was born shortly after Samuel's death. A little later Thomas Craford persuaded Sophronia to lend him the deed of the old Craford farm. Thereupon he and the rest of the Crafords continued to occupy the farm, pretending that it still belonged to John Craford. But about this time it became known that there was a prior crown patent covering nearly all the land described in the patent to Craford. The original patent had been issued to William Hands of Sandwich in 1804. Although no survey was then made in Howard, Hands received a block of 1,200 acres extending from the lake northward along the townline road between Howard and Harwich, described as lots 1 and 2 in the First, Second, and Third Concessions from Lake Erie. These lots were assigned metes and bounds in conformity with the surveys on the Thames, where the lots are 29 chains 80 links in breadth. But when Burwell surveyed the Township of Howard in 1816, he allowed the lots on Lake Erie only 20 chains each, thus producing an extra lot, no. 100, which was actually comprised in the Hands grant, with the exception of a strip 40 links wide. Craford received the patent for this lot in 1817, without the Council or anyone else realizing that most of it had already been granted to Hands. Sophronia Craford petitioned the lieutenant-governor and Council in 1835, stating that she had learned of the grant to Hands, and realized that it would be useless for her to resist his claim. She therefore prayed permission to surrender her farm, in return for a grant of an equally good situation in the Western or London districts. She

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told how Thomas Craford had obtained the deed from her, and to establish her claim and that of her son Philander she sent along all necessary documents, including a certified copy of the record of the transfer from the Kent Registry Office. The Council recommended that her request be acted upon, and an order to that effect was issued. In the meantime John and Thomas Craford and their families continued to occupy the farm in Howard, and apparently no one in that region knew that it did not belong to them. They learned of the prior grant to Hands, but hoped to retain the property on the ground of many years occupancy and the special features of the case. The farm was now quite valuable, with good buildings and about sixty acres of cleared land. All went well until Leslie Patterson of Dunwich Township, who had purchased the Hands' block in 1832, decided to take action against the Crafords. Leslie's son Walter served a notice on John Craford, signed by John Prince, one of the three boundary commissioners, that the latter would meet at Walter Patterson's house in Howard on February 24, 1840, to survey the Patterson estate. Craford's attorney, Gideon Ackland of London, attended on behalf of his client, but made no appeal against the award of most of the Craford farm to Patterson, advising the Crafords that the Boundary Commissioners could not try title. Early in 1841, however, Patterson brought an action of ejectment against John Craford, obtained judgement by default, and in March of that year Deputy-Sheriff Mercer and five men turned the Crafords out while Walter Patterson took possession for his father. John Craford now appealed to the governor and council, and without mentioning the action of ejectment and the writ of possession obtained by Patterson, stated that he and his "large and helpless family" had been ejected from the land merely on the judgement of the Boundary Commissioners. He had not appealed the judgement because his lawyer had advised him that the Commissioners could not try title. He asked compensation of £510 as the value of his land and improvements, an estimate made by three local residents. The Council, on the recommendation of the Land Committee, rejected the plea on the ground that Craford had recourse to an ap-

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peal at law and that he should have enquired as to title before applying for his patent. Thomas Craford, for his father, appealed against the order-incouncil in February 1843. He stated that no person had ever thought of questioning title on authority of the Crown ; and then sent affidavits from several of the oldest inhabitants that no survey of that part of Howard had ever been made previous to Burwell's survey. He had eight children and his aged and helpless parents to support. If he could not regain the land, he requested that it should be valued by the Crown agent, and other land given him to cover the valuation. For some reason this petition failed to reach the Council until July 1844. On September 6th of that year the Council wrote to Thomas Steers, representing the Crafords, requesting answers to a series of questions as to the procedure under which the Crafords were ejected. The reply was that John Craford knew of no action other than the award of the Boundary Commissioners, and that he had not defended on advice of his lawyer, who subsequently died before the eviction. This letter indicated to the Council that the eviction was illegal. The Land Committee reported on May 26, 1845: "This is a case of unusual hardship, and the Committee recommends that the Commissioner of Crown Lands be instructed to report on the value of the land and improvements, with a view of granting scrip for same; if that can be done under the authority of the Land Act." It was soon found, however, that this could not be done under the Act, and the Committee advised that Craford submit his claim, with their recommendation, to Parliament at the next session. Thomas Craford appealed against this decision, and in September the Committee went over the whole case again in great detail. No action at law appeared to have ever been instituted, consequently there was no judgement or execution; therefore Craford must have been illegally evicted and had a right of action at law to recover damages from the wrongdoers. But it appeared that Craford had been in possession for thirty years before he was put off; so Hands and those claiming under him must have been out of possession for the same period. Under a provincial statute of limitations of 1834, the latter would then be precluded from bringing an action to recover

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unless it came within one of the exceptions to the Act. The Committee advised that these facts of title and possession should be made clear before indemnity could be granted; Craford might bring an action against the parties by whose authority he was turned out, or an action of ejectment to recover possession. Under an order-in-council to this effect a trial took place in 1846 at the assizes for the Western District. A jury found against Craford, on the ground that the statute of limitations did not hold good against the owners, because they had lived part of the time outside the province; and that Craford could not recover damages for loss of his improvements because they were not made in consequence of an erroneous survey. The jury, of course, was acquainted with the fact that Craford had been evicted after judgement in default in an action of ejectment. The Council had also learned of it the previous November through a letter from John Prince ; and the Land Committee now decided that Craford could make another application stating the true facts, but they did not think it would do any good. A few days after the Committee's report, the truth of the Crafords' trickery was revealed in a letter from Leslie Patterson. He had discovered that the Government in 1835 had issued an order for lands to be assigned elsewhere, in lieu of lot 100, for Sophronia Craford and her son Philander, and that the other Crafords had no right to any of the improvements or the land which they claimed. This ended the matter, as far as the Government was concerned, until 1857 when Sophronia Benedict, widow of Charles Benedict and former widow of Samuel Craford, made affidavit that Samuel Philander Craford of the Township of Raleigh was her son and the son and heir-at-law of Samuel Craford; and that no appropriation of land had taken place on the order-in-council of November 5, 1835. The Land Committee then recommended, on February 1, 1858, that the patent to John Craford for lot 100 should be cancelled, and that compensation be made to Samuel Philander Craford according to the report of the Commissioner of Crown Lands. This was approved in Council the following day.11 A murder occurred in 1834, when an Irish peddler named Patrick Coyne, much esteemed about Chatham for his simplicity and honesty, "Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Land Petitions, B 8, Part 2 (1856-58), no. 92.

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was killed by a vagabond named Robert Bird. The latter had appeared in Chatham some time before, under the name of Isaac Bell, wearing the tattered remains of a United States army uniform. With him were several other deserters, including Pierre Goslin and one Rogan, who were later convicted of robbery. The gang remained in the village without visible means of support, frequenting the taverns. Bird was considered a worthless vagabond, destitute of money or possessions of any kind. He happened to be in Michael Smith's grocery store and grog shop when Coyne arrived from London with a new supply of goods amounting to $200. Bird offered to accompany Coyne to Baldoon and assist in carrying his pack. Despite Smith's warning Coyne accepted the proposal, and the two set out for Baldoon on December 7. Coyne was not seen again, either in Baldoon or Chatham, and suspicion fell on Bird when he came back a few days later with plenty of money. Patrick Tobin, another peddler, reported that he had seen Bird in a tavern selling goods which had belonged to Coyne. Bird was not arrested, as there was no proof that Coyne had been robbed or killed, but a short time later he was put in jail for contempt while under examination in Windsor. While in jail he confessed to one of his old companions, Pierre Goslin, that he had killed Coyne on the Baldoon Road. Goslin informed the authorities, and Coyne's body was found near Little Bear Creek. Bird confessed that he had murdered Coyne soon after leaving a shanty where they had stayed overnight. He had not intended to kill him so soon, but decided to do so when Coyne said they were near some houses where he intended to stop. Bird was found guilty of murder, and was hanged at Sandwich in August, 1825. An hour afterwards his body was taken down and dissected by the medical men of Sandwich, and by Dr. Robertson of Chatham. The editor of the local newspaper reported: "Dr. George Jones distinguished himself by a scientific mode of dissection, and a most lucid and satisfactory explanation of the purposes of various parts of the system."12 As a result of this and other alarming crimes, the Chatham Vigilant Society for the Suppression of Felony was formed on January 24, 1835, at a meeting held at the inn of Claude Cartier. James Read was 12

1835.

Sandwich Canadian Emigrant, Jan. 3, Jan. 24, Jan. 31, Aug. 8, Aug. 15,

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elected president, Daniel Forsyth treasurer, Thomas McCrae secretary, and six others as managers. Members were to pay one dollar a year for mutual protection against felony, and were to give information to the president or one of the managers when they knew of any crime. Associate members were to be appointed throughout the county, and certain members appointed expresses to be ready to pursue criminals, receiving in return only their travelling expenses. This service could be used by non-members, but they must pay a reward. It was also provided that the society itself might offer a system of rewards.13 The notorious Baldoon Mystery of this time illustrates the prevalent belief in witches. The events centred about the families of John T. McDonald and his father Daniel, who had moved from Baldoon to the Shawnee Township soon after 1820. They had built large frame houses on the banks of the Ghenail Ecarté, almost due west of the Forks (Wallaceburg) and about two miles from the River St. Glair. One day in the fall of 1829 the young women of the two families were preparing some straw for the weaving of hats in John McDonald's log barn. Suddenly the poles which were laid overhead to form a loft for the flax began to fall in their midst, without apparent cause. The girls fled to the house in alarm, and were further terrified by lead bullets which crashed through the windows and fell at their feet. This was the beginning of ghostly doings which for a time were annoying and frightening, but not dangerous. Bullets continued to come through the windows, breaking every pane of glass. Then came stones, which when tossed into the river returned mysteriously, dripping with water. During the night John McDonald and his wife would be awakened by the slow steady tramp of marching men in the kitchen. Visitors came from far and near, and the stories of supernatural manifestations grew. These visitors told of seeing the baby's cradle rocking violently, chairs and tables falling over, the tongs and shovel on the hearth banging, dishes of water rising from the table and circling through the air, the kettle jumping up, and pieces of soap and other objects flying about the room. Once when Mrs. McDonald gave ls

lbid., Mar. 28, 1835. See ibid., Mar. 7, Sept. 12, 1835 for cases of counterfeiting and horse-stealing.

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the dog the mush-pot to lick, as was her custom, the ladle began to strike the dog, which fled howling to Michigan. The gun of a visitor from New York exploded in the house without the trigger having been touched. Patrick Tobin, the peddler from Chatham, found that his money was missing when he stayed overnight with the McDonalds, but during breakfast it fell piece by piece into his plate. It was not long until more dangerous manifestations began, as though someone was determined to drive the McDonalds from their home. Fires began to break out everywhere in the house, set by balls of fire which floated through the air, or by burning bundles of flax, cotton and clothing in the cupboards. Many were extinguished, but one day so many fires broke out that they spread beyond control, and the house was burned. The family was taken in by neighbours, but their troubles followed them from house to house. Finally they came to live with Daniel McDonald. Here the tricks commenced again. A little black dog would appear and disappear in strange places; and then all the stock on the farm sickened and died. The Detroit Gazette printed an account of these strange doings in its issue of November 19, 1829. According to this, the events had started a few days before, and had been repeated for several nights at the homes of several farmers. Most occurred at one house in particular, which was set on fire in many places and eventually burned to the ground. In a neighbour's house, where the McDonalds were taken in, they were assailed by dreadful noises, "the candles burnt blue, there were strange appearances in the embers, and everyone distinctly perceived a slight smell of burning brimstone." The people of the settlement could bear the annoyance no longer, and they sent deputations in various directions to obtain the services of some preacher, who might exorcise the evil spirits. The rumours of these doings reached the provincial capital, York, according to tradition, and officers of the law came to investigate. They removed the two McDonald families to the banks of Running Creek, but the plague followed them, and also continued at Daniel McDonald's home, where the barn burned down. The officers left, baffled, and the McDonalds moved back to the house for the winter. Here they were visited by Robert Barker, a schoolteacher from Bay County in Michigan, who attempted to ban the evil spirits by putting

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up a large placard, on which was written, in the name of the Trinity, a command to leave. But the authorities disapproved of this and lodged him in jail in Sandwich. Next, a Roman Catholic priest was found who stayed at the house for a week, in an unsuccessful attempt to dislodge the demons by prayers and ceremonies. He was followed by an Indian medicine-man, who declared that the trouble was due to a horrible potion, including fifty human tongues, which was buried in a kettle under a certain tree. A large crowd gathered on the appointed day to see him dig up the kettle, but the Indian did not appear, and nothing was found under the tree. One day a Methodist minister named McDorman told the McDonalds of a doctor named Troyer who lived near Long Point on Lake Erie, whose daughter possessed the gift of second sight, and the mystical power of stone-reading. McDorman and John McDonald travelled to Long Point and induced the daughter to look into the stone. She saw a "long, low, log-house" in which lived an old woman and her sons, who wished to drive the McDonalds away. The old woman had transformed herself into a grey goose, which could not be harmed except with a silver bullet. McDonald immediately recognized her as one who dwelt on the edge of a swamp near him, and who wished to have a piece of land which he had bought. He also remembered a strange goose which had appeared in his flock about the time the disturbances had begun. He hurried home and moulded a bullet of sterling silver. Collecting a party of friends he led them to the banks of the Chenail Ecarté, where he found the grey goose with his flock. His silver bullet struck the bird, which uttered a weird cry and struggled through the reeds with a broken wing. McDonald hurried to the log house beside the marsh, where he discovered the old woman in her chair staring at him with bitter hatred in her eyes, and attempting to hide her broken arm. After this the persecution of the McDonalds ceased, and they again became happy and prosperous.14 Such was the mixture of fact and fiction which was told and believed by the inhabitants. Most of the stories have some basis in fact, and some of the the details can be checked, such as the repu14 Neil T. McDonald, The Belledoon Mysteries (Wallaceburg, circa 1880). W. R. Riddell, Old Province Tales, Upper Canada (Toronto, 1920).

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tation of the Troyer family of Long Point for supernatural powers. It seems evident that the old woman, or someone else, wished to frighten the McDonalds away, probably to get their land. Some have attributed the fires and certain tricks to soldiers who were in the neighbourhood at the time. The fertile imaginations of the people expanded whatever happened, into the weird and phostly doings which have come to be known as the Baldoon Mystery. The story of Robert Barker, the schoolteacher who tried to exorcise the spirits, is also a true one; he was actually tried, found guilty, and sentenced to punishment for pretending to practise witchcraft. His petition to the lieutenant-governor for a pardon dated May 6, 1830, is in part as follows: In the fall of last year divers unaccountable things happened at the houses of several of the people who lived in the neighbourhood of your petitioner,—which from being unable to account for, they attributed to witchcraft and applied to several persons among others to the clergymen at Sandwich, Amherstburg and Detroit, and also to your petitioner to lay the evil spirits, that they supposed were committing these outrages; that on being applied to, your petitioner told them he would assist them, and at the time, told them the means he meant to use . . . Your petitioner from the impossibility of accounting for or discovering what occasioned them, believed that other agency than that of man must have been at work. Under these impressions your petitioner acted, at the time informing them that if it would do no good it would do no harm. The magistrates before whom Barker was tried, convinced of the inj'ustice of the jury's verdict, recommended him to the lieutenantgovernor for clemency. The latter pardoned the prisoner and he was ordered released.

The records of the trial show that Barker's method of exorcising the spirits was to nail letters, in which he had written certain "receipts" which he had seen in a Dutch magazine, above the doors of the afflicted houses, along with a horse-shoe. One witness stated that all the witchcraft had commenced the 28th of October, 1829, and ended the 16th of February 1830. Barker's actions were somewhat compromising, but he had never asked for or received money. Although he was trying to stop the witchcraft, the jury found him guilty of pretending to practise it himself. His trial took place at the

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General Quarter Sessions of the Peace in Sandwich on April 14, 1830. In conformity with the statute of dealing with this offence he had been sentenced to one year's imprisonment, to stand in the pillory on the last day of each quarter at 12 o'clock of the day, and to give sureties for his good behaviour for one month.15 "Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Sundries, Elliott to Mudge, transmitting Barker's petition, and records of the trial, May 8, 1830.

15 CHURCHES AND PREACHERS

"ir ^»

XCEPT FOR THE MORAVIAN CHAPEL at Fairfield d there were no churches on the lower Thames until 1802, when a Roman Catholic chapel was built in Tilbury East to serve the French people of that area. It was named St. Peter's, and once a month a priest came from Sandwich to officiate. This chapel was replaced in 1823 by a white frame church, during the pastorate of the Rev. Father Crevier, who had come to the Thames four years before. In 1835 the Rev. Father Morin arrived from Nova Scotia to take charge. The parish was then so extensive that he had to hold missions in private houses in Raleigh and Dover, and in Chatham at the home of Elias Dauphin.1 The first Anglican church in the county was St. Paul's, Chatham, built in 1819 and opened the following year by the Rev. Richard Pollard of Sandwich. Pollard had visited the Thames settlements frequently since his ordination in 1802, preaching, baptizing children, performing marriages, and distributing Bibles and religious tracts. In 1807 he wrote to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel expressing his desire to build a church in the district, where 500 Anglicans were without a minister, church, or school. Ten years later the Society sent a gift of $50 to be used in the erection of a church, and subscriptions were received from the people in flour, wheat, and corn. Pollard himself subscribed £25 in cash, and William McCrae gave $60 worth of grain. The "sort of church," as Howison described it just after it was completed in 1819, was a small wooden structure with a simple spire, on Gaol Street, in the extreme north-eastern section of the town plot. Lots 1 to 4, inclusive, had been granted by the Government as being a more convenient location for the Anglican settlers on the Thames than the old church reserve. *Kentiana (Kent Hist. Soc., 1939), 76-7. 187

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Pollard preached in this church three times in the winter of 1821, one of his congregations numbering 200 persons. He continued to come as often as he could, preaching and distributing copies of Marsh's sermons. He informed his superior that he had obtained the promise of the Rev. Mr. Wenham of Port Talbot to officiate occasionally; but unless a resident minister took charge he feared the Anglican faith would suffer from the activities of the Methodist preachers. In 1827 the Rev. Thomas Morley, a large, active man, came to Chatham as the first resident clergyman of St. Paul's. A year later Archdeacon John Strachan preached in the church during his visitation of the district. "A decent country congregation," including several coloured people, came to hear him. They arrived from a large area which had seemed to him almost uninhabited, through "paths almost undiscernible." The church was picturesquely situated in a thin grove of trees, to whose branches the horses were tied during the services. Morley continued to officiate at St. Paul's until his death in January 1835, while on a visit to Amherstburg. He had advertised the previous year for a clerk to assist him and to take charge of a singing school. The next minister was the Rev. Thomas Brock Fuller of Kingston, who served from 1836 until 1840. St. Paul's was then in the diocese of the Bishop of Montreal; the latter came to Chatham in September 1838 to confirm candidates and to consecrate the church, having first visited Zone Mills on Big Bear Creek.2 In April 1836 a number of the inhabitants of the new village of Chatham addressed a petition to the Government concerning the old church reserve between Second and Third streets, and the broken front of it. They represented them as "highly detrimental to [the town's] prosperity, as they completely divided that part of it in which all the shipping and mercantile business is transacted." They asked that the reserve be removed to some part of the vacant land in the 2 A. H. Young, "Revd. Richard Pollard, 1752-1824," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XXV (1929), 459, 464, 469, 473-4, 476-7. Rev. Canon Howard, "Notes on the History of the Church of England in Chatham, Ont.," Kent Historical Society, Papers and Addresses, III (1917), 9. Ontario Archives, Strachan's Journal of a Tour. Howison, Sketches, 197. Sandwich Canadian Emigrant, July 5, 1834, Jan. 3, 1835.

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rear of the surveyed part of the town plot. The Council agreed; and John A. Wilkinson was soon instructed to subdivide the reserve for sale with the broken front lots between it and the river, and to select an equal amount of land for the church elsewhere.3 The Rev. Thomas Fuller and the church wardens of St. Paul's, on behalf of the congregation, thereupon petitioned that the old reserve be granted to them, together with what remained unsold of the broken front block in front. If deprived of this property they would suffer heavy loss, as it had greatly increased in value from the growth of the town; in addition, nearly one-third of the land on which their church stood was frequently flooded with water and was useful only as pasture.4 When this petition was denied, the Rev. Mr. Fuller protested that the same quantity of land in another part of town would be far from equivalent, as the old reserve was most valuable for business purposes. He thought a fair equivalent would be 30 or 35 acres from the government reserve in the eastern part of the town plot, bounded on the west by Adelaide Street; or 12 to 16 acres of the Military Reserve which it was expected would soon be at the disposal of the Government. The Council rejected this on the ground that the increased value of the old reserve, caused by the growth of the town, could not be taken into account. They recommended that not more than four or five acres be given in a new reserve.5 Fuller was again rebuffed in May 1838, when he sought to get an endowment for his church. He stated that he was on reduced allowance of £100 per annum, and that "in consequence of errors made in the return of lots sent in by the late missionary [the rectory] has not yet been endowed." Only two small lots were attached to the parish, neither of which produced any income, "but there is a 'glebe' lot in the neighbourhood, which has always been looked upon as belonging to the parish, for which many applications have been made to him." This was lot no. 1 in the Second Concession of the Township of Harwich immediately adjoining the town, and "has during the 3 Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Land Petitions, C 19, Part 3 (1835-36), no. 138. *Ibid., C 20, Part 2 (1824-37), no. 94. ''Ibid., C 20, Part 3 (1831-37), nos. 164, 164b.

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last two years been greatly injured by persons culling the best wood over the whole lot, and sending the greater part of it to the Detroit market." Sir John Colborne had used part of the clergy reserves to endow forty-four Anglican rectories in 1836, but this had caused such an outcry from the other Protestant churches that the matter was referred to the Home Government. It was upheld by the law officers of the Crown in January 1838, but the lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada was given to understand that no more rectories were to be endowed. The Council therefore refused Fuller's petition, but this lot was put in his charge temporarily, for protection.6 Five years later Thomas Steers examined it on instructions from the Commissioner of Crown Lands. He found one Charles Johnson living in a small hovel near the north-west corner, with about three acres cleared. Near the south-east corner was a shanty occupied by a coloured man named James Kennedy, who had about the same clearance; this property he had recently bought from a private in one of the incorporated battalions. Steers estimated that these men had plundered the lot of timber worth up to ten times the value of their improvements. The commissioner of crown lands recommended to the Council that this lot be divided into park lots of ten acres each, and offered for sale. He stated that there had already been many applications made for purchase; the inhabitants of Chatham had also petitioned for a portion of it to be set apart for a general burying ground. The Council acted upon his recommendation in August 1845; and the survey into park lots was completed in November. These were put up for sale at valuations ranging from £20 to £60; with the exception of park lot 18 which was reserved for the cemetery.7 In his original petition to secure the old reserve, Fuller noted that the lieutenant-governor had already granted from the crown lands nearly in the centre of the town plot south of Wellington Street, about 25 acres to the Kirk of Scotland, 15 acres to the Church of «Ibid., F 21, (1837-39), no. 43. Paterson, Land Settlement, 215. 'Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Land Petitions, C 3, Part 2 (1844-45), nos. 77,88.

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Rome, and 5 acres to the Wesleyan Methodists. The grant to the Church of Rome had been made in 1833 on petition by the Rev. Angus MacDonell of Sandwich. A warrant for the land requested was issued "Free" on February 13, 1834. The Presbyterians of the Kirk of Scotland requested 25 acres, but the order-in-council of July 7, 1836, was for a grant of ten acres only.8 Baptist and Presbyterian ministers do not appear to have come to the Thames until about 1830. Isaac Elliott and Thomas Shippey of Chatham Township were ordained Baptist ministers in 1831, and by 1840 this sect had a large number of adherents in the county. The early Baptist preachers used the farmer-preacher plan, by which on Sundays they preached to the people and on other days lived and worked among them as farmers. This system was well suited to pioneer conditions and was very successful. When the Presbyterian minister Carruthers preached to a large congregation of people in a schoolhouse in Chatham on July 7, 1833, he was told that it was the first Presbyterian service that the Scottish settlers in that quarter had enjoyed. Two days later he preached again in a schoolhouse on the north side of the river, and stayed at the home of John Fisher. He also called on the Messrs. Ironsides, "gentlemen of sound Evangelical principles," who lived about four miles below Chatham.9 In 1834 the Rev. William Proudfoot of the United Secession Church of Scotland visited Chatham. He was disappointed to find that there were no Presbyterians in the town. Mrs. Freeman, the innkeeper's wife, and another person called themselves Presbyterians, but they were "of the Yankee sort, that is, Methodist or American in doctrine and Presbyterian in government, or rather in name." These were not the kind of folk, Proudfoot wrote, who would "see matters as we do." He was not tolerant of other beliefs. In Tilbury East he stayed for the night at the house of a man whom he described as a "Methodist, an ignorant one, but as obstinate as he is ignorant." He preached at Thomas Smith's on the Middle Road, where he obtained the signatures of twenty-seven people on a petition to the Presbytery for a supply of sermons. Several of the Highland s

lbid., C 20, Part 1 (1819-37), no. 20; Part 3 (1831-37), no. 217a. Carruthers, Retrospect, 132-3, 138.

9

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Scots who were present belonged to the Kirk of Scotland and refused to sign. That night Proudfoot wrote in his diary: "Ignorant Highlanders are a hindrance to improvement." Three years later, while on his way to Chatham, Proudfoot travelled for a time with a Methodist minister named Fraser, who "could talk more than think." He called on Neil McQuarie, who lived on McGregor's Creek near Chatham, and found that he was an Antiburgher, "though not as stiff as those of the name in the English settlement." At Chatham Proudfoot preached twice on Sunday, using the schoolhouse and the Anglican church. The next day he met with a few people in Mr. Stobo's house, where they signed a petition to the Presbytery for their supply of sermons. "The prospect seems fair enough," he wrote, "and had we a minister to send to Chatham right away, I have no doubt a good congregation could be formed, though not such as the folks suppose. The dependence is, I think, too much upon numbers, and these numbers are principally Kirkers."10 It was not, however, until January 1840 that the Secession Presbyterians took steps to secure a site for a church, manse, and buryingground. In their petition to buy a portion of the crown reserves on Wellington Street, they described themselves as "a Christian Church under the inspection of the missionary Presbytery of the Canadas, which is in connexion with the United Synod of the Secession Church in Scotland, amounting in the Town and vicinity of Chatham, Western District, to about two hundred." The Council recommended a sale to them without expression of any trust, "to avoid all difficulty which may arise from a recognition of a sect of Christians as legal by the Government."11 The Methodist circuit riders continued to be the most active and influential preachers on the Thames, which became a separate circuit after the War of 1812. The Talbot Road in Kent County, on the other hand, remained a part of the Amherstburg circuit until 1836, when the Howard circuit was organized with James Ward in 10

Proudfoot, Diary, XXVII, 496, XXIX, 152-4, XXXI, 93-4. "Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Land Petitions, C 22, Part 2 (1837-1840), no. 88.

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charge. He was followed in 1837 by John K. Williston, and during the next two years by Stephen Miles. An American named Joseph Hickcox was the missionary on the Thames from 1815 to 1817, and again in 1819, when, as the result of a revival since the war, his charge had 160 members, including four coloured people. His assistant in 1819 was David Spore, who was very popular, but was later dismissed when it was found that he had a wife in the United States and was about to marry another. Elijah Warren and William Jones travelled the circuit in 1818. The former was talented but eccentric; he gave up preaching after his marriage and settled down on his wife's farm. Jones was small and boyish, with child-like manners, ¡and was familiarly called "Little Willy Jones." Affectionate and emotional, he would "get happy, sing and shout," in the Methodist fashion of that day. Ezra Adams followed Hickcox in 1820, but his health gave way under the strain of the work and an attack of malaria, and Thomas Demorest supplied for him in 1821. The next year William Slater and John Parker preached on the Thames.12 In 1823 the American-born James Jackson headed the circuit, assisted by a popular ex-teacher named William Griffis. An impressive and talented speaker, Jackson liked to preach on unusual texts, such as: "There are three-score queens, and four-score concubines, and virgins without number." The next year Joseph Messmore of the Thames succeeded Griffis as assistant preacher. He was a rather ascetic man of German ancestry and Mennonite upbringing. Described as one of the "soundest and most fruitful preachers," Messmore afterwards rose high in the Methodist Church. Jackson left the Thames in 1825, and four years later was expelled from the Conference on charges of making false statements, and for misapplication of funds. The opposition to him seems to have arisen chiefly because he was opposed to the American bishops, who he thought had undue control over the brethren in Canada. With Henry Ryan and others he then began to organize a rival Methodist Church known as the Canadian Wesleyan or Jacksonite Church. It grew i^CarroU, Case, II, 3, 9, 39, 90, 140, 152, 218, 296, 380. J. E. Sanderson, The First Century of Methodism in Canada (Toronto, 1908), I, 380, 397, 410, 433.

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rapidly, the Amherstburg circuit alone losing sixty-five members to it. Shirreff saw a large camp-meeting of this sect on the lake shore in Tilbury East in 1833. Two years later the Jacksonites had nearly 2,500 members, but they then began to decline, and eventually united with the Methodist New Connexion Church of England. In the meantime the Canadian Conference had united with the British Wesleyan Church, and was known as the Wesleyan Methodist, but there still remained a continuing body of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Canada. In addition, representatives of various secession groups, such as the Primitive Methodists, began to arrive from England to propagate their faiths and to add to the confusion of sects.13 The camp-meeting was a characteristic Methodist institution. After the harvest people would travel on horseback, on foot, or in waggons, from miles around to camp out for a week of religious instruction and social intercourse. The underbrush would be cleared away in a selected grove, seats and a stand for the preachers prepared of boards, and tents or other temporary shelters erected, some for single families and others for as many as fifty or one hundred people. Then began a daily succession of sermons, prayer-meetings, and hymn singing. At night the scene was illuminated with pine torches, and the excitement sometimes became so great that many would fall to the earth as though dead. Often crowds would be affected by contortions known as the "jerks," a nervous infection which spread widely over the country. Ezra Adams reported on a campmeeting held at Howard in June, 1831 : "Such a time of power and refreshing I never before witnessed."14 Jackson's successor on the Thames circuit was an Irishman named George Ferguson, who had come to Canada with the British army and fought in the War of 1812. His colleague was a former carpenter from Nova Scotia named Daniel McMullen. In 1826 the Thames circuit was in charge of Edmund Stoney, an Irish local preacher. "Carroll, op. cit., II, 98, 391, 417, 453, III, 12, 254. Shirreff, Tour, 196. Webster, Methodist Episcopal Church, 237. See also Fred Landon, Western Ontario and the American Frontier (Toronto, 1941), ch. VI. The union of the British Wesleyan and the Wesleyan Methodist churches was dissolved in 1840 but was restored seven years later. 14 Stevens, Life and Times of Nathan Bangs, 148-50. Bangs, Methodist Episcopal Church, II, 265-6. Sanderson, op. cit., I, 265.

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Ferguson returned the next year, and was then succeeded by a former Irish school-teacher from Yonge Street named John Huston.15 In 1829 Richard Phelps followed. He also was a former school-teacher, and had been born in New York State. Each fortnight he had to travel 180 miles to keep his sixteen appointments on the circuit. In 1852 Phelps took charge of the Morpeth circuit when it was separated from Chatham, and he later lived in Ridgetown. Solomon Snider was preaching on the Thames in 1834, either as an assistant or local preacher. He had been born there, of German parentage, and was well educated in both English and German. Charles Goodrich was assistant to William Griffis in 1836, but he "turned out ill, and left a sad warning of the effects of bad moral habits in early life, whatever apparent religious change may have taken place afterwards."16 Thomas Harmon was a local preacher who sometimes appeared on the Thames. He had been born in Connecticut, but, coming to Canada while young, had fought and preached with the Canadian militia during the War of 1812. Some years later he lost a leg after a fall from his horse. He was passionate and emotional, but was a powerful and intelligent speaker who awed his hearers by the vehemence of his style. It was his custom to end his impassioned exhortations by throwing himself half-way across the pulpit, reaching out his hands as though clutching a falling person, and exclaiming: "Oh, ye hell-bound souls!" While supplying on the London circuit in 1830 he visited Baldoon, and reported "powerful displays of divine grace."17 The Moravian mission at New Fairfield continued to care for the needs of the Indian converts, but it was no longer important as a religious force outside the reservation. Latrobe visited the mission in 1833 and described it rather fully. He found Luckenbach, the missionary, to be a cheerful, benevolent man of about sixty years of age who spoke the Indian language fluently. His colleague Vogler was much younger, and "very lively, useful, and intelligent," but with only a slight knowledge of the language. ^Carroll, op. cit., I, 304-8, II, 18, 459, III, 18-9, 58, 129. ™Ibid., Ill, 81, 266, 291, V, 132, and III-V, passim. 17 Ibid., I-V, passim.

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At night fall [Latrobe wrote], the bell gave notice of the evening service, and the interior of the chapel was quickly filled . . . A simple and appropriate hymn in the Delaware language was then sung by all, to one of those noble and solemn chorales with which the Church of the Brethren is so richly furnished, and with a facility and truth by the women in particular . . . After this, the dark eyes and countenances of the Indians were turned upon the younger missionary, who after reading a text of Scripture, proceeded to offer a few simple, clear, and unaffected remarks upon it in the English language. There stood by his side an aged Delaware Indian [who] had long served the Brethren as interpreter: and in that character, as his teacher paused, sentence after sentence, he now communicated to his red brethren 'the sweet words of life', in their native language. The Missionary discoursed upon 'Peace and holiness, without which no man could see the Lord', and the only means of attaining them; - and during the brief continuation of his simple teaching, hardly a movement was observable in the persons or features of his auditory. The service, short and unaffected, as best suited the cause and the congregation, terminated as it began, with a hymn: at the conclusion of which all retired to their homes.

In talking to Latrobe the missionaries lamented the fact that many of the Indians, especially the young ones, had a tendency to be led astray by bad example. Certain Indian superstitions could not be eradicated, even among the adults. At times these manifested themselves in a dread of witchcraft and the evil eye, or in howling over graves of relatives, and leaving meat for the use of the dead. Latrobe noted that the Indians wore a mixture of Indian and European costumes, and only one old man named Old Boar wore the scalp-lock.18 Mrs. Jameson stopped at New Fairfield in 1837. She thought that Luckenbach was "very simple, and very ignorant on every subject but that of his mission," although he was conscientious and pious. He admitted to her that the government purchase of part of the reservation was justified, because it was surrounded by white settlements and suffered from illegal encroachments, while the Indians suffered from the bad examples set by their neighbours. He believed 18

Latrobe, Rambler, 152-6.

BARRACKS AT CHATHAM, 1837 Painting by Lt. P. Bainbrigge. Public Archives of Canada

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that they could never be civilized or Christianized to any great extent. Many were half-caste, and every year their number decreased. They were miserably poor, not only because of their own depravity and indolence, but on account of the scarcity of game. Luckenbach thought that the only hope was in removing them far from the influence of the whites. His assistant Vogler was preparing to emigrate beyond the Missouri with 150 families, and he himself expected to follow, for he thought the government would soon require the rest of their lands for white settlers.19 In the spring of 1838, following the exodus of the colony, the missionary Miksch and his wife, and Mrs. Vogler and her two children, departed for Kansas, and Luckenbach was left alone at New Fairfield. In the fall H. Bachman and his wife came to assist him, but they were compelled to leave again early in 1842 because of Bachman's ill health. Luckenbach found his labours again hard, but was able to superintend the building of a new and larger schoolhouse during that summer, and to teach some forty children in the fall. His health soon gave way under the strain, however, so that he was confined to his bed for several months. In 1843 the elderly missionary asked for his release, which was granted at once. It gave us not a little sorrow, [he wrote later] to separate ourselves entirely from the fellowship of the dear Indian congregation, after having served it for twenty-three years and passed through so many experiences with it, and far rather would we have closed the years of our life among them, if other conditions had not made it necessary to seek our little place of retirement in the church.20 Sir Richard Bonnycastle was favourably impressed with the view of New Fairfield when he passed by in 1845. At this time the mission was in charge of Jesse Vogler, who had returned from Kansas, assisted by John Regennas. Bonnycastle admired the beauty of the Thames, which ran in a deep ravine far below the village, and the ancient trees in a park-like setting. Within sight of the village lived the Moravian chief in "patriarchal simplicity," on his 200-acre farm. 19 20

Jameson, Winter Studies, II, 39-41, 62. Autobiography of Abraham Luckenbach, 408.

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Bonnycastle liked the appearance of the chapel and the school, and believed good results were obtained. The permanent residents then numbered about 250.21 For some years the Moravian faith had been losing ground at New Fairfield. James Thomson, agent of the British and Foreign Bible Society, came to the village in the spring of 1839 and held a meeting with the Indians, with the intention of forming a Bible Association. "God waved his wand over them and the thing took to admiration," he wrote.22 So many converts were made by the Methodist preachers that in September 1852 a Methodist church was opened on the reserve, under the charge of the Rev. Charles Silvester of the Wardsville mission. According to a memorandum made for the Indian Department about 1855, the majority of the Indians at New Fairfield were Methodist, and were "at complete variance with the resident Moravian missionary," who was still Jesse Vogler. Only about 350 acres of land were under good cultivation by the Indians, in addition to that of the missionaries. The Indians were no longer taught a trade, nor was there a school permanently open. "The band is as squalid and wretched as any that have come under the notice of the commissioners," the report stated, "and although occupying upwards of 25,000 acres in one of the finest parts of Western Canada, is reduced in dissipation and idleness to great misery." Much timber from the tract had either been improperly sold by Vogler and the chiefs, or plundered from the rear of the reserve. The commissioners believed that owing to the religious feuds in the tribe, any attempt to negotiate for a further cession of land through the resident missionary would fail, and would only arouse the suspicions of the Indians. They therefore suggested that the consent of the Imperial Government should be obtained for the sale of that part of the reserve not required by the Indians for cultivation, by direct negotiation between the Indian Department and the tribe. As a result of this report, an agreement with the Moravian Indians was negotiated on April 9, 1857, by the commissioners. The Indians agreed to surrender the remaining lands of the reserve on both sides 21 Richard Bonnycastle, Canada and the Canadians in 1846 (2 vols., London, 1846), II, 105, 126. 22 Waldo Smith, "An Agent of the Bible Society in Canada, 1838-1842," Canadian Journal of Religious Thought, IX (1932), 275-6.

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of the river, with the exception of a sufficient quantity to be divided in lots among the individual families, with a written document securing a lot to each. Those who had to be removed from their present farms were to have a house built for them by the government on their new lots, and were to receive compensation for the value of the improvements they surrendered. The proceeds from the sale of the tract were to be held in trust for the benefit of the Indians and their descendants forever, with the interest arising therefrom payable half-yearly to them. On May 15th another treaty was signed, similar to the first, but making provision for the lots of the Indians to be in a reserve two miles square, which would include their present village and church. This amounted to 3,010 acres, and was sufficient to give each family a small farm of 40 acres. More than 22,000 acres were turned over to the government for sale.23 When Lossing visited the Thames in 1860, he was informed that New Fairfield had about 50 families, each with a plank house and 40 acres of land. Their chief was Philip Jacobs, who lived on the site of the old town.24 Four years later the population numbered 255 persons, having increased by six over the previous year, and by five in the last decade. Vogler was still in charge of the dwindling number of Indians who adhered to the Moravian faith, but in January 1865 he met his death by drowning while crossing the ice from his farm on the north-east bank of the river. In 1870 Adolphus Hartman arrived to begin his long residence as Moravian missionary at New Fairfield. At last, however, on April 1, 1903, the Methodist Church in Canada took over the old mission, and the Moravian missionaries departed from the place where they and their predecessors had laboured devotedly for more than one hundred years. 23 Memo. on the Indian Reserve at New Fairfield. Carroll, op. cit., V, 132. Canada, Indian Treaties and Surrenders from 1860-1890 (Ottawa, 1905), I, 215-17. 24 Lossing, Pictorial Field Book, 561, note 2.

1-4 SOME A S P E C T S O F P I O N E E R L I F E

«R* — ^

OBERT GOURLAY was favourably impressed with the climate of Upper Canada, except during the hot, sultry days of mid-summer. In March when the sleighing was over and the land was too wet for ploughing, industrious farmers betook themselves to the maple bush. By collecting the sap and boiling it down they secured sufficient sugar for the coming year. April, when the buds began to swell, was pleasant but unequal to the alternate sunshine and showers of the sweet April of England. But then came May, when the leaves burst forth and clothed the forests in green, and the grass began to grow, preparing for the full verdure of June. Then the native Briton missed but one charm: "There is no music in the sky—no chorus in the grove. The birds are mute in comparison with the feathered songsters of England . . . Chirp, chirp, chirp; and but little of that." The "celestial" evenings of summer partly compensated for the heat of the day. While confined in the jail in Niagara, Gourlay would sit in the door-way after supper observing the course of nature, and "inhaling the very air of heaven, balmy and sweet, and invigorating." The succession of tints which came with the sunset, insensibly stealing off with the light of day, were much finer than could be seen through the heavier atmosphere of England. As darkness fell sheet-lightning flashed across the starry sky, and the nighthawk boomed through the air with "impetuous sweep," or uttered his plaintive cry from some stump, or fence, or fallen tree. Gourlay found the autumn equal if not superior to that of England, and this was certainly true of November and December. The Indian summer was generally delightful, when "the ruddy sun shines through a close and hazy atmosphere, delightfully warm."1 Even Howison liked the clear air of the winters, and thought that !Gourlay, Statistical Account, II, ii-iii, 401-2. 200

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in many respects the western part of Upper Canada in 1820 was a fine place to live in. The absence of an aristocracy or any large number of upper class people, gave the ordinary person a position of greater importance than in the Old Country. There is a freedom [he wrote], an independence, and a joyousness, connected with the country, which dazzle those who have visited it into a forgetfulness of its defects, and gild their most familiar reminiscences with an exhilarating brightness. There beggary, want, and woe, never meet the eye. No care-worn anxious countenances, or famished forms, are to be seen among its inhabitants. Poverty assumes a milder aspect than it does in Europe, and the inmates of the most miserable hovel are always able to satisfy the cravings of nature, and to defend themselves from the winds of heaven. New settlers had a hard life for several years, until they were established. Those fortunate enough to have the money could buy a 200-acre farm on the Talbot Road in Howard in 1820 for £250, with a log house and barn, and 30 acres cultivated. In the unsettled areas a British subject could obtain a free government grant of 50 acres, and larger amounts on the payment of certain fees. But he was required to build a log house of specific dimensions, clear 5 per cent of his land, and open a road in front of his lot, within eighteen months. Houses were usually built 18 feet by 16 feet, with a roughhewn plank floor, and roof covered with bark or shingles. A large stone fire-place with a basket-work chimney covered with clay served for heating and cooking. Pieces of wood and clay were inserted between the logs of the outside walls to make them wind and rain proof. If neighbours lived near at hand they would help to build the house and barn for nothing except their food and drink at the "bee." Settlers who did not have funds to buy the few implements, provisions, and stock with which to begin farming, hired out to others until they had earned them. Sometimes the women, too, hired out as household servants. Howison wrote that a new settler should have a pair of oxen, a cow, two pigs, a harrow, and an axe. His provisions should consist of barrels of flour and pork, which were the only foods which could be conveniently carried into the woods. These could be supplemented by milk and butter from the cow, and by the

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products of the forest. The pigs multiplied rapidly and needed little attention, as they lived and found their food in the woods. The new settler had to clear some land immediately, so that a crop could be raised the first year. Although some people planted grain around trees which had been killed by girdling, it was best to cut and burn them, saving some to be split into rails for fences. The stumps were permitted to remain in the ground until they rotted. The soil was harrowed two or three times and then sown with wheat or other grains. After the first two or three years the interior of the backwoods hut frequently displayed such comforts as great loaves of bread, dried venison and whole pigs hanging round the chimney, bags of corn, and wooden trenchers filled with milk. During the winter the new settlers cared for their livestock, cut and hauled firewood, hunted deer, and in bad weather worked on the inside of the house. Many of them lived in a coarse and dirty manner, although this was not necessary. Until fodder could be raised on land won from the forest, settlers far from the plains had to buy hay or turnips for their sheep, and pumpkins for their cattle, although the latter throve on the tender shoots of birch, maple, and other trees which were felled for them. Hens, ducks, geese, and turkeys were kept by most settlers. Howison stayed for the night, in the Talbot settlement in Howard, with newcomers who were very poor. His supper consisted of bread, pork, and tea with sugar; and his bed was made up on the floor. Pickering had much the same experience in 1826, when he stopped for the night in a house near Moraviantown. He slept on some straw before the fire with the rest of the family, with a blanket to cover him. For supper he had the common dish of "mush-andmilk," made from boiled cornmeal and cold milk. At other times the people had bread, or johnny-cake made from cornmeal, with butter and potatoes, and perhaps some meat. Another popular dish in season, as Shirreff found, was roasted green corn.2 In the summer of 1829 William Baby and another young man stopped in a clearing near the new settlement of Howard Ridge 2

Howison, Sketches, 216-19, 235, 242-56, 264. Pickering, Inquiries, 61. Shirreff, Tour, 196. Howison says a barrel of flour cost £l}/2, while a barrel of pork cost about £5.

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( Ridgetown ). This clearing had been made by a squatter whose wife appeared at the door of the log house to greet them. She was barefoot, clad in one very thin and scanty garment, and "her golden unkempt hair hung loosely over her bare shoulders." While her guests sat on blocks of wood against the wall opposite the fire-place, she began to prepare a supper of pork and buckwheat cakes. Filling a large wooden trough with buckwheat batter, she started to cut slices of salt pork to be fried. The batter was next emptied, by means of a mequen or large Indian wooden spoon, onto a huge iron griddle which was suspended by a chain from a wooden crane swung from the side of the chimney corner. Several hungry children and a dog and a cat entered, attracted by the preparations. The youngest boy, about a year old and naked except for a loin cloth, clung to his mother's skirt and was suddenly swung into the trough of batter. She unconcernedly took him by the nape of the neck and "swashed" the batter off him into the trough again. The visitors slept in a shed attached to the shanty, which had once been a chicken-house. It was without floor or windows, and had a bedstead constructed of poles and strips of basswood bark, without bedding. An itinerant tailor named Schneider sat on a wooden stool plying his needle, surrounded by mosquitoes. An empty flour-barrel served him as a table, and his lamp was a tin plate filled with melted grease, in which was a piece of rag for a wick. William Baby had a farm on the Thames in Chatham Township. His Dutch oven for making bread was merely an iron pot with a cover, large enough to make one loaf at a time. Most of the other farmers used clay ovens, sometimes mixing the clay by putting it in a hole with some water and peas and a couple of pigs. The door of Baby's house was opened by jerking a leather latchet, which was fastened to a wooden latch within. A tallow candle thrust into the neck of a black bottle on a shelf supplied him with light. For breakfast in the winter he had fried bacon and potatoes, the former from a flitch of his own curing which hung from a beam. The potatoes were kept in a pail in the chimney corner to keep them from freezing.8 Mrs. Jameson's supper in 1837 at the home of Mrs. Wheatley, the postmistress of Howard (Morpeth), consisted of eggs, radishes, "Baby, Souvenirs, 29-34, 72-6, 254-7.

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milk, and bread. She slept in a room which opened on the road, and her hostess showed her how to secure the door by putting a nail lengthwise over the latch. The next day on her way to Chatham she stopped at an inn on the road between Howard and Harwich. She talked with a haggard, fierce, and squalid-looking man, who told her he had a farm in the bush near by, of which he had cleared five or six acres in the last five years. When she remarked that she knew some who had cleared twice that amount in half the time, he retorted: "Then they had money, or friends, or hands to help them; I have neither. I have in this wide world only myself! and set a man with only a pair of hands at one of them big trees there! See what he'll make of it ! You may swing the axe here from morning to night for a week before you let daylight in upon you." Near the limits of the great forest in Harwich, not far from Chatham, Mrs. Jameson and her driver came to some new clearings, each of an acre or two. Great heaps of felled trees and brushwood were burning, and a pair of oxen were dragging enormous trunks to add to them. Each clearing had the beginning of a log house, and a patch of ground enclosed by a snake fence, in which was growing the first crop of wheat and perhaps a little corn. Here and there were a few cows, but no sheep. One of the clearings, she wrote, . . . looked more desolate than the rest; there was an unfinished loghouse, only one-half roofed in and habitable, and this presented some attempt at taste, having a small rustic porch or portico, and the windows on either side framed. No ground was fenced in, and the newly felled timber lay piled in heaps ready to burn; around lay the forest, its shadows darkening, deepening as the day declined.

A woman was pacing slowly up and down in front of the house. She was dressed in a silk dress and a handsome shawl, carrying an infant and keeping off the mosquitoes by waving a green bough.4 Even the second generation had no easy time. Lewis Arnold's sons were taught on rainy days to do many kinds of work in the blacksmith and carpenter shop on the farm. They learned how to make or repair a waggon wheel, and make a bull plough of wood faced with a plate of steel. When John Arnold was old enough he «Jameson, op. cit., II, 24-5, 28, 31-2.

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was given a farm lot, an old mare, and a cow. He raised his horses from the mare, and made his own waggon, plough, and harrow. His coat, pants, shirt, and straw hat were made by his wife and daughters. Leather was tanned on shares by one Peter Ralston, and John made his own shoes and horses' harness.5 The clothes of the early settlers were made from homespun woollens, linen, and leather. Baby found his kinsman Lacroix at Chatham in 1829 attired in a buckskin shirt, "blue cloth breeches faced in the seat and the knees with large patches of deerskin," and boots of unfinished leather. Itinerant tailors and shoemakers went through the country from house to house. From the earliest days, wealthier men had their clothes made by tailors such as Thomas McCrae, and their hats by hatters such as Samuel Choate. Felix Hands, a young gentleman of Sandwich, wore a fancy outfit in 1829 when he drove to the Thames with William Baby, in a dog-cart with tandem team. He was dressed in a "black silk velvet cap, with a gold band, a nicely fitting blue cloth jacket, slashed with braid, [and] tightly fitting black kersimere pantaloons strapped over a pair of patent leather shoes." A man found drowned in the Detroit River in 1833 was dressed in the following: "A blue dress coat with gilt buttons, a pair of grey striped satinette pantaloons, with a pair of worsted mitts in the pantaloon pockets, a bottle of liquor in the coat pocket, a pair of strong coarse boots (nearly new), a cotton shirt, and a bombazine stock."6 Some of the older homes on the Thames had a degree of refinement unusual in the backwoods, as Howison found in 1820 when he stopped at a house at Arnold's Mills. The interior had an uncommon neatness, and as he sat by the fire he began to look over a number of books on the table. These included Mackenzie's novels, Thomson's Seasons, Cowper's Poems, the Persian Tales, and even a Love Dictionary.7 Mrs. Jameson also found refinement and comparative luxury when her steamboat stopped half-way down the Thames, to take on wood as fuel for the engine. Opposite the landing place was a large, well-kept farmhouse, at the window of which sat a well-dressed woman engaged in needlework. She invited Mrs. Jameson into the 5

Baby, op. cit., 257-8. °Ibid., 29. Sandwich Western Herald, June 26, 1838. r Howison, Sketches, 216-7.

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house, where everything in and around "spoke riches and substantial plenty." The lady was French-Canadian, and said that she had been born, educated, and married in this house. She spoke English well, but with a foreign accent, and her manners were frank and courteous. She picked a bouquet for her visitor, from a garden which abounded in roses, and where humming-birds darted about. Two Indian boys were shooting arrows at a mark on the trunk of an enormous tree which stood by the river in front of the house. "They wore cotton shirts, with a crimson belt round the waist ornamented with beads, such as is commonly worn by the Canadian Indians; one had a gay handkerchief knotted round his head, from beneath which his long black hair hung in matted elf locks on his shoulders." Their appearance contrasted favourably with that of several dirty, ragged Canadian boys, who stared at the passengers on the boat with their hands in their pockets, or begged for pennies. A dead deer lay on the grass, while the steward bargained with a squaw for some venison, and the Indian hunter stood silently, leaning on his rifle. In the extensive orchard at the back of the house were two Indian wigwams. The lady of the house said that families of Chippewa hunters came down every year from Lake Huron, and encamped in her orchard and those of her neighbours. They were perfectly inoffensive and honest, but became very drunk whenever they could obtain whiskey. This house was an exception, and Mrs. Jameson found that most of the French homes looked half-dilapidated and old-fashioned. Neglect and slovenliness abounded, except at the priest's dwelling, with a flower garden in front, and the little church with a cross on top, which were neat, clean, and freshly painted. The people lived exactly as their ancestors had done for generations, raising just enough from their rich lands to support them. They were uneducated, unprogressive, and submissive to the priests, but "gay, contented, courteous, and apparently retaining their ancestral tastes for dancing, singing and flowers." The houses were built to withstand the annual overflow of the river, which resulted in the prevalence of ague during certain seasons of the year.8 8

Jameson, Winter Studies, I I , 24-67.

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In their spare moments the pioneers entertained themselves in various ways. Gourlay noticed that family visits and tea-parties were the most frequent social affairs. Howison described in 1820 the enjoyment to be derived from hunting and fishing, and from horseback riding or driving in a gig. In the winter when the roads were excellent for sleighs and carióles, there was a good deal of social intercourse. People visited each other then, and sleighing parties, balls, and card parties were frequent. Howison thought that some of the French-Canadian ladies were very pretty, with naïve manners and beautiful dark and sparkling eyes, but they were apt to lose their teeth and good looks several years sooner than ladies in Europe. The French-Canadians in general were hospitable, lively, and fond of pleasure.9 The young French people especially enjoyed dancing to the music of the "fiddle," but Howison found that their frequent balls and private dances had been stopped by the priest, causing much discontent.10 Many of the Protestants were not hampered by such restrictions. It was the custom to have "splendid balls" on New Year's Eve, such as that given by the young gentlemen of Chatham at Cartier's tavern in 1835. It was opened by Duncan McGregor, and the festivities continued until the early hours of the morning. One guest wrote that "the gaiety of the numerous attendants, the management and arrangement of the room, the music, and unremitting attention of Mr. Cartier, would do credit to any place of ten times the age of Chatham." Another declared that "the display of beauty and fashion was of no ordinary degree, the unanimity of harmony and good feeling which prevailed during the evening is seldom excelled." On the same night many other people attended the Farmers' and Mechanics' Ball in another part of town.11 Sometimes a travelling menagerie appeared to entertain the people. In 1833 Shirreff saw near the mouth of the Thames an elephant which was covered with canvas and attended by two men on horseback. In front was a waggon containing a lion and some other animals. They were on their way to Chatham. Shirreff thought that the ex9

Gourlay, Statistical Account, II, 250. Howison, Sketches, 266-7. ™Ibid., 214. "Sandwich Canadian Emigrant, Jan. 12, 1836.

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hibiting of animals could not have been a very lucrative trade where the population was so thin and poor.12 But such entertainment had been common in the larger towns for some years. The editor of the Detroit Gazette wrote in June 1825: Two menageries arrived in town last week, and have been exhibiting for some days, to the great amusement of our red brethren, who, whatever indifference they feel or affect in relation to other matters, cannot restrain their curiosity respecting strange animals, and will even forego their favorite whiskey to get a sight of them. They view the lions, tigers, leopards, etc., with evident astonishment, and burst out into immoderate laughter at the tricks of the monkeys, whom they consider negroes, newly caught.

Contests of strength and agility, supplemented by horseracing, were the usual forms of entertainment when crowds gathered.13 Whiskey drinking was almost universal among the early settlers, in the home, in the numerous taverns, at "bees" to assist in building a log house or barn, at elections, and at all social gatherings. Travellers were amazed at the consumption of whiskey and the amount of drunkenness. In the 1830's, however, the temperance movement spread to Canada from the United States, where it had developed largely through the efforts of Dr. Rush and Rev. Lyman Beecher. The Methodist Episcopal and Baptist churches, which drew many of their clergy from the United States, took it up. Other churches such as the Anglican, Presbyterian, and Roman Catholic, did not take an active part. Rev. William Proudfoot believed temperance societies did not rest on the word of God.1* The first temperance society in Canada was formed in Montreal in 1828, and within a year its organizers had gone forth to spread similar societies in Upper Canada. The Howard Temperance Society was formed in January 1830, on the Talbot Road in Kent, with i*Shirreff, Tour, 204. ln 1825 Isadore Navarre of the River Raisin in Michigan offered to pace his horse Bas Blanc "against any trotting or pacing horse, mare, or gelding in North America, from two to five miles, for any sum, from fifty to ten thousand dollars," the race to take place on the ice, and the horses driven before a carióle, or ridden; Detroit Gazette, Feb. 4, 1825. 14 See M. A. Garland and J. J. Taiman, "Pioneer Drinking Habits, and the Rise of the Temperance Agitation in Upper Canada Prior to 1840," Ontario Hirtorical Society, Papers and Records, XXVII (1931), 341-64. I3

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the Bells, the Bentleys, the Richardsons, and the Lamberts prominent in the organization. By 1835 the membership numbered seventy-six. The temperance society organizers were aided in this year by an agent from the New York Temperance Society, who spoke at more than twenty places in Upper Canada. The publication of the Temperance Advocate was also begun in 1835, and the Temperance Record the following year. In addition a great deal of temperance literature came from the United States. Temperance Houses, or Houses of Entertainment, became common. These were inns where no liquor was sold. The Dougalls of Windsor were active in the temperance movement, and no liquor was sold on their vessels which plied between Sandwich and Kingston.15 15

Sandwich Canadian Emigrant, Feb. 2, 1832, Feb. 28, 1835. At the anniversary meeting of the Howard Temperance Society this year, the expected speaker did not arrive, so Uri Bassett read an appropriate discourse from Beecher's Sermons.

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O OTHER FACTOR caused more discontent in the ^ Western District than the land-granting system. Until March 1819, those who had a claim for a grant of land had to apply in person to the government officers at York. Then a change was made in an effort to relieve such claimants from the expense and trouble involved in travelling perhaps hundreds of miles; district Land Boards were set up with power to recommend for 100 acres, and to deal with all persons except U. E. Loyalists and military claimants. This was the intention, but apparently the Land Board for the Western District never functioned. A writer to the Canadian Emigrant, signing himself "Kent," stated in 1833:1 During the late administration of Sir Peregrine Maitland it was proposed to establish a land Board in each District, for the accommodation of persons having claims for grants of land in this Province. Accordingly members were appointed and a Chairman nominated to preside at said Board. But here the matter ended; for no instructions could ever be obtained for said Board to act, although repeatedly applied for. Thus persons having equitable claims on Government for grants of lands, were obliged personally to perform a pilgrimage to York at great expense, trouble and loss of time, and when there, found themselves lost in the vortex of the complicated system of the Land Granting Department, and compelled to employ an agent to do the business for them at much expense, and which generally occupied a length of time before a grant could be obtained, and when obtained was in all cases fettered with the condition of performing what was called settling duties, which opened a door for more perjury than ever was or I hope will ever be again committed in this Province. Many abandoned their claims in despair or disgust altogether. 'Reprinted in the St. Thomas Liberal, Aug. 29, 1833. 210

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In 1826, hoping to eliminate the numerous charges of favouritism, as well as to provide more income for the expenses of colonial administration, the British Government instituted a system of sales of land on credit, in place of the old system of free grants subject only to payment of fees. A Commisioner of Crown Lands, Peter Robinson, was appointed in July 1827 to supervise the new arrangement. In the same year an Act was passed forming the Canada Company, which then purchased the Crown Reserves in the various townships and opened them for sale. According to the instructions issued, the lieutenant-governor was to decide what government lands were to be sold; then the time and place of the sale in each district was to be advertised, with the upset price of each lot stated, and they were to go to the highest bidders. Ordinarily the money would be paid in four equal installments without interest, one at the time of sale and the others at intervals of one year. But purchasers of not more than 200 acres of land could, if they wished, occupy the land on a yearly quit-rent equal to 5 per cent on the purchase price payable in advance, with provision for redemption of the quit-rent under certain conditions. The quit-rent system, however, ended in 1831.2 The new regulations seem to have had no effect on the Western District for several years. People still had to apply to the Land Department in York and purchase lands directly, as in the case of certain lots in the town Chatham. As the correspondent to the Canadian Freeman described it: Things remained in this inactive state as respects this fine District (Col. Talbot's excepted), until the month of May last (1833), when to the great joy of the inhabitants an advertisement appeared over the signature of P. Robinson, Commissioner of Crown Lands, that a sale of such lands would take place at Chatham, on the first Tuesday in July, and every first and third Tuesday in each month until the first Tuesday in November next, and that information might be obtained of Henry J. Jones, the agent no doubt, at Chatham, respecting the lands to be disposed of. Accordingly persons from Hamilton, Brantford, Sandwich, etc., etc., attended the first named day of sale, with a view of purchasing Town Lots in Chatham, and other lands in different parts of the District, when lo! sPaterson, Land Settlement, 147, 159.

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and behold they were told by the agent he had no authority to sell except in the Township of Sarnia or Plympton; (that is in the vicinity of the agent's father's residence on Lake Huron). On the second day of sale a few lots were sold to emigrants in these townships, at 10 sh. per acre. As a result, the hopes of the inhabitants were dashed, and one could "daily see capitalists and other valuable settlers in disgust crossing the straits of Detroit and locating with comparatively no trouble in Michigan." In commenting on this letter, the editor of the St. Thomas Liberal wrote : Land sales in the Western District [are made] in a manner very unsatisfactory to people who attend for the purpose of purchasing. The land granting system in this Province has ever been a subject of loud complaint;—is well known to have hitherto been one of the strongest holds of corruption—, and to have developed more fully the operations, extent and objects of Government favoritism than perhaps any other of the very many prolific sources of partial, illiberal legislation. It was, however, generally believed when the more recent arrangements were made for the disposal of public lands by auction, that those well grounded complaints would be mostly obviated. . . . but recent information shows the reverse. In the first place sales are held, in many instances, in a part of the country very remote from the lands. For instance; the public lands in Oxford were sold at Hamilton, in the Gore District, fifty or sixty miles distant. In consequence the farmers, many of whom had improved Government land with the understanding that they would have the preference, if willing to comply with the terms, were obliged to submit to the inconvenience of travelling that distance to obtain an opportunity of purchasing. The sales were then postponed from day to day, until the people of Oxford, despairing of effecting their object, left the place in disgust. Consequently a few half-pay officers, whose time and money admitted of their lounging about the place until the coast was clear, obtained a large portion of the wild land in Oxford without being troubled with much competition. At Chatham, as the editor was informed, the people appeared at the right time, but the agent Jones was not to be found. Many were so angry that they determined to emigrate to the American

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side, where the best government lands could be obtained for 6s.3d. per acre at any time, at the Land Offices. After the people who had come to buy lands had left Chatham, two or three wealthy persons obtained the best part of several townships. "It appears," the editor wrote, "to be the policy of the government favourites, to select from among the different tracts of Government land, the most valuable. They have then only to make known to Government their location and the business is settled; for the sales are so managed that they are secure from competition. No class of individuals profit so much by this grand humbug of 'Lands sold at Public Auction' as the Military officers who have retired to this Province on half-pay. These, of all others, are the men Sir John [Colborne] 'delighteth to honor'. So much for Military Governors."3 Another cause of complaint was the high prices that people were sometimes forced to pay for land on which they had made improvements. More than one case appears where a man found that he had improved the wrong land by mistake, and at public auction found an enemy who bid against him merely to force up the price.* Other serious defects in this system of sales on credit were pointed out by the Colonial Secretary in 1837. The collection of installments was expensive, and it was virtually impossible to recover interest on those that remained unpaid ; forfeiture was found to be impracticable. Many persons paid only the first installment, then abandoned the land after stripping it of timber. As a result of these difficulties and the widespread complaints, a new system of cash sales and provincial control of public lands was put into effect on June 1, 1837. All purchasers were now required to pay 10 per cent of the price at the time of sale, and the balance within fourteen days. Possession of the land was not to be given until the total price had been paid. All lands were to be sold at public auction, but if not then sold they could be disposed of privately by the lieutenant-governor in Council at the upset price. Resident agents of the Commissioner of Crown Lands were to superintend the sales in each district. The lieutenant-governor in Council could direct the 3

St. Thomas Liberal, Aug. 29, 1833. See case of James Bogart, Chatham Township; Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Land Petitions, B 21, Part 1 (1837-38), no. 65. 4

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Commissioner to sell privately at a fair price to any lessee or occupant of crown lands who might be liable to injury if the land were disposed of to others.5 In 1827 an Imperial Act had also authorized the sale at public auction, under the direction of the Commisioner of Crown Lands, of a portion of the clergy reserves. Ten per cent of the price was required to be paid at the time of sale, and the balance in nine equal annual installments at interest. This system was changed to cash sales in 1837, at the same time that credit sales were abolished for other public lands.6 A number of Scots settlers on the Clergy Block in the Township of Chatham addressed a petition to the Government in 1845. They stated that they had bought their various lots from 1833 to 1838, "at crown land auction sales, a system of sale now done away with, to which many grievous evils were attached." Most of them had come to the settlement with from $200 to $800 each, confident that the tract would soon be thickly settled. Now they found themselves with their money expended, a growing debt, and a hazardous tenure. Much of their land was inundated each year because of the lack of sufficient settlers to undertake the drainage. In addition the unsettled lands about them had been withdrawn from sale by the Crown. They prayed that they might not be "shut out from the benefits of an improved system of sale, adopted by a discerning government and founded on experiencing the evil effects of the system" under which they had purchased. They asked the Government to resume the lands purchased by them, and allow them a pre-emption right of purchase after revaluation. They also wanted an early evaluation of the unsold part of the Block so that it could be put on the market and settled on. Their principal complaint seems to have been that they had paid too high prices for the land, and had been unable to keep up the interest payments.7 The school system, while recognized as unsatisfactory, does not seem to have aroused as much discontent on the Lower Thames as in some other parts of the province. Until the year 1807 no govern5

Paterson, op cit., 171. lbid., 212-6. 'Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Land Petitions, C 3, Part 2 (1844-45), no. 93. e

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ment funds were provided in Upper Canada for schools of any kind. Children were given the rudiments of education, if at all, in private schools whose teachers were paid by the parents, usually in goods and by boarding them in turn. Many of these teachers were from the United States, and used American text-books; they were viewed with suspicion by the Government, which feared republicanism. In 1799 it was decreed that all teachers in Upper Canada must have a licence, issued after an examination by commissioners appointed by the Crown. Some of the first settlers on the Thames were sufficiently welleducated to teach their own or their neighbours' children. In 1790 the Court of Common Pleas designated Isaac Dolsen as tutor to a child named Peter Young, and administrator of the estate left by the child's late father. The first school on the river was that of the Moravian missionaries at Fairfield, which sometimes took in children of the white settlers. Mattew Dolsen's two sons were taught by Gottlieb Senseman even before the Moravians moved to the Thames. Hugh Holmes was a private teacher who combined trading, farming, and school-teaching there as early as 1790. Soon after 1800 he began to tutor the children of John Askin and William Hands at Sandwich.8 There was also a school at Baldoon after 1804, when Selkirk appointed Hugh McCallum as schoolmaster. The first government-supported schools were set up by the District Schools Act of 1807, which provided £800 for the establishment of one public school (commonly called a grammar school) in each district, under the control of a board of trustees appointed by the governor-in-council. The school for the Western District was at Sandwich, and was of little benefit to the rural sections. The district schools in general were unpopular, as they were undemocratic in organization and soon became class schools. In 1816 the Common Schools Act was passed through the influence of Lieutenant-Governor Francis Gore, backed by pressure from new settlers and others acquainted with the New York State system of state schools. By this act $24,000 per year was set aside 8 Kent County Registry Office, Register of His Majesty's Prerogative Court for the District of Hesse, July, 1789, 21-22. Ontario Archives, Reports, XVII, 145. Burton Historical Collection, John Askin Journal, 1797-1804; and William Hands Ledger, 1791-1811, 158.

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for the assistance of common or elementary schools, to be apportioned among the ten districts according to population, and to each school within the district according to the number of scholars. The rest of the school expenses were to be met from fees or subscriptions paid by the parents. A common school could be started where there were at least twenty scholars, and after the parents had united to provide a schoolhouse and had elected three trustees. The latter were to appoint the teachers, select text-books, and prescribe courses of study, subject to the endorsement of a district board of education nominated by the lieutenant-governor.9 Five common schools were established in Kent County in 1817. Among the teachers were E. T. Collins in Chatham Township, John Unsworth in Howard, and the local Methodist preacher Ninian Holmes in Raleigh. Each received £25 per year from the government grant, in addition to 15i. per quarter from the parents of each scholar. The amount received from the grant varied from year to year according to the number of schools in the district. Ninian Holmes was an excellent teacher, outstanding among the usual ill-trained and ill-paid common-school teachers who taught only until they could get something better to do. In 1819 the common-school teachers were John Holmes in Raleigh, John Collins in Chatham, Thomas McCrae in Dover West, John Shipley in Howard, and Hugh McCallum in Camden.10 There were nine common schools in the county in 1827. These were attended by 229 scholars, who were taught spelling, reading, writing, arithmetic, and grammar. A year later there were fourteen schools and 326 scholars; but in 1829 only ten schools and 286 scholars were reported. In 1830 the number of schools had risen to twelve and the scholars to 315. In 1834 there were but eleven schools al9 Canada and its Provinces, XVIII, 279-83. Herrington, Municipal Government, 18. The Common Schools Act was renewed in 1820 with a reduced crown grant, to be distributed equally among the teachers. This was made permanent in 1824, with the addition that teachers were to be examined by the district boards of education. The previous year the General Board of Education had been created by the lieutenant-governor. '"Appendices to the Journals of the Legislative Assembly, 1828 to 1835. Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Sundries, Pollard to Maitland, June 26, 1819.

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though 369 scholars attended. This fluctuation in the number of schools and pupils indicates the difficulty of obtaining teachers. The first common school in the town of Chatham was begun in 1831, with the Rev. Thomas Morley, Peter Paul Lacroix, and Claude Cartier as the first trustees. In that year they received a free grant of twelve acres of land for the use of the common school; and a frame schoolhouse was built where the Central School now stands. Norman L. Freeman was the first teacher.11 The average provincial grant per teacher had fallen to £10 per year in 1829. In 1833 the legislature trebled the grant, but provided that no school was to get a share until the trustees had guaranteed twice as much in local subscriptions. The Board of Education of the Western District reported that the teachers of the common schools during the year 1833-34 had proved to be of a better class than formerly, both in appearance and talent, because of the increased salaries. But a few years later Mrs. Jameson described them as "ill-fed, ill-clothed, ill-paid or not paid at all, always either Scotch or American, and totally unfit for the office they had undertaken." Not only the Government but many of the people disliked the prevalence of American teachers, and the American ideals which they taught the young.12 Private schools, supported entirely by subscriptions of the parents, continued in sections which were unable to comply with the conditions of the provincial grant. In 1832 Edward P. Hall opened a grammar and scientific school at Erieus in Raleigh, in a schoolhouse previously occupied by a Mr. Brush. Two years later David Walker started a school in the Township of Zone, among people whom he described as "parochial paupers from England, who had no means to pay him for services except in labour." He spent, most of the first year's subscriptions on a farm which he had located near the school. It had been forfeited to the Crown by the original occupant, but Walker "C. E. Beeston, "The Old Log School House," Kent Historical Society, Papers and Addresses, I, (1914), 37. Soltar, Directory of Chatham, 62. Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Land Petitions, C 16, Part 3 (1820-21), no. 166; C 17 (1831-32), no. 43. 12 Appendices to the Journals of the Legislative Assembly, 1830 to 1835. Landon, Western Ontario, 70.

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was later put under bond by arbitration to pay him $46 for his improvements. Walker then petitioned the Board of Education of the Western District for a grant of his salary as a common-school teacher. He stated that there were about forty children, wholly uneducated, who were capable of attending his school regularly.13 The district schools, for the advanced education of those able to send their children to them, and largely under clerical control, were opposed by the elected Assembly, which favoured the more democratic common schools for elementary education. The farming class in the Western District generally disliked the district schools, and sought more aid for the common schools, where their children could learn the fundamentals deemed necessary for their life on the farm. They could attend these schools while living at home and helping with the work. Archdeacon Strachan, president of the General Board of Education, reported in 1828 that the Western District School at Sandwich appeared to be in a prosperous condition. Girls were admitted, although Strachan thought that separate schools for the sexes were desirable, "as the admission of female children interferes with the government which is required in classical seminaries." The average number of scholars in the Western District School from 1826 to 1829 was twenty-four, nearly half of them girls. Usually two or three were studying Latin, six to eight English grammar, and the rest reading, spelling, arithmetic, and geography. The trustees at this time recommended that the school be removed from Sandwich to some other part of the district. The people in the vicinity were "principally composed of worthy and illiterate farmers," who were "unable to appreciate the advantages of a liberal education," and were unwilling to have their children taught more than the first elements of learning.14 Local self-government was very slight during this period, and much discontent was aroused by the system of government by magistrates appointed by and controlled by the Provincial Government and the so-called "Family Compact." Most of the loyalist settlers had been accustomed to some form of the New England type of town meeting within each township, with popularly elected officials who 13

Sandwich Canadian Emigrant, Apr. 7, 1832. William Hands Papers. "Appendices to the Journals of the Legislative Assembly, 1828 to 1830.

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had legislative, executive, and judicial powers in local matters. But the authorities preferred the undemocratic Virginian system, whereby the magistrates, assembled in the Courts of Quarter Sessions, controlled local administration for the county, as well as judicial proceedings. Lord Dorchester's proclamation of July 24, 1788, which created the new districts, was accompanied by appointments of judges of the Court of Common Pleas, justices of the peace, clerks of the courts, coroners, and a sheriff for each district. The justices of the peace in Courts of Quarter Sessions had extensive powers, but little could be done until the Canada Act of 1791, by the division of the two provinces, made it possible to install British laws and institutions and a free system of land tenure in Upper Canada. John Graves Simcoe, the first lieutenant-governor, did his best to obstruct the introduction of local self-government by the New England municipal system. But the men elected to the first Assembly of Upper Canada in 1792 were generally from the lower orders, and the first bill introduced was for the purpose of authorizing "town meetings for the purpose of appointing divers parish officers." It failed to pass until the next session, when the Government had so diluted it that little local self-government was permitted. By the authority of this Act any "parish, township, reputed township or place," containing thirty inhabitant householders, could, on the issuance of a warrant signed by two justices of the peace, hold an annual town meeting. The township officers were to be chosen by the ratepayers in the meeting, but were to be responsible only to the magistrates in Quarter Sessions. Except for permission to regulate the height of fences, the township meetings had at first no legislative functions. In 1794 they were permitted to regulate the running at large of certain domestic animals, but even this power was curtailed in 1803 and 1804. The township officers consisted of a clerk, two assessors, a collector of taxes, two to six overseers of highways, one or more poundkeepers, and two town wardens. These last represented all the inhabitants, and were entrusted with the property of the township. One of the wardens was to be appointed by the Church of England minister, where there was such a church in the townshp, for the supervision of church property and the care of the poor. By an Act of 1806 these local

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officials were to be appointed by the Court of Quarter Sessions when no township meetings were held. A penalty of 40s. was incurred by anyone who refused to serve. In 1835 the Reformers secured the passage of an Act which gave some slight increase to the legislative powers of the town meetings. The Act also transferred the control over the township officers from the justices of the peace to a new Board of Commissioners elected for the district. After the suppression of the rebellion these provisions were swept away and the old system reinstated. Until 1842 the district constituted the major unit of local government, the counties into which it was divided being little more than parliamentary constituencies. Even for those townships where the restricted concessions to the town officers aroused enough interest for their election, the district Courts of Quarter Sessions of the Peace were the vital centres of municipal affairs. In the Western District (originally the District of Hesse), the courts sat at Detroit until 1796 and at Sandwich after that date. The magistrates who composed them were appointed by the lieutenant-governor and were responsible only to the executive. They had complete control over finances. By the Provincial Assessment Act of 1793 they were permitted to levy taxes to provide for the expenses of local administration. The discretionary powers of the assessors were removed by the Assessment Act of 1802, which made valuations mechanical. Various forms of property, such as lands, types of buildings, vehicles, and domestic animals were given fixed valuations. When the assessors had listed all taxable property, the magistrates levied the necessary rate, usually one penny in the pound.15 The inhabitants of Kent County do not seem to have met regularly in township meetings until the 1820's. In March 1819 the inhabitants of the Talbot Road in Orford petitioned LieutenantGovernor Maitland to appoint Lewis Algeo of that township as a justice of the peace, as there was no magistrate nearer than twentyfive miles. Not only did this lack mean frequent trips "over a very bad road" to obtain services, but the petitioners were at a loss for a man with magisterial power to enable them to hold their town meetings regularly, "that they might thereby have roadmasters and other 15

See Howison, Sketches, 220, for difficulty of the inhabitants in raising taxes.

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petty officers appointed, and in some measure adopt the necessary means to establish order and regulation in this neighbourhood."18 One of the first recorded township meetings was held in Howard in 1824, when parish officers were elected for the combined townships of Howard, Orford, Camden, and Dawn. Four years later the townships of Chatham and Harwich held a joint meeting for the election of officers. Orford first met regularly by itself on January 7, 1828, in Baldwin's tavern at Clear Creek. If we may believe a recent writer, by-laws were passed which decreed flogging for anyone selling or giving whiskey to an Indian or squaw, and provided for the ejectment of negroes, limitation of bets on horse-racing to twenty shillings, and detention in the tavern-yard for sabbath-breakers.17 But all this far surpassed the legal powers of a town meeting, and it seems incredible that such a situation could have long existed. However, at a meeting in Tilbury East in 1838, a by-law was passed imposing fines up to one pound for Sabbath-breaking. It was also decreed that fences should be five feet high, with the first four rails not over four inches apart. The local officers elected included six overseers of fences and water-courses, six constables, and six officials to see that the sanctity of the Sabbath was observed.18 Frequent appeals were made by the inhabitants of the province for more authority to regulate affairs of a purely local nature, but little change was made until the passing of the Districts Councils Act of 1841. The magistrates and ruling classes in general looked upon the town meeting as a dangerous American institution which would eventually lead to a demand for a republican form of government. And so the power of the Courts of Quarter Sessions continued as before. This pressure for local self-government, which succeeded to a limited extent in a few of the larger cities and towns during the 1830's, was intimately related to the struggle for provincial selfgovernment, and the attack on the arbitrary administration known as the "Family Compact." The first elections in Upper Canada were held in 1792, when William Macomb and Francis Baby of Detroit were returned from 16 Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Sundries, Mar. 10, 1819. "W. A. Edwards in London Free Press, July 10, July 31, 1937. 18 Burton Historical Collection, John Askin Papers, Jan. 9, 1833, Jan. 1835. Sandwich Canadian Emigrant, July 19, 1834. London Free Press, Sept. 3, 1938.

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Kent to the provincial Assembly. Detroit was surrendered to the Americans in 1796 and Sandwich became the judicial and administrative seat of the district. In that year Captain Thomas McKee was elected for Kent, but he did not take his seat until two years later, excusing himself because of the pressure of his private business. The Kent election of 1800 took place in Chatham, at the house of Abraham Iredell, who acted as returning officer; and Thomas McCrae, Sr., of Raleigh, was returned. From 1804 to 1816 John McGregor represented Kent. Iredell died in 1806 and his place as returning officer was taken by George Jacob of Raleigh. The polling continued to be held in Chatham, in a grove of maple trees on the bank of the Thames. Philip Toll erected a bower where the electors voted by calling out the names of their candidates, assisted by copious drinks from barrels of whiskey placed near by. For many years the polling lasted six days, to permit ample time for distant voters to arrive.19 The elections of 1816 resulted in Joshua Cornwall of Camden being sent to the Assembly as the representative for Kent. He became known as the "silent member" because he never delivered a speech during his four-year term. He was followed by James Gordon of Amherstburg, who held his seat from 1820 to 1828. It was at one of these elections that Paddy Robinson was killed during an extempore horse-race, the accident having occurred as a result of the liquor which flowed freely at this as at every election. In 1828 the reform candidate Joseph Lewis of Sandwich, a follower of the principles of the "radical" Gourlay, was defeated by William Berczy of Amherstburg, a Government man. Berczy was returned again in 1830 when another election was called on the death of King George IV.20 At this time the Tories, or supporters of the Government, gained in the Assembly the control which they had lost two years before. The Western District was predominantly Tory, or conservative, although until 1828 the electors had voted for the candidate they favoured for personal rather than party reasons. The matter of sup19 M. M. Quaife, Detroit's First Election (Burton Leaflet, V, no. 2, 1926), 23-4. Soutar, Directory of Chatham, 23, 54, 56. Burton Historical Collection, John Askin Papers, May 13, 1812. 20 Soutar, op. cit., 23, 56-7.

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port or opposition to the Government had hardly been in question. But after Jackson's victory in the United States in 1828, and his democratic innovations there, liberal ideas were brought into Canada and soon became a factor in the elections. The theory of the supremacy of the elected legislature over the executive, which was prevalent at the time in the United States, also affected Canada. During the election of 1834 Berczy and nine others fought for the two seats to which Kent was now entitled due to an increase of population beyond 4,000. At first Amos Shaw seems to have been the leader of the reform group in Kent. He went to Toronto and associated himself with William Lyon Mackenzie and his followers, returning with resolutions for the approval of the Kent electors, and with instructions on how to proceed in appointing delegates for the nominations. He then held for these purposes a series of meetings at which he acted as secretary. The resolutions attacked the "abominable office holders" of the Family Compact, and their supporter William Berczy. Joseph Woods of Sandwich, calling himself a moderate reformer, was opposed to these radical reformers. He said that the various grievances concerning the land-granting system, the clergy reserves, education, public roads, and the lack of a port of entry for Upper Canada for revenue purposes, could be altered gradually by working with the present administration. Unlike the reformers, he did not believe in responsible government—the control of the executive by the elected assembly. The motto of the "Political Junta" of the Toronto reformers, he said, was "Reform, Revolution and Republicanism." The nomination took place at a hustings erected in front of the schoolhouse in Chatham. George P. Kerby, the returning officer, read the usual proclamation and called for the nomination of candidates. When ten had been proposed and seconded, each in turn, with the exception of Berczy who was not present, addressed the people. Most of them advocated good roads, the improvement of the Thames River and Big Bear Creek, and the erection of a courthouse in Chatham. Berczy had previously announced his policy to be the maintenance of the constitutional system as it then existed.

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He believed that the balance between the different branches of the government should be kept, so that none could predominate over the others. Voting began on Monday, by the customary oral system, and the polls closed at nine o'clock the following Saturday evening. The conservatives Nathan Cornwall and William McCrae were elected with 169 votes each. Duncan McGregor ran third with 130 votes, while the other candidates received only a handful; Berczy received five votes. Norman L. Freeman, a liberal, wrote that the various candidates had "contested the ground inch by inch during the week, [but] there had been no acrimony or bitterness of feeling manifested, and now at the close, all parties appear perfectly satisfied with the results."21 As a result of this election the Assembly was controlled by the radical element, which proceeded to issue the famous Report on Grievances, attacking the entire administration of the government. A number of short-lived Acts were passed, only to be repealed two years later. One of the acts practically abolished for the time the old system of municipal administration, in favour of a much more democratic system. Most of the administrative powers of the magistrates were transferred to an elected Board of Commissioners and various officers responsible to it, and the legislative powers of the township meetings were enlarged. But this act was repealed as soon as the radical element lost control in the elections of 1836, which were held after Lieutenant-Governor Sir Francis Bond Head dissolved the Assembly because of its opposition to his policies. In January 1836, a meeting of the Kent Reform Association, with Edward Lee as chairman, was held at Howard on the Talbot Road, a place where democratic prinicples were strong because of the presence of many people with American antecedents. Resolutions were passed stating that the interference of the British government in Canadian affairs was a grievance, and that people ought to have the power to elect both branches of the legislature. This was in line with the Mackenzie reform programme in Upper Canada at the time, which in addition demanded the control of all revenues by the As"Sandwich Canadian Emigrant, Apr. 19, Apr. 26, June 14, July 5, Oct. 4, Oct. 18, Oct. 26, 1834.

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sembly. The Kent Reform Association declared that it wished only to enjoy the benefits of the British constitution, where responsible government was in effect. One of its opponents replied: "Do these self-styled reformers know, that an hereditary aristocracy and an established church, are prominant [sic] features of the British Constitution? Do they want these things? Or is the British Constitution got up merely as a watchword to produce the excitement?"22 Sir Francis Bond Head, who had succeeded Sir John Colborne in January 1836, proved to be an unfortunate selection. His lack of tact and experience quickly brought matters to a crisis. But he began his term with a conciliatory and even liberal point of view which gave great hope to the moderate reformers. He offered Robert Baldwin, the leader of this group, and two others, places on the Executive Council. Baldwin accepted with the understanding that he need not abandon any of his principles; and for a brief time he was able to work with the Government. Soon after his appointment to the Council Baldwin issued an address to the electors of the County of Kent, in which he stated that they "were the foremost of the King's subjects in America, to offer his Majesty your congratulations on his choice of those faithful counsellors who afterwards carried into effect the Reform Bill." He was gratified to learn that addresses were being prepared in several townships, "to cheer and encourage His Excellency in the good work in which he is engaged; . . . with an hearty and affectionate welcome to that Lieut. Governor, who has been the first to exercise the royal prerogative amongst us, in the manner best calculated to promote our happiness and prosperity, by selecting as his advisers, men in whose Wisdom and integrity, the great majority of our fellow subjects place the fullest dependence." Baldwin went on to state that many of the inhabitants of Kent had in past times of doubt and difficulty told him privately of their long-cherished hope, "that they would live to see the time in which reform would be conceded to the loved land of their earliest and happiest days," by means of which "a kindly and conciliatory government" would be established in Canada. "They have waited very long, and some almost despaired: but surely they have not waited ^Ibid., Feb. 21, July 26, Aug. 9, 1836.

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in vain. Their prayers have been heard and in the person of Sir Francis Head, a messenger of joy and gladness has at length come amongst us. Cheer and encourage him then, brother Reformers, by our warm and affectionate gratulation." The conclusion of the address was an explanation: "The tenor of this letter is so unlike many that I have written to you that some will think I have changed my views." But it was only the Government that had changed "from a bad course to a good one, and it is my duty to uphold it in so doing." Following this appeal the supporters of the Government in Chatham held a meeting on May 2, 1836, at which they adopted an address to Head. They had hailed his appointment with satisfaction, "emanating as it did from a [British] ministry, whose basis rests on the due support of Reform, and viewing the necessity for that Reform being carried in this Province on a judicious plan, we indulged the hope you could have been permitted to have brought your plans into effect without opposition." The address went on to deplore the conduct of the majority of the House of Assembly, a faction "whose intentions must be to insult His Majesty's Government and perhaps seek to sever this flourishing colony from his dominions." The stopping of supplies by the Assembly had completely clogged the wheels of government and deprived the people of the various sums voted for roads, public schools, war losses, and the payment of public officials. This was "a measure not even resorted to by the other colonies complaining of far greater grievances than this majority do." This and similar addresses in Howard and Zone townships were signed by 224 inhabitants; few names of any importance here seem to be missing.23 The Talbot Road was the stronghold of the antigovernment forces. The alliance between the moderate reformers and the Government was soon broken. Robert Baldwin and his followers resigned from the Executive Council. Sir Francis Head spread the idea that the reformers were in league with the United States, and that the British connection was threatened. When the election took place, Cornwall and McCrae were again returned for Kent, and the reform party throughout the province was defeated. As a result the reformers, "Public Archives of Canada, Q, 390, Part 2, 479-86.

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especially in the Home and London districts, became increasingly bitter, and a new militant attitude began to develop under the leadership of Mackenzie. All except the most conservative and favoured class believed there was need for reform. But since the War of 1812 the Western District had been predominantly loyalist and British, and it continued to support the Government against the radical reform party. Most of the American sympathizers, and those with pronounced American ideals, had been eliminated during the course of the war. Others had come in later, but the tide of immigration from the British Isles had begun, so the tone of society remained British. There were reformers as well as tories in the Western District, but distinct radicals were few in number. When rebellion broke out elsewhere, there were few in the counties of Kent and Essex to join it, however much some sympathized with the aims of the rebels. These followed Baldwin rather than Mackenzie.

16 THE PATRIOT WAR

R

EBELLION » BROKE OUT in December 1837, led by

William Lyon Mackenzie in Upper Canada and by LouisJoseph Papineau in the lower province. It had little immediate effect on the Western District, and was swiftly suppressed in the East. But local leaders like John Prince and Charles Eliot of Sandwich were uneasy about the state of mind of the populace. The former wrote to the provincial secretary on December 15: "Hitherto we have been quiet in this county and District. But there are some disaffected persons and many will, I apprehend, fly from the London and other districts to Detroit, and preach sedition here and hereabouts."1 Charles Eliot was particularly concerned about the attitude of the French Canadians of the region, whom he feared, "with a very few honorable exceptions," as he wrote January 2, 1838, to be hostile to the Government.2 When the militia was called out a few days before, only a few French assembled, scarcely any with firelocks, although all possessed them. Many declared that they would not turn out; and one company was absent altogether. Eliot wrote: A Frenchman at Amherstburg huzzaed in the streets at noon-day, for Papineau, and was arrested, tho' afterwards released. The French there, I am told, threatened to release any other of their nation confined for a similar offence. They have this idea, that Papineau is on the march to, and within 40 miles of Toronto, with a large Force, and that the Lower province is in his hands. It is almost incredible that they can be so besotted with ignorance; but such is the lamentable fact, and this accounts for their present boldness, which is a very unusual feature in their character. Living in the midst of the French, I had always a good opinion of their loyalty, and it is with unwillingness that I am driven now to suspect them. So anxious do I feel on the subject, that if the roads will admit of it, I intend to send Mrs. Eliot and our little ones to Chatham. Public Archives of Canada, Prov. Sec. Office, 1821-39, no. 1197. 2/fci'd., no. 1285. 228

BARRACKS AT CHATHAM, 1838 Painting by Lt. P. Bainbrigge. Public Archives of Canada

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I shall then have a load of uneasiness off my mind, and be freer to do my duty.

Events showed that the French were not the danger that Eliot believed. Some gave a haven and assistance to rebels escaping to the United States, and probably to "Patriots" afterwards; but when the latter carried on their raids across the border the French did not play a part in them. No doubt the ineptitude of leadership and the complete fiasco resulting kept the cautious French who may have been in sympathy from showing their hand. Throughout the year 1838 a series of attacks was aimed at the Western District, from Pelee Island to the St. Glair River, resulting in some loss of life and destruction of property. Van Burén, President of the United States, did what he could to maintain neutrality, but the Neutrality Act of 1818 was inadequate for the purpose. Some of the governors and other authorities in the border states did very little to restrain their citizens from joining in attacks on Canada. The American people were in general sympathetic towards the "Patriots" in what they considered to be a struggle for freedom. By the end of 1837 more than 300 refugees from Canada had gathered at Detroit, and others kept arriving from time to time. Feeling ran high in the city between their supporters and those who wished to maintain a neutral attitude. Early in January a band of men raided the jail and carried off 450 stands of arms. They then stole the schooner Ann, loaded it with the arms and a quantity of provisions, and sailed twenty miles down the river to Gibraltar, where a "Patriot" army had gathered. The authorities arrived a short time later with warrants for the arrest of the leaders, but they had already departed in the Ann for an attack on Bois Blanc Island.3 Volunteers from various parts of the Western District had been gathering at Sandwich to await the expected attack there. Magistrate Jones of Chatham was sent to Detroit and Sandwich to consult with the authorities and report on conditions. He returned to Chatham on January 1, 1838, called a meeting at the schoolhouse, and enrolled 100 volunteers. Captain Bell of Dover, a veteran of the Peninsular War, was chosen captain of the company, with William Baby first lieutenant, Thomas McCrae second lieutenant and Claude 3

Detroit Free Press, Jan. 10, Jan. 11, Feb. 13, 1838.

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Cartier ensign. The next day James Read, who acted as commissary, distributed a loaf of bread and two pounds of pork to each man, and engaged ten or twelve teams to take the company to Dauphin's tavern on the lower part of the river. From there on, the plains were covered with water and a light coating of ice through which the teams could not pass. The Kent volunteers managed to make their way to the lighthouse at the mouth of the Thames, from whence they marched to Windsor.4 On the afternoon of January 8 the schooner Ann, with a sloop named the George Strong, approached the lower end of Bois Blanc Island. At the same time the main body of the "Patriots," in scows towed by two boats, sailed up the river towards Grosse Isle, firing two ineffective cannon shots at the island as they passed. A British force of about three hundred men had been rushed to Bois Blanc Island, leaving less than a hundred militia to defend Amherstburg. Believing now that the enemy was not going to attack the island, and fearing for the safety of the town, the British hurried back to Amherstburg. The Ann sailed up the channel past it, firing an occasional cannon shot. The next morning the sloop followed, but was finally brought to by a body of militia which threatened her from the shore. Captain Andrew Grimes of Swan Creek (near Toledo) and three other Americans were thrown into jail. At sundown the Ann, which had anchored for a time at the upper end of the island, sailed past Amherstburg again, firing about a dozen rounds of ball, grape, and canister into the town, doing some damage to a few houses, but injuring no one. Most of the British followed the schooner downstream, keeping up a continual rifle fire. Near Elliott's Point a lucky shot killed the helmsman, and the ship ran ashore before a strong wind. The twenty-one men aboard refused to surrender, and several were wounded and one killed in the ensuing rifle fire. The British then waded through the water, boarded the ship, and pulled down her colours. "General" Theller was taken in the act of reloading the six-pounder.5 The militia in this action were all volunteers, some of them, under the command of Captain McDonald, negroes from Sandwich who 4 Baby, Souvenirs, 73-9. The "Ferry" above Sandwich had recently been named Windsor. •''Sandwich Western Herald, Jan. 23, 1838. Detroit Free Press, Feb. 20, 1838.

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fought with pikes and pitchforks. The Toronto Patriot carried an account in which the "men of Kent" were praised for their gallant work in wading breast high to repel the invaders. An "Eye Witness" of Amherstburg retorted that the men of Essex had also taken part. The engagement occurred in the vicinity of a post allotted jointly to a detachment of Kent and Windsor or Sandwich volunteers. By the time a few shots had been fired, men from different parts of the district, including negroes and Indians, lined the river bank. The men of Essex, the writer declared, were the most conspicuous in boarding the ship. The editor of the Sandwich Western Herald added that the men of Kent were on guard at Elliott's Point, and while protected by a number of large trees, did considerable execution after the schooner had grounded.6 The danger of another attack seemed imminent during the next few days, but by January 23 it was apparently over for the time. On that day a regimental colour was presented by the ladies of Sandwich to the 2nd Regiment of Essex Militia, under the command of Colonel William Elliott. This regiment, followed by the Windsor, Kent, and Sandwich volunteers, attired in neat blue uniforms and with three colours flying, paraded in front of the court-house in Sandwich. Also present were companies of horse under Wilkinson and Ruddle.7 Throughout the County of Kent, as elsewhere, everyone who was known to have had radical or liberal leanings was regarded with suspicion. Temporary police were despatched to the various townships, armed with authority from the magistrates to search the houses of suspected people and seize any arms they might have. Many loyal people suffered indignities, and those who had incurred personal or political enmity were more easily attacked. In June, 1838, Alexander Leadbeater of Howard Township and twenty-five men from Camden were committed to the London District jail for three weeks. It was admitted later that this had been done through the connivance of certain persons, and without reason. Among those arrested were the reformer Amos Shaw and several of his sons, William A. Everitt, David Sherman, William Jackman, James Coll, and Jacob Auberry the innkeeper. Most of them were of American antecedents, and of liberal «Sandwich Western Herald, Jan. 23, Feb. 10, Apr. 24, 1838. 7 Ibid., Feb. 10, 1838.

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though not very radical tendencies. It was charged that their captors terrorized the women and children by telling them the men would be executed. It was in connection with this incident that the Rev. William Proudfoot referred to the "tyrannical doings of the magistrates about Chatham."8 As headquarters for the district, Chatham became an armed camp. Colonel Chichester of the regulars and his staff occupied Probett's hotel, and the soldiers lived in the other taverns and large buildings in the town until the building of the barracks the following year. John Crow's tavern, a new building of fourteen rooms, was occupied by Captain Drake's company of 1st Kent Militia from July 1838 until the latter part of the following January, when it caught fire from an overheated stove pipe and burned.9 Outside Chatham observation posts were set up at the mouth of Little Bear Creek in Dover, on Walpole Island, the Chenail Ecarté, the Forks of Big Bear Creek (Wallaceburg), and as need arose at various points along the St. Glair, such as Port Sarnia, Sutherland, and Nugent's. Writing sometime during 1838, Colonel Chichester stated that there were 550 men at Chatham and the outposts, including 300 of the 1st Kent, 170 of the 2nd Incorporated Battalion, and 80 in the two coloured regiments.10 The coloured population, loyal to the Government and opposed to reform because of fear of the United States, was greatly excited by the rebellion and the ensuing raids on the frontiers. Not at first permitted to serve in the militia, they formed a drill company of their own, and practised with arms borrowed from the regulars. Colonel Chichester finally received permission to enlist this company in the fall of 1838, but he found difficulty in obtaining white officers for it. In addition, most of the negroes were poor, married men, who were unwilling to engage for as long a period as six months. These difficulties were eventually overcome, and in November two companies were formed, with William Muttlebury and James Perrier as their white captains. When the news came of the invasion of s lbid., Jan. 1, 1839. Charles Lindsey, The Life and Times of William Lyon Mackenzie (2 vols, in 1, Toronto, 1862), II, 397-8. Landon, Western Ontario, 180. ¡•Public Archives of Canada, Q, 426, Part 1, 221, 226-7; Q, 429, Part 1, 218. The Government refused compensation to Crow. 10 Public Archives of Canada, C, 608, (1837-38), 17.

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Windsor in December, 1838, fifty negro volunteers assembled within two hours of the first alarm.11 The January 1838 lull in "Patriot" activity had not lasted long. Late in the month bands of men who had been forced to abandon Navy Island on the Niagara frontier began to approach Michigan. Several hundred encamped near Sandusky, Ohio, waiting for the ice to become strong enough for them to cross the lake to Canada. Many others were at Gibraltar, near the entrance to the Detroit River, and bands of them committed serious depredations on property, seizing cases of fire-arms and supplies of flour. During the night of February 23 some three hundred men under "General" McLeod occupied Fighting Island in the river opposite Ecorse. They had only a few muskets and a small field-piece mounted on fence rails, but later in the night sleighs appeared with additional arms and ammunition. The news of the landing was brought to Sandwich the next afternoon, and the Kent and Essex volunteers were at once moved down opposite the island. Finding that there were no vessels available to take them to the island, the men returned to their quarters. The next morning they came down again, hearing on the way the sound of a cannon which had been sent up from Maiden. The grape-shot did some execution among the "Patriots," who had just gathered for breakfast, and who now discharged a shot from their three-pounder in return. The next British shot dismounted the invaders' gun, and, after a few more rounds of grape from the mainland, the "Patriots" retreated in disorder to the American shore. About seven hundred British volunteers, militia and regulars, then crossed to the island, where they found only a Frenchman hiding under a barrel, and some arms, ammunition, and supplies. The victors returned with pieces of pork stuck on the points of their bayonets. The invaders, several of them wounded, were disarmed as they landed on the American side.12 This attack was accompanied by another on Pelee Island in Lake Erie, and by others in the east. On February 26 nearly three hundred "Patriots," under the command of Colonel Bradley of Sandusky, crossed the lake on the ice from that place and landed on the island. "Ernest Green, "Upper Canada's Black Defenders," Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XXVII (1931), 381-3. "Detroit Free Press, Feb. 26, 1838. Sandwich Western Herald, Feb. 28, 1838.

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After some reconnoitring by patrols, 90 British regulars of the 32nd Regiment, with a large number of volunteers and some Indians, left Point Pelee early in the morning of March 3. The regulars marched directly across the ice, while the volunteers and Indians went around both sides of the island to cut off the retreat of the enemy. The latter were thrown into a panic by the news of the attack, but soon formed in order and advanced to meet the regulars. The British fired two rounds and then charged, at which the "Patriots" took to their sleighs and fled with their wounded to Sandusky, leaving nine killed and nineteen prisoners. The regulars lost five killed and twenty-six wounded.13 The next action occurred in June 1838, along the St. Glair River. The Moore militia was called out on the 22nd as the result of information that an attack by the "Patriots" was imminent. Frequent reports had been received of small parties of them lurking about the villages of Newport, Palmer, and Port Huron on the Michigan side of the river. On the 28th they plundered the store of Claude Gouin, opposite Newport, and the commissary store which was under the charge of Captain McDonald. The latter, as well as Angus McDonald of Sombra, was carried off as prisoner aboard a small sloop. The Moore militia had marched out to attack another party of "Patriots" at Nugent's tavern, about twelve miles down the river. Hearing of the abduction of the McDonalds, the militia resolved to attack the sloop, which was on the American side some three miles below Palmer. Seventeen of them, with seven Chippewa Indians, crossed to Michigan in log canoes and advanced on the "Patriots," who had left the sloop and fled to the woods. Captain Clark, formerly of the steamer Gratiot, ordered the Canadians not to proceed farther. He and his men boarded the sloop and claimed it in the name of the United States Government, assuring the Canadians that all the stolen property on board would be restored to the owners. The Gratiot arrived soon after with the marshal and his men on board, and the sloop was taken in tow to Detroit. The two McDonalds were released, returning to their own side of the river with the other Canadians.14 The following night Captain William Kerry of Zone Township "Detroit Free Press, Mar. 6, Mar. 8, Mar. 9, Mar. 10, 1838. Sandwich Western Herald, May 30, Oct. 9, 1838. "Ibid., July 10, 1838.

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was shot and killed by four "Patriots" while on his way to the St. Glair to join the militia. When news of this and other outrages reached the Thames, Duncan McGregor dispatched the Cynthia to intercept the steamer Thames, which was in the service of the Government. Manned by fifty of the Western Rangers, the Thames came to the St. Clair and saluted the inhabitants with the discharge of a long nine-pounder mounted on the forecastle. Five prisoners taken at Sombra were sent down in the vessel to Sandwich. It returned again on July 1 with arms and ammunition for the militia at Sutherland's Landing and Port Sarnia, and continued to cruise up and down the river for a time to ward off further attacks.15 Duncan McGregor and James Read wrote from Chatham on June 29th informing Colonel John Maitland, then commander of the London and Western districts, of the events on the St. Clair. There were eighty muskets and bayonets at Chatham, but ten of these, with men to handle them, were on board the Thames. They thought it advisable to keep what they had to protect Chatham, as it was one of the most prominent inland points, and they feared that an attack by water might be made there. Although there were plenty of good men available, they had no arms nor ammunition. Most of the militia had been called out. Some had come with such tools as they had, but many others "refused very justly saying they were not going like sheep to slaughter."16 Lieutenant Colonel Richard Airey wrote to Sir George Arthur on November 17, 1838, concerning the apathy and discontent in the Western District. He could not get the militia, especially that of Essex, to volunteer. He explained the reason for this attitude :17 I have observed a very general feeling of discontent in the minds of the inhabitants with reference to the [delay in the] payment of their claims, and remuneration for their services . . . Within the last few days I have visited the whole line of coast including the Southern end of Point Pelee to the Chatham Town line. The grumbling and discontent is unpleasantly apparent—and one man heretofore noted for his loyal feelings, positively refused to let me have one of his numerous horses upon ™Ibid., July 3, July 10, July 17, Oct. 2, 1838. 18 Public Archives of Canada, Q, 406, Part 2, 436. "Q, 409, Part 2, 511-7. See also ibid., 523-4.

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any terms, knowing who I was, because a last year's claim had not yet been adjusted. Many of these claims have in fact been adjusted, and the payment ordered, but they are not aware of it, and perhaps having come into town once, a distance of 30 or 40 miles, and finding the order for payment had not then arrived, have gone off disgusted and will not, or find it too inconvenient to come in again . . . You well know how the disaffected partys seize upon anything of this sort, and make use of it as a tool against Government . . .

During the remainder of the year alarms of invasion were almost constant. It was reported that local associations called Hunters' Lodges had been formed in various towns along the border, preparing for an invasion of Canada. Arms and stores were purchased and secreted in various places, and several steamboats on lakes Erie and Ontario were held in readiness. During the latter part of November and early December, the inhabitants on the Canadian side of the Detroit River were kept on the alert nearly every night. At Detroit General Brady and his Guards were kept busy dispersing groups of "Patriots" and seizing their arms. On December 3 nearly 500 men assembled below the town were dispersed by a few United States troops, who captured 13 boxes of muskets and a box of pike poles. The American authorities now discontinued the watch over the steamboats and schooners at Detroit, believing that the danger was over for the present. Learning of this, more than 200 "Patriots" marched into the town and seized the steamer Champlain, using it to cross the river to a point three miles above Windsor. The alarm was brought to Sandwich early in the morning of December 4. By that time the invaders had set fire to the steamer Thames of Chatham, which lay at Van Allen's wharf, and were in possession of the "Ferry," i.e., Windsor. One of the leaders was killed in a conflict with 20 of the Essex militia at the guard-house, which was set on fire and the men captured. Two other militiamen were burned to death when some private houses were set on fire. The "Patriots" then killed Dr. Hume, Assistant Staff Surgeon, and a negro. A short time later several companies of militia and volunteers arrived from Sandwich and engaged the enemy at Baby's orchard in the rear of Windsor. The "Patriots" retreated to the woods, followed by the militia. Fighting continued until the militia commander,

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Colonel Prince, ordered his men to retire to Sandwich which was reported in danger from other bands. An hour later Captain Broderick arrived from Maiden with some regulars and a field-piece, and all marched again to Windsor. Part of the invaders had retreated in canoes to Hog Island (Belle Isle), while the rest fled to the woods. Colonel Prince reported that twenty-one of the "Patriots" had been killed, besides four others who had been captured, and whom he had ordered shot on the spot. Later twenty-six prisoners were brought in and lodged in jail. Most of these were found to be citizens of the United States. The British loss during the engagement consisted of one killed and two wounded.18 An anonymous paper concerning the shooting of the four prisoners, obviously aimed at Colonel Prince and Captain Lewis, was widely circulated in Sandwich and vicinity during January 1839. The Colonel termed it a libel, and fought a duel with W. R. Wood, one of the authors of the paper, in which the latter was wounded in the jaw. Ten days later a military court of inquiry sat at Sandwich to investigate the charges made in the document. Colonel Prince's actions were upheld, and on March 4 he left for Toronto, amid great enthusiasm from his supporters, to take his seat in the provincial Assembly. Sir George Arthur concurred in the decision of the court, although he expressed regret at the summary executions. He also deplored the action of Colonel Elliott, one of the principal assailants of Prince, and dismissed him from the service.19 Colonel Prince had many supporters throughout the Western District. A delegation of gentlemen from Camden and Howard townships turned out at four o'clock in the morning to meet him at Auberry's tavern, on his return home from Toronto late in May. Several of these men had been among those arrested and jailed as suspected rebels. When word was received of the attack on Windsor, they and others had formed a company of volunteers under the command of Nathan Cornwall. David Sherman enlisted some of the Moravian Indians, who with the volunteers did good service in capturing many "Patriots" who had scattered in the forests after the battle. Eleven «Sandwich Western Herald, July 10, July 17, Nov. 27, Dec. 4, Dec. 11, Dec. 20, 1838. Detroit Free Press, Dec. 4, Dec. 5, 1838. "Sandwich Western Herald, Feb. 14, Feb. 28, Mar. 7, Apr. 4, 1839.

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prisoners were brought into Chatham from the St. Glair region. By Christmas eighteen had been taken to London from Chatham, and many others from Amherstburg.20 Duncan McGregor received about £4000 compensation for the loss of the Thames after considerable negotiation with the authorities. He stated that in the winter of 1837-38 he had fitted out the Cynthia, a smaller steamer, for the conveyance of men, arms, and supplies to the western frontier. Owing to a sudden change in the weather this vessel was blocked up in the Thames River by ice and was in danger of being lost. Later he put this ship on the route between Sandwich and Amherstburg for the conveyance of government supplies; and while on duty it was accidentally burnt in October 1838. The steamer Thames was also employed in the government service beginning with the opening of navigation in the spring of 1838. In November the authorities at Chatham induced him to dispatch the vessel to Amherstburg to bring back provisions and blankets for the militia, although it had to break a passage through the ice all the way from Chatham to the mouth of the river. The Thames got to Amherstburg and took in her cargo, but on returning found it impossible to re-enter the Thames River, so returned to Windsor where she lay for the winter. The "Patriots" singled out the Thames for destruction as government property.21 McGregor's claim was supported by a memorial signed by several of the leading inhabitants of Chatham and vicinity. The burning of the Thames was not only a loss to McGregor, they stated, but would result in great injury to that part of the country. If he did not receive compensation they feared that no British subject would again risk his capital on this route, for fear of a similar loss. The county would then be shut up, and American boats would not dare to come there, fearing retaliation. The memorialists recounted the services of McGregor during the "Patriot War":22 When everything was in disorder here last winter and no one was appointed to forward the volunteers rushing to the West, he took upon himself the whole responsibility and sustained the whole burthen, for it z

°Ibid., Jan. 1, Jan. 15, July 10, 1839. Public Archives of Canada, Q, 413, Part 2, 293-6; Q, 427, Part 2, 340-42; Q, 429, Part 1, 198. Z2/6id., Q, 413, Part 2, 297-9. 21

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was he who came forward and supplied them with provisions, clothing and transportation, thus enabling the troops to reach their destination before the Brigands crossed to our shores . . . He was mainly instrumental in raising the Kent Volunteers who first shewed themselves on the frontier and were engaged in the capture of the Piratical Schooner Anne.

John Prince wrote a few weeks after the destruction of the Thames: "If any man living deserves encouragement at the hands of the Government it is Mr. McGregor. He is a loyal, patriotic, enterprizing and excellent man and he is one of the few in this remote District whose Patriotism has nearly ruined him."23 Many people in Detroit sympathized with the "Patriots," and meetings were held there denouncing the American officers who had actively co-operated with the British. Canadian visitors to Detroit were frequently attacked. One of these was Joseph Ake, a miller from the Middle Road in Raleigh, who went to Detroit in October 1839. While in the company of some men in a tavern, among whom the bottle passed freely and when several toasts were drunk, Ake was indiscreet enough to propose a toast to Queen Victoria. This quickly resulted in Ake being thoroughly beaten and thrown out into mud, losing his new fur cap and six dollars. He had been born in the United States, and had always thought Canadians were too severe on Americans, but his views were changed by this event.24 Immigration to Upper Canada fell sharply during the disorders of 1838. At the same time emigration to the United States, which had been large since the begining of the decade, was greatly accelerated. Many of the emigrants were radicals or reformers who feared persecution or imprisonment. Others were recent arrivals who feared the economic effects of the rebellion, and sought more profitable fields of activity in the United States. Large numbers passed over the border at Niagara and Detroit. According to the Detroit Free Press of June 7, 1838: The emigration to the new states from our neighboring province of Upper Canada in the present season is immense. A large number of families, well provided with money, teams and farming utensils, have 23

Ibid., Q, 413, Part 2, 291. "Sandwich Western Herald, May 9, June 6, July 10, Sept. 11, Nov. 6, 1839.

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crossed over to this place within the last few weeks. Twelve covered waggons, well filled and drawn by fine horses, crossed over yesterday.

Lord Durham arrived in Toronto the following month, and heard similar accounts, which he included in his Report as follows:25 From Upper Canada the withdrawal both of capital and population has been considerable. I have received accounts from the most respectable sources of a very considerable emigration from the whole of the Western and London districts. It is said by some persons who professed to have witnessed it, that considerable numbers had, for a long time, daily passed over from Amherstburg and Sandwich to Detroit; and a most respectable informant stated that he had seen, in one of the districts I have mentioned, no less than fifteen vacant farms together on the roadside.

When Morleigh visited Kent County in 1841 he noted that several farms along the Thames River had been sold after the Rebellion by those who had found it wiser to leave the country. Above Thamesville he came across a farm the fields of which were filled with grass and weeds. He was told that the owner had been compromised during the recent troubles and had fled to Michigan. An Irish family had unceremoniously taken possession of one of the two log houses on the neglected farm, and was using up the barn for fuel.26 An increased interest was now taken in the militia, which paraded on the first day of each month for the purpose of drill. Special parades were held on the 24th of May to celebrate the Queen's birthday. On this day in 1841 the Third Division of the First Regiment of Kent Militia assembled at Morpeth on the Talbot Road in Howard. The various companies then marched to a large field belonging to Joseph Hackney, where they went through a variety of field movements. At three o'clock in the afternoon the officers sat down to a mess dinner at the residence of Ensign John Palmer, after which several toasts were drunk, accompanied by appropriate songs. A special song was composed for the occasion, of which the first verse was as follows : 27 25

Cited in R. S. Longley, "Emigration and the Crisis of 1837 in Upper Canada," Canadian Historical Review, XVII (1936), 35. 2 «Morleigh, Life in the West, 209. "Sandwich Western Herald, June 17, 1841.

THE PATRIOT WAR Where Erie's waters bind the shore, And dash its cliffs with billows, And imitate old "Ocean's roar," Among the rocks and willows: Upon that shore bold hearts are found, And providence has sent them To guard that happy spot of ground, The home of "Loyal Kent Men."

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PART III

EXPANSION

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u THE FARM AND ITS HARVEST I N T H E 1840'S

_

HE DECADE of the 1840's was in general a period of prosperity for the farmers of Upper Canada, especially after the first two or three years. That prosperity depended on wheat, the staple crop of the country. In 1840 it was again possible to export wheat to Great Britain; but in that year American wheat and flour came into Upper Canada in great quantities, and in the rural areas the agitation for a protective tariff was renewed. In 1841 the harvest was good, and 40,718 bushels of wheat were exported from Chatham alone.1 The following year the price of wheat was low, due largely to American competition; and the farmers of the Lower Thames Valley were further hurt by the failure of their crop. By an act of 1842 the British Government made it easier for colonial wheat to be sold in the United Kingdom; and a year later the imperial Canada Corn Act reduced the duty on Canadian wheat to one shilling a quarter, no matter what the prevailing British price, with a proportionate duty on wheat flour. The Canadian wheat farmer was further benefitted, but to a much lesser extent, by a duty of three shillings sterling a quarter on the importation of American wheat to Canada, established by an act of the Canadian legislature which came into effect on August 9, 1843.2 The depression which resulted from the failure of the wheat crop of 1842 was accompanied by an extremely long and cold winter, which caused much suffering to men and animals. The Chatham Journal reported on March 25, 1843: "The cold blasting winter is still with us in all its fury, and is unprecedented far beyond the recolïSandwich Western Herald, Feb. 4, 1842. 2 Jones, History of Agriculture, 131-5. 245

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lection of the oldest inhabitant."3 But when spring had finally arrived anxious observers noticed that the wheat was growing luxuriantly; and it produced a bountiful harvest greater than most could remember. By August 12, owing to fine weather, the wheat crop was secured. At first the price was low; in Chatham the highest bid at harvest was 2J/2Í. currency per bushel.4 Two weeks later the price had risen to 5yiis., but very little was sold as the farmers were holding out for 6i. This price was reached by September 9, with an active demand from all purchasers. One or two buyers, and Smith's Union Mills in Chatham, were paying an additional 3d. per bushel for the best samples. The editor of the Chatham Journal reported that this rise was due to the scanty harvest in Britain and Continental Europe; and it was thought that the new imperial Canada Corn Act, by admitting Canadian flour and wheat practically free of duty, would keep up prices. But as it turned out, wheat came into the Chatham market in abundance the following February, at less than 4s. per bushel.5 The Amherstburg firm of J. & J. Dougall, in August 1843, had offered the farmers an advance of $3 per barrel on all good flour in lots not less than 50 barrels, which was consigned to their house in Montreal, the balance to be paid when the flour was sold. Shippers were warned to see that the wood from which barrels were made was well seasoned, since new flour put in barrels made of green wood would sour before reaching Montreal. Commenting on this, the editor of the Journal undertook to show the advantages in having wheat ground into flour before shipment, to save freight charges. He said it took 5J/2 bushels of wheat to make one barrel of flour; and the freight on this amount of wheat would be $1.10, but on a barrel of flour it was only 50 cents. In addition the wholesale merchants who 3 The District Surveyor Billyard and his party were nearly frozen to death at this time while surveying at Rondeau. Night overtook them while nearly at the end of the Pointe. They crossed on the ice almost three miles towards the mainland, but the storm was so furious and the cold so intense that they had to return to the Pointe. With great difficulty they managed to start a fire, but had to spend the night without blankets or food. All were suffering from frost-bite and exposure by morning. «Chatham Journal, Aug. 12, 1843. 5 Ibid., Aug. 26, Sept. 9, Sept. 16, 1843. Prices ranged from 3j. 9a. to 3i. W/2d. a bushel.

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purchased wheat allowed their agents a commission of six cents a bushel, thus adding 33 cents to the cost of shipping enough wheat to make a barrel of flour, or $1.43 in all. J. & J. Dougall replied that they thought the farmers would do better by selling their wheat early on the spot, rather than by flouring it to send to Montreal, but they did not give their reasons, and the editor was not convinced.6 Probably the Dougalls' offer was one reason why the exports from Chatham in 1844 included 3,128 barrels of flour, an enormous increase of nearly 3,000 barrels over 1841, whereas wheat exports were more than 8,000 bushels less than in 1841.7 The 1844 wheat crop was average, but the next year it was excellent. The wheat ripened earlier than usual in 1845, being cut on the Willett farm above Chatham on July 10. Bonnycastle was there to see "the remarkable harvest of 1845 in all its glory."8 In August hundreds of waggon-loads of wheat were brought into Chatham for export. The farmers were prosperous in these years. A visitor in the fall of 1846 wrote: "The farms and buildings along the River Thames from Chatham to Delaware, look remarkably fine, and betoken the industry and perseverance of our settlers, who are rapidly advancing to affluence and independence."9 Threshing-machines were becoming more common now, making the harvest much easier than when the old hand method was employed. In 1843 Joseph Mercer of Chatham offered for sale one nearly new machine, for either four or six horses, which had been made in Buffalo.10 The repeal of the British Corn Laws in 1846 threatened for a time the milling and shipping interests, but the farmers did not suffer as much as the Montreal groups. Until 1849 colonial grain received preferential treatment over foreign grain in the British market. The wheat crops of 1847 and 1848 were more than average, and that of 1849 was the greatest ever harvested until then in Canada. The farmers of the Thames Valley and elsewhere in Western Upper Canada remained prosperous, but owing to falling prices in Great Britain the price of wheat in Canada was low, and farmers began to look «Ibid., Aug. 26, Sept. 2, 1843. T Smith, Canadian Gazetteer, 31-2. Sandwich Western Herald, Feb. 4, 1842. "Bonnycastle, The Canadas in 1841, II, 127, 129-31. 8 St. Thomas, Canadian Freeman, Sept. 26, 1846. 10 Chathatn Journal, Feb. 11, 1843.

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to the American market where prices were higher because of a period of prosperity. By the fall of 1847 the price differential was more than the 25 cents duty imposed by the American tariff on each bushel of wheat, and the usual three cents freight charges across the lakes. A considerable amount of Canadian wheat and flour entered the United States for consumption there. But from 1850 until the Reciprocity Treaty of 1854, the farmers of Canada who relied entirely on wheat were far from prosperous, despite good harvests, because of low prices.11 Many of the farmers of Kent County practised a diversified agriculture, growing corn, oats, barley, peas, tobacco, and fruits, besides wheat. They also raised a great many hogs, as well as cattle, sheep, and horses, aided by duties on the importation of American livestock, imposed in the latter part of 1843 and made permanent in 1846. A report made in 1844 stated that fruit was very plentiful in Kent County, especially peaches in the Talbot settlement and apples on the Thames. Pears, plums, cherries, and grapes were also widely grown. Pumpkins and squash grew to the enormous size of fifty to eighty pounds, and melons were abundant. Tomatoes were much cultivated and prized. Cabbages, celery, asparagus, lettuce, onions, parsnips, cucumbers, and spinach, grew luxuriantly in the gardens. Cultivation of tobacco had fallen off since 1841, when the duty on leaf tobacco imported from the United States was reduced to one penny per pound.12 In each of the years 1838 and 1839, 600 hogsheads, and in 1840, 700 hogsheads, averaging 800 pounds to the hogshead, had been shipped from the Western District. Tobacco shipments from this area had jumped to 1,000 hogsheads in 1841, valued at $50,000.13 This included 400 hogsheads from Dawn Mills on the River Sydenham, 175 hogsheads from Erieus in Raleigh, and 84 hogsheads from Antrim in Howard. In 1842 the District Council petitioned the Provincial Council for an additional tariff on the importation of American tobacco. Since the reduction of the tariff the previous year, the farmers found that they could not compete with American tobacco; and they believed "Jones, op. cit., 139, 175-9, 196. Smith, Canadian Gazetteer, 84, 134, 236. Public Archives of Canada, Q, 431 A, Part III, 395-7.

12 13

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they would have to abandon tobacco cultivation unless given protection in their own markets. Its culture had been a source of prosperity to a great many of the farmers of the district, and was the principal source of income of those whose soils and locations were not fitted to the growth of wheat. It was also important to the inhabitants as part of a mixed husbandry. Because of the short season of its growth, tobacco could be grown in place of winter-killed wheat and other grains. Tobacco also offers to the poor emigrant the most speedy and effectual means of supporting his indigent family, as an acre cultivated in tobacco is usually worth three, and in many cases, even four or five acres, cultivated in any of the varieties of grain common to this province, and can be managed by the younger and female part of his family, while the elder and male portion are employed in the more severe labors of clearing for the ensuing spring, for the reception of a future crop of tobacco, at the same time that the cultivation of the preceding growing crop prepares the best possible fallow for a crop of winter wheat. Very few products of our soil will bear transportation from this distant part of the Province; the chief are wheat, flour and ashes. Soils fit for wheat are not in general suitable for tobacco, and lands not suitable for winter wheat grow good tobacco, which can be exported to Montreal, Quebec and Great Britain, and afforded heretofore remunerating prices to the planter, as well as revenue to the mother country. Now the sudden introduction of a law permitting American (slave) tobacco to come in at a merely nominal duty had severely injured the inhabitants of the district. It had caused a ruinous loss both to the shipper and the planter, and would injure if not ruin completely the owners of lands not fitted by nature for the growth of wheat. The petition concluded by requesting an additional duty of a penny ha'penny per pound on leaf tobacco imported from the United States.14 Smith's Canadian Gazetteer reported only 32 hogsheads of tobacco shipped from Raleigh in 1844, and little from Orford or Howard. But in 1849 a compound duty of 12J/2 per cent, plus a specific duty, was levied on imported leaf tobacco. The next year the county of Kent produced about 30 tons, of which three-fifths was grown in 14

Sandwich Western Herald, Sept. 15, 1842. Chatham Journal, Sept. 10, 1842.

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Romney Township and nearly all the rest in Howard. Two years later the production had jumped to 157 tons for the county.15 In the year 1850 the townships of modern Kent (with the exception of the gores of Chatham and Camden) produced more than 135,000 bushels of wheat, 81,000 bushels of corn, 71,000 bushels of oats, 39,000 bushels of peas, and 36,000 bushels of potatoes, as well as quantities of turnips, barley, buckwheat, rye, hay, and tobacco. The county had approximately 12,000 neat cattle, 3,600 horses, 20,000 sheep and 10,000 hogs. The farms produced also 32,000 pounds of butter, 83,000 pounds of wool and 63,000 pounds of maple sugar. Two years later there was a considerable decrease in the production of wool and peas, but wheat, oats, and corn had more than doubled, barley had trebled, and there was a large increase in other grains and vegetables. Beans were just beginning to be grown; in 1852 only 424 bushels were harvested. Other products in that year included 43,000 pounds of cheese, 2,267 barrels of beef, 6,486 barrels of pork, 110 barrels of cured fish, 38,000 yards of flannel and unfulled cloth, and several thousand yards of fulled cloth and linen.16 The catch of fish must have greatly fallen off since 1845, when Smith reports many thousands of barrels of herring, whitefish, and lake trout annually taken in the waters in and about the county. These were salted and exported, chiefly to the United States. Several hundred barrels were frequently cured at and near Chatham. During the spring whitefish, pike, pickerel, and maskinonge were taken from the river as far up as Delaware. Large sturgeons were sometimes taken in McGregor's Creek above Chatham.17 Around the mouth of the Thames River the many hundreds of acres of flat, treeless prairie still remained the resort of ducks and other wildfowl. In the summer months many cattle might be seen, 15 Smith, Canada, I, 29-31, 47. Smith, Canadian Gazetteer, 157. Kent County Census of 1852 (MS., George F. Macdonald). 16 Ibid. Smith, Canada, I, 46-7. In 1841 the Township of Zone, recently opened to settlement, produced 8,015 bushels of wheat, 4,388 bushels of oats, 3,509 bushels of corn, 2,216 bushels of peas, 1,881 bushels of rye, 757 bushels of buckwheat, 10,040 bushels of potatoes, 3,315 pounds of wool, and 13,164 poupds of maple sugar. Zone also had 105 hives of bees, 1,507 neat cattle, 1,415 sheep, 1,067 hogs and 150 horses. Manufactures included 235 yards of fulled cloth, 508 yards of linen and cotton cloth, and 4,167 yards of home made flannel; Sandwich Western Herald, July 14, 1842. "Smith, Canadian Gazetteer, 187, 239.

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half hidden in the tall grass. Sir Richard Bonnycastle likened the sight of this unbroken sea of verdure to the pampas of South America. Droves of wild horses and cattle, stretching as far as the eye could reach, especially on the south side of the river, roamed over 300,000 acres of this prairie. They lived here winter and summer, but in very severe weather they would go into the higher lands in search of the bark of the red elm. They carried their owners' brands on their shoulders, and when wanted were caught with a noose. The horses were Indian or French ponies, "hardy, patient and excellent little animals," usually dark in colour, and a good one was valued at $50. Many of the French inhabitants in this area raised flocks of geese. Some attempts to cultivate small portions of the prairie near the mouth of the river had been made, but with little success. In 1845 there were people living in two huts there, with small gardens of potatoes and peas. Bonnycastle was told that a Mr. Thompson of Chatham had ploughed forty acres, but although the soil was good the vigorous blue-joint grass had rapidly spread over it again, growing from seeds blown by the wind, and from the roots which were difficult to kill.18 Agricultural societies expanded during this decade, holding fairs and exhibitions, with prizes offered, and trying generally to interest the farmers in better methods of farming and improved breeds of stock. The Agricultural Society of Chatham, which had been formed in 1837, held its first exhibition, a cattle fair, on October 22, 1842, on the Market Square opposite James Taylor's Commercial Hotel. Despite the unfavourable weather the fair was well attended. The Journal reported: The only damper was a Scotch mist which prevailed during the greater part of the day, and compelled many to seek the shelter of the houses. We observed several head of very fine cattle, some of which met with ready purchasers, a great many, however, remained unsold ; a few droves of pigs, being all that were there, were bought up at an early part of the day, and had there been more would have been speedily disposed of. Some beautiful sows of the Berkshire and Leicester breed were exhibited by a gentleman from Talbot Street, as well as a few excellent sheep, but did not meet with buyers. «Bonnycastle, The Canadas in 1841, II, 127, 129-31.

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The apathy of the farmers in securing good breeds for themselves was apparently due to the high prices. A man from Kentucky, then living in the county, exhibited a splendid stud valued at $1,000, and a beautiful three-year old bay mare worth $250, both of which he had recently brought from the United States. "Towards evening when the cattle had moved off," the Journal concluded, "the people began to amuse themselves in various sports—some at skittles, some climbing a pole, some wrestling—according to their fancy, after the good old English fashion; and the hour was late before the fun ceased."19 Another fair was held by the Agricultural Society of Chatham in January 1843, at which cash prizes were offered for entries of various farm animals, grains, seeds, butter, fulled cloth, homespun flannel, and other produce. The cattle, horses, sheep, and pigs were tied to convenient stumps, rail fences, or cart wheels, or were held by attendants. The other exhibits were placed in a near by store, or on the frozen ground, in carts and on boxes. During the meeting at the British Hotel the previous November, to make arrangements, certain persons had tried to have a sample of beer included as being entitled to a premium, but after a warm discussion it was voted down.20 It was about this time that the County of Kent Agricultural Society was reorganized at a meeting in the British Hotel, with Joseph Smith as the first president. Annual fairs were held near the Royal Exchange. In August 1843, it had over $1,000 in its treasury to be applied to improvements of the county. This society's show of cattle and domestic manufactures held the next October did not attract many spectators, for the fall rains had made the roads almost impassable. There was, however, a respectable showing of horses, cattle, and swine. Some of the best cattle came from the Talbot Street, and they received eleven premiums. The Journal stated that the Talbot Street had been as deficient in cattle as the Thames then was, until the establishment of its agricultural society and the exertions of a few members brought about a gradual change. The editor hoped that the farmers on the Thames and elsewhere would be stimulated to a laudable rivalry by the sight of the improved breeds from the Talbot Street. John Stewart of Orford brought to the fair a fine cow "Chatham Journal, Oct. 29, 1842. 20 Ibid., Nov. 19, 1842. Soutar, Directory of Chatham, 75-6.

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with an eight-months-old calf which weighed 650 pounds, but he was unable to bring over his prize sheep because of the bad roads. The calf was sold to James Holmes of Raleigh for $45. Joseph Smith, the society's president, exhibited some fine cows and pigs, but Wade G. Foott, son of the sheriff, had the best boar, and his ram and lambs took the premium.21 The editor of Chatham Journal was active in promoting the cause of improved farming. He recommended the use of lime on the land, little known in the district, and suggested that branch societies of the Kent Agricultural Society be established in each township where the population admitted. During the next few years such branches came into being. The firm of W. & W. Eberts of Chatham were also trying to popularize the use of lime. They advertised that they had a large amount on hand and would exchange it with farmers at the rate of one barrel for one bushel of wheat. The editor also wrote, concerning the need for fairs: "In all parts of the county of Kent, with but a few exceptions, the breed of cattle and other stock is of a very inferior description. And the carelessness and want of care bestowed on their management and keeping are calculated to deteriorate rather than improve the breeds." He regretted that the farmers of Kent should not have long since taken active steps to promote means to excite competition amongst themselves.22 In April 1843 the editor wrote that the Kent Agricultural Society had an opportunity to turn the farmers' attention to the cultivation of food for their stock during the winter and spring. The most important was the rutabaga or Swedish turnip, which would improve the stock of cattle and sheep, and also improve the wool from its present coarse state to a finer fleece. The average yield of turnips in the county was 600 to 700 bushels to the acre, but in England 1,000 bushels to the acre was common. If the present low prices of grain were to continue, farmers would have to resort to other crops, and hemp and hops were entitled to consideration. Dressed hemp now sold for £40 sterling per ton in the London market, and probably £35 per ton could be obtained at the penitentiary in Kingston, where large quantities were used by the convicts. Heretofore the average 2i

Chatham Journal, Aug. 12, Oct. 28, 1843. ™Ibid., Dec. 10, 1842, Sept. 2, 1843.

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yield had been 600 or 700 pounds of dressed hemp per acre, with the dressing done in the winter when the farmer was not busy. Hops were extensively grown around London, but much had still to be imported from the United States, especially from New York State. Little if any was grown in the Western District. The editor believed that farmers gave too much attention to grain, particularly wheat, which after constant cropping left the land worn out and full of weeds. He recommended improving and cleaning the land by growing clover and timothy hay for three years on each field in turn, followed by wheat. Not enough hay was cultivated, as was evidenced by the high price. Clover and timothy could be employed to produce a superior quality of butter and cheese from the cows fed on it. The English market now offered encouragement in these products.23 During the 1840's many new settlers came to the back concessions of Kent County. A large part of certain townships had long been the property of absentee owners, who held the land for speculation. This tended to retard settlement and economic development generally; but the passage of the District Councils Act in 1841 seemed to offer the prospect of the forested tracts soon becoming rich farmlands. By this act the councils were given the power to levy a wild land tax of one and a half pence per acre. Nevertheless, the Western District Council in 1842 placed a tax of only a halfpenny per acre on all lands, settled or unsettled, and in addition the former had to pay taxes for schools and roads. Early in 1842 one writer estimated that the settlers' taxes would be from one and half to two pence per acre, exclusive of taxes on their houses, cattle, and other property. Thus, with only a halfpenny per acre to pay on their lands, absentee owners could still afford to wait while others improved their lands and made the wild lands more valuable.21 The editor of the Chatham Journal25 commented on this : It is generally expected that emigration will be very great this season, and our Council in its wisdom has given the power and privilege to all absentee landholders to keep their extensive but wild and unsettled tracts out of the market for another year, whereas, had they laid on the highest ™Ibid., Apr. 22, 1843. **Ibid., Dec. 25, 1841, Mar. 12, Mar. 19, 1842. ^Ibid., Apr. 2, 1842. See also ibid., Apr. 16, Apr. 23, 1842.

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tax which the law empowers them, the probability is, that the major part, if not the whole, would be immediately offered for sale, and the emigrant seeking for a location would be enabled to select from rich and fertile lands [now held by absentees]. Up to now the emigrant was forced to buy from speculating individuals owning a few scattered lots in good situations, or quit the country in despair and disgust, his limited means not enabling him to purchase an improved property from some farmer who might be disposed to sell.

During the summer of 1842 several emigrant families, mostly Irish, arrived in the vicinity of Chatham with the intention of settling. They were described as "intelligent yeomen, calculated to earn their bread by the sweat of their brow—yet possessing ample means to make themselves comfortable."28 The following spring a meeting was held at the Commercial Hotel to devise means for inducing further immigration to the Western District. Dr. Fulford was requested to act as agent at Buffalo during June, July , and August, with a grant of £10 per month for expenses, to be raised by subscriptions.27 Many Irish immigrants arrived during the next few years, and the St. Patrick's Benevolent Society was founded among the Irish citizens of Chatham in the spring of 1848. The editor of a local paper commented:28 Societies of this description are praiseworthy, and in many cases they effect much good for emigrants. From them they can obtain advice, they may receive directions to seek after employment, perhaps a little pecuniary assistance; and in the event of a poor stranger, a respectable interment, which in too many cases is left to others who may not be so immediately called upon as the members of a society from the same country as the deceased.

Newcomers with sufficient money continued to buy up the older farms, or those on which some improvement had been made. In 1841 Morleigh visited the farm of Thomas Crow in Raleigh Township, which was for sale. Part of it, back from the river, was the original prairie on which grew a thick sedgy grass which made fine hay. ""Sandwich Western Herald, June 23, 1842. "Chatham Journal, Mar. 28, 1843. 28 Undated clipping in front of vol. of St. Thomas Canadian Freeman, 1846, in library of the University of Western Ontario.

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This was thought to make the farm more valuable as it was without trees or stumps. Crow appeared to hate trees, and had killed a grove of fine old oak and elm trees near the house by girdling them. Morleigh felt that the beauty of the place had been spoiled. Crow's crops were poor, the soil appearing exhausted, and although there was a great pile of manure near the house it was not used as fertilizer. The high rail fences which enclosed the fields were in disrepair, and the cattle had trampled down the corn and peas. Crow had a wood-lot in the reserves in the rear of the farm, where he cut firewood, and occasionally wood for the steamboats. He sold his wheat at McGregor's mills for about 65 cents a bushel, and oats for 25 cents. He estimated that he cleared more than $2 an acre from his farm, and offered it for sale at $20 an acre. Across the river was his nephew's farm, which was heavily timbered except for a partially cleared strio alone the bank, and this was offered for only $2 an acre. The next day Morleigh set out on foot along the "New Wood Road" to see some of the new farms in the backwoods. The road was full of stumps and logs, and the surrounding woods made the air oppressively close in the hot sun. Everywhere there was the buzzing of flies and the hum of mosquitoes. After a time Morleigh came to a new clearing covered with brush and stumps, where a tall, gaunt, wild-looking man was tending a huge fire of logs, his face brick-red from the sun and the heat of the flames. He said that he was an Old Country man who had been well-to-do, but had become bankrupt, and had emigrated to America with his wife and six children. Arriving at Chatham with his capital gone, he had rented a house and gone into the woods to look for the lot which he had been granted. Soon taken ill with fever and ague, with expenses mounting, he had sold the lot to a speculator, who then leased it to him for four years. He had to clear the land of the trees, but was permitted to sell firewood to his neighbours. One night his log house burned, and he had since built the walls of another hut, where his family, then out in the woods looking for berries to eat, slept at night. He was unable to put on the roof alone, and despaired of having it ready for winter. To make matters worse he had a deep ulcer on his leg, which had been injured by the fall of a tree.

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Leaving this clearing Morleigh walked down a rough corduroy road, crossed a rude log bridge over a "vile, stinking pond or slough," and found a clearing of about sixty acres belonging to three brothers from England. They had a small frame house and log barn, with oxen, horses and cows, and several farm servants. It had already cost them about £1000 but the ground was still filled with stumps. Morleigh thought they would die of old age before they had cleared the dense wall of forest from half of their 500 acres. All they asked for their land was £600, with which they would move into the Home District, where they hoped to get married. They could not get wives in Chatham, they said, because the girls there looked very high, put on airs, and had no fortunes. Morleigh thought it unlikely they would find young ladies with fortunes, "romantic enough to prefer the solitude of their log-cabin, and log road, stump fields, and sweet piece of water, to the busy 'hum of life', and a chance of sometimes seeing a new face, even in that outskirt of civilization Chatham."29 The local inhabitants looked at the progress made in the new settlements with different eyes. In December 1842, the editor of the Journal visited the Scottish settlement in the rear of the Thames in Chatham Township. He was, he reported,30 . . . perfectly surprised at the vast improvements effected by those active and industrious settlers in the course of a few years. There are several extensive clearings and good substantial houses erected, and a stock of cattle and well filled barns amongst them, that might excite the envy of some of our oldest settlers on the Thames. The axe was busy on all sides, and they are evidently making great additions to the improvements they have already effected. The only drawback to this enterprising settlement is the bad roads which they have to the river . . . We conversed with many of them on the subject, and they pointed out to us the disadvantages they labored under before the opening of the Caledonia Road, and expressed their gratitude to the people of Chatham, for the liberal support they gave them towards making the road even what it is.

Bands of Indians still roamed the backwoods at this time. In the woods in Chatham Township Morleigh came across half a dozen 2!) 30

Morleigh, Life in the West, 200-209. Chatham Journal, Dec. 10, 1842.

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Potawatomi Indians rolled up in dirty blankets, with their feet toward a fire. The squaws and children lay on a rude raised platform which was covered with mats. Morleigh was told that these and other Indians had been driven out of their lands in the United States and had crossed to Canada, where the whites and the settled Indians of New Fairfield regarded them as poachers and horse-thieves. It was these bands that in the winter of 1842-43, when the snow was unusually deep, killed so many deer that few remained in after years. Many were slaughtered at the "deer licks" at night, where the Indians built platforms in the trees from which to shoot them. They killed for fun, and left most of the bodies for the wolves. When the hunted deer swam out into Rondeau Bay or Lake Erie, the hunters followed and shot them from their canoes. The white settlements were also responsible for the rapidly diminishing supply of game. The severe winter and deep snow of 1842-43 starved the wild turkeys out of the woods, and the white people killed them in great numbers when they came into the barn-yards in search of food. After this winter there were few wild turkeys for several years, although they had been very numerous before. By 1845 bears and wolves had retreated to the back areas, where they sometimes attacked the outlying farm-yards. A bounty of twenty shillings was offered by the Government as early as 1793 for every wolf head delivered to a magistrate. In 1809 this bounty was paid for each wolf scalp obtained within five miles of an inhabited place. At that time Indians could not collect it, but the records of the 1830's show that the bounty was paid to several Chippewa hunters, as well as to white settlers. In the year 1830 five scalps were delivered to the justices, one by Peter Shuburg of the "Dividing Ridge" in Howard, and one by Neil McQuarie of McGregor's Creek. In 1834 eight wolf scalps were turned in. Wolves were particularly numerous during the disorders of 1838. In February of that year it was reported that a large wolf attacked a man on one of the back roads near Sandwich, but was dispatched with an axe. In October several wolves raided the barnyard of Colonel Prince, where he kept a large flock of choice sheep.31 "Smith, Canadian Gazetteer, 237-8. Sandwich Western Herald, Feb. 10, Oct. 23, 1838, May 9, 1839.

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By this time the bounty on a wolf scalp was one pound, ten shillings, and the system was conducive to fraud. In 1842 one of the members of the Western District Council brought up the matter of wolf scalps, ands asked for an investigation as to the way in which such large numbers of scalps had been procured from year to year, drawing out vast sums of money from the impoverished district treasury. The editor of the Journal commented that the bounty was superfluous, and that the whole thing should have been investigated long before. He wrote: Everybody knows that wolves seldom infest other than remote and thinly settled portions of the country, and that the annoyance and losses caused by their voracity in such neighborhoods, are a sufficient stimulus to impel the settlers to seek their destruction. The bounty of £1/10 allowed by law, which must be paid out of the District funds, on the production of a certificate from any magistrate, has been productive of much mischief, and has doubtless proved a premium to dishonesty and fraud.

At the Municipal Council meeting in August, several witnesses appeared against Daniel O'Reilly, one of the magistrates from Chatham, to prove that he had signed certificates made out in favour of one Adam Snider and then used them to pay certain private debts. O'Reilly stated that he had signed the certificates for scalps brought in by Snider, and then taken them in payment for land which he sold to Snider. However, the evidence seemed to show that if fraud had not been committed in this instance, there was no adequate check on the honesty of the magistrate who issued the certificates.32 The passage of Colonel Prince's Game Bill in 1839 prohibited the killing of deer, wild turkey, grouse, partridge, quail, and woodcock during the spring and summer months and on Sundays, under penalty of not less than ¿I or more than £5, and costs. However, the law had little effect as it did not apply to the Indians, who were great hunters. Many of the white people paid little attention to the new law until it was brought home to them in the courts. In March 1842 one of the coroners of the district was convicted of killing a deer contrary to the law, and received the minimum fine.33 Other a2

Chatham Journal, May 7, Sept. 10, Sept. 17, Oct 1, 1842. **Ibid., Mar. 12, 1842.

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animals were not protected, and by 1845 panther, lynx, and wildcat had disappeared in the area, and few beaver remained within the limits of settlement. There were still considerable numbers of fox, raccoon, otter, mink, and other small animals. Large quantities of their furs were exported annually. The annoyance and loss to the farmer caused by the bears, wolves, and other predatory animals was great. Edward Bury of Clearville gave the following account, as he remembered it from his youth : The care of sheep then frequently had to be watched in the day time, to prevent them from being worried by wolves. For their protection at night there were large pens built for shelter. The sheep had to be shut in over night. I have seen their tracks (the wolves) around outside the pen in the morning. This was a very common occurrence. The bears would sometimes kill the pigs. In the fall when there were plenty of nuts they did not meddle with them as they were very fond of beech and hickory nuts and got very fat on them. The bears were very fond of corn. They would frequently come in the corn fields and pull down the corn. They took the husks off and ate the corn on the cobs. When they were satisfied they would leave the field.34

The Hon. David Mills, who was also born on the Talbot Road in Orford, near the present village of Palmyra, remembered how his father's sheep had to be shut up in the barn each night to protect them from the wolves. In 1896 he wrote to his daughter Alice: "It was different formerly when the wild cats, the lynxes and the wolves were numerous and when the sheep had to be driven home from the fields before night and shut up in their folds till daylight to protect them. Cattle under two years were not allowed to run in the woods for if they were, they were not likely to be seen again; they were pretty sure to be devoured by wolves."35 The letters of the Hon. David Mills contain a great deal of interesting information concerning life on the farm before the middle of the last century. For the young boys and girls it was an almost constant round of chores, with little time left for school: 34 Edward Bury, A Story of the Early Settlement of the Township of Orford (Typewritten copy of MS, in the Kent County Museum, Chatham). ss David Mills to Alice M. Mills, Apr. 12, 1896 (Typewritten copy in possession of the author; originals are in the library of the University of Western Ontario).

SIXTH STREET, CHATHAM, 1838 Painting by Lt. P. Bainbrigge. Public Archives of Canada

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They had potatoes to dig, corn to husk, apples to gather, cider to make and apple butter to make from it. Apples to peel and dry, pigs to kill. People kept no hired girls. The boys rose early and put on the fires, then as soon as they could see they went out to feed the sheep, cattle, horses and pigs. Horses were to water, stables to clean, etc. Breakfast was eaten. The dishes were washed and put away and all the morning work was done by eight o'clock, and then those who attended school put off their feeding clothes and dressed for school. Dan and I after John left home had 150 sheep, 30 head of cattle and the horses to care for. After school was over we had some wood to cut and split, and on Saturdays we cut all we could, so as to have less to do through the week. After we were 14 we left school on the first of April, and then for a few days we cut up the wood which had been hauled in the holidays, so as to have enough for the summer. The girls made quilts and did housework, helped to milk, and feed calves, till the sheep shearing time came and then there was wool picking, spinning, coloring, weaving and in autumn making it up for winter clothing.86 At the time Mills wrote his reminiscences nearly all the farmers he had known as a youth were dead. He concluded one of his letters with what might well have been an epitaph to these sturdy pioneers : "They toiled and rested until they laid down for the last time, and soon the second generation will have followed in their footsteps, and will be gathered to their fathers. They had their trials, their hours of innocent pleasure. They found the country a wilderness. They left behind them smiling fields. They toiled for others, and laid down to sleep, to wake only in a better country whither the good are hastening. Let us not waste their inheritance."87 36 David Mills to Alice M. Mills, Apr. 28, 1889. "David Mills to Alice M. Mills, Mar. 17, 1889.

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VISITOR TO CHATHAM in the summer of 1841

expressed surprise at the size and the business advantages offered by the rapidly growing town. The principal merchants were Claude Gouin, James Read, John Weir, Daniel Forsyth, and Messrs. Witherspoon and Charteris who had recently bought out the old stand of the Eberts brothers. There were also several mechanics' shops, including Smith's Saddle and Harness Maker's Shop, and Burns' Boot and Shoe Shop, four large taverns, and Dr. Robertson's apothecary shop. The new steamer Kent was on the stocks at Larned's ship-yard, and the schooner Louise, which had been completed that spring, was taking on cargo at Read's wharf. Across the river in North Chatham, the property of Joseph Woods, only a few buildings had yet been erected. Here was the steam grist-mill and the carding-machine of Davis and Smith. Davis planned to establish an iron foundry near by, which would be a great acquisition to the "go-a-head people of Chatham, who are destined yet to cut a considerable figure in the commerce of this country." There was also a steam mill in Chatham proper, owned by the Yankee H. S. Larned, "whose genius for business prompts him to dip into everything which promises a fair return." Just outside the town was the water-power mill of Duncan McGregor, which operated about eight months in the year. Chatham was very much a new town, most of it having been built in the previous seven or eight years. Just back of the principal street were the stumps of once stately forest trees. The houses, all built of wood and in the "usual ungainly style of architecture, so prevalent in Canadian villages," were scattered over a wide area. The finest building was a very large two-storey frame house built by the "enterprising and industrious and successful" brothers William 262

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and Walter Eberts. The principal source of prosperity for the town was the prolific country about it, settled by industrious, intelligent, and thrifty farmers.1 The first number of the Chatham Weekly Journal appeared on July 3 of this year, published by Charles Dolsen with Dr. William Fulford as editor. From it we learn that "L. Taylor, fashionable hair dresser, cuts hair and blacks boots by the quarter for 12 sh., does over in the latest fashion ladies' fancy curls, carries on steam scouring and colouring, and can accommodate applications for good music, besides puts razors in order on the shortest notice." Peter Cole gave notice that he was "always in readiness to attend as Town Crier and hopes by strict attention to business to merit and receive a share of the public patronage." The paper carried advertisements for three tailors, a tanner, two cabinetmakers, a gunmaker, a butcher, and several merchants. Professional cards included those of John F. Delmage, attorney-at-law, Daniel O'Reilly, conveyancer, Robertson and Ironsides, doctors, and Pegley and Cross, surgeons and druggists. There were two steamboats plying between Chatham and Amherstburg or Detroit. These were the Brothers, captained by Walter Eberts, and the Western, captained by C. C. Nelson. At this time Chatham had 812 inhabitants and was rapidly developing as a port and trading centre. During 1841 its exports were valued at £15,521, and included 40,718 bushels of wheat, 1,620 bushels of blue peas, 143 barrels of flour, 70 barrels of pork, 220,000 feet of standard staves, and furs worth £2,490.2 Timothy Partridge of St. Clair, Michigan, came to Chatham in June, 1841, in connection with the lumber trade. "I wish I was at home," he wrote to his sister, "I would give considerable. No one but myself can tell how lonesome I am. It rains just as hard as it can. Muskitoes are as thick as the very old Devil."3 Another unappreciative guest was the Englishman Morleigh, who arrived on the Brothers in July, just in time to hear a houseclock chime the midnight hour. The boat was three or four hours late, and everyone in the town was asleep. As Morleigh landed in the thick 1

Sandwich Western Herald, June 30, 1841. Ibid., Feb. 4, 1842. Ed win Miles Papers, T. Partridge to Mrs. Milles, June 13, 1841.

2

3

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mist which hung over the river, he thought that the boat-owners and hotel-keepers might have afforded the passengers a guide or porter. The captain refused to let any of his men pilot them to the hotel, so they walked up the "slippery clay bank and dubious track into the main street." Finding that he would have to sleep with one or two others in a bed at the hotel near the wharf, Morleigh walked up the opposite side of the street, and "beginning with the first of a rickety row of wooden houses, of all sorts and sizes," was finally directed to another hotel. The next morning he went forth in the rain to look at the town, which he found to be made up of frame houses, either new and unpainted, or coloured blue, white, pink, and grey, interspersed with rough log buildings. At the back of the yards and enclosed gardens the "old aboriginal wood frowned dismally," while the stumps "stood boldly out of the earth on all sides." The streets were very narrow and crooked, having been laid out, he thought, with little judgment.4 In 1839 J. & J. Dougall of Windsor were operating the brigantine John Dougall and the schooner Dawn between Sandwich and Kingston.5 They quoted rates 25 per cent higher for freight to or from the Thames and the St. Glair. In August 1839 Captain Walter Eberts took command of the Brothers, 150 tons, which had been built on McGregor's Creek. He had previously been in command of the schooner Patriot. The Brothers plied between Amherstburg and Chatham, and was advertised as having large comfortable cabins and a saloon filled with the choicest wines. During this year the Canada Company's steamer Goderich, which plied between Chatham and Sandwich, was sunk by a collision with the Erie. Captain W. Sandom of the Naval Department bought the sunken vessel for £250 sterling to get the 45 horse-power engine, which was said to be of English manufacture and superior to most. A short time later the vessel was raised by two naval officers and the engine secured. The Goderich may have been the little steamer which Mrs. Jameson took from Chatham to Detroit in 1837, and which she described as a "wretched little boat, dirty and ill contrived." The *Morleigh, Life in the West, 195-200. 5 For the following account of shipping see Hamil, Early Shipping, 6-12; also Q 429, Part I, 38-41, for the purchase of the Goderich.

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captain and mate, one a former English military officer and the other an Irish naval officer, had taken the boat for the season on speculation. At Chatham they had loaded a cargo of flour and grain for export to the United States, as well as several emigrants who were proceeding to Michigan or Illinois. There were a number of poor Scots and Irish "of lowest grade" as deck passengers, and a large family of American emigrants from Vermont. The latter had with them two canvas-covered waggons, a yoke of oxen, and a pair of horses. In June 1839 the Western, successor to the original ship of that name, began to run between Chatham and the Detroit River ports, under the command of Captain Thomas McCrae. It was the rebuilt steamer Cynthia, whose engine and hull had been saved after it caught fire in 1838. The editor of the Sandwich paper hoped she would be supported by the inhabitants of Chatham and other places, and would drive the Yankee boats from Canadian waters. The Western was destroyed by fire in 1842, with an estimate loss of $5,000. One of the American boats running between Detroit and Chatham in 1839 was the General Brady. A writer described it as "an old condemned Yankee steamboat" and asked the inhabitants if they could bear the sight of the Yankee flag in their waters. Another writer to the Sandwich paper begged the people not to burn the boat in revenge for the destruction of the Thames by the "Patriots," as the prosperity of Chatham was due to having steamboats plying there constantly, encouraging travellers and emigrants and the settlement of surrounding townships. In April 1841 the Dougalls of Windsor had the schooner Amherstburg, and the schooner Sarah Taylor of Big Bear Creek, at Chatham, where they were loaded with wheat and other agricultural products destined for the British market. About the same time the Louise, a large schooner of 121 tons, was launched at Chatham. Its cabin was finished with black walnut, and was capable of accommodating ten passengers. After loading at Read's wharf, Captain William Taylor took it down the river bound for Kingston on June 13, with a cargo of 5,000 bushels of wheat, eight hogsheads of tobacco, and 160 barrels of flour and pork. A new engine was installed in the Brothers during April, making it as fast as any of the American ships.

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The people of Chatham were very proud of the speedy Brothers. The editor of the Journal described its departure one morning as he arrived at the wharf just in time to see it rounding the point. "All we could see was the tops of her tapering spars, and the dense volume of smoke that curled in her rear, mixed with the glittering spray, like the dust which the mettled steed, in his rapid course, flings in clouds behind him." The editor wrote in glowing terms of the "taste and elegance displayed in her fittings up," the "cabin table groaning under the weight of savory dishes and delicacies of every kind," and of the jolly fellow who commanded her. Few boats on the western waters could compete with the Brothers in speed; she literally "walked the waters like a thing of life." A. S. Holmes of Chatham put the same idea into poetry. The first verse went as follows: Don't you see the dashing foam, The spray of one returning home, So long before the others? How swiftly she the waters walks, How crowded are the Chatham docks! To welcome home the Brothers! Morleigh read these effusions with scornful amusement while on board the Brothers en route to Chatham. He had not been aware of the "taste and elegance," and during the six hours spent crossing Lake St. Glair, "every nail in the boat seemed to quake in the straining timbers." He had never in his life "suffered more severely from the jolting, tossing, rolling, and heaving, save in a springless wagon on a corduroy road." The cabin was like a cellar, cold, damp, and cheerless. Morleigh sat among the empty seats and benches with a "roundcheeked little man," who commented on the difference between the "cursed Yankee steamers and our own tight little craft." The deck passengers consisted of half a dozen Scots, who, with their women and bedding, were soon driven below by the rain. Supper consisted of fried pork and onions, bread and butter, and very black tea which was brewed in a large metal teapot. It was served by "a dirty curly-haired negro boy, assisted by a greasy yellow man," whose lack of cleanliness prompted Morleigh to forgo the meal. Nevertheless the inhabitants of the district considered the Brothers a splendid, fast-sailing ship, with the best of accommodations and

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hands. A year later Captain Eberts advertised that he was placing additional comforts on the vessel, to make it the equal of any of its class on the western waters. Hundreds of settlers came to Chatham and the surrounding country on this steamer, and hundreds passed through to Detroit. A resident of St. Thomas sailed on the Brothers in 1846, from Sandwich to Chatham, a five-hour trip which cost l1/^. He described it as a fine sea boat, and praised Captain Walter Eberts for his care and skill. He had once seen him leap from his vessel into the River Thames while the ice was running in the spring, to rescue a soldier's wife who had fallen overboard.8 The Brothers proved so profitable that it helped to make the firm of the Eberts brothers one of the richest and most important concerns in the West. The steamer Kent was built for H. S. Larned at Duncan McGregor's shipyard in 1841, and was launched on June 19 before a large crowd of people from the town and the surrounding country. Of 122 tons, this ship was powered by a 45-horsepower engine, and had a 122-foot keel, a 20-foot beam and 7-foot hold. The total cost of construction was estimated at $40,000. The Kent was designed to run between Chatham and Chippawa, on the Niagara River, but in 1842 was used on the Port Stanley and Buffalo run. It was lost on Lake Erie three years later. In May 1842 a large scow vessel, built by the Eberts, was christened the Sans Pareil and launched in the presence of many of the townspeople. This seems to have been the same boat described in 1846 as the "good low pressure brig Old Square Toes." In 1847 the same firm had the W. D. Eberts built, one of the largest vessels on Lake Erie. Two years later they were running the Brothers and also a steamer called the Hastings, between Chatham and Detroit. Edwin Larwill of Chatham notified the public in 1848 that the steamboat James Walcott, commanded by Captain Brooke, would ply between Chatham and Detroit on alternate days. In 1851 a passenger steamer named the Ploughboy was launched at Chatham. Steamboats were the pride of Chatham and the River Thames, but many sailing-vessels carried on the business of hauling freight. The schooner Belle was a Chatham ship commanded by David Patten. In September 1848 she brought 100 chests of tea from New York "St. Thomas Canadian Freeman, Sept. 26, 1846.

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for John Crow, a merchant of Chatham. A few weeks later the Belle was struck by a squall near Port Stanley. She was finally driven ashore at the mouth of Catfish Creek, where the crew were taken off by means of a line. Wheat and staves were the principal exports from the Thames. The Chatham Journal reported on May 7, 1842: A number of schooners are now lying at our wharves and along the banks of the river taking in staves for the Montreal market. It is a cheering sight to see the tranquil waters of our placid stream studded with masts, with the colors of Old England floating at the top. Already several vessels have left with cargoes of staves, wheat, etc., and almost every day brings a fresh arrival; it augurs well for the rising importance of our little town to see the number of vessels that are required to carry off our superabundant produce, and it is a source of gratification to see them increase nearly two-fold annually.

A report for the one week of May 14 to May 21, 1842, shows that on May 17 there arrived at the port of Chatham the schooners Jessie of Brockville, the Flamborough and the Black Joke, followed by the steamboat Kent from Buffalo. Departures for the period of May 17 to May 20 included the schooners Caledonia, Flamborough, Jessie, the G. Denting of Oswego, and the Liverpool of Oswego, also the steamers Sans Pareil and Merchant, all loaded with staves. In addition the schooner Louise sailed with a load of wheat; and the passenger steamer Kent departed for Port Stanley. Another report on June 18,1842, stated that several vessels were then at Chatham taking in cargoes. It was estimated that more than half a million staves would be shipped that spring from the rivers Thames and Sydenham.7 The optimism of the local inhabitants was frequently expressed by the editor of the Chatham Journal. Writing in October 1842,8 he stated that the population of Chatham was then about 1,000, and situated almost at the head of deep-water navigation, the town was destined to rank among the foremost commercial towns of the Canadian West. Some seven or eight years ago where our thriving town now stands [he wrote], there was nothing to be seen but a few log houses, and with7

Chatham Journal, May 21, June 18, 1842. Vbid., Oct. 22, 1842.

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out an iota of Government patronage, or any other support than that supplied by the exertions of its enterprising inhabitants, it has grown to its present size. It has now within itself resources which no other town in Canada of the same population can approach to; independent of its commercial advantages and the facilities for trade which it enjoys, it is situated almost in the centre of a peninsula possessing a soil of surpassing fertility, which taking into consideration the extent of cleared and improved land is unequaled in the quantity and quality of its produce. The fact that the grain from the Western District always commands the highest price in the Montreal market, is sufficient evidence that it can compete in that respect with any part of the Province. Chatham being the point from which roads to all parts of the District radiate, is fast becoming, in fact now is the grand emporium of its trade, and the expected speedy removal of the District offices thither, causing numbers who foresee the position it is about to assume, to settle here and invest their capital in the town and neighborhood, tends to drive it forward in its rapid advancement. Chatham now had ten extensive stores, which had kept going through the late general depression in trade. It had numerous groceries, confectioneries, and bakeries, besides seven taverns, some of which could not be exceeded west of Toronto. Two steam grist-mills and a saw-mill were in operation. The flourishing state of the temperance cause permitted two breweries and one distillery to supply the town's needs. Messrs. Eberts were about to build a large brick establishment for the use of the firm of Witherspoon and Charteris. James Read, having "realized an ample independence" as a merchant, was planning to retire from business and direct his attention to the building of several houses. Two steamboats plied between Chatham and Detroit, and stages left daily east and west. During the summer of 1843 there were twelve or fifteen buildings in the course of construction in Chatham at one time.9 The editor of the Journal reported again on the state of the town, as it was in August 1843. As the result of healthy and vigorous trade it had continued to increase at a steady and uniform rate, although business generally had long been depressed. Improvements and additions since the beginning of the year surpassed those of all the other towns in the »Ibid., July 22, 1843.

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district together. During that period Messrs. Smith had shipped from their steam mills over 1,000 barrels of flour, much of it to Sandwich and Windsor for local consumption. More than 100,000 staves had been taken from the port in schooners and other vessels. The Eberts' new brick building, with a cellar of stone eight feet high, would when completed be one of the largest in the district. The Eberts had also started a new brick-yard and stone lime-kiln. But C. Davis was ahead of all the other brickmakers of Chatham, producing a superior product through the use of steam power to work the clay. Messrs. Slagg were finishing a large brick brewery to continue their operations on a more extensive scale. Five new stores, now doing a brisk business, had been started since the spring. Messrs. Smith had erected a large tannery, where great quantities of hides were converted into leather. The steam saw-mill was now operated by Messrs. Baxter, who had installed a circular saw which converted the otherwise useless slabs into lath. George Jacob was operating a highly lucrative potashery, run by horse-power. Many new homes were constantly going up.10 By the end of 1843 the population of Chatham had reached 1,082, of whom 75 lived in North Chatham. The town had two bakeries, four blacksmiths' shops, two breweries, nine merchant shops, eight groceries, two flour-mills, a saw-mill, a potash and a pearlash factory, a printing-office, ten taverns and a tannery. Its artisans included three fanning mill makers, a gunsmith, a hatter, three painters, two saddlers, eighteen carpenters, a tinsmith, six tailors, seven shoemakers, a tallow chandler, two waggon-makers, a watch-maker, a weaver, and a steam boiler-maker. There were also three surgeons, an exchange broker and a lawyer. The people were served by four schools, and an Anglican and a Methodist church; and two Presbyterian churches were being built.11 Dr. Fulford, formerly editor of the Journal, was now surveyor of streets in Chatham. A correspondent praised his work in improving the roads and side-walks, particularly the planks laid down on the side walk on the south side of King Street from the corner of the Royal Exchange Hotel westward. He had also had the side-walk 10

lbid., Aug. 12, 1843. ^Ibid., Dec. 9, 1843. G. W. Smith advertised that he had 1,000 barrels of salt for sale, on board the schooner Lord Seaton, then at Chatham. Pork, wheat and most marketable produce would be taken in exchange; ibid., Dec. 30, 1843.

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macadamized on the hill leading to the wharf at which the steamboat Brothers stopped.12 Somewhat later another townsman complained that the people were in the habit of taking up the planks from the sidewalks whenever they needed them. The population of Chatham numbered 1,500 in 1845, and property values had increased so rapidly that a small town lot had sold for $750. On the other hand the estimated value of exports in 1844 was slightly below that of 1841. Exports of wheat, standard staves, and furs and skins, had decreased greatly, but this was balanced by an enormous increase of flour to 3,128 barrels, and peas to 3,280 bushels, as well as quantities of other products. The latter included 74 barrels of pot and pearl ashes, 1,040 bushels of barley, 100,000 feet of West India staves, 48,000 feet of walnut timber, 7,430 pounds of hides, and small amounts of oats, corn, potatoes, cranberries, timothy seed, lard, and butter. Trade picked up again in 1845. During the first six months of the year, 30 vessels and 750,000 staves left the river. On one day in August, 110 carts and waggons were said to be in sight at one time on King Street.13 But the following year a visitor to Chatham wrote that it did not show much improvement, "no doubt but the dull times exercise a visible influence over its destiny as well as over that of other places equally favoured by nature." When he came to Sandwich he found that it too had not improved much during the last year or two. "Everything appears on a stand still," he wrote, "and miserably contrasts itself with the commercial bustle and enterprise that is to be met with among our republican neighbours of the city of Detroit.14 Sir Richard Bonnycastle visited Chatham in 1845. He described it as a wooden town, with a little wooden fort on the point between the river and the creek, which was "nicely picketted in, and kept in the most perfect order by a worthy barrack serjeant, its sole tenant, whose room was hung round with prints of the Queen, Windsor Castle, the Duke of Wellington, and Lord Nelson."15 The town had now two bank agencies (Gore and Upper Canada), three distil™Ibid., Sept. 16, 1843. ".Smith, Canadian Gazetteer, 31-2. Sandwich Western Herald, Feb. 4, 1842. Soutar, Directory of Chatham, 83. 14 St. Thomas Canadian Freeman, Sept. 26, 1846. 15 Bonnycastle, Canada and the Canadians in 1846, II, 120.

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leries, a pottery, and a foundry in addition to its other businesses, but the number of groceries had dropped from eight to four. Five physicians and surgeons cared for the sick.16 A much needed livery stable had been opened by William Brampton in January 1844. It was situated at the corner of Wellington Street and the new townline road leading to Rondeau. Travellers' horses were taken care of by the day or week; and saddle and harness horses, double and single waggons, buggies, and sleighs were offered for hire.17 Chatham's ten taverns had sprung up to take advantage of the emigrant trade. The Royal Exchange, situated at the corner of King and Fifth streets, had been begun by Joseph Northwood in 1839, but was sold to the Eberts brothers the following year. It was described as the largest hotel in the Western District, and the best west of Hamilton. Three stories high, it had five large sitting rooms, twenty-five bedrooms, the inevitable bar-room, a large billiard-room in the attic, and extensive stables and outhouses. In 1842 the Eberts rented the hotel to John H. Carter, who went to considerable expense in furnishing and fitting up the extensive apartments. A visitor from Sandwich wrote that it was unrivalled in the district for size, cleanliness, and the "excessive attention" paid to guests by the host and his employees. The meals were recommended to those who could appreciate "solid comfort at small cost." The following February the Eberts were operating this hotel themselves. Their steamboat came to the landing opposite, and soon afterwards it became the stagehouse, where passengers could apply for seats on coaches going east and west. It was here in 1845 that Sir Richard Bonnycastle enjoyed a good dinner, "which would do credit to any town." A year later the editor of the St. Thomas Canadian Freeman stopped at this "splendid and respectable hotel." In 1848 the Eberts leased it to F. Larned, who renovated it thoroughly. Eli Stephenson operated the Royal Exchange in 1850.18 16 ,Smith, Canadian Gazetteer, 31-2. For advertisements of various firms, etc., see Chatham Gleaner, July 28, Aug. 25, Sept. 22, 1846; Chatham Western Sentinel, Nov. 19, 1847; Chatham Canadian Freeman, Sept. 28, 1848. "Chatham Journal, Jan. 6, 1844. 18 Sandwich Western Herald, Nov. 16, 1839, July 29, 1842. Chatham Journal, Oct. 23, 1841, June 11, 1842, Apr. 8, Feb. 11, 1843. Chatham Canadian Freeman, Sept. 28, 1848. St. Thomas Canadian Freeman, Sept. 26, 1846. Soutar, Directory of Chatham, 69, 74, 86. Bonnycastle, Canada and the Canadians, II, 128. R. W. S. MacKay (éd.), Canada Directory (Montreal, 1851), 58.

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A few doors east of the steamboat landing was the Cross Keys Tavern, which had been started by Israel Evans in 1837 or earlier. His son-in-law William Dolsen took over the management in 1841, and the next year built a large addition and changed the name to the Farmers' Exchange.19 It may have been at this hotel that the passengers of the steamboat Brothers sought accommodation when they arrived at midnight in the summer of 1841. On of them knocked on what Morleigh describes as a rickety door. It was opened by the burly proprietor holding a hog's lard candle, who said that he could only accommodate them two or three in a bed. William Dolsen continued to operate this hotel until 1855, when he sold out and moved to a farm in Raleigh. The British North American Hotel was nearly opposite the lower steamboat-landing, and was operated in 1841 by Elias Dauphin, son of Narcisse Dauphin of Tilbury East. It was a two-storey frame building made from the old dwelling house of Dr. William Fulford, once the primitive inn of George Henry. Morleigh describes it as a "vast, rambling, rickety, wooden concern," with the usual pole and swinging sign in front. He knocked and kicked on the door for some time, until the host appeared with an axe in one hand and a candle in the other, demanding to know what he wanted, in a mixture of French and bad English. When the proprietor found that Morleigh wanted a room all to himself, he quickly aroused his wife and daughters to prepare it. He then led the way into the barroom, where he asked his guest to drink something, and drank his health and wished him prosperity. After this the host put on his shoes and went down to the steamer to get Morleigh's baggage, which he carried up on his shoulder and deposited in the large, airy bedroom. The next day the host told Morleigh that he had been a lumberer on the Thames, but having saved some money had been able to buy the hotel. But the confinement did not agree with him, and he was not half as happy as when he had had only a shanty and his axe in the woods, with freedom to go where he wished. His wife, a very pretty French Canadian, did not appear to have much tact in management, and Morleigh thought the receipts would not cover a tenth of the expenditures. She had two servants to assist her to do the work "Chatham Journal, July 3, 1841, Feb. 11, 1843. Chatham Gleaner, Aug. 25, 1846. Sandwich Western Herald, Nov. 16, 1839. Soutar, op. cit., 77.

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of the house and wait upon the boarders, and that day had prepared dinner for a dozen, with plenty of beefsteaks and potatoes. But the only guest at the meal, besides Morleigh, was a sick man who had managed to crawl downstairs despite his malaria. The salon was neatly furnished, however, and the pretty little daughter was neatly dressed "à la Française." In the evening the barroom filled with townsfolk, who drank and discussed the problems of the day.20 Elias Dauphin died a few months after Morleigh's visit, and Mrs. Dauphin advertised the British American Hotel for rent, for a period of three to five years, with all the furniture. It was conducted until 1846 by Charles Smith, and after that by Thomas Forsyth.21 Perhaps Dauphin's was the French tavern at which Timothy Partridge stayed just before Morleigh's arrival. He complained in a letter that there were "two darned great bed bugs got hold of me night before last and they came so near carrying me off they pulled me out of bed !" A popular tavern was the Commercial House, a log building operated by James Taylor at least as early as 1839. About three years later it was given a new and much improved outer covering of boards.22 Taylor moved to Thamesville in 1846, where he took over Freeman's hotel. Freeman came to Chatham and conducted the Freeman Hotel until his death in 1849, when it was re-opened by John Winter under the name of the Albion. The editor of the St. Thomas Canadian Freeman, an old friend of Freeman's, ate there in September 1846. Everyone to whom he talked said that Freeman kept the best hotel in Chatham. "Mr. Freeman is a sensible and well educated gentleman, and well qualified to conduct the arrangements of a respectable hotel." The British Hotel was opened about 1839 by Stephen T. Probett. The editor of the Western Herald described it as the best hotel in Chatham "in point of genteel accommodation, and conducted on a liberal scale," the host being considered the best caterer in the Western District. Probett moved to London about 1841, and the British 20

Morleigh, op. cit., 195-203. Chatham Journal, Nov. 13, 1841, Jan. 1, 1842. Chatham Gleaner, July 28,

21

1846.

22 Soutar, Directory of Chatham, 68, 74-5, Chatham Journal, July 3, 1841. Sandwich Western Herald, Nov. 16, 1839.

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Hotel was run by Thomas Hirons. Also in 1841, Louis Courtillet opened a hotel and confectionery in a house formerly kept by Joseph Northwood, immediately opposite the British Hotel. Two years later James Archibald had a frame hotel just east of the Farmers' Exchange, and ale and beer houses were operated by William Winters, Mrs. Jane Hooper, and Mrs. Margaret Brown. In 1846 the Western Saloon of Taylor & Co., in a brick store across the street from the Freeman Hotel, served liquors and also weak drinks, to suit all customers. The bill of fare included "beef steaks, mutton chops, tripe, oysters, game, pigs' feet, and sardines." In 1849 Joshua Biles was operating the Chatham Arms in a brick building on the corner of King and Forsyth streets. A porter was in attendance, and passengers were conveyed to and from the boats without charge. Chatham North had a tavern as early as 1839, when the Royal Oak was opened by William H. Palmer. This or another was later run by Solomon Merrill. In 1848 Merrill sold his tavern to Patrick O'Brien. He appears again as the proprietor of the Albion Hotel in 1858.23 The importance of the emigrant trade to Chatham is shown by a petition of the inhabitants, including steamboat proprietors, innkeepers, stage-coach proprietors and merchants living in Chatham and on the main road from Niagara to Sandwich, da*ed May 18, 1844. They stated that for several years past many travellers and emigrants between the eastern and western parts of the United States, had "preferred travelling with their families and baggage and with their own means of conveyance, by the short land route through Canada," rather than by the much longer way of Lake Erie or by land south of the lake. "It was nothing unusual to see fifteen or twenty of these travellers and emigrants from the Eastern States embarking at Chatham, within a period of six or seven days, on board a steam vessel, to be conveyed to the State of Michigan." The profit from their transportation was a great source of employment and maintenance to many inhabitants of the town and vicinity; and in addition the travellers spent a good deal of money in their passage through the country. 23

Chatham Journal, July 3, 1841, Jan. 22, May 14, 1842, Apr. 22, Feb. 11, 1843. Sandwich Western Herald, June 30, 1841, Feb. 4, 1842. Chatham Gleaner, Aug. 25, 1846. Chatham Canadian Freeman, Sept. 28, 1848. Chatham Chronicle, Aug. 17, Oct. 16, 1849. Soutar, op. cit., 70, 77, 86. MacKay, Canada Directory, 58. Canada Directory, 1857-8 (Montreal, 1858), 95.

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The object of the petition was to protest against a recent Act under which duties were levied on American live-stock, including the horses or oxen of American emigrants and travellers, although these were merely passing through the country. This had almost entirely stopped such travel, seriously harming business in such towns as Chatham. Similar reports were made by the collectors of customs at Queenston, Windsor, and Port Sarnia. The Chatham petitioners went on to observe that large sums were then being expended by the province in building roads from Amherstburg to London and thence to Brantford. The Board of Works had recently checked on the extent of travel between London and Windsor to see whether the tolls arising from it would justify the formation of plank roads. However, unless the duty levied on American travellers' live-stock was refunded to them when they left the country, this route would be abandoned by them. Otherwise travel between Chicago and the Eastern United States would be almost entirely through Canada if plank roads were built.24 The Canadian Agricultural Journal in its issue of June 1, 1844, took a different view of the matter : 25 The loss Canada has sustained in not having one American team pass through Chatham this year, though 350 passed through the same place in 1843, is not so great as might be supposed. Not one of these teams came to Canada for any other purpose than to advance their own interests, or for their own convenience or ^ pleasure. They most probably came to sell produce in Canada, and take back cash for it, as their tariff is so excessively high that it would not admit of their taking any of our produce or British manufacture unless they took them as smugglers.

This ill-informed comment weighed little against the protests that poured in on the Government, and within a short time American travellers were permitted to pass through the province free of duty.28 A Hook and Ladder Company was formed in Chatham in 1841, and within a short time was called upon to extinguish fires in Joseph Tissiman's brewery and James Read's large red storehouse. In March 24Public Archives of Canada, Prov. Sec. Office, Canada West, Vol. 149 (1844), no. 7677. 25 Quoted in Jones, op. cit., 133. 28 Prov. Sec. Office, Canada West, Vol. 149 (1844), no. 8076.

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1842 fire consumed a small building occupied as a barber shop, and two larger frame houses, in one of which was Bennett's bakery. The barber shop was pulled down to prevent the blaze spreading to Courtillet's house. A writer to the Journal suggested that the Hook and Ladder Company be more efficiently organized, and that the fire captain take his speaking-trumpet with him next time. The most active fire-fighters were Captain Cameron, Lieutenant Perrier, and the coloured troops, who were quickly on the spot. They again distinguished themselves the following November, when a small fire broke out in Hiron's British Hotel. It was reported that the Hook and Ladder Company, "or more properly the remnant thereof" was also actively employed. A year later the potash factory of George Jacob, Jr., burned to the ground. Fires had to be fought with buckets of water passed from hand to hand. The Journal reported on October 14, 1843, that vigorous efforts were being made to procure a fire-engine for the town, although they had as yet suffered to a very slight degree from fire. A lot of land in Chatham North, deeded by Joseph Woods to three trustees for the benefit of the Hook and Ladder Company, was to be disposed of by raffle or lottery, in seventy-five shares at one pound each. A considerable amount had already been raised by free donations. However, it was not until 1848 that the Chatham Fire Brigade was formed, and a fire-engine was purchased. To celebrate the occasion the Amherstburg Fire Company came to Chatham, and was entertained at a dinner at the Royal Exchange Hotel. It arrived by steamboat, and marched through the streets in full uniform, with band playing and flags flying. In 1850 the Chatham Fire Brigade was reorganized under the name of the Chatham Fire Company, No. I.27 At this time (1850) Chatham had a population of 2,000 persons, and with Chatham North was incorporated as a village, with five councillors. It was now able to control its own affairs apart from the townships of Harwich, Raleigh, and Chatham, in which it was situated. The first meeting of the council was held on January 21, in the Farmers' Exchange Hotel. Numerous brick houses had been built, "Sandwich Western Herald, Sept.' 8, 1841. Chatham Journal, Aug. 21, 1841, Mar. 11, Nov. 26, 1842, Oct. 7, 1843, Oct. 14, 1843, Feb. 17, 1844. Chatham Canadian Freeman, Sept. 28, 1848. Soutar, op. cit., 72, 84.

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and property values had risen greatly during the last decade. Large quantities of wheat, staves, and walnut lumber were annually exported. In 1855 Chatham was incorporated as a town, with nine councillors, and was a flourishing ship-building, industrial, and exporting centre for the lower Thames, served not only by river transport and good roads, but by the Great Western Railroad.28 28 John J. Bigsby, The Shoe and Canoe (2 vols., London, 1850), I, 300. Soutar, op. cit., 84, 88. Canada Directory, 1857-8, 95-7.

19 CHATHAM: SOCIAL LIFE

C

HATHAM may have been an outpost of civilization to the cosmopolitan Morleigh, but to its inhabitants and those of the surrounding country it had a culture of a high order. The hotels were centres of social activity, the hosts of which tried to outdo one another in the lavishness of their entertainment on festive occasions. An outstanding event of the time was the visit of LieutenantGovernor Sir George Arthur and his suite to Chatham in January, 1839. Colonel Chichester and three magistrates rode on horseback to meet them at the edge of the town, where an address of welcome from the people was read and the visitors then conducted to Probett's British Hotel. The address read, in part: We beg to assure your Excellency of our unalterable attachment to our Most Gracious Sovereign and British Institutions; and of our determination to uphold and support the connexion so happily existing between the two countrys, being one and all ready and willing at the shortest notice to arm and fight for our Queen, our homes, and our country . . . To your Excellency under Divine Providence we are mainly indebted for our abundant spring crops, your permitting a great portion of the militia to return to their Homes, in time to cultivate their farms, has ensured to us this blessing.

That evening the barracks across the creek and the various hotels in the town were brilliantly illuminated with candles, the thirty-eight large windows of the British Hotel being filled with nearly 300 lights. While His Excellency dined with the élite, the militia assembled outside the inn to fire the three-pounder taken at Fighting Island, and to give three cheers for the Queen and three for the Governor. Then the enlivening strains of a band furnished entertainment for all.1 Public Archives of Canada, Q, 427, Part 1, 50. Sandwich Western Herald, Feb. 5, 1839. Arthur came again in August; ibid., Aug. 7, Aug. 14, Aug. 21, 1839. 279

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Probett was caterer for a dinner given on July 8, 1841, in honour of Joseph Woods, newly elected to the Assembly. It was served on the market-square, under a canopy of boughs and roses surmounted by flags. Some eighty freemen from all parts of the county sat down to partake of the "choicest fruits and richest delicacies of the season." At the head of a table 150 feet in length was placed a roast of beef weighing 1 20 pounds, while the rest was covered with roasted chickens and suckling pigs, pasties and vegetables, interspersed with bouquets of flowers. At the end of the feast bottles of liquor were brought forward, and "toasts and songs and speeches resounded along the board."2 Courtillet's Hotel was the scene of a public assembly given on New Year's Eve, 1841, to celebrate the event of the birth of a Prince of Wales. About ten o'clock a salute of twenty-one guns was fired, followed by fireworks and brilliant illuminations in different parts of the town. Dr. Fulford, who was in charge of the arrangements, was master of ceremonies two years later at a Young Men's Fancy Ball, given by Charles Smith, proprietor of the British North American Hotel. Tickets were sold at $2 each, which included a gentleman and one or more ladies. The Chatham Journal reported that it "was a handsome affair. The music was good and the dancing room tastefully decorated, and everything appeared in good order to give eclat to the large assembly of the youth and beauty of our town and its vicinity, who kept up the dance right merrily until the morn. More than 60 persons sat down to a supper that was superb, and prepared by our host Mr. Charles Smith."3 In April 1842 the members of the St. George's Society, of which W. Cosgrave was president and G. W. Foott vice-president, met at Taylor's Commercial House to celebrate the feast of their patron saint. It was also attended by many members of the sister societies and other Chathamites. After the dinner, which reminded the editor of the Journal of the "Turn out" which Probett had formerly given, many toasts were drunk. "The potent influence of the generous grape began to be felt, which was evidenced by the extraordinary extension of the powers of vision of our friend Squire— (next to whom we sat) nbid., July 16, July 28, 1841. "Chatham Journal, Jan. 8, Jan. 20, 1844.

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who frequently observed that our head was as large as Caucasus." This event was followed a few weeks later by a public dinner at Hiron's British Hotel, given in honour of Captain Chambers of the militia, on the occasion of his appointment to a regiment of the line. Toasts were drunk, "the generous wine began to circulate more freely and what with giving toasts, returning thanks, and some excellent singing, the greatest hilarity and happiness prevailed until a late hour."4 Chatham did not lack more refined entertainment. In 1842 the "great singer Braham, the father of song, who had stood unrivalled on the British stage for upward of twenty years," gave a concert in the Royal Exchange Hotel, assisted by his son Charles Braham. Tickets were sold at one dollar apiece. In October 1849 the German musician Hess gave a piano concert; and F. Gardner of the Royal Academy of Music in London, who was touring Canada, sang there. A meeting to organize a Lyceum or Debating School was held at William Dolsen's Farmers' Exchange in 1842. The Chatham Amateur Theatrical Society was formed in July 1844, using scenery painted for it by "those excellent painters Messrs. D. Nichols and L. T. Meyers."5 In 1846 a theatrical performance was given by the Hills, which was enthusiastically reported as the richest treat the people af Chatham had ever experienced. The play was Hasty Conclusions, and the cast was assisted by three of the local Amateurs. "Who ever saw a more perfect chamber maid than Nancy, or a more charming Gertrude," a correspondent wrote. "The Polka was deservedly encored, and that charming danseuse, Mrs. Hill, vastly enchanted all. 'Patrick Casey', a duet, by Mr. C. Hill and his charming daughter, was enthusiastically encored." The Amateurs were told not to be afraid to appear before the public after the Hills. Playing only four or five times a year, they could not be expected to equal actors in their profession.6 A few days later Spalding's Mammoth North American Circus came to Chatham. Everything immoral or indecent had been excluded, according to the advance notices, and it was hoped that many who never visited such exhibitions would come with their families and *Ibid., Apr. 30, May 14, 1842. Soutar, Directory of Chatham, 72. Chatham Journal, Sept. 3, Oct. 15, 1842, July 13, 1844. Chatham Chronicle, Oct. 16, Oct. 30, 1849. "Chatham Gleaner, Sept. 22, 1846. 5

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enjoy the entertainment. The show claimed to have the largest equestrian troop in North America, with a number of acrobats and clowns, including a contortionist "known throughout the southern country as the youth without bones," and the Yankee Samson who would carry weights by his hair, bend a bar of iron across his arm, and allow a 1,000-pound cannon to be discharged from his breast. There was also W. B. Carroll the bare-back rider, who would carry Miss Madigan erect on his head, "balancing the beautiful little creature in perfect safety, with his fleet steed Hamlet at a swift pace, the most beautiful and thrilling sight ever witnessed." Mrs. Carroll, the equestrienne, had an act entitled "The Nymph of the Floating Scarf."7 Horse-racing was a popular form of entertainment. In May 1842 Captain Steers, in command of the Chatham cavalry troop, requested it to meet at Chatham at 7 o'clock in the morning the following June 4. At 2 o'clock a saddle would be run for, open to all horses of the troop, near Champain's farm at the head of the plains in Raleigh.8 The following February Charles Smith of Tilbury West offered to race his pacing horse Tom against any other horse in the Western District "for from four to eight miles, under the saddle or harness, for any reasonable sum, not exceeding fifty pounds." John Traxler of Louisville accepted the challenge and agreed to run his sorrel mare Troubler against Tom for $100. The race was to take place on February 27, at the mouth of the Thames if the ice was good, but otherwise near Dauphin's Tavern twelve miles below Chatham. When the day arrived it was cold, but the sleighing was good, and many people came to see the race. Troubler was a general favorite, and bets were freely taken up at two to one; Troubler won easily. Considerable unpleasantness ensued when Smith finally refused to give up his horse to Traxler in payment of the stakes. At first Smith asked to keep the horse for two or three weeks to get out some rails while the sleighing was good. Later he told Traxler that he would not give up the horse as the law did not require it. Traxler published his story in the Journal, under the heading "Sporting upon Honor." Smith replied that he was waiting for the judges to give their decision Ubid., Aug. 25, 1846. 8 Chatham Journal, May 21, 1842.

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on the report of many persons that Troubler had lost the race, through breaking her pace and galloping past the running post.8 In August 1843 George Jacob of Chatham issued a challenge to the winner of the Sandwich races: If the winner of the above races will bring his animal to the River Thames, I will run my horse Wawascash against him, one mile heat, for any sum not exceeding £25; as I am unwilling so far to undervalue my beast, as to suffer him to contend against the common herd that usually roves over the Sandwich course. John Mercer, brother of Joseph Mercer of Chatham, won the Sandwich flat race with his grey horse Brag, and accepted Jacob's challenge, but ill-feeling arose between the parties and the race was apparently never run.10 The first Turf Club and Driving Park Association was organized in Chatham on May 17, 1845, with Joseph Slagg as secretar)'. On fine winter days horse-races were held on the smooth ice of the river, attended by crowds of men, women, and children. Well-known racers were Alex Peck with Ploughboy, and John Smith with Bark Grinder. In 1850 Bark Grinder, a broken-winded horse disabled by racing half-mile contests, was still ready to run against all comers. In between races John Smith used it to work the bark-mill of his tannery.11 Cricket was another diversion which was popular with the predominantly English population. The Chatham Cricket Club was organized in 1841 by Thomas Dapplyn, James Reeve, and Henry Slagg. It soon had a great reputation, once playing at Guelph before the lieutenant-governor and other notables. In September 1843 the editor of the Journal wrote: We were yesterday much delighted by witnessing the skill of our Chatham cricketers, who were playing the noble old English game upon the government ground near the barracks. It was a match game, and well contested, in good playing, as pronounced by experienced cricket players who happened to be on the ground. We think a friendly contest between "Soutar, Directory of Chatham, 76. Chatham Journal, Feb. 11, Feb. 25, Mar. 4, Apr. 15, 1843. «Chatham Journal, Aug. 19, Aug. 26, 1843. "Soutar, op. cit., 80, 85.

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them and the Sandwich club would excite much amusement and keep up a good feeling.

A challenge was issued by James Reeve in June 1844, on behalf of eleven married gentlemen of Kent, to play a game of cricket with any eleven single men of the county. Two weeks later Reeve, Richard Monck, and Edwin Larwill, on behalf of the cricketers of Kent, offered to play any eleven of Essex. In 1846 W. Johnson of Sandwich wrote to a friend: "We play cricket nearly every afternoon, and when you come we will get up a match. The Sandwich Club has challenged the Chatham Club, but I believe they are afraid to play." That fall the Royal Kent Cricket Club of Chatham defeated the Morpeth Club in one innings, but when the return match was held in Chatham, Morpeth won. The players and friends then partook of a dinner provided by Joshua Biles of the Chatham Arms Inn.12 The popular pastimes of feats of strength and wrestling matches usually took place on the public square, opposite James Taylor's Commercial House. Robert Wilson of Harwich, Thomas Crow of Dover, and Robert Williams of Raleigh, were the leading wrestlers of the Western District. D. Weaver announced in January 1844 that he proposed to instruct a class, without charge, in broad and small sword exercises. It is probable that this never became a popular pastime. But Scottish games and the music of the bag-pipes were enjoyed by everyone. On New Year's Day in 1852 William McKenzie Ross, in full costume and playing "The Campbells are Coming," led a procession from Dugald McNaughton's Hotel to the garrison ground. Here Scotch shinty and other games were played, with Captain McTavish the leading champion.13 The Chatham Library and News Room was begun in 1839 in the home of Joseph Bell, with a committee consisting of William Cosgrave, Roger Smith, and Edwin Larwill. By 1841 it was regularly receiving ten British, American, and Canadian newspapers, besides the Museum of Foreign Literature, Blackwood's Magazine and the Edinburgh Magazine. In December of that year the Rev. Mr. Hobson 12 Ibid., 71. Chatham Journal, Sept. 2, July 13, 1844. Chatham Chronicle, Sept. 25, 1849. Burton Histor. Coll., John Askin Papers, June 14, 1846. 13 Soutar, op. cit., 80. Chatham Journal, Jan. 6, 1844.

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delivered two lectures on geology for the purpose of raising additional funds, and within a few months the library had a small but select collection of books, twenty or thirty newspapers, and several monthly magazines.14 The town's first newspaper, the Weekly Journal, made its first appearance on July 3, 1841, under the editorship of Dr. William Fulford; but the editor of the next and succeeding issues was John F. Delmage, and the name was soon changed to the Chatham Journal and Western District General Advertiser. The editor's aim was to provide "a means of disseminating sound principles and a vehicle for influencing the minds of the people in the proper direction." The paper would support Lord Sydenham's administration "whenever its measures met with its approval," but its chief purpose was "to advance the interests of the County of Kent." As with most early newspapers, financial difficulties soon arose. In February 1843 Dolsen, the publisher, pleaded that those owing subscriptions should bring in firewood or cash to settle their accounts. At this time it was announced that Delmage had resigned the editorship because of ill health. Dolsen wrote : "We congratulate him upon his retirement—nay we envy him —and wish that our lot had been so cast, as it would be far more congenial to our taste and feelings." The first issue of the Chatham Gleaner of News, Literature, and General Intelligence, printed and published by Wiggins and Gould, appeared on August 3, 1844. It supported the Baldwin-Lafontaine party, and finally passed out of existence in the 1850's under Noah L. Freeman. On November 12, 1847, Charles Wood & Co. began to publish the Western Sentinel and County of Kent Guardian, "the first effort ever made to establish a reform paper in the Western District." The following January the Canadian Freeman and Kent General Advertiser began publication, under W. R. O'Reilly. George Gould, former publisher of the Gleaner, began the Chatham Chronicle on July 17, 1847. None of these newspapers lasted very long. In 1857 Chatham had three: the Kent Advertiser, begun in 1848 by Thomas A. Ireland and continued after 1853 by John S. Vosburg, the Provincial Freeman, and the Planet. Only the last one, begun in April 1851 by Miles Miller and Matthew Dolsen, and later continued "Ibid., Sept. 11, Dec. 11, 1841. Sandwich Western Herald, Mar. 3, 1842.

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by Rufus Stephenson and his descendants, was destined to survive till recent times.15 The first issues of the Journal in the summer of 1841 brought forth many contributions from would-be poets and prose writers. Editor Delmage felt called upon to write a lengthy editorial on the subject, which doubtless expressed the sentiments of others of his profession. He wrote:18 Of all the troublesome, annoying and tantalizing customers an editor had to deal with, a certain class of correspondents is the worst. Not unfrequently do we find ourselves in a most unpleasant and unenviable predicament solely from exercising an unbiassed judgment in the rejection of communications or contributions: we are taunted by individuals one after another with not conducting our paper impartially, and charged with having a chosen few from whom alone we will insert any production. Every one who takes it into his head to scribble a "bit of prose or poetry," becomes affronted because we do not insert it in our "widely circulated and useful journal," as the writer flourishingly styles our "little hebdomadal"—not perceiving in the rapture he feels at the idea of having his name in print, that the insertion of his tissue of ungrammatical nonsense, would only entail on himself the epithet of a fool or a jackass. We are never so disposed to acknowledge the truth of the assertion that—"Little learning is a dangerous thing," as when we are almost crazy from endeavoring to decipher the hieroglyphics of some person styling himself a "Subscriber", a "Wellwisher", "Junius", or some such cognomen. We were particularly struck by a poetical effusion we received not long since evidently from some "broth of a boy", from the "land of potatoes", which he begged of us as a countryman of his, we would be plaized to insert in the Chatham Journal: it commences thus— "All hail! Ye muses of the anshint Helicong, Inspire me while I sing my song, of the dangers of the say." Purporting to be an account of his "Travels over the lantic ocean." This little "bit of poethry" had attached to it the modest request "plaize to alther and correct errors," not withstanding which we of course declined to gratify our countryman. "See J. R. Gemmill, "Historical Sketch tof the Press of Chatham," Kent Historical Society, Papers and Addresses, II (1915), 30-7. «Chatham Journal, Aug. 20, 1842.

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Another correspondent (very plainly some grievance hunter, or barroom orator) sends us a tirade in which he anathematizes and libels about a dozen of the most respectable individuals in the district, and then, forsooth, because we deem it prudent to keep out of the meshes of the law, he writes and says we are of the Family Compact and our paper the organ of that party. Another—"a fair correspondent"-—we have actually her letter now before us, in which she calls us an ungallant man and a brute, because we have not inserted a dolorous unmeaning rhyme, which she calls "An Elegy on my lapdog" and which begins thus: "Sweet cupid, how oft have I nursed thee on my knee, And combed thy curly locks so yellow." And so on to the end of the chapter. It is certainly unpleasant to refuse a lady, but we cannot help it; quite a sufficiency of nonsense creeps into our columns, without knowingly augmenting it ... Several months later the editor reported17 that he had a poetical communication from Raleigh called "The rise and progress of the late wedding," which he would not insert, as nothing of a private nature should be brought before the public. However, he would go so far as to print one verse: They then did give a harty cheer, When every song was dun, But others raleigh, though it ware, Most tirable dry fun. Out of these literary strivings finally came the first novel written in Kent County. Its author was A. S. Holmes, a young gentleman of Raleigh, and son of the Methodist preacher and school teacher Ninian Holmes. Entitled Belinda, or the Rivals: a Tale of Real Life, it was published in Detroit in 1843. The editor of the Journal recommended it to his readers in the following words :18 Those whose highly peppered taste and passion for excitement can relish nothing that is not spiced with "battle, murder, and sudden death," will not, perhaps, find the "Rivals" to suit them, for maugré an attempt to commit suicide (which we think had better have been left out) the troops of disappointed lovers and distressed relatives act in the "Ibid., Dec. 3, 1842. "¡Ibid., Nov. 4, 1843. See Fred C. Hamil, "A Pioneer Novelist of Kent County," Ontario History, XXXIX (1947), 101-13.

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novel pretty much as they would do in actual life. But though this tale is not a romance, there is much of pleasing incident and natural feeling in its pages, which will well repay a perusal.

The modern reader will find some sidelights on the life of the time in Belinda, but will be mainly affected by amusement at the efforts of the author to produce a romantic account of a rather sordid event. At this time the camera and electricity were becoming known to the people of Chatham. On September 17, 1842, under the title "Daguerreotype Likenesses," the Journal reported: The inhabitants of this town can now avail themselves of the astonishing art of taking with great accuracy, likenesses on silver plates, without pen, pencil, or brush, or manual operation, by the mere chemical action of light on the chemically prepared metallic surface. You sit down—the plate is placed before you—in a few seconds you rise—and there upon the plate as indestructible as the soul, is fixed the exact image of the man, in dark colors that never fade. The art is well practised by Mr. Charles C. Rood, who has, for a short time, taken room at the Royal Exchange, where visitors can examine specimens and judge for themselves. "Secure the shadow ere the substance decay."

Regarding electricity the editor wrote on January 6, 1844: Shocking!!! We recommend our various friends to take a view of Mr. Larwill's new electric apparatus, which that ingenious gentleman has finished, and, with his characteristic good nature, is always willing to exhibit to his acquaintances. Its workmanship is highly creditable to the mechanical talents of Mr. Larwill.

The relationship of the white with the negro population of Chatham was not always of the best. In 1841 Morleigh observed the coloured regiment drilling under their white officers. He thought they looked very fierce and pompous, but was glad to hear they would soon be disbanded. The topic of conversation in the bar-room of his hotel was "the awful number of blacks gathered in Chatham." They had become so bold that many feared they would eventually become the masters. One man told of a negro soldier who had struck him with a cane the previous evening. Indignation mounted in the barroom, and when a negro entered and asked to put up a placard announcing a negro public dinner, he was refused in an insulting man-

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ner. Then three black soldiers entered, but went out muttering threats when they were not permitted to buy beer. "Eating and drinking, wooing and fiddling, and preaching all the summer," remarked the host, "That's the way with the darkees; and starving and perishing all the winter." One man exclaimed that he would not subscribe for firewood for them the next winter. To Timothy Partridge, who was in Chatham about this time, there seemed to be more negroes than whites there.19 In August 1842, General Armstrong with an aide-de-camp and servant arrived in Chatham to inspect the coloured regiment under the command of Captain Cameron.20 Two days later the negroes celebrated the event of emancipation throughout the British dominions. Just after day-break twenty-one rounds were fired from a cannon at the end of the point of the military ground. Later nearly one hundred black soldiers met in a large building formerly occupied by Lindsey Taylor, who had been active in getting up the affair. In the afternoon they paraded through the town behind a band, "with the greatest decorum and regularity," and about four o'clock sat down to dinner beneath an arbor of boughs sixty feet long on the point of the military ground. The editor of the Journal was greatly surprised at the profusion of good things with which the table was laden, and the neatness with which everything was arranged. The manner in which the beef, hams, and fowls were dressed gave ample testimony that the men of the company were no novices at the culinary art. After the meal was over many speeches were delivered. One, by Josiah Jones, went as follows: Dear fellow men and Brethren, in the southern states, our friends are not asleep, they are known by all there, to be true British subjects and all of the most loyal kind. We also know what we are called by the Southerners, they call us the tigers, and well might they so denominate us, but why dare that ferocious animal remain so harmless. I answer, because he is fettered and confined within a cage. Oh ! that John Bull would war in the East, and that the thunder of his voice might be heard by the tigers of the south, for then would they burst in sunder their prison "Morleigh, Life in the West, 197-8, 204. Burton Hist. Coll., Edwin Miles Papers, June 13, 1841. ""Chatham Journal, Aug. 6, 1842.

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house, and sweep with the besom of destruction, the enemies of liberty and of humanity!

When night had fallen the men retired to a room which their officers had provided for them, and spent the remainder of the night dancing with their feminine friends. During the early part of the evening many of the white people attended to watch the dancing. Liquors were present in abundance, but the editor did not see a man of the company intoxicated. He gave much credit to Captain Cameron and Lieutenant Perrier for the discipline and efficiency of the men. Most of them, it was said, were members of the Temperance Society.21 There were some of the coloured company, however, who were discontented and of notoriously bad character, as were two who deserted and escaped to Detroit that September. Trouble also arose about this time when an escaped slave named Nelson Hackett was arrested on charges of robbery and rape committed in Arkansas. He was taken in a shanty at the back of the Eberts farm, with a fine mare and bridle and saddle, and a double-cased gold lever watch and chain, all of which had been reported stolen from his master. While he was being examined before magistrates Thomas McCrae and James Read, fifteen negro soldiers appeared with bayonets in their hands, and attempted to rescue him. Through the prompt action of Read and some of the spectators, four of the ring-leaders were arrested and the remainder forced from the building. One of the magistrates declared that the coloured soldiers were generally ill-conducted at night, and sometimes had to be arrested for creating disturbances in the streets. Hackett was kept in jail in Sandwich until February, when he was surrendered to the Arkansas authorities on orders from the governor and council. Many people suspected that the charges against him were false, and that he had been brought back to deter other slaves from running away. A question was raised in the British House of Commons about him, but it was decided that his surrender had been made in a legal manner.22 The coloured company was disbanded in April 1843, and the editor of the Journal reported : 28 21 Ibid., Aug. 28, 1841, Aug. 6, 1842. See also Green, Upper Canada's Black Defenders, 283. "Chatham Journal, Sept. 11, Sept. 25, 1841, Sept. 13, 1842. Sandwich Western Herald, Sept. 18, Aug. 18, 1842. "Chatham Journal, Apr. 29, 1843.

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The colored company of the Second Battalion stationed at this place, were paid off on Thursday last, and were all conveyed yesterday by the splendid steamer Kent to Sandwich, and there to be disbanded. They all left apparently in high spirits, with music and colors flying, cutting up the greatest "nigger shines" imaginable, and followed, if not by many good wishes of our inhabitants, at least with one—that they may never return again. The officers in command, Captain Cameron and Lieutenant Perrier carry with them the kindest feelings [for their gentlemanly conduct and the] discipline and orderly manner in which they have kept these almost unruly sort of people under subjection. This ended the "military occupation" of the town which had lasted since 1837. Despite its cultural and economic advances Chatham remained a country town. One of its citizens described the peculiarities of the inhabitants early in the 1840's. They had first of all a strong attachment for dogs, and it was a mark of the highest respectability to have a train of them when going to or coming from church. In military circles an officer would not be seen promenading without his dog and bludgeon. There was also a strong attachment for pork, not only the eating of it, but the growing of it. "Every housekeeper must have his sow and pigs and with them the necessary appendages, a pool for them to wallow in—a receptacle for fleas and flies—with a kitchen easy of ingress and egress." Visitors would feel slighted if not greeted by a goodly number of pigs. And pork was much appreciated as a table delicacy, so much so that it was well known that many Chathamites had come to possess many of the qualities of a pig.24 No doubt the author did not know of Bonnycastle's remark on pigs, when he observed them in action on the Thames road above Chatham, that they were the "scavengers of Canada." The Chatham dogs were the subject of an editorial in the Journal in September 1842:25 We have received two or three communications latterly, directing our attention to the number of dogs running about our streets. We perfectly agree with the writers that it is a very great evil, and one which calls for immediate remedy. Turn your eye which way you will, a drove of these animals will be observed, either chasing some unfortunate stranger of "Quoted in Soutar, Directory of Chatham, 78. «Sept. 3, 1842.

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their species round a corner, or engaged in some other recreation more disgusting and annoying to the modest and well disposed portion of her Majesty's liege subjects of this town. Around the doors of Stores, Groceries and Taverns, numbers are to be seen every hour in the day, and should any person approach with a dog in his company, an uproar, a din and combat arises that is only to be equalled by the savage howling of a horde of hungry wolves over some prey. We sincerely hope that the good sense of our little community will induce them to lessen the number of their household guardians, and keep the rest within doors or out of the streets, and in particular we address ourselves to some of our immediate neighbors, at one of whose doors the other morning, we counted no less than sixteen of the canine species, and at other times when passing by and we cast a sidelong glance with the hope of seeing a fair and lovely countenance, our eyes encounter the angry glances of half a dozen dogs, whose musical growl speedily induces us to "make tracks". We really think that many young ladies lose husbands by keeping puppies about them, some wooers are so timid, so afraid of being bitten in the shins, or having an unseemly rent effected in a necessary portion of their dress, perhaps too at the very moment he is enjoying an agreeable tete-a-tete, or making a declaration of love to the lady of his choice, that they spend those hours in other pursuits, which their inclination would induce them to spend in the society of their "Ladye love." The Chatham people, in common with those elsewhere, were frequently given to over-indulgence in spirituous liquors. On February 8, 1840, the Chatham Temperance Society was organized, with the Methodist minister William Griffis as president, and A. Bassett as secretary. By August 1841 the society had 149 members. It then reported that Chatham had three distilleries and breweries, thirteen licensed places for the sale of liquor, six unlicensed places, and three magistrates "in traffic." The town had 36 drunkards, and none had yet been reclaimed. The Journal commented that licensed houses were generally conducted in a creditable manner. It was only in the unlicensed places, "sinks of iniquity," that the drunkard could sit down and drink until he had to be removed in a "beastly state of intoxication."26 In one of his addresses to the society the Rev. Mr. Griffis told of a procession of ladies in Rochester, who carried a large banner inscribed with the words: "Teetotaller or no Husband." He recom26

Soutar. op. cit.. 70. Chatham Journal, Aug. 14, 1841.

KING STREET WEST, CHATHAM, 1860 Toronto Public Library—watercolour from photograph 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Royal Exchange A. D. McLean property J. N. W. McKeough, hardware Robert Cooper's bookstore R. O. Miller, dry goods Postoffice Thomas Stone, dry goods

8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Rankin House Fourth Street Northwood, grocer Ebert s brick block W. E. Rispin, Grand Trunk ticket office Stephen Backus Music Hall

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mended that the Chatham ladies follow their example, since "it was no advantage to them to have a husband who would at times be so destitute of his reasoning faculties as to go light his pipe at the water pail instead of the fire place." At the next meeting Dr. Cross gave an address which must have been a powerful discourse on the evil effects of liquor. Major Benjamin Slater was converted, and published a notice in the Journal requesting everyone to stop soliciting him to have a drink, as he would consider it an insult. It was well known, he wrote, that he had for a long time been in the habit of using ardent spirits to excess, but he was now determined to refrain from using any spirituous liquors whatsoever.27 On November 3, 1842, the Temperance Society met in the new Methodist church, with the president, Dr. T. Cross, in the chair. After the usual singing and prayers the president addressed the large number of people who attended. He stated that since the last meeting in the spring several had broken the pledge and ceased to be members; this had been seized on by the opposition to hold the society up to ridicule. Perhaps he was referring to Friend Larwill and some others who had organized the Free and Easy Club in the fall of 1841 to offset the influence of the Temperance Society. Dr. Cross was followed by the Rev. Mr. Flummerfelt, who gave a short but feeling address on the hideous deformities of intemperance, and urged the education of the younger generation towards temperance. The Rev. Mr. Griffis then spoke at great length, drawing a striking picture of the deplorable effects of intemperance. He related many anecdotes to illustrate its baneful influence on society, and particularly alluded to the demoralizing effect of using spirituous liquors at "bees," "raisings," and other gatherings. At the next meeting of the society later in the month, held in the schoolhouse on the Communication Road, some opposition developed. One man tried to prove the uselessness of Teetotalism by asserting that many were deserting the cause, but he "was rather roughly handled, as far as words went, particularly by the ladies, who said they would not listen." They carried round the pledge to the people present, "and with winning words and smiles . . . induced several old sinners to become members. They ended by declaring their motto "Chatham Journal, Nov. 27, Dec. 18, 1841.

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to be 'Teetotalism or no husband'." The editor of the Journal ended his account with: "The dear creatures! more power to them."28 In 1844 Chatham was visited by "that talented temperance lecturer Mr. Wadsworth," who spoke on the evils of intemperance, and was rewarded by securing 60 more signers to the teetotal pledge. However, the Temperance Society seems to have fallen into a decline soon after this. In 1848 it was revived again at a meeting held in Chatham. Nearly one hundred additional names were added to the list of members. The officers elected at this meeting were Malcolm Cameron, M.P.P., president; T. M. Taylor and James Burns, vicepresidents; D. McCall, secretary; and John Crow, treasurer.29 Chatham experienced an increasing amount of crime as it grew and prospered. In 1841 Dr. Fulford was robbed of $1,200 which he had left in his trousers pocket at the foot of his bed. When he awoke he found his clothes and trunk in the street, and the money gone. He had a man arrested for the theft, but was unable to prove him guilty, and had to pay him $50 in settlement for the arrest.30 A year later the house of Lewis Arnold, Sr., near Chatham, was entered at night and three guns and two watches were taken. On the same night the captain's desk was stolen from the American schooner Winnebago, then lying at Chatham. The desk was found in the fields next morning with more than $300 gone. It was thought that the robberies were committed by two vagabonds named O'Reilly and Lockhart, who had recently escaped from the jail. Lockhart was arrested three weeks later by two farmers on the Talbot Road. Late in November 1842 the storehouse of Witherspoon and Charteris was broken into and a barrel of whiskey stolen. Tracks in the snow led to the house of a man named Kelly, who with a coloured man named Bowman was arrested for the theft. This storehouse was again entered the following January by a "hard case" named John Declute of Tilbury, who was caught in the act. In May the steam mill of Messrs. Smith in Chatham North was forcibly entered through the window, and three or four hundredweight of flour stolen.31 ™Ibid., Nov. 5, Dec. 3, 1842. Ibid., Feb. 17, 1844. Also undated clipping from Chatham Journal. Burton Hist. Coll., Edwin Miles Papers, June 13, 1841. "For these and other crimes see Chatham Journal, July 9, July 30, Dec. 3, 1842, Jan. 28, Mar. 4, May 20, Dec. 9, 1843, Feb. 17, Feb. 24, Apr. 13, 1844. 29 30

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The editor of the Chatham Journal commented on February 25, 1843, that the "pressure of the times is on the increase, and with it a proportional increase of rowdies, swindlers and humbugs. The latest case is a sly looking chap by the name of William W. Devault [he came from Louisville], who has been carrying on the tailoring business for the last six months. He left here, as he stated on business to London. Nothing was heard from him until a letter was received, postmarked Hamilton, in which he states that he will soon reach the United States, leaving sundries of his friends here minus of horse, cutter, money, etc. etc. to the amount of 150 to 200 dollars."32 The following October the Journal reported that persons of suspicious character were daily seen loafing through the county, and some horse thefts had been committed in the township of Chatham. The inhabitants had taken alarm, and vigorous measures were in progress to form societies to entrap the thieves. A correspondent to the Journal suggested that a meeting of the citizens of Chatham be called to organize a society for the prosecution of felons. He said that many petty thefts had recently been committed in or about the town, but these had usually been winked at because of the heavy expenses incurred by anyone wishing to prosecute, due to the courthouse and jail still being at Sandwich. The editor thought that it would be better to petition the District Council to have such expenses paid by the Government. The Council had already resolved to maintain debtors confined in the jail, although there existed no legal provision for this being done.33 Several churches were built in Chatham during the 1840's. Rev. William H. Hobson was minister of the Anglican church in 1841, and presided over the regular annual meeting of the Chatham Bible Society in August of that year. The old Anglican church was outside the town and only with difficulty could it be approached in bad weather because of the condition of the roads. Under Hobson's leadership it was resolved at this time to build a new brick or stone church. When Dr. John Strachan, Bishop of Toronto, visited Chatham in 1842 he found the people still talking of building the church. Strachan was pleased with Hobson's work, which was "yielding satisS2 lbid., Feb. 25, 1843. **Ibid., Feb. 1, Oct. 21, 1843.

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factory fruit." Soon after his departure Hobson held a meeting to establish a Sunday School for the children. The building project, however, came to nothing, and the old church continued to be used until 1861 ; eight years later it was destroyed by fire. In 1848 the Archdeacon of Toronto, A. N. Bethune, came to Chatham and commented on the inconvenient situation of the church, which was an inferior wooden structure painted on the outside. Expensive walnut pews had lately been installed, and the church had communion plate and a font but no bell. Near the church was the parsonage, which was an "old ruinous building." A few weeks after Bethune's visit the Rev. Mr. Hobson, who was in feeble health, left for Sandwich to take care of his duties as trustee of the district grammar school. He was taken ill on the boat, and although recovering to some extent physically, his mind became affected. He disappeared one day while taking a walk, and his body was found in a marsh about seven miles from Windsor. Rev. Francis W. Sandys, who had previously officiated in Essex, then took charge of the Anglican church at Chatham.34 John K. Williston, a Methodist exhorter on the Thames some years before, succeeded John Baxter in charge of the Thames circuit in 1840; he was assisted by Thomas Williams. They were followed in 1842 by Cornelius Flummerfelt and Daniel Wright. In Chatham a Wesleyan Methodist church was built in 1840, with Rev. William Griffis as minister. Rev. William Findlay of the Kirk of Scotland arrived in Chatham in 1841 to reorganize the congregation there, and to urge them to erect a church on the land secured in 1837. Building began the following year, but because of various financial and other difficulties it was not finally completed until 1847. In the meantime in the spring of 1842, the United Presbyterians in Chatham had begun to build a church on land purchased on Wellington Street the previous January. It was completed in 1844 and Rev. James McFayden secured s

*Ibid., Aug. 14, Aug. 28, 1841, Sept. 24, 1842. James Beaven, Recreations of a Long Vacation (London, 1846), 88-9. Strachan, A Journal of a Visitation to the Western Portion of His Diocese, 1842 (3rd éd., London, 1846), 22-3. Ontario Archives, Strachan Papers, Bethune to the Lord Bishop of Toronto, Nov. 1, 1848. Soutar, Directory of Chatham, 81. Chatham Canadian Freeman, Oct. 12, 1848. Kentiana, 77.

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as minister. In January 1848 Rev. A. McColl came to Chatham as minister of the Free Church congregation. As the church of the Kirk of Scotland had just been completed, and they did not have a minister, McColl preached there to both congregations for some years. He also served the outlying congregations in the neighbouring townships, until they were able to engage ministers.35 In 1851 Rev. John Robb arrived as the Kirk of Scotland minister, and the Free Church members had to find other quarters. For a time they worshipped in a building on King Street, and in the military barracks on the reserve. That summer they petitioned the Government to be permitted to purchase lot 100 on Wellington Street at Second. The Council could not recommend their petition, for it was found that the lot had been in the possession of Daniel O'Reilly since 1837, and he had just sold his house there and other rights to Walter Eberts. Eberts was eventually able to make good his claim to the lot against the heirs of the original grantee, Joseph Springfield, who had never improved it. The Free Church tried hard to induce the Government to sell it to them. "We trust the Government are not disposed to drive them to the hill side !" wrote William B. Wells, "If you give them the land, we will help build the church." The pleas met with no success; and in August 1853 the Free Church congregation bought the site on the north-east corner of Wellington and Adelaide streets and built a church there.88 The members of the Regular African Baptist Church in Chatham successfully petitioned in the fall of 1848 for a grant of lot 10, on the northerly side of Park Street, on which to build their church. They stated: "that a very considerable number of the descendants of the natives of Africa have made their escape from the United States and taken up their residence in Chatham, where they are proud to find that the same encouragement for Education is held out alike to all classes without respect to colour. That your petitioners have for a considerable time past had to labour under considerable difficulty "Carroll, Case, III, 196-8, 385, IV, 257, 337. Soutar, Kentiana, 79. Chatham Journal, Sept. 11, 1841. Sandwich Dec. 2, 1841. P. D. McKellar, "The Presbyterian Church in Historical Society, Papers and Addresses, II (1915), 13. se lbid., 16. Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada E 6 (1850-52), nos. 15, 22.

op. cit., 69, 77. Western Herald, Chatham," Kent Land Petitions,

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for want of a proper House wherein to worship God. That your petitioners are poor but willing and will voluntarily erect a Building if one half acre of land can be obtained for them."37 St. Joseph's Roman Catholic Church was begun on May 30, 1847, when the foundation stone was laid by Bishop Lefebre of Detroit, on the land secured in 1836. It was completed the following November, under the supervision of Rev. Father Joseph V. Jaffre of the Society of Jesus, who had come to Chatham in 1845 as the first parish priest. Before that time services had been conducted in private houses, among them Elias Dauphin's, by priests from St. Peter's in Tilbury or from Sandwich. In 1843 Rt. Rev. Dr. Power, the new Roman Catholic Bishop of Toronto, visited Chatham and said mass in a small frame storehouse. The previous fall he had sent Rev. Mr. McDonald of Maidstone to Chatham to investigate the situation there. As a result of these visits Rev. Father Jaffre was appointed parish priest in 1845 and said his first mass in Reardon's waggon shop ; other services were held in a schoolhouse on the corner of Wellington and Sixth streets, and in the homes of Patrick Tobin and Patrick O'Flynn. Much of the work of procuring subscriptions in labour and materials for the new church was done by Patrick Kelly of Harwich, who went about the country with Father Jaffre for the purpose. A group of twenty-five or thirty families was got together, stones were brought from Amherstburg, brick obtained in Chatham, and oak and walnut timber from the vicinity. Mass was said two Sundays a month in Chatham, and on the other Sundays in such places as Wallaceburg, Blenheim, Tilbury, Thamesville, and Bothwell.38 "Ibid., C 5, Part I (1848-49), no. 22. Kentiana, 77. Soutar, op. cit., 81. Chatham Journal, Oct. 29, Nov. 26, 1842. Chatham Western Sentinel, Nov. 19, 1847. Mrs. J. P. Dunn, "Roman Catholic Church in Kent County," Kent Historical Society, Papers and Addresses, I (1914), 22-9. 3S

20 RISE OF THE VILLAGE

COMMUNITY

A

DECADE of extensive road building began in 1841 when Lord Sydenham arrived in Canada as governorgeneral, and obtained a credit of £1,500,000 for public improvements. By an Act of 1840 all turnpike1 trusts in the various districts had been placed under the management of one Board formed of the several Boards of Trustees then existing for the roads in each district. Roads and bridges were still in a bad state; the road between Sandwich and Chatham was described as "utterly impassable" in the summer of 1838. A Provincial grant of £3,000 was made for the repair of this road, but in 1841 the work had not yet begun. Many farms along the road were deserted, and others were in difficulties because of the state of transportation.2 Lord Sydenham received many petitions for new roads, including the one from Amherstburg to Chatham. One petition asked for a turnpike from Rondeau to the River St. Clair along the Howard and Harwich townline, the Chatham and Camden townline, and through Dawn Mills.3 P. P. Lacroix addressed the Western District Council on the subject of roads in January 1842 as follows: Windsor, by that situation [across from Detroit] is destined to become a place of importance in a commercial or military point of view, there1 Webster's New International Dictionary gives as one meaning of turnpike: "To form as a road, in the manner of a turnpike road; to throw into a rounded form, as the path of a road." This implies a form of construction of the road-surface. Numerous items in contemporary newspapers and travellers' accounts refer to the "turnpiking" of a road, and to "turnpiked" roads, and they go on to speak as though the term referred to the construction. I have used the words in the same way as they were used in contemporary accounts. It is not very clear, however, when they are using them in the sense of a toll-road only, and when they are referring to the surfacing and construction. Both meanings seem to have been used. 2 Woods, Harrison Hall, 123. Sandwich Western Herald, July 17, 1838, May 9, 1839. Chatham Journal, July 24, 1841. 3 Chatham Journal, Aug. 7, 1841.

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fore it is the common interest to have roads to it from all parts of the Western District, particularly from Chatham, which ere long will be the emporium of the west of Canada. The navigation of the Thames improved to London, will crown that title for Chatham, particularly when the Communication Road from the Rond Eau, the Prince Albert road from Wallaceburg, the Tecumsee road from Windsor, and my project of its continuation to London through the centre of the Peninsula, between Lake Erie on the south, and the river St. Glair and Lake Huron on the north, will be completed. The Tecumsee road is situated at an average of one mile from the shore of Lake St. Glair (in connection with the second concession road of Sandwich) principally upon beech, maple and oak ridge, through Maidstone, Rochester and West Tilbury, where it comes out into plains, which have proved, during the last periodical rising of the waters, to be above the level of its fluctuations ; it has been partly opened by voluntary and statute labour, under the superintendence of Mr. N. L. Freeman, by authority of the commissioners for a road from Amherstburg and Sandwich to Chatham. After these commissioners had abandoned this route, the general quarter sessions (in Oct. 1840) upon the reports of the two surveyors of highways for the counties of Essex and Kent, made it a legal public highway in lieu of the former road, destroyed by the waters. The court was pleased to place the road under my superintendence, also to grant the road tax money of the respective townships through which the said road passes, and to order the statute labour to be applied upon it, and in July last to grant fifty pounds for the part in Essex and fifty for that part in Kent, also in October last, the said court granted the amount (up to that date) of the road tax monies belonging to the said respective townships. However, at the time Lacroix gave his report, very little had yet been paid. Lacroix had got contractors to build six of the principal bridges, but they had been paid only a small part of the amount due them. In Chatham subscriptions amounting to nearly .£40 had been raised, of which more than half had been collected. No collections had yet been made in Sandwich and Windsor. The executive government had authorized the Board of Works to raise £1,000, out of which the Board had contracted works on this road amounting to ¿900.4 *Ibid., Jan. 27, 1842.

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The president of the Board of Works, Mr. Killaly, arrived in Chatham in March 1842 and told the people that turnpikes would not do for that section of the country. He recommended a great thoroughfare from London to Sandwich, planked throughout to make it available for travel the year round. The Journal hoped the Board would use judgment in selecting persons for the work, for everyone knew that "a most rascally system of jobbing has hitherto been carried on in connection with most of the public works of late years around here," resulting in nothing but "miserable patchwork." In August a committee of the District Council reported in favour of the road from Rondeau to Dawn Mills and northward, which would give access to the harbour at Rondeau and further the settlement of the county. It also recommended that a bridge be constructed across the Thames on this line (now Kent Bridge). The report was adopted, and the surveyor was ordered to proceed with the preliminary survey.5 Despite the opinion of Mr. Killaly, the Board of Works' roads included a straightened and turnpiked road from London to Chatham north of the Thames, and another from Chatham to Rondeau Harbour. Work on the former had begun some time before Killaly's visit. In the summer of 1841 Beaven found it turnpiked throughout, but with large portions not yet open to the public. The more recently opened portions were covered with gigantic weeds, through which the vehicles cut a narrow track. Apparently no more work was done on this road for some time. The Chatham Journal reported on August 6, 1842, that "the tenders for grubbing, etc., the intended road from London to Chatham will be advertised next week. This will give employment to a number of emigrants who have been for some time anxiously looking for the commencement of proposed public works as a means of existence." However, despite the grant of £50,000 for public improvements in the area, nothing was done until the following spring, except for a great deal of surveying and resurveying. The Journal reported in December 1842 that "numbers of the labouring class who came here expecting employment are now in want or have gone elsewhere, disgusted and disappointed." The following May James Taylor of Chatham commenced work on the sections of the Thames road allotted to him, and advertised for 500 labourers. Bon"Sandwich Western Herald, Mar. 10, Sept. 29, 1842.

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nycastle travelled over this road through deep sand in 1845. At Thamesville was a dam and a large bridge, and the preparation for the projected plank road was "a very extraordinary work, embracing deep cutting." In 1849 the Chatham Chronicle reported that the road from London to Sandwich, "to turnpike which a very large sum was squandered away, is now in an almost impassable state," and the road from Chatham to Rondeau was in a similar condition.6 The inhabitants of Chatham and the neighbouring townships had addressed a memorial to Sir Charles Metcalfe in 1844, on the importance of establishing good roads on the main travelled route from Queenston to Windsor. They thought that the late improved road from North Street in the Township of Westminster to Chatham should be planked. "Most intelligent American travellers say this might be the means of causing this route to be the only travelled road from the western states through Canada to the city of New York and other parts of the United States, a measure which alone would fully justify the expenditure of capital in forming these plank roads."7 In 1853 the St. Glair, Chatham, and Rond Eau Plank and Gravel Road Company, with Robert S. Woods as president, undertook the gravelling of that road. About the same time the Chatham and Camden Plank Road Company, with Samuel Arnold as president, began the plank road from Kent Bridge along the township line. Both companies expended large sums on the roads, and received generous grants from the Corporation of Chatham, but despite this and the heavy tolls charged, they did not succeed in producing profits or good roads.8 Small villages and crossroad "Corners" developed rapidly throughout this decade, often built around a saw-mill run by steam where there was no water-power. The village might have other industries, such as a tannery, a foundry, or a distillery; and it would have also groceries and general stores, and taverns for the travellers who came more frequently with the advent of improved roads. Along the Thames and Lake Erie, where there were natural ports, warehouses were «Chatham Journal, Aug. 6, Dec. 17, 1842, May 13, 1843. Chatham Chronicle, Oct. 30, 1849. Woods, Harrison Hall, 123. Beaven, Recreations, 83-5. Bonnycastle, Canada and the Canadians, II, 105-6. 'Public Archives of Canada, Prov. Sec. Office, Canada West, 1844, no. 8076. "Woods, op. cit., 123-4. Soutar, Directory of Chatham, 87.

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built to hold grain for shipping. Every village had its artisans to take care of the needs of the community, such as shoe-makers, carriageor waggon-makers, blacksmiths, carpenters and cabinet-makers. It might also have some professional men, such as doctors and lawyers, and eventually there would be a school, one or more churches, and a post-office. These villages served the needs of the surrounding countryside, except on occasion when the farmer might find it necessary to visit a larger centre such as Chatham. Chatham was the principal shipping port for the products of the Thames River area. It was also a milling centre for lumber and flour. The first steam saw-mill in the town was built by Duncan McGregor, who had the grist-mill on the creek just outside. In 1839 Joseph Woods built a steam grist- and saw-mill on the riverside in North Chatham, but the steam-chest of the engine broke almost immediately, and before the end of the year the mill burned. The Sandwich Western Herald suggested that the public assist in rebuilding it, for otherwise they would have to "pay tribute to the Yankees for every foot of lumber used on this frontier, which we have done too long already." Early in 1841 Davis and Smith began to operate a steam grist-mill in North Chatham. It had "two run of stone and a first rate bolting machine," run by a 25 horse-power engine which consumed a cord of wood a day, and capable of manufacturing 48 to 58 barrels of flour every twenty-four hours. The engine and most of the apparatus had been made by Davis himself. By July he also had in operation a wool-carding machine, and he announced that he intended to establish an iron foundry or engine factory near by. In October the partnership between Davis and Smith was dissolved, and the plant was operated by Henry and William Smith under the name of the Chatham Union Mills. In 1846 the buildings were destroyed by fire. Another steam saw-mill in North Chatham was begun by John North wood in 1841 or earlier. The following spring Northwood was killed when his arm caught in the belt which turned the machinery. At this time Chatham proper had a steam saw-mill owned by H. S. Larned, possibly the one built by Duncan McGregor. It also had a grist-mill owned by a man named George. Late in 1843 McGregor's old grist-mill, which had broken down some time previously, was repaired and operated by George Wilson. In 1848 the two

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saw-mills in Chatham proper were owned by the firms of McKellar and Dolsen, and Winter and Martin.9 Louisville, on the Thames in Chatham Township, was an important village of about seventy inhabitants in 1845. John Traxler's inn was taken over by George Simpson in the spring of 1842 and was named the Buck's Head Tavern. Crow and Sterling's grocery store had been started by John Crow in 1841. A large amount of white oak and black walnut deals and staves was floated down from the upper part of the Thames, and with wheat from the surrounding country was shipped on sailing vessels for export. In 1849 the Louisville Stage House was operated by Robert Bedford. The village continued to grow, and by 1857 its population was about 200.10 Howard Bridge had lost its importance by the 1840's, but opposite it in Camden Township was the Tecumseh House, with Henry W. Smith proprietor. In or near Kelley's Corners on the Thames and on the road between the townships of Chatham and Camden were Christopher Gee's brick-yard and Frederick Arnold's foundry. The latter was named the Howard Foundry, and was on the south side of the river within half a mile of Arnold's Mills. In 1844 the firm of Arnold and McDowell, which then owned the foundry, advertised that it was prepared to manufacture all kinds of castings, including those needed for grist- and saw-mills and threshing-machines. The firm had on hand andirons, sleigh shoes, waggon boxes, fanning-mill irons, mauls, and hollow ware, as well as ploughs from two of the best patterns. Old iron and wheat were taken in exchange for castings. In 1854, when a bridge was completed across the river at this point, the village was renamed Kent Bridge.11 "Ibid., 67-8, 70. Sandwich Western Herald, Dec. 25, 1839, June 30, 1841, May 20, 1842. Chatham Journal, July 17, July 24, Oct. 23, 1841, Feb. 11, 1843. Smith, Canada, 1, 2-3. Chatham Gleaner, July 28, 1846. In 1841 Northwood advertised for sale 100,000 feet of pine lumber "at the lumber yard adjoining the Garrison Ground." «Chatham Journal, May 7, July 17, Nov. 27, 1841. Dec. 10, 1842. Sandwich Western Herald, Feb. 4, 1842. Chatham Gleaner, July 28, 1846. James B. Brown, Views of Canada and the Colonists (Edinburgh, 1851), 314-15. Smith,' Canadian Gazetteer, 102. Canadian Directory, 1857-8, 289. In 1845 the village had a doctor, a druggist, waggon-maker, two blacksmiths, and a carpenter. It also had Crow and Sterling's grocery, a general store, a tannery, a tavern, a school, a post-office with daily mail, and a ferry to the south bank of the Thames. "Chatham Journal, Jan. 20, 1844. See also Arnold, Kent Bridge, 28.

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A few miles east of Kelley's Corners was the old village of Thamesville. One of the principal inns there from 1841 to 1846 was that of Norman L. Freeman. It was here that Morleigh stopped in the summer of 1841. Freeman invited him into the parlour, where he regaled him with the story of his adventures. He said he was an American who had travelled far throughout the West; and he talked of the various Indian tribes beyond the Mississippi. He had come to Upper Canada with his wife and daughter, and had just rented the tavern and a few acres about it. Everything appeared flourishing, including his garden with its melons, corn, onions, and beans. Morleigh was shown his "round corn-fed Berkshire boar" named Prince. But the location was unhealthy, and the whole family, including the maid Matildiana from Detroit, were ill every summer with the ague. On Freeman's barn door was a large placard with the schedule and fares of the Royal Mail, at the top of which was "a fine open coach, full of ladies and gentlemen, and drawn by horses at full gallop." But the real coach which Morleigh saw leaving for Chatham was an ordinary springless waggon, laden down with feather beds and boxes. The driver tucked up his long blouse, called out that the mail was ready to start, and blew a raucous blast on a tin trumpet. The coach from London to Thamesville was a two-horse covered carriage, which travelled at less than six miles an hour. The open waggon to Chatham went about eight miles an hour.12 The present village of Thamesville owes its existence to the opening of the Great Western Railway early in 1854. The railway passed to the north of the original village, and crossed the river some distance to the west. David Sherman then laid out a new village on lot 15, north of the railway. It grew rapidly, and in 1857 had a population of about three hundred. The principal industries were a steam flourmill owned by Sherman, and two steam saw-mills owned by J. & W. Northwood and Robert Duffees.13 12

Morleigh, op. cit., 211. Beaven, Recreations, 85. Soutar, Our Holiday Annual, 1890, 67. Canadian Directory, 1857-8, 750. Public Archives of Canada, The John Askin Papers, Vol. 28, Charles Askin's Journal, 1808. Lot 15 was granted to Wheeler Cornwall in 1791 and sold by him to Lemuel Sherman six years later. Sherman had come to Detroit in 1789 from Danbury, Connecticut. Charles Askin wrote in 1808 that he was a "decent, honest man, his farm and everything about him appears to be in high order." A little later Sherman built a large frame house and frame barn, with a palisade fence made of oak planks split from logs. 18

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On the Thames road below Chatham there were a number of taverns. The principal ones in Tilbury East were those of Narcisse Dauphin and François Trudell. William Crow still had his tavern in Raleigh, and his brother Thomas Crow, Jr., opened another in 1841. According to Morleigh the latter was an old "Canadian fabric" close to the river, with a small porch, and a huge shed near by. The owner was "a spry, smart-looking fellow, very like a Yankee," who apologized for the fact that the place was full of drunken people. Another brother, Robert Crow, had an inn across the river in Dover.14 The southern parts of the townships south of the Thames used ports on Lake Erie for exporting and importing. In 1841 Clearville shipped 2,200 bushels of wheat, and Antrim 6,100 bushels, besides quantities of pork, tobacco, and high wines. Erieus exported 175 hogsheads of tobacco and 30 barrels of pork. Other ports on the lake shore shipped 301,000 feet of standard staves.15 These figures were steadily increased in the following years. Many mills arose to take care of the needs of the Talbot Road settlements. During the 1840's Orford Township had two saw-mills and a grist-mill. As early as 1839 Howard Township had five grist- and four saw-mills. By 1848 the grist-mills had decreased to two, but there were then seven saw-mills. Some of these were on the Thames or elsewhere, but there were four mills on Big Creek from Morpeth to Antrim, and others close by. They included the Hackney mill just east of Morpeth, Isaac Bell's mill a mile or so west of the village, a steam saw-mill run by Sheldon and Fellows on Big Creek at Morpeth, a saw-mill farther up the creek, and two grist-mills in the Twelfth concession north of Morpeth, owned by James Ruddle and John Green. In Raleigh there was a steam grist-mill at the intersection of the Talbot Road and the "Sandwich Western Herald, Nov. 16, 1839, Feb. 4, Apr. 23, 1842. Morleigh, Life in the West, 200. "Sandwich Western Herald, Feb. 4, 1842. Smith, Canadian Gazetteer, 32-3, 43, 83, 157. In 1844 Howard, Harwich and Orford shipped from the lake ports 10,500 bushels of wheat, 114,000 pipe staves, and 169 barrels of pork, to a total value of £3588. Also from Erieus and other ports in Raleigh there were shipped 3,400 bushels of wheat, 1,800 bushels of corn, 32 hogsheads of tobacco, and 50,000 standard staves, to a total value of £1531.

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Mill Road. After the opening of the Middle Road some mills were constructed along it in Raleigh and Tilbury East. An American named Joseph Ake had one on lot four south in Raleigh about 1839. Thomas Smith and his sons had another operated by horse-power on lot 10 north in Tilbury East.16 Taverns also increased in number on the Talbot Road during the 1840's. In Orford the five taverns were owned by David S. Baldwin, William F. Roame, John Eberle, John Adair, and Ralph Ford. A traveller in 1838 referred to Adair's and Eberle's as "two good taverns." In or about the village of Morpeth, during the early part of the decade, John Palmer, George Maynard, and William Sheldon had inns. Maynard was operating a tavern somewhere in Harwich in 1843. Six years later John White, Samuel White, and Alexander Moody were tavernkeepers at Morpeth. Moody's was at the sign of "Howard, Howard." In 1857 H. B. Caswell was the host of the Commercial Hotel and Stage House, and D. W. Sexton of the Morpeth Exchange. Thomas Lambert had a tavern at Troy on the Howard and Harwich townline, where the road to Blenheim and Chatham crossed. A few miles east of Blenheim the old Gibson inn was now operated by the son of David S. Baldwin of Clearville. At the present Cedar Springs, where the Talbot Road crosses the Harwich-Raleigh line, was the tavern of Charles L. Collins. Westward were the taverns of John Clinansmith and Thomas Pardo in Raleigh, Duncan McDonald in Tilbury East, and Philip Fox and John B. Blackburn in Romney. Bainbrigge in 1838 noted "four clean beds" at Pardo's, and described McDonald's as "small but very clean inn." Captain John Jackson had moved to a farm north of Blenheim, where he established another inn. '^Journal of the Legislative Assembly, 1841, Appendix U. Smith, Canadian Gazetteer, 83, 157. Smith, Canada, I, 45. Chatham Gleaner, July 21, 1846. Public Archives of Canada, De Rottenburg map, 1849. Green's mill was on the north part of lot 13, and Ruddle's on the south part of lot 10. The latter had one run of stones, and was guaranteed to "grind 12 bushels of wheat per hour for twelve consecutive hours, and do good work." One of the mills in Orford was on the Thames, a mile or so west of Moraviantown. In 1852 Joseph Ake built a saw-mill at McKay's Corners, on the town-line between Howard and Harwich, which he later sold to McKay.

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In 1849 the Middle Road had Pardo's inn in Raleigh at the Duck Pond Road, and Smith's inn and Graham's inn in Tilbury East.17 Clearville on the Talbot Road and Clear Creek in Orford continued to expand as a shipping port. But in 1872 the Canada Southern Railway, now the Michigan Central, was built several miles to the north, and Clearville lost its importance. In 1857 it had a population of about one hundred, and boasted a customs officer, a clerk of Division Court, and a justice of the peace. To-day but one country store remains on Talbot Road, and the once busy little harbour and port at the mouth of Clear Creek, with its docks and warehouses and elevator equipment, is represented by a small fishery.18 The village of Howard changed its name to Morpeth soon after Lord Morpeth's arrival in Chatham on the steamboat Brothers in June 1842. In August of that year William Sheldon advertised his tavern there as the Morpeth Hotel, and the editor of the Chatham Journal commented on "the new born village of Morpeth." In addition to the mills and inns Morpeth had a distillery and a nearby tannery. By 1850 the population numbered about 200, and seven years later it had increased to nearly 750.19 Trinity Anglican Church was built in 1845 on a six-acre site donated by John Green, some two miles east of Morpeth. He also gave $50 towards the building of the church, and Freeman Green, Walter Patterson, John Degrand, and David Gesner each subscribed $100. Lord Morpeth sent a gift "Public Archives of Canada, Map Division, Brainbrigge, 1838, Roads Along the Frontier in Upper Canada. Sandwich Western Herald, Nov. 16, 1839, Feb. 4, 1842. De Rottenburg Map, 1849. Soutar, Our Holiday Annual, 1890, 57. Canadian Directory, 1857-8. Chatham Canadian Freeman, Sept. 28, 1848. Soutar, Kent Annual, 1882, 18-19. On the River Sydenham there were several taverns in 1842. At Wallaceburg there was Christina McDonald's Ale and Beer House, which also took in boarders, and Lauchlin McDougalFs Inn. Farther east, in Dawn, were inns operated by Thomas Sharpe, James Johnson, and Richard Arkland. M. Herson had the Zone Mills Hotel near the present Florence in 1849, and there was Scott's tavern near the Zone-Mosa boundary not far from Bothwell. ^Canadian Directory, 1857-8, 100. In 1857 Clearville had a post-office, three taverns, five general dealers and merchants, two shoe-makers, a carriagemaker, and a flour-mill and distillery. "Chatham Journal, June 25, Sept. 3, 1842. Smith, Canadian Gazetteer, 118. MacKay, Canada Directory, 253. Canada Directory, 1857-8, 456. Chatham Gleaner, July 28, 1846. Smith, Canada, I, 31. In 1845 Morpeth had three stores, two taverns, a distillery, two blacksmiths, one cabinet-maker, one tailor, two carpenters, and a post-office to which mail came three times a week by stages running between Chatham and St. Thomas. In 1850 it had six general merchants, two doctors, and numerous industries.

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of £25. Archdeacon Bethune visited the church in 1848 and noted that it was large and neatly furnished, but it did not yet have a font or bell. He found the church people of Howard "an excellent and warm hearted set," and recommended that a resident minister be established there. The church was then being served by Rev. James Stewart.20 Difficulties between the American and British settlers on the Talbot Road sometimes arose. A writer to the Chatham Gleaner stated that on the 4th of July, 1846: . . . the American flag was raised and kept floating the whole day, with the Union Jack beneath it; this outrage upon the feelings of the more discreet and consistent portion of her Majesty's subjects, is said to have been perpetrated by the joint efforts of a tavern keeper at Morpeth (an American) and a bailiff of the seventh division court, and immediately under the nose of a man who holds the situation of a councillor and magistrate. The writer thought the "consequences would have been fearful," if a number of men who had collected at a "bee" a mile or two off had known about the incident.21 Antrim village was begun by the Ruddles early in 1837 at the mouth of Big Creek on the lake in Howard. Several streets were surveyed, with names such as Robert, William, Erie, Smith, and St. David. The first purchasers of lots in the village were Isaac Fisher, Mary Wedge, and Samuel Burns. Few others were sold, but by 1844 Antrim had a tavern and storehouses, and was the shipping port for Morpeth, the mills on Big Creek, and the surrounding area. Occasionally a small vessel was built or repaired there. In 1846 the partnership between Robert, William, and James Ruddle was dissolved; and it was not long before Antrim began to decline, due to the diversion of shipping to Hill's dock at the end of the road from Morpeth, where a large warehouse for grain had been constructed.22 20 Ontario Archives, Strachan Papers, Bethune to the Lord Bishop of Toronto, Nov. 1, 1848. A. N. Bethune, Memoir of the Right Rev. John Strachan (Toronto, 1870), 218. "Chatham Gleaner, July 28, 1846. 22 Kent Registry Office, Kent County Abstracts, lot 95, S. Talbot Road on Lake Erie, Howard. Smith, Canadian Gazetteer, 6. Smith, Canada, I, 31. Chatham Gleaner, Sept. 22, 1846.

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Eventually Antrim disappeared entirely, after the building of the Canada Southern Railway in 1872, which soon made Ridgetown the commercial centre of the township of Howard. Ridgetown, four miles north of Morpeth, had begun to expand into a village about 1850. By 1857 it ha4 a population of some 300 people, with the usual inns, stores, churches, grist-mill, and artisans.28 A writer to a Ridgetown newspaper in 1880 told of conditions thirty years before, when he settled in what became School Section no. 11, in the northern part of Howard Township, "noted at one time for swamp creeks, marshes and frog ponds:" The nearest schools were "Bullers' and McBraynes' " on the Town line, there were no roads, the side-road between 6 and 7 not then surveyed, or, if originally surveyed, the stakes were lost, and the Council (then very recently organized under the new Municipalities Act) had to employ A. P. Selton to run out the lines. The nearest post office was Morpeth. The now venerable James Mitton had a blacksmith shop where Ridgetown now stands with its 2000 inhabitants. There were no rail roads. I have myself hauled wheat threshed with a flail, and cleaned by the largest kind of fanning mill, viz., the four winds of Heaven, all the way to Hill's warehouse, and sold it there, for 56 cents per bushel. The nearest grist mill was Ruddels, now the Howard Mills. There was also a small distillery on the same creek, where you could buy whiskey for 25 cents per gallon, or more frequent, two gallons for a bushel of corn. It was not of a very high profession, in fact it was not proof at all, there being then no excise duty known in Canada. It was considered perfectly harmless, the only adulteration being pure water, as at that price it would not pay to buy expensive and poisonous chemicals.24

Until 1833 the site of Blenheim formed part of the wolf-infested Ten-Mile Bush, largely held by speculators, which extended across the township of Harwich. In that year Richard D'Clute settled on the south-west corner of the Ridge and Communication Roads, and a little later Samuel Brundage built a log shanty across from him. In 1841 William McGregor settled on the Ridge Road to the west of the corners. John Jackson was then conducting a tavern on the Com23

Canada Directory, 1857-8, 635. Ridgetown in 1857 had three inns, three stores, a grist-mill, post-office, and five ministers—two Wesleyan Methodist, one Baptist, one Free Church, and one United Presbyterian. It also had a schoolteacher, two doctors, two constables, five blacksmiths, three stone-masons, two shoe-makers, three waggon-makers, two harness-makers, two cabinet-makers, and five carpenters and joiners. "Ridgetown East Kent Plaindealer, Aug. 26, 1880.

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munication Road to the north. Three years later Colonel James Little of Erieus purchased D'Clute's location and subdivided it into lots, which he offered for sale. Blenheim owed its foundation to the construction of the gravel road between Chatham and Rondeau, to the Rondeau Harbour works, and to the projected town of Shrewsbury on the bay. Smith reported in 1850 that Blenheim was a small village which did not improve very fast, but that a steam saw-mill and ashery were being built. During the next few years it grew rapidly, its principal business being in sawn lumber and staves. In 1857 it was much larger than Ridgetown, having a population of about 450 people.25 A reserve for a town on Rondeau Bay, at the end of the Communication Road, had been made by Iredell in 1797, on orders from Governor Simcoe. But it was not until nearly half a century later that the town plat of Shrewsbury was laid out in streets and lots, with the usual reserves for the jail and court-house, the market-square and the church. Only a few lots had been taken up by 1850, although the Government had completed the cutting of a channel through the sand bank between Rondeau Bay and Lake Erie, and had erected piers. The value of Shrewsbury as a shipping port lessened with the coming of the Great Western Railway through Chatham in 1854. The village was eventually settled by escaped slaves from the United States.26 An earlier community of coloured people, called Buxton, was founded in Raleigh by the Rev. William King, who brought his own fifteen freed slaves as a nucleus. The Elgin Association for the Im25 Macdonald, Atlas, Historical Sketch, ix-x. Soutar, Our Holiday Annual, 1890, 57. Smith, Canadian Gazetteer, 16. Smith, Canada, I, 31. Canada Directory, 1857-8, 62. William Halstead, a farmer and contractor for the road, Thomas Lynch, a tailor, and George Hughson, who sold liquor, were the only residents on the town plat in 1846. But diagonally across from it, on Jackson's land, lived Thomas Hicks and Thomas Maxwell. A little later Donald Cameron, a blacksmith, Walter and Robert Pass, the first storekeepers, one Papps, a tailor, and Henry Pickering arrived. Before 1850 the Pass brothers were succeeded by the brothers Orin and Rodman Gee, probably sons of Christopher Gee of Kelley's Corners, who erected a brick tavern and later a store. In 1849 a post-office, called Rondeau, was opened in Blenheim, and Orin Gee became the first post-master. In 1857 Blenheim had four inns, six general stores, a shoe store, one grist- and two saw-mills, two blacksmiths, three cabinet-makers, one tailor, two doctors, and four ministers, including two Baptists, one Free Church Presbyterian, and one Wesleyan Methodist. 2 «Survey Office, Surveyors Field Notes, Vol. 13, 635-6. Smith, Canada, I, 31. O. K. Watson, "Early History of Shrewsbury," Kent Historical Society, Papers and Addresses, VI (1924), 83.

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provement of the Coloured People, as King's group was called, in October 1849 purchased 4,600 acres of the clergy reserves in the centre of the township. Smith reported in 1850 that the Association had few settlers, and that it was not in favour with the whites or the more respectable portion of the coloured people.27 In 1862 the Association made application to the Governor and Council to be allowed to expend interest due on the unpaid balance of the purchase money, on drainage and other improvements. William McDougall of the Crown Lands Department reported to the Council on this petition : The Elgin Association is a benevolent body, incorporated by Parliament, with power to purchase and hold lands for the purpose of 'settling the same with colored families', with the view of 'securing the moral improvement of the Colored Population of Canada'. The object was praiseworthy, and has been to some extent carried out. But the Association represents that a considerable portion of the 6,600 acres purchased from the Crown is low and wet and unfit for settlement, and that until it is drained, the object of the Association cannot be fully accomplished. Their inability to effect the extensive improvements necessary to reclaim these wet lands, has not only prevented settlement, but has deprived them at the same time of the power of paying the balance of the purchase money due the Crown.28

The towns of Wallaceburg and Dresden on the River Sydenham (formerly Big Bear Creek), had developed rapidly with the expansion of the lumber industry. The increasing importance of this industry is shown by the fact that the number of saw-mills in the county advanced from twelve in 1840 to thirty-one in 1852, while grist-mills, which numbered twelve in 1840, remained the same in 1852. At the later date five grist- and thirteen saw-mills were run by steam-power.29 The townships of Dawn and Sombra had two grist- and two saw-mills each in 1840. In 1845 there were two grist- and two saw-mills on the River Sydenham in Zone, one of them at Smith's Mills. Wallaceburg had two steam saw-mills, and although an unhealthy place, close to extensive marshes and swamps, it was situated at the junction 27

Smith, Canada, I, 29. U. C. Land Petitions, E, 9 (1858-1862), no. 4. 29 Journal of the Legislative Assembly, 1841, Appendix U. Census of Kent County, 1852. 28

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of two navigable streams, in the midst of great quantities of fine white-oak timber. A visitor to Wallaceburg in the summer of 1843, on board the steamboat Brothers, observed that the chief hindrance to navigation of either branch of the Sydenham was the overhanging trees on the banks. By 1850 Wallaceburg had a tannery and postoffice, a scow ferry across the river, a resident collector of customs, and about 200 inhabitants.30 Dresden, situated at the head of navigation on the east branch of the Sydenham, with water deep enough to allow vessels of 300 tons to load at its banks, was a thriving settlement in 1850. It, too, was in the midst of a large supply of white-oak for its steam saw-mill, and it was soon to be the shipping port for a fine agricultural country. Dresden had the negro settlement of the British American Institute, under the leadership of Josiah Henson, who had come there about 1839 and settled west of the town. The institute was a philanthropic organization, for the purpose of assisting and educating the refugee slaves brought in by the Underground Railway. It had established an independent village, with a store, a mill, a hospital, a house of refuge, and a collective farming system. By 1850 it had some 300 acres of land, of which 60 had been cleared.31 The settlement of so many negroes in the Western and London districts had not been effected without considerable friction with the whites. In 1829, when the Wilberforce colony for coloured people was being formed on the Canada Company's lands in the London District, many of the inhabitants of this district as well as the Western District forwarded petitions against encouraging escaped slaves to settle there. Continued opposition soon caused the practical abandonment of the project.32 In 1835 the magistrates and other inhabitants of the Western District addressed a memorial to Sir John Colbome ^Journal of the Legislative Assembly, 1841, Appendix U. Smith, Canadian Gazetteer, 43, 225-6. Sandwich Canadian Emigrant, June 13, 1835. Sandwich Western Herald, Apr. 14, 1841. Soutar, Kent Annual, 1882, 16-25. Soutar, Our Holiday Annual, 1890, 59. Smith, Canada, I, 33. Chatham Journal, Aug. 5, 1843. "Smith, Canada, I, 32. Soutar, Our Holiday Annual, 1890, 63. 82 Public Archives of Canada, Q, 386, Part I, 128-30. For the negroes in Kent County see various articles by Fred Landon, especially the following: "Fugitive Slaves in Ontario," Northwestern Ohio Historical Society, Quarterly Bulletin, VIII, no. 2, 1-12; and "Negro Colonization Schemes in Upper Canada before 1860," Royal Society of Canada, Proceedings, 3rd ser., XXIII (1929), sec. 2, 73-80.

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opposing the removal of the troops stationed at Amherstburg.33 They stated that they would be left defenceless : . . . in consequence of the civil authority of the Frontier parts of the district being insufficient in case of an emergency to control the very numerous and troublesome black population daily coming into the District from the slave states, and who are of the most depraved and reckless description generally speaking; and who are almost daily violating the laws and even threaten to put the civil authority at defiance. Such being the case, should the Troops be removed, the only remaining check which the Blacks really fear would be out of the way—and there would then be but little safety either to person or property for the Whites, unless they kept themselves in a state of continued watchfulness and consequently of alarm. Sir George Arthur was extremely apprehensive of the results of the trouble between the two races. He wrote on the subject to Lord Sydenham in October 1840, calling his attention "to the state of feeling in the Western District as regards the coloured population, whose numbers seem rapidly on the increase. This circumstance, combined with the fact of there being frequent intermarriages between them and white women, has produced a strong feeling of dislike towards them by the Inhabitants of the District, and has been frequently the subject of representations to this government." This dislike seemed to be increasing daily, and more than once it had impeded the course of justice. It had, therefore, to be viewed as a political evil. Arthur concluded by warning Sydenham that the subject might in the future "become a matter for grave consideration."34 Many instances of this ill-feeling might be cited, but on the whole the coloured people adjusted themselves remarkably well, as did the whites. The problem never became one "for grave consideration,'' but instead became less acute as time went on. The stage-coach lines expanded rapidly during the 1840's. By the middle of the decade four-horse stages were leaving Chatham each day for the east and the west. Carter and Almy operated the line between Chatham and Amherstburg until 1848, when it was con3

"Public Archives of Canada, Q, 387, Part 2, 314-15. Public Archives of Canada, Sir George Arthur Letter Book, Upper Canada, 1838-40, Despatches to the Gov. Gen., Arthur to Sydenham, Oct. 14, 1840. 34

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tinued by Carter alone. Almy and Bissell in 1854 purchased from T. M. Taylor the mail routes and stage stock on the several roads which he had been conducting for seventeen years. One of these lines ran between Chatham and St. Thomas by way of Morpeth and the Talbot Road, another ran to Wallaceburg and Port Sarnia. Taylor was perhaps wise in selling out in 1854, for in January of that year the new Great Western Railway was opened for traffic. An east-west railway had been projected for many years. In November 1835 signatures were being collected on petitions for a charter for a Niagara and Detroit Railway. Meetings for the purpose were held in Sandwich, and at Desmond's inn in Chatham. Another group met at Howard on the Talbot Road in December to take measures in opposition to the railway. Their petition declared that it was one of Uncle Sam's schemes to run Upper Canada; and unless the province had protecting duties the United States would be able to do so. Most of the inhabitants of the township, however, signed another petition in favour of the railway. The next spring a charter was obtained for the incorporation of the 'Niagara and Detroit Rivers Rail Road Company, with a proposed capital of £500,000. John Prince of Sandwich was elected president, and the company proceeded to issue stock. Ground was broken and timber and rails laid with great ceremony at Sandwich on April 19, 1838; but nothing further was done by the company except to hold annual meetings for the election of officers, and in 1839 its charter was forfeited. The London and Gore Rail Road Company had been incorporated in 1834, but in 1837 it was merged in the Great Western Rail Road Company, with a capital not to exceed £500,000. The requirements of the charter were that ground had to be broken within two years, and the road completed from Burlington Bay to London within ten years. Later Acts extended the proposed road to Point Edward near Sarnia, and increased the cap;tal stock. A provincial loan of £200,000 was also authorized, to be paid in installments in proportion to the sums expended by the stock-holders. In its report of October 1838, the company announced that it would extend its proposed line from London to Chatham, thus connecting Windsor and Queenston. It also reported that although it had spent about £1,500, no part of the loan had been received. However, certain requirements had not

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been fulfilled, and this company's charter was also forfeited in 1839. It was renewed, however, in 1845, with power to build the road from Niagara to Windsor by way of Hamilton. The Michigan Central and New York Central railways, as well as various individuals in Detroit and the Niagara area, interested themselves in the road, and in 1846 it was begun. A meeting of the inhabitants of the township of Bertie was held in the village of Waterloo in October 1848 to take measures for the renewal of the charter of the Niagara and Detroit Rivers Company. Early in 1850 Robert S. Woods of Chatham began to convene public meetings throughout the peninsula to secure petitions seeking to substitute the Niagara and Detroit railway line for that of the Great Western, which had already been surveyed. A bill for this purpose was defeated in the provincial parliament by one vote. But the finance minister, Sir Francis Hincks, warned the Great Western Company to get its road under way by the next session, or a charter would be granted to its rival. Funds were raised by the sale of stock, and by the fall of 1853 cars were running through Chatham. On January 17, 1854, the Great Western was opened to traffic to Windsor.*5 S5 See Hamil, Early Shipping, 16-9. Public Archives of Canada, Q, 431A, Part 2, 206, 215-16.

24 ^*s

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rc

OLLOWING THE ACT OF UNION in 1840, which united the two provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, the liberal-minded Lord Sydenham was appointed governor. The first election to the Assembly, which was to meet at Kingston, was held in April 1841. The County of Kent was again reduced to one representative. Nathan Cornwall who had served in the Assembly of Upper Canada since 1834, declined to run again, and efforts to get Colonel John Prince to offer himself for Kent were equally unsuccessful. Eventually George Hyde of Errol, Joseph Woods of Sandwich, and Daniel O'Reilly and P. P. Lacroix of Chatham appeared as candidates. Hyde's platform was support of the constitution, the connection with England, union of the provinces, and general education. One of his supporters argued that responsible government was totally unfit for a colony such as Canada, and would inevitably cause separation from the Mother Country. Hyde, O'Reilly, and Lacroix withdrew just before the nominations, in favour of the Government candidate S. B. Harrison, who had previously been defeated at Hamilton by Sir Allan MacNab. Only Joseph Woods, a conservative, remained to contest the election with Harrison. In general the conservatives opposed Lord Sydenham and his followers because they were believed to be favourable to the introduction of responsible government. The reformers desired responsible government, thinking it would mean the end of the Family Compact control and the Canada Company's charter, and cause the clergy reserves to be applied to bridge and road building and other internal improvements.1 The voting continued for six days, at the end of which Woods was found to have a majority of 43 votes; but Sheriff Foott refused to make a declaration of election because Harrison deSandwich Western Herald, Sept. 11, July 17, July 31, Dec. 12, 1839, Mar. 14, 1840. 317

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manded a scrutiny, alleging a number of illegal votes had been polled for Woods. Nevertheless the latter was carried to the balcony of Probett's Hotel on the shoulders of his enthusiastic friends, and the remainder of the night was spent with cheers, speeches, and wild rejoicing. On Monday Foott appeared at the hotel to see Woods about the scrutiny, but John F. Delmage, counsel for Woods, refused to agree to it on the ground that one of the two electors who demanded it did not have property or vote in the county. After some indecision Sheriff Foott sent in a special return of election describing the dispute. In a letter to the governor's secretary, Foott stated that he had "no doubt that a number of illegal votes have been polled for Mr. Woods sufficient to place Mr. Harrison at the head of the Poll, or had the Poll lasted another day he would have had a large majority." In the past fortnight Foott had passed through various parts of the county, and found that "the general cry is for a new Election and we will shew Lord Sydenham our anxious desire is to support his Government." Talfourd at Sutherland on the St. Glair River assured Foott that more than 100 voters who would have supported Harrison were not polled because the returns were not received in time to travel over the dreadful roads. Foott concluded: "I never saw anything like the feeling in favour of the government notwithstanding the exertions made by the old party. Mr. Woods will join Sir Allan or any other party that will give factious opposition to the Government." Many people believed that another election would have to be held, because the special return made by the returning officer was not in the form required by law. Feeling between the two factions ran high, and Foott threatened a libel suit against Woods and his brother. An anonymous newspaper article attacked Woods as an opponent of the Government, and referred to his "Tory principles and magisterial inquisition" against reformers during and after the Rebellion. A spokesman for Woods replied that he would indeed not support Lord Sydenham's despotic policy of trampling on the elective franchise; that Harrison had been supported by "executive coercion, by writing to all the office holders of the Western District, and saying vote for the Government nominee ! Vote for Lord Sydenham's pet!" Colonel Prince replied that Mr. Berczy, the postmaster

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of Toronto and brother to a former representative from Kent, who had lived many years in the Western District, had written some letters to his friends, some of whom were office holders, soliciting votes for Harrison; but this could not be termed an act of coercion on the part of Lord Sydenham. John F. Delmage wrote that Woods was a constitutional reformer, and was not opposed to the present government. Indeed he had repeatedly declared that he would support Sydenham in his measures for the reform of abuses. Harrison had polled all those who held office or expected to do so, and his supporters were the "odds and ends of the country, from high tory or family compact man, to the radical or rebel." Many were brought in from long distances, and hurried up to give their votes without well knowing the names of the candidates. Harrison's election expenses totalled $3,000, while his opponent's were only $180. Delmage denied allegations that supporters of Woods had kidnapped voters and felled trees on the roads to intercept Harrison's teams.2 Some of the Kent electors who favoured Harrison sent a petition to Parliament praying for a new election, on the ground that the roads had been so bad that many of his friends had arrived too late to vote, and some had turned back before reaching Chatham. A Howard writer denied this, and declared that very few votes were polled after six o'clock on the final day, despite strenuous efforts by Harrison's men.3 David Sherman of Camden Township wrote to the Sandwich Western Herald complaining of the rude manner in which in announcing the election returns it had put Woods's name in capitals, and Harrison's only in italics. The editor commented that the letter was in a different hand than the signature, and was "evidently penned by a hand more accustomed to stirring gin rooster tails than tilling the soil." The writing had been recognized as that of Norman L. Freeman of Thamesville, "a Yankee tavernkeeper, alias schoolmaster, pedlar, and s-n preacher, who it seems has lately taken a fancy to Lord Sydenham's 'policy', no doubt because it bears a strong resemblance to the 'one man' policy of General Andrew Jackson."4 2 Ibid., Apr. 14, Apr. 21, Apr. 28, May 19, 1841. Woods, Harrison Hall, 29-31. George Wade Foott to F. W. C. Murdock, Apr. 29, 1841, in G20, Vol. I, no. 81. «Sandwich Western Herald, May 12, 1841. 'Ibid., Apr. 28, 1841.

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The election dispute ended when Harrison was elected for Kingston, and Woods was allowed to take his seat for Kent.5 This was the last election at which the polls were kept open for the week ; after this, voting took place during two days only. The old system of oral voting was continued. In September of this year the editor of the Chatham Journal advocated the use of the secret ballot, because of the intimidation and corruption which "to a certain extent, has more or less influenced a great number of elections in this province." The Sandwich Western Herald replied to this: "Our friend of the Chatham Journal has taken it into his head to advocate 'vote by ballot'. Verily, 'liberalism' is cutting up queer shines in Canada. What next?"6 The feud between Woods and Sheriff George Foott continued. In September 1846 the Solicitor General, John Hillyard Cameron, went to Sandwich to investigate complaints made against Foott. The editor of the St. Thomas Canadian Freeman thought that they must have emanated from the "despicable clique who are always railing against everything liberal and independent, when an old countryman is to be made the object of their attack. Mr. Foott, like his revered father-in-law, Sir Anthony Perrier, who is known in the city of Cork by the honorable appelation of 'the poor man's friend', possesses as much of the milk of human kindness, and the principles of honour and integrity, as any man in the Province." The solicitor-general continued to Chatham, where he held a hearing at the Royal Exchange Hotel. Foott was attended by his counsel, John Prince; and Robert S. Woods, brother of the representative for Kent, appeared for the district. Foott was reported to have exonerated himself from a majority of the charges; of the remainder he seemed to have erred on the side of mercy only. He was acquitted, to the great joy of his friends. Only three men had been found to appear as witnesses against him. One of these was William Thompson, the district councillor for Harwich, who informed the editor of the Canadian Freeman, according to the latter, that "Bob Woods was the greatest ass *Ibid., May 12, June 2, 1841. Woods, Harrison Hall, 31. Many of the Kent freeholders proclaimed their loyalty to Lord Sydenham by an address expressing confidence on his administration. Later, when Woods returned to Sandwich, he was met by a group of 133 inhabitants, who presented him with a congratulatory address. «Chatham Journal, Sept. 4, 1841. Sandwich Western Herald, Sept. 8, 1841.

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in existence," and that he had failed to make out a single ground for complaint against the sheriff.7 Some explanation- of the trouble may be obtained from the account of the editor of the Canadian Freeman, admittedly a friend of the defendant: At the time Foott received the appointment of sheriff, Mr. Joseph Woods, M.P.P., was a candidate for the office; and no little annoyance was felt by that individual, because an old countryman of liberal principles was his successful competitor. Since that time Mr. Woods had been clinging to the hope of obtaining office; and for that purpose his brother, Mr. Robert Woods, an attorney of some share of talent, but without a particle of judgment or good sense to direct it, has been using every exertion to injure Mr. Foott, and thereby pave the way for his brother coming into a situation, which his business habits, nor intellect do not qualify him to discharge with credit to himself nor advantage to the inhabitants of the Western District. Joseph Woods had been defeated by Harrison in the election of 1844, but the following year Harrison was elevated to the Bench, and, in the resulting election in Kent, Woods triumphed over his opponent H. J. Boulton. In 1847 the conservative government was dissolved and a new general election resulted. The reform candidate for Kent was Malcolm Cameron, formerly member for the County of Lanark, who had been solicited by a commission appointed at a meeting of reform delegates from the Kent townships, which met on November 3, 1847 at the Farmers' Exchange in Chatham. His conservative opponent was John Hillyard Cameron, the solicitorgeneral. Malcolm Cameron was elected by the large majority of 539 votes. Some fifty of his supporters held a dinner in celebration at the Stage House in the Township of Camden. L. C. Kearney, who officiated as president, gave a speech in which he rejoiced that they had driven from Kent the tmgallant John Hillyard Cameron, who was against the widows' pension bill, seeking to rob ladies of their dowries and thereby make outcasts of wives, mothers, daughters, and sisters. After many toasts the gentlemen retired to the ball-room, where the ladies had their share of the "hilarity of the evening." In 7

St. Thomas Canadian Freeman, Sept. 12, Sept. 26, 1846.

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1851 another reformer, George Brown, won against the conservatives Edwin Larwill and Arthur Rankin.8 Lord Sydenham approved of Durham's recommendations for the extension of local self-government, and in 1841 he was able to secure the passage of the District Councils Act. It was only a compromise measure, but it prepared the way for a great extension of local self-government in the Baldwin Act of 1849. The power of the justices in Quarter Sessions to control the administration of the districts was now at last taken away. Control was vested in a council, composed of a warden appointed by the central government, and councillors elected by the ratepayers on the basis of one to the township, or two if the number of ratepayers exceeded 300. The council could pass by-laws relating to the building and maintenance of highways, bridges, and other public works, but these might be disallowed by the governor-in-council within thirty days of passage. It had to provide for the expenses of administration of justice and the establishment and support of schools. Taxation rates could not exceed twopence in the pound, according to the assessment law then in effect. The council also constituted a board of education, to pass on petitions from ratepayers for the creation of new school districts, the election of trustees, and the levying of a local rate or tax. For the support of schools, the Government contributed each year a sum equal to that raised in the district. This was distributed to each section according to the number of children of school age." The District Councils Act went into effect on January 1, 1842. The first meeting of the Western District Council was held at Sandwich on February 10, with the taciturn John Dolsen of Dover as warden.10 He seems to have fulfilled his duties competently, although the Western Herald violently attacked his appointment, terming him 8

Soutar, Directory of Chatham, 24. See also Chatham Western Sentinel, 13, 1847, and Chatham Chronicle, Aug. 7, 1849. Herrington, Municipal Government. Canada and its Provinces, XVIII, 428-36. 10 Sandwich Western Herald, Feb. 24, 1842. The councillors for Kent included Neil McQuarie and William Thompson from Harwich, John Crow from Chatham, Robert Crow from Dover East, Joseph Smith from Raleigh, James Smith from Dawn, Samuel Smith from Zone, George Duck from Howard, and David Sherman from Camden; ibid., Jan. 15, 1842. See also ibid., Dec. 2, 1841, and Chatham Journal, Nov. 6, Nov. 20, Dec. 4, 1841, for nominations.

Nov.

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utterly unfit for the position, and unqualified by education, talent, and habit. He was apparently selected because of his exertions in Harrison's behalf in the recent elections. The councillors had been elected in the various townships early in January. Harwich had to hold a second election a few weeks later, because of .the fact that the successful candidates in the first one had not taken the oaths required by the statute. The Chatham Journal carried the following account of this local election: The fanners under the impression that undue means had been used to nullify the former election mustered strongly, fully determined that they should be represented by some of themselves. We have seldom witnessed such a turnout of the sturdy yeomanry of the township, and it is with pleasure we add, that considering their excited feelings, the greatest order was observed during the two days the polling continued. When the hour of 12 o'clock arrived the following candidates were proposed and seconded in the following order: William Thomson, Neil McQuarrie, Thomas Steers, and Duncan McGregor, who severally addressed the meeting very briefly as they were cut short in their orations through the impatience of the people to commence polling. At the close of the poll, at three o'clock for that day, the two first on the list were so high up that it was evident they would have it all their own way; on the second day very few voted, the intervals between being occupied by a good humoured badinage between the candidates and the electors. We say good humoured but it was rather in the half-joke and whole earnest style. At close of the poll on the second day the votes stood thus: Thompson 113, McQuarrie 109, Steers 44, McGregor 51. Thompson and McQuarrie were declared elected, amid loud and hearty cheering. The meeting also cheered the unsuccessful candidates, after which they separated in the greatest good humour.11 The same paper warned the people, a few weeks before the elections of councillors in 1843, that candidates who were doubtful of their popularity would use unusual exertions to secure pledges from the voters. "We have heard of one individual who carried a barrel or half-barrel of beer or a keg of whiskey with him on his canvassing tour. Good God! was there ever such an insult given to the honest farmers of the township? It is really distressing . . ." Postmaster John "Jan. 8, Jan. 29, 1842.

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White of Camden died soon after the elections, and some asserted his death was due to a blow on the head from a man who resented his support of Delmage for councillor. There was often fighting at the polls, so that some of the rougher element carried clubs and other weapons during the voting period.12 The act of 1841 established new Division Courts for the recovery of small debts, to take the place of the old Court of Requests and its commissioners. By action of the Quarter Sessions court at Sandwich, the Fifth Division included Camden, Zone, Dawn, Sombra, and the northern parts of Dover and Chatham, with courts to be held at Dawn Mills. The remainder of the County of Kent, with the exception of Romney which was in the Third Division with Gosfield and Mersea, comprised the Fourth Division, with courts meeting in Chatham. Somewhat later Howard, Orford, and part of Harwich were included in the Seventh Division with courts held at Morpeth every two months.13 These so-called Poor Man's Courts have been described: . . . a simple and effective mode of administering justice between man and man . . . with a jurisdiction reaching to $200 in certain cases, sittings at all the chief points in the county—in Kent nine towns and villages almost monthly. . . . [Immediate] judgment by leave of the judge, judgment summons with power of committal for forty days, jury, and appeals in drainage, fence-viewers, master and servant, etc., with direct appeal to the Court of Appeal of Ontario, in cases over $100.14

The first meeting of the Division Court in Chatham was held in December, 1841, in the old schoolhouse where the Court of Requests had met, with Judge Charles Elliott presiding. The Journal reported that, "the opening of the Court, after the manner of the higher courts, and the form and regularity observed, appeared to astonish some of the suitors, particularly some Johnny Crapeaus who were present and expected the business to proceed in the usual sing song and noisy fashion."15 "Chatham Journal, Dec. 3, 1842, Feb. 4, 1843. uibid., Nov. 6, 1841. Sandwich Western Herald, Nov. 4, 1841. "Woods, Harrison Hall, 80. "Chatham Journal, Dec. 4, 1841. It superseded the old Court of Requests which had first been held in the town in 1832, presided over by commissioners Duncan McGregor and Christopher Arnold; Soutar, Directory of Chatham, 69.

CHATHAM, 1854, LOOKING NORTHEAST FROM ABOVE THE RANKIN DOCK Toronto Public Library—John Ross Robertson Collection 1 2 3 4 5 6

McKerrell Hotel Caleb Wheeler's butcher shop James Burns' residence, Thames Street John Tissiman's residence No. 2 Firehall and Police Station John Smith's tannery, afterwards William Currier's establishment

7 8 9 10 11

Old Fifth Street bridge over the Thames Tecumseh Park Barracks Crow and Beatty's warehouse Rankin warehouse and wharf

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The township meetings continued as before, under the Consolidated Act of 1838. At the Harwich township meeting on January 3, 1842, two by-laws were enacted: a penalty of 10 shillings was placed on anyone letting a pig under twenty-five pounds weight run at large, or letting any hog run at large in the town of Chatham. In Tilbury East the following by-laws were passed at this time: fences must be five feet high, with pole and lock, and the first four rails not more than three inches apart; hogs might run at large, but boars above six months, and bulls and stallions a year old, had to be confined; rams were to be confined during September, October, and November.16 At the first meeting of the Western District Council, a committee of five was appointed to report on the best method of dividing the townships into school districts. The District Councils Act required each township to elect Common School commissioners, with control over school property, the appointment of teachers, and the courses of study. Raleigh elected five commissioners, who met in January and divided the township into thirteen districts, subject to the council's approval. This was given, and on March 7 the Raleigh commissioners held another meeting to establish sites for the schoolhouses. The same procedure was followed in the other townships. Harwich had seven commissioners and ten school sections. Howard had elected its seven commissioners as early as December 5, 1841. Orford and Tilbury East had five commissioners each.17 The Chatham Journal in January 1842 condemned the majority of the school commissioners throughout the province as entirely unfit for the office. It asked how men illiterate and uneducated could make rules for the education of others, examine teachers, and determine whether children were progressing under competent instruction.18 Within a few months considerable dissatisfaction arose throughout the different townships. The schools were being neglected, and the commissioners were left in the dark as to their duties. The Western Herald blamed the powerlessness of the commissioners on the back18 William Hands Papers (MSS, George F. Macdonald). "Sandwich Western Herald, Feb. 24, 1842. Chatham Journal, Jan. 8, Feb. 5, 1842. M. Flewellyn, "Ouvry, Talbot Road, Raleigh," Kent Historical Society, Papers and Addresses, V (1921), 6-7. The commissioners for Raleigh included Edwin Larwill, John N. Holmes, and Colonel Little. "Chatham Journal, Jan. 22, 1842.

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wardness of the local representatives in telling of their needs, or a lack of energy in the council itself. The school commissioners of Harwich adjourned their meeting several times during the spring and summer, because there was no business which they could transact. Finally they announced a meeting on November 1, to adopt petitions to the council for levying a tax for the building of certain schoolhouses in the township, and the repair of others. The Chatham Journal hoped they would entrust their affairs to some councillor with influence and ability, "as nothing can be done through their own old granny representatives."19 During the summer of 1842 the superintendent of education, Robert Murray, toured the Western District observing the working of the act, with a view to proposing amendments at the next session of the legislature which would overcome its deficiencies.20 The following year the Common School Act, known as the Hincks Act, was passed setting up a different machinery to administer the school fund, which was to consist of a provincial grant and an equal or double amount levied by each district council as an assessment upon property. It also provided that subscriptions or "rates" were to be collected from the parents of pupils in the schools, except for the very poor. A chief superintendent of common schools was placed over the province, with an assistant and county and township superintendents. Boards of trustees were to be elected annually in each school section, with charge of school property, power of appointment and dismissal of teachers, and regulation of courses of study and text books, subject to the approval of the township superintendents. In 1846 another act was passed on the basis of a report by the assistant superintendent, Egerton Ryerson. The superintendent, appointed by and responsible to the governor, was to be assisted by a General Board of Education, also nominated by the governor. The district councils were to have the power of assessments as before, and were to appoint superintendents to oversee conditions in each district. The trustees were permitted to select texts for use in their schools from lists approved by the General Board, and they also "Sandwich Western Herald, June 23, 1842. Chatham Journal, Oct. 29, 1842. Beeston, The Old Log School House.

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levied the rates on parents.21 This act was followed by a supplementary act the following year permitting a town or city council to nominate a board of trustees for the common schools of the corporation, thus separating the rural and urban schools. Separate schools, either Protestant or Roman Catholic, had been provided for in 1841, wherever there were 15 children available. In 1843 ten dissentient resident householders or freeholders might by petition obtain the right to create a separate common school. Kent County, exclusive of the modern Gores of Camden and Chatham, but including Euphemia, now in Lambton County, had 69 common schools in 1847. Of these more than half were in the townships of Raleigh, Harwich, and Howard. The town of Chatham had both Protestant and Roman Catholic common schools.22 Due to continued opposition to various parts of the school law, a new measure known as the Ryerson Act was passed in 1850, which provided the framework of the educational system continuing to the present day. The General Board of Education became the Council of Public Instruction, with enlarged jurisdiction over the whole system. The local superintendents, each in charge of not more than 100 schools, with the trustees of the grammar schools of each county, constituted the County Council of Public Instruction. Several amendments were passed before Confederation, removing difficulties concerning finances and methods of creating and managing separate schools.23 21 Herrington, Municipal Government, 19. Canada and its Provinces, XVIII, 300-306. The Act of 1843 provided for "School Visitors," including clergymen, magistrates, councillors, and members of Parliament, who might advise the teachers and examine new ones and issue temporary certificates to them. For texts the Board of Education approved temporarily all Canadian-made books then in use, as well as certain American and English books. In addition it recommended the National Series of school books of Ireland, which it had obtained the right to reprint.22 Smith, Canada, I, 16, 42-43. See also Soutar, Directory of Chatham, 83. ^Canada and its Provinces, XVIII, 307-315. The Act of 1847 permitted the council to assess property in the town for school purposes, but no provision was made for the levying of rates on the parents. In 1850 rural and urban common schools were kept separate and provincial and municipal grants were based on average attendence instead of the school population. Assessments on property could be substituted, in part or whole, for the rates on parents. It was also provided that a school board must establish separate schools for Protestants and Roman Catholics at the written request of twelve resident heads of families.

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The people of Kent had long agitated for the transfer of the seat of government for the district from Sandwich to Chatham, which was more central. A petition had been signed in 1817 seeking to have the district divided, with Chatham the capital of the eastern part. Nothing came of this and similar petitions. At the first meeting of the new district council in 1842, Councillor Joseph Smith of Raleigh moved that a committee be set up to draft a petition to the legislature, for the transfer of the seat of the Western District to Chatham. Petitions to this effect were circulated among the inhabitants of Kent. Only the townships of Dawn and Zone opposed the move, as they favoured Port Sarnia as the district seat. In September Joseph Woods gave notice in the provincial Assembly that he would attempt to procure the passage of a bill in this regard. This alarmed the people of Sandwich, who feared that it would ruin their town, and several meetings were held and petitions circulated in opposition. The supporters of Chatham argued that Sandwich was too far from the centre of the district, that records were not safe there in case of invasion, and that as the building containing the jail and court-house in Sandwich was falling into decay, it would be no more expensive to build a new one at Chatham.24 The Chatham Journal carried an account of a meeting held in the afternoon of September 26, 1842, outside the British Hotel. It was estimated that nearly 2,000 people assembled, and, since they could not get into the hotel, a place was selected under its piazza where the sheriff presided and Thomas Steers acted as secretary. A resolution was adopted for drawing up a petition against the division of the district, and for the removal of the district seat to Chatham. Then, according to the Journal, Mr. Amos Shaw (generally known as Bush Shaw) objected to the resolution on the ground that it was not a disinterested motion to have the district seat at Chatham as the real centre was seven miles west of Zone Mills, in the heart of the Bush. The uproar became so great that Mr. Shaw could hardly be heard. He had his hat knocked off, and was pulled from a seat on which he stood; notwithstanding which, he made repeated efforts to be heard, but was as repeatedly hooted ; and although 24

Ontario Archives, Reports, IX, 362. Sandwich Western Herald, Feb. 24, Mar. 31, Sept. 1, Sept. 9, Oct. 6, 1842. Chatham Journal, Apr. 16, 1842.

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the chairman exerted himself to gain him a hearing he was at length forced to retire.25

The meeting concluded by resolving to send three men, Foott, Steers, and Lacroix, to Kingston to lobby for the bill. No progress was made until 1846, when there was a renewal of the agitation for the formation of the County of Kent into a new district, since there seemed no hope of transferring the Western District seat from Sandwich to Chatham. A majority of the inhabitants were now ready to support the division to avoid the disadvantages of Sandwich as the centre of local government. As one writer put it: "Every unfortunate wight who happens to owe a trifling debt is grieved to observe the enormous amount attached to it through the sheriff's mileage." In September 1846 the Chatham Gleaner carried a notice that the inhabitants of Kent would apply at the next session of Parliament for the formation of the county into a new district, with a jail and court-house to be erected in Chatham, and an additional rate of assessment of not more than one penny in the pound to pay the cost of the buildings.26 A bill to this effect was passed on July 18, 1847. The County of Kent, still including Lambton and the township of Tilbury West, was detached from the Western District and erected into the provisional District of Kent. A provisional council, composed of the Western District councillors from Kent, was established to superintend the construction of the county buildings on the military reserve in Chatham. For the time being the councillors continued to attend the district council meetings at Sandwich. Their first session as the Provisional Council of Kent was held at the Oddfellow's Hall in Chatham on August 17, with George Duck of Howard as chairman. They appropriated the proceeds of a proposed loan, later established at £4,000, and continued to sit at various times until the buildings were completed. After many delays and difficulties, a large limestone building for the jail and court-house was completed in 1850 at a cost of £4,755.27 William B. Wells presided there as first judge of the county at Quarter Sessions and County Court 25

Chatham Journal, Oct. 1, 1842. Chatham Gleaner, Aug. 25, Sept. 22, 1846. "Chatham Canadian Freeman, Sept. 28, 1848. Woods, Harrison Hall, 23. Macdonald, Atlas, Historical Sketch, v. 26

330

THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

in January 1851. A month later there was held there the first meeting of the County Council, at which George Duck was elected warden under the terms of an act of 1846 transferring the appointment of wardens, clerks, treasurers, and surveyors to the district councils.28 In 1851 a site for a county grammar school in Chatham was granted by the Government to the board of trustees. They had requested five acres at the south-west angle of the vacant crown reserve, next to the Anglican church. The Commissioner of Crown Lands reported to the Council that the reserve block, the only one remaining at the disposal of the Government, was situated between Murray Street and Gaol Street and contained about twenty-eight acres. Since Chatham had then become the county town, he thought that sites for various public purposes would doubtless be required. He advised a grant of two and one-half acres in the situation requested; and his recommendation was approved by the Council.29 The Municipal Council of the Town of Chatham protested in 1853 against the grants of land, in blocks ranging from one-half to fourteen acres on King Street in the centre of town, which had been made to various religious denominations and for school purposes. "These lands are laid out in lots having streets running through them in all directions to suit the interests of the several holders, and being leased for limited periods to the humbler classes of the inhabitants, buildings of an inferior quality are erected on them, so that the natural growth and business of the town, the uniformity of the street, the quality of the buildings, and the convenience of the inhabitants are most seriously obstructed and confined." They prayed for authorization to sell the lots, the proceeds to be invested for the benefit of the corporations to which the grants were made; but the Council refused.30 The Municipality was more successful in its request for a grant of land for a public park. It stated "that the town is growing most rapidly in population. That large sums of money, amounting to some £2,000 to £3,000 are about to be laid out in its improvement and embellishment in the course of this year. That the town however is 28

Woods, op. cit., 23-4. Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Land Petitions, C 6, Part 3 (1851-52), no. 114. s °Ibid., C 7, Part 1, (1852-53), no. 34. 29

THE DAWN OF SELF-GOVERNMENT

331

wholly without any place for public recreation or promenade, and that from its present position there is no prospect of there being one except through the liberality of the Government." The site desired was a block of land of seventeen acres north of Murray Street, adjoining the ground given to the Agricultural Society of the County of Kent. The provincial surveyor examined the ground and found that the part immediately adjacent to the Agricultural Society's land was fenced in and in the possession of Cecilia Wilson, a widow who had a small log house and stable there which she had bought in October, 1850, from Reuben Stover, who had purchased from John Asher the original squatter. Asher had taken possession in the early part of the year 1836. The Council recommended that the Municipal Council of Chatham be permitted to select ten acres of the tract for a public park, with compensation to be made to Mrs. Wilson if her improvements were affected.31 The Baldwin Municipal Act of 1849 had consolidated the previous system in one measure, but in addition gave a great deal more independence in local affairs to the councils, and also to the townships. Each township having at least 100 resident freeholders or householders was incorporated as a municipality, with a council of five members, presided over by a town reeve selected from among themselves. It appointed the various township officers, regulated their duties, and provided for drains and watercourses, roads and bridges, statute labour, and so forth. It also licensed inns and taverns, shows and exhibitions, and passed by-laws of a local nature. The Act also provided for the incorporation of villages, towns, and cities, with full powers to elect councils, appoint their officers and manage local affairs. Police villages could be created where the population was too small for incorporation, with power to elect three trustees annually, with limited authority. The inhabitants of each county as a whole also became a body corporate, controlled by a county council composed of the reeves and deputy reeves of the towns and townships, who elected a county warden from among themselves. The County Council replaced the old District Council, retaining the powers not transferred to the other municipalities. In addition the Municipal Act had erected Lambton into a provisional county, attached to ^Ibid., C 7, Part 2 (1853-54), no. 54.

332

THE VALLEY OF THE LOWER THAMES

Kent for electoral purposes, and to Essex for judicial and municipal purposes. It was finally proclaimed a separate county in September 1853.82 Despite the loss of territory, the County of Kent had a population of 17,469 in 1852, nearly double that of 1839. Between 1,200 and 1,300 inhabitants were Canadians of French origin, and over 10,000 were Canadians of other than French origin. The remainder had come in almost equal numbers from England and Wales, from Ireland, and from Scotland, with the exception of over 1,700 from the United States. In religion the Methodists led all others with 5,255 members. Other religious groups included 3,304 Anglicans, 3,147 Presbyterians, 2,868 Roman Catholics, and 1,777 Baptists.33 The county was a prosperous agricultural area, which was to develop exceedingly during the century to come. 32 Herrington, op. cit., 11-14. Canada and its Provinces, XVIII, 439-42. Woods, op. cit., 23-4. Macdonald, Atlas, Historical Sketch, v. 33 Statistics from the Appendices to the Journals of the Legislative Assembly, 1840 to 1841; Censuses of Canada, 1865-1870; and MSS in possession of George F. Macdonald.

APPENDICES

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APPENDIX A STATE OF THE IMPROVEMENTS ON THE DIFFERENT LOTS... OF THE RIVER THAMES, TAKEN IN JANUARY, 1794. DOVER WEST 6. Joseph Beauchamp. No improv't. Lives in L'Assomption parish. 5. Henry Beauchamp. No improv't. Lives in L'Assomption parish. 4. Pierre Ducharme. Small hut only. 3. Thomas Edwards. Improved. 2. Paul Cauron. No improv't. Lives in L'Assomption parish. 1. Robert Surphlet. Large improv't.

TILBURY EAST Abijah Parke. No improv't.

DOVER EAST 1. John Peck, Sr. Small improv't.

RALEIGH Widow Gamelin. Improv'd by herself. Col. Alex. McKee. Improv'd by Indians. Col. Alex. McKee. Improved by Indians. J George Jacob. Large improv't. I Madame Gouin. Improv. not bv her. Alexis Labute. Large improv't.

2. Anthony Dequindre. Small improv't but not by him. 3. Reny Campeau. Small improv't but not by him. 4. Fontenoy Dequindre. Small improv't. ( Charles Gouin. No improv't, 1^ Madame Gouin they live near Detroit. 6. Joseph Cissne. By purchase. Small hut only. ( William Shaw. By purchase. 7. |Hugh Holmes. Large improv't. 8. Thomas Clarke. No improv't.

Louis Trudell. Improved, Louis Trudell's family. Joseph Valcour. No improv't. Pierre Desnoyers. No improv't. Widow Sterling. No improv't.

335

Thomas Parson. Large improv't. Richard Merry. Large improv't. John Peck, Jr. Large improv't.

336

APPENDICES

9. Meldrum & Park. Large improv't. 10. Sarah Willson, alias Ainse. Large improv't. 11. James Donaldson. Large improv't. He does not live here. 12. Thomas Smith. Large improv't. He does not live here. j „ ( Isaac Dolsen. Small improv't. ^George Cope. No improv't. 14. John Dodemead. Small improv't. He does not live here. 15. Andrew Hamilton. A large improv't. 16. Richard Earp. No improv't. 17. John Drake. By purchase. Large improv't. 18. Peter Shonk. Large improv't. 19. Matthew Dolsen. Large improv't. He does not live here. 20. Reserved, "i A large improv't on 21. Reserved j these two by Thomas Clarke. 22. Reserved. 23. Reserved. Improved by Coleman Roe. 24. Reserved. CHATHAM 1. Reserved. 2. Reserved. 3. Reserved. 4. Reserved. 5. Reserved. 6. Coleman Roe. Small improv't. 7. Reserved [for Poole England]. 8. Reserved [for Poole England].

| Pierre St. Carty. Improved. ^Thomas Williams. Large improv't. Daniel Field. Large improv't. Heirs of Samuel Newkirk. Large improv't. Widow Welch. Large improv't. Isaac Dolsen. Large improv't. Daniel Dolsen. Large improv't. James Forsyth. Large improv't. The children of Thomas McCrae. Improved. Thomas McCrae. Improved, but not by him. Hezekiah Wilcox. Large improv't. John Goose. Large improv't. Reserved. Reserved. Reserved. Reserved. Reserved. HARWICH Reserved. Reserved. Reserved. Clarke's mill. Reserved. Reserved. William La Mothe. No improv't. William Duggan. Small improv't. Lives at Detroit. John Barbo. No improv't. Lives at Detroit.

APPENDICES 9. George Sicklestiel by exchange. Large improvement. 10. Robert Bedford. Large improv't. 11. Fred'k Hafboard. Small improv't. 12. Fred'k Arnoldi. Large improv't. Lives at Petite Cote. 13. Lewis Arnoldi. Large improv't. 14. John Arnoldi. Large improv't. 15. 16. Chistopher Arnoldi. Small improv't. 17. John Wheaton. Large improv't. 18. Joseph Abbott. No improv't. 19. Jacob Marell. Small improv't. 20. Edward Watson. Large improv't. 21. 22. Edward Turner. Large improv't. 23. William Baker. Small improv't. 24. Henry Botsford. prov't.

Large im-

CAMDEN 1. Thomas Duggan. By purchase. No improv't. 2. Thomas Mickle. Small improv't. 3. John Whitehead. Small improv't. 4. Thomas Kelly. Small improv't. 5. Joseph Abbott. By purchase. Large improv't.

337

Godfrey Corbus. No improv't. Lives at River Rouge. Peter Traxler. Small improv't. James Jackson. Small improv't. Robert Empson. No improv't. Michael Shannon. Small improv't. Lives at Detroit. Matthew Gibson. Large improv't. William Chambers. Small improv't. Luke Killon. Small improv't. James O'Brien. No improv't. John Flynn. Improved by Daniel Field. Pat'k O'Flaherty. \ These two sold Widow Avery. j to D. Freeman who had large improv'ts on them. Peter Fouchet. No improv't. Lives at Detroit. David McKirgen. Small improv't. James McDonell. No improv't. Lives at Detroit. Capt. Henry Ford. No improv't. HOWARD Fred'k Rabelly. Small improv't. Julius Rabelly. Small improv't. John Carpenter. Large improv't. Nathan Miller. Large improv't.

338

APPENDICES

6. William Searle. Small improv't. 7. 8. Capt. Joncaire Chaubert. No improv't. 9. 10. Charles Boulanger. No improv't. 11. Gabriel Charon. No improv't. 12. Isaac Williams. No improv't. 13. John Cornwall. No improv't. Lives in New Settlement on Lake Erie. 14. Joshua Cornwall. No improv't. Lives in Detroit. 15. Wheeler Cornwall. No improv't. Lives in Detroit. 16. John Reynolds. No improv't. Lives on River Rouge. 17. George Reynolds. No improv't. Lives on River Rouge. 18. Richard Jackman. No improv't.

William Scot. A hut only, Heirs of William Scot. A hut only. Joseph Roe. No improv't. Lives in Detroit. Timothy Desmond. Large improv't.

Jacob Quant. Small improv't. William Boyle. No improv't. Lives in second township. D. W. Smith Surveyor-General. D. W. Smith, Isaac French. No improv't. D. W. Smith. Stephen Kessler. Small improv't.

(Survey Office. Department of Lands and Forests, Toronto. Letters Received, II, 615.)

APPENDIX B ORIGINAL patentees to farm lots on the Thames River, with dates of patents, as recorded in the Abstract Books in the Kent Registry Office, Chatham; and notes, from various sources. DOVER WEST 9. Andrew Beniteau, 1798, French. 8. William Park, 1801, Detroit merch. 7. Hester Trudell, 1809, French. 6. John Askin, Sr., 1798, Sandwich merchant. 5. Matthew Dolsen, 1802, Butler's Ranger from Penn., German descent. 4. Ebenezer Allan, 1803, Butler's Ranger, but lived at Delaware. 3. Ebenezer Allan, 1803. 2. Paul Carón, 1804, French, served 12 years in militia in L. C. 1. R. Surphlet, 1802, loyalist from Penn., served in Indian Dept. DOVER EAST 1. John Peck, 1802, ex-soldier, from England. _ ( Sophia Reaume, French. (Antoine Labadie, French. 3. Reny Campeau, 1797, French, militia. 4. Fontenoy Dequindre, 1805, French, Lieut, in Indian Dept. in Revol. 5. 5/2 to Marie J. Gouin, 1804, French Widow, eldest son killed in Revol.

TILBURY EAST Lewis Lapoint, 1802, French. Antoine Reaume, 1801, French. King's College, 1828. Louis Trudell, 1806, French, served in Revolution. Louis Trudell, 1806.

Louis Trudell, 1806. Mary Martha Auge et al, 1823. Peter Desnoyers, 1807, French Volunteer in Revolution. Widow Sterling, French. RALEIGH Mary Anne Gamelin, 1805, French, widow of Capt. of Militia. Col. Alex. McKee, 1798, loyalist from Penn., in Indian Dept. Col. Alex. McKee, 1798. 'George Jacob, 1808, English merch. Bonaventure Reaume, 1803, French. George Jacob, 1808.

339

340

APPENDICES

6. John Paddock, 1803, carpenter on boats at Chatham in 1795. 'Alex Duff, 1804, barrackmaster at Amherstburg. 7 Hugh Holmes, 1804, Irish born loyalist. 8. Thomas Clarke, 1796, English, came in 1783 from England. 9. Meldrum and Park, 1798, Detroit. 10. Sally Ainse, 1794, loyalist. 11. James Donaldson, 1798, Serj. in 8th or King's Regiment.

Thomas Parsons, 1803, loyalist. John Drake, 1808, Lt. in Prov. Marine in L. C. in Revolution.

John Pike (Peck), Jr., 1798, Native born, English father. Í George Meldrum et al. 1803. (Thomas Williams, 1797, loyalist. Meldrum and Park, 1804. James and Eliza Newkirk, 1803, children of private, Butler's Rangers. Thomas Walsh (Welch), 1811, loyalist from Mohawk River. Isaac Dolsen, Sr., 1802, Butler's R., from Penn., German.

12. Thomas Smith, 1798, served as mate in Navy dept., Lake Erie. ( Isaac Dolsen, Jr., 1804, Loy13. J alist, German descent. I John Cope, 1798, ex-soldier. 14. John Dodemead, 1798, Ser- Daniel Dolsen, 1802, son of Isaac. jeant in 8th or King's Regiment. 15. Andrew Hamilton, 1802, Corp. James Forsyth, 1798, native born in Butler's Rangers. son of Scots-Irish soldier. 16. George Wade Foot, 1838, Thomas McCrae, 1804, sailor on Sheriff. • the lakes in Revolution. 17. John Drake, 1803, see lot 7, Thomas McCrae, 1804. Raleigh. 18. Peter Shonk, 1798, Butler's Hezekiah Wilcox, 1798, from N. Y. Ranger from N. Y. State. State, son of Butler's Ranger. 19. Matthew Dolsen, 1798, Butler's John Goose, 1802, ex-soldier, but Ranger, Penn. German descent. had no discharge papers. 20. Prideaux Selby, 1797, Ass't Sec. D. W. Smith, 1798, Surveyor-Genin Indian Dept. eral. 21. Col. Alex. McKee, 1798, see Col. Alex. McKee, 1798. lot 2, Raleigh. 22. Matthew Elliott, 1798, Irish Capt. Thos. McKee, son of Alex. loyalist, Penn., in Indian Dept. 23. Joseph Springfield, 1803, Eng., Peter Curry, 1798. Butler's Ranger. 24. Earl of Selkirk, 1807. Chatham town.

APPENDICES CHATHAM 1. Earl of Selkirk, 1807. 2. Earl of Selkirk, 1807. 3. William Baker, 1798, shipbuilder, Detroit, came in 1789 from N. Y. 4. Thomas Reynolds, 1798, Ass't Commissary at Amherstburg. 5. Thomas Reynolds, 1798. 6. John Messmore, 1803, loyalist, German Dunker from Penn. 7. John Messmore, 1806. 8. John Messmore, 1806. 9. George Sickelstiel, 1802, German, Hessian soldier. 10. Robert Bedford, 1797, loyalist from Penn., English born. 11. William Boyle, 1802, loyalist, came to Detroit in 1785. 12. Frederick Arnold, Jr., 1803, German loyalist from Penn. 13. Lewis Arnold, 1803, German loyalist from Penn. 14. John Arnold, 1803, German loyalist from Penn. 15. William Everitt, 1808, loyalist from New Jersey. 16. Christopher Arnold, 1803, German loyalist from Penn. 17. John Wheaton, 1798, ex-soldier from N. Y. State. 18. John Drake, 1806, see lot 7, Raleigh. 19. John Drake, 1802. 20. James McGarvin, 1804, came to the province in the 1790's. 21. David Hartley, 1803.

341

HARWICH Chatham town. Chatham town. Thomas Clarke, 1796, see lot 8, Dover East. William Thorne, 1799, Captain on lakes in war, lived on the St. Glair. John Goudie, 1799, shipwright at Chatham naval works in 1795. Hon. James Baby, 1801, of Sandwich. John Shipley, 1802, loyalist, German, prob. from Penn. Thomas Jones, 1802, a tailor. Peter Traxler, 1802, German. Peter Traxler, 1802. j Major Slater, 1843. \Peter Traxler, 1802. Robert Empson, 1811, Butler's Ranger. John Drake, 1802, see lot 7, Raleigh. Matthew Gibson, 1798, soldier in King's Prov. Reg. of N. Y. Ebenezer Bedford, 1844, son of loyalist from Penn. Luke Killen, 1802, sailor, served in Revolution. Nathan Field, 1801, Butler's Ranger. John Flynn, 1798, sailor on lakes in Revolution. Pat. O'Flaherty, 1798, served in 8th or King's Regiment. Sarah Avery, 1798, German. George Field, 1809, son of Daniel Field from Penn.

342

APPENDICES

i John Shaw, 1824, English. ^ Richard Jackman, 1823, loyalist from Penn. in 1785. 23. John Sharp, 1806.

22.

24. John Williams, 1802, former seaman in Royal Navy. CAMDEN 1. Jacob Her, 1803, sawyer at the Chatham naval yard in 1795. 2. William Shaw, 1803.

3. William Baker, 1808, see lot 3, Chatham. 4. William Baker, 1808. 5. Charles Gascoigne, 1797. 6. Meldrum and Park, 1801. 7. John Martin, 1806.

8. John Kitson, 1798. 9. George Ward, 1802, Irish soldier. 10. William Park, 1801, Detroit. 11. Meldrum and Park, 1801. 12. Edward Richardson, 1803, Butler's Ranger, English born. 13. John Cornwall, 1801, Butler's Ranger from Connecticut. 14. Joshua Cornwall, 1803, son of John Cornwall. 15. Wheeler Cornwall, 1809, son of John Cornwall. 16. John Reynolds, 1798, private in James Rogers' Corps.

David McKirgan, born.

1807, native-

John Williams, 1803 (sells to H. Holmes), see lot 24, Chatham. Isabelle Hill et al., 1813. HOWARD Frederick Ri'bley, 1803 (/ 2 to Joseph Johnson, 1804), son of loyalist. Margaret Johnson, 1809, former Indian captive, with brother Joseph, and sister Mrs. Jacob Quant. Frederick Arnold, 1803, see lot 12, Chatham. James Miller, 1803, son of loyalist. William Howard, 1799, hatter. Isaac French, 1802, came about 1792, prob. from U. S. Eliza, Margaret, Mary, Anne Scott, 1798, children of William Scott, Detroit Volunteer. John Gordon, 1803, English loyalist from Penn. Timothy Desmond, 1803, soldier in 84th Regiment. Francis Cornwall, 1802, from Connecticut in 1789. Samuel Osborne, 1802. Jacob Quant, 1802, Butler's Ranger, German. William Boyle, 1798 (John Julien in 1811), see lot 11, Chatham. D. W. Smith, 1797, Surveyor-General. D. W. Smith, 1798. Isaac French, 1797, see lot 6, Howard.

APPENDICES 17. George Reynolds, brother of John, loyalist, to Detroit in 1785. 18. Richard Jackman, 1798, see lot 22, Chatham.

343

D. W. Smith, 1797.

Stephen Kessler, 1797, Hessian soldier from Germany.

APPENDIX C PETITIONERS for lots in Chatham in 1832. Public Archives of Canada, Upper Canada Sundries, July 12, August 3, 1832. Name Daniel Forsyth John K. Forsyth M. C. Lenover Menander T. Akerley William Herrington, Jr. Abraham Askins, Sr. William Harvey

Occupation cabinetmaker hatter mason blacksmith tailor

Abraham Askins Loban B. Fliak Ann Smith

cooper watchmaker milliner

John Rice Francis Bouthellier Jesse Evans William Dolsen James Forsyth

house carpenter labourer miller cabinet-maker fanning-mill maker labourer brick-maker

Elisha Wilcox John Asher Thomas McQuarie Walter Eberts Patrick Tobin Oliver Biron Alexander Robertson David Pratt William Grainger Patrick O'Neil James Portier

carpenter

peddler shinglemaker surgeon & apothecary tanner shoemaker schoolmaster 344

Lot Requested broken front of 98 97 broken front of 94 91 102 broken front of church reserve broken front of 102 9 broken front opposite market reserve broken front of 101 86 85 101 109

broken front of 19 broken front of 101 9 45 and broken front order-in-council received for both. broken fronts, 97, 98 5 6 105 broken fronts, 5, 6. broken front of 104 broken front of 85

APPENDICES William D. Eberts Henry C. Eberts Claude Carrier Michael Smith Jacques Fevyier John White Israel Evans

tailor weaver cooper sadler

345 broken broken 19 84 9 broken broken

front of 24 front of 25

front of 17 front of 85

APPENDIX D

SOME ADDITIONAL BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Arnold, Frederick, Sr. Frederick Arnold was a member of the Dunkard religious sect, who had come from Germany in 1770 and settled at Redstone, Pennsylvania. He remained a loyalist in the Revolution, and his son John served as a private in Butler's Rangers. In April 1787, three years after coming to Detroit, Arnold bought from Michael Shannon a farm at Petite Cote, on the Detroit River a few miles north of the present Amherstburg. The Quaker Lindley visited him there in June 1793, and described him as "a long bearded Tunker, an inoffensive man; but, like his brethren and too many others, loves money." His family consisted of his wife and nine children. His four sons were named Frederick, John, Lewis, and Christopher (Stoffle) ; his daughters were Barbara, Medlin, Susanna, Catherine, and Elizabeth. In 1791 the sons received grants of lots 12-14 and 16, in Chatham Township. Baker, Captain William Captain Baker was a Quaker who had been employed in the Brooklyn Navy Yard at New York until he removed to Detroit in 1789, with his wife Euphemia Bush and two daughters. Here he became assistant ship builder and later master builder in the naval establishment. In 1794 he began the ship-yard at Chatham, and the next year received a grant of lot 3, in Chatham Township. When his daughter Anne married Joseph Eberts in 1810 he gave the farm to her, and it became known as the Eberts' Farm. Captain Baker sailed the North West Company's ship Charlotte as early as 1800, and later commanded it as a sloop of war during the War of 1812. His later years were spent with his second daughter, Catherine, who married a retired British officer named Knight and lived above Louisville. This was probably William B. Knight, who had been a Conductor of Stores in the Field Train Department, and who was living on half pay in 1827. Mrs. Baker, who had parted from her husband, lived in a house of her own near the Eberts' and died Jan. 2, 1858, at the age of 93. 346

APPENDICES

347

Cornwall, John John Cornwall, a native of Danbury, Connecticut, stated in his petition for land, that "in 1775, when the commotions run very high, found means with some others to consult Governor Tryon who advised our raising men for His Majesty's service, which we undertook to do until a treacherous person of the party named Christopher Glover gave information upon oath against me." Cornwall was arrested by the Americans in New York in May 1776, and imprisoned at Esopus for five months; his estate was immediately confiscated, and his wife and three sons were "cast out and plundered of everything even to the last of their wearing apparel, and left in great distress during the fall and winter." In the fall of 1776 Cornwall escaped from prison and went to Albany County, where he failed in several attempts to join General Burgoyne and General Clinton. He then "retired to the mountains" and remained there until May 1777, when he and a man named Peter Ball collected thirty-two men and marched through the "wilderness" until they were able to join Colonel Butler's Rangers on the Susquehanna River a month later. Cornwall remained with the Rangers during the next few months, but in February 1778 he came to Detroit with the winter express. His sons Wheeler, John Jr., and Joshua, did not come from Danbury to join their father until the spring of 1789, when there were prospects of getting land. Their mother and sister Mary probably came at the same time. In 1786 John Cornwall, Sr., moved to the Clinton River near the present Mount Clemens, to farm lands which John Askin had bought from the Moravians. After a short time there he received a grant of lot 97 in the New Settlement on Lake Erie, which he farmed until July 1789, when he sold it. Two years later he received a grant of lot 13, on the Thames River in Camden Township; and his sons Joshua and Wheeler the next two lots above him. John Cornwall, Jr., received the lot behind his father, in the second concession. The elder Cornwall continued to live in the New Settlement, and represented Essex and Suffolk in the Provincial Assembly from 1797 to 1800. Wheeler carried on his trade as a carpenter in Detroit until 1796, and later at Amherstburg. In January 1811, he sold his Thames farm to Lemuel Sherman, who had worked the farm for a number of years. Joshua moved to the Thames and built a grist-mill on his property.

348

APPENDICES

Cornwall, Francis Francis Cornwall was a brother of John Cornwall, Sr., and came to Detroit in 1789 with his wife and family. He settled near the mouth of the Detroit River, on the Canadian side, but about 1796 moved to lot 10 in the Township of Howard. Here he died in 1804, mudh beloved by the Moravians for his piety and goodness. His sons were Elihu, Sherman, and Nicholas. Nicholas died in 1824 leaving a son Ira. Dolsen Family In the year 1778 Isaac Dolsen, Sr., fled to Niagara from Wyoming Township, Northumberland County, Pennsylvania, leaving behind considerable property, which was later confiscated by the state for treason. He brought with him eighteen other loyalists, who joined Butler's Rangers at Niagara. Dolsen himself had borne arms under Sir William Johnson at Lake George, Ticonderoga, and other places, in the French and Indian War. In 1784 he came to Detroit and bought a farm at Petite Cote on the Detroit River, next to that of Daniel Field. A few years later he had improved land on the south bank of the Thames, which he held by Indian deed. After the survey he received lot 13, Raleigh, which was part of what he claimed. He and his wife Mary Field Dolsen had seven sons, named Isaac, Daniel, Gilbert, Matthew, Peter, Jacob, and John; and three daughters named Hannah, Betsy, and Mary. Hannah married Michael Traxler, and Mary a man named D'Arcy. Isaac Dolsen, Jr., was born in 1777, a year before his father fled to Niagara. His second wife, named Elizabeth Armstrong, with her two brothers, had been captured by the Indians in 1794, opposite the upper end of Blennerhasset's Island, near the Ohio, in Virginia. Her mother, two sisters, and another brother were killed. Elizabeth Armstrong was taken to the Maumee, but after a few months escaped with a white man who was searching for his sister, and taken to Detroit. Not being able to return to Virginia, she went to work for Isaac Dolsen, Sr., on the Thames, and later married his son Isaac. The latter died March 2, 1855. One of his children, William Dolsen, who was born December 6, 1806, became a carpenter in the town of Chatham, and later operated the Farmers' Exchange Hotel there until 1855, when he bought a farm in Raleigh. His wife was Nancy Evans, who was born in Pennsylvania May 26, 1814, the daughter of Israel Evans who became one of the early settlers in the town of Chatham. She died in 1886, three years after her husband.

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Matthew Dolsen, son of Isaac Dolsen, Sr., had rented a farm near Fishing Creek in Pennsylvania before the Revolution. According to his own statement, "he was harassed and imprisoned in Northumberland Jail on account of his loyalty to the British Government, and was obliged to leave his farm, and lost his crop and all his cattle and stock as the rebels threatened his life. He fled to York to join General Clinton, and was taken and imprisoned and one of his brothers was killed by his side . . . He made his escape after being long confined, and came in to Niagara, and since to this place [Detroit]." At Niagara he joined Butler's Rangers, and served for a time as a private. He was in Detroit as early as May 1781, when he bought a lot in the fort from Gregor McGregor, adjoining that of Sarah Ainse, and carried on as a merchant and trader. He also purchased a farm at Petite Cote, near that of his father. By 1789 he had an establishment on the Thames, just west of Thomas Clark's farm in Dover, where he eventually came to live. For some years Matthew Dolsen seems to have divided his time between his farm and trading-post on the Thames, and his tavern on his lot in the fort at Detroit. In 1791 Zeisberger records that he brought his two children from the Thames to put them in the Moravians' school near Detroit. The following year Matthew received a grant of his improved land on the river, which became lot 19, Dover East Township. At that time he began to receive provisions as a loyalist. Nevertheless he continued to operate his tavern at Detroit. The Quaker peace representatives lodged there in June, 1793, and found their quarters "comfortable and easy." One day they went across the Detroit River to visit their landlord's farm at Petite Cote, where they dined on a lunch which they had brought with them. About this time an Indian tried to kill an interpreter named Sylvester Ash in Dolsen's tavern. Ash managed to evade his blows, and the Indian then "knocked off our landlord's hat, who struck him several hard blows and turned him out of the house." When the Quakers departed on July 25, they took "an affectionate leave of Matthew Dolsen and Hannah," his wife. Matthew's wife was Hannah Field, daughter of the loyalist George Field, and sister of Daniel Field. Their two sons were John and Isaac M. Dolsen. When Detroit was surrendered to the Americans in 1796, Matthew Dolsen elected to remain British, and moved to the Thames, where he operated a tavern and trading-post until 1813, when he appears to have died. On October 15, 1813, a week after the Battle of the Thames, a division of Matthew Dolsen's estate was made, by which John re-

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ceived lot 19, Dover, with the tavern, and Isaac received lot 18, besides other properties. This was in accordance with Matthew's will, dated September 20, 1805, which also bequeathed £100 each to his two grandchildren, Matthew and Hannah Dolsen. In addition it was provided that Isaac was to support "my old and faithful servant Peter Shonk, in such manner as he was formerly kept about my house (which he has quitted without just cause) and also give him the usual attendance." Peter Shonk died at Sandwich in March 1806, while he was a servant to Prideaux Selby. His will, made five days before, left his lands on the Thames, consisting of lots 18 in the first and second concessions, to William Forsyth of Sandwich. Shonk stated in the document that he had made over 200 acres of this to Matthew Dolsen, in consideration of the latter keeping and maintaining him during his life, but that this had been rendered null and void by Matthew imposing hardships upon him which compelled him to leave his home. Matthew Dolsen's will also provided that his son Isaac was to care for the former's wife Hannah. She survived her husband by several years. John Dolsen, born about 1776, married Elizabeth Ridley, and their first children were twins born in 1800, named Matthew and Hannah. Another son of John, named Uriah John Dolsen, inherited the farm on lot 19 after the death of his father, and eventually sold it to Mr. Gray. The second son of Matthew, Sr., Isaac M. Dolsen, was born August 23, 1786, and died September 10, 1861. There was another Matthew Dolsen, said to have been born in Detroit in 1770, and to have moved to the Thames in 1810. About 1803 he married Elizabeth Willits, born in Cumberland County, Pennsylvania, who had come to the Thames with her parents about 1800. Their children, born between 1805 and 1813, were Gilbert, Jacob, Martha, Araminta, George, and Levi. This Matthew Dolsen deserted from the Kent militia in 1812 and joined Hull's army. The following year he helped guide Harrison's army up the Thames, and after the battle brought his wife and children to Detroit. His daughter Martha married Henry Chrysler of Chatham, son of William Chrysler, and their son John M. Chrysler moved in the 1850's to Kansas, where his grandson, Walter P. Chrysler of automobile fame, was born. Matthew Dolsen lived in Detroit for some time after the War of 1812, but soon disappears from view. He has sometimes been confused with Matthew Dolsen of Dover, father of John and Isaac.

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Drake, John According to a story he told the Quakers who came to Detroit in 1793, Drake had been a Guinea trader, or slaver, and had made several trips to Africa to get slaves. During the Revolution he had served in Lower Canada as a lieutenant in the Provincial Marine. Some years after the close of the war he came to Detroit and entered the service of the North West Company, in command of the Beaver, which plied between Detroit, Mackinac, and Sault Ste Marie. His home was at the River Rouge. The eldest son of John Drake and his wife Mary Ann McKay was Francis, born about 1789 at Canillón on the St. Lawrence in Quebec. Other children, born between 1791 and 1800, were Mary, Roger, Eleanor, and Catherine. In 1795 John Drake was not sailing, and two years later he was living on the Thames, where he operated a boat for a time. In July 1801 John Askin offered him the command of the former's vessel, but Drake declined, saying that his situation was such that he could not leave his little business, and if he had a vessel of his own he would not be able to sail it. Francis Drake married Maria Williams, daughter of Thomas Williams, a loyalist from Kentucky, and Elizabeth Peck, who was a daughter of John Peck, Sr. Francis died in 1872 at the age of 84, at the old Drake home in Raleigh. His sisters, Catherine and Mary, married William and John Peck, respectively, sons of John Peck, Sr. Eleanor married John Williams of Raleigh in 1816. The obituary of Francis Drake states that the family name was originally Fitzpatrick; John Drake or Fitzpatrick had come from St. Mallins, County Carlow, Ireland, and his wife was the daughter of a Scotsman named Donald McKay, who had come to Quebec in 1759 as a member of the military band of which John Peck was master. Eberts, Joseph Joseph Eberts was born at Boucherville, Quebec, in 1785, the eldest son of Dr. Herman Eberts and his wife Marie Françoise Hue. His father was born at Augsburg, Germany, in 1753, and had accepted a commission in 1776 as surgeon in the Hanau regiment of the Hessian contingent destined for service in America. In 1791 the doctor and his family settled in Detroit. Joseph married Anne Baker, daughter of Gaptain William Baker, in 1810, and for some years worked for the North West Company under Angus Mackintosh of Sandwich. Later

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he kept a store there, but in 1818 moved to the Baker farm in Chatham Township, where he operated a large store. His death occurred on December 19, 1838. His children were William, Walter, Henry, Euphemia (wife of Dr. A. R. Robertson), Catherine (wife of Ingram Taylor), Nancy (wife of John Waddell), and Frances (wife of William Henry Smith). Holmes, Hugh Hugh Holmes was born in Ireland, and came to Canada from the United States as a loyalist in 1782. He is said to have previously lived for a time in Montreal, and then taken a course at Dartmouth College. Before 1790 he was employed on the upper lakes as a sailor on the Saguina; but in that year he was described as a farmer on the La Tranche (Thames), and a schoolmaster. He held an Indian deed for a tract of land in Dover East, and in 1792 he was able to secure, with William Shaw, lot 7 in that township. Four years later he bought lot 23, Harwich, where he farmed and taught school. He and his wife Sarah had three daughters, and four sons named John, Hands, Daniel, and Abraham. Abraham was born May 23, 1797, and at the age of 28 married Jane Gibson, born in 1807, the daughter of John Gibson of Salem, Massachusetts. They were the parents of Dr. Tecumseh K. Holmes of Chatham. Field, Daniel Daniel Field was the eldest son of George Field, who with his wife Rebecca and sons Daniel, Gilbert, and Nathan had come to Niagara in 1778 from Wyoming, Pennsylvania. George Field had previously lived three years on 300 acres of unimproved land on the Susquehanna which he had 'bought from Daniel Rees. During this time he had cleared forty acres, planted an orchard, and built a house. The property was later confiscated when he was attainted of treason. His sons Daniel and Nathan were also attainted of treason, having joined Butler's Rangers in 1778; Daniel 'became a serjeant in the company of Captain Caldwell. George Field died in 1787, and his widow Rebecca and son Gilbert received grants of land in Ancaster Township four years later. Nathan Field secured land on the Thames, and in 1796 had a wife and three children. His wife was a daughter of James Stack, who had been imprisoned for his loyalty. Daniel Field came to Detroit and bought a farm at Petite Cote in 1784. Six years later he was described as a black-

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smith at Alexander McKee's. As early as May, 1787 he had a farm on the south bank of the Thames, by virtue of an Indian deed. He petitioned for land there in 1789, and in 1792 the Land Board granted him and his family of five children lot 10 in the first and second concessions in Raleigh. Jacob, George George Jacob was born in England about 1764, if, as stated in a militia report of 1794, he was thirty years old at the latter date. In a petition made to the Council in 1798, he states that he had been a resident of the two Canadas for upwards of 21 years; this would mean that he came to Canada about 1777. He would then have been but thirteen or fourteen years old. However, it is stated that on his death on December 24, 1833, he was aged seventy-one years; if true, he must have been born in 1762 or thereabouts, and was about fifteen or sixteen when he came to Canada. About 1788 George Jacob married Mary Archange Chêne dit Labutte, at which time he was a partner-in-trade with Daniel McKillop at Detroit. Seven children were born to the Jacobs between 1789 and 1800; they were George, Jr., Ann (or Jane), Elizabeth, Archange, Mary, Monica, and Felicity. Monica (or Monique), married Charles Askin, Felicity married Alexander McKee, son of Thomas McKee and Theresa Askin, Archange married John Watson and died in 1827, Elizabeth married Solomon Thibault, a resident of the Thames, in 1824, but died five years later; Ann died in 1815, and Mary in 1821. George Jacob, Jr., married Eleanor Grant, daughter of Commodore Alexander Grant, in 1820. Their children were George Alexander, who was killed in the Civil War while fighting with the First Michigan Cavalry, and Mary Archange. A George Jacob married Catherine Dolsen and had a son John Edmond Jacob, who was born August 1, 1814. This must have been George Jacob, Jr., who is referred to in an obituary of Ellen, wife of William Baby, as her father. She died in 1841 and was then 24 years old, making her birth date about 1817, three years before her father's marriage to Eleanor Grant. McCrae, Thomas Thomas McCrae came to Canada as a loyalist in 1774, and served three years as steward on board the armed brig Gage on Lake Erie. His

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name appears in the census roll of Detroit in 1779 and 1782. He petitioned for land on the Thames in 1789, where he had purchased a farm on Indian deed and built a house. After the survey this was found to be on lot 17, Raleigh, which was granted to him. He had also cultivated land on lot 16, which he secured for his three sons, William, Thomas, and Alexander. On the Thames Thomas McCrae farmed, and also carried on his trade as a tailor, which had been his principal occupation in Detroit. McGregor, John John McGregor settled at Sandwich about 1781 and engaged in business with his cousin James, who was a son of Sheriff Gregor McGregor of Detroit. In August 1815 John married Martha Scott, although they had been living together a number of years previously. She appears to have been a daughter of William Scott, and a relative of Thomas Scott who was a miller at McGregor's Mills for some years. In December 1813 John McGregor wrote to John Askin from the Thames that he had a family of twelve persons to keep through the winter. His four sons were Alexander, born in 1795; Duncan; William, born in 1805; and John, born in 1807. Two daughters were baptized in the Church of England at Sandwich in 1816. They were Catherine, who married Colonel James W. Little, and Jane, who married Charles Elliott of Sandwich in 1823. John McGregor also had a daughter Margaret who married Captain Henry Van Allen, and a daughter Elizabeth who was born April 29, 1810. John McGregor died in 1828, and his wife Martha in 1842, at the age of 65 years. Their son Duncan married Cynthia Van Allen and had seven children. His death occurred two years after that of his mother. Peck, John, Sr. John Peck is said to have been born in 1725, either in Yorkshire or Sussex, England. He was present at the taking of Quebec in 1759, as bandmaster of his regiment. One of two accounts in the Commemorative Biographical Record of the County of Kent says that, while wounded and in the hospital, he became acquainted with a Mile Brau, whom he married in 1760, then he left the army and lived for a few years on Hamilton Heights. The other account states that he married Miss Jane Mowe, who was of English-French extraction, in 1785; but

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the earlier date appears more likely, since his son John Peck, Jr. was born about 1768. In the fall of 1774 John Peck was in Detroit, where he played for dances at the rate of eight to ten shillings per night. The following spring he was stabbed in the stomach by a Frenchman, and was awarded £60 damages by the arbitrators of the dispute. During the next few years his name appears from time to time in the ledgers of various merchants. Probably about the end of the Revolution he moved to "Lake St. Glair on the side of the crick called point o Peach" (Peach River), where he was the first settler and storekeeper. On May 2, 1786, he sold his farm, store, stock, and furniture there to William Caldwell and Matthew Elliott. It is probable that he moved to the Thames River at this time. In April 1791, George Jacob and Alexis Labutte bought a farm on the south side of the river from the trustees of the estate of Caldwell and Elliott, of which "a great part consisted in improvements made by John Peck and others for these thirteen years past," and which Peck had lost for debt. He was probably the John "Pike" of the River La Tranche who was sued for debt by various merchants of Detroit in 1789. At that time he also had a farm farther up the river, on the south side, on which he was living. Below him were huts belonging to his children Elizabeth, Robert, and John, Jr. After the survey the elder Peck received the first lot in Dover East, and John Peck, Jr., lot 8 in Raleigh, for which they had petitioned. The names Peck and Pike were used interchangeably in referring to the Pecks; but there was apparently another man whose name was John Pike. In 1791 he petitioned for land on the Thames, stating that he had worked for three years at the erection of Fort Lernoult at Detroit during the Revolution, and was sent express by Major Murray to Colonel McKee at the foot of the rapids on the Maumee. He signed the petition with an "X," being unable to write, so could not have been John Peck Senior or Junior. He was apparently the Pike who had a lot near the fort at Detroit to oversee the ship-yard, who misbehaved himself and was turned out of his hut by Colonel De Peyster. In 1790 John Pike, loyalist, was a farmer on the Thames. It is uncertain whether this was John Peck or the real John Pike. John Peck Senior died on the Thames in 1806. His children were John (born about 1768), Robert (born about 1773), William (said to have been born in 1787), Elizabeth, and Margaret. John Peck, Jr., married Mary Moore, daughter of Joseph Moore, in 1799. Nine years

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later he married for his second wife Mary Drake, daughter of John Drake. He was then living on lot 1 in East Dover, which had belonged to his father. He and his brothers fought in the War of 1812. His children included William, John, Joseph, Alexander, Angus, Nelson, Catherine, and Jane. Robert Peck married Mary Ann Peltier. Their daughter Helena married Claude Chêne dit Labutte, son of Alexis Labutte. William Peck married Catherine Drake in 1816, and had a son named Richard born two years later. His second wife was named Smith, and his third Drouillard. Margaret Peck married Robert Surphlet in 1785, but neglected to preserve testimony, so they were remarried in 1801. Elizabeth Peck married Thomas Williams of Raleigh, and died in the 1860's at the age of nearly one hundred years. Wilcox, Hezekiah Hezekiah Wilcox, born in New York State about 1769, was the son of Elijah (or Elisha) Wilcox, who had served during the Revolution in Butler's Rangers. In 1787 Hezekiah and his brothers James and Morris came to Detroit to join their father. Three years later Hezekiah Wilcox was living on the north side of the Thames. He received a grant of lot 18, Raleigh, on which he had made a large improvement by January 1794. He died November 2, 1851, and his wife Sarah April 25, 1853. Their son Isaac died in 1862, and Hezekiah, Jr., born October 14, 1822, died January 14, 1897. A daughter Mary married Nathaniel Hughson of the Talbot Road, and died at the age of 82. Williams, Isaac Isaac Williams was born in Wales, and came to Detroit from Quebec in 1791 as a loyalist. He received a grant of lot 12, Camden, in 1793, but does not seem to have improved it, and it later passed to Edward Richardson. Isaac was a saddler, by trade, and married Susan Arnold. Their son John Williams was born in 1800. A daughter Mary married William Coll. Isaac died in 1806, at which time he was working on David McKirgan's farm in Harwich. The latter had kept one of his children, probably John, for more than two years. In 1821 John was living on the north part of lot 94, South Talbot Road in Howard. He moved back to the Thames in 1828 and built a hotel near Howard Bridge.

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There were also two or three other persons named John Williams connected with the Thames settlement. One of them was described in 1823 as the eldest son and heir of the late Thomas Williams of Raleigh. A much older man was the John Williams who owned a farm at Petite Cote on the Detroit River in 1784. In 1790 he petitioned for land on the Thames, stating that he was a labourer at Detroit, in an advanced stage of life, who had served in the French-English war as a seaman in the Royal Navy. In 1798 a John Williams bought the south part of lot 8, Camden, from John Kitson, which he mortgaged ten years later to Richard Pattinson. This John Williams, as well as Kitson, was a distiller for several years. In 1817 he and his wife Ann, then living in the township of Pittsburg, Frontenac County, sold the south part of lot 8, Camden, to Federick Arnold of Howard. He could not have been John Williams of Howard, son of Thomas, who married Eleanor Drake in 1816, or the John Williams who was an old man in 1790. Williams, Thomas Thomas Williams was born about 1768 in Kentucky, and worked as a blacksmith in the Indian Department under Alexander McKee when he came to Detroit in 1780. He was living on the south side of the Thames in 1790. After the survey it was found that he and Pierre St. Carty were both on lot 9, Raleigh, so it and the lot in the rear were divided between them. In 1804 he and Charles Fisher had a blacksmith shop in partnership. He had died before May 12, 1806. A son, Thomas, Jr., was born in October of this year to a Thomas Williams and his wife Mary; and a Thomas Williams was living on the east half of lot 11, Raleigh, in 1845. A daughter of Thomas Williams, Sr., named Maria, married Francis Drake. A brother of this Thomas was Robert Williams, who in 1789 petitioned for land on the Thames between the farms of his brother and George Field.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

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BIBLIOGRAPHY MANUSCRIPT SOURCES Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa Series C. Military Affairs. Series G. Governor General's Office. Gl. Despatches from the Colonial Office. G20. Governor General's Correspondence. Series Q. Colonial Office Records. Correspondence of the Lieutenant-Governors of Upper Canada. Series S. Census Reports for Upper Canada, 1820-1855. Land Board for the District of Hesse, 1765-1804, Reports. Land Books for Upper Canada. Land Petitions for Upper Canada. Office of the Provincial Secretary, Upper Canada and Canada West. Reports on Licenses issued to Hawkers and Pedlars. Reports on Licenses issued for Shops, Taverns and Stills. Upper Canada Sundries. John Askin Papers. Baldoon Correspondence. Detroit Notarial Registers. Bainbrigge. Note Book, 1838; Roads along the Frontier in Upper Canada. Selkirk Papers. Talbot Settlement, Letters and Reports. Various maps and plans of the Lower Thames. Public Archives of Ontario, Toronto Strachan Papers. Various maps and plans of the Lower Thames. Ontario, Department of Lands and Forests, Survey Office Surveyor General. Letters Written, and Letters Received. Deputy Surveyors. Letters, and Field Notes. Various maps and plans of the Lower Thames. Burton Historical Collection, Detroit Public Library John Askin Papers. William Case Papers. 361

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William Edgar Papers. William H. Harrison Papers. Alexander Harrow Letter Book. Joseph H. Larwill Papers. Duncan McArthur Papers. Angus Mackintosh Letter Books. Meldrum and Park Papers. Marriage Register for the Western District, 1796-1835. Edwin Miles Papers. Moravian Manuscripts. John Porteous Journals. Thomas Smith Papers. Kent County Registry Office, Chatham Register Books. Abstract Books. Other sources used include the Account Books of John Dolsen, in the possession of Mr. George Barclay of Detroit, an Account Book of Matthew Dolsen in the Chatham Historical Museum, the William Hands and other papers in the possession of Mr. George F. Macdonald of Windsor, and various documents in the possession of Mr. O. K. Watson of Ridgetown. NEWSPAPERS Particular use was made of the Sandwich Canadian Emigrant, 1831-36, the Sandwich Western Herald, 1838-1841, and the Chatham Journal, 1841-44. Scattered issues of the Canadian Freeman, the Chronicle, the Gleaner, the Planet, the Kent Advertiser, and the Western Sentinel, all of Chatham, were also used, as were certain years of the Detroit Gazette, the Detroit Free Press, the Detroit Journal and Michigan Advertiser, the St Thomas Canadian Freeman, and the St Thomas Liberal. PRINTED SOURCES : DOCUMENTARY BRANNAN, JOHN. Official Letters of the Military and Naval Officers of the U. S. during the War with Great Britain, 1812-15. Washington City, 1823. CANADA. STATISTICS BUREAU. Census of Canada. 1870/71. Vol. IV. Censuses of Canada, 1665 to 1871. Ottawa, 1876. CARTER, C. E. ed. The Territorial Papers of the United States. Vol. X. The Territory of Michigan, 1805-1820. Washington, 1942.

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BABY, WILLIAM L. Souvenirs of the Past. Windsor, 1896. BANGS, NATHAN. A History of the Methodist Episcopal Church. 4 Vols. New York, 1840-1844. BEAVEN, JAMES. Recreations of a Long Vacation. London, 1846. BETHUNE, A. N. Memoir of the Right Rev. John Strachan. Toronto, 1870. BIGSBY, JOHN J. The Shoe and Canoe, or Pictures of Travel in the Canadas. 2 Vols. London, 1850. BONNYCASTLE, SIR RICHARD. The Canadas in 1841. 2 Vols. London, 1842. BONNYCASTLE, SIR RICHARD. Canada and the Canadians in 1846. 2 Vols. London, 1846. BOUCHETTE, JOSEPH. The British Dominions in North America. 2 Vols. London, 1831. BROWN, JAMES B. Views of Canada and the Colonists. 2nd Ed. Edinburgh, 1851. BRUNSON, REV. ALFRED. A Western Pioneer. 2 Vols. Cincinnati, 1880. CANADA. Indian Treaties and Surrenders from 1680 to 1890. Vol. I (Ottawa, 1905). Canada Directory, 1857-8. Montreal, 1858. CARRUTHERS, J. Retrospect of Thirty-Six Years' Residence in Canada West. Hamilton, 1861. CHARLEVOIX, PIERRE F. X. DE. Journal of a Voyage to North America. Transí, by L. P. Kellog. 2 Vols. Chicago, 1923. DAVIS, ROBERT. The Canadian Farmer's Travels in the United States of America. Buffalo, 1837. DUNLOP, WILLIAM. Statistical Sketches of Upper Canada for the Use of Emigrants. London, 1832. CÂLINÉE, RENÉ B. DE. "Exploration of the Great Lakes, 1669-70." By Dollier de Casson and De Bréhant de Galinée. Trans, and ed. by James H. Coyne. Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, IV (1903). GOURLAY, ROBERT. A Statistical Account of Upper Canada. 3 Vols. London, 1822. HATCH, COL. WILLIAM S. A Chapter of the History of the War of 1812 in the Northwest. Cincinnati, 1872. HOLMES, A. S. Belinda, or the Rivals, a Tale of Real Life. Detroit, 1843. HOWISON, JOHN. Sketches of Upper Canada. Edinburgh, 1821. JAMESON, ANNA. Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada. 3 Vols. New York, 1839.

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SMITH, W. H. Canada, Past, Present and Future. 2 Vols. Toronto, 1851. SMITH, W. H. Canadian Gazetteer. Toronto, 1846. STRACHAN, JOHN. A Journal of a Visitation to the Western Portion of his diocese . . . in the Autumn of 1842. 3rd Ed. London, 1846. STRICKLAND, MAJOR SAMUEL. Twenty-Seven Years in Canada West. Ed. by Agnes Strickland. 2 Vols. London, 1853. VIGNE, GODFREY T. Six Months in America. Philadelphia, 1833. WELD, ISAAC. Travels Through the States of North America, and the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada during 1795, 1796, 1797. London, 1799. ZEISBERGER, DAVID. Diary. Trans, by E. F. Bliss. 2 Vols. Cincinnati, 1885. SECONDARY MATERIALS AITCHISON, J. A. "The Municipal Corporations Act of 1849." Canadian Historical Review, XXX (1949), 107-122. BLUE, ARCHIBALD. Colonel Mahlon Burwell, Land Surveyor, n. imp. CANNIFF, WILLIAM. The Medical Profession in Upper Canada, 17831850. Toronto, 1894. CARROLL, JOHN. Case and his Cotemporaries. 5 Vols. Toronto, 1867-77. Commemorative Biographical Record of the County of Kent. Toronto, 1905. COYNE, JAMES H. The Country of the Neutrals. St. Thomas, 1895. COYNE, JAMES H. "The Indian Occupation of Southern Ontario." Waterloo Historical Society, Reports, IV (1916), 13-23. CRUIKSHANK, E. A. "Campaigns of 1812-14." Niagara Historical Society, Publications, IX (1902). CRUIKSHANK, E. A. "General Hull's Invasion of Canada in 1812." Royal Society of Canada, Proceedings, 3rd ser., I, sect. II (1907), 211-90. CRUIKSHANK, E. A. "A Study of Disaffection in Upper Canada in 1812-5." Royal Society of Canada, Proceedings, 3rd ser., VI, sect. II (1912), 11-65. CULLUM, G. W. Campaigns of the War of 1812-15. New York, 1879. ERMATINGER, C. O. "The Retreat of Proctor and Tecumseh." Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, XVII (1919), 11-21. ERMATINGER, C. O. The Talbot Regime. St. Thomas, 1904.

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INDEX

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INDEX ABBOTT, JOSEPH, 337 Abernethy, Dr. Caleb, 171 Abraham (Indian), 42, 72 Ackland, Gideon, 178 Adair, John, 307 Adams, Ezra, 192, 194 Agricultural societies, 128, 135-6, 251-3 Agriculture, 5, 33, 35-40, 44-6, 49, 52, 54-8, 62, 65, 70, 79-83, 94-9, 105-8, 113, 119-37, 245-54, 260-1. See also Tobacco Ainse, Sarah, 11-14, 22-3, 31, 32, 48, 74, 336, 340, 349 Airey, Richard, 235 Ake, Joseph, 239, 307 Akerley, Menander T., 344 Albion Hotel, 274, 275 Algeo, Lewis, 220 Allan, Ebenezer, 28, 29, 339 Allen, — , 89 Almy, —, 314, 315 Amherstburg, 49, 76, 79, 81-4 passim, 111, 117, 123, 124, 146, 164, 173, 228, 230, 238, 246, 264, 277, 298, 299, 314. See also Maiden Amherstburg, schooner, 265 Ann, schooner, 229-30 Annette, sloop, 67 Antrim, 128, 152, 167, 248, 306, 309 Archibald, James, 275 Arkland, Richard, 308n Armstrong, Elizabeth, 348 Armstrong, General, 289 Arnold, Christopher, 60, 64, 158, 324, 337, 341 Arnold, Frederick, 11, 19, 21, 304, 337, 341, 342, 357 Arnold, John, 204-5, 337, 341, 346 Arnold, Lewis, 149, 204, 294, 337, 341 Arnold, Nathan, 30 Arnold, Samuel, 302 Arnold, Susan, 356 Arnold's Mills, 7, 60, 63, 83, 88, 93, 97, 99, 137, 151, 152, 158, 159, 205, 304 Arthur, Sir George, 154-6, 235, 237, 279, 314 373

Asbury, Bishop, 73, 74 Ash, Sylvester, 349 Asher, John, 331, 344 Askew, Thomas, 135 Askin, George, 117n Askin, John, 31, 32, 38, 39, 61, 62, 64, 67, 215, 339, 347 Askins, Abraham, 344 Askins, James, 142 Atkins, John, 108 Atkinson, William, 116 Attiouandarons. See Neutral Nation Auberry, Jacob, 166, 231, 237 Audrain, Capt., 100 Auge, Mary Martha, 339 Augustin, Zadach, 168 Avery, Sarah, 337, 341 BABY, EDMUND, 166 Baby, Francis, 95, 221 Baby, James, 78, 79, 341 Baby, William, 141, 160, 165, 166, 170, 202-3, 205, 229 Baby Family, 27 Bachman, H., 197 Baker, William, 25, 337, 341, 342, 346, 351 Bakewell, Charles, 145 Baldoon, 46-56, 65, 71, 75, 81, 98, 114, 116, 168, 181, 182, 195, 215 Baldoon Mystery, 182-6 Baldoon Road, 46, 50, 52, 53, 55, 96, 116, 181 Baldwin, David S., 152, 167, 221, 307 Baldwin, Robert, 225, 226, 227 Baldwin Municipal Act, 331 Ball, — , 114n Ball, Peter, 347 Bangs, Nathan, 73-5, 174 Banks, 148, 271 Baptiste's Creek, 6, 24, 84, 85, 158 Barbeau, John, 22, 336 Barclay, Capt., 83 Barker, Robert, 183, 185-6 Basden, Capt., 95, 96, 97 Bassett, A., 292 Bassett, Uri, 209n Bathurst, Lord, 112

374

INDEX

Baxter, Messrs., 270 Baxter, John, 296 Beadle, Chauncey, 168 Beauchamp, Henry, 335 Beauchamp, Joseph, 335 Bedford, Robert, 21, 30, 304, 337, 341 Beecher, Lyman, 208 Bees, 37, 45, 85, 88, 93 Bell, — , 209 Bell, Capt., 229 Bell, Isaac, 306 Bell, Joseph, 284 Belle, schooner, 267-8 Benedict, Charles, 180 Beniteau, Andrew, 339 Bennett, —, 277 Bentley, — , 209 Berczy, William, 123, 125, 126, 222, 223, 224, 318 Bethune, A. N., 296, 309 Big Bear Creek, 46, 48, 50, 51, 52, 53, 69, 70, 98, 114, 116, 118, 129, 133, 150, 151, 161, 173, 174, 188, 223, 265 Big Bowl, Chief, 71 Big Creek, 6, 7, 96, 128, 151, 152, 159, 306, 309 Biles, Joshua, 275, 284 Billyard, Surveyor, 246 Bird, Robert, 181 Biron, Louis, 164 Biron, Oliver, 344 Bissell, —, 315 Black Joke, schooner, 268 Blackburn, John, 30n Blackburn, John B., 307 Blenheim, 7, 153, 159, 307, 310, 311 Block Concession, 116 Board of Works, 276, 299, 300, 301 Boats, 38, 49, 61, 81, 85, 87, 99, 106, 138 154. See also Vessels, Steamboats, Gunboats Bobier, John, 159 Bogart, James, 213n Bois Blanc Island, 229-30 Booker, William, 117n Bostwick, Capt., 98 Botsford, Henry, 337 Boulanger, Charles, 28, 338 Boulton, H. J., 321 Bouthellier, Francis, 344 Bowies' Farm, 87 Bowman, — , 294

Boyce, Nelson, 167 Boyle, William, 338, 341, 342 Bradley, Col., 233 Brady, General, 236 Braham, Charles, 281 Braham, John, 281 Brampton, William, 272 Brand, —,151 Brant, Joseph, 35 Brantford, 107, 169 Brébeuf, Jean de, 4, 5 Bridges, 34, 85, 87, 88, 149, 150, 158, 162, 163, 299, 302 Brigham, Bela Brewster, 95 British American Institute, 313 British Hotel, 252, 274, 277, 279, 280, 328 British North American Hotel, 273-4, 280 Brock, Isaac, 80, 82 Broderick, Capt., 237 Brooke, Capt., 267 Brooks, Stephen, 142, 145, 146 Brothers, steamboat, 263, 264, 265, 266-7, 271, 308, 313 Brown, Alex., 46, 49 Brown, Gaspar, 13, 67n Brown, George, 322 Brown, John, 55 Brown, Margaret, 275 Brown, William, 12 Bruce, William, 117 Brundage, Samuel, 310 Brush, — , 217 Buchanan, Robert, 154 Buffalo, 146, 247, 255, 267, 268 Bull, Joseph, 105 Buller's School, 310 Bullock, Lieut., 90 Burford, 77, 98, 99 Burlington, 98, 99, 105, 122, 140, 315 Burn, William, 46, 49, 54, 111 Burns, — , 262 Burns, James, 294 Burns, Samuel, 309 Burwell, Mahlon, 96, 112, 113, 115, 123, 140, 161, 177 Bury, Edward, 260 Bury, William, 151 Bush, Euphemia, 346 Butler, Col. A., 96, 100 Butler's Rangers, 11, 13, 20, 346, 347, 348, 349, 352, 356

INDEX Buxton, 311 CALDWELL,—, 89 Caldwell, Thomas, 30, 114n Caldwell, William, 116 Caldwell, Capt. William, 11, 17, 19, 97, 355 Caldwell and Elliott, 20 Caledonia, schooner, 268 Caledonia Road, 257 Camden Township, 18, 21, 27, 29, 30, 36, 37, 60, 73, 85, 149, 150, 151, 164, 167, 216, 221, 231, 237, 319, 321 Cameras, 288 Cameron, Capt., 277, 289, 290, 291 Cameron, Donald, 311n Cameron, John Hillyard, 320, 321 Cameron, Malcolm, 294, 321 Camp meetings, 194 Campeau, Reny, 335, 339 Canada Act, 18 Canada Company, 116, 211, 264, 313, 317 Canals, 128, 129, 147 Canard River, 79, 82 Carding machines, 141, 142 Carlisle, Daniel, 167 Carón, Paul, 335, 339 Carpenter, John, 164, 337 Carroll, Peter, 114 Carroll, W. B., 282 Carter, John H., 272 Carter and Almy, 314, 315 Cartier, Claude, 141, 145, 166, 181, 207, 217, 230, 345 Casavans, Chrysostom, 165 Case, William, 42, 75, 76 Cass, Lewis, 94, 95, 97 Casson Francis Dollier de, 7 Caswell, H. B., 307 Catfish Creek, 268 Cauron, Paul. See Carón Cedar Springs, 168, 307 Chabert, Capt. Philip, 28, 338 Chambers, Capt., 82, 281 Chambers, William, 337 Champain, — , 282 Charlevoix, 8 Charon, 12 Charon, Gabriel, 338 Charon, Pierre, 22n Charteris. See Witherspoon and Charteris

375

Chatham, 24, 25, 26, 28, 107, 118, 123, 136, 137, 138-49, 150, 158, 163, 166, 168, 172, 174, 181, 187-92, 205, 207, 211-13, 217, 222, 223, 226, 228, 229, 232, 235, 238, 245-7, 250-9, 262-98, 299-304, 308, 314-16, 320-31, 340, 341, 344-5. See also Forks Chatham Arms Hotel, 275, 284 Chatham North, 262, 270, 275, 277, 294, 303 Chatham Township, 18, 26, 27, 30, 46, 48, 52, 53, 64, 73, 137, 164, 166, 169, 175, 191, 203, 214, 216, 221, 257, 304 Chatham Union Mills, 303 Chaumonot, Joseph Marie, 4, 5 Chauvin's Inn, 170 Chenail Ecarté, 4, 15, 46, 48, 51, 69, 81, 154, 182, 184, 232 Chêne family, 27 Cherokee Indians, 22 Chichester, Col., 232, 279 Chippawa, 267 Chippewa Indians, 3, 6, 10, 11, 17, 22, 31, 32, 34, 35, 40, 42, 51, 69, 70, 71, 72, 89, 206, 234, 258 Choate, Samuel, 205 Chrysler, Henry, 140, 141, 350 Chrysler, John M., 350 Chrysler, Walter P., 350 Chrysler, William, 123, 140, 142, 350 Churches, 107, 138-9, 187-99, 208, 270, 295-8, 308-10. See also Preachers, Moravians Circuses and menageries, 207, 208, 281-2 Cissney, Joseph, 12, 22, 335 Clark, Capt., 234 Clark, Thomas, 54, 55 Clarke, James, 60 Clarke', Thomas, 13, 58-60, 335, 336, 340, 341 Clarke's Mill, 63 Claus, Col., 41 Clear Creek, 7, 151, 152, 167, 308 Clearville, 5, 7, 152, 171, 260, 306, 308 Clench, Joseph, 110 Cleveland, 146 Clinansmith, John, 307 Colborne, Sir John, 109, 116, 127, 190, 213, 225, 313 Colchester, 26

376

INDEX

Cole, Peter, 263 Coll, James, 231 Coll, William, 356 Collins, Charles L., 307 Collins, E. T., 216 Collins, John, 216 Commercial Hotel, 251, 255, 274, 280, 284 Communication Road, 26, 28, 139, 153, 300, 310, 311 Connecticut 21, 27, 172, 195 Cope, George, 336 Cope, John, 340 Corbus, Godfrey, 337 Corn Laws, 65, 119, 128, 247 Cornwall, Elihu, 348 Cornwall, Francis, 68, 342, 348 Cornwall, Ira, 348 Cornwall, John, Sr., 29, 338, 342, 347 Cornwall, John, Jr., 347 Cornwall, Joshua, 60, 64, 88, 222, 338, 342, 347 Cornwall, Nathan, 224, 226, 237, 317 Cornwall, Nicholas, 151, 348 Cornwall, Sherman, 348 Cornwall, Wheeler, 27, 305, 338, 342, 347 Cornwall family, 21, 27 Cornwall's mill, 37, 60, 64, 150 Cosgrave, William, 136, 280, 284 Courtillet, Louis, 275, 277, 280 Courts, 139, 324. See also Quarter Sessions Courts Cowan, David, 27 Coyne, Patrick, 154, 180, 181 Craford, John, 94, 113, 114, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180 Craford, Samuel, 175-6, 177, 180 Craford, Samuel Philander, 177, 178, 180 Craford, Sophronia, 177, 180 Craford, Thomas, 177, 178, 179, 180 Crevier, Rev. Father, 187 Cricket, 283-4 Crime, 175-6, 180-2, 294-5 Cross, Dr., 263, 293 Cross Keys Tavern, 273 Crow, John, 232, 268, 294, 304, 323 Crow, Robert, 306, 323n Crow, Thomas, 164, 165, 255, 256, 284, 306 Crow, William, 306 Curry, Peter, 340

Cynthia, steamboat, 146, 235, 238, 265 D'ARCY, — , 348 D'Clute, Richard, 310, 311 Daly, William, 67 Danbury, Connecticut, 21, 27 Dances and balls, 207, 280 Dankey Creek, 72 Dapplyn, Thomas, 283 Dauphin, Elias, 187, 273, 274, 298 Dauphin, John, 165 Dauphin, Narcisse, 165, 230, 273, 282, 306 Davis, Asa, 167 Davis, C., 270 Davis, Robert, 132, 161 Davis and Smith, 262, 303 Dawn, schooner, 264 Dawn Mills, 151, 248, 299, 301 Dawn Township, 151, 221, 308, 312, 328 De Peyster, Col. Arent, 22 Declute, John, 294 Degrand, John, 308 Delaware, 25, 28, 66, 67, 73, 82, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100, 247, 250 Delaware Indians, 32, 72, 107, 109, 134 Delmage, John F., 263, 285, 286, 318, 319, 324 Demorest, Thomas, 193 Denke, Christian F., 40, 43, 44, 69, 70, 71, 72, 105 Denny, Major, 81 Dequindre, Anthony, 335 Dequindre, Fontenoy, 21, 335, 339 Dequindre family, 27 Desmond, Timothy, 337, 342 Desmond, William, 166, 167, 315 Desnoyers, Pierre, 335, 339 Detroit, 3, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 29, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 49, 59, 61, 62, 65, 66, 67, 75, 76, 78, 79, 82, 83, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 106, 107, 130, 131, 133, 148, 153, 157, 164, 171, 190, 208, 221, 228, 229, 234, 235, 239, 267, 271, 298, 315 Detroit River, 4, 7, 8, 11, 21, 31, 32, 58, 61, 62, 68, 83, 98, 114, 146, 157, 205, 212, 233, 235, 265 Devault, William W., 295 Dezilet, Joseph, 167

INDEX Disease, 172-3. See also Doctors, Medicine cholera, 165, 173-4 malaria, 48, 49, 50, 51, 69, 75, 174 Distilleries, 63, 64, 87, 148, 269, 310. See also Liquor District Councils Act, 322, 325 Dixon, John, 113 Doctors, 49, 51, 52, 53, 171-3, 181, 263, 272 Dodemead, John, 336, 340 Dolsen, Catherine, 353 Dolsen, Charles, 263, 285 Dolsen, Daniel, 336, 340 Dolsen, Hannah, 350 Dolsen, Isaac, Sr., 12, 13, 18, 60, 64, 76, 77, 80, 106, 164, 215, 336, 340, 348 children, 348 Dolsen, Isaac, Jr., 164, 340, 348 Dolsen, Isaac M., 350 Dolsen, John, 64, 93, 95, 106, 137, 164, 172, 322, 349 Dolsen, Matthew, I, 13, 29, 31, 35, 38, 48, 49, 55, 61, 62, 64, 66, 67, 69, 70, 80, 84, 85, 87, 93, 98, 99, 164, 215, 336, 339, 340, 349-50 Dolsen, Matthew, II, 350 Dolsen, Matthew, III, 285, 350 Dolsen, Uriah John, 350 Dolsen, William, 273, 281, 344, 348 Donaldson, James, 22, 336, 340 Dougall, J. & J., 209, 246, 247, 264, 265 Douglas, John, 145 Dover East Township, 14, 17, 18, 21, 22, 27, 28, 46, 47, 52, 53, 55, 59, 60, 61, 64, 66, 69, 80, 84, 85, 93, 116, 137, 141, 164, 171, 187, 284, 306 Dover West Township, 21, 164, 216, 250 Draggon, Angélique, 164 Drake, Capt., 232 Drake, Catherine, 356 Drake, Francis, 163, 351, 357 Drake, John, 67, 85, 336, 340, 341, 351, 356 children, 351 Drake, Roderick, 95 Dresden, 312, 313 Drouillard, Denis, 113 Drouillard, François, 28, 164

377

Ducharme, Pierre, 335 Duck, George, 323, 329, 330 Duck Pond Road, 308 Duff, Alex., 340 Duffees, Robert, 305 Duffitte, Augustin, 164 Duggan, Thomas, 22, 141, 337 Duggan, William, 336 Dumerse, Joseph, 165 Dunkards, 21, 346 Durham, Lord, 240, 322 EARP, RICHARD, 336 Eberle, John, 167, 307 Eberts, Henry C., 345, 352 Eberts, Herman, 351 Eberts, Joseph, 137, 138, 346, 351-2 Eberts, Walter, 146, 263, 264, 267, 297, 344, 352 Eberts, William, 145, 146, 148, 163, 166, 345, 352 Eberts, W. & W., 253, 262, 263, 269, 270, 272 Eberts farm, 290 Education. See Schools Edwards, Thomas, 335 Edwards, William, 32, 33, 34, 39 Elections, 26, 221-7, 317-22 Electricity, 288 Elgin Association, 312 Eliot, Charles, 175, 228 Elliott, Capt., 41 Elliott, Col., 106 Elliott, Charles, 324, 354 Elliott, Isaac, 191 Elliott, Matthew, 13, 20, 340, 355 Elliott, William, 231, 237 Embry, John, 13 Emigrant trade, 148, 149, 265, 267, 275-6 Emigration, 239-40 Empson, Robert, 337, 341 England, Poole, 336 England, Richard, 19, 23, 24, 26, 32, 36, 59, 60, 78 Entertainments, 207, 252, 279-84. See also Dances and balls, Horseracing, Cricket Erie, steamboat, 264 Erie, Lake, 4, 5, 7, 8, 14, 16, 25, 57, 62, 79, 96, 114, 175, 300 battle of, 83, 84 Erie Canal, 128

378

INDEX

Erieus, 125, 153, 168, 175, 217, 248, 306, 311 Errol, 317 Essex Rangers, 96n Evans, Israel, 141, 142, 172, 273, 345, 348 Evans, Jesse, 344 Evans, Nancy, 348 Everitt, John, 99 Everitt, William, 74, 75, 341 Everitt, William A., 231 Ewart, John, 145n FAIRFIELD, 17, 31-45, 61, 64, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 73, 82, 84, 85, 87, 88, 91, 92, 93, 98, 105, 119, 164, 171, 215. See also Moravians Fairs. See Agricultural Societies Fallen Timbers, Battle of, 78 Farmers' Exchange, 273, 277, 281, 321 Fellows, —, 306 Ferguson, George, 194, 195 Fevier (Fevyier), Jacques, 141, 145, 345 Field, Daniel, 12, 13, 60, 64, 164, 336, 352 Field, George, 341, 352 Field, Gilbert, 352 Field, Hannah, 349 Field, Nathan, 341, 352 Fighting Island, 32, 233 Findlay, Rev. William, 296 Fire Companies, 276-7 Fish and fishing, 37, 108, 157, 250 Fisher, Charles, 357 Fisher, Isaac, 309 Fisher, John, 191 Fitzpatrick, John, 351 Flamborough, schooner, 268 Fliak, Loban B., 344 Florence, 70, 308n Flummerfelt, Rev. Cornelius, 293, 296 Flynn, John, 60, 337, 341 Foott, George Wade, 280, 317, 318, 320, 321, 329, 340 Ford, Capt. Henry, 337 Ford, Ralph, 307 Forks, 3, 5, 6, 7, 11, 12, 13, 15, 20, 21, 31, 32, 37, 46, 52, 58, 59, 61, 64, 66, 67, 74, 80, 84, 85, 87, 111, 130. See also Chatham Forsyth, Daniel, 182, 262, 344 Forsyth, James, 336, 340, 344

Forsyth, John K., 344 Forsyth, Capt. Robert, 81 Forsyth, Thomas, 274 Forsyth, William, 350 Fort Covington, 97n Fort Erie, 98 Fort George, 55, 82 Fort Gratiot, 157 Fort Meigs, 83 Fort Pitt, 13 Fort Stanwix, 14 Portier, James, 344 Fouchet, Peter, 337 Fox, Philip, 307 Fraser, Rev., 192 Fraser, James, 28 Freeman, Dr., 171 Freeman, Noah L., 285, 300 Freeman, Norman L., 166, 191, 217, 224, 274, 305, 319 Freeman Hotel, 274 French, Isaac, 338, 342 French settlers, 21, 28, 53, 116, 131-2, 153, 170, 174, 206-7, 228-9, 251 French traders, 33, 35, 38, 71 Fulford, Dr. William, 255, 263, 270, 273, 280, 285, 294 Fuller, Rev. Thomas B., 188, 189, 190 Fur trade, 64, 122 G. Deming, schooner, 268 Galinée, René de Brehant, 7 Game, 258, 259-60 Gamelin, Mary Anne, 21, 335, 339 Gardiner, Singleton, 147n Gardner, F., 281 Gascoigne, Charles, 342 Gee, Christopher, 150, 304, 311 Gee, Orin, 311n Gee, Rodman, 311n General Brady, steamboat, 265 George, — , 303 German settlers, 21 Gesner, David, 308 Gibraltar, 233 Gibson, John, 352 Gibson, Matthew, 23, 341, 377 Gibson's (John) Inn, 161, 167, 307 Gilkinson, Capt., 67 Gill, Capt., 96 Girty, Simon, 13 Glenelg, Lord, 111 Gnadenhütten, 31

INDEX Goderich, steamboat, 264 Goodrich, Charles, 195 Goodrich, Moses, 132 Goose, John, 13, 174, 336, 340 Gordon, James, 139, 140, 222 Gordon, John, 13, 342 Gore, Lieut.-Gov., Francis, 29, 40, 215 Gosfield Township, 168 Goshen, 39, 40, 106, 107 Goslin, Pierre, 181 Goss, Levi, 165, 166, 170 Goudie, John, 341 Gouin, Marie Josephte, 21, 335, 339 Gouin, Charles, 11, 21, 28, 335 Gouin, Claude, 137, 234, 262 Gould, George 285 Gourlay, Robert, 154, 171, 200, 207 Graham's Inn, 308 Grainger, William, 145, 166, 344 Grand River, 34, 49, 51, 72, 82, 98, 99, 107, 111, 122, 159 Grant, Alexander, 27, 353 Gratiot Col., 100 Gratiot, steamboat, 234 Gray, Abram, 22n Great Britain, 79, 114, 124-9 passim Green, Freeman, 308 Green, John, 306, 307, 308 Greenville, Treaty of, 35, 79 Griffis, William, 193, 292, 293, 296 Grimes, Capt. Andrew, 230 Groesbeck, William, 11, 69 Grummet, Timothy, 67 Gun, John, 22n Gunboats, 138 Guthrie, Dr. Anselm, 172 HACKETT, NELSON, 290 Hackney, Joseph, 240 Hackney, Ralph, 151 Hackney mill, 306 Hagen, Joachim, 40 Hall, Edward P., 217 Halstead, William, 311n Haman, Adam, 106, 107 Hambly, William, 48 Hamilton, 13, 211, 216, 316, 317 Hamilton, Andrew, 23, 336, 340 Hands, Felix, 160, 205 Hands, William, 175, 177, 179, 215 Handy, Collins, 152 Harboard, Frederick, 337 Harmon, Thomas, 195

379

Harper, William, 13 Harrison, Lieut. C., 97n Harrison, S. B., 317-23 passim Harrison, General William H., 83, 84, 85, 89, 93, 94 Harrow, Alexander, 30, 66, 67 Harsen, Widow, 69, 70 Harsen's Island, 69, 70 Hartley, David, 341 Hartman, Adolphus, 199 Harvey, William, 142, 143, 145 Harwich Township, 18, 27, 28, 60, 61, 113, 117, 118, 150, 153, 161, 204, 221, 284, 298, 307, 310, 320, 323, 325, 326 Hastings, steamboat, 267 Haven, John Benjamin, 40 Hazard, John, 13 Head, Sir Francis Bond, 109, 110, 224, 225, 226 Heckewelder, John, 35 Henry, George, 152, 273 Henson, Josiah, 313 Herrington, William, Jr., 344 Herson, M., 308n Hess, — , 281 Hesse, District of, 16, 20 Hessian fly, 127 Hessian soldiers, 21 Hickcox, Joseph, 193 Hicks, Thomas, 311n Hill, C., 281 Hill, Isabelle, 342 Hill, Jacob, 13 Hill's Dock, 309, 310 Hirons, Thomas, 275, 277, 281 Hitchcock, —, 95 Hobson, Rev. William H., 284, 295, 296 Holland, John, 166n Holmes, Abraham S., 161, 266, 287 Holmes, Capt. Andrew H., 96, 97 Holmes, Hugh, 13, 29, 61, 215, 335, 340, 342, 352 children, 352 Holmes, James, 253 Holmes, John, 216 Holmes, John N., 325n Holmes, Ninian, 77, 216, 287 Holmes, Tecumseh K., 352 Holmes, Thomas, 13 Hooper, Jane, 275 Hooper, John, 140, 141

380

INDEX

Hopkins, Silas, 77n Horse-racing, 208, 282-3 Hotels. See Inns Houchett, Hiram, 114n Howard, William, 342 Howard Agricultural Society, 136 Howard Bridge, 149-50, 151, 158-9, 166, 170, 304 Howard Foundry, 304 Howard Mills, 310 Howard Ridge, 132, 152, 202, 258. See also Ridgetown Howard Temperance Society, 208, 209 Howard Township, 5, 17, 18, 21, 27, 29, 36, 60, 64, 88, 112-18 passim, 121, 128, 133, 136, 137, 149, 151, 152, 159, 164, 166; 167, 177, 178, 201, 216, 221, 226, 231, 237, 249, 250, 306, 309, 310, 319, 325 Howard, village. See Morpeth Howison, John, 117, 121, 138, 161, 165, 172, 187, 200-2, 205, 207 Hubbell, Prindle, 159, 172 Hughson, George, 311n Hughson, Nathaniel, 128, 356 Hull, General William, 79-83 passim Hume, Dr., 236 Hunter, Peter, 70 Hunter, sloop, 67 Hunter's Lodges, 236 Huron Indians, 5 Huron, Lake, 48, 300 Huston, John, 195 Hyde, George, 317 IGNATIUS, 34 Her, Jacob, 342 Immigration, 111, 119, 128, 254-5. See also Settlers, Settlement Indenture system, 49, 54 Indian deeds, 11-13, 18, 20, 22, 53. 59n Indians, 3-26 passim, 39, 60, 63, 78-99 passim, 134, 173, 206, 257-8. See also Missisauga, Chippewa, Neutral Nation, Iroquois, Hurons, Cherokee, Delaware, Moravian, Munsey, Mohawk, Potawatomi Inglis, John, 117 Innis, Robert, 55 Inns, 48, 61, 64, 75, 76, 149, 150, 152, 161, 163-8, 170, 173, 179, 204, 304, 306-8

Chatham inns, 145, 232, 251, 262, 272-5 Iredell, Abraham, 24-30 passim, 39, 48, 66, 71, 138, 222, 311 Ireland, Thomas A., 285 Irish settlers, 49, 111n, 117, 255 Ironsides, Dr., 263 Ironsides, Messrs., 191 Iroquois Indians, 5, 7, 134 JACKMAN, RICHARD, 99, 338, 341, 343 Jackman, William, 99 Jackson, •—, 141n Jackson, James, 22n, 337 Jackson, Rev. James, 193 Jackson, John, 168, 307, 310 Jacob, Indian, 44, 72, 105 Jacob, Negro, 22n Jacob, George, Sr., 10, 21, 63, 64, 80, 94, 137, 164, 222, 335, 339, 353, 355 children, 353 Jacob, George, Jr., 165, 270, 277, 283 Jacobs, Philip, 199 Jaffre, Rev. Joseph V., 298 James Walcott, steamboat, 267 Jameson, Mrs. Anna, 132, 149, 159, 160, 166, 168, 196, 197, 203-4, 205, 206, 217, 264 Jay's Treaty, 79 Jeannette's Creek, 6, 11, 85, 147, 158, 165, 170 Jesse, schooner, 268 Jesuit missionaries, 4-5 John Dougall, brigantine, 264 Johnson, Charles, 190 Johnson, James, 308n Johnson, Joseph, 342 Johnson, Lionel, 49, 51, 52, 53, 55 Johnson, Margaret, 342 Johnson, Col. Richard, 87-93 passim Johnson, W., 284 Johnson, Sir William, 9 Jolliet, Louis, 7 Jones, Magistrate, 229 Jones, Augustus, 48, 111n Jones, Edwin B., 6n Jones, Dr. George, 181 Jones, Henry John, 149, 211, 212 Jones, Josiah, 289 Jones, Thomas, 341 Jones, William, 55 Jones, Rev. William, 193

INDEX Joseph, Indian, 70 Julien, John, 342 Julien, Joseph, 159n Jung, Michael, 32, 33, 34, 40, 68 KANSAS, 111, 197 Kearney, L. C., 321 Kelley's Corners, 150, 304 Kelly, — , 294 Kelly, Patrick, 298 Kelly, Thomas, 337 Kennedy, James, 190 Kennedy, John, 176 Kent, steamboat, 262, 267, 268, 291 Kent Bridge, 150, 301, 302, 304 Kent County, 20, 26, 46, 78, 112, 130, 136, 162, 329 agriculture, 249-50 Council, 330, 331 population, 118, 331 religions, 331 Kent County Agricultural Society, 136, 252, 253, 331 Kentucky, 13, 87, 117, 252 Negroes, 117-18, 123 tobacco, 125, 126 militia, 88-91, 98 Kerby, George P., 223 Kerr, William, 122 Kerry, William, 234 Kessler, Stephen, 21, 338, 343 Khioetoa, 5 Kilbuck, Jeremiah, 106, 107 Killaly, H. H., 301 Killon, Luke, 337, 341 King, Rev. William, 311 King's College, 339 Kingston, 49, 73, 94, 253, 264, 265, 320, 329 Kitigan, 70, 71 Kitson, John, 342, 357 Knight, William B., 346 LABADIE, ANTOINE, 339 Labutte, Alexis, 10, 21, 335, 355 Labutte, Claude, 356 Lachlan, Major, 128, 136n Lacroix, Jean Baptiste, 10 Lacroix, Peter Paul, 141, 145, 147, 205, 217, 299, 300, 317, 329 Ladibach, August, 165 Lambert, —, 209 Lambert, Thomas, 167, 168, 307

381

Lambton County, 50, 329, 331 Lamothe, William, 336 Lamothe family, 27 Land Board of Essex and Kent, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 29, 36 Land Board of Hesse, 16, 18, 19, 20, 59 Land Boards, 140, 210 Land granting system, 210-14. See also Non-residents Lapointe, Lewis, 339 Lamed, F., 272 Larned, Henry S., 166, 262, 303 Larue, Francis, 176 Larwill, Lieut., 94 Larwill, Edwin, 267, 284, 288, 322, 325n Larwill, Friend, 293 La Salle, René Robert Cavelier, 7, 8 Lascelles, Nicholas, 28 Latrobe, Charles J., 135, 195-6 Laugham, Major, 95 Leadbeater, Alexander, 231 Le Cerf, Jean Marie, 12 Lee, Edward, 224 Lee, Ephraim, 117 Lee, Garret, 152, 175 Lee, Henry, 152 Lee, Moore, 117 Lees, John, 9 Lefebre, Bishop, 298 Lenover, Charles, 145, 166 Lenover, M. C., 344 Lewis, Capt., 237 Lewis, Joseph, 222 Lewis, M., 158 Lewis, Nathan, 13 Lindley, Jacob, 66, 68 Liquor, 35, 37, 38, 41, 42, 51, 52, 61, 63, 64, 75, 76, 108, 165, 166, 174, 175, 208, 280, 292, 310. See also Distilleries, Temperance movement Literary writings, 286-8 Little, James W., 125, 136n, 153, 168, 311, 325n Little Bear Creek, 49, 50, 51, 53, 181, 232 Little Western, steamboat, 146 Liverpool, schooner, 268 Lockhart, —, 294 London, Ontario, 24, 25, 147, 181, 238, 254, 274, 301, 302, 315

382

INDEX

London District, 111, 116, 228, 313 Long Point, 3, 4, 8, 14, 16, 67, 184 militia of, 82 Longwoods, 73, 97. Battle of, 97 Longwoods Road, 116, 158, 161 Lord Seaton, schooner, 270n Losee, William, 73n Louise, schooner, 262, 265, 268 Louisville, 74n, 132, 149, 166, 295, 304 Lower Canada. See Quebec Loyalists, 10-13 passim, 16, 19, 21, 22, 27, 210, 218 Luckenbach, Abraham, 40, 43, 72, 106, 107, 108, 169, 195, 196, 197 Lundy, Benjamin, 138, 150, 169 Lynch, Thomas, 311n Lynd, David, 10, 17 Lytle, John, 153 McARTHUR, DUNCAN, 80, 81, 97-100 McBrain, Archibald, 116 McBrayne's School, 310 McCall, D., 294 McCallum, Hugh, 53, 215, 216 MoColl, Rev. A., 297 McCormick, —, 26 McCormick, Arthur, 12, 13 McCormick, Charles, 12 McCormick, William, 124 McCoy, — , 38n McCrae, Thomas, Sr., 48, 67, 80, 84, 93-5, 131, 137, 142-3, 164-5, 168, 205, 222, 336, 340, 353-4 children, 354 McCrae, Thomas, Jr., 182, 216, 229, 264, 290 McCrae, William, 147, 157-9, 163, 168, 187, 224, 226 McDonald, Capt., 230, 234 McDonald, Rev., 298 McDonald, Allan, 51 McDonald, Angus, 51, 55 McDonald, Angus (of Sombra), 234 McDonald, Christina, 308n McDonald, Daniel, 182, 183 McDonald, Donald, 51 McDonald, Duncan, 307 McDonald, John, 50, 51, 54 McDonald, John (son of Angus), 51 Macdonald, John, 133 McDonald, John T., 182-4 McDonald, Peter, 50, 54 McDonell, Alexander, 48-55 passim, 65, 71

McDonell, James, 337 McDorman, —, 184 McDougall, Lauchlin, 168, 308nn McDougall, William, 312 McDougall family, 53 McDowell, — , 304 McFayden, Rev. James, 296 McGarvin, James, 64, 341 McGregor, Duncan, 59, 138, 146, 148, 224, 235, 238, 239, 303, 323, 324, 354 McGregor, John, 59, 64, 67, 123, 137-8, 150, 153, 222, 354 children, 354 McGregor, Lieut. John, 95, 96, 97, 100 McGregor, William, 310 McGregor's Creek, 5, 6, 58, 66, 84, 85, 87, 140-5 passim, 158, 192, 250, 258, 264 McGregor's Mills, 80, 83, 87, 95, 137-8, 139, 141, 145, 151, 168, 170, 256, 262 McKay, Donald, 351 McKay's Corners, 307 McKecher, William, 117 McKee, Alexander, 4, 13, 16, 26, 32, 67, 335, 339, 340, 353 McKee, Thomas, 41, 222, 340 McKellar and Dolsen, 304 McKenzie, John, 55, 116 Mackenzie, William Lyon, 223, 224, 227, 228 McKillop, Eleanor, 28 McKinley, John, 116 Mackintosh, Alexander, 115, 146nn Mackintosh, Angus, 59, 62-6 passim McKirgan, David, 29, 30, 337, 342, 356 McLaren, Duncan, 152 McLeod, "General," 233 McMullen, Daniel, 194 McMullin, Patrick, 172 MacNab, Sir Allan, 317, 318 McNab, John, 55 McNaughton, Dugald, 284 McNiff, Patrick, 6, 12-24 passim, 29, 30, 36 Macomb, William, 221 McQuarie, Neil, 192, 258, 323 McQuarie, Thomas, 344 McTavish, Capt., 284 Madison, President James, 94, 105 Maidstone, 298

INDEX Mail, 164. See also Stage-coaches Maitland, Col. John, 235 Maitland, Sir Peregrine, 29, 106, 108, 112, 113, 122, 210, 220 Malcolm's Mills, 99 Maiden, 40, 41, 44, 79, 82, 83, 84, 233, 237. See also Amherstburg Maple Sugar, 36, 38, 43 Marion, Indian, 42 Marell, Jacob, 337 Martin, —, 304 Martin, John, 342 Martin, Mrs. Henry, 175 Matthews, Thomas, 115n Maumee River, 78 Maxwell, Thomas, 311n Maxwell, William, 14 May, James, 49, 67 Maynard, George, 307 Medcalf, Lieut. Henry, 94 Medicine, 34, 172-3. See also Doctors, Disease Meldrum, George, 28, 117, 340 Meldrum and Park, 13, 25, 59, 336, 340, 342 Mennonites, 21, 73, 74, 193 Mercer, John, 283 Mercer, Joseph, 178, 247 Merchant, steamboat, 268 Merriam, George, 145 Merriam, Salem, 145 Merrill, Solomon, 275 Merry, Richard, 12, 335 Messmore, John, 21, 73, 74, 169, 341 Messmore, Joseph, 193 Metcalfe, Sir Charles, 302 Methodist preachers, 42, 73-7, 191, 192-5, 198, 199, 296 Meyers, L. T., 281 Michigan, 64, 149, 151, 157, 183, 212, 234, 275 Michigan militia, 98 Michigan Rangers, 96, 100 Michilimackinac, 5, 14, 62, 65, 82 Mickle, Thomas, 337 Middle Road, 115, 116, 133, 161, 191, 307, 308 Miksch, Christian, 107, 197 Miles, Stephen, 192 Militia. See also Essex Rangers Kent and Essex, 78-83, 94, 228, 230-41 passim Kent Volunteers, 95, 96, 97

383

negro, 117, 288-91 Middlesex, 94 Moore, 234 Mill Road, 307 Miller, Lieut. Col., 82 Miller, James, 342 Miller, Col. John, 98n Miller, Miles, 285 Miller, Nathan, 337 Mills, 7, 37, 58-60, 63, 64, 83, 119, 127, 133, 137-8, 139, 148, 150, 151, 152, 153, 262, 269, 270, 303-4, 305, 306-7, 310, 312, 313 Mills, David, 260-1 Mission of the Angels, 4, 5 Missisauga Indians, 3 Mississippi, 113, 123nn Missouri River, 111, 197 Mitchell, — , 51 Mitton, James, 310 Moe, —, 175 Mohawk Indians, 34, 35, 82, 107 Mohawk River, 14, 42 Monck, Richard, 284 Monier, Carson, 166n Mon tour, Andrew, 14 Montour, Nicholas, 12, 14 Montour, Sarah. See Ainse Montreal, 9, 10, 55, 63, 65, 119, 121, 124, 125, 126, 137, 142, 246, 247, 269 Moody, Alexander, 307 Moody, James, 176 Moore, Joseph, 68, 164, 355 Moravians, 17, 21, 23, 31-45, 61, 68-73, 91-3, 105-11, 134-5, 171-2, 195-9, 215, 237, 258. See also Fairfield, New Fairfield Moraviantown, Battle of, 89-91, 94 Morgan, Mrs. Grace, 6n Morin, Rev., 187 Morleigh, 173, 240, 255-8, 263-4, 266, 273, 274, 279, 288, 305, 306 Morley, Thomas, 107, 188, 217 Morpeth, 112, 151, 152, 159, 162 167, 175, 176, 194, 195, 203, 224, 240, 284, 306-10, 315, 324 Morpeth, Lord, 308 Morpeth Exchange, 307 Mosa Township, 116, 147n Mount, Roswell, 30n, 115 Muir, Capt., 79, 88 Mulholland, Sergeant, 25

384

INDEX

Mull, Island of, 49 Munro, —, 22n Munsey Indian Village, 33, 43, 72, 99, 111 Munsey Indians, 34, 35, 44, 107 Murray, Robert, 326 Muskingum River, 107 Muttlebury, William, 232 NANGI, CHIEF, 69, 71 Napoleonic Wars, 66, 79 Navarre, Isadore, 208n Negroes, 12, 13, 21, 22, 38, 78n, 87, 117-18, 123, 124, 125, 145, 173, 193, 230-1, 232-3, 297-8, 311-14 troops, 277, 288-91 Nelson, C. C., 263 Neutral Nation, 4, 5, 6, 7 New Fairfield, 105, 128, 132, 134-5, 161, 169, 195-9, 258 New Jersey, 27, 74, 117 New Salem, 40 New Schônbrunn, 39 New Settlement, 76, 101 New York, 117, 136 New York State, 27, 46, 76, 77, 133, 195 Newark, 23, 36 Newkirk, Elizabeth, 77, 340 Newkirk, James, 340 Newkirk, Samuel, 12, 13, 77, 336 Newport, 234 Niagara, 7, 8, 10, 11, 25, 27, 34, 35, 38, 42, 49, 57, 75, 82, 94, 148, 164, 239, 316 Niagara, steamboat, 125 Nicholas the Mohawk, 48 Nichols, D., 281 Non-residents, 21, 27, 28, 112-13, 114, 117, 138, 254 North West Company, 56, 62, 64, 65, 66, 121, 346, 351 Northwood, J. & W., 305 Northwood, John, 303 Northwood, Joseph, 272, 275 Nova Scotia, 114, 187, 194 Nugent's Tavern, 232, 234 O'BRIEN, JAMES, 337 O'Brien, Patrick, 275 O'Flaherty, Patrick, 337, 341 O'Flynn, Patrick, 298 Ohio, 31, 34, 39, 43, 55, 79, 82, 83,

106, 107, 123, 125, 130 O'Neal, Michael, 12, 20 O'Neil, Patrick, 344 Onim, Indian, 72 Oppelt, Gottfried S., 39, 69 O'Reilly, — , 294 O'Reilly, Daniel, 259, 263, 297, 317 O'Reilly, W. R., 285 Orford Township, 5, 48, 151, 152, 154, 221, 249, 306, 307, 325 Middle Road, 115 Talbot Road, 114, 117, 121, 133, 167, 220, 252, 260, 308 Osborn (Osborne), Samuel, 158, 342 Oshawahnah, Chief, 89 Oswego, 130, 133, 268 Ouvry. See Erieus Oxford, 73, 97, 98, 212 militia, 82 PADDOCK, JOHN, 340 Page, Michael, 147 Pain Court, 116 Pain Court Creek, 175 Palmer, 234 Palmer, John, 114, 167, 240, 307 Palmer, Nancy, 114 Palmer, William H., 275 Palmyra, 260 Papps, — , 311n Pardo, Thomas, 168, 307 Pardo's Inn, 308 Park, William, 339, 342. See also Meldrum and Park Parke, Abiah, 31, 32, 38, 65, 67, 335 Parker, John, 175, 176 Parker, Rev. John, 193 Parsons, Thomas, 13, 20, 335, 340 Partridge, Timothy, 174, 263, 274, 289 Pass, Robert, 311n Pass, Walter, 311n Patriot, schooner, 264 Patriot War, 146, 228-41 Patten, David, 267 Patterson, Leslie, 178, 180 Patterson, Walter, 178, 308 Patterson's Creek, 9, 113 Pattinson, Richard, 80, 357 Paul, Col., 90 Peck, Alex, 283 Peck, Elizabeth, 12, 351, 355, 356 Peck, John, Jr., 12, 85, 335, 340, 351, 355

INDEX Peck, John, Sr., 10, 12, 13, 14, 335, 339, 354-5 children, 355 Peck, Leonard, 154 Peck, Margaret, 356 Peck, Robert, 12, 356 Peck, William, 351, 356 Peddlers, 145, 153, 154, 180-1 Pegley, Dr., 263 Pelee Island, Battle of, 233-4 Peltier, Mary Ann, 356 Pennsylvania, 27, 346 Perrier, Sir Anthony, 320 Perrier, James, 232, 277, 290, 291 Perry, Oliver Hazard, 93 Petite Cote, 68, 346, 348, 349, 352 Petroleum, 34, 134, 172 Pettquotting River, 40, 43 Phelps, Richard, 195 Pickering, Henry, 311n Pickering, Joseph, 58, 117, 128, 129, 150, 152, 157, 159, 165, 202 Pike, John, 340, 355. See also Peck, John Pioneer life, 201-9, 256-7, 260-1 Pittsburg, 64 Ploughboy, steamboat, 267 Point Pelee, 7, 16, 97 Pointe aux Pins, 7, 9, 15, 20, 27, 113, 139, 246 Pointe du Chêne, 69, 70 Pollard, Richard, 187, 188 Port Huron, 234 Port Sarnia, 232, 235, 315 Port Stanley, 147, 267, 268 Port Talbot, 94, 96, 113, 188 Porteous, John, 9 Post-offices, 138, 150, 152, 168 Potawatomi Indians, 258 Powell, William D., 123n Power, Bishop, 298 Pratt, David, 145, 344 Preachers, 68-77, 107, 187-99, 295-7. See also Churches, Methodist preachers, Moravians Prescott, 125 Prince, John, 154, 178, 180, 228, 237, 239, 258, 259, 315, 317, 318, 320 Prince Edward Island, 48, 50, 51 Princess Victoria, schooner, 154 Probett, Stephen t., 232, 274, 279, 280, 318 Procter, Henry, 67, 82-93 passim, 119

385

Proudfoot, William, 132, 133, 148, 153, 160, 161, 167, 168, 191, 192, 208, 232 QUAKERS, 35, 66, 68, 346, 349 Quant, Jacob, 13, 21, 338, 342 Quarter Sessions Courts, 53, 162, 219, 220, 322, 324, 329 Quebec, 55, 65, 125, 126, 127, 134 Queenston, 49, 54, 55, 65, 168, 302, 315 Quick, John, 26 RABELLY, FREDERICK, 337, 342 Rabelly, Julius, 337 Railroads, 147, 305, 308, 310, 311, 315-16 Raisin River, 82 battle of, 83, 91, 114n Raleigh Township, 12, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 27, 28, 48, 63, 64, 76, 77, 94, 118, 125, 131, 137, 142, 153, 160, 164, 165, 168, 180, 187, 216, 217, 249, 253, 255, 282, 284, 287, 306, 307, 308, 311 Talbot Road, 112, 114, 128, 133, 135, 168, 325 Ralston, Peter, 205 Ramsay, David, 28, 117 Randall, Jacob, 146n Ranger, schooner, 67 Rankin, Arthur, 322 Rankin, Charles, 116, 143 Ransom, Daniel, 164 Read, James, 148, 163, 181, 230, 235, 262, 265, 269, 276, 290 Reardon, —, 298 Reaume, Alexis, 137 Reaume, Antoine, 339 Reaume, Bonaventure, 339 Reaume, Sophia, 339 Reaume family, 27, 28 Rebellion, Upper Canada, 228-41 Rees, Daniel, 352 Reeve, James, 283, 284 Reformers, 148, 220, 223, 224, 225-6, 227, and passim Regennas, John, 197 Reserves clergy, 18, 26, 28, 214, 312, 317 crown, 17, 18, 20, 21, 26, 28, 116, 211 Reynolds, George, 338, 343

386

INDEX

Reynolds, John, 338, 342 Reynolds, Thomas, 341 Reynolds family, 28 Ribley. See Rabelly Rice, John, 344 Richardson, Edward, 29, 88, 164, 342 Richardson, Dr. Robert, 108 Richardson family, 209 Ridge Road, 153, 160, 310. See also Middle Road Ridgetown, 7, 152, 162n, 195, 310. See also Howard Ridge Ridley, Elizabeth, 350 Ridout, Thomas, 30, 112, 138 Roads, 84, 96, 99, 109, 110, 116, 150, 158-64, 276, 299-302, 311, 317. See also Talbot Road, Middle Road, Town Line roads, Communication Road, Ridge Road, Baldoon Road Roame, William F., 167, 307 Rob Roy, schooner, 146 Robb, John, 297 Robertson,—, 29 Robertson, Alexander, 181, 262, 263, 344, 352 Robinson, Chief Justice, 176 Robinson, James, 67 Robinson, John, 145 Robinson, Patrick, 222 Robinson, Peter, 211 Rochester, 130, 292 Rogan, —, 181 Roe, Coleman, 32, 68, 336 Roe, Joseph, 338 Roe, William, 167 Romney Township, 26, 118, 135, 168, 250, 307 Talbot Road, 112, 114 Rondeau Bay, 6, 7, 8, 15, 16, 26, 27, 28, 94, 95, 96, 113, 117, 155, 159, 246, 258, 299, 301, 302, 311 Rood, Charles C., 288 Ross, William McKenzie, 284 Rough, Capt., 67 Royal Exchange Hotel, 252, 272, 277, 281, 320 Royal Oak Tavern, 275 Ruddle, — , 231, 310 Ruddle, James, 128, 132, 152, 167, 306, 307, 309 Ruddle, Robert, 152, 309 Ruddle, Thomas, 152

Ruddle, William, 152, 309 Ruddle family, 176 Ruland, Israel, 28, 95, 96 Running Creek, 183 Ruscum River, 23, 173 Rush, Dr., 208 Rushton's Corners, 167 Russell, Hon. Peter, 24, 25, 39 Ryan, Henry, 193 Ryerson, Egerton, 77, 326 ST. ANNE'S ISLAND, 53 St. Carty, Pierre, 12, 336, 357 St. Glair, Michigan, 263 St. Clair, Lake, 3, 4, 7, 8, 15, 20, 23, 32, 46, 48, 61, 64, 65, 96, 130, 131, 161, 170, 266, 300 St. Clair River, 27, 50, 61, 66, 67, 69, 71, 98, 137, 157, 182, 232, 234, 235, 238, 264, 299, 300, 318 St. Denis, George, 145 St. George, Lieut.-Col. Thomas, 79, 80 St. George's Society, 280 St. Ignace, 7 St. Louis, 109 St. Mary's Isle, 46 St. Michel, 5 St. Patrick's Benevolent Society, 255 St. Thomas, 315 Ste Marie, 4, 5 Salt, 34, 133, 270n Sandom, Capt. W., 264 Sandusky, Ohio, 233, 234 Sandusky River, 43 Sandwich, 25, 26, 49-99 passim, 112, 113, 128, 136, 139, 153, 157, 161-87 passim, 205, 215, 218, 222, 228, 229, 231, 235, 237, 264, 270, 271, 283, 284, 290, 296, 300, 301, 302, 315, 320, 328, 329 Sandys, Francis W., 296 Sans Pareil, 146, 267, 268 Sarah Taylor, schooner, 265 Sault Ste Marie, 62, 64, 65 Savage, Richard, 46 Schmidt, Renatus, 106 Schnall, John, 40, 42, 43, 44, 69, 70, 106 Schnall, Mrs. John, 93, 107 Schneider, —, 203 Schools, 214-18, 325-7, 330 Baldoon, 215 common, 118, 215-17

INDEX district grammar, 215, 218 Moravian, 33, 42, 71, 215 private, 215, 217-18 separate, 327 Scots settlers, 49, 111, 117, 191-2, 257, 284 Scott, R., 175 Scott, Thomas, 137, 151 Scott, William, 338, 342, 354 Scott's tavern, 308n Searle, William, 338 Selby, Prideaux, 29, 340, 350 Selkirk, Lord, 46, 48-56 passim, 64, 111, 112, 116, 215, 340, 341 Selton, A. P., 310 Senseman, Gottlieb, 32, 33, 34, 36, 39, 61, 68, 108, 215 Settlement, 11-14, 18-23, 24, 27, 28, 49, 52, 55, 57, 111, 115-16, 117, 254, 256-7 Sexton, D. W., 307 Shannon, Michael, 337, 346 Sharp, John, 342 Sharpe, Thomas, 168, 308nn Shaw, Amos, 223, 231, 328 Shaw, John, 342 Shaw, William, 85, 335, 342, 352 Shawnee Township, 50, 114, 182 Shelby, Governor, 89, 91 Sheldon, William, 307, 308 Sheldon & Fellows, 306 Shepley, —, 168 Sherman, David, 231, 237, 305, 319, 323n Sherman, Lemuel, 27, 73, 74, 75, 88, 93, 172, 305n, 347 Shipley, John, 216, 341 Shippey, Thomas, 191 Shirreff, Patrick, 117, 118, 131, 133, 151, 153, 160, 165, 166, 174, 194, 207 Shonk, Peter, 13, 336, 340, 350 Shrewsbury, 6, 26, 311 Shuburg, Peter, 258 Sickelstiel, George, 21, 337, 341 Silvester, Charles, 198 Simcoe, John Graves, 3, 6, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 25, 32, 35-6, 60, 78, 139, 140, 164, 219, 311 Simpson, George, 304 Sims, Dr., 51-5 passim Siskiboa, Indian, 71, 72 Slagg, Henry, 270, 283

387

Slagg, Joseph, 270, 283 Slater, Major B., 293, 341 Slater, William, 193 Slaves. See Negroes Smiley, Major, 95 Smith, — , 262, 270 Smith, Ann, 145, 344 Smith, Bango, 22n Smith, Charles, 137, 274, 280, 282 Smith, David W., 23, 24, 27, 28, 39, 338, 340, 342, 343 Smith, G. W., 270n Smith, Henry, 303 Smith, Henry W., 304 Smith, James, 323n Smith, Sir James C., 140 Smith, John, 164, 283 Smith, Joseph, 252, 253, 323n, 328 Smith, Michael, 145, 146n, 166n, 181, 345 Smith, Robert, 133 Smith, Roger, 148, 284 Smith, Samuel, 323n Smith, Thomas (surveyor), 28, 29, 30, 53, 114, 138, 162, 336, 340 Smith, Thomas, 133, 191, 307 Smith, William, 303 Smith, William Henry, 352 Smith, William L., 167 Smith's inn, 308 Smith's Mills, 312 Smith's Union Mills, 246, 294 Smuggling, 154-7 Snider, Adam, 259 Snider, Solomon, 195 Sombra Township, 50n, 312 Spalding's Circus, 281 Spinning, 43, 45 Spore, David, 193 Springer, Daniel, 95n Springfield, Joseph, 297, 340 Squatters, 3, 12, 17-21, 26, 118, 143 Stack, James, 352 Stage-coaches, 148, 164, 168-70, 305, 314-15 Steamboats, 125, 132, 146-7, 148, 149, 165, 169, 262, 263, 264-7, 268 Steers, Thomas, 179, 190, 282, 323, 328, 329 Stephenson, Eli, 272 Stephenson, Rufus, 286 Sterling, — , 304 Sterling, Angélique, 21, 164, 335, 339

388

INDEX

Sterling, William, 165 Stevens, Penuil, 175 Stewart, Lieut.-Col., 94 Stewart, James, 53 Stewart, Rev. James, 309 Stewart, John, 252 Stobo, —, 192 Stoney, Edmund, 194 Stores, 53, 61, 63, 64, 125, 137, 148, 150, 152, 153, 269, 270 Stover, Reuben, 331 Stover, Peter, 152, 167 Strachan, Rev. John, 118, 159, 161, 167, 188, 218, 295 Straws, George, 145 Strickland, Samuel, 130, 165 Stuart, James, 164 Stump, James, 145 Suffolk County, 20 Sumner, V., 148n Surphlet, Robert, 12, 13, 335, 339, 356 Surphlet, Tom, 117n Surprise, schooner, 67 Surveys, 16, 17, 23-4, 26, 29, 30, 48, 53 Chatham town, 139, 140, 146, 149, 189 Longwoods Road, 161 Middle Road, 115 Pain Court, 116 Shawnee Township, 114 Talbot Road, 112 Sutherland, 232, 235, 318 Swan, schooner, 67 Swan Creek, 230 Sweener, George, 55 Sydenham, Lord, 285, 299, 314, 317, 318, 319, 322 Sydenham River, 7, 15, 46, 268, 308, 312, 313. See also Big Bear Creek Symington, Henry, 117 TAFF, JAMES, 167 Talbot, Thomas, 111, 112, 115-16 Talbot Agricultural Society, 135 Talbot Road, 96, 99, 109, 111, 112, 114, 116, 117, 121, 128, 131, 132, 135, 136, 139, 151-3, 159, 161, 166-8, 192, 201, 202, 208, 211, 220, 224, 226, 248, 251, 252, 294, 306-8, 315 Talfourd, —, 318 Tariff, 120, 124, 125, 127-9, 245-9, 276

Taverns. See Inns Taxation, 112, 254-5 Taylor, Ingram, 352 Taylor, James, 251, 274, 280, 301 Taylor, L., 263 Taylor, Lindsey, 289 Taylor, Richard S., 150 Taylor, Robert S., 146n Taylor, T. M., 294, 315 Taylor, Capt. William, 265 Taylor's Mill, 151 Taylor & Co., 275 Teachers. See Schools Tecumseh, Chief, 80n, 81-91 passim Tecumseh House, 304 Teller, Garret, 11, 12 Temperance movement, 208-9, 269, 290, 292-4 Thames, Battle of. See Moraviantown, Battle of Thames, schooner, 66 Thames, steamboat, 146, 235, 236, 238, 265 Thames River, 3, 10, 12, 15, and passim improvement of navigation, 147, 223 Thamesville, 37, 150, 166, 240, 274, 298, 302, 305, 319 Theatre, 281 Theller, General, 230 Thomas, Indian, 33 Thomas, John, 151 Thomasville, 151 Thompson, i— , 251 Thompson, Major, 90, 91 Thompson, William, 320, 323 Thomson, James, 198 Thome, William, 67, 341 Thrasher, Major, 99, 100 Threshing machines, 132n, 247 Tilbury, 298 Tilbury East Township, 14, 21, 26, 30, 65, 96, 118, 135, 165, 187, 191, 194, 221, 250-1, 294, 306, 307, 308, 325 Talbot Road, 112, 114, 133 Middle Road, 115, 133 Tilbury West Township, 329 Tissiman, Joseph, 276 Tobacco, 117, 122, 123-8, 133, 248-50 Tobias, Negro, 22n Tobin, Patrick, 145, 154, 181, 183, 298, 344 Todd, Capt., 67

INDEX Toll, Philip, 222 Tonty, Henri de, 7 Toronto, 318. See also York Tousley, Sykes, 97 Town Line Roads, 115-17, 160, 167 Township Meetings, 166, 219-21, 325 Trade, 38, 49, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 80, 98, 114, 134, 147, 268, 270 agricultural prices, 121, 126, 129, 133, 246-8 exports, 155-7, 250, 268, 270, 271, 304, 306 agricultural, 120-9, 142, 152, 245-9, 265, 269 imports, 120, 137, 152, 155-7, 254, 306 Traders, 61, 65 Traxler, John, 149, 166, 282, 304 Traxler, Michael, 99, 348 Traxler, Peter, 21, 61, 164, 337, 341 Troy, 167, 307 Troyer, Dr., 184, 185 Trudell, François, 165, 306 Trudell, Hester, 339 Trudell, Louis, 24, 38, 65, 80, 95, 170, 335, 339 Turner, Edward, 337 Turnpikes, 299, 301 Tuscarawas Valley, 39 Twenty Mile Creek, 97 Two Creeks, 147 UNITED STATES, 79, 94, 101, 105, 117, 123, 124, 127-9 and passim Unsworth, John, 216 Upper Canada, 24, 40, 66, 127-30 Assembly, 218, 219, 224, 226, 237 climate, 200 Executive Council, 17, 18, 23, 36, 51, 55, 59, 111, 140 142, 143, 149, 177-80, 190, 192 government, 57, 58, 108, 109, 111, 115, 124 local government, 218-21 Urquhart, James, 64 VALCOUR, JOSEPH, 335 Van Allen, Henry, 146, 166n, 354 Van Allen, J., 148n Van Allen's Mills, 151 Van Burén, Pres. Martin, 229 Van Home, Major, 82 Verrait, Henry, 175

389

Vessels, sailing, 55, 66-7, 70, 84, 87, 88, 142, 146, 154, 262, 264, 265, 267-8, 294. See also Boats, Gunboats Vidal, Capt., 166 Violins, 42 Virginia, 118, 123, 125 Vogler, Jesse, 107, 111, 195-6, 197, 198, 199 Vosburg, John S., 285 W. D. Eberts, steamboat, 267 Waddell, John, 352 Wadsworth, —, 294 Wages, 120 Walker, David, 217, 218 Walker, John, 97 Wallaceburg, 50, 53, 168, 182, 232, 298, 300, 308, 312, 313, 315 Walpole Island, 232 War of 1812, 55, 59, 60, 65, 66, 79101, 113, 119 Warburton, Major, 84, 85, 87 Ward, George, 25, 58, 161, 342 Ward, James, 192 Wardsville, 33, 97 Warren, Elijah, 193 Waterloo, 316 Watson, Edward, 337 Watson, Samuel, 153 Watson, Walter, 168 Wayne, Anthony, 39, 78 Weaver, D., 284 Weazel, schooner, 67 Wedge, Mary, 309 Wedge, William, 138 Weir, John, 262 Weir, Malcolm, 132n, 165 Welch, Widow, 336 Welch, Thomas, 340 Welland Canal, 129 Wells, William B., 297, 329 Wenham, Rev. 188 Westbrook, Andrew, 97 Western, steamboat, 263, 265 Western District, 20, 24, 62, 65, 75, 83, 94, 109, 111, 122-9 passim, 133, 139, 153, 157, 162, 210, 211, 212, 217, 235, 248, 313, 314 Council, 248, 254, 299, 325 Western District Agricultural Society, 128, 136 Western District School, 218 Western Saloon, 275

390

INDEX

Wheatley, Joseph, 152, 159 Wheatley, Mrs. Joseph, 203 Wheaton, John, 337, 341 White, John, 141, 145, 150, 307, 324, 345 White, Samuel, 307 White Eye family 107 White River, 109 Whitehall, 150 Whitehead, John, 337 Whitley, Col., 87, 88, 91 Wiggins & Gould, 285 Wilberforce colony, 313 Wilcox, Elisha, 141, 344, 356 Wilcox, Hezekiah, 13, 146, 336, 340, 356 Wilcox, Isaac, 356 Wilcox, James, 356 Wilcox, Josiah, 13 Wilcox, Morris, 356 Wilkins, Major John, 9 Wilkinson, — , 231 Wilkinson, John A., 189 Wilkinson, schooner, 66, 67 Willett, — , 247 Williams, Isaac, 338, 356 Williams, Israel, 117n, 118, 145, 174 Williams, John, 29, 64, 150, 166, 342, 356 Williams, Robert, 284, 357 Williams, Thomas, 12, 336, 340, 351, 356, 357 Williams, Rev. Thomas, 296 Williston, John K., 193, 296 Wilson, Cecilia, 331 Wilson, George, 303 Wilson, Robert, 284

Wilson, Sarah. See Ainse Windsor, 154, 181, 230, 233, 238, 264, 270, 296, 299, 300, 302, 315, 316 Battle of, 236-7 Winnebago, schooner, 294 Winter, John, 274 Winter & Martin, 304 Winters, William, 275 Witanesse, Chief, 69, 71 Witchcraft, 182-6 Witherspoon & Charteris, 262, 269, 294 Wolf bounties, 258-9 Wood, Charles, 285 Wood, W. R., 237 Woodbridge, William, 156-7 Woods, James, 55, 94 Woods, Joseph, 163, 223, 262, 277, 280, 303, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 328 Woods, Robert S., 302, 316, 320 Woolman, Hyman, 167 Wright, Daniel, 296 Wyman, Ashahel, 164 Wyoming, Pennsylvania, 13 Wright, John, 13 X Y Z COMPANY, 65 YORK, 39, 40, 48, 49, 51, 111, 140, 210, 211 Young, Peter, 215 ZEISBEROER, David, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 39, 68 Zone Mills, 151, 188, 308n, 328 Zone Township, 129, 133, 151, 167, 217, 226, 234, 250n, 312, 328

CANADIAN UNIVERSITY PAPERBOOKS Some other titles in the series 3 Rideau Waterway Revised edition Robert Legget. 7 The Bruce Beckons: The story of Lake Huron's great peninsula W. Sherwood Fox. 30 Pioneer Days in Upper Canada Edwin C. Guillet. 37 A Naturalist's Guide to Ontario William Judd and Murray Speirs, editors. 40 Toronto during the French Régime: A history of the Toronto region from Brûlé to Simcoe, 1615-1793 Percy J. Robinson. 47 Pioneer Travel Edwin C. Guillet. 53 The Incredible War of 1812 J. Mackay Hitsman. 64 The Snakes of Ontario E. B. S. Logier. 66 The Physiography of Southern Ontario Second edition L. J. Chapman and D. F. Putnam. 69 Freshwater Fishes of Eastern Canada Second edition W. B. Scott and W. H. Carrick. 96 Pioneer Settlements in Upper Canada Edwin C. Guillet. 100 Life in Ontario: A social history G. P. de T. Glazebrook. 114 The North American Buffalo: A critical study of the species in its wild state Second edition F. G. Roe. 127 Western and Eastern Rambles: Travel Sketches of Nova Scotia M. G. Parks, editor. 131 Beyond the River and the Bay Eric Ross.