The Twenty-Six Martyrs of Nagasaki 4754402758

Table of contents :
Contents
Foreword
Introduction
1 A Ship Is Lost
2 In the Name of Christ
3 Via Crucis
4 Martyrs’ Mount
List of the Martyrs
The Itinerary of the Martyrs, 1597

Citation preview

The Twenty-Six Martyrs of Nagasaki

Front cover. Detail of the Monument of the Twenty-Six Martyrs by Funakoshi Yasutake, Nagasaki, 1962.

The Twenty-Six Martyrs

of

Nagasaki

Diego Yuuki, S.J.

Enderle Book Co., Ltd

Price ï 1,000

Originally published in Spanish as Martyres de Nagasaki. First English edition published in April 1998 by Enderle Book Co., Ltd., 1-5 Yotsuya, Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo 1600004, Japan. Tel. 03-3352-2481; Fax 03-3357-4746.

©Diego R. Yuuki, S. J.

ISBN: 4-7544-0275-8 C 0016

Contents Foreword

1

Introduction

3

1.

A Ship Is Lost

5

2. In the Name of Christ

28

3. Via Crucis

48

4. Martyrs’ Mount

72

List of the Martyrs

83

The Martyrs’ Itinerary

86

A map of the martyrs’ route is found at the end of the book.

Foreword A Pilgrim to the Hill of the Martyrs At 3.20 p.m. on 26 February 1981, Pope John Paul II arrived at Nishizaka Park in Nagasaki. The snowstorm that had begun the previous evening had carpeted the park and the city with white. The pope moved slowly, greeting the crowds filling the park, then he knelt before the Monument of the Twenty-Six Martyrs and remained deep in silent prayer. Then raising his head, he smiled while gazing silently at the bronze statues. After visiting the Mu­ seum of the Martyrs, he returned and, from the monument, gave the following address. Dear friends, Today, I want to be one of the many pilgrims who come to the Hill of the Martyrs in Nagasaki, to the place where Christians sealed their fidelity to Christ with the sacrifice of their lives. They trium­ phed over death in one unsurpassable act of praise to the Lord. In prayerful reflection before the martyrs’ monument, I would like to penetrate the mystery of their lives, to let them speak to me and to the whole Church, and to listen to their message which is still alive after hundreds of years. Like Christ, they were brought close to a place where common criminals were executed. Like Christ, they gave their lives so that we might all believe in the love of the Father, in the saving mission of the Son, in the never-failing guidance of the Holy Spirit. On Nishizaka, on 5 February 1597, twenty-six Martyrs testified to the power of the Cross; they were the first of a rich harvest of martyrs, for many more would sub­ sequently hallow this ground with their suffering and death. “There is no greater love than this: to lay down one’s life for one’s friends” (John 15, 13). “Unless a grain of wheat falls into the earth and dies, it remains alone, but if it dies, it bears much fruit” (John 12, 24). Christians died in Nagasaki, but the Church in Nagasaki did not die. She had to go underground, and the Chris­ tian message was passed from parents to children until the Church came back into the open. Rooted in this Martyrs’ Hill, the Church in Nagasaki could grow and bloom, to become an example of faith

and fidelity for Christians everywhere, an expression of hope founded in the Risen Christ. Today, I come to this place as a pilgrim to give thanks to God for the lives and deaths of the martyrs of Nagasaki, for the twentysix and all the others who followed them, including the newly beatified heroes of Christ’s grace. I thank God for the lives of all those, wherever they may be, who suffer for their faith in God, for their allegiance to Christ the Savior, for their fidelity to the Church. Every age—the past, the present, and the future— produces, for the edification of all, shining examples of the power that is in Jesus Christ. Today, I come to the Martyrs’ Hill to bear witness to the primacy of love in the world. In this holy place, people of all walks of life gave proof that love is stronger than death. They embodied the essence of the Christian message, the spirit of the Beatitudes, so that all who look up to them may be inspired to let their lives be shaped by unselfish love of God and love of neighbor. Today, I, John Paul II, Bishop of Rome and Successor of Peter, come to Nishizaka to pray that this monument may speak to modem man just as the crosses on this hill spoke to those who were eyewitnesses centuries ago. May this monument speak to the world forever about love, about Christ!

Introduction This year, 1997, we are celebrating the fourth centenary of the martyrdom of the twenty-six saints of Japan. The principal peo­ ple appearing in the pages of this book were Christian heroes whom the Church has declared saints. At the same time they were men of their times, tied to one country, one culture, one enter­ prise. They were men with their virtues and limitations, subject to fatigue, weakness, and error. If they are held up before us as models, it is not because they were made differently from us, but because grace helped them win the battle between the flesh and the spirit. For this reason, the very human story of their lives is deeply instructive. This is a book about a journey. I began writing it while I was studying the places through which the twenty-six martyrs passed along their lengthy Way of the Cross; I have written it while travel­ ing from place to place in their footsteps. But this book has devel­ oped from a description of the martyrs’ route into a guide to the route of the martyred Christian community of Nagasaki. It is thanks to these martyrs, both religious and lay, that the epoch in which they lived has come to be called the Christian Century of Japan. This century began with the arrival of St. Francis Xavier on 15 August 1549 and ended when lemitsu, the third Tokugawa sho­ gun, closed Japan in 1639. During that period the country was once more united thanks to the efforts of three men with outstand­ ing political and military talents—Oda Nobunaga, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and Tokugawa leyasu. These three men—the last of whom succeeded in making the government of Japan hereditary in his family—guided the destiny of the Japanese people, while the emperors resided powerless in their palace in Kyoto. Under the absolute rule of the shoguns, the other feudal lords, the daimyos, lost power little by little and became their docile subjects. There even came a time when the rulers arrogated to themselves divine powers, and the only people remaining free 3

4

and not bowing to their arbitrary commands were a handful of Christians led by a few missionaries. The power and authority of the absolute state were directed against this group for three centuries, but it did not succeed in eliminating it. There exists abundant material regarding the history of the Japanese church and its martyrs, and archives in Rome, Lisbon, Coimbra, Madrid, Seville, Simancas, Pastrana, and elsewhere, contain many precious documents. The story of the martyrs, moreover, was written at length by their contemporaries, and we will often cite, in the first place, Fr. Luis Frois, S.J., as well as Fray Marcelo de Ribadeneira, O.F.M., Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora, O.F.M., Fr. Pedro Morejön, S.J., Fr. Alexandra Valignano, S.J., and others. When we read the works of these chroniclers and later biographers, we must bear in mind that they too were men of their times and that we therefore should not ac­ cept everything they tell us without due consideration, especially when they deal with problems in which they themselves were involved. The notes of this book present a short bibliography, which, however, is not exhaustive. The following abbreviations have been used: ah=Academia

de la Historia, Madrid Ais=Archivo de Indias, Seville arsi = Jesuit Archives, Rome

Diego Yuuki, S.J. Nagasaki November 1997

Chapter 1 A Ship Is Lost We are in Japan in the second half of 1596, or, as Japanese chroni­ clers would put it, in the last lunar months of Keichö 1. Violent earthquakes have shaken the imperial court in Kyoto, where Go-Yözei, the 107th emperor in the imperial dynasty, reigns without ruling, and where the feared Toyotomi Hideyoshi, or Taikô Sama, rules, although he is not king. A Spanish galleon laded with silk has sailed from the Philip­ pines en route to Mexico. In Manila and Nagasaki there is much discussion about pontifi­ cal letters issued by Gregory XIII and Sixtus V. A Japanese army is attempting to conquer Korea. A small Franciscan bell is heard at dawn and dusk in Kyoto. A Jesuit bishop disembarks at Nagasaki and sets out for the capital for an audience with Hideyoshi. These disparate events do not appear to have much or any con­ nection, it is true, but when the battered galleon San Felipe reaches the shores of Japan, all these elements, and others as well, will fall together and spark a bloody persecution. The obvious question is—how? why? The Background Although born into a poor family in an obscure village, Hideyoshi was then lord of Japan and in addition wished to be rul­ er of a good part of Asia as well. When he received from Korea parcels of ears cut from the bodies of enemy soldiers slain in the field of battle, he demanded vassalage from China and tribute from the Spaniards in the Philippines. The Chinese emperor responded with fine irony, dispatching an ambassador who in a solemn ceremony invested Hideyoshi with sovereignty—of Japan. The ruler was not amused. 5

6

The governor of Manila, Gomes Pérez das Marinas, responded by sending an embassy offering friendship and commerce, and this seemed to pacify the dictator. These ambassadors were some Franciscan friars who remained in Japan to preach Christianity and build hospitals for the poor and lepers. By 1596 Hideyoshi was prematurely aged and had only one young son, to whom he wished at all costs to pass down the power and authority that he had won at such high cost. But not a few other men also coveted that power and authority, and Hideyoshi realized that, as a usurper himself, he could not afford to be care­ less regarding his son’s succession. He was clever, distrustful, violent when necessary; he knew how to dissimulate, he was ready to wait. The Jesuit missionaries had bitter experience of his sudden changes of mood and were then working more or less under­ ground. The provincial, Fr. Gaspar Coelho, had experienced a rude shock at dawn on 25 July 1587, for on the previous night he had been invited to appear before Hideyoshi and was received warmly. At sunrise next day the provincial received an order expel­ ling all the missionaries from Japan. In fact they did not leave the country, but many of their churches and residences were de­ stroyed, and they were, to all appearances at least, obliged to moderate their zeal. Hideyoshi seemed content with this recogni­ tion of his authority, for the Jesuit reaction was in keeping with the customs of that time. History now began to repeat itself. According to the most ac­ curate figures, there were some 180,000 Christians in Japan at the time, with about 50,000 conversions between the expulsion decree and the arrival of the Franciscans in 1593. At that time the conver­ sion of Arima fief was completed and conversions were beginning in Higo, the new territory of Lord Agustine Konishi. Until his con­ version by St. Francis Xavier, Bro. Lorenzo, who died in 1592, had been a wandering biwa player who devoted the end of his life to working around Nagasaki with Fr. Gil de la Mata. The latter wrote that Bro. Lorenzo was “a man who sets a fine example and has much zeal for souls; even now he preaches two or three times a day whenever necessary.”1 1 ah, Cortes 562, f. 453v.

A SHIP IS LOST

7

The future martyr Fr. Pedro Pablo Navarro carried out his fruitful apostolate in the region of Shimabara, much consoled by the goodness of the Christian community there. He wrote, “Every­ thing becomes light and easy when we see the love and fervor of these Japanese, and their desire to profit from sermons and con­ fession.”2 A Japanese Brother in Chijiwa harvested the first fruits of his apostolic work: “Bro. Paul, Japanese, preaches here on Friday with tears and devotion, something that is much admired by the Japanese Brothers. The Christians are so moved by his ser­ mons that they come from their villages to ask him to preach there the same sermon on the Passion.”3 The same was true on the Goto Islands, in the region of Omura, and in Amakusa. Only in Bungo did the ill-starred Constantine Otomo persecute the Christian community. Writing in 1590, Fr. Gil de la Mata had this to say about Kyushu, where most of the Christians lived: “In these three years since we have been ex­ pelled, nobody has harmed us, and even more surprising is that in this period more people have been converted than during the time when the tyrant favored us.”4 Fr. Valignano wrote about this period in his “Apologia”-. “I do not know whether we could find in any European province greater faith and love than we experience among the Japanese Christians in the time of Taikö Sama’s persecution.”5 In many places the life of the Christian communities had returned to normal. Religious ceremonies could be held publicly, as Fr. Alvaro Diaz wrote from Arie. When talking about Shima­ bara, he noted: Everybody was much pleased by the office and ceremonies of Holy Week, for it was something new for them as they had not seen them before. In similar ceremonies something new is bound to oc­ cur. It happened that on Palm Sunday everyone went out of the church in procession and when we were about to return, the door was closed as I wished to sing the hymn “Gloria, laus, etc.” But over­ come by fervor and devotion, one of the church vergers seemed to think it was not right that I should be outside and the rest inside with the door closed. Losing his patience, he rushed at the door 2 Ibid, f. 461v. 3 Ibid, f. 455. 4 Ibid, f. 487. 5 Alexandra Valignano, S.J., “Apologia”, ms, Biblioteca de Ajuda, 49-1V58, f. 40.

8

and knocked it down, and so for a short time we were without a door and unable to carry out the “Atollite portas” ceremony. In the end we remedied matters by bringing back the door and restor­ ing it to its proper place.6

But in the region of Kyoto, where Hideyoshi was residing, the mis­ sionaries avoided large crowds and public ceremonies, although still continuing their apostolic labors. Fray Gonzalo Garcia wrote: “They go around in disguise and secretly. But they still continue, glory be to God, to obtain much fruit in their work among souls; they convert many people through the ministry of the Jesuit Brothers, for it is they who most deal with the Japanese.”7 At that time there were 59 Jesuit priests and 77 Brothers, to which number must be added the döjuku, or catechists, and other helpers. The largest number was made up by the 66 Japanese, fol­ lowed by 52 Portuguese, 17 Spaniards, 16 Italians, two Chinese, and one Frenchman. The Franciscan missionaries numbered 9: 7 Spaniards, one Por­ tuguese, and one Indian. At the time of the martyrdom they were joined by Fray Felipe de Jesus and Fray Juan Pobre. The friars had arrived in Japan in three groups: in 1593, Fray Pedro Bautis­ ta, Fray Gonçalo Garcia, Fray Bartolomé Ruiz, and Fray Fran­ cisco de la Parrilla; in 1594, Fray Marcelo de Ribadeneira, Fray Jeronimo de Castro, and Fray Augustin Rodriguez; and finally, in 1596, Fray Martin de la Ascension and Fray Francisco Blanco. During the first year the only one able to speak Japanese was Fray Gonzalo Garcia, who had formerly been a catechist of the Jesuits. Despite his age, Fray Pedro Bautista continued to make progress in the language. In 1596, he wrote: “Although I don’t know much of the language, I heard confessions during the past Lent and preached, glory be to God. When I preached my first sermon, I’m told that everybody wept with joy when they saw me speaking in their language.”8 6 ah, Cortes 562, f. 460. 7 Lorenzo Pérez, O.F.M., Cartas y Relaciones del Japön, II, Relaciones e in­ formes sobre el procéder de los franciscanos antes de la persecution^ Madrid 1930, p. 26 bis. 8 Lorenzo Pérez, O.F.M., Cartas y Relaciones del Japon, I, Cartas de San Pedro Bautista, Madrid, 1916, p. 111.

A SHIP IS LOST

9

But it was the last to arrive who won the greatest praise in progress in Japanese. According to Fray Pedro Bautista, Fray Francisco Blanco is “another student brother who is most accom­ plished; the language sticks to him just like mud sticking to a wall.”9 Divided among Nagasaki, Osaka, and Kyoto, and encouraged by the benevolence that Hideyoshi showed them, the friars worked indefatigably. Their convent bell rang out in the capital, and the Christians flocked to them in large numbers; non-Christians began to take an interest in the religion, and the circle of the friars’ friends grew. During this time Hideyoshi remained silent. Fray Pedro Bautista, the commissioner of the friars and ambas­ sador of the viceroy of the Philippines, was a man of much sin­ cerity, incapable of deceit, and was unable to understand what was hidden in Hideyoshi’s heart. With the optimism of a person who recognizes only good, he reported, “We have nothing to fear while Hideyoshi is alive.” The future seemed clear and promising.

On the Tosa Beach With its mast broken and rudder lost, blown by the last typhoon of that season, the galleon San Felipe approached the Japanese coast in 1596. It was one of the ships plying between Manila and Acapulco, Mexico, and the ship had aged over the years it had been sailing this route. Its delayed departure from Manila took place on 12 July, and its cargo greatly exceeded the authorized 250,000 pesos and the conventional safety limits. According to one of the passengers, Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora, the members of the crew were hardly a model of peace and harmony. The large comet that passed over the ship and the illuminated crosses appear­ ing in the clouds in the direction of Japan did not presage well. The San Felipe also ran into typhoons, and when the Japanese coast came into sight, the rough waves and the wind forced it out again into the high sea. When the storm had abated, the ship once more approached the coast. It almost reached the latitude of Kii Peninsula and then approached the coast of Tosa, a province on the island of Shikoku. Before the ship lay the Bay of Urado, and 9 Ibid, pp. 110 & 127. ah, Cortes 567, 13, n. 70, f. 12.

10

as if guarding the bay, the castle of Chösokabe Motochika, the local daimyo, was to be seen on the promontory of Moritane. Opinions on board were divided as to whether the ship should enter the port. The pilot was ready to proceed to Nagasaki, using a small rudder that they had constructed; the passengers, wet through by the waves and rain, preferred to disembark as soon as possible, and their wish carried the day. Fray Juan Pobre also wanted to get off * the ship at once10 and his intervention was deci­ sive. In a letter to Fray Juan, Fray Pedro Bautista wrote, “The king has been told . . . that thanks to your persuasion the Spaniards entered Japan.”11 Fr. Valignano confirmed this later: “One of the friars, Fray Juan Pobre, came on this same ship, and he persuaded the captain and the pilot to enter that port, declar­ ing that they could go there in complete safety.”12 All in all, it was the obvious decision for anyone knowing that the Spaniards had an ambassador in the Japanese capital and that the authorities were friendly. It would have been difficult to im­ agine anything untoward happening in a port that appeared so pleasant and offering a welcome haven after such a dangerous voyage. So when the ship drew near the entrance of the bay, a young Japanese on board, who had been baptized in Manila, be­ gan to negotiate with the local daimyo’s officials who had come out to meet them. These men offered all possible facilities: the port, they said, was thirteen fathoms deep, and the crew could repair the ship there. Provisions, fresh water, and wood were all freely available. Despite this welcome, the pilot remained dissatisfied and want­ ed to take soundings before venturing further. This was done, but the pilot brought back disturbing news. The port certainly had the indicated depth, but the bar at the entrance was only four fathoms deep, and the heavily laded galleon needed four and a half fathoms of clearance. The solution would be to offload some of the cargo before passing over the bar. But the daimyo Chösokabe would not permit them to take this precaution, for it required Hideyoshi’s permission. Once more 10 Juan Pobre de Zamora, O.F.M., “Istoria de la Pérdida y Descubriemento del Galeon San Felipe y de los Martyres del Japon", ms, f. 85. 11 Pérez, II, p. 140. 12 Valignano, “Apologia", f. 144.

A SHIP IS LOST

11

there was discord between crew and passengers, and once more the latter carried the day, won over by the daimyo’s assurances— the sea was completely calm; his men would tow the ship in care­ fully; and if it proved impossible to pass over the bar, then they would dredge the sand and open a channel. Reassured by this offer, the pilot yielded and the San Felipe slowly advanced toward the shore. At the first bar, its keel grazed the sand, but safely passed over. At the second bar the ship once more scraped the seabed, but this time the galleon, damaged by storms and weakened by so many previous voyages, came to a halt and then “split open, without going up or down, for the weather was good and the sea calm and peaceful.”13 It was 19 October 1596. The San Felipe sank within sight of the port, and the sea water poured into the ship, flooding the hold and damaging the valuable cargo. Part of the goods fell into the sea, while the rest was trans­ ported ashore in Japanese boats. The enormous mountain of silks and brocades piled up on the shore amazed the local inhabitants, for they had never before seen such treasures. Contemporaneous Japanese records provide a detailed, but probably exaggerated, in­ ventory of the riches that the sea had offered. 15,183 tan Silk damasks 32,121 tan Spun silk 11,072 tan Satins 5,068 tan Silk crepes 16 boxes Embroidered satins Velvet decorated 20 boxes with gold Other items The Tosa chronicle ends its account on a lyrical note, which em­ phasizes the abundance of riches: “Cargo floated in the sea by the port for three or four miles as if it were displayed on matting, painting the white waves with the five colors.”14 According to all the Japanese sources, when he realized the treasure within his reach, Chösokabe reported the matter to Hideyoshi, who rejoiced 13 Pobre, f. 85. 14 José L. Alvarez-Taladriz, “Apuntes a Dos Articulas mäs sobre elpiloto del San Felipe”, in Missionalia Hispanica, 1953, p. 183. A ran was a unit of area about eight or nine meters in length and 30 cm wide.

12

to learn that the shipwreck had provided such riches. This was not, of course, the view of the shipwrecked men, who, unaware of the forthcoming crisis, began to negotiate about the San Felipe and its cargo. Historians and others who write about the incident introduce here various groups: Spaniards and Franciscans, Portuguese and Jesuits, Hideyoshi and his advisors. As a key to understanding later events, they quote the words attributed to Francisco de Olandia, pilot of the San Felipe: “The missionaries come as the king of Spain’s advance guard.” They then begin to assign responsibility. Why did the ship sink? Whose fault was it that the cargo was seized? What was the cause of the religious persecution? The poor pilot comes out worst in this scenario, not only for what he report­ edly said but because of what his words represented. It is difficult to exonerate him of imprudence (while trying to defend the man, Fray Juan Pobre in fact accuses him). I believe, however, that all these considerations are in fact far off the mark. It is not enough to examine only one small detail; we should take into account all the circumstances, follow their development, and pay attention to all the protagonists. Instead of concentrating only on the pilot, we should consider the inter­ mediaries who played a leading role in the drama: the daimyo Chösokabe and Masuda Emon no Jö, governor of the northern part of Kyoto. Supported by false friends and open enemies of the missionaries, these two officials were the key actors in the drama. They pretended to sympathize with the shipwrecked Spaniards, but in fact they betrayed them by preventing access to Hideyoshi and spreading false rumors. Their efforts paid handsomely—Chö­ sokabe received 5,000 silver bars, and Masuda 500.15 In addition to these two men, there was also Hideyoshi, greedy to lay his hands on plunder and suspicious of foreigners. Another figure in the drama was Yakuin, Hideyoshi’s physician and a for­ mer Buddhist monk. If we recall the history of Christianity in Japan since 1587, we see that even if Francisco de Olandia did in fact say all that has been attributed to him, he played only a small role in the disaster. By taking all the personalities into considera­ 15 Ibid, p. 184.

A SHIP IS LOST

13

tion, it is possible to clarify the situation without having to fall back on calumnious hypotheses.

Fray Juan Pobre Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora was actively engaged in the first part of these events and has left a detailed report. Basing ourselves on his account, let us try to reconstruct the facts, although not neces­ sarily following all of his interpretations. The shipwreck occurred on 19 October. A few days later an of­ ficial in the service of Chösokabe set out for Osaka to inform Hideyoshi of the event. With him traveled representatives of Cap­ tain Matias de Landecho: two Franciscans (Fray Juan Pobre and Fray Felipe de Jesus) and three members of the crew (Antonio Malaver, Christobâl del Mercado, and Francisco Rodriguez Ran­ gel). They had all received orders from Chösokabe to work through the Kyoto governor Masuda, and although they did not realize it, already at the very beginning the noose was tightening. Fray Felipe felt unwell during the journey and preferred to trav­ el around Shikoku in a small boat and thus was delayed. The others reached Osaka on 29 October. Fray Juan Pobre immedi­ ately went to the Franciscan residence in Osaka and there met Fray Pedro Bautista. Meanwhile Chösokabe’s envoy continued on to Fushimi, where Hideyoshi was then residing. That same afternoon Fray Pedro wrote to Captain Landecho: As soon as possible, I will try to negotiate with the king your wish­ es in this matter so that all possible help may be given to build a ship in which the cargo can return to the Philippines. The others are sure that the Japanese will not do us any harm, for the king gave me a letter bearing his seal the first year I came with the embassy, saying that all the Spaniards could come safely to his kingdom, and no harm would befall them either on land or sea.16

Thus, confident of success in the negotiations, Fray Pedro set to work. But in the meanwhile other people had taken the initiative and had got in before him. On 30 October Chösokabe’s envoy returned with the news that 16 Pérez, I, p. 141.

14

Hideyoshi would receive the Spaniards in audience, and on the fol­ lowing day Fray Juan and his companions traveled to Fushimi. On 1 November they met Masuda for the first time; he had al­ ready been informed about the whole situation and was able to raise their hopes. In the afternoon they prepared the gift that they would offer to Hideyoshi; we even know that they put to one side a colorful parrot intended for the ruler’s son. By the following day the situation had notably changed. Masu­ da told them that Hideyoshi was angry because Captain Landecho had not come in person, and as a result he would not receive the Spaniards or their gifts. In addition, Masuda was ordered to set out for Urado immediately, and did not wish any of them to ac­ company him. Fray Juan and his companions were to remain in Osaka until he summoned them. Fray Juan Pobre was not a man to remain inactive, and on 3 November he went to Kyoto to consult with Fray Pedro Bautista, who had returned to his church. Fray Pedro decided that Fray Juan should return to Urado and the friar set out that same after­ noon, reaching Osaka at midnight. There he received bad news. On the previous day Masuda had passed through en route to Ura­ do, and had told Lord Augustine Konishi that he did not need to take an interpreter with him, for he was not going there to discuss matters with the Spaniards but to seize the cargo. This was Hideyoshi’s decision and was in accordance with Japanese laws.1718 So before the Franciscan or Jesuit missionaries could play any part in the affair and before any of them had met Hideyoshi, the ruler had ordered, on the strength of Chösokabe’s report and Masuda’s intervention, the seizure of the San Felipe's cargo. After unsuccessfully trying to convince Fray Felipe to go to Ura­ do in his place, Fray Juan continued his journey on 4 November, concealing his Franciscan habit under a kimono. He traveled by land until Hyögo, then by boat to Shikoku, and then overland to Urado, where he arrived before Masuda. Needless to say, Masuda was not at all pleased to see Fray Juan already there. As the friar noted, “blinded by greedy desire for the treasure,” Masuda did not even greet him.1® 17 Alvarez-Taladriz, p. 187; Valignano, “Apologia”, f. 142. 18 Pobre, f. 102.

A SHIP IS LOST

15

Independently of all these events, the Jesuit bishop of Japan, Pedro Martins, left Nagasaki on 29 October with Fr. Francisco Passio in order to meet Hideyoshi. In 1591, Fr. Valignano’s em­ bassy had met with success despite the efforts of some who tried to sow doubt in Hideyoshi’s mind that it was not a genuine mission. As a result Hideyoshi asked for confirmation and the bishop was carrying this with him. He had reached Nagasaki only a short time earlier in a Portuguese carrack, the San Antonio, and as soon as he heard that Hideyoshi was willing to receive him, he set out for Osaka. At Muro, a port on the Inland Sea, he met Augustine Konishi, who was on his way to Korea. With Fr. Joào Rodrigues acting as interpreter, he learned for the first time what had hap­ pened at Osaka and Urado. The bishop also met there Terazawa Hirotaka, the governor of Nagasaki. It was a disastrous encounter, for the strong currents between the islands of the Inland Sea caused the bishop’s boat to collide with Terazawa’s and almost made it sink. The superstiti­ ous official saw this as a bad omen and from then onward viewed the bishop with hostility.19 A simple study of dates shows that it was impossible for the bishop to have had any role in Hideyoshi’s decision to seize the San Felipe's cargo, for he did not reach Kyoto until 14 November. Hospitality Is Offered While Fray Juan and Masuda traveled to Urado by different routes and Bishop Martins progressed toward Kyoto with his retinue, other factors were coming into play, for yet another traveler was on the road. After a few days of rest in Osaka where Fray Martin de la Ascensiôn was living, Fray Felipe de Jesus was summoned to Kyoto by Fray Pedro Bautista. He was happy to go, for he had heard that the bishop was soon due to arrive and he hoped to receive ordination from him. Fray Felipe de Jesus was a young Franciscan who had led an interesting life. His father, An­ tonio de las Casas, came from Illescas, and his mother, Antonia Martinez, was a native of Salamanca. They were married in Seville in November 1570, and in August of the following year 19 Joâo Rodrigues “Tsuçu”, S.J., “Bisposda Igreja do Japao", ah, Jesuitas, 7236, f. 319v.

16

they set sail for New Spain. Felipillo, as he was called as a child, was born in Mexico City, probably in May 1572. He was described as a restless and mischievous youth, very different from the poor and modest friar who set out on that November morning for Osaka on his way to Kyoto. Like St. Fran­ cis of Assisi, he traveled on foot and without money. His guide and only companion was a boy, Thomas Kozaki. The wind blow­ ing down from the mountains around Kyoto was already turning cold, so they hurried on their way. At midday they were feeling hungry. The location of the follow­ ing incident is not known; according to Ribadeneira it was at a place with a lot of inns between Osaka and Kyoto. From the door of one of them the owner and an employee invited the travelers to enter. Although Fray Felipe’s appearance, with his rough habit and bare feet, made him stand out in the countryside, he was also welcomed. The friar did not understand the landlord’s words, but he certainly understood his gestures and, praising God, entered the inn. Soon there was set before him a bowl of steaming rice and vegetables, to which he had become accustomed in the Osaka vent. And who knows whether he may have received an extra help­ ing as a special guest. At the end of the meal, Fray Felipe had no words to express his gratitude and so, smiling cordially at his hosts, he made for the door. But even before he could raise the curtain to exit, he was stopped. The innkeeper had invited him with a smile, it was true, but he did not want to be paid with one, and he demanded money. When he realized the situation, the friar made them un­ derstand that he had no money, thus angering his host. Young Thomas tried to intervene, but in vain. As he had nothing else to give, the friar had to leave his undershirt to pay for the meal. The innkeeper watched the two travelers walk away, puzzled by the foreigner who had believed that he could eat for nothing. His contemporaneous biographer tells us that Fray Felipe came to real­ ize “how mistaken he had been to believe (as a newcomer to the country) that they had fed him for the love of God.”20 There is no 20 Marcelo de Ribadenaira, O.F.M., Historias de las Islas del archipélago Filipino y Reinos de la Gran China, Tartaria, Cochinchina, Malaca, Siam, Cam­ bodge y Japön, Madrid, 1947, p. 570.

A SHIP IS LOST

17

way of knowing what young Thomas thought about the matter. Fortified by the food, paid for in such an unusual way, but trem­ bling with cold, Fray Felipe continued his journey, probably meditating on the ways of God. Up to that time, the friar’s life hadbeen a crossroads, a battle of wills: God and men, Christ and Felipe. He had fought, he had been a rebel. His youth had been restless, unwilling to accept restrictions and God’s insistent call, “Where are you going to, Felipe?” He enjoyed an adventurous life, but God pursued him. Somewhat against his will the doors of the Franciscan novitiate opened before him, but soon his hot blood made him rebel, and he returned to his free and easy life, and the fight was again re­ sumed. According to some of his biographers, Felipe became a silver­ smith. He would get hold of the precious metal and beat it with a hammer and create a new world of flowers and figures—an apt symbol of what God wished to do with Felipe. But he could not bear a sedentary life and once more was on the move. Sea voyages attracted him and he went to Acapulco, staying there during the festive days while a galleon was being laded. With the cannons of San Diego fort firing in salute, the galleon, perhaps the Santiago, set sail into the great ocean with Felipe on board as a passenger. Its voyage to Manila was relatively easy and quick, much more so than its return journey. But that did not con­ cern Felipe for he did not return with the ship, but stayed in the Philippines. His parents sent him there to become a merchant; he himself went to enjoy complete freedom, but God was waiting for him there with an insistent call. And just as Felipe had every­ thing—freedom, money, pleasures—God won a complete victory. Sincerely repenting, Felipe called at the door of San Francisco convent in Manila, and surrendered himself entirely. With the same strength of will with which he had left Christ so often, he now sought Him, wanting to make up for lost time. In the Franciscan archives in Pastrana there is a small book, worn away by age and heat, which lists when the first Franciscans of the Philippines received the habit and took their vows. On 22 May 1594, Fray Vicente Valero recorded the profession of Fray Felipe de las Casas. A little above this on the same page appears

18

the signature of Fray Pedro Bautista, who had left for Japan one year earlier. Two years passed, and as there was no bishop in the Philip­ pines, Fray Felipe’s superiors decided that he should return to Mexico to be ordained there. He obeyed, for was this not God’s will? The ship in which he sailed bore the name of an apostle—the apostle of naive questions, St. Philip. The ship would never reach Acapulco, for Japan was in the way. Where would this new crossroads lead him? Fray Felipe seemed to ask heaven with the quiet gaze of a contemplative. The answer soon came. Neither he nor his companion could foresee that soon they would once more travel this route, their hands tied and their ears mutilated. And this time nobody would offer them shelter. Intrigues at Court The affair of the shipwrecked galleon was indeed complicated. At Urado governor Matsuda proceeded with the confiscation of the cargo, and even seized the gold that the shipwrecked Spaniards carried in their pockets. Acting as if he were their protector, he told them to remain calm and be grateful to him. They had been accused of piracy and other similar crimes, and they should con­ sider themselves lucky if they escaped with their lives. The effect of these encouraging words can only be imagined. Landecho asked permission to go to Osaka and lay his case before Hideyoshi. Ma­ tsuda told him that he had no objection, but that he should wait until he himself went there—Landecho could go with the boats carrying the looted cargo. It was in these exchanges that the pilot de Olandia’s interven­ tion was made. Armed with his words, or what was at least at­ tributed to him, Matsuda would return to Hideyoshi for the final blow. In Kyoto Fray Pedro Bautista redoubled his efforts. Suspecting now Matsuda’s treachery, the friar visited the other governor, Maeda Gen-i Höin (“Genifoin” in the ancient records), for he was a sincere friend of the Christians and had two sons who had been converted. Maeda was put out because the Spaniards had not approached him in the first place,21 but finally agreed to act as 21 Pérez, I, p. 122.

A SHIP IS LOST

19

intermediary. Fray Pedro believed that in the present circum­ stances it would not be wise to appear before Hideyoshi, and instead sent him a letter through Maeda. “They say that Fuin [Maeda] showed the credentials to the king as well as a letter I sent him, asking him to remember the friendship he had made, etc., and that he should consider his honor. They say that Taikö did not say anything. You should understand that this is not a bad sign, for he at least did not give a hostile reply.”22 Was Maeda mistaken in his judgment or did he only pretend to encourage Fray Pedro? Hideyoshi was not one to withdraw his orders, and even less so if, by retracting them, he would appear to have acted hastily. He would at least look for an excuse to justify his actions, and it was not at all difficult to find one in this case. These religious said that they were ambassadors, but they were openly preaching a religion that he had prohibited, a religion that ran counter to the Japanese gods and was winning converts every day. It is true that Hideyoshi had not paid attention to this activity for a long time, and he even said that he did not mind if the lower classes were converted. But the ruler had never given explicit writ­ ten permission for this religious activity. Perhaps the time had come to listen to what Yakuin had to say and rid himself of these foreigners. Hideyoshi’s advisors were divided on this matter. Ishida Mi­ tsunari and Maeda Gen-i were inclined to urge pardon, while Ma­ suda and Hasegawa Högan, who for some time had appeared as their friends, attacked the missionaries. Hideyoshi remained silent. It was precisely at this difficult juncture that Bishop Mar­ tins arrived and presented his embassy. Fray Pedro reported: “The Portuguese told me that at the be­ ginning [Hideyoshi] spoke to them with some asperity, but then he became friendly and offered them kaki [persimmons] as refresh­ ments. The bishop said that the business lasted half an hour; some­ body else said that it lasted a short time. May there be peace!”23 But it was only an apparent peace. Fray Pedro also asked for the bishop’s support on behalf of the shipwrecked men of the San Felipe.14 As a result, Fr. Joäo Rodrigues and Fray Gonzalo 22 Ibid, p. 123.

23 Ibid, p. 124.

24 Ibid, p. 125.

20

Garcia went to see Maeda Gen-i, who, although promising once more his support, was not able to effect anything. By sowing seeds of suspicion in Hideyoshi’s mind, the missionaries’ enemies had found a most effective ploy. The ruler never forgave those who, he believed, could become an obstacle in his way. The sad death of his nephew and heir, Hidetsugu, had occurred only a short time earlier. As he did not have a son, the ruler had chosen him as his successor, but changed his mind when Hideyori was born. Deter­ mined to make sure that this child of his old age would receive everything, Hideyoshi accused his nephew of treason and ordered him to commit suicide. Hidetsugu committed harakiri, and all his household died with him. This was the way in which Hideyoshi usually worked. Accord­ ing to those who knew him well, people should have had the least trust in him when he showed the greatest signs of friendship. The least suspicion could change his favor into extreme hostility, but he would give no sign of this until he struck. His suspicious charac­ ter did not need much to make him distrustful, and Yakuin’s and Masuda’s insinuations contained more than enough poison to awaken his distrust. Did he really believe that the missionaries’ ac­ tivities posed a threat to his security? The accusation leveled against them was far from new, for it predated the Spaniards’ ar­ rival in Japan and even their occupation of the Philippines. The historian Charles Boxer dates the accusation back to at least 1570, although it appears in missionary letters even before this date.25 A too simple solution therefore arises—to blame the Spanish ac­ tivity for causing the downfall of Christianity in Japan. It is cer­ tain that St. Francis Xavier asked Fr. Simon Rodriguez to tell the king of Spain that the Spaniards should not go to conquer Japan, for those who managed to survive the storms at sea would surely die by the sword.26 But Xavier’s sensible advice does not justify Fr. James Brodrick’s remarks about the history of Japanese Chris­ tianity: “Within half a century of the death of St. Francis his fore­ 25 Alvarez-Taladriz, p. 193; Charles Boxer, The Christian Century of Japan, London, 1951, p. 166; Antonio Cermeno, S.J., Corona de Daimios, Bilbao, 1950, p. 140, note. 26 Georg Schurhammer, S.J., ed., Litterae Sancti Francisci Xaverii, Rome, 1944, II, p. 356.

A SHIP IS LOST

21

bodings were realized. Spain conquered Portugual, forced her way into Japan from the Philippines, and brought irretrievable ruin to the marvellously flourishing Christian missions.”27 In his “Apologia”, Fr. Valignano deals with this point at some length, and his explanation shows that Spanish intervention was not needed for political mistrust to arise concerning missionary ac­ tivity. “Many Japanese lords always live with the suspicion and distrust that, under the pretense of teaching the way to salvation, we scheme to do what a monk of their sects did (he was called the Osaka Monk): under the guise of preaching his religion, he won possession of many towns.”28 According to Fr. Valignano, the root of this distrust lay in the fact that people who do not have faith can never understand why a king may spend money in his zeal for souls, and they believe that the missionaries labor for “a king who sustains and provides for us for this end.” The Jesuit Visitor then goes on to trace how this suspicion devel­ oped. It had already begun in Nobunaga’s time; it grew when the Spaniards took over the Philippines; it developed further when the Japanese heard about the union of the Spanish and Por­ tuguese thrones. The war in Kyushu confirmed this impression, be­ cause Hideyoshi was able to see with his own eyes how numerous and powerful were the Christian lords. Finally the happenings nar­ rated in the present book brought the matter to a head. It was a topic that the enemies of the Christians readily took up, whether or not they really believed it. Fr. Valignano wrote these thoughts after the 1597 martyrdoms. Fr. Passio had commented one year earlier: As Hideyoshi believes that there is no other life, he cannot under­ stand that such is their desire for the salvation of souls that the Jesuits come to Japan via China and the friars via the Philippines. He has it firmly in his head that it is not salvation that is being sought, but the desire to make many Christians who would unite like brothers and could then easily rise up against him.29 27 James Brodrick, S.J., Saint Francis Xavier (1506-1552), London, 1952, p. 490. 28 Valignano, “Apologia”, f. 19v. 29 AH, Cortes 576, f. 5, note 70.

22

Fr. Pedro Gômez had explained the reason for the 1587 decree: The king saw by experience that all those who embraced the law of God became united among themselves as if they were brothers. They also put the idea into his head that our holy religion was in this way most harmful, because the Christians would unite and wage war against him, the King of Japan, and would seize the kingdom. And so this king decided to throw the law of God out of Japan, because it showed how false and deceitful were all the Japanese sects, and because all those who embrace this religion are united in love and charity.30

Fr. Gomez’s view is correct. In an interesting conversation with Fr. Passio, Maeda Gen-i related what he thought was behind the coming of the Franciscan missionaries to Japan. On the part of the friars, he said, there was the sincere desire to preach the Gospel to the Japanese; on the part of the governor of Manila, he sent them as ambassadors, a way to prevent Hideyoshi from con­ quering the Philippines. “For the Japanese who come from there say that the governor and his people are full of fear, afraid lest the Japanese go there and conquer them.”31 His spies had not misinformed Hideyoshi. In 1594, Luis Pérez das Masarinas wrote to the king of Spain: My Lord, after what I wrote to Your Majesty in the ship San Felipe (which it was advisable to send first as it was in Cibu), I have received new letters from Fr. Fray Pedro Bautista in Japan (I en­ close the original letters with this one). Through these letters and one of the emperor (I enclose a copy), we clearly understand the lit­ tle security that his friendship and words promise, for the slightest excuse would make him breach this security. I am playing for time with him in order to finish fortifying this castle while treating well the Japanese who come here with their ships. I do my best that the message gets back that a stable peace exists, but I have not stopped repairing the walls.32

Maeda Gen-i had communicated his ideas to Hideyoshi. The ruler’s reaction when he heard about conversions to Christianity was typical. 30 ah, Cortes 562, f. 448v. 31 ah, Cortes 576, n. 70. 32 Ais, section V, 1g. 18, f. 168.

A SHIP IS LOST

23

They will not do this, because if they do I will investigate who is making these converts and who these converts are. I will punish them, because I do not want this religion, a religion of love and union, which is therefore harmful for this kingdom. And so I will not permit any man of honor to become a Christian. But I do not object if they are old or of the lower class, because such people cannot do any harm to my kingdom.33

Hideyoshi was a firm believer in opposing powerful figures indi­ vidually so that he could dominate all of them, and so as a result he was sensitive to a religion that could unite his opponents. The ruler fully realized that Manila’s two-hundred Spanish sol­ diers posed no threat to Japan and that the authorities there had no plan to invade. Some individuals, and generally in trying cir­ cumstances, did in fact suggest such an undertaking. But Fr. Gaspar Coelho, Fray Martin de la Ascension, Fray Juan Pobre, and Don Pedro de Figueroa did not represent the views of the Philippine authorities or the missionaries in Japan. This is clearly seen in the letters written by the governors of Manila.34 For his part, Fr. Valignano strove that there should not remain the slightest doubt about this point. “As I am at present superior of all of them [the Jesuit missionaries], I admit that I can in no way imagine any foreign lord could come to Japan and win even four spans of land here, let alone make himself lord of Japan. And what I say about this matter, I also say on behalf of the other priests.”35 According to Valignano, the Christian daimyos also possessed this same loyalty as regards their country. Speaking about Lord Augustine, the most powerful of these lords, he wrote: “If in any way he believed that the priests wish to yield up Japan to the Spaniards, he would be the first to raise his sword against them.” It is true that in later years a calumnious campaign against Christianity had given rise in popular opinion to the fear of a foreign invasion. This had been favored by certain imprudent actions, such as Sebastian Vizcaino’s sounding some Japanese 33 ah, Cortes 576, n. 70. f. 5v. 34 Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, Madrid, 1909, pp. 29, 35 & 63. AIS, section V, various documents of the ambassadors 6, p. 18. 35 Valiganano, “Apologia”, f. 80.

24

ports. But Hideyoshi understood the situation well enough not to be influenced by such rumors. He did not fear foreigners; rather, he feared his fellow countrymen, who could maneuver in the political arena just as he himself had done. What did he in fact think about missionary activity? Only he can tell us. Words, whether in favor or against such activity, at­ tributed to him are often sifted through the intermediary’s out­ look. In this respect the few written records that he left on this matter are more interesting, although in no way definitive. For ex­ ample, when he told Fr. Coelho about the expulsion of mission­ aries from Japan and when he explained this decision to the Viceroy of India; when he issued the sentence of death to the 1597 martyrs; and when he replied to the Governor of Manila, who had complained to him about their deaths. In the two decrees Hideyoshi confined himself to religious mat­ ters, and mentioned public order merely in passing. He wrote to the Viceroy of India that the missionaries disturbed the nation, upsetting religious unity and weakening relations between lords and subjects J6 In his reply to the Governor of Manila he again brought up religious matters, but also added other reasons, among which national defense is clearly seen. He reminds the governor of the first prohibition. Some priests came to this country and preached the diabolical religion of foreign kingdoms. They wanted to corrupt the religion of this kingdom’s peasants and plebeians, both men and women, introducing the customs of their own countries, upsetting the people’s hearts, and undermining the government of this king­ dom.36 37

These lines conceal an idea that is stronger than the simple details listed. In light of the history of those times, we can see that Hideyoshi had well understood the opposition between his abso­ lute rule and the Christian religion, an antagonism that, even if there existed no other motive, would end in confrontation be­ 36 Luis de Guzman, S.J., Historia de las Misiones de la Compania de Jesus en la India Oriental. . ., Bilbao, 1891, p. 557. 37 Lorenzo Pérez, III, Persecuciôn y Martirio de los MisionerosFranciscanos, Madrid, 1923, p. 247.

A SHIP IS LOST

25

tween the ruler and the Church. This cannot be overlooked in any study of the causes of the persecution. To believe that Christianity could permanently co-exist along with the demands of dictators such as Nobunaga and Hideyoshi is to place the problem outside the realm of reality. Hideyoshi then deals with the second persecution, and here he introduces the rumor of a planned invasion: The religious of those kingdoms came here and passed through towns and various places, preaching their religion to lowly people, servants, and slaves. . . . When I heard this, I could not stand it, so I ordered them to be killed. For I have received information that in your kingdoms the preaching of religion is a trick and a deceit with which you subject foreign kingdoms.38

It is difficult to know to what extent the ruler was sincere in this matter. In recounting the fact, he sometimes contradicts reality, sometimes contradicts himself. This happens when he makes the seizure of the San Felipe a result ol his anger against the mission­ aries, or when he manifests his displeasure at the apostolate of lowly people, for in fact what he had prohibited was the conver­ sion of the military and wealthy classes. At the same time that the question of the San Felipe was being debated, Hideyoshi had declared to Bishop Martins, as Fr. Joäo Rodrigues later recounted as a witness to the meeting, that the mis­ sionaries’ expulsion was not due to his displeasure with them, but “he did it because he was dissatisfied with certain Christian lords. (He was referring here to Justus Takayama Ukon, whose courage in battle, his rare talents and prudence, and the unity he saw among the Christians, made him always fear that they could rob him of the kingdom).”39 Hideyoshi declared only what suited him and it is impossible to know exactly what he thought. He sought his own interests in all that he did, and he was prepared to sacrifice everything for these interests, whatever they might be. Fray Pedro Bautista com­ mented sadly, “His greed devoured and engulfed everything.”40 But it was his greed that, despite everything, prevented him from 38 Ibid. 40 Pérez, I, p. 140.

39 Rodrigues, “Bispos da Igreja do Japâo'\ f. 320.

26

breaking off relations with Manila and made him stop his diatribe, offering once more friendship and trade provided that “you do not send here more people to preach this strange and false religion.” But as if everything related above were not enough, a new fac­ tor entered to increase the tension. After introducing his embassy, Bishop Martins began administering the sacrament of confirma­ tion to the Christians of Kyoto. This soon gave rise to an in­ creased fervor, and the faithful desiring to receive the sacrament flocked from nearby towns and villages—an occurrence that was far from timely at that particular juncture, “although his Lord­ ship tried to leave the court as soon as he could. But it was not possible to do all this so secretly that this fervor was hidden from Yakuin, and this became the reason for accusing us.”4142 After all that has been said above, and much more that could be said, the same question still remains: what caused the persecution to be put into motion? Anyone seeking a clear-cut solution and looking for an individual on whom the responsibility for the mis­ fortunes can be laid, will encounter too many shadows, too many avenues, too many people each claiming a role. But there was a man who, after considering what he saw and heard around him, reached a personal conclusion that historians have not heeded. In long hours of forced solitude and silence, Fray Felipe de Jesus be­ gan reviewing a series of disappointments. He had gone to Mexico and had been shipwrecked in Japan; he asked for ordination, but was denied it; he had wanted them to let him return to Manila with Captain Landecho and they put him in prison. Slowly his un­ derstanding was enlightened, and Fray Felipe realized the path to God. Moments before being raised on the cross, he would inter­ rupt spectators’ lamentations with a statement showing both deli­ cate humor and profound meaning: “The San Felipe was lost so that Fray Felipe might be won.” In view of the different opinions and the delicacy required in 41 Luis Frois, S.J., Los 26 Mdrtires de Nagasaki, 15 deMarzo 1597, ed. Romualdo Galdos, S.J., Rome, 1935, p. 84. The manuscript of this work, essential in the history of the twenty-six martyrs, can be found in arsi, Jap-Sin, 53. 42 Alvarez-Taladriz, p. 195.

A SHIP IS LOST

27

dealing with certain themes, I prefer for the moment to leave the sea washing over the remains of the shipwrecked galleon off the in­ hospitable coast of Tosa, and concentrate on Fray Felipe’s words. For when all is said and done, as may be seen by his statement, the central figure of all these events was not the ship, nor the pilot, nor the bishop, nor even Hideyoshi, nor the chroniclers, nor the accusers. It was the band of martyrs, and the only important les­ son to be learned is their testimony. In the morning of 7 December, Bishop Martins embarked at the port of Sakai, where the Jesuits of the region had gone to bid him farewell. Contrary winds prevented the ship from sailing until the morning of the 8th. On that very same day the daimyo of Urado and governor Masuda reached Fushimi and met Hideyoshi. That evening, after listening to the two men, Taikö Sama finally gave the order for the missionaries and their Christians to be put into prison.

Chapter 2

In the Name of Christ Persecution With the outbreak of the persecution, the missionaries of central Japan were divided between the cities of Osaka and Kyoto. Almost all the Franciscans lived in the capital: Fray Pedro Bautis­ ta, Fray Francisco Blanco, Fray Gonzalo Garcia, Fray Francisco de la Parrilla, and Fray Felipe de Jesus. Their catechists and some Christians lived in small houses clustered around the church of Our Lady of the Angels. Only Fray Martin de la Ascension lived in Osaka, as Fray Jerônimo de Castro, appointed the superior of the house, had not yet arrived from Nagasaki. In contrast, after seeing off the bishop, the Jesuits were gathered in Osaka, and only one Japanese Brother was in their Kyoto residence. On 9 December Hideyoshi’s soldiers surrounded the Franciscan church and residence in Kyoto, and the friars remained under guard in their own house. The soldiers took away five of the catechists: Leo Kurasumaru, Paul Suzuki, Bonaventura, Thomas Danki, and Gabriel. Guards were later posted at the Jesuit house, but were withdrawn within a few days. News of these happenings reached Osaka before the soldiers ar­ rived, and they found Fray Martin ready and waiting for them. A dozen or a score of the soldiers remained on guard at the small convent, while an officer accompanied the remaining soldiers to the Jesuit residence. The Jesuits did not live in their own house, but were staying in the residence of a fervent Christian, Andrew Ogasawara, a man well known among the nobility as he was a renowned teacher of swordsmanship and horse-riding. When the news had reached them the previous afternoon, Fr. Organtino, superior of that part of the mission, decided to return to Kyoto, because if a general persecution was going to be laun­ ched against the Christians, he wished to die with the faithful for 28

IN THE NAME OF CHRIST

29

whom he had worked for so many years. Thus, at 10.00 in the morning he set out for the capital with Fr. Francisco Rodriguez and Bro. Paul Amakusa. In the Osaka house, Frs. Morejon and Francisco Pérez, Bro. Paul Miki, and the two döjuku John Goto and James Kisai remained, with their soutanes and surplices ready for martyrdom. Andrew Ogasawara came out personally to greet the officer who was asking for the missionaries. After affirming that this was his house, he declared that the three Japanese were residents, but said nothing about the priests. He risked his life by doing so, but the Osaka Christians were prepared to save the missionaries at all costs. The missionaries remained in the interior rooms, separated from Andrew and his stratagem. The officer did not bother to search the house, but merely took note of the names and entrusted the guarding of the house to neighbors in that street. That evening two Christian nobles, Captain John Akashi Kamon and young Thomas Ukita came to the house on horseback. Thomas was the nephew of the influential daimyo of Okayama, Ukita Hideie, and they had no difficulty in entering the surround­ ed house. After a while they came out again and set off, with pages holding the reins of their horses. The guards allowed them to pass without realizing that the horsemen were now Frs. Morejon and Pérez, and the pages were the two Japanese nobles. It was a risky venture, for to play this trick on Hideyoshi was like signing one’s own death sentence, but the stratagem was necessary if the heaviest possible blow to the Christian community was to be avoided. If at that time Hideyoshi learned of the missionaries’ presence in Osaka, his anger would have become far greater and the entire church would have suffered the consequences. The priests were also needed to lead and guide the Christians. News of the persecution aroused among the faithful much fervor and many wished to offer themselves for martyrdom. Justus Takayama Ukon’s name headed the list. In the following days the situation became somewhat more stable and everyone was waiting to see how the situation would develop. But it was not a time of inactivity, for both the mis­ sionaries’ friends and enemies were busy doing their best to influ­ ence Hideyoshi.

30

The imprisonment was not at all rigorous; although the Francis­ cans were not allowed to leave, they had various ways at their dis­ posal to make contact with people outside; in Osaka they even received some visitors. All the prisoners showed joy at the immi­ nent prospect of martyrdom. Fray Pedro Bautista wrote to Fray Martin on 23 December: “Tomorrow is the eve of Our Lord’s nativity, and both I and the rest of the brothers would like to celebrate the feast in heaven, if it pleases his Divine Majesty, although I myself do not deserve to do so. May God be served by our imprisonment—while we do not shed our blood, it is a small price to pay.”1 On 30 December he wrote to Captain Landecho: “Do not wor­ ry at all about us. I’ve received the greatest of all consolations being in this prison for the love of God. I also see the other brothers consoled in the Lord, awaiting whatever may best serve his Divine Majesty.”2 Finally, on 1 January, he sent this message to Fray Juan Pobre: “I firmly believe that to die for Christ is God’s greatest gift, and I hope that He will not take this great good from us. Oh, how happy we are to have come to Japan if we receive this blessing! What a wonderful way to begin the year!”3 Christmas Eve was celebrated in an unforgettable manner. In Kyoto the religious gathered in the church and sang Matins and Midnight Mass. Then they sang carols in front of a simple crib in­ stalled on one of the altars; at dawn they sang the second Mass. The church appeared empty, but the missionaries in fact were not alone. Outside in the courtyard, defying cold and fatigue, and showing no fear of the guards, Christians followed the ceremonies and accompanied the missionaries through the night. Full of admiration and pride for his flock’s stand, Fray Pedro wrote during these days: “My heart goes out to our Christians to see their courage and desire to die for Christ.”4 He was not alone in praising them, for the common people’s witness is one of the most impressive pages in the history of the Japanese church. Christmas Eve in Osaka was somewhat different. Fray Jerônimo de Castro, who had just arrived from Nagasaki, managed to enter the convent in disguise and kept Fray Martin company. 1 Pérez, I, p. 139.

2 ibid, p. 134.

3 Ibid, p. 142.

4 Ibid, p. 131.

IN THE NAME OF CHRIST

31

They heard each other’s confessions and celebrated Christmas Mass with a group of Christians whom the soldiers had allowed to enter. On the following day Matias de Landecho, Fray Juan Pobre, and some of the shipwrecked men of the San Felipe came to the convent. They had arrived in Osaka a few days earlier and were “guests” in Chösokabe’s residence, although in reality they were prisoners. The daimyo agreed to their request and allowed them to celebrate Christmas in the Franciscan convent. But as the calen­ dar in the Philippines was one day behind that used in Japan, the celebration, if in the circumstances it can be called that, began in the evening of 25 December, and Fray Martin did not hesitate to repeat the liturgy for them. The Spaniards were still unsure of their sentence, and they prepared themselves by going to confes­ sion and receiving communion. They bade a sad farewell, for they were never to meet again. It is not known how Bro. Paul Miki and his companions passed Christmas under detention. They certainly enjoyed greater free­ dom to receive visitors, and Bro. Miki took advantage of his days under arrest to prepare some people for baptism. Six were bap­ tized, and he said about them: “I was greatly consoled to see how they received baptism with such an understanding of the things of our Faith and with such desire for salvation.”5 While thus work­ ing apostolically and awaiting the desired moment of martyrdom, Bro. Miki was unaware that his friends were doing everything pos­ sible to free him, declaring that he had been imprisoned in error. The three captives in Andrew Ogasawara’s house were full of joy, although there was a certain difference between this happi­ ness and that of the Franciscan martyrs. The three Jesuits gave themselves over to unbounded joy, for the priests were at liberty, thanks in part to their own sacrifice, and the Christians were unit­ ed, fervent, and ready to offer their lives. The three were con­ vinced that their deaths would be a means that God would use to propagate the Faith even more. With light hearts and peaceful souls, they approached their end. The Franciscans, and above all Fray Pedro Bautista, looked on 5 Frois, p. 89.

32

the situation somewhat differently. As ambassador, the superior of the friars deeply felt the disgrace and ruin of the San Felipe's Spaniards, dispossessed of their goods and in danger of death. He suffered when thinking of the abandonment of the poor people in their hospitals, people he could no longer help. His heart was heavy when he thought about the future of the Christians who had found a spiritual refuge in the church of Our Lady of the An­ gels. In addition, he was disillusioned by Hideyoshi’s conduct, which he now saw as an ominous sign for the future. His thoughts are seen in parts of his letters when he commented on the plans proposed by Fray Martin. When speaking about new agreements with the ruler, he said he then saw that they were useless: “In the first place, anyone who has broken his promise and friendship with such dishonor cannot be trusted to keep them in the fu­ ture.”6 He no longer hoped that the work of evangelization could continue freely: “I believe it is just a dream to think that he will al­ low to stay here the other priests who have come and permit them to make Christians.” Fray Pedro’s upright heart was shaken by Hideyoshi’s treach­ ery. Fray Juan Pobre wanted to go personally to speak with the ruler, but Fray Pedro warned him: I believe it would do no good, because the king has already been reminded that he promised friendship and a safe conduct, and that he should act honorably, and by your persuasion the Spaniards entered Japan—and his greed has devoured it all. And to have an excuse that he was not acting against his safe conduct, it is said that he went against us, who preached the law of God, and then the Christians.

From Urado, Fray Juan sent him, in his usual vigorous style, the complaints of other shipwrecked religious of the San Felipe. Seeing themselves robbed and without protection, they blamed their plight on the ambassador and threatened to complain about him on their return to the Philippines. They asked that he send them Fray Gonzalo to help them as interpreter.7 Fray Pedro explained the situation and the impossibility of sending Fray Gonzalo. His reasoning was clear and tranquil, but 6 Pérez, I, p. 140.

7 Pobre, f. 111.

IN THE NAME OF CHRIST

33

his sufferings grew when he saw the incomprehension of those men whom he wished to save and for whom he was, in part, impri­ soned. In addition, there were people who saw to it that the rumor reached him that the Jesuits and the bishop were somehow in­ volved in the storm that had descended on him and his flock. He tried not to believe this, but his heart grew increasingly lonely. But in this time of trial, he showed much courage when the time came to act. He turned down Fray Martin’s suggestion to promise Hideyoshi that other ships would come from the Philippines in order to renew commerce, declaring that the ruler “would see how fearful and pulsilanimous were the men who made him these offers.” Until the very end Fray Pedro continued to make arrange­ ments, but now he had little time left. The former monk Yakuin was arguing with greater insistence, afraid that the few who had been caught in the round-up would in the end be freed or exiled to the Philippines. Yielding to his insistence, Hideyoshi put an end to the governors’ procrastination. On 31 December he arrived in Osaka and ordered that the prisoners in that city were to be sent to Ishida Mitsunari, governor of Lower Kyoto and the of­ ficial in charge of penal matters. As a result, on the following day Fray Martin de Aguirre with the boy Thomas Kozaki, the cate­ chist Cosmas Takeya, the convent’s cook Joaquin Sakakibara, and the three Jesuits began their journey to Kyoto. Bro. Paul Miki could not contain his joy when informed of the news: I am thirty-three years old, the same age at which Our Lord suffered. Today is the Feast of Jesus, to whose Society I, although unworthy, belong. Today is Wednesday and they say that we will be sentenced on Friday. Although unworthy, I greatly wish to im­ itate a little my Lord Jesus Christ, who suffered so much for me.8

Andrew Ogasawara and another Christian, Victor Nodagensuke, the secretary of the governor of Osaka, faithfully followed Paul and his companions until Kyoto and remained with them there. The governor allowed this for practical purposes. Ishida did not 8 Frois, p. 45.

34

want to accept the responsibility for the deaths of these prisoners, who had nothing directly to do with him, and at first he would not allow them to enter the prison. They therefore had to wait out­ side, exposed to the cold and the jeers of passers-by. On the morning of 2 January a platoon of soldiers approached the convent of Our Lady of the Angels. The scenes that followed have been described by various chroniclers. When the soldiers ar­ rived, the friars were reciting the Office in the church, and so it was easy to round them up. But when they came to leave, they noticed the absence of Fray Gonzalo Garcia. Fray Gonzalo was a native of Bazain, the son of a Portuguese father and an Indian mother.9 Educated in the Jesuit college at Bazain, he came to Japan with Fr. Sebastian Gonzâlvez and for some years worked as a döjuku for the missionaries. He asked several times to enter the Society of Jesus, but as the decision was always postponed, he left his work with the Jesuits in 1581. He stayed for a while in Hirado, where he got to know some friars who had arrived in the city by chance. According to Ribadeneira and other authors, this meeting, and above all the example of Fray Juan Pobre Pérez Pardo (who was different from the chro­ nicler of the same name cited in the present book), decided his vocation. But the seed grew slowly, for Gonzalo became a merchant and belonged to the Macao guild until 1586. In 1587 he reached Mani­ la, and in the same year Fray Pedro Bautista accepted him into the novitiate. His profession on 8 July 1588 is listed in a book belong­ ing to the convent of San Francisco in Manila. Why did the Jesuits not wish to accept him? This is not clearly explained in the first stages of Fray Gonzalo’s religious life. In his “Apologia ” Fr. Valignano deals with the matter with excessive harshness, declaring that both his father and mother were Indians from Gujarat. This statement contradicts all the other authors, 9 J. H. Gense, S.J., In the Days of St. Gonzalo Garcia, Bombay, 1957. On pp. 47-50, the author explains the meaning of the word “canarin”, which some writers assign to St. Gonzalo and which means Indians born in a certain region of India. It is not an insult derived from the word can, as Fray Jerônimo de Castro and Fray Juan Pobre suppose, nor does it refer to the inhabitants of the Canary Islands, as some other authors believe.

IN THE NAME OF CHRIST

35

who declare his parentage as noted above. The same book in which Fray Gonzalo’s profession and taking the habit are listed contains a dispensation given by Fray Pedro Bautista for Fray Gonzalo, a Portuguese, “concerning the illegitimacy that he said he had.” Perhaps this is why Fr. Coelho delayed his entry into the Jesuit novitiate. Fray Gonzalo’s knowledge of Japanese made him an indispen­ sable interpreter in Fray Pedro Bautista’s embassy and in the Franciscans’ missionary work. He helped them in their language studies, in business matters, in the instruction of catechumens, and even served as interpreter for those receiving the sacrament of confession. Even in the negotiations about the San Felipe. Fray Pedro fought to retain his services, writing to Fray Juan Pobre, “I have written to you about our great need here of Brother Fray Gonza­ lo, so much so that sending him to Urado would deprive us of our interpreter and cut off our hands and feet.”10 Fray Gonzalo was perhaps the best known of the Franciscan missionaries, and the soldiers entered the convent in search of him. They found him in the courtyard, embracing a cross that had been raised there. It was a farewell gesture given to an old friend. A soldier hit him so hard that the friar bore the scar for the rest of his life. They then dragged him to where the others were waiting. Fray Pedro held aloft a crucifix that, when later they bound his hands, was fastened around his neck. The other religious and some Christians were grouped around him. The soldiers shouted, gave orders, and moved back and forth. Suddenly they fell silent: the five Franciscans stood in line facing the church and began to sing the Te Deum, the hymn of thanksgiving. And they sang it with such fervor that the soldiers waited for them to finish, and then they set off. The boys Luis and Anthony and five other Chris­ tians accompanied them as prisoners. In the street the prisoners stopped again, this time to sing the hymn “O Gloriosa Domina” as a farewell to the queen of their church. They then moved on again. Passing the hospital of St. Anne, they recited a prayer to that saint, but this time the guards 10 Pérez, I, 138.

36

would not allow them to stop. During their imprisonment they had received respect, but now they were treated harshly. On the route from the convent to the prison, the first time they had appeared in public as condemned men, they perhaps received more blows and insults than in the rest of their long Via Crucis. Once in the prison, they met up with the five catechists, and Fray Martin and his companions. In the afternoon they were joined by the three Jesuits. When the doors were closed behind these last three, the twenty-four included in the death sentence gathered together for the first time. They were not the only people there. They had been put into the public prison and as a result found themselves incarcerated with criminals. There were also soldiers in the interior, and accom­ panying the martyrs Andrew Ogasawara, Victor, and a döjuku called Peter entered, the last having been sent by Fr. Organtino. Bro. Miki did not wish to lose the opportunity that was present­ ed him. As Fr. Pedro Gômez noted, he wanted to make the most of what little life remained to him: He passed much of the night discussing with them the soul’s immor­ tality, and the reward or punishment that men would receive in the next life. Then he spoke about or discussed the coming or Incarna­ tion of Our Lord and the mystery of his sacred Passion, declaring that there was no way to salvation other than believing in Him and following His teaching. He spoke earnestly about the great benefits that people had received from the death and Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ, and began to explain with what eager­ ness they ought to joyfully follow Him in death on the cross. He extolled the dignity and worth of martyrdom, dealing with all these matters with such eloquence and fervor that the guards and other non-Christians there were astounded to hear him.11

This quotation permits us to reconstruct Bro. Miki’s sermon, deli11 ARS I, Jap-Sin 53, f. 129v; Frois, p. 48. As regards Fr. Gömez’s words, “the dignity and excellence of martyrdom”, Fr. Passio mentioned in the 1598 annual letter, “Fr. Vice-Provincial [Gômez] wrote a booklet and had it printed in Japanese letters. It first gave the definition of martyrdom, its dignity, utility, and conditions, and then added the intention and preparation with which one should undergo martydom if the need arises. This book was made known to all the Christians and it bore much fruit.” No extant copy of this book is known.

IN THE NAME OF CHRIST

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vered first to the non-Christians, then directed, with the reference to the Passion, toward his companions in martyrdom. In the few hours that night given over to rest, there would echo in his heart all that he had preached. Paul Miki had really entered his voca­ tion of preacher of the Gospel; he loved his vocation; he had remained faithful to it; calmly he could look back on his life that, although brief, had been full of apostolic zeal. Fr. Gomez, the Jesuit provincial, reported about him in the fol­ lowing terms: Bro. Miki was a native of Awa [in Shikoku], of noble and gentle birth. He was the son of a courageous officer named Miki Handayu Dono, who was also a good Christian. Nobunaga favored him, and after Taikö Sama began to reign and ordered his army to Bungo against the king of Satsuma, this officer, a brave warrior, also went and died there in Bungo. He had given his son as a child of ten or twelve years to Fr. Organtino so that he might be brought up in the seminary that we then had at Azuchiyama, Nobunaga’s principal fortress. He persevered in the seminary giving much edification and was received as a Jesuit Brother eleven years ago. He knew the litera­ ture and religions of Japan well and had also studied for some years in the college in Amakusa, with the result that he was one of the best and most eloquent preachers that we had in Japan. He obtained much fruit from his preaching to both Christians and non-Christians alike. Because of this he lived either in Kyoto or in Osaka, for Taikö Sama had ordered the Japanese nobility to reside in these cities, and the Brother was well known in Kyoto.12

Bro. Miki was short in height, enjoyed indifferent health, was a good laborer, had a well-trained mind (although he never cared for Latin), and was blessed with a stable character. He first worked in Nagasaki as the provincial’s companion. During that time he prepared some books on doctrine and preached in the neighboring fiefs of Omura and Arima. He then transferred to central Japan, where he was caught up in the persecution. In all, his apostolic work lasted eleven years. In his last years his zeal had been tested by his engaging in hid­ den work, but now, a prisoner for Christ, he enjoyed more liberty: 12

arsi,

Jap-Sin, 53, f. 118.

38

in the prison and along the streets of Kyoto, in the roads and castles of southern Japan, with the sincerity with which he would die and with the zeal of a man knowing he had little time left, his apostolic work continued without rest. According to Professor Anesaki Masaharu, who studied the apologetic works written by the Jesuit Brothers, these books are among the best literary texts of that period. Paul Miki was the companion and collaborator of these writers, and we read about him in different records that “he was an eloquent and excellent preacher,”13 “one of the best preachers,”14 “very eloquent in Japanese.”15 Ribadeneira comments: “Of all the Brothers who preached while I was in Japan, this holy martyr was famous among the Christians as the most spiritual preacher and the most fruitful one.”16 Bishop Martins agreed: “Paul Miki, a Brother in the Society, was the best preacher in Japan.”17 His eloquence was not only brilliant and couched in literary style; he also had the gift of winning hearts. His road was marked with a long series of conquests. Through his conduct Paul Miki posed an important question in the eyes of his companions. A year earlier, Fray Pedro Bautista, Fray Gonzalo, and Fray Marce­ lo, in order to prove that their going to Japan was necessary, had written the following: “We affirm that, as the Japanese them­ selves have told us at different times and as we experience every day, although they have good natural understanding of the things of the faith, in times of trial they are not so constant as is needed to receive holy orders.”18 Would they now remember these words? We will return to this theme later, but for the time being the example of Bro. Miki is an answer. His bearing before martyrdom was not just a passing fervor, it was the crown of his life. In both life and death, Paul Miki showed that he was ready to be an apostle within the Society of Jesus.

Blood Is Shed It was Friday morning, 3 January 1597. It had snowed during the night and now the snow was melting under the feet of the capital’s 13 Ibid, f. 129. 14 Frois, p. 46. 15 Valignano, “Apologia”, f. 148. 16 Ribadeneira, p. 589. ” Pérez, III, p. 239. 18 Pérez, I, p. 90.

IN THE NAME OF CHRIST

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citizens, gathered to witness an unusual sight. Having decided to finish with the prisoners, Hideyoshi wanted to make their execu­ tion a public punishment. His orders were brutal—that their noses and ears should be cut off, and thus mutilated they should process through the streets of the principal cities. Ishida, who sym­ pathized with the missionaries, agreed to the request of Captain Landecho, and as a result the punishment was mitigated—only the lobe of the left ear would be cut. The twenty-four prisoners were brought out of the jail and taken to a place whose description varies according to the differ­ ent authors. Some say that it took place in front of a temple, but Fr. Morejon, who was well informed, denies this in his notes to Bernardino Avila Giron’s account.19 Perhaps Fr. Pedro Gômez’s report is the most accurate when he records that the martyrs were led “to a certain street called ‘the crossroads of the first avenue of Upper Kyoto’ . . . and there they cut [the ears] of them all.”20 This observation indicates a place that is more probable than may appear at first sight. Fr. Joäo Rodrigues describes ancient Kyoto as follows: There were two ways of dividing the city and they still partly hold good today. The first was made by dividing the city into its four principal parts; the western part, called Nishi-no-kyö; the eastern, Higashi-no-kyö; the northern, Kamigyo (the royal palace is situ­ ated just above the center of this part); the southern part, Shimo­ gyo, stretching from the center of the city downward. It is as if we were to speak about Upper Kyoto, Lower Kyoto, Eastern Kyoto, and Western Kyoto. The second way is made by dividing the city into seven districts, each of which contain four roads crossing from west to east.21

Each ward was designated by its number, just as the streets were. Morejôn’s “crossroads,” or tsuji, is often employed to designate places. According to Morejon, therefore, the martyrs were taken to North or Upper Kyoto to have their ears cut; Masuda was governor of this part of the city. They may have been led to the place called First Avenue Crossroads. It was a spacious area, large 19 arsi, Jap-Sin, 49, f. 169v. 20 arsi, Jap-Sin, 53, f. 130. 21 Alvarez-Taladriz, Miyako visto por un Europeo a principios del siglo xvii, Osaka, 1953, p. 117.

40

enough for many people to gather and witness the bloody scene. The act was done quickly, and the first Christian blood flowed; the martyrs offered themselves willingly. Thomas Kozaki was still a child, but he rebuked the guard: “Come on, cut me and shed the blood of Christians!”22 In contrast, Fr. Organtino was a broken man who did not know whether to rejoice or weep when Victor Nodagensuke brought him the blood-stained earlobes of the three Jesuits. Frois has left a lyrical prayer that he uttered when he raised these relics to heaven: “Look upon these first fruits of the Society of Jesus in Japan. See the fruit of our labors. See the flower of this new Church— I humbly offer these to Our Lord Jesus Christ.”23 The soldiers did not mutilate the prisoners’ ears in order to later cure them. With blood flowing from their wounds, the prisoners were put into carts so as to place them on display through the Kyoto streets. The carts were small, just as the oxen that pulled them were small. Each one carried three martyrs. In the first went Fray Pedro Bautista, and with his cross on his chest, he turned toward his companions, encouraging them with his words and ex­ ample. The three Jesuits traveled in the last cart. The procession began its slow progress through the streets of the capital. Kyoto, the “Miyako” in Xavier’s dreams, had begun to rise again under Nobunaga’s vigorous rule, and had emerged from the ruined state that Xavier had seen. Later Hideyoshi began to embel­ lish the city, although his efforts were not entirely made out of love of art. He rebuilt the palaces of the Dairi, or emperor, ob­ liged daimyos to construct sumptuous residences in one avenue, and brought together Buddhist temples in another; all this was done for largely political reasons. His desire to win the people’s good will and security for himself were greater reasons than affec­ tion for the emperor and devotion to Japan’s tutelary deities. Kyoto had in fact recovered much of its ancient grandeur. This was augmented by its natural beauty, as described by Fr. Joâo Rodrigues: The city is situated in the middle of spacious plains surrounded on three sides by high mountains, which, however, are not close 22 Pobre, f. 199v. 23 Frois, p. 50.

IN THE NAME OF CHRIST

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enough to cast their shadow on it. . . . All of these mountains are adorned with various monasteries and universities with magnifi­ cent temples and their delightful gardens. As these mountains are covered with snow in the winter, they make the city a very cold place.24

Within this magnificent setting the city was known for its straight and well-kept avenues, its palaces, the bustle of its merchants and the refinement of the court. The city of Kyoto is extremely clean, and in each of its broad streets is to be found water from excellent springs and streams that flow along the middle. The streets are swept and sprinkled with water twice a day and are thus kept very clean and fresh, for every man looks after the part in front of his own house. As the ground slopes there is no mud, and when it rains the water dries up in no time. . . . The people and residents of Kyoto are very eventempered, courteous and most hospitable; they are well dressed, exuberant, and much given to continual recreation, amusements, and pastimes. . . .25

The martyrs proceeded slowly through these long and clean avenues, between sumptuous palaces and temples, under the gaze of the local people. Their hands were tied to their shoulders, their clothes stained with blood, and they suffered from the cold air coming down from the mountains. What was the reaction of the spectators? Doubtless, surprise and curiosity, for it was the first time they had seen foreigners treated in such fashion. There were also signs of hostility, and Frois noted that the crowd shouted at them loudly. According to Ribadeneira, on the other hand, the people were most polite. Neither writer was present at the scene, for both were in Nagasaki at the time and so had to depend on the news they received. Among the men who noted the insults offered to the martyrs, Don Pedro de Figueroa stated in the Mexican process in 1598: “The people mocked them and sometimes hurled stones at them, calling them animals and bacas. . . .”26 And Fr. Martin de Leön, 24 Alvarez-Taladriz, Miyako, p. 114. 25 Ibid, p. 124. 26 El Nippon y Filipinas, sus relaciones histöricas, ed. Nippon Times, Tokyo, 1945. This is a reproduction of “San Felipe de Jesüs, Protomartir mexicano, extracto de las informaciones auténticas para la beatificaciôn de los 26 mdrtires del Japon"\ in La Semana Catölica, Mexico, 1898, Witness 4.

42

O.P., confirmed at the same process, “They called them bacas and horses.”27 In both these statements there is an error that lends them some probability: the Japanese do not insult a person by calling him an animal. The most vulgar insult in Japanese is baka, or “stupid.” The Spanish witnesses must have heard this word shouted at the martyrs here and there, and they added the meaning of the Span­ ish word of the same sound. But if in Kyoto there were cruel people and frivolous spec­ tators who enjoyed tormenting the prisoners, there was also a select Christian community that gave ample proof of its faith and loyalty. After several unsuccessful attempts, Fr. Gaspar Vilela managed to get a foothold in the capital in 1560. He was followed by Vilela, Bro. Lorenzo, Frois, Céspedes, Organtino, a series of great missionaries ably assisted by the most talented Japanese Brothers, and they had built up this Christian community. From 1593, just at the time when the Jesuits were obliged to conceal their apostolic work, Kyoto had been the center of the Franciscan mission that, above all with its hospitals, had won much sympathy in the city and formed a community of fervent Christians. Many of them now tried to approach the martyrs to greet them, but were driven off by the guards’ blows. The curious bystanders talked, the enemies shouted, the Christians prayed, and above it all the voices of Paul Miki, Pedro Bautista, and Gonzalo Garcia repeated untiringly the message of Christ. And as if forming a background to all this, the three boys, Luis, Anthony, and Thomas sang the Our Father and Hail Mary. The carts advanced slowly behind a notice on which was written the sentence. A shameful procession? A triumphal progress? More like the latter, because throughout the day Christ was an­ nounced along the streets of the capital. And amid their pain the martyrs felt extremely happy to seeing themselves made a spec­ tacle before God, the angels, and humans. When they returned to the prison that night, the martyrs were far from cowed, rather, they were full of joy. Paul Miki, who had preached throughout the procession, could not hide his happi­ ness. As soon as he found himself again in the jail, he and his two 27 Ibid, witness 13.

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Jesuit companions at once approached the Franciscans to thank them for the great blessing they had received. Together with them they had won a part of the grace of suffering for the name of Jesus. Frois reports his words: “We have won this grace thanks to Your Reverences, for which we owe you much gratitude.”28 It is a pity that polemics have led some writers to query Bro. Miki’s statement, interpreting his words to mean that he wished to change his order and join the Franciscans.29 His words do not admit this meaning. They are a literal translation of a Japanese expression of courtesy and thanks, still used to this day: Okage sama de . . . arigatö gozaimasu. Neither does this interpretation agree with Bro. Miki’s attitude in the time between his imprison­ ment and death. The words he spoke as he was taken to prison and from his cross on high, the care he had for his two compan­ ions, his letters, his conversation with Fr. Joâo Rodrigues the night before his martyrdom, and above all, John Goto and James Kisai taking their vows—all this shows that he remained true to his Jesuit vocation until his last moment. But the door of the prison had not been closed, and so the cart­ drivers and accompanying guards witnessed the scene and left descriptions. “What people are these who rejoice at insults and contempt?” they asked in surprise. For a time there must have been deep silence in the dark jail. On the one hand the prisoners felt exhaustion and pain, while on the other the supernatural joy that filled their hearts demanded silence. But then this same joy needed to be expressed. “During that night in the prison Bro. Paul Miki preached for many hours; he could then find his rest only by speaking of God’s grandeur and blessings.”30 There is a difference between the theme of that night and the sermon preached on the previous one. The first sermon was for the most part a catechetical explanation for the non-believers; now it is more akin to a conversation in which a man who has approached near to God allows his heart to speak freely. The 28 Frois, p. 52; Ribadeneira, p. 590. 29 Pobre, ff. 199 & 224; Lorenzo Pérez, O.F.M., Fray Jeronimo de Jesus, Restaurador de las Misiones del Japdn, sus cartas y relaciones (1595-1604), Flor­ ence, 1929, p. 130. 30 Frois, p. 53.

44

apostolic fruit was no less. Frois notes the surprise among the sol­ diers and criminals, who wept and were impressed “listening to his doctrine and things so new to them.” Fray Pedro’s Crucifix At dawn on 4 January the soldiers brought out the twenty-four Christians from the prison and made them get on horses. The jour­ ney was going to be hard on them, for Hideyoshi wished to repeat the previous day’s spectacle in other cities. Near the city gate, Cos­ mas Shoya came to meet them. The old man had been the secre­ tary of Hidetsugu, the unfortunate nephew of Hideyoshi. When the ruler obliged his nephew to commit suicide in 1595, Cosmas escaped with his life but was ruined. He was a fervent Christian who helped the friars greatly when they arrived in Kyoto. When they had lost everything, both he and his wife felt even more united to the Franciscans and took every opportunity of show­ ing them their love and loyalty. On the previous day Cosmas’s wife had been badly treated by the soldiers when she went to meet the martyrs processing through the streets. Now it was his turn to come and bid them farewell, and he described the scene in a letter. As a gesture of thanks, Fray Pedro Bautista gave him the crucifix that hung from his neck and on which blood had flowed from his mutilated ear. To this day, in the hermitage dedicated to St. Pedro Bautista in his ancestral home in San Esteban del Valle (Avila), visitors may venerate a crucifix said to be the one entrusted to Cosmas. It was taken to Spain by Fray Juan Pobre, and he might well have received it from from Fray Jeronimo de Castro, who was in con­ tact with Cosmas during the days after the martyrdom. The figure of Christ is made of ivory and the rough cross is inlaid within a larger cross. In the peace of this hermitage it is difficult to imagine that this crucifix witnessed the cruel scenes at the crossroads of the First Avenue of Upper Kyoto. Pedro Bautista had set out from Spain, and his crucifix re­ turned there. In distant Japan the elderly Cosmas wrote: “The holy Fray Pedro Bautista has now left me. He was my father in whom I placed all my wellbeing and trust, and only this crucifix has been left to me in his memory.”31 31 Pérez, III, p. 228.

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The procession left Kyoto. Some say that it first went through Fushimi and then to Osaka. According to Fray Juan Pobre, it had approached Fushimi on the previous day and on this day went to Osaka directly. In any case, Osaka was the main destination of this stage. It differed considerably in character from Kyoto, for Hideyoshi had made the city the center of his military power. He had built a large castle there, and this was later made even bigger by leyasu. Although destroyed various times by wars and fires, in its reconstructed state it still provides some idea of its enormous size and helps to pinpoint the place through which the martyrs passed. Osaka also had a select Christian community, cultivated espe­ cially by Frs. Organtino, Céspedes, and Morejön. While Hide­ yoshi still favored the missionaries, a school was built near the castle and Paul Miki had studied there. Justus Takayama Ukon conducted a fruitful apostolate among the nobles, while hidden away in her palace Gracia Hosokawa was the model of a Christian woman. As regards the Osaka people’s behavior that day, Frois and Ribadeneira again differ. While the former depicts the people moved by the prisoners’ sufferings and even indignant at the un­ just sentence, Ribadeneira records that it was here in Osaka that the prisoners were most insulted. In Osaka, as well as in the neighboring city of Sakai, where the prisoners were exhibited on 5 January, Frois’s observation appears more likely, although doubt­ less there were not lacking insults and humiliations. The reason for this is not merely sentiment, for political and commercial fac­ tors came into play. Sakai was the port of entry for central Japan. It was a city of merchants, well defended by its moats and walls, and it had always preserved a relative independence. Keeping aloof from former civil disorders, the city had prospered while others were ruined. Hideyoshi had little love for Sakai. Only a few years earlier he had ordered its forests to be cut down and its moat filled in, leav­ ing the city defenseless. The people knew from experience with what severity the ruler punished even its most important citizens. Sakai’s first apostle had been St. Francis Xavier in 1551. Later, when Fr. Vilela and Bro. Lorenzo had been expelled from Kyoto, they found refuge in Sakai and established a church there. The

46

Hibiya and Konishi families formed the nucleus of a fervent group of Christians. It was only natural that Hideyoshi made a special effort to warn the citizens of Sakai by parading the mutilat­ ed martyrs through its streets. And in turn the citizens probably showed pity for the ruler’s latest victims. “Look! This is how Sakai’s noble neighbors die! It was not his fault,” Frois has them exclaim when some ten years earlier Hideyoshi had ordered the crucifixion of Luke Sosatsu so that the ruler could seize his wealth and art works.32 The people’s reaction now would have been more or less the same. What crime could those three small boys have committed? And to treat foreigners in this cruel way ran contrary to the out­ look of the inhabitants of a port that depended on trade. In the evening of 5 January the martyrs were shut up in a Bud­ dhist temple on the outskirts of Sakai, and there is no further record of them until the 9th. But it was probably at this temple that Paul Miki wrote several letters that are quoted by his biographers. Frois provides only a summary of some of them, sent to his friends Andrew Ogasawara and others, asking them not to try to rescue them. Another letter was for Fr. Morejön, which as it is short and shows the writer’s state of mind at that time, we will quote in full: The peace of Christ! Rejoice, because your reward will be great in heaven! I well understand the four points of advice you gave me in your letter, and I have taken them all to heart. For the present I have no more to ask you but that you commend me to God so that I may not be overcome by any temptation of the devil. If by chance my small box falls into your hands, take out the oil painting that is inside and send it to Maria, my mother. I am an imperfect man, so please forgive the upsets and bother I have caused you from time to time. Our Lord leaves you in this mis­ erable life so that He may give you, his strong and courageous servant, even greater and more important tasks. But I am weak and worth little, so He calls me to Himself with little fruit, for which I offer Him many thanks. John and James received your prayers and in their turn they commend you to God.33 32 Alvarez Taladriz, Un documente inédite del ano 1586 sobre los Hibiya de Sakai, Osaka, 1959, p. 30. 33 Frojs, p< 129.

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Delicately and serenely Paul Miki refers to his mother. We do not know where she was living at the time, although probably it was outside of Osaka. She does not appear in the records of the past few days’ events and Miki writes “send it” when speaking about the painting. The letter is certainly simple and perhaps because of that we can see a series of deeply human themes that enriched Paul Miki’s heart. It was a heart that reacted with sensitivity to every noble feeling; a son’s love, friendship, gratitude, loyalty to his vocation, feelings of responsibility. And this sensitivity is in accord with the decision, generosity, and strength that are so need­ ed in the apostolate and in martyrdom. It is not necessary to dwell on this point, for we can observe throughout these events and through his letters Paul’s attitude toward his superiors and brothers in religion, toward his friends, Christian and non-Christian, and toward his executioners. In all these circumstances he was master of himself, with a humility and simplicity that make him such an attractive character. He had a Japanese heart in which grace had completed its work. On 8 January the decree condemning the twenty-four prisoners to death on the cross at Nagasaki was promulgated. The edict was written on a board that would be carried in front of them during their journey and then erected before their eyes while they died. It read: These men have come from the Philippines with the title of ambas­ sadors and remained in Kyoto preaching the Christian religion, which I rigorously prohibited in past years. I thus command that they be executed along with the Japanese who have joined their religion. And so these twenty-four will be crucified in Nagasaki. Let all know that I again prohibit from now on the said religion. If anyone dares to disobey this order, he will be punished together with his family. The first year of Keicho, 20th day, Eleventh [lunar] Month [8 January 1597].34

The gist of the decree was exclusively religious—Hideyoshi had condemned them for preaching the Gospel. As a result of the edict, the prisoners were taken once more to Osaka on the morn­ ing of 9 January. 34 Ibid, p. 104.

Chapter 3

Via Crucis From Osaka to Kobegawa The journey from Sakai to Osaka on 9 January can be considered the preparatory stage of the long Via Crucis that was about to be­ gin. When they brought out the prisoners from the temple that had served as a prison, it is possible that the martyrs still did not know what was to happen to them, and even the escort was not well organized. The journey began once more on the morning of the 10th. We do not know exactly the entire route followed and so most of the events during this pilgrimage remain unclear, for no chronicler accompanied the prisoners. We have to be content with the data obtained from their letters and the news regularly received by the missionaries in Nagasaki. At times these items of information are contradictory and it is difficult to arrive at a definite conclusion. But we can follow the general lines of the martyrs’ route, and the many accounts about them provide us with details that allow us to imagine and experience that long and painful journey.1 They traveled by land, for Hideyoshi wanted it thus so that their harsh punishment might serve as a warning to others. Some­ times they walked on foot, sometimes they rode on horses. They were always accompanied by a large escort that at times numbered as many as two-hundred soldiers. The party depended on the lords through whose territories they proceeded. Following the custom of the time, they did not travel during the night, although they sometimes reached their day’s destination late in the evening. They set out at dawn, and at sunset they would stop in some town, usually a town that had a castle. The local people had 1 Concerning the dates and places, see Diego Pacheco, “Notas sobre la ruta de los 26 Santos Mdrtires de Nagasaki'', in Missionalia Hispanica, 1960, pp. 229-45. 48

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to provide provisions and horses for the following day; they were also responsible for the prisoners’ lives and safekeeping. This meant that people treated them well in the towns because they feared punishment if something happened to the prisoners. In contrast, the continual changing of their escort added greatly to the martyrs’ sufferings. Soldiers who started out with a hostile attitude, disgruntled because of the hard day’s journey that had been allotted them, were gradually won over by their prisoners’ patience and humility. But as soon as they became friendly, their place was taken by other guards, who in the first hours of their duty would vent their anger on the captives. They proceeded in single file, led by a soldier who carried on high the placard bearing their sentence. They traveled slowly, some thirty kilometers a day. The Franciscans preferred to walk in order to better observe their rule; the others also walked from time to time to keep warm. But their strength was soon exhausted and the soldiers were not disposed to delay. For this reason they made most of the journey on horseback, but then they began to feel numb because the coldest part of winter had begun. From Osaka to Shimonoseki they mainly followed the famous San’yödö, or the Road of the Mountains with the Sun. It was a route through difficult country: broad and bordered by pines on the plains, but in the mountains, rocky, steep, with thickets. The first day’s journey was to Hyögo, today a suburb of Kobe. Fray Pedro wrote some letters there to the religious and Spaniards who remained in Osaka. Perhaps it was here that he composed a letter mentioned by Valignano: “The same Fray Pedro wrote a letter to Harada on his way to be crucified, in which he admonished him to repent of the evil he had done in causing their death and using so many deceptions.”2 On the 11th they reached Akashi. This part of the coast is one of the loveliest areas of the Inland Sea and enjoys a mild climate. Mountains covered with pines reach down to the sea. Before arriving at Akashi, the road passes through Suma, where there was one of the famous seki, or barri2 Valignano, Kiemon and his situation in the come to Japan,

“Apologia”, f. 104v. Hideyoshi sent the Christians Harada nephew Magoshirö to Manila as “ambassadors” to find out the city. Pretending to be friends, they invited the Franciscans to but later abandoned them.

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ers to control travelers. Akashi, “luminous like a torch,” sang an old song about the small port with its castle built on a gentle hill. “Luminous” certainly sums up this countryside, made famous by the poems of the ancient poet Kakimoto, who describes how boats are lost to sight between the misty islands as the afternoon wears on. The names by which the castle is known reflects this impression—“Joyful Spring,” “Golden Estuary.” But this was not the castle whose remains can be viewed today with its twin towers mounted on a sturdy platform, for this later castle was built in 1619. The castle that the prisoners saw was smaller, but it was full of memories for some of them. Paul Miki knew it well, for he had stayed in it on his way to the novitiate in 1586, as at that time Akashi was a feudal possession recently ac­ quired by Justus Takayama Ukon; evangelization was proceeding rapidly there, and as many as two thousand of its inhabitants received baptism. But the 1587 persecution, with Ukon’s exile, put an end to that nascent Christian community. For this reason, when Pablo Miki began to preach that after­ noon to the curious people gathered around them, he must have spoken with a certain feeling of sadness. The apostle’s heart was greatly hurt to see the poor results of such generous efforts. But he preached there, as he did every afternoon when the guards placed them in a provisional jail. There were not usually prisons in Japanese cities as they were almost not needed in view of the speed with which sentences were carried out, and so the martyrs were normally lodged in a house in the jökamachi, or the area at the foot of the castle. The guards would surround the house with yarai, a curtain of bamboo poles lashed together diagonally, and the soldiers kept watch from outside. Both the guards and curious inhabitants could easily see the prisoners through the crude barricade, and in their turn the mar­ tyrs could speak to the spectators. It was odd that the soldiers never prevented them from preaching. It would be a sermon of which they would never see the fruit. Dialogue, however, was im­ possible, but they could at least announce the name of Jesus to all around them. On the morning of the 12th they set out from Akashi; the road left the coast and ran through a fertile plain. At midday they

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passed through the city of Gochaku and a few hours later arrived at Himeji, capital of Harima province. The beautiful “White Crane Castle” had still to be completed, but its great mass was already visible upon a hill in the middle of the city. On the 13th, they left Himeji and once more descended to the sea, which they reached in the district called Akö-Göri. This name was not yet famous for its forty-seven rönin, or masterless soldiers, who gave up their lives in 1703 to revenge their dead lord. But here the martyrs, and above all Paul Miki, were agreeably surprised to meet the officer appointed to escort them through Bizen province. He was John Akashi Kamon, the same man who had risked his life on 9 December to save Pedro Morejön. His presence was doubtless a relief for all the prisoners, and his meeting with Miki was emotional. The latter wrote on the following day: We were handed over to the care of Akashi Kamon. When he first saw me, he took my hand and wept I can’t say how many tears. He is firm and constant in his intention not to show any weakness in his Christian faith, and that is all that need be said. He says that he wishes Taikö would make inquiries about him so that he could join our party. It gives me great consolation to see how well he declares the constancy of his faith.3

Once more they set out in the morning of the 14th, and that day’s journey was somewhat harder as they had to cross through a mountainous region. As dusk fell they reached the small town of Katakami, next to the wide plain of Okayama. Thanks to John Akashi, on the way from Katakami the prisoners were able to write letters to people in Osaka and Nagasaki; they would carry these messages with them until meeting somebody who could deliver them. The following letters have come down to us: two written by Fray Pedro Bautista, one by Fray Martin, two by Bro. Paul Miki, and another two by Ventura, one of the Franciscan catechists. Fray Pedro wrote to the provincial of the Franciscans in Manila asking him to pay the debt he owed the good Cosmas Shoya. Af­ ter writing his farewell and the date, he realized that he still had 3 Frois, p. 128.

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some time, so he continued by giving some news about the events of the past few days. He spoke about his state of mind, of the needs and fervor of the Christians, and of his disillusionment with Hideyoshi: We feel great consolation and joy in the Lord, because the sentence issued against us says that they will crucify us because we preached the religion of God against the king’s orders, and that the others have received the same sentence because they are Christians. Tell Bro. Fray Jerônimo to change the habit, if it is necessary, in order to better meet the needs of the Christians, for they really deserve it as they have shown much fortitude to die for Christ, and we believe that many will die because the decree says so. . . . What upsets me is that they would be greatly encouraged if only religious of our order were able to come here, although they can be quite certain what while this king lives, they will not be able to stay in Japan for many days wearing our habit, because they would soon be sent to the next life.4

Fray Pedro also wrote to Fr. Gomez, the Jesuit provincial, telling him of his wish to receive Communion and attend Mass on their arrival at Nagasaki. Bro. Miki’s letters are the most detailed as regards information about what had happened along their pilgrimage route. His let­ ters’ clarity, preciseness, and delicacy in speaking about others, even about enemies, make this a precious text and shows us his peace of soul in the midst of his sufferings. “Please don’t worry about us three and our preparations for death,” he wrote to Fr. Gomez, “because by divine goodness we go there with joy and happiness.”5 To the priests remaining in Kyoto and Osaka: “Many people have heard our sermons along the way and all marvel to see our manner, so much so that even the gentile monks declare that in this way our holy religion will be propagated more widely. When those responsible for us hand us over to the next escort, they ask them to treat us kindly. All of them have pity on us, even though we hardly deserve it.”6 In his letter to Nagasaki, Bro. Miki made the same request as 4 Pérez, I, p. 146.

5 Frois, p. 79.

6 Ibid, p. 128.

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Fray Pedro and also asked that one of the Jesuits of the college there should come to hear their confessions—“and if possible, we would be happy if he were Fr. Passio.” On the 15 January, still under the protection of John Akashi— “this good man who is in charge of us,” as Fray Pedro Bautista wrote—they crossed the plain of Okayama and arrived at that city. The prisoners could admire the proud fortress, completed in that same year and known as the “Castle of the Golden Raven.”7 Its daimyo was Ukita Hideie, a friend of Lord Augustine Konishi, and in no way hostile to Christianity. He was then away in the Korean war. At the death of Hideyoshi, he would fight against leyasu, seizing the city of Fushimi. But after defeat in the battle of Sekigahara, 1600, he would be exiled. With shaven head and with the name of Raifu, he lived on a small island well into his nineties. James Kisai felt sad at heart when on the following morning, 16 January, they departed from Okayama, for his home was located there in a small village. He had left it for good years earlier, but such resolute farewells could not erase happy memories. But his step was no less firm than those of his companions, although he was older than them. When it came to suffering, he knew the mar­ velous strength contained in a small book that he carried with him, the story of the Passion, which he himself had copied with his own hand. At dusk on that day they reached the banks of the Kobegawa. It was there or in the nearby city of the same name that John Akashi handed over the prisoners, probably with sadness and concern. He would not see them again and, in addition, he was leaving them in enemy territory, for they were now entering in regions that depended on the Mori family, which had always been hostile to Christianity. Akashi was a noble figure, and although baptized only a year earlier, his faith equaled his bravery. “He is like a brother of our Society,” the missionaries wrote about him. The martyrs’ example came as a new stimulus for him. Fr. Valignano would write two years later: In the kingdom of Bizen, which is near Kyoto, a large and im7 The castle was destroyed by bombing in the Pacific War. Only the moat, the surrounding wall, a gate, and the base of the tower remain.

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portant Christian community is growing thanks to the leading lord, John Akashi Kamon, brother-in-law of the lord of that king­ dom, as in fact he is of two others. John became a Christian some three years ago, and he so understood the things of God that he has shown great proof of his Christian faith; at his persuasion, other leading lords of that kingdom have become Christian. . . .8

The desired chance to confess his faith was not long in coming. His daimyo demanded an oath of loyalty from his officers, and the wording contained an invocation to Buddhist deities. John Akashi and his companions in the faith declared that they would take only an oath that invoked the name of God. His sincerity pleased the daimyo, and instead of punishing him he considerably increased his stipend. Loyal to his faith and loyal to his lord, he was always one of the determined defenders of Hideyoshi’s son. At the battle of Sekigahara he vanquished his enemy, but he alone could do nothing in view of the defeat of the entire army. He es­ caped with his life and a little later entered the service of Hideyori. He was his best general, as he amply showed in the two campaigns of Osaka Castle, where he disappeared in 1615 among the fires and ruins. Some say he died there, while others believe that he lived in hiding for two or three years more. But all this belongs to much later history. Akashi returned to Okayama, and the martyrs, after a night of rest, began crossing the mountains in Hiroshima province, or Aki as it was then called. The road ascended beside the small river Otagawa, flanked by mountains that are covered by snow in the winter. Through Mori Territory The next known stop was made at Mihara, which the party reached on 19 January. Where did they pass the 17th? Perhaps in Nanokaichi, halfway along the route, or maybe Kannabe, located in the remote and fertile valley of the Ashida River, where there was a small castle; it was the center of the region until the construc­ tion of Fukuyama Castle in 1618. In the evening of the 18th they stayed the night probably at Onomichi, again on the sea coast, and on the following day entered Mihara. 8 ah, Cortes 565, f. 20v.

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Today Mihara is an industrial city, but then it was a “fortress,” that is, a castle with its jökamachr, the castle was constructed in 1588 by Mori Motonari’s son. He had died only a few months earlier and the lord of the castle was then a nephew of Hideyoshi, Kobayakawa Hideaki, whose treachery at the battle of Sekigahara would pave the way for leyasu’s victory. In the center of the city the foundations of the central tower and its moat may still be seen, and the neighborhood to the north still preserves the outline typical of a jökamachi, with its narrow, straight streets. There, on the night of the 19th, hiding it from the eyes of the guards, Thomas Kozaki wrote a farewell letter to his mother. Stained with blood, the letter was found after the crucifixion within the garments of his father, a fellow-martyr. The text needs no com­ mentary; it amply proves the stout heart of the fourteen-yearold boy: With the help of the Lord’s grace I am writing these lines. The priests and the others who are journeying to be crucified in Naga­ saki number in all twenty-four, as testified in the sentence that is carried on a board ahead of us. You should not worry about me and my father Michael. I hope to see you both very soon, there in paradise. Although you need the priests, if you are deeply sorry for your sins and have much devotion at the hour of your death, and if you remember and acknowledge the many blessings of Jesus Christ, then you will be saved. And bear in mind that everyone in this world has to come to an end, and so strive so that you will not lose the happiness of heaven. Whatever men may impose on you, try to have patience and show much charity for everyone. It is really necessary that my two brothers, Mancius and Philip, do not fall into the hands of heathens. I commend you to Our Lord, and I send you prayers for everybody we know. Remember to have great sorrow for your sins, for this alone is important. Although he sinned against God, Adam was saved by his sorrow and penance. The 2nd day of the Twelfth Moon, in Mihara fortress, in the kingdom of Aki.9

The band set out on the road once more on 20 January. The prisoners were not allowed a single day to rest, although they were 9 Frois, p. 114.

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exhausted and suffering greatly from the cold. After all, they had been condemned to death, and their guards considered themselves lucky if none of the captives delayed them on the road. They passed through the swampy plain of the mouth of the Numada River and then once more entered the mountains. Two days until Hiroshima. In the middle of the route, at the highest point, is Saijö. Here, or a little earlier in Tamari, they presumably spent the night. In the afternoon of 21 January they entered Hiroshima, a new city for its name and its fine castle dated only from 1589. There resided Mori Terumoto, the arch-enemy of Christianity. It is still possible to see in the Koi ward the outline of the old road along which the martyrs traveled on the 22nd. Nothing is known about this part of their journey. The route passes through Hatsukaichi, Iwakuni, and Tokuyama. A little beyond Tokuyama the road divides, with one fork going to Ogöri and the other descending to Yamaguchi. Both of these roads join up again in Yoshida, and from there, passing through the ancient city of Chöfu, it soon reaches Shimonoseki. St. Francis Xavier had traveled on foot from Shimonoseki to Iwakuni with Bro. Juan Fernândez and the faithful Bernard of Kagoshima. Without ade­ quate clothing, they too experienced the bitter cold on the roads and in the inns. On 26 January the martyrs reached Shimonoseki, but their num­ ber had increased en route: Peter Sukijirö, a young man of Kyoto sent by Fr. Organtino to accompany and care for the martyrs, was incorporated into their band by the guards, who wanted to lay hands on the money he was carrying. He accepted his fate with joy and with a sane philosophy: “Seeing that we all have to die anyway, it is better to die for the faith.” Perhaps before this or possibly at the same time, Francis, the Franciscans’ faithful carpenter in Kyoto, also joined the group of martyrs. Of these slow and painful days, we know only one detail. Ac­ cording to Fr. Gômez, at one of the stops they were put in the custody of a non-Christian, who treated them severely. He placed them in a dark chamber and kept them under close confinement. Bro. Miki told him that he need have no fear for they would not try to escape, and then spoke to him about the Faith. The man

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changed so much that “he became a Christian with great joy and consolation of soul.”10 On 27 January they crossed the straits of Shimonoseki, disem­ barking in the city of Kokura. That day was perhaps the only stage that they did not have to journey by road. The rest given to their injured feet was countered by the cold that left them numb in the bottom of the small boats. Now they were in Kyushu, the island in which their crosses would be raised. Fray Juan in Pursuit Meanwhile a group of Spaniards was traveling behind the mar­ tyrs—Captain Landecho and the pilot de Olandia, Fray Juan Pobre, Fray Diego de Guevara, the ensign Pedro Sotelo, Diego de Valdés, Bartolomé Rangel, Christobal del Mercado, and Juan de Zuazola. A week after the martyrs’ departure from Osaka, the dai­ myo of Urado had set the Spaniards free, and they then realized that they had been deceived and that they had been detained to prevent them trying to make a rescue bid. They were given a safe­ conduct to allow them to travel, if they wished, to Nagasaki. If they wished? They had not lost their intention to ransom the prisoners, although this would have been difficult since they had only some money received as alms. But they were determined to rescue them or die with them in the attempt. They set out prompt­ ly by boat, the easiest and quickest way to travel. Their small ship called in at the principal ports—Suma, Muro, Tomo, etc., and to travel faster they most certainly doubled the stages of the voyage in the hope of catching up with the martyrs in Shimonoseki. As soon as they disembarked at the port, they made inquiries, only to learn that the prisoners had crossed the straits three days earlier. Disappointed, but not defeated, they continued their pur­ suit and the distance between the two groups lessened—two days of difference, then only one day. Tomorrow they would catch up with them. Thanks to these Spaniards’ reports, it is possible to reconstruct the martyrs’ route through northern Kyushu. “Wishing to meet 10 ARSI, Jap-Sin, 53, f. 163v.

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up with them, I covered the three leagues to Kokura, and from there I went to a beautiful town called Akama. There they told me that the holy martyrs had left on the previous day.”11 This was on 30 January. If the martyrs had left Akama on the 29th, then they must have passed the night of 29-30 January somewhere close by. Early in the morning of the 31st, Fray Juan and his companions changed horses and galloped to catch up with the martyrs. Follow­ ing the directions they had received, they left the Hakata road and made for the small peninsula where Shigajima is located. After that point there was only sea, and it was the sea that had defeated them. On that very same morning the martyrs had been there. They had slept in Shigajima, but then had embarked. It was said that they were being taken by sea to Nagoya, where Hanzaburö, the brother of the Nagasaki governor, would take charge of them. How much disappointment is contained in Fray Juan Pobre’s statement, “And I knew nothing more about them until the day of their martyrdom!” If at noon on the 31st, instead of turning toward Shigajima, the Spaniards had continued on to Hakata, they would have met up with the prisoners there. For in the afternoon of the 31st the mar­ tyrs rested in that city. Instead of proceeding to Nagoya, the boat carrying them had entered the bay, perhaps because of adverse weather conditions, and left its passengers in the port of Hakata. This was an unscheduled stop, and while a messenger was sent to Hanzaburö, the Hakata inhabitants received the prisoners with kindness. Here, for the first time, they were allowed to speak with some Christians. Hakata had belonged to the daimyo of Bungo, Lord Francis Ötomo, and had a church and a growing Christian community. In addition Christians from south Kyushu often visit­ ed the port. Bro. Miki met an acquaintance, James Kojen, a fervent Christi­ an from Nagasaki, who in 1618 would receive from Fr. Francisco Vieyra a formal Letter of Gratitude from the Society of Jesus.12 James undertook to take to Fr. Gômez the letters that the prisoners had carried from Katakami, since Peter Sukejirö had 11 Pobre, f. 206v.

12 ah, Jesuitas, 21, f. 490.

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himself become a prisoner and was thus unable to perform this task. In addition, Bro. Miki related to him many details of the journey, although he spoke more about the apostolate than their sufferings. He had not stopped preaching for one single day, both to the soldiers as well as to the people who gathered to see them pass by. He had preached without restraint, and never in his life had he satisfied so much his desire of making Christ known. He also preached that night in Hakata. Meanwhile Fray Juan Pobre and his disheartened companions left Shigajima for Nagasaki. They had lost all hope of meeting up with the martyrs and so they traveled more slowly, and for the first time there appear descriptions of the countryside in their writings. They came to the Hizen plain, in which Saga is located, “the best land there is in Japan.” In Nagoya, Hanzaburö received the news of the prisoners’ ar­ rival and also an order from Hideyoshi telling him to crucify the twenty-four prisoners at Nagasaki. He immediately sent a messen­ ger to Nagasaki to make known his imminent arrival and to order the construction of fifty crosses. The Nagasaki Christians were in uproar when they heard the news. If there were only twenty-four prisoners, for whom were the other crosses intended? And so they all prepared themselves with fervor. It was Hanzaburö’s first mistake—he had wished to terrify the Christians, but instead he aroused their enthusiasm. He was moving in unknown territory, and this was not to be his only surprise during these days. On 1 February Hanzaburö took charge of the prisoners in Karatsu, a small town on a picturesque bay not far from Nagoya. He had expected twenty-four of them, but instead received twenty-six. This caused him no concern, because there were more than enough crosses for them all. But he was upset when he saw that he would have to put to death the three boys. Above all, little Luis Ibaraki, aged only twelve, caught his attention. Perhaps Han­ zaburö thought that pardoning the boy would not compromise himself, for even then there would still be one more victim than the number mentioned in Hideyoshi’s order, and so he decided to make the effort. He said to the child, “Your life is in my hands; if you wish to serve me, I will save you.”

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But Luis believed that it would be safer to place his life in Fray Pedro’s hands, leaving the friar to decide the matter. The priest knew nothing of the soldier’s intentions and so he refused to give the boy over. But he could not simply condemn Luis to death, and Fray Pedro’s gentle reply shows that he had seen further than Han­ zaburö had foreseen: “On condition that he lets you live as a Christian.” The official had not thought about such an eventu­ ality. He personally had no problem in accepting the condition, but as the officer in charge of the executions, he had no wish to compromise himself. So Hanzaburö replied, “As regards that, no—only on condi­ tion that you stop being a Christian.” Luis then had no further need to consult the friar, for the matter had become clear. “I do not want to live on that condition, for it is not reasonable to ex­ change a life that has no end for one that soon finishes.” Hanzaburö’s troubles had yet to come to an end. As if it was not enough to see himself bested by a boy, he discovered an old friend, Paul Miki, among the prisoners. The soldier wept, perhaps not only for his friend’s fate but for his own misfortune in being appointed his executioner. And there may have been shame hidden in those tears, for Hanzaburö knew Bro. Miki as he had attended some of his catechism classes. So it was the prisoner, Bro. Miki, who did his best to console Hanzaburö, trying in vain to make him understand that to die for the faith was no disgrace. The soldier failed to understand; if he had understood, then he would have had to take a radical deci­ sion. But at least he was prepared to allow anything his friend asked for. Paul made three requests: to postpone the executions until Friday; to give the prisoners time to make their confessions with one of the Nagasaki priests; and to allow them all to attend Mass. Hanzaburö probably could understand only half of these requests, but he quickly saw that none of them conflicted with his orders, and he freely gave permission. Fray Pedro, who had made the same requests, was most grate­ ful, writing in his last letter to the Franciscans at Nagasaki, “Terazawa’s brother has told us that he will give us an oppor­ tunity to receive Communion, and I esteem him highly.”13 13 Pérez, I, p. 149.

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But Hanzaburö refused to go along with the Franciscan su­ perior when he asked to meet with his brothers in religion: Do not come to see us, for although we would all be consoled, he tells us he dare not [give permission]. He says that if Taikö got to know that you are there and that he had not informed him, then he too would be killed. So if you do not come, he can cover the matter up because Taikö does not know about it.

Poor Hanzaburö! Always the same fear making him go against his conscience; always the same desire of doing good overcome by the fear of death. In contrast, Fray Pedro serenely viewed the approaching end. He asked his brothers for prayers and promised to remember them in heaven. He quickly arranged affairs that pertained to him as superior, and then said goodbye: Farewell Brother Fray Augustin, Brother Fray Bartolomé, Brother Fray Marcelo until heaven. Remember me! On the road, today, 2 February 1597. Your true brother in Christ, Fray Pedro Bautista.

On that same day the group left Karatsu, although whether they went as far as Imari, or whether they followed the road along the river and passed that night in a mountain village, is now not known. They would then have to cross a chain of mountains in the freezing wind that blew in from the Asian mainland. Han­ zaburö arranged, in addition to the horses, for the most exhausted prisoners to be carried in litters. On the other side of the mountains they made for Tsukasaki, now called Takeo, a small town in the Hizen plain, where they stopped in the afternoon of 3 February. Hizen was the domain of the Nabeshima family, which nearly always showed itself hostile to Christianity. There were no large Christian congregations in the region, but as the fief was located at the entrance to Omura domain and served as a route to Bungo, missionaries often passed through it. But instead of crossing this hostile territory, the mis­ sionaries would often travel by way of Ariake-kai. This was a large bay that ended with the Hizen plain; its muddy waters in the coastal inlets appeared beautifully blue when seen from a distance and the Amakusa islands seemed to be born there. Paul Miki and

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John Goto knew the area well. It was like their Lake Genesareth and carried memories of their first apostolic expeditions. Leaving the plain behind and the sea on the left, the band of martyrs took the Omura road; some hills hid from them the horizon. Knowing that on the following day they would reach Nagasaki and hoping to receive Communion, they decided to pre­ pare themselves in a supreme and heroic effort—all would make the last day’s journey on foot. The soldiers must have looked on them with surprise. The morning’s march was going to be hard, for they had to cross some hills and would have to quicken some­ what their progress. The martyrs’ pitiful condition, with their swollen legs and injured feet, left them in no doubt of the coming hardship. Hanzaburö did not accompany them, for he had gone ahead to make preparations in Nagasaki. That morning he stopped in Sonogi on the banks of Ömura Bay. The town was destined to become the focal point of all those connected with the martyrs. For Cap­ tain Landecho and his companions arrived there at the same time, while Frs. Passio and Rodrigues, answering the call of Fray Pedro and Bro. Miki, reached there from Nagasaki by sea. Fray Juan Pobre was tense as a result of his journey, and he felt dejected by his unsuccessful pursuit; and it was there that he received the news of the imminent execution. The sight of the soldiers and the Jesuits in the same town gave rise to a cloud of suspicions that he did not hesitate to record in writing. On see­ ing the martyrs, he overlooked the reason for his going there, and imagining hidden plots, he avoided meeting Frs. Rodrigues and Passio.14 The Spanish soldiers talked with Fr. Rodrigues and set out for Nagasaki, crossing Ömura Bay. Hanzaburö also left with an es­ cort in the same direction. The two Jesuits remained. Meanwhile the prisoners had finished their painful ascent and stopped to rest at the highest point of the road. At their feet ex­ tended a magnificent view of Ömura Bay, calm as a lake. The area they saw was a Christian region. In front of them lay Sonogi. A little further, to the left, was Ömura and its castle; toward the 14 Pobre, f. 208v.

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right the ruins of Yokoseura, the port where the Portuguese used to come before they began calling at Nagasaki. And there in the villages and in the huts of peasants working in the fields were living fervent Christians. Everywhere was quiet. Some clouds of smoke and small ships crossing the bay, one of them the Spaniards’ boat, were the only signs of any human activity. Hanzaburö had preferred to keep the arrival of the martyrs secret to avoid any embarrassing demonstra­ tions. While the prisoners rested in silence, gazing at the countryside or quietly discussing recent events, Fray Pedro dropped back a few steps, sat on a rock, and began meditating. Perhaps his hour of darkness had come, for it was a sad meditation. He thought back over the events of his apostolate in Japan. He had gone there under obedience. The orders of his superiors had removed the scruples he had suffered before embarking,15 and once in Japan he had devoted himself wholeheartedly to his work, the conver­ sion of that great people and the foundation of a new mission of his order. There had not been lacking contradictions and sufferings. But there had also been an abundance of consolations coming from a life of poverty and preaching the Gospel to the poor. But sudden­ ly everything around him darkened. He saw himself confused in his role as ambassador, embroiled in secular affairs that he dis­ liked; he saw himself rejected by the bishop of Japan, who once more raised the question of the pontifical briefs, and who had told him that that he did not want him to feed his flock. He felt the ostracism of some Jesuits who continued to see in him a man disobeying Gregory XIII’s letter, reserving the Japanese mission to the Jesuits. And the Japanese in whom he had confided had betrayed him, and some of the shipwrecked Spaniards for whom he had sacri­ ficed himself had accused him of not doing enough for them. He had counted on Hideyoshi’s support, and the ruler had broken his word and had condemned him, accusing him of meddling. Now he was marching to his death. He was going to die for preaching 15 Ribadenira, p. 545.

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Jesus Christ and that gave him great joy. But accompanying him were his religious brothers and they could have continued the work begun. Others remained shut up in a galleon in Naga­ saki port. The enterprise for which he had sacrificed everything was undone. Tears came to his eyes and the strong man wept, he who had looked after his subjects through all the difficulties. He wept and felt himself to be a failure. Derision was added to his sorrow. One of the soldiers had seen his tears and thought of only one explanation. Jeering at the friar, he called out to his companions, “See, now that the hour draws near, they cry because they fear death.” Fray Pedro did not hear him or perhaps did not understand what he said. But Paul Miki certainly did and his samurai honor was aroused. He knew Fray Pedro well and realized that he would weep for any other reason but the fear of the death awaiting them. He could not allow the soldiers to think that the prisoners feared death. Approaching Fray Pedro, he asked him to curb his tears so as to avoid the soldiers’ remarks. Fray Pedro returned to reality. Once more he saw himself on the hill buffeted by the wind, in the middle of a peaceful countryside, surrounded by hostile soldiers and by men preparing themselves for death. He called for Fray Gonzalo and asked him to explain to the guards the reason for his tears. The explanation must have impressed the soldiers, because, on arriving at Nagasaki, it was they who recounted the incident.

Gethsemane by the Seashore The prisoners reached Sonogi a little after midday, and no sooner had they been installed in their lodging than Frs. Passio and Rod­ rigues appeared, bringing with them everything needed to say Mass. In addition they had arranged for a boat to be in the harbor so that Bro. Miki and his companions could cross over in it. The official in charge of the group would not allow anything outside the agreed program: if the priests wanted anything extra, then they would have to ask Hanzaburö. In view of this negative response, Fr. Passio had no choice but to return to Nagasaki to obtain the needed permission. Fr. Rodrigues, well known as Hideyoshi’s interpreter, was allowed to enter the place where the prisoners were boarded.

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Fr. Rodrigues was deeply moved to see them so badly treated, the wounds in their ears still visible, their garments stained with blood and mud; yet they remained full of joy and the desire to die for the faith. He spoke first with Bro. Miki, who told him about the journey, his preaching, the conversions in the prison at Osaka, and the state of the Christian community there. He then greeted John Goto and James Kisai, and told them that Fr. Provincial had authorized them to take their vows and thus enter the Society of Jesus. Finally he embraced the Franciscans, and joining them and the other prisoners he gave them words of welcome from Fr. Pedro Gomez. He told them that the people of Nagasaki had heard about their sufferings and everyone was praying for them, and that the bishop had mentioned their forthcoming martyrdom in a sermon to the Portuguese, declaring that their deaths would be for the greater glory of God. In that cordial atmosphere, Fray Pedro told Fr. Rodrigues about the incidents of the journey and Bro. Miki’s apostolic zeal, and ended by repeating once more the desire of all to attend Mass and receive Communion. Fr. Rod­ rigues explained to them the difficulty occasioned by Hanzaburö’s absence, but raised their hopes that everything would be arranged in Nagasaki on the following day. The soldiers urged Fr. Rodrigues to end his visit quickly. Fray Pedro called the Jesuit apart and told him simply, “It may well be that our deaths will not be delayed, and so I want to humbly beg Fr. Provincial and all the other priests to pardon us for all the trouble that we may have caused them in any way at all.” Two other Franciscans said the same. For his part Fr. Rodrigues em­ braced them and on behalf of the Society of Jesus begged their pardon “if perhaps the Society had wronged them.” This account of the mutual pardon and, above all, the request of the Franciscans, has perhaps been recorded with excessive par­ tiality. Some writers have presented it as a complete retraction of Franciscan work in Japan; others, as a simple expression of polite­ ness without any admission of fault. Franciscans and Jesuits had labored in Japan, seeking the kingdom of God with not a little heroism. While working for the same end, the paths of the Jesuits and friars had crossed. It is not for us to decide whether and to what degree there was any moral failing in their actions. Only

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God and they themselves could call to judgment every action, every word. For us there remains the fine example of noble hearts capable of asking pardon, hearts generous enough to concede pardon with a brotherly embrace. Fr. Rodrigues left and the martyrs rested. Some took advantage of the opportunity to write their final letters. Fray Francisco Blanco commented on the example of the three boys, especially Luis Ibaraki: “Here is little Luis with so much courage and deter­ mination that everyone admires him.” Bro. Miki wrote a letter to the daimyo of Omura, encouraging him and confirming him in the Faith. The most interesting letter was written by Fray Martin to his Portuguese friend, Miguel Roxo de Brito, a resident of Nagasaki. After bidding him farewell and thanking him for his kindness, the friar asked him to ease his conscience by looking through some papers that he had earlier sent him; if he found anything in them that could be prejudicial to others, then he should destroy them. There has been discussion about this letter as well, and we will briefly provide an explanation. The papers in question were a lengthy report, copies of which are preserved in the Archivo de Indias, Seville, and in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid.16 Fray Martin had sent Miguel Roxo the report on the previous 11 November. As this lengthy account about the situation in Japan was composed within two or three months of the writer’s arrival in the country, it is natural that the information therein is de­ ficient and that his views on several points about the Jesuits’ apostolate and lives are not always accurate. Fray Martin did not know that Miguel Roxo, on reading the report, had handed it over to the Jesuits in Nagasaki. The letter written from Sonogi also came into their hands, for when Fray Martin wrote it, Miguel Roxo de Brito had already died in the city a month earlier. The report was not destroyed, but sent to Fr. Valignano in Macao, thus giving rise to the latter’s account titled “Apologia.” The Franciscans had sent other copies to Manila.17 In the middle of the afternoon the martyrs went down to 16 Ais, section V, 1g. 18; B.N., section Ms, n. 1893. 17 Valignano, “Apologia”, ff. 2 ff.

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Sonogi’s pier, where three boats were awaiting them. With the exception of the Franciscans, all the prisoners had their hands tied. The crossing lasted several hours, the boats moving almost silently across the calm surface of the bay. It was already night when they reached Tokitsu. The boats’ keels scraped on the sand of the shore and a sharp jolt awoke those who were sleeping. With a lot of noise the soldiers jumped ashore and made for the small village. There was only one inn and it was occupied by some compan­ ions of Captain Landecho. The Spaniards were made to leave the place, but were not allowed to approach the boats in which the prisoners remained. There was nothing they could do but mount their horses and set out for Nagasaki. The soldiers occupied the vacated inn, but the martyrs were not allowed to leave the boats and get on the beach. Their accommo­ dation on board was cramped, and they awaited the dawn without being able to sleep. This was the worst night of the entire pil­ grimage and, ironically, it was passed in a Christian region. Perhaps it was for this reason that the guards did not dare place the prisoners in the care of the local inhabitants. The night passed slowly, and at dawn the mist fell in the form of frost on the mar­ tyrs’ numbed bodies. It had been a night of pain and prayer, a Gethsemane for the twenty-six; they still did not know when they were to die, but already felt in their bodies the harsh contact with the cross. The first rays of the sun swept the surface of the bay, and the martyrs could then face the day of their triumph. It was 5 Feb­ ruary. Tokitsu has changed little since that day and is still a small port with six or seven fishing boats. Its beach is of fine sand, and its tranquil sea keeps varying in color owing to the changing sunlight, to the tree-covered mountains surrounding the bay, to the clouds of different shapes. The road leading to Nagasaki is now broader and straighter. In those days it was a narrow path that twisted and turned through the valleys, ascended and descended the small hills until it entered the lovely valley of Urakami. The procession began early in the morning, and no news had arrived from Hanzaburö nor from the priests. According to the

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agreed plan, they would enter Nagasaki and would be lodged there, the quarters already having been prepared. As it was Wed­ nesday, the prisoners believed that they still had two more days to complete their preparation for martyrdom. At one of the bends in the road they saw Fr. Joäo Rodrigues approaching. He had returned to Nagasaki the previous afternoon and now was hur­ rying to let them know the latest news. Increasingly afraid of incurring Hideyoshi’s wrath, Hanzaburö had gone back on his promises. He would not allow them to attend Mass or receive Communion; he would not delay the executions until Friday; he would not even allow them to enter Nagasaki, for he feared that the local Christians or the Portuguese and Spanish sailors might cause a disturbance. The crosses were already prepared at the entrance of the city and there the martyrs were to be crucified that same morning. Fr. Gômez had insisted, but in vain; the only concession he could ob­ tain was that Fr. Passio could spend some moments with the three Jesuits. As regards Communion, Hanzaburö said, “As they are dying for preaching their religion, dying in the service of the God whom they worship, they do not need anything else to assure their salvation.” The official always remained within set Emits, never compromising himself with a clear declaration, but at the same time recognizing the truth of a faith that he still did not under­ stand. Always mindful of his own interests, Hanzaburö was ap­ proaching the moment when halfhearted solutions were no longer feasible. One of the Spaniards, who had lived with the Franciscans in Kyoto for some time, came out to meet them. Little Anthony of Nagasaki recognized him and greeted him with the few Spanish words he knew, “Rengel, adios, adios. Paraiso, Paraiso, morir, Paraiso!9' And the good Rengel could only stand at the side of the road, his eyes filled with tears. The number of Christians drawing near the procession steadily increased, and the angry soldiers began hitting them. One of them who was severely beaten told Fr. Rodrigues at his side, “Let them hit me as much as they wish, for it is what I myself want.” Fray Pedro arrived on horseback, calmly reading his breviary. He scarcely changed countenance when he heard the refusal of his

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only wish before he died. Giving thanks to God, he declared, “I was afraid that they would not allow us to receive Communion as we wished.” Now all that was left for him was to die.

Urakami was a small neighborhood of farmers, all them Christi­ ans, a little more than two kilometers from Nagasaki along the entry road; although surrounded by the territory of Ömura, it in fact belonged to the Arima family. A small hospital had been founded there to care for lepers,18 close to present-day Urakami Station, between Sakamoto-machi and Zenza-machi. Fr. Passio was waiting there along with a servant of Hanzaburö so that this time nobody would stop him. The procession halted, and while he entered the hospital with the three Jesuits, the rest waited on a nearby slope together with Fr. Rodrigues. There was no time to lose. Bro. Miki knelt before Fr. Passio to make his confession. His hands were tied to his shoulders, “chained in the Lord,” as Fr. Passio later would say, quoting St. Paul, the apostle of the gentiles. Paul Miki had a serene and delicate soul; not even in the most important moments did he lose his appreciation for details. Now, as he could not use his hands, he asked Fr. Passio to take off the hat on his head. It was not proper to have a hat on in confession— his head ought to be bare. John and James then made their confes­ sions. When they had finished, Fr. Passio gave them a document on which was written the formula of the vows, and duly accepted them into the Society of Jesus. It was the realization of a strong desire they had both felt for years, and for this purpose they had entered the service of the missionaries. It is true that their novice­ 18 Valignano wrote about the hospitals: “This work went ahead for many years until there was a large increase in the occupations of the Christians in other parts. So they left the hospital [in Bungo] in order to undertake the ministry of the conversion of souls that is more profitable and more in keeping with our Jesuit Institute. But even after this, within twelve years they established two other hospitals for lepers, one in Nagasaki, founding there the Fraternity of the Santa Misericordia, and to this fraternity they entrusted the running of the hospital in keeping with their Misericordia’s Institute. Even now the fraternity still administers it. They set up another in Urakami, which the Fathers them­ selves always had and at present it is under their care, providing and sustaining it with all that is necessary.’’ “Apologia", ff. 122-23.

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ship was brief, but it was without peer. In the few hours of life that remained to them as Jesuit Brothers, they covered a long road.19 In all confidence Paul opened his heart, and his words were to be transmitted to Fr. Provincial: “They should not have any worry about me, for the Lord has granted me much joy and knowledge of the great mercy that I have received. There is noth­ ing that upsets me.” They then left the hospital. From the slopes of the hill some Portuguese greeted the Fran­ ciscans, whom the soldiers were tying with ropes attached to their cinctures. After hearing the confessions of some of the martyrs, Fr. Rodrigues exhorted them, preparing them for the supreme sacrifice. One of them, the catechist Paul Suzuki, preached to the soldiers. A group of acquaintances approached the three Jesuits. John Goto found himself facing his father, for the old man had come to bid him farewell. Their words were few, but worthy of great hearts: “Look well to it, Father, there is nothing more im­ portant than salvation, and so I much pray that you never neglect this.” His father replied, “My son, see that you have much courage and fortitude at this hour and that you die joyfully, for you die in the service of God. Both I and your mother are also prepared to give up our lives for the love of Our Lord, if it is necessary.” John entrusted to his father his rosary as a memento and to his mother his handkerchief. And seeing a Christian he knew, he asked him to convey his thanks to Fr. Morejon, for whom he had been a catechist for some years. Paul Miki told his friends about the fire burning in his soul: “I want to end in the service of God, still exercising my preaching mission.” He exhorted them to remain faithful, he raised their spirits with the hope of a new flourishing of the Church in Japan, and from time to time he exclaimed in happiness: “Today is Easter Sunday for me! The Lord has shown me such mercy!” 19 This episode refutes the insinuations of Fray Jerônimo de Castro and Fray Juan Pobre, mentioned above. See Pérez, III, p. 117, n. 2; Frois, p. 88; Pérez, Fray Jéronimo de Jesus, p. 138; Ribadeneira, p. 580; Pacheco, “Notas sobre la ruta”, p. 243.

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Only when some Portuguese, followed by Japanese, began show­ ing signs of veneration did his face cloud and he rebuked them. The quiet and humble James Kisai did all he could to resist those who wanted to receive something from him as a relic. These importunate desires came to upset the deep joy and gratitude that filled his soul in those moments. The soldiers then made them return to the rest of the prisoners, who were waiting for the order to proceed. Fray Juan Pobre recorded Fray Martin’s fine sermon, exhorting his companions to martyrdom. The text that has come down to us makes it probable that this took place after their arrival in Urakami, because he men­ tions that they would not be permitted to receive Communion. Ribadeneira had the same source and records that they found the exhortation written on paper concealed inside the sleeve of his habit. But Frois locates the sermon before their arrival in Ura­ kami and his account mentions the desire to receive Communion. According to this author, the text was found in the bosom of one of the martyrs, written in Japanese, and the Jesuit historian copied the translation of this text.20 In view of the fact that the exhortation was written (which would have been impossible to do in the final moments), it seems probable that the sermon was composed on the road, at latest in Sonogi, although it is possible that the friar had not received it until then or that he repeated it in those moments of hope. Not, for sure, just before the crucifixion, because according to all the witnesses, as soon as the prisoners reached the site of martyr­ dom, they were hanged on the crosses without delay. It was a fine exhortation, full of love for Christ and showing a deep humility. It excited the desire for martyrdom and forestalled any vainglory. It encouraged the prisoners to face the stark reality of the cross: “We are now to be crucified, and our bodies will be left exposed to the sun and rain, and will be torn to pieces and eaten by hawks and crows. And so from now on we must offer Our Lord our souls together with our bodies.” This offering was made. At the officer’s order, the martyrs be­ gan to walk toward their Calvary. 20 Pobre, f. 213v; Ribadeneira, pp. 557 ff; Frois, pp. 80 ff.

Chapter 4 Martyrs’ Mount Final Preparations Mt. Mubon, or Mt. Kompira as it is called today, is 360 meters high and dominates the city of Nagasaki, to which it descends through a series of hills. The last of these hills juts into the bay like the bow of a ship, and runs through the road to Urakami and Omura. The road leaving the city bordered the mountain, passed in front of St. Lazarus hospital (now a Buddhist temple called Honrenji); on reaching the promontary, it ascended and divided into two parts. On the left of a person leaving the city there was, overlooking the bay, a field, at that time planted with wheat; on the right there was a slope running down, out of sight of the city, which began the descent to Urakami. On this slope was the execu­ tion site where criminals were put to death. It was a gloomy place, littered with human remains, inhabited by wild dogs and birds of prey. It was here that Hanzaburö had ordered the martyrs’ crosses to be prepared. But the Portuguese had pleaded that the prisoners should not be associated with criminals and suggested that the field at the top of the hill, between the road and sea, would be a more appropriate site. It lay only thirty or forty paces from the ex­ ecution site, it is true, but it was clean and spacious, 300 paces wide and 400 long, and in full view of the city. Also, although they did not say this to Hanzaburö, it was a good place for a church to be later dedicated to the holy martyrs. Hanzaburö had already refused various requests that day, and happy to consent to something to show his good will, he ordered the crosses to be transferred to the field and new holes to be dug. He agreed to more than he realized: by distinguishing the mar­ tyrs from ordinary criminals, he too was indicating their inno­ cence. When everything was ready, Hanzaburö sent a messenger to Urakami with orders for the prisoners to proceed. He saw that 72

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despite his prohibition the Christians were gathering in very large numbers, and in their midst were arriving the Portuguese. And finally Fr. Passio hurried from Urakami somewhat out of breath; he had completed his mission there and now brought two more requests. The first was to free the two men who had been added to the group of prisoners en route; as they were not included in the death sentence, there was no reason to execute them. Hanzaburö re­ mained firm—he had received the two along with the others and they had to die with the others. His fear of being denounced to Hideyoshi still clouded his reasoning. Not put off, Fr. Passio con­ tinued with more requests. He thanked the official for allowing the three Jesuits the opportunity of making their confessions, and asked permission for Fr. Rodrigues and himself to stand by the crosses so that they could help the martyrs in their final moments. Hanzaburö was inclined to turn down this request as well, but after thinking for a while, he realized that refusal would be use­ less, because everybody could clearly see Fr. Passio talking to him there. So he granted the request, and while the martyrs were arriv­ ing, he asked the priest various things. His heart was experiencing a strange struggle, a struggle that had begun when he met Bro. Miki in Karatsu and now was renewed as he saw the attitude of the Christian crowd. It was not a rebellious crowd, and the people’s attitude was indeed surprising—they envied the prisoners who were about to die and wanted to join them. The soldiers’ main task would not be to prevent them freeing the prisoners, but to turn away those who wished to join them. Hanzaburö still did not understand. What was the reason for this extraordinary behav­ ior? The missionary explained. It is interesting to imagine this catechism class given by a man, who officially had been banished, to the official ordered to carry out the sentence and in the very place destined for the martyrdom. Hanzaburö listened to him at­ tentively. Like the judge who condemned Christ, he too closed his eyes to the truth, hiding his fear with a gesture of indifference: “That is a very good reason, but for now I do not wish to hear more.” He turned away and went to meet the band of prisoners who were slowly approaching.

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From the small field next to the hospital of Urakami, the mar­ tyrs, their hands tied, had formed themselves into a procession. They approached in three groups, each one of them led by two Franciscans. Their imminent martyrdom gave them strength to courageously cover this last stage. Eyewitnesses have left us with some details. Fray Francisco Blanco’s ear was still bleeding. Ob­ livious of the pitiful state of his feet, Fray Pedro strode along with long steps as if eager to arrive sooner. Fray Felipe looked pale and worn out. Some of the spectators managed to draw near and speak briefly with the prisoners. One asked Fray Francisco de San Miguel for his rosary as a memento, but the holy and humble Brother excused himself, saying simply, “When I finish saying the rosary.” It was at this point that Fray Felipe exclaimed: “The San Felipe was lost so that Fray Felipe might be won.” And the Portuguese Francisco Rodrigues Pinto, a native of India, was hailed by Fray Gonzalo Garcia: “My fellow countryman! Stay with God, for I am going to heaven. Greet Fr. Sebastian Gonzalez on our behalf!”1 Other things were also happening. Captain Landecho had for­ bidden his companions to attend the martyrdom, believing that it was unworthy of Spaniards to go and not do all they could to pre­ vent the executions; as there were so few of them, they could not have recourse to force. And so he decided to remain locked in his room. But Fray Juan Pobre spared no effort to meet the martyrs. Escaping from his companions’ vigilance, he slipped away and made for the execution site, but his Franciscan habit slowed his progress and he was again stopped. To save him from death, his companions saw no other remedy but to have him kept in custody until the executions were completed. Fray Juan then was led to the Portuguese ship, where the other Franciscans were on board. The ship would carry both him and Bishop Martins when it returned to Macao. Crucifixion The martyrs began arriving at the hill. They had already been more or less measured for the crosses, and thus they knew that their positions had been fixed. And so when Fray Gonzalo, who 1 Pobre, f. 217.

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was the first to reach the site, saw the crosses lying on the ground, he went up to one of them and asked the guards: “Is this perhaps my cross?”2 But it was not, and the soldiers led him to another. His arm was still half useless from the blow received when the soldiers surprised him embracing the cross in the Kyoto convent. How far he had journeyed to meet the cross once more! Who could now separate him from it? “And how Fray Felipe embraced his cross!” says another account. As soon as the guards showed them their places, the martyrs hastened happily to the instruments of their death and of their victory. The twenty-six crosses lay on the green field where the shoots of the harvest had scarcely begun to appear. Well constructed and carefully sawn, they were over two meters in height, some more, some less. Each had two crossbars, the larger one for the hands and the other for the feet. There was also a protruding seat or saddle on which the victim’s body could rest. As soon as the last martyr arrived, the guards accompanying them left to reinforce the other soldiers holding back the crowd, and the executioners began their task of attaching the bodies to the crosses. They did not use nails, but fastened iron clamps around the neck, hands, and feet. A cord tied around the waist helped to keep the body steady. In this way the victim remained tightly fastened to his cross. But an iron clamp was not enough for Fray Pedro Bautista; pointing to the palm of his hand, he asked the executioner, “Brother, nail me here.” The executioner dealing with Bro. Miki met with a problem, for he was small in size and his feet did not reach down to the iron clamp that had been prepared beforehand. As there was no time to lose, the man took a cloth sash, and wrapping it around the Brother’s chest, tied him fast to the cross. In order to tighten the knot, he placed his foot on his victim’s immobile body. One of the missionaries saw this and reprehended him, begging him not to be so cruel. From the ground Paul Miki intervened softly, “Let him be, Father, it’s nothing at all.”3 When all the martyrs were secured, the executioners raised the crosses. They maneuvered the foot of each cross next to the hole that had already been dug and then let it slip down inside. The 2 Ibid, f. 218.

3 ARS1, Jap-Sin, 53, f. 164.

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crosses fell in with a sharp impact that jolted their bodies painful­ ly. The crosses swayed a little, and the executioners straightened them upright, making them firm by stuffing earth and stones into the holes. The hillside appeared to be in bloom. The crosses seemed like a long line of trees beginning at the edge of the road and reaching until the cliff. Each cross was separated from the next by three or four paces. All faced toward the city of Nagasaki, which appeared clearly below them, the nearest houses about a gunshot away. The college stood out, and it was there that the bishop and some priests were viewing the scene. The bay was on the right-hand side of the martyrs, and there the galleon San Antonio belonging to Rui Mendes de Figueiredo lay in the calm water. On the left-hand side, separated by the road and grouped together on the hillside, like the steps of an amphi­ theater, some four-thousand Christians prayed, wept, and cried out, their eyes fixed on the twenty-six crosses. From his cross Anthony of Nagasaki saw his weeping parents in the front of the crowd, and he spoke to them words of consola­ tion and encouragement. Then his companions’ prayers, many in form but one in essence, began. Fray Gonzalo began reciting the psalm “Miserere”; for his part, Fray Martin loudly intoned the hymn of Zacharias: “Blessed be the Lord, God of Israel, because He has visited and redeemed His people. ...” Others sang the Te Deum and made the triple “Sanctus” echo through the field to the glory of God. The three boys raised their voices to sing the psalm they had learned in catechism class: “Praise the Lord, O children, praise His holy name. ...” Fray Francisco Blanco and many of the other martyrs also sang—hymns of petition, of hope, of profession of faith, of vic­ tory. The minstrels of the Crucified, both those who could no longer speak and those who no longer had the time to declare all that they wanted to say, opened their hearts in these hymns. Frs. Passio and Rodrigues went from cross to cross encouraging the martyrs; from time to time they received some of the blows that the soldiers were giving out in an effort to keep the crowd back. John Goto could view the sea in which his Goto islands lay. He was ending his apostolic labors where he had begun them. He ex­

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horted his companions, not because they needed it but he needed to give vent to his feelings. One of the missionaries passing in front of his cross told him to remain firm in his faith because all would soon be over and he would be with God. John replied quiet­ ly, “You need have no fear, Father, because I have taken good care of that.” When somebody spoke similarly to Luis Ibaraki, who hung on the cross next to John’s, the child could not contain himself and despite the clamps wriggled as if he wished to escape up to heaven more quickly. “Paradise, paradise, Jesus, Mary!” he cried out in his young voice. Paul Miki once more saw before him the death sentence written on the placard, fixed to a lance pole in the center of the field. “These men have come from the Philippines. ...” Paul re­ mained his usual serene self, master of himself, knowing how to weigh each detail. As a preacher, he was now offered the last occa­ sion to make a public profession of faith, a profession of every­ thing he loved and believed. From his cross he looked at the crowd and cried, “I ask all of you to listen to me.” His strong and impassioned voice attracted the spectators’ attention, and they all listened to his last words. I am not from the Philippines, I am a Japanese, and a Jesuit Brother. I have not committed any crime, but die only for having preached the religion of Our Lord Jesus Christ. I greatly rejoice to die for this cause; for me this is a great blessing that the Lord grants me. I am at the hour when you may believe that I won’t lie to you, and I guarantee and affirm that there is no other way to salvation except by the Christian path.

What did Hanzaburö and the guards think of all this? According to the records, some of the guards were won over by Bro. Miki’s eloquence and approached his cross. Soldiers with lances in their hands left their positions, irresistibly drawn to him. Paul saw Hanzaburö, the guards, the executioners, and left them all with this message: The Christian religion tells us to forgive our enemies and those who do us harm, and so I say that I forgive the king and all those responsible for my death. I have no hatred for the king; indeed, I wish that he and all the Japanese would become Christians.

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It was impossible to say that a man who spoke thus was an enemy of the people. Throughout his life Paul had been faithful to Christ, but at the same time he had kept his samurai loyalty. A lit­ tle later, history would show that the men most loyal to the house of Hideyoshi were his Christian samurai. But the enemies of the Church have so often had recourse to calumny. From on high on his cross, Paul Miki refuted the calumniators of his time and those of today by the sincerity of his words. He had finished his course as a preacher. Then he turned to his brothers nearest him and spent his last moments with them. He greeted a friend whom he saw in the crowd and then raised his heart to heaven: “Lord, into your hands I commend my spirit. O blessed saints of God, come to meet me.” Fray Martin was intoning his second psalm, the missionary hymn, “Praise the Lord, all you peoples.” Fray Gonzalo was reciting the “Our Father.” Others were turning their singing into prayer; from their exhortations followed ejaculations. Soon there was one great cry, as everybody shouted, “Jesus, Mary, Jesus, Mary!” But there was one man who could not shout out—Fray Felipe de Jesus. The saddle of his cross was too low, and so his body was hanging from the clamp around his neck, and he was suffocating. Hanzaburö noticed this, and as there was no time to remedy the matter, he gave a sign to the executioners, and two of them ended the Mexican martyr’s suffering with their lances. His body shook on the cross and blood flowed from his pierced chest. The last to arrive became the first to receive the crown of martyrdom. Far away in Mexico his mother had prepared white vestments for his first Mass. Fray Felipe’s death began the executions. There were four ex­ ecutioners. Two made for the furthest cross on the left, the other two to that on the right, carrying in their hands long iron lances sheaved in scabbards. They stood in front of the first and last crosses, drew out the lances, and awaited the signal. With a loud cry they raised their arms and two lances crossed within the chest of the martyr; sometimes the tips of the lances emerged from his shoulders. Death was almost instantaneous. If the double lunge was not sufficient, they thrust their lances through the victim’s

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neck. As the executioners approached the middle of the line of crosses, the martyrs’ voices fell silent while the crowd’s clamor increased. “I heard a great cry come from the crowd when they were thrusting with their lances,” wrote Bishop Martins. On his receiving the lance thrusts, one of Fray Francisco Blan­ co’s arms contracted and his hand slipped out of the clamp. But considering it was not good to die only half hanging, he made a supreme effort, raising his fallen arm and pushing his hand back into the clamp. Now he was once more fully hanging on the cross, now he was ready to die. The blade of one of the lances broke off its pole and remained in Fray Martin’s chest. His executioner climbed up the cross, pushed his hand in the wound, and pulled out the blade. Not mov­ ing, Fray Martin waited for the next blow. The last to die was Fray Pedro Bautista. Throughout the course of the executions he had remained unmoving, ecstatic, given over to prayer. He did not even hear young Anthony, who asked him what he should sing. Then, seeing the executioners standing in front of him with their lances, he made his last prayer: “Lord, into your hands I commend my spirit.” He remained unmoving even when the lances entered his chest. His blood flowed freely, but he appeared to be still living, and rumors would spread that he had not died. Some people even be­ lieved that they had seen him move on the cross several days later. Others affirmed that they had witnessed him celebrate Mass in the nearby chapel of San Lazarus hospital. Fresh blood flowed from his wounds days later. Fray Martin de Leon, O.P., one of the men shipwrecked on the San Felipe, reached Nagasaki some weeks later and went to see the martyrs still hanging on their crosses. He wrote, “The holy prelate was like a leader and as such he is greatly revered.”4 The Portuguese and the Japanese Christians looking at the scene could no longer restrain themselves, and breaking through the cordon of soldiers, ran to the crosses. They dipped pieces of cloth into the blood, dug up the sanctified ground, and carried away pieces of the martyrs’ habits and garments. The soldiers 4 Pérez, III, p. 232.

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pulled them away violently and beat them. Some people were wounded and their blood mixed with that of the martyrs. Finally order was restored, and Hanzaburö posted guards with strict or­ ders not to allow anyone to approach. His mission accomplished, Hanzaburö left the scene. The Chris­ tians going down the hill stood back to let him pass and many no­ ticed that the soldier was weeping. Later there would be talk that one of the officials who had taken part in the executions had been converted, and according to some people, he was Hanzaburö. There is nothing to prove this, and the name of the governor of Nagasaki’s brother disappears from the missionaries’ accounts. But doubtless he would not easily forget that time when, out of fear of a tyrant, he had given the order to the executioners to lance people whom he knew to be innocent.5 Prayer on the Hill In the afternoon the rays of the setting sun fell on the martyrs, who seemed to be sleeping and resting from their long journey. At times the cold wind Sapped their clothing, stained with blood and mud, making it appear that they were still alive. All had remained faithful to the very end. Their arms stretched out in fraternal em­ brace, their mouths from which they had uttered their last hymn of praise remained half-opened. In the afternoon Bishop Martins came on pilgrimage, thus giv­ ing his seal of approval as he venerated the martyrs. Then arrived other missionaries, and then the daimyos of Ömura and Arima, who had heard about the martyrdom only when it was all over. Christian soldiers also visited the site, on their way to the war in Korea; simple peasants came in from nearby villages. It was neces­ sary to cover the martyrs, for their clothes had been torn off by the devotion of Christians seeking relics. 5 According to another rumor, on the following day Hanzaburö visited the Jesuit college and received a gift. An author has suggested that the present was a token of thanks. If this in fact happened, there is no need to presume the suggest­ ed show of gratitude, for it was necessary to make some return for the facilities allowed to Frs. Passio and Rodrigues. In the same way, when the governor of Manila sent a magnificent present to Hideyoshi some months later, the gift did not imply gratitude. The present was taken by Luis de Navarrete, who went to Japan to ask for an explanation of the friars * deaths and to obtain their relics.

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81

In the following days Hanzaburô had the place surrounded by a fence and increased the number of guards. These measures proved useless. During the day Christians invented excuses to pass along the road on the hill and they stopped there until the guards made them move on. At night, small boats silently landed at the cliff, while Nagasaki turned a blind eye toward Nishizaka, the Hill of the Martyrs. The Jesuit missionary Francisco Calderon wrote: “I am writing this letter in the ship’s port, and we have before our eyes this holy procession of martyrs, although they were crucified there thirty­ seven days ago.”6 When the shipwrecked crew of the San Felipe finally left Japanese soil, the last thing they saw was that magnifi­ cent scene: “We sailed from Nagasaki for Manila, leaving there the twenty-six holy martyrs, each one hanging on his cross by the shore, about a hundred paces from the sea.”7 The martyrs continued preaching: the twenty-six became iden­ tified with their crosses and seemed unwilling to be separated from them. They had sought their crosses, they loved them, and they had died happily in their arms. The death of the twenty-six had been a wonderful lesson; in contrast to what Hideyoshi had hoped, it served only to encourage those who came to visit the site. Fr. Pedro Gomez recorded that their deaths had not caused any fear in Nagasaki. In the letter quoted above, Fr. Calderön amplified this. I assure you that God Our Lord has bestowed on this Christian community a special act of providence. Up to now our persecutor had not gone so far as to shed blood, and thus much had been taught in theory about dying for our holy faith without any practi­ cal experience. But now the people have seen with their own eyes such marvelous and noteworthy deaths, and it is unbelievable how much these new Christians have been strengthened and what spirit they have been given in order to follow the martyrs’ example.8

The inhabitants of Nagasaki wanted to turn the hill into a re­ ligious site and to build a church there. It was not possible at the time, but their love for the martyrs showed them what to do. They 6 arsi, Jap-Sin, 31, f. 138 7 Pérez, III, p. 177 bis. 8 arsi, Jap-Sin, 31, f. 138.

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felt that, in the place that would from then on be called the Holy Martyrs or the Martyrs Hill, it was necessary to perpetuate in some form or other the memory ôf the twenty-six. In 1598 a mis­ sion from the Philippines collected, with Hideyoshi’s permission, the martyrs’ remains and their crosses. All that was left were the twenty-six holes in the ground, and little by little these became filled in. But before the holes dis­ appeared completely, the Christians again dug them out and in each one planted a young tree. Trees, evergreen and with lovely blossom, perhaps red camellias so often found in the hills of that region. And in the center they raised a large cross. Every Friday groups of Christians would approach and place lanterns in the branches of the trees, and in their light sang hymns and recited prayers to the martyrs. Every year, on the anniversary of the martyrdom, an enormous crowd gathered on the site.9 This continued until 1619, some years after the general persecu­ tion had begun. In that year the authorities ordered the trees to be cut down. But they were no longer needed, because the hill once more witnessed many martyrdoms and was illuminated by the light of the fires that consumed the Christians of Nagasaki. Today an impressive monument stands on the site of the mar­ tyrdom, a fitting memorial to the twenty-six Christians, both young and old, religious and lay, who willingly laid down their lives for the faith four hundred years ago. They were beatified on 14 September 1627, and canonized on 8 June 1862.

9 Archivio della Postulazione Generale, Cura S.J., Rome, VIII, p. 258: Japonia. Canonizationis 26 Martyrum Processus Remissorialis fabricatus in civitate Mexici, in Nova Hispania, 1620. “Proc ... in Regno Japonico.”

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List of the Martyrs All the chroniclers took care to note the order of the crosses. From the top of the hill down toward the sea, the martyrs were: 1. St. Francis Kichi, the Kyoto carpenter, a faithful soul who fol­ lowed the Franciscans until he was added to their number en route. 2. St. Cosmas Takeya, a swordsmith and native of Owari. Baptized by the Jesuits, he became a catechist of the Franciscans, with whom he worked in Osaka. 3. St. Peter Sukejirö, the young man sent from Kyoto by Fr. Organtino to help the martyrs during their journey. Through his selfless service he too won the palm of martyrdom. 4. St. Michael Kozaki, 46, a native of Ise province and a maker of bows and arrows. He was already a Christian when the friars arrived, and he placed at their service his carpentry skills when the Kyoto and Osaka churches were built. He gave them an even greater gift—his son Thomas. 5. St. James Kisai, 64, the humble Bro. Kisai, who led a life of hard work. 6. St. Paul Miki, 33, from Awa, Shikoku, who ceased to preach only when the lances entered his chest. 7. St. Paul Ibaraki, from Owari, baptized by the Jesuits. When a young man he had been a samurai. He experienced temptation against the faith, but also knew peace of soul, and he grew spiritually in the shadow of the Franciscans. He lived poorly with his family, earning a living making sake, and he helped others poorer than himself. And he preached Christ. 8. St. John Goto, 17, his short life given over to the service of God. 9. St. Luis Ibaraki, 12, from Owari, the youngest of the martyrs. A nephew of Paul Ibaraki and Leo Karasumaru. He laughed when they cut his ear, when trudging on the long journey, when hanging on his cross. With an adult’s strength of character, he rejected the tempting offer to apostasize. JO. St. Anthony, 13, martyr of Nagasaki, son of a Chinese father and Japanese mother. He was educated first in the Jesuit college and then in the Franciscan convent in Kyoto. At the foot of the cross he overcame his biggest temptation—his mother’s tears— and he died singing.

84

11.

12.

13. 14.

15. 16.

17. 18.

St. Pedro Bautista, 48, ambassador from Spain, Superior of the Franciscans, father of the poor lepers, leader of the martyrs. From his native town of San Esteban del Valle, Spain, to Nishi­ zaka hill, his life was full of labors and acts of sanctity, too many to relate here. St. Martin de la Ascensiôn, 30. Renowned for his purity. He walked to Seville when he was ordered to leave for the Philip­ pines, and in the old convent in the Plaza de San Francisco he filled the hour? of the night with prayer. His apostolate in Japan was brief, but his death magnificent. St. Felipe de Jesus, 24, from Mexico. He was the last to arrive, the first to die. St. Gonzalo Garcia, 40, born in distant Bazain, India, son of a Portuguese father and an Indian mother. He was a catechist of the Jesuits, a merchant in Macao, then a Franciscan. The right hand of St. Pedro Bautista. He stammered when speaking Por­ tuguese, but spoke in fluent Japanese in front of Hideyoshi, the ruler of Japan. St. Francisco Blanco, the Gallician from Monterey, a compan­ ion of St. Martin, and walking, like him, on foot to Seville. A quiet, silent, and intelligent man. St. Francisco de San Miguel, 53, from La Parrilla, Valladolid. There is much that can be said about this silent man. “Seeing his good spirit, his strong physique, and his lack of malice, they gave him the habit and made him a Brother.” When they wanted him to leave off fasting, he would say, “There will be time to eat tomorrow.” He experienced spiritual desolation when on the mission, believing that he was useless there, and he felt a desire to return to the Philippines. In his death, as in his life, he remained silent. St. Mathias, age, native place, date of baptism all unknown. The soldiers were seeking another Mathias, and this Mathias offered himself in his place. The soldiers accepted him, and so did God. St. Leo Karasumaru, from Owari, younger brother of St. Paul Ibaraki. A Buddhist priest in his youth, he was won over to Christ by a Japanese Jesuit Brother, and led a fervent life. When the Franciscans arrived, he became their greatest supporter. In the construction of their churches, administration of their hospitals, negotiations about the purchase of land, they could always rely on Leo. A zealous catechist and a man of prayer, he stands out as the leader of the lay martyrs on their journey to Nagasaki.

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19. St. Ventura. Baptized as a child, he soon lost his mother. His stepmother was not a Christian and he was sent to a Buddhist monastery. Discovering that he had been baptized, he found peace of soul in the Franciscan convent in Kyoto, his native place. Praying for the perseverance of his Christian father and the conversion of his stepmother, he set out for martyrdom. 20. St. Thomas Kozaki, 40, from Ise. He and his father associated with the Franciscans, and he lived with the friars in the Osaka convent. 21. St. Joaquin Sakakibara, 40, from Osaka, baptized by a catechist when gravely ill. On his recovery he showed his gratitude by help­ ing to build the Osaka convent, in which he worked as cook. His somewhat hasty character changed and he became humble. God took him from the kitchen and raised him to the altars. 22. St. Francis, 48, the medical apostle, native of Kyoto. While still a non-Christian, he carried on his person for four years the rosa­ ry that had belonged to Lord Francis Otomo. Touched by grace, he presented himself at the Franciscan convent. He was baptized and converted his wife to the faith. He lived next to the convent dispensing free treatment to the poor. 23. St. Thomas Danki, a pharmacist with a formidable character, was changed by grace into a good-natured catechist. An old Christian of Kyoto, he transferred his small shop to the side of the convent of Our Lady of the Angels. He lived by selling his medicines and teaching people the way to heaven. 24. St. John Kinuya, 28, from Kyoto. “Kinuya” was not in fact his surname but his profession, for he made and sold silk cloth. Baptized by the Franciscans, he went to live near them. Many prayers and much love were woven into his brightly colored silk textiles. 25. St. Gabriel, from Ise. He left the service of a Kyoto official to enter the house of God. He was converted by Fray Gonzalo and was a catechist. 26. St. Peter Suzuki, 49, from Owari. He had received baptism some thirty years earlier. One of the best catechists of the Franciscans, he was in charge of St. Joseph Hospital in Kyoto.

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The Itinerary of the Martyrs, 1597 Date

January

February

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 1 2 3 4 5

Sakai Osaka Hyögo Akashi Himeji Akö-göri Katakami Okayama Kobegawa Kanabe? Onomichi Mihara Saijö? Hiroshima Iwakuni? Tokuyama? Ogori? Yamaguchi? Yoshida? Shimonoseki Kokura Akama ? Shigashima

To Osaka * Hyögo Akashi Himeji Akö-göri * Katakami Okayama Kobegawa Kannabe? Onomichi * Mihara Saijö? Hiroshima Iwakuni? Tokuyama? Ogori? Yamaguchi? Yoshida? Shimonoseki Kokura Akama 7 Shigashima * Hakata

Hakata Karatsu (Yamamoto) Imari? Takeo (Tsukasaki) Tokitsu

Karatsu (Yamamoto) * Imari? Takeo (Tsukasaki) Tokitsu Nishizaka (Nagasaki)

From

* Places where the martyrs wrote letters. Places with a question mark are not confirmed in the documents. The martyrs traveled by boat Shimonoseki-Kokura, Shigashima-Hakata, and Sonogi-Tokitsu.

Sketch of a Japanese cross in Luis Frois’s account (15 March 1597) of the Nagasaki martyrdoms, arsi, Jap-Sin 53, f. 53v.

The Author Fr. Diego Yuuki (formerly Diego Pacheco, before receiving Japanese citizenship) was born in Seville and entered the Society of Jesus in 1939. He first came to Japan as a Catholic missionary in 1948 and for many years has lived in Nagasaki, the center of sixteenth-century Japanese Christianity. Since its inauguration in 1962, he has been the director of the Memorial Museum of the Twenty-Six Martyrs, located on the site of the 1597 martyrdoms. Author of many books and articles, Fr. Yuuki has traveled widely to visit sites connected with early Christianity in Japan, and is in constant demand as a lecturer on this subject.

The Twenty-Six Martyrs of Nagasaki ©Diego R. Yuuki, S. J. 1998^4^30 0

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The Martyrs' Route from Kyoto to Nagasaki

Yamaguchi Ogori Yoshida Kokura Akama Shigashima Karatsu Nagoya Imari Takeo Sonogi Tokitsu Urakami