The travel accounts of Ra'd to Venice (1656) and its Aleppo dialect according to the ms. Sbath 89 8821009297, 9788821009297

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The travel accounts of Ra'd to Venice (1656) and its Aleppo dialect according to the ms. Sbath 89
 8821009297, 9788821009297

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THE TRAVEL ACCOUNTS OF RA‘D TO VENICE (1656) AND ITS ALEPPO DIALECT ACCORDING TO THE MS. SBATH 89

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STUDI E TESTI ———————————— 488 ————————————

Elie Kallas

THE TRAVEL ACCOUNTS OF RA‘D TO VENICE (1656) AND ITS ALEPPO DIALECT ACCORDING TO THE MS. SBATH 89

C I T T À D E L VAT I C A N O B I B L I O T E C A A P O S T O L I C A V AT I C A N A 2015

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La collana “Studi e testi” è curata dalla Commissione per l’editoria della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Marco Buonocore (Segretario) Eleonora Giampiccolo Timothy Janz Antonio Manfredi Claudia Montuschi Cesare Pasini Ambrogio M. Piazzoni (Presidente) Delio V. Proverbio Adalbert Roth Paolo Vian

Descrizione bibliografica in www.vaticanlibrary.va

Stampato con il contributo dell’associazione American Friends of the Vatican Library

—————— Proprietà letteraria riservata © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2015 ISBN 978-88-210-0929-7

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abbreviations

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6

Introduction

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Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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The trip of Ra‘d from Aleppo to Venice

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Photographic reproduction of manuscript Sbath 89

‫رﺣﻠﺔ ”رﻋﺪ“ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻠﺐ إﱃ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﺔ‬

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ABBREVIATIONS

For the list of frequently used bibliographic abbreviations see Bibliography List of frequently symbols abbreviations / = line end || = foglio = originally transliteration or margin note [] = personal comment, correction or transcription italic = see glossary > = derived in ... < = derived from # = features frequency e.g. #28 should be read as mentioned 28 times

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INTRODUCTION Aim and structure of the study The aim of this study is to edit, translate, comment and analyse the linguistic features that are present in the ms. Sbath 89, containing an account of the travel and journey made by an Aleppo Greek Orthodox, called Ra d (R), from Aleppo to Venice in 1656. In selecting the linguistic features to be examined in the ms. Sbath 89, two main criteria were considered: their present diatopic relevance and their originality. When necessary, the selected features were compared with Sbath 254,1 containing an account of the travel and journey made by the Aleppo Maronite Üanna Dyâb (HD), hired in 1707 as a guide and interpreter by the French royal explorer Paul Lucas (1664-1737),2 during his voyage in the Near East, North Africa, Italy and France. Beside these mss.3 three more recent surveys fully transcribed in Latin characters were consulted: 1) that collected in Aleppo (1842-1845) by the Russian Orientalist Elie Bérézine (EB)4; 2) the corrections made by

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Sbath 254: folios 174, the gap between the new numbering of the pages and the old numbering of the folios show that the first five folios are missing. HD relates to have written his trip report more than fifty years later, when he was 75 years old (81v, 96r and 83v) in 1764 (174r). 2 Paul Lucas was a French merchant, naturalist and antiquarian to King Louis XIV. He traveled from Greece to North Africa trough Minor Asia and the Levant in three major voyages (1699-1703), (1704-1708) and (1714-1717). His trip accounts Voyage du Sieur paul Lucas, fait par ordre du Roi... were published several times since 1704, 1712 and 1719. Recently l’Université de Saint-Étienne republished his Deuxième and Troisième Voyage (2002, 2004). Unlike Üanna Dyâb who mentions and praises his master qualities hundred of times, Lucas has never mentioned his interpreter and guide Üanna Dyâb. 3 Both mss. (Sbath 89 and 254) are autograph manuscripts and they currently belong to the Vatican Library. In July 2006 the Vice Prefect Ambrogio Piazzoni asked me to compile an edition of both mss. 4

Bérézine, Ilya Nikolaevitch / Berésine Elie (Yugokamsk 1818 – St. Petersburg 1896), Russian orientalist more known for his works on Turkish and Iranian than on Arabic philology and dialectology (Calmard 1990). His formation and academic career are bound to the University of Kazan that formed him as Orientalist (1834-1941) and sent him into an “academic mission” (1842-1845) to Transcaucasia, Persia, Mesopotamia, Syria, Egypt, Constantinople and the Crimea. Two years later he published few copies of his Guide du voyageur en Orient (Bérézine 1857). I presented a comparative linguistic analysis of his Guide at the 8th Aida’s conference – Essex University (2008) entitled “Les dialectes de Baghdad, d’Alep et

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THE TRAVEL ACCOUNTS OF RA‘D TO VENICE

P. Léon Pourrière (LP), a native speaker of the Aleppo dialect questioned by Kampffmeyer (1901) over Bérézine’s reliability; and 3) Abdulghafur Sabuni’s (A.S.) doctoral thesis, published in (1980).5 Barthélmy’s Dictionnaire (1935) was also consulted to identify entries presented as belonging to the Aleppo dialect. Before starting the present study, I digitalized Sbath 89 (R), Sbath 254 (HD) and (EB) in order to count the frequencies of the selected features. These frequencies may not be always correct and the absence of some elements concerning Middle Arabic (MA) from the sources considered here should not be taken to entail their absence in the habits of dialect speakers in Aleppo. The ms. Sbath 89 Sbath 89: paper, folios 29, mm 144  98; on ff. 10-11 the otherwise ubiquitous “Tre Lune” watermark is detectable. (1v) relates to the foundation of Venice; (2r-7v) describe the Basilica of Saint Mark and (8r) its belfry; (8v-9rv) are blank; (10r-19v) describe Ra d’s journey to Venice; (20r) is blank; (20v-29v) contain a fable written by Ibn Yûsif “ Abd el-Qâdir” (20v.8). Judging by the precision of Ra d’s description of the Basilica of Saint Mark and the lacunose description of his voyage (10r-19v), I believe that the second part (10r-19v) was completed about fifty years after his return to Aleppo, as attested by the colophon itself (19v).

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Linguistic features Phonology Óím: In order to hytpothesize the real pronunciation of /‫ج‬/ in Sbath 89, significant is the case of ‫ اﻟﺪﺟﺎج‬written اﻟﺠﺎج‬in ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺠﺎج ﺻﻔﺮ‬yellow as chickens” (R 10r15). This may suggest a non affricative spelling [el-jâj] or [ej-jâj], but it cannot exclude the opposite assumption, i.e. that since /‫ج‬/ was an affricate [dj] the presence of /‫د‬/ before /‫ج‬/ was omitted.6 du Caire (1842-1845) d’après Elie Bérézine” and I’m actually preparing a new edition of the aforementioned Guide. 5

R = Aleppo dialect according to Sbath 89 (1656); HD = according to Sbath 254 (1764); EB = according to Berézine (1857); LP = according to Kampffmeyer (1901); AS = according to Sabuni (1980). 6 The same can be observed in HD: #2 ﺟﺎج‬62r4), #2 ﺟﺎﺟﻪ‬49v4), #3 دﺟﺎج‬30v11) and #1 ﺗﺠﺎج‬. In the latter case ﻳﺴﻠﻖ ارﺑﻌﺔ ﺗﺠﺎج‬he boiled four chicken” (40r18), affrication is evident and the shift of /dj/ into is forced by the preceding tâ’ marbûýa. /‫ج‬/ is attested 157 times in EB. Except for Turkish loawnwords, all of the instances are annotated ﺟﻮز‬

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INTRODUCTION

Qâf: in Sbath 89, all # 520 ق‬are written as such. The double spelling of “Corfu” ‫( >اﻟﻘﺮﻓﻮ< اﻟﻜﺮﻓﻮ‬19r6) could reveal a merging pronunciation of kâf and qâf7 but like that of ‫ ﻣﺮﻛﻮ‬transcribed #12 ﻣﺮﻗﺺ‬1v7) this is not as much significant, for ‫ ﻣﺮﻗﺺ‬was lexcalicalised as such in the Christian Arabic beside ‫ﻣﺮﻗﺲ‬. The same can be said of اﻳﻘﻮﻧﺔ‬icon” (15v6), ﻟﻮﻗﺎ‬Luke” (15v7), etc. Available evidence8 leads me to consider the presence of the uvular qâf in some Muslim varieties as an ethnic hallmark (see the Alawite for instance) and the Christian “emphatic glottal âf ” in many cases as a reminiscence of a recent glottal shifting of qâf.9

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Interdentals Interdentals shifting into postdental plosives are an old dialectal feature (‫ت > ث‬, ‫د > ذ‬, ‫ض > ظ‬. Sibilant shifting [ õ > s, ð > z and ð̣ > ÿ] seems to be more recent in the MA texts from Bilâd eš-Šâm, (circa 17th century) according to Lentin.10 Garbell (1958: 303-337) suggests that this sibilant shift might “une paire” (p. 66), but none of them is assimilated by the definite article el-: اﻟ‬ “la montagne” (p. 60). According to LP (p. 208) /‫ج‬/ in Aleppo is affricative, e.g. ﺟﻮز‬ “a pair of ” (p. 218); such a assimilates the definite article el-: اﻟﺠﻤﻞ‬edjdjámal> “le chameau” (p. 223) “Tant va la cruche à l’eau qu’à la fin elle se casse” (p. 223). According to Sabuni (1980:73), in the modern Aleppo dialect /‫ج‬/ is affricative, assimilating the definite article: “die grube.” 7 وﺻﻠﻨﺎ اﱄ زاﻧﺪہ واﱄ اﻟﻘﺮﻓﻮ وﰲ اﻟﻜﺮﻓﻮ ﺟﺴﺪ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﺳﺒريﻳﺪون‬We arrived in Zante and Corfu where Saint Spiritone’s body is preserved.” (19r15-17). 8 The only case of ق‬written ا‬is attested in the plural of ‫ >ﻗﻀﺎء “tu peux” (p. 50). This is not due to an etimological spelling, as the Egyptian /‫ق‬/ is transcribed as a glottal < > and the Baghdâdi /‫ق‬/ as . According to Pourrière Aleppo qâf is glottal like hamza / / “Le ‫ ق‬se prononce comme un ‫ ء‬hamza. Ainsi ‫ ﻗﻠﺐ‬alb = coeur” (LP 208-209).

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9 According to Sabuni (AS 30-35) /q/ dissimilates into a glottal hamza: afaza> (sic) “springen, angreifen,” but it is more velarised in Muslim varieties than in Christian and Jewish varieties. Behnstedt (1989:53 and 2009:404) reports the presence of the uvular qâf in some Muslim varieties and that of an emphatic glottal âf in the Christian varieties.

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Both cases are discussed in Lentin (1997: 80-84) for MA and by Sabuni (1980:15-20) for today’s Aleppo dialect.

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THE TRAVEL ACCOUNTS OF RA‘D TO VENICE

be attributed to Turkish influence. When investigating the MA of a city so close to Turkish-speaking areas, the consistency of their sibilant shifting is worth investigating. Judging the way interdentals were written, it can be noticed that: when ث‬and ذ‬are annotated according to the SA spelling, both postdental plosives [t] [d] and sibilants [s] [z] can be meant, but when ظ‬is annotated beside [€] and [ÿ] an affricate [dÿ] or a velarized [ÿ] are not to be excluded. Only in rare cases can they be attributed to a Turkish “returned” loanword11 but not necessarily to a Turkish pronunciation habit; more often it is a pure register raising attempt aimed at preserving a closer standard pronunciation or highlighting a semantic distinction.12 Interdental ‫ث‬ In Sbath 89, out of #153 standard ث‬, #111 are annotated ت‬ ‫“ >وﺗﻼﺗني اﺗﻨني‬832” (1v8) and #42 are preserved, mostly when preceded and/ or followed by /l/ and /m/: #9 ﺛﻼت‬three” (13v13), #14 ﻣﺜﻞ‬like,” #2 ﺛﻠﺜامﻳﺔ‬three hundred,” #12 ﺛﻢ‬, #4 ﻛﺜري‬.13

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ﻧﻈﺎم‬nizam> “soldat” (EB 56).

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This is what Pourrière (1901: 207-208) may have meant saying: “Le ‫ ث‬n’a jamais sa vraie prononciation dans le langage vulgaire d’Alep. En parlant, il est toujours prononcé ‫ت‬. Ex. ‫ ﺛﻠﺞ‬táldj = neige (p. 207)... Le ‫ ذ‬aussi n’a jamais sa vraie prononciation littéraire dans le langage vulgaire d’Alep. On le prononce ‫ د‬en parlant ‫ ذﻧﺐ‬dánab = queue; ‫ أﺧﺬ‬ákhad = il prit; et parfois il se prononce ‫ز‬, comme ‫ ذﻧﺐ‬zánb = faute; ‫ إذن‬ézn = permission; ‫ ﻣﻌﺬور‬ma zûʹ r = excusé ... Le ظ‬a presque toujours la prononciation du [‫]ض‬. Ex.: ‫€ ﻇَﻬﺮ‬áhr = dos; ‫€ ﻇُﻬﺮ‬ohr = midi ... Mais dans la lecture vulgaire, il se prononce comme un ‫ ز‬emphatique.”

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13 In HD, out of #1381 standard ث‬#1170 are preserved ﺛﻼﺛﺔ‬1r8) and #194 are written ﻛﺘري< >ت‬1v14). Excluding SA √wsq “to load up,” /‫ث‬/ is written س‬only 16 times (#3 √ õr ﻣﺎﴎہ ﰲ اﻟﻨﻔﻮس‬47v9) “touching once feelings,” #1 √xbõ اﻟﺨﺒﻴﺲ اﳌﺎﻛﺮ‬vicious, malicious,” #1 √õbt اﺳﺒﺖ‬24v18) “he proved, admited,” #1 √øwõ ﻓﺎﺳﺘﻐﺎس< >اﺳﺘﻐﺎس‬he asked for help” (80r4); mostly in √wõq “to trust” #10 وﺳﻴﻘﻪ‬document / certificate” (42v10) and once it’s velarised ﺣﺘﻲ اﺗﺒﺎﺣﺺ‬to discuss” (103v5). See the floating orthography وﺳﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺠﻪ وداﻛﺮ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﻪ‬he introduced between the letters a proof document mentioning...” (46r,16-17) and ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﻞ‬incomparable” (HD 87v12). As to EB, out of #49 standard ث‬, #21 are annotated ت‬and transcribed /t/ ﻛَ ِﺘري‬quetir> (p. 64) and 28 are preserved but their latin transcription is floating: ﻛﺜري‬queçir> (p. 49), (p. 58), “trop” (p. 51).

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INTRODUCTION

Interdental ‫ذ‬ In Sbath 89, all #230 standard ذ‬are annotated as د‬even in the word ﺗﻠﻤﻴﺪ‬6v11).14 Interdental ‫ظ‬ In Sbath 89, out of #63 standard ظ‬, #10 are annotated ض‬: ﻋﻀﺎﻣﻪ‬ “his bones” (15r14) and out of the remaining #53 preserved ظ‬, are related 51 times to a single root √nÿr: وﻧﻈﺮﻧﺎ‬13r7). However, it should not be minimized that out of #123 standard ض‬, #3 are annotated ظ‬: ﻇﺮﺑﻮا‬ “they fired” (13r11).15 Elision of the first vowel Current elision of the short vowel in the first unstressed syllable is a very ancient feature in many Syrian dialects.16 Such an elision can be predicted in MA texts when a word beginning by vCC- is deprived from its SA initial alif: ﺗﻨني‬tnên] “two” and a CC- is increased by an initial prosthetic alif: اﻧﺒﻴﺪ‬nbíd] “wine.” In Sbath 89, this happens #1 اﻟﺘﻨني‬both”

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14 In HD, out of #4346 standard ذ‬, #3024 are preserved اﳌﺬﻛﻮر‬the mentioned” (8r1), ٍ > (1v3) and only 14 times ز‬in three different lexemes #10 in #1308 are annotated د‬ اﺳﺘﺎزن‬to ask permission” (23r5); #3 in زﺧريہ‬provisions” (36r9); elsewhre اﻟﺼﺨريہ‬15v14). It should not be minimized that at least #2 /‫ذ‬/ > /‫د‬/ are annotated ض‬in the NA /‫دراع‬/ “long as once arm” > ﴐاع‬148r8) and ‫“ ﻓﺨﻀﺎت‬legs” (148r13). As to EB, out of #68 standard ذ‬, #33 are annotated ‫ د‬and transcribed /d/ ﻳﺎﺧ ْﺪ‬iaakhoud> “il prend” (p. 56), #34 are preserved ِ ‫< >ﻻ ﺗُ ٰﻮ‬latouakhizni> ذ‬but transcribed /ds/ ﺗﺎﺧﺬ‬taakhouds> (p. 60) and only once as /z/ “dos” (p. 54), one is transcribed : ﻧﻈﺮ‬nadhar> “vue” (p. 53), as to the turkish returned loawnword ﻧﻈﺎم‬nizam> “soldat” (p. 56) it is annotated always (#4 times) by /z/.

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See the following cases in today’s Aleppo dialect: mvCvCC > ṃֹqaúú “Schere,” CvCv̄C > nhâ) “Tag,” CvCv̄C > bläˉ d “Länder,” CvCv̄C > ükûʹ me “Regierung” in (Sabuni 1980:52-55).

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(16v17), #1 اﻧﺠﺎص‬pears” (16r6), #1 اﺗﻼت‬three” (18r1) and should be read [lé-tnên], [nóâú] or [n-nóâú], [tlêt] or [t-tlêt].17

ʾ Middle raising and ʾimâla of (‫ َـ‬/ ‫)ا‬ The ʾimâla18 is widespread in the modern Aleppo dialect.19 In order to identify the middle ʾimâla in non vocalized mss. where SA spelling is ob-

Vocalic Raising and imâla

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In HD, chould be read: #5 اﻧﺒﻴﺪ‬nbíd] “wine” (51v8) vs. ‫[ اﻟﻨﺒﻴﺪ‬lé-nbíd] (51v11), ﺷﺠﺎر‬ [šóâr] “trees” (88v4), ﺑﺮاج‬brâó] “towers” (51v19), اﻧﻀﺎف‬n€âf] “clean” (92r12), اﻻوﺟﺎق‬léwóâq] “the oven” (7v15), ارﻓﺎﻗﻲ‬rfâqi] “my fellows” (164r9). Bérézine’s vocalic conservation of /i/ in “compte” (p. 50) “grands” (p. 55), “vêtement” (p. 61) and the preservation and raising of the /e/ in “très,” “grandes” (p. 57) are questionable; notice, e.g., how /e/ is first suppressed and then used in ﻫﻮا ﺷْ ٰام ِﱃ ﻛَ ِﺜ‬hava shmali quethir> “le vent du nord est fort” (p. 52). Pourrière contested this transcription asserting total elision of the short vowel in the first unstressed syllable: ‫ = ﻛ َـﺜري‬ktír “beaucoup” vs. ‫ = َوﻟ َـﺪ‬walad “enfant.” “Il arrive très souvent que la première lettre d’un mot, ayant un point-voyelle de sa nature, se prononce comme si elle n’en avait aucun [c’est à dire qu’on supprime la première voyelle des mots qui commencent par une syllabe simple et n’ayant pas l’accent tonique]” (LP 209-210). 18

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The word imâla is used by the medieval grammarians “to denote the fronting and raising of the old Arabic â towards í, and the old short a towards i. Although the term imâla denotes the fronting and raising of both â and a, the ancient Arabic sources almost completely ignore the imâla of short a...” Levin (2002:431). For this reason in this text, imâlâ denotes raising long vowel /â/ towards ê (medium imâla) and í (strong imâla). As for the raising of short a, I prefer to speak of “vocalic raising” or “fronting” which affects not only the short /a/ but may also involve the whole vocalic context pausal and / or final vocalic raising (‫ ة‬/ ‫ا( )ہ‬/‫)ى‬. There is evidence of imâla in CA itself (Wright 1981, I: 10 c). In Iraq, evidence of imâla was given in the 8th century by Síbâwaihi (Kitâb, chap. 477-482). imâla was also very common in MA texts in Egypt and Bilâd aš-Šâm (Blau 1981: 73, 125) and Lentin (1997: 132).

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The type sêfa)/ysêfer “to travel” is, according to Behnstedt (2009, IV:404), one of its shibboleth forms. Elsewhere, Behnstedt (1989: 49-51) asserts that /a/ and /â/ are better conserved in the Muslim varieties, while imâla marks out the Christian variety and the old Muslim one. For Sabuni (1980: 36-39) the long vowel /â/ shifts to /äˉ / in non velarized context: bäˉ s (küssen) vs. úâb· (treffen). It is progressive in the form fi âl > fi êl > f êl: ktêb “buch” and regressive in fâ il > fê el > fê il: óêmi “Moschee.” Levin (2002: 445) concludes his comments on imâla in the Aleppo dialect, saying that it occurs in both medial and final positions. The medial imâla is conditioned by historical vocalic environment klêb – “dogs,” óême “a mosque” and mfêtíü “keys.” The final imâla is not conditioned by the occurrence of old i or old í in the historical syllable preceding the final old â, it resembles those prevailing in the modern Mesopotamian qéltu dialects and those prevailing in Iraq in the eigth century.

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INTRODUCTION

served I felt it necessary to sift all the cases where /â/ were annotated as /y/; but I couldn’t find evidence of middle imâla in R.20

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Pausal vocalic raising of (‫ ة‬/‫ا( )ہ‬/‫)ى‬ In MA texts, such a final vowel raising can sometimes be predicted when /‫ة‬/ and /‫ا‬/‫ى‬/ are spelled /‫ہ‬/ or /‫ي‬/. But what if in our mss. the tendency is to annotate: 1) /‫ى‬/ with /‫ي‬/; 2) /‫ة‬/ sometimes with /‫ہ‬/ even in status constructus?21 and 3) what if /‫اء‬/ [a] spelled with /‫ہ‬/ may indicate this raising a>e and its opposite a = a?22 As to the first case, in R, Sbath 89, the /‫ى‬/ [a] is attested only three times in ﻋﲆ ﻳﺪك اﻟﻴﻤني< >ﻋﲆ‬on the right hand side” (5r), vs. #54 /‫ي‬/ ﻋﲇ ﻳﺪك اﻟﻴﻤني‬ (4r)23; nor an [a] of the romance loanwords is spelled as such in R.24 In the second case not even one /‫ة‬/ is spelled /‫ﻳﺔ‬/ or /‫ﻳﻪ‬/ in both mss.25 In the third case, /‫ا‬/ spelled /‫ي‬/ [a/i] replaces a SA /‫اء‬/: ﺣﻮي‬Eve” (R : 3v2) ﻫﺪوﱄ‬ “these” (19v2); اﻟﺸﺘﻲ‬winter” (28r8), اﻟﻌﺬري‬.26 For the 19th century such a conditional vowel raising is confirmed by

20

In HD , I could only detect two cases of /â/ shifting to /y/: ﺑﻘﻴﻒ‬biqêf] “he stands up” (3r5), ﺻﺒﻴني‬úebyên] “young boys” (41v6). As to Bérézine’s corpus, it leads us to assume that the raising of the first short vowel /a/ > [e] was more evident than the imâla of the long vowel /â/. Except for ْد ٰﺟ‬djedj> “poules” (p. 60, 66), in all cases where we expected an ِ ٰ‫< > َﺧ ْﺮﺑ‬kharbani> “gaté” (p. 53), ٰﺣﺎ ِﻣﻰ‬chami> authentic imâla of /â/ we were disappointed: ﺧٰﺎ ِدم‬khadim> “serviteur” (p. 60), ِﻣ ْﻔﺘ‬miftach> “clef ” (p. 63), ﺑﺎﳌﻴﺰان‬ “pesez-en” (p. 66), اﻟْ ِﻜﺘ‬elquitab> “le livre” (p. 68), ecc. As to the raising of short /a/, it affects more often the 1st short vowel “serviteur” (p. 54, 69), ﻛَ ْﻢ‬combien de bains?” (p. 55), ﺑِﺎﻟﺸﱠ َﻬ ْﺮ‬bish-shehar> “par mois” (p. 61), ﻛِ ْﺴﻼ‬quislan> “irrégulier” (p. 62). According to LP (p. 207) the imâla of /â/ in the middle of the word is a common feature in the Aleppo dialect: ‫“ ا‬au milieu du mot, se prononce très souvent e à l’italienne, ex.: ‫ ﻛﺘﺎب‬ktêb.”

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21

ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻨﻪ‬100 years” (HD 91v3).

22

ﺳﻮدہ‬black” (HD 1r20), ﺑﻴﻀﻪ‬white” (HD 3r3).

23

In HD #19 /‫ى‬/ are attested; in the case of اﱃ‬: #4 times ارﺳﻠﻪ اﱃ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ< >اﱃ‬He sent him to France” (142r5) vs. #1.896 ﺑﻴﺪﺧﻠﻮا ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﻢ اﱄ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ< >اﱄ‬2v1). 24

But many cases occur in HD: اﺳﱰﻳﻪ‬it. osteria” (83,v20) روﻣﻴﻪ‬Roma” (88v,3), ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎ‬Agia Sofia” (147r1).

25 The vocalic raising of the ending ‫ ة‬is conditioned by the consonant preceding the ending; it occurs after front non-emphatic consonants, but it is precluded after back and emphatic consonants. In the mss. of Bilâd aš-Šâm, Lentin (1997:132) noticed such a vocalic raising after the following graphemes: b, t, j, d ,z, s, r, š, f, k, l, m, n, w, y and rarely after , ü, €. 26

[a] (in HD 23v13), اﻟﻬﻮي‬34v5), وري‬behind” (100r8).

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THE TRAVEL ACCOUNTS OF RA‘D TO VENICE

the Latin transcription of Bérézine27 and Pourrière.28 As to the 20th century see Sabuni29 and Levin.30 Morphology The imperfect Two cases are relevant in the conjugation of Aleppo imperfect verbs: 1) the preservation of the vowel /a/ in the prefix of the 1st person singular: (b) aktob “I write,” (b)asma “I heard”; and 2) the elision of the verbal prefix y- in the 3rd masculine person (b)enâm “he sleeps,” especially when y- is supposed to be vocalised before a -cc- cluster byvcc: e.g. (b)yektob > (b) ektob “he writes.”31

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Preservation of the vowel /a/ in the prefix of the 1st singular person In order to investigate the preservation of the vowel /a/ in the prefix of the 1st person singular, we sifted among the hollow root verbs and the 3rd verbal form, ignoring b- verbs and those with c1 = ; evidence of the presence of /a/ in the prefix of the 1st person singular is less present in (R); due to its narrative style, very few present-tense verbs were found in this

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27 In Bérézine’s Dialogue /-a/ is: preserved after < , €, h, ü, x, q, ar, ý>: “heure” (p. 59), “chambre” (p. 63), “pour avoir” (p. 52), “bonne” (p. 68) “livre” (p. 66), “étroites” (p. 57), “édifice” (p. 57), “exacte” (p. 63). It shifts to [-eh] after : > “bonne” (p. 67), “sert” (p. 58), “prudence” (p. 50), “an” (p. 56), “cruche” (p. 60), “cinq” (p. 59), “pacha de...” (p. 71), “certainement” (p. 69), “café” (p. 55), < afieh> “santé” (p. 51); and to [> i] after “boîte” (p. 66), “table” (p. 70), < ashri> “dix” (p. 52), “gobelet” (p. 66). In no case /-a/ following was found.

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28

According to Pourrière (1901:207) “Le ‫ ة‬... se prononce simplement a lorsque la plupart des lettres de ce nom, et surtout l’avant-dernière, sont emphatiques (‫ وﺳﺨﺔ‬uëʹskha = sale) avec les autres lettres, il se prononce e à l’italienne, comme dans ... (‫ ﻓﺮﺟﺔ‬fëʹrdje = spectacle qui réjouit).” 29

According to Sabuni (1980:44-45), in the Modern Aleppo dialect these -a are conserved after velarised ), ú, €, ý, ÿ and, except for k, after velar x, ø, uvular q, pharyngeal ü, and glottal h.

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30 According to Levin (2002:441-443), the only final vocalic raising conditioned by the old i in the historical penultimate syllable is that of the ending ‫اء‬: šéti “winter,” kére “renting.” The shift of the ending ‫ > ـﻰ‬e or > a: üéble “pregnant” occurs in nouns, adjectives and particles, but is precluded in verbs. 31

This preservation is well confirmed in Bérézine “I’ll bring it” (EB 61) and Pourrière “j’écris” (LP 212).

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INTRODUCTION

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ms. and only one case of / a/ prefix اﻧﻨﻲ اﺻﻮل‬I rinse the lentils”

Elision of the unvocalized verbal prefix y- in the 3rd masculine person Annotating the imperfect m. sg3 prefix y- in øb- verbs is a well consolidated habit in MA texts. The only remaining method to investigate such an elision was to sift among the b- verbs: In R /‫ي‬/ is always written in bvycvˉ c: ﺑﻴﺠﻴﺐ‬to bring” (15r19), ﺑﻴﻜﻮن‬to be” (12v2).33 As to the 1st form verbs √c1=w, ﺑﻴـﻮ‬might be pronounced [bëʹ] in [bëʹ af] ﺑﻴﻘﻒ‬38v21) instead of (byû af].34

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Preverbs and Auxiliary verbs Neither the gerund with ﻣﻦ‬and ﻗﺎﻋﺪ‬nor the future with راح‬occur in our fonts. Present

‫ﺑـ‬

Gerund

(‫ﻋامل)ـني‬

< (R 2v16).35 R (ø).36

‫“ >واﻟﻴﺴﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺸﻮا اﻟﺰﻧﺒﻴﻞ‬and the guards search the basket”

32

Due to its length and direct speech many cases have been identified in (HD ) #31 اروح‬ “I go” (5v4), #6 اﻗﻮل‬I say” (47v13), #5 اﺟﻴﺐ‬I bring” (58r4), #5 اﻧﺎم‬I sleep” (17r7), #4 ازور‬I visit” (70v13), #1 اﺷﻴﻞ‬155v8), #1 ارﻳﺪ‬48r15), #1 اﻗﻮم‬I start / I stand up” (13r13), اﻓﻴﻖ‬I wake up” (150v18), #14 اﺳﺎﻓﺮ‬I travel” (8r16). 33

But such an elision is attested many times in (HD ) byvcc e.g. ﺑﺘﻐري‬changes to...” (115r15) ﺑﻘﺮوا‬they say the truth” (131r2) ﻣﺎ ﺑﻜﻔﻴﻨﺎ‬it’s not enough” (51r17) etc., and even in bvycvc / bvycv̄c: ﺑﻬﻴﻲ‬he prepares” (32v9) ﺑﻘﻮل‬he says” (130v6), ﺑﻔﻮق‬it exceeds” (80r10) (108v10) etc. Such an elision is also attested in Bérézine’s transcription of ﺑَ َﻴ ْﻌ ِﻄﻰ‬be etti> “il donne” (p. 71) and confirmed by Pourrière: اﻟﲇ ﺑِﺪق‬ëʹlli bidëʹ > “qui frappe” (LP 221) and ﺑِﺼري‬ma biúir> “il ne peut pas” (LP 220). It is not the case when y- is supposed to be vocalised byvcc: ﺑﻴﻀ‬biëʹ€hhak> “il se moque” (LP 221), ﺑﻴﻨﴗ‬biëʹnsa> “il oublie” (LP 220), ﺑﻴﻨﻘﺎل‬ “on dit” (LP 220). 34 As to the 1st form verbs √c1=w, ﺑﻴـﻮ‬might be pronounced [bëʹ] in [bëʹ af] ﺑﻴﻘﻒ‬38v21)

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instead of [byû af] See (HD ) ﳌﺎ ﺑﻴﺼﻠﻚ‬when you receive” (136r6) and (69r4, 108r12, 115v11, 116r4, 119v12, 147v15). Pourrière (LP 214) also suggests pronouncing “il se tient debout,” “il tombe” and bëʹúal “il parvient” this way.

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35

In (HD ) b- occurs c.1530 times ﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻘﺪر ميﴚ‬that he can walk” (HD 5r12), preceeded #7 by ammâl. As to (EB 71) “je ne sais pas ce qui arrivera">. This b- says Pourrière (LP 212) “se prononce b simplement, sans aucun point-voyelle propre. Et l’on met un ‫ م‬sans point-voyelle également, devant la 1e personne du pluriel commençant par ‫ن‬.”

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36

As to (HD ) ﻓﺮاﻳﺘﻪ ﻋامل ﺑﻴﻤﺴﺢ اﻟﻔﻠﻮس‬so I saw him cleaning the coins” (12v3-4) ﻋامﻟني ﻣﻨﺘﻐﺪا‬so he saw us having lunch” (10v21-22), (EB 70). As to Pourrière, he

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THE TRAVEL ACCOUNTS OF RA‘D TO VENICE

/

‫ﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﻋامل ب‬ ‫ﺑـ‬ ‫راﻳﺢ‬

Future

Intentional

‫ح‬ ‫ﺣﺘّﻰ‬ ‫ت‬

R (ø).37 < R (#1), < (11v7-11).39 R (ø).40 R (ø).41 R (ø).42

‫“ >ﺑﻴﻌﻄﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻜﻬﻨﻪ‬he might give it to the priest> (R 15r20)38 ‫“ >وﻛﻨﺎ راﻳﺤني ﻣﻨﻐﺮق‬and we were about to sink”

Auxiliary verbs “To need” to want to be able must

‫ﻋﺎوز‬/‫ﻋﺎﻳﺰ‬, the reflexive ‫ روح‬or the inchoative ‫ ﻗﻌﺪ‬are not attested at all. ‫ ﺑ ّﺪ‬R (ø).43 ‫ﰲ‬+suff. R (ø).44 ‫ ﻳﻜﻮن‬R (ø).45 ‫ ﻻزم‬R (ø).46

states that “Pour désigner une action qui se fait actuellement, à l’heure que l’on parle, on met le mot ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ = ﱠ‬être faisant) devant l’inflexion du verbe ... Ex. ‫ ﻋ َـ ﱠﻢ ﺑﺎﻛﺘ ُـﺐ‬am ‫ ﻋ َـ ﱠ‬am (apocopé de ‫ﻋامل‬ baktob = je suis à écrire; ‫ﻢ ﺑْﺘﻜﺘُﺐ‬ ّ ‫ َﻋ‬am-btëʹktob = tu es à écrire ... etc.” (LP 212).

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37

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ﻋامل ﺑﻴﺸﺘﻐﻞ‬he is working” (HD : 108v20), EB (ø).

38

As to (HD ) وﳌﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﻮت ﻣﻨﻬﻢ واﺣﺪ‬when one of them might die they replace him” (75v14), . “Je donnerai…” (EB 59). Pourrière, states (LP 212) that the present tense b-, “n’indique pas seulement le présent; il se met aussi devant le futur. Ainsi ‫ ﺑﺎﻛﺘﺐ‬signifie également “j’écris” et “j’écrirai.” 39 As to (EB 50) quan raèch émout min eltelvi fi battna> “les spasmes violents à l’estomac ont manqué (de le) faire mourir.” 40

As to (HD : 9r4) ﺣﻲ ﻳﺮوﺣﻮا‬they will go,” EB (ø).

41

In (HD ) ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﺼري ﺗﺪﻛﺮہ‬in order to make of it a memorable lesson” (111r,7), as in (EB 56) “ayez la complaisance de faire avec moi une promenade dans la ville,” and in (LP 221) .

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42 Intentional ت‬is not attested in HD (ø) and EB (ø), but only once in (LP 222) : تَ اﺣﺒّْﻜُﻦ ﻗَ ّْﺮﺑُﻮ تَ اﺳﺒّْﻜُﻦ‬bʿëʹdu ta hhëʹbbkon ʾaʹrrbu ta sëʹbbkon> “Eloignez-vous pour que je vous

aime; approchez pour que je vous insulte.”

43 ﺑﺪي اﺳﺎﻓﺮ‬I want to travel” (HD 138r18), “Il me faut un logement” (EB 67), : < íʹš iâʹ gdíʹš ta iëʹýla l-hhašíʹš — biën âʹ l ha l-kalâʹ m lëššíʹ lli bëʹddo iýaʹ wel ktíʹr abl mâ iúíʹr u baʹrki ëʹmro ma biúíʹr> “Vis, o rosse, jusqu’à ce que l’herbe pousse — Ces paroles se disent d’une chose qui doit durer longtemps (litt. beaucoup) avant de se réaliser, et qui peut-être ne se réalisera jamais (litt. de sa vie).” (LP 221).

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44 45

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ﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻳﺘﺤﺮك‬he can’t move” (HD 15v20), EB (ø).

ﺗﻜﻮن‬you must go away” (HD 10r13), “il faut la nettoyer”

46

HD (ø), “il faut avoir l’ordre de Pacha” (EB 59), “il faut qu’elle ressemble à son auteur” (LP 221).

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INTRODUCTION

to let iterative & continuos

‫ﺧﲆ‬ ّ ‫)ﻣﺎ( ﻋﺎد‬ ‫ﻋﺎود‬ (‫ﻣﺎ‬/‫)ﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻲ‬

17

R (ø).47 R (#1) < > (12r3).48 49 R (ø). R (#2) < > “we were no longer able to tell one from another anymore” (12r17-18), < … > “we kept on … making” (13r11).50

‫ﻳﻘﺪر‬. ‫ﻣﺎ ﻋﺎد‬

‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻘﺎ اﺣﺪ ﻳﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻪ ﺑﻌﺾ‬

‫وﺑﻘﻴﻨﺎ‬

‫ﻧﺼﻨﻊ‬

inchoative

reflexive

47

53).

‫رد‬ ‫رﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺿﻞ‬ ّ ‫ ﺑﻘﻲ‬/ ‫ﺑﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎم‬ ‫ﺻﺎر‬ ‫اﺳﺘﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﺣﺎل‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ذات‬

R (ø).51 R (ø).52 R (#1) < R (#1) < R (#1) < R (ø).56 R (ø).57 R (ø).58 R (ø).59 R (ø).60

‫“ >وﻳﻀﻠﻮا ﻳﺮﻣﻮا‬they kept on shooting” (18r10).53 ‫“ >وﺑﻘﺎ اﳌﺮﻛﺐ ﻳﻘﻠﺐ‬the boat began to rock” (10v2).54 ‫“ >ﻓﻘﺎم دار‬he went wandering” (11v11).55

ﺧﻼہ ﻳﻘﻠﺐ‬he let him fall down” (HD 146r2), “Faites le galoper” (EB

48 ﻓﻌﺎد ﻗﲇ‬he said to me again” (HD 12r6) وﻣﺎ ﻋﺎد ﻳﺘﺘﺎﻛﻞ‬it couldn’t be eaten anymore” (HD 36r6), “on n’y voyage guère autrement qu’en grande compagnie de caravanes”> (EB 58).

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49

ﻓﻌﺎودت وﻧﺰﻟﺖ‬then I went down again” (HD 88r10), EB (ø).

50

ﺑﻘﻴﺖ اﺳﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬I remained staying” (HD 133r17), ﻣﺎ ﺑﻘﺎ ّﰲ ﻗﻮہ ﻟﻠﺨﺪﻣﻪ‬I have no physical strength to serve anymore” (HD 16r10), وﻻ ﺑﻘﻴﺘﻮا ﺗﺨﺎﻓﻮا‬don’t dare anymore” (HD 32v1), “il faisait tellement froid qu’il n’y avait aucune possibilité de mettre la nez dehors” (EB 52).

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51

ﻓﺮد اﻋﻄﺎﻧﺎ‬then he gave us back” (HD 9r19), EB (ø).

52

ورﺟﻊ ﻗﲇ‬he said to me again” (HD 12r12), EB (ø).

53

HD (ø), EB (ø).

54

وﻗﻠﺘﻠﻪ ﻳﺒﻘﻲ ﻳﺠﻲ‬and I told him to come” (HD 157v20), (EB ø).

55

ﻗﻤﺖ ﻫﻴﻴﺖ‬I prepared” (HD 149v16), EB (ø).

56

ﺻﺎر ﻳﺴﺎﻟﻨﺎ‬he started asking us” (HD 1r4), EB (ø), “il commence à se croire” (LP 221). 57

اﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﻮا ﻳﺎﻛﻠﻮا‬they started eating” (HD 31r2), EB (ø). ﻓﺮاﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﱄ‬I saw myself ” (HD 1v9), EB (ø), “il commence à se croire” (LP 221). 58 59

ﻳﺴﻠﻤﻮا اﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‬they save themselves” (HD 42r19), EB (ø).

60

ﻳﻬﻴﻲ ذاﺗﻪ‬he prepares himself ” (HD 1r9), EB (ø).

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THE TRAVEL ACCOUNTS OF RA‘D TO VENICE

Separate Personal Pronouns The only discriminating separate personal pronoun feature in this context is the pl1 ‫ ﻧﺤﻨﺎ‬deprived of its initial n- > ( e)üna and the common pl3 ‫ﻫﻢ‬ where the final -m changes into -n. ( e)üna never occurs in our mss.; while اﻧﺘﻪ‬occurs #2 in HD روح اﻧﺘﻪ‬161v18); ﻫﻮا‬occurs only once in HD; ﻫﻮہ‬ occurs #3 in R وﻫﻮہ ﰲ ﻗﻨﻴﻨﻪ‬15r17) vs. #1 ﻫﻴﻪ< ;>ﻫﻮ‬occurs #2 in R ﰲ ﻗﻨﻴﻨﻪ‬15v10) vs. #2 ﻧﺤﻨﺎ< ;>ﻫﻲ‬# 2 in R ﻧﺤﻨﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﺎ‬15r3) vs. #1 ﻧﺤﻨﺎ< ;>ﻧﺤﻦ‬ occurs only once in HD vs. #82 ﻧﺤﻦ‬. As to ﻫﻦ‬it never occurs in R, but it occurs more then #43 in HD vs. #1 ﻫﻨﻪ‬.

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sg1

sg2 m.

sg2 f.

‫اﻧﺖ‬ ‫ اﻧﺘﻪ‬/‫اﻧﺖ‬

ø

HD

‫اﻧﺎ‬ ‫اﻧﺎ‬

EB

ana

ø

LP

ána

antè/èntè/ enta/enti ënt/ëʹnte

AS

ʾänä ʾènt/ʾénte ʾénti

R

ø

ëʹnti

sg3 m.

sg3 f.

pl1

‫ ﻫﻮہ‬/‫ ﻫﻴﻪ ﻫﻮ‬/‫ ﻧﺤﻦ ﻫﻲ‬/‫ﻧﺤﻨﺎ‬ ‫ ﻫﻮا‬/‫ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ ﻧﺤﻨﺎ ﻫﻲ‬/‫ﻧﺤﻦ‬ hou/ houâ

pl2

pl3

ø

‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ ﻫﻦ‬/‫ ﻫﻢ‬/‫ﻫﻨﻪ‬

/‫اﻧﺘﻢ‬ ‫اﻧﺘﻮا‬

ø

nachna

ø

ø

hû/hûʹ e

hí/híʹe

nëʹhhn

ëʹntu

hëʹnnen

hû/ hûwe,

hí/ híye

néüne, néüen

ʾéntu

hénn(e)(en)

Syntax What makes the syntactic features of our corpus original is not syntactic stricto sensu; these features are present in all highly colloquial MA texts and are even much older. The case system and mood endings broke down since an immemorial time; the same can be said of the word order SVO vs. VSO, the concord of verbs with the subject being postponed or placed before, animate or inanimate; the high frequency of asyndetic clauses; the use of indefinite article, anacoluthic repetition, invariable relatives and negatives; etc. None of these features is an exception in our corpus. What is worth inquiring in its syntactic component is only the non SA lexical elements. The following paragraph is a sample of the highly colloquial variety of our ms.

‫ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻧﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻐﺮق ﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﰲ اﻟﻨﻈﺎرہ‬/ ‫وﻛﻨﺎ راﻳﺤني ﻣﻨﻐﺮق ﻓﺰﻋﻘﻨﺎ ﻋﲇ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﺎن ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ ﻳﺮﳼ وﺑﺨﺎف ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻮد ﻳﻄﻠﻊ ﻓﻘﻠﻨﺎ ﻟﻜﻦ‬/ ‫ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﺻﻐريہ ﻓﻘﺎل ﻫﺪہ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﺤﻤﻞ اﻟﻐﻠﻴﻮن‬/ ‫رااي‬ “belonging to” and ﺷﻴﺔ‬šáiti> “le mien” (215) are attested. As to the other sources, we rarely find the following:

ʿ

‫ ﺑﺘﺎﻋني‬/ ‫ﺑﺘﺎع‬ ‫ ﻣﺘﻮع‬/ ‫ﻣﺘﺎع‬

ʿ

R (#1) < > [btâ ], pl. (#1) < owner shouted” (15r4), < four galleons of war” (19v3).61 R (ø).62

‫ﺑﺘﺎع‬

‫>ﺑﺘﺎﻋني‬: ﻓﺰﻋﻖ ﺑﺘﺎع اﻟﻘﺎرب‬the boat ‫“ >ﺟﺎﻧﺎ ارﺑﻊ ﻏﻼوﻳﻦ ﺑﺘﺎﻋني اﻟﺤﺮب‬then we met

Relatives, that / what / who / whom / whom ever: ﻳﻠـّﻲ‬and ﻫﻠـّﻲ‬were attested nowhere. Only is attested in LP (215). As to HD, it occurs once after the preposition l(i)- and once soon crossed and corrected by ﻳﻬﺮﺑﻮا ﻣﻦ زود اﻟﻈﻠﻢ اﱄ اﻟﺬي ﺻﺎﻳﺮ< >اﻟﺬي‬they run away from oppression that is impending” (17v21), while, more frequent are the shorten forms اﻟ ّـ‬: R (ø).63

‫ن‬/‫اﻟﺬي‬ ‫ن‬/‫اﻟﺪي‬

R (#59)
اﻟﺪي‬élladi], #1 اﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬élladín]: ﰲ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﺒﲇ‬and the bell’s Tower where they hung on its southern side (2r3), اﺗﻮا اﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬those / who had towed us joined

61 HD (ø), EB (#2). “vous irez chez le cordonnier”> (EB 69).

ʿ

ʿ

ʿ

62 As to HD ﻣﺘﺎع‬mtâ ] (ø), pl. (#1) ﻣﺘﻮع‬mtû ], ﻳﺠﻲ ﻳﺎﺧﺬ اﻛﻴﺎﺳﻪ ﻣﺘﻮع اﻟﺘنب‬let him come and take his hay bags” (HD 26r17); EB (ø).

ʿ

ʿ

63 #690 اﻟﺬي‬HD 1r12), #13 (EB 59). This is too artificial for Pourrière who corrects Esh ismou nahroul-ladsi dakhil el-bilad? And Bérézine (EB 55) with ëʹššu ëʹsm nnáhr lli djuu aʹ t lmdíʹne? (LP 225). 64

#2 [élladi]. اﻧﻘﻄﻊ واﻧﻔﺮد ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺼﺨﻮر اﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﰲ ﻗﺎع ذﻟﻚ اﳌﻜﺎن‬HD 39r7), “prenez le billet qui est sur la table” (EB 69). 65

HD (#1) ﻓﺎﴏﻓﺖ ﻟﲇ اﺟﺎ‬so I dismissed the one who came to inform me”

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THE TRAVEL ACCOUNTS OF RA‘D TO VENICE

‫اﻟ ّـ‬/‫اﻟـ‬

R (ø).66

she/they who

R (ø).67

‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬ whomever

‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ‬ what

‫اﻳﺶ‬

R (#2) < >: < > “each one bringing a bunch of thin, red candles which he gives to the priest” (15r19).68

‫وﻛﻠﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻗﺔ ﺷﻤﻊ رﻓﻴﻊ اﺣﻤﺮ ﺑﻴﻌﻄﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻜﻬﻨﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻦ‬

R (#1) < >< > “(the images on the tours) portray the activities carried out by people” (2r17).

‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼني ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺮج اﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻌﻤﻠﻮا اﻟﻨﺎس اﻳﺶ‬

Demonstratives Except for one instance of ذا‬, in our sources demostratives keep their ha- and diverge in the use of ﻫﺬا‬and ﻫﺪا‬. ﻫﺬا‬is never registered in R, ﻫﺪا‬is never used in HD. As to the invariable apocope form ha- preceeding the definite article, it is used by all our sources except for R.69 No دا‬ or دي‬, ﻫﺬي‬or ﻫﺬﻳﻚ‬, ﻫﻲ‬or ﻫﻴﺪي‬, ﻫﻮدي‬or ﻫﻮدﻳﻚ‬, داك‬or دﻳﻚ‬, ﻫﺪوﻟﻴﻚ‬or ﻫﻮﻟﻴﻚ‬were used.70 Singular this (m.)

‫ﻫﺬا‬ ‫ﻫـﺪا‬ ‫ذا‬ ‫ﻫﺬہ‬ this (f.) ‫ ﻫﺪي‬/‫ﻫﺪہ‬ that (m.) ‫ذاك‬ ‫ﻫﺪاك‬ that (f.) ‫ﻫﺪﻳﻚ‬

R (ø), #517 < > (HD 3r11), #3 (EB 54). R #16 < > (2v7), HD (ø), #16 (EB 58). R (ø), #1 < > (HD 125v14), EB (ø).

‫ﻫﺬا‬

‫ﻫﺪا‬ ‫ذا‬

R (ø), #177 < > (HD 2v8), #1 (EB 57). R (#12) < > (4r5), HD (ø), #1 (EB 62).

‫ﻫﺬہ‬ ‫ﻫﺪہ‬ R (ø), #16 ذاك‬HD 12v7), EB (ø). R #1 ﻫﺪاك‬2r17), HD (ø), #1 ( EB 69). R (ø), HD (ø), #1 (EB 60).

66

HD (#10) ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻠﻴﻠﺔ اﳌﻀﺖ‬in that last night” (59r15), وﺳﺎﻓﺮت ﻣﻌﻪ اﱄ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺒﻼد اﻟـّﻤﺮ ذﻛﺮﻫﻢ‬ “and I travelled with him to that aforementioned countries” (171r1-2)>, اﻟـ‬, EB (ø). 67 HD (#196) وﺑﻴﺼﻠﻮا‬then they perform midnight

68 HD (#17) وﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ‬and (#4) ﻛﻠﻤﻦ‬, وﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺎت ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻐري ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻛﻞ ﻋﴢ‬and whoever enter it secretly will be beaten” (HD 147v7); EB (ø). 69 In HD, preceeding the definite article: ﻫﻞ‬are attested #554 vs. c. #276 ﻫﺬا اﻟـ‬: رﺟﻞ‬3v7) اﺟﺎ اﱄ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺪﻳﺮ‬he came to this convent” (3r11), #126 ﻫﺬہ اﻟـ‬: ﺑﻬﺬہ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﻪ‬this way” (2v8), #14 ذاك اﻟـ‬: ذاك اﻟﺮﺟﻞ‬that man” (12v7), #12 اوﻟﻴﻚ اﻟـ‬: ﻣﻦ اوﻟﻴﻚ اﻷردﻳﺎ‬from those wicked men” (32r3), #1 ذا اﻟـ‬: ﺑﺬا اﳌﺮض‬by this desease” (125v14). 70

Four current demostratives are attested in Pourrière: “this m.” (LP 215), “this f.” (Ibid.), “that m.” (Ibid.).

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INTRODUCTION

Plural these ( )

‫ﻫﺪوﻟـ ي‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻻي‬

R #1 < > (19v2), HD (ø), #1 (EB 65). R (ø), #6 < > (HD 110r13), EB (ø).

‫ﻫﺪوﱄ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻻي‬

( )

R (ø), #3
ﻫﻞ اﻟﺪرب‬HD 8v9), EB (ø).

Exclamatives but!

‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎس‬

R (#1), < / > “so we shouted at the Captain saying: “But can’t you see that there’s a port nearby” (11v7-8).71 R (ø).72

‫ﻓﺰﻋﻘﻨﺎ ﻋﲇ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﺎن ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻧﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻐﺮق‬

Interrogatives
وﻳﻦ؟< >زي؟< >ﺷﻴﻜﻮن؟< >ﻗﺪش؟< >ﻗﺪ)ا(ﻳﺶ؟< >ﻣني؟‬were not found. who is? ‫ ﻣﻦ)ﻫـ(و؟‬R (ø).73 what (is)? ‫ ﺷـ؟‬/ ‫ اﻳﺶ )ﻫـ(و؟‬R (#ø).74 which? ‫ اﻳﻨﺎ؟‬R (ø), HD (#8).75 71

HD (ø), EB (ø).

72

HD (#1) ﻣﺎﳾ ﺑﺎس‬it’s ok! But tell him” (HD 20r5), EB (ø).

73

HD (#8) ﻣﻦ)ﻫـ(و؟‬vs. (#1) ﻣﻨﻮا‬, EB #9 vs. #1 . وﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮ اﻟﻄﺎرق‬so I asked who is knocking at the door?” (HD 16r20), ﻣﻨﻮا ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ اﻟﺸﻨﻖ‬which one of them was deserving to be hunged?” (HD 80v2-3), “Allez savoir qui est venu là” (EB 69), “Qui est à présent l’administrateur de cette ville?” (EB 56). In LP “who?” is attested as (LP 215). 74

HD (#17) اﻳﺶ‬vs. (#5) ﻫﻮ اﻳﺶ‬, EB (#24) vs. (#15) . “What?” is never written ‫إش‬/‫ أش‬or ‫ ﺷـ‬neither in R. Sbath 89 nor in HD, but اﻳﺶ‬could be read [ eyš] or [ eš] in HD and it is rather almost written اﻳﺶ‬/ ‫< >أش‬esh...> in EB ﻟﻠﺮﻳﺲ‬what answer could I give to the priorship?” (HD 5v19), وﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻜﻮن واﻳﺶ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺮادك‬ “and he asked him who are you and what do you want?” (HD 19r10), “Comment vous portez-vous?” (EB 49), “Quel est le nom de la rivière qui traverse la ville?> (EB 55). As to the interrogative š- ‫ش‬ it is attested only once in (EB 60) ِﺷ‬Shismou ennahar > “Quel est le nom de cette rivière.” In LP “what?” is attested as , “what is?” as (LP 215).

ʾ

75

ʾ

EB (#3): ﻓﺴﺎﻟﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﻳﻼ ﱄ اﻧﺖ ﻣﻦ اﻳﻨﺎ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ‬then he asked me saying: wich confession are

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THE TRAVEL ACCOUNTS OF RA‘D TO VENICE

why?

how? when? where?

‫ﻣﻦ اﻳﺶ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶ؟‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺶ؟‬ ‫)اﻳـ(ﺷﻠﻮن؟‬ ‫اميﺘـ)ا(؟‬ ‫ﻓني؟‬

R (ø).76

‫ﻣﻨني؟‬ ‫ﻟني؟‬

R (ø).81 R (ø).82

‫)ا(ﻓﻴﻪ؟‬

R (ø).83

where from? where to? is/are there? how much? ( )

‫اﻳﺶ ﻗﺪ ر ؟‬

R (ø).77 R (ø).78 R (ø).79 R (ø).80

R (#2) اﻳﺶ ﻗﺪر‬: ﻗﺪر ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﺑﻀﺎﻋﻪ‬and they were looking at the number of

you from?” HD (8r10-11); see also (EB 62) اﻳﻨﺎ ِﺑﻼٰ ْد دورت‬Eïna bèlad dourt> “Quels sont les endroits que vous connaissez le mieux?” sic. where ‫ اﻳﻨﺎ‬is attested once with suffix أَﺷْ َﱰِى ﻟ َْﻚ‬min eïnahou terid eshteri laqu?> “de quelle espèce désirez-vous que j’achète?” (EB 68). In LP “which?” is attested as < áina?> (LP 215). 76

ʾ

HD (#1) ﻣﻦ اﻳﺶ‬, EB (#1) vs. (#1) : ﻣﻦ اﻳﺶ ﺑﺘﺸﻜﻮا‬what is she suffering from?” (HD 160v5), ﻣﻦ اﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺿﺖ‬Min èsh maradht?> “Quelle est la cause de votre maladie?” (EB 50), ِﻣ ﱢﻨ ْﺶ ِﻓﻴ ٰﻬﺎ ﻫﺬا اﻟ َﺨ ٰﺮ‬minnish fiha hadsal-kharab-elquethir?> “Pourْ ‫اب آﻟْ َﻜ ِﺜ‬ quoi y-a-t-il à présent un si grand nombre de ruines?” (EB 54). In LP “why?” is attested as (LP 215). 77 HD (#6), EB (ø): اﺗﻌﺮف ﻟﻴﺶ دﻋﻴﺘﻚ ﻟﻌﻨﺪي‬Do you know why I called you to come?” (HD 6r14). 78 HD (ø), EB (#1) : ﻛﻴﻒ ﺣﺎﻟﻚ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻛﻴﻔﻚ اﻳﺸﻠﻮﻧﻚ اﻳﺸﺤﺎﻟﻚ اﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺑﺘﻚ‬Queïf chalequ? Queïf queïfequ? Ishlunequ? Ishchalequ? Ishbabtequ?> “Comment vous portez-vous?” (EB 49). In LP “how” is attested as (LP 215). 79 HD (#1) اميﺘﺎ‬, EB (#1) : ﻓﺴﺎﻟﺘﻪ اميﺘﺎ ﺑﻴﺘﻢ ﻫﺬا اﻻﻣﺮ‬then I asked him when that could be realised?” (HD 134v21), أَ َﻣ ْﺖ ﺗِ َﺤ ﱢ‬Dans combien de temps cela sera-t-il prêt?” (EB 62). In LP “when?” is attested as (LP 213). 80 HD (#6) ﻓني‬, EB (ø): ﻓني ﻛﻨﺘﻮا واﻳﻦ ﺑﺘﻮا‬where were you and where you passed the night?” (HD 156r21). In LP “where?” is attested as (LP 224). 81 HD (#8) ﻣﻨني‬, EB (ø): ﻣﻨني اﳌﻬﺮب‬where to flee from?” (HD 32r5). 82 HD #1 ﻟني‬, EB (ø): ﻓﺴﺎﻟﻨﻲ ﻟني ﻣﺎﴈ‬then he asked me where are you going?” (HD 148v7). 83 HD (ø), EB (#2) : اﻓﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻴﻪ ام ﻻ‬Afi tabiieh am la?> “Y-a-t-il des tours?” (EB 55).

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INTRODUCTION

men who were aboard and how many goods they had” (13v4).84

Negation Mâ, deprived of –š suffix, is the basic negative particle in our mss. The MA main negation Laysa occurs only once in HD (80v1) اﻧﺎ ﻟﻴﺲ ﱄ دﻧﺐ‬I’m not guilty” corrected in the next line ان ﻣﺎ ﻟﻪ دﻧﺐ‬that he’s not guilty.” The split morpheme (ma..-š) and the negative particle (‫ﻣﻮش؟‬/‫)ﻣﺶ‬, very frequent in Egyptian sources,85 do not occur in our mss.. Out of #37 ﳾ‬registered in HD, it is hard to tell with certainity whether -ší is part of a split morpheme or it simply means “something.” If the negative suffixe -š was considered as kalam rekík “bad language” in Egypt by Úabbâø (1886),86 where it was widely attested, then its MA use should have been considered particularly bad in Bilâd aš-Šâm, where it was rare even in very dialectal texts and absent from our sources. Only LP mentions (215) and (220) “It is not.”87 not+suff. nothing no one

‫ﻣﺎﻧـ‬+suff. ‫ﳾ‬...‫ﻣﺎ‬ (‫ﻣﺎ اﺣﺪ)ا‬

R (ø).88

‫ﻓام ﻧﻘﺸﻊ ﳾ‬ َ > “but we found nothing” (11r15-16).89 R (#1): ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻘﺎ اﺣﺪ ﻳﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻪ‬until we were no longer able to see each other” (12r17); as to ﻣﺎ اﺣﺪا‬, it occurs R (#1):
“la noblesse de l’homme et son

ʿ

ʿ

ʾ

ʿ ʿ

ʿ

honneur (sont considérés) suivant ses actions (litt. son action) et non suivant sa richesse)” (LP 220). 88

HD (#8), EB (#1): ﻣﺎﻧﻚ راﴈ‬You are not satisfied” (HD 132v18), “Je ne me porte pas bien” (EB 49); see also “tu n’es pas mon ami” (LP 219). 89

HD (#37), EB (#4): ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺖ ﻋﲇ ﺣﺎﱄ‬I did not betray anything” (HD 1v11), “je ne connais rien” (EB 56).

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THE TRAVEL ACCOUNTS OF RA‘D TO VENICE

‫“ >ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ اﺣﺪا ﻳﻌﱪ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪ‬so that none of them

‫)و(ﻻ اﺣﺪ‬ there is no... ‫ﻣﺎ ﰲ‬ Time now /‫ﻫﻠّﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬ /‫ﻟﺴﺎ‬ until now ‫ﻟﺴﻊ‬ after that ‫ﺑﻌﺪہ‬

only once in R < enter the city” (13v7-8).90 R (ø).91 R (ø).92 R (ø).93 R (ø).94

R (#8): ﺑﻌﺪہ‬is always used with wa- in R اﱄ ﺟﺰﻳﺮة ﻣﻮرہ‬After that we sailed close to the island of

Morea” (12r10).95 at

‫ب‬ vs.

at that time

‫ﰲ‬

ِ /‫ﺣﻴﻨﺬ‬ ِ ‫ﺣﻴﻨﺪ‬

R (#1) < (16v19).96

‫“ >ﻓﺎﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﻘﱪوہ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻴﻞ‬so they bury him at night”

R (ø).97

90 HD (#33), EB (#3): ﻣﺎ اﺣﺪ ﻧﺰل ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬none of them droped down” (HD 9r12), “personne ne peut ... personne ne l’habite maintenant” (EB 57).

ʾ

ʿ

91

HD (#17), EB (#1): ﺣﺘﻲ ﻻ اﺣﺪ ﻳﻌﺮف‬so no one knows” (HD 7r14), وﻻ اﺣﺪ ﺑﻴﻘﺪر ﻳﺸﱰﻳﻪ‬ “so no one can buy it” (HD 25r20), “Que personne ne me dérange” (EB 68). 92

HD (#17), EB (ø): ﻣﺎ ﰲ ﳾ ﺑﻴﻮﺟﺐ‬nothing requires ...” (HD 34v4-5).

93

HD (#2) ﻫﻞ وﻗﺖ‬, EB (#10) vs. #1 : ﻓﺎﺟﺎﺑﻨﻲ ﰲ ﻫﻞ وﻗﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﻜﻨﻲ‬so he answered me now I can’t” (HD 129v5-6), “Vous sentez-vous mieux maintenant?” (EB 50), “Partons,” corrected by LP “maintenant” (LP 213).

ʾ

94

HD (ø), EB (#1) . “Je n’ai pas encore vu votre ville” (EB 56), corrected by LP “pas encore” (LP 213) “En Palestine, à Jérusalem surtout, on fait suivre cette expréssion du pronom personnel ... Ainsi l’on dira: ‫ﻟﺴﺎﺗﻨﺎ‬ ّ , ‫ﻟﺴﺎﺗﻚ‬ ّ , ‫ﻟﺴﺎﺗﻨﻲ‬ ّ , etc.” (LP 213).

ʿ

ʿ

95 HD (#109), EB (#2): in HD ﺑﻌﺪہ‬is always used after a conjunction, #105 after waوﺑﻌﺪہ ﻓﺼﺎر ﻳﺴﺎﻟﻨﺎ‬after that he started asking us” (1r4), #2 with fa- ﻓﺒﻌﺪہ اﺧﺮج‬than he took out...” (24v10) and #2 after õumma ﺛﻢ ﺑﻌﺪہ ﺗﻬﻴﺎ‬than after that he got ready” (165v21). “Après vous irez chez le cordonnier” (EB 69), corrected by LP “après” (LP 213). 96

ʿ

HD (#3), EB (#5): ﻣﺒﺎح ﻟﻪ ﺑﺎن ﻳﺪور ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻴﻞ‬he was allowed to go around at night” (HD 22v9), “L’été est très chaud ici, l’hiver froid, l’automne pluvieux, le printemps bien doux” (EB 51).

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97 HD (#375) “at that moment the principal ِ > vs. (#2) , EB (ø): “at that moment the muleteer shouted to me” said to me” (HD 1v1), “while we were watching the birds, suddently we so the terra firma nearby” (10r16).105

‫ﻓﻨﺤﻨﺎ ﻧﻨﻈﺮ اﻟﻄﻴﻮر واﻻ ﻧﺮي اﻟﱪ ﻗﺮب‬

R (ø).107 R (ø).108

98 HD (#33), EB (ø): وﺻﻠﻨﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﴫ‬we arrived exactly at sunset” (HD 15r6). As a verb ü*k*m – y*ük*m occurs #13 in HD اﱄ ان ﻳﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﴫ‬until sunset occures” (HD 88v11). 99 HD (#1) ﻟﺤﻜﻢ‬vs. (#1) اﱃ ﺣﻜﻢ‬, EB (ø): ﻣﺎ رﺟﻌﻨﺎ اﱄ ﻣﺤﻠﻨﺎ ﻟﺤﻜﻢ اﳌﺴﺎ‬we weren’t back untill evening has come” (147r12), اﱄ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﺼﻒ اﻟﻨﻬﺎر‬untill midnight has come” (52v16). 100

2v20).

HD (#2) اﱄ‬, EB (ø): اﱄ ﺣﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻈﻬﺮ ﺑﺴﺎﻋﺔ‬until an hour to mid day” (HD

101 HD (#1), EB (ø): ﻻﺑﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﻬﻜﻞ ﻫﻢ اﳌﻌﻴﺸﻪ ﻃﻮل‬you should not worry as long

HD (#1), EB (ø): ﺗﺎﺟﻮ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺮﻫﺒﺎن‬until all monks came” (HD 1v12-13).

103

HD (#3) ﰲ اﻟﺤني‬, EB (#1) ﻗﻮام‬: وﰲ اﻟﺤني ﻫﻢ ﰲ اﻟﺴﻔﺮ‬he decided soon to travel” (HD 83r16), “cependant je me suis bien vite rétabli” (EB 51); “vite” and ﺗ ّﻮا‬táuua> “tout à l’heure” are only mentioned in LP (213). 104 HD (#1), EB (ø): وﻣﴤ‬I couldn’t get rid of (mosquitos) until I lighted my pipe / and as soon as I started smoking they left me alone” (HD 21v18-19). 105 HD (#14), EB (ø): ﻓام راﻳﺖ واﻻ ﺑﺎب اﻟﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪق‬I suddently noticed that someone was knocking at the convent door” (HD 16r19). 106 HD (ø), EB (#1): ﻣﻦ زﻣﺎن‬occurs only once in EB “Y-a-t-il longtemps que vous travaillez ci?” (EB 63) and “longtemps” in (LP 213). 107 HD (ø), EB (#1) ﺑﻜﺮہ‬: “demain vous me servirez les mêmes mets” (EB 69). 108 HD (#6) ﻏﺪ‬vs. (#14) ﻏﺪي‬, EB (#1) vs. (LP 213) “demain”: : “tomorrow morning.” < > “he went ahead from early morning until the evening” (12v12).109 R (ø).110

‫ﺑﻜﺮہ‬

‫وﺿﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻜﺮہ اﱄ اﳌﺴﺎ‬

R (ø).111 R (ø).112 R (ø).113

Local here there

whereas

( )

‫ﻫﻮﻧـ ي‬

‫ﻫـ)و(ﻧﻴﻚ‬ ( )

‫وﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ‬

R (#9): < > “on both sides” (15v14) elsewhere > (4v8).114 < R (ø) R and HD both use stadely < >: R (#2) (R 16r3) and HD (#125) (HD 5v10).115

‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮن وﻫﻮن‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮن وﻣﻦ ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ‬

‫ﻫﻨﺎك‬

R (ø).116

‫“ >ﻳﺠﻲ‬let him come tomorrow” (HD 26r16-17), ﻧﻬﺎر ﻏﺪي ﺗﻜﻠﻒ ﺧﺎﻃﺮك‬please, make me a fa-

vour, tomorrow...” (HD 15v3), “Levez vous demain de grand matin et réveillez moi” (EB 70). 109 HD (#1) ﺑﻜﺮہ‬, EB (#1): وﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺒﻘﺎ أﺣﺪ ﺑﻴﻘﺪر ﻳﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﻣﻊ رﻓﻴﻘﻪ اﱄ ﺛﺎين ﻳﻮم ﺑﻜﺮہ‬no one could talk to his mate untill the next day morning” (HD 2v10-11), “demain matin vous viendrez” (EB 62).

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110

HD (#22) ﺑﺎﻛﺮ‬, EB (ø). وﺛﺎين ﻳﻮم ﺑﺎﻛﺮ دﺧﻠﺖ اﱄ ﻋﻨﺪہ‬next day I went to him in the morning” (HD 12v3); only LP (213) mentions ﺑﻜري‬, “de bonne heure.” 111

HD (#2), EB (ø): ﻳﻌﺎود ﻟﻌﻨﺪہ‬

“to return back to him in the evening” (HD

112

HD (#2) اﻧﺒﺎرح‬, EB (ø): ﻟﻴﻠﺔ اﻧﺒﺎرح دﺧﻞ‬he entered yesterday night” (HD 157r20). As to ﻣﺒﺎرﺣـﻪ‬, “hier soir,” it was mentioned only by LP (213). 113 HD (#14) اوﻗﺎت‬, EB (ø): واوﻗﺎت ﺑﺘﺰﻳﺪ‬sometimes they are more than that” (HD 107), “quelquefois” (LP 215).

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114 HD (ø), EB (#43) ﻫﻮن‬houn> and (#1) ُﻫﻮ‬honi>: HD consistently uses the standard (#21) ﻫﻨﺎ‬2r11) and ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ‬5r2). “dites-lui que je ne suis pas à la maison” (EB 70), “Peut-on trouver ici un logement?” (EB 67); LP too uses both (LP 214) and (LP 214). 115

ْ ‫> ْﻫ ِﻨ‬. “preparez moi (là)… de l’eau” (EB 70), HD (ø), EB (#1) (1v17), EB (ø). Only LP uses (LP 213). R (ø).119 R (ø), HD (#11) < >, EB (#21) < > vs. (#3) < >. < > > “y-a-t-il un fossé!” (EB 55), < > “Y-a-t-il des tours?... Combien de tours y-a> t-il dans toute la ville?” sic. (EB 55); < “c’est impossible” (LP 219). R (#5) < > vs. (#1) < >, HD (ø), EB (ø). < > “they keep them in a room, inside a room which is in another room” (R 17v4), < > “inside the door made of silver” (R 6r2); LP use > (LP 214 n. 2). them both (LP 214) and < R (ø).120

‫ﻣﻜﺎن‬

‫ﻣﺎ ﰲ زود ﻓﻴﻪ‬ ‫ِﰱ‬ ‫أَ ِﰱ داﻳﺮہ ﺧﻨﺪق ام ﻻ‬ ‫اﻓﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻴﻪ ام ﻻ‬

‫ﰲ‬

‫ ﻛﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺴﻮر‬...

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inside (of)

( )

‫ﺟﻮا ت‬

‫ﻣﺎ ﰲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬

‫ﺟﻮا‬ ‫ﺟﻮات‬ ‫ﰲ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺟﻮا ﺑﻴﺖ ﺟﻮا ﺑﻴﺖ‬

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‫وﻳﺤﺒﺴﻮﻫﻢ‬

‫وﺟﻮات‬

‫ﺑﺎب اﻟﻔﻀﻪ‬

‫ﺟﻮاة‬

internal

‫ﻓ َْﺴﻂ‬ /(‫ﺟﻮاﻧﻴـ)ہ‬ (‫ﺟﻮاﻧﻴـ)ات‬

١ ‫ﺟﻮاين‬

١ ‫وﻓﻮق اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﱪاين واﻟﺠﻮاين ﺟﻮاﻧﻴﺎت‬

R (# ) < > and (# ) < >: < > “and above the external door and the inside one” (4v3-4), < > “between the external doors and the inside ones” (4r10-11).121 R (#1) < > and (#1) < >: < > “as > “on top of to central portal” (2r10), < the central arch” (3v6).122

‫وﺑني اﻻﺑﻮاب اﻟﱪاﻧﻴﺎت واﻟﺠﻮاﻧﻴﺎت‬

central

( )

‫وﺳﻄﺎﻧﻴـ ہ‬

‫وﺳﻄﺎين‬

‫وﻳﻜﻮن ﺑﺎب اﻟﻮﺳﻄﺎين وﺳﻄﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫وﻓﻮق اﻟﻘﻨﻄﺮہ اﻟﻮﺳﻄﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬

117 HD (#1), EB (ø): واﻟﺤﺮاس واﻗﻔني ﻣﻨني ﺑﻴﺪﺧﻞ اﻟﻐﺮﻳﺐ او اﻟﻌﺪو‬the guards were standing where the stranger or the enemy can enter from” (HD 109r19-20). 118 HD (#1) ﻓني‬, EB (#1) ِﻓ ْني ) ِﰱ أَﻳ‬: اﻧﻜﺎن ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻘﺮوا ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓني ﻣﺨﺒﺎ‬if they don’t tell where he is hidden” (HD 131r2), ِﻓ ْني ) ِﰱ أَﻳْ ْﻦ( ٰﻣﺎ ٰر‬fin ma rach errouch ma ou> “j’accompagnais monsieur partout” (EB 61), (LP 214).

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119

HD (#3) ﻧﺎح‬, EB (ø): ﻓﺮاﻣﻮا ﺑﺎن ﻳﻜﺒﻮا ﺗﺮاﺑﻬﺎ اﱄ ﻏري‬they wished to move its earth to

120

IR (#3) ﰲ وﺳﻂ‬, HD (#3) ﰲ وﺳﻂ‬HD 86v7), EB (ø). Only LP mentions “dans, y (contr. de ‫( ”)ﰲ وﺳﻂ‬LP 213). 121

HD (#6) ﺟﻮاين‬, EB (ø): ﺑﻼد ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ اﻟﺠﻮاﻧﻴﻪ‬the internal France” (HD 92r4). For “inside of ” both HD and EB prefer ﰲ‬and داﺧﻞ‬. 122

HD (#1) وﺳﻄﺎين‬, EB (ø): واﻟﺪرب اﻟﺜﺎين‬as to the second central road” (HD

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THE TRAVEL ACCOUNTS OF RA‘D TO VENICE

outside (of) external

‫ ﺑﺮا ت‬R (ø).123 /(‫ ﺑﺮاﻧﻴـ)ہ‬R (#2) ﺑﺮاين‬, (#1) ﺑﺮاﻧﻴﻪ‬and (#2) ﺑﺮاﻧﻴﺎت‬ (‫“ > واﻟﺠﻮاين ﺑﺮاﻧﻴـ)ات‬and above the external door and the inside one” (4v3-4), ﻫﺪا رﻳﺤﻪ ﻓﺘﺸﺖ اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ اﻟﱪاﻧﻴﻪ‬This scent has disinfected the outer sheet” (13v2-3), واﻟﺠﻮاﻧﻴﺎت‬between the external and internal doors” ( )

beyond

‫راﻳﺢ ﻣﻦ‬

upper

( )

lower in front

( )

frontal behind around

( )

‫ﻓﻮﻗﺎﻧﻴـ ہ‬

‫ﺗﺤﺘﺎﻧﻴـ ہ‬ ‫ﻗﺪام‬

‫ﻗﺪاﻣﻴـ ہ‬ ‫ ﺧﻠﻒ‬/‫ورا‬ ‫داﻳﺮ‬

(4r10-11).124 R (#5) < > “ten drâ beyond this stands a column” (5v3).125 R (#1) < >< > “above the high threshold” (2r14).126 R (ø).127 R (#10): < > “in front of the Basilica there is a square” (2r2).128 R (ø).129 R (#7) < >: < > “we went back” (19v1).130 R (#6) < > “all around” (8r4).131

‫راﻳﺢ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﴩة ادرع‬

ʿ

‫ﻓﻮق اﻟﻌﺘﺒﻪ اﻟﻔﻮﻗﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻓﻮﻗﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪام اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﻪ‬

‫رﺟﻌﻨﺎ اﱄ ﺧﻠﻒ ﺧﻠﻒ‬ ‫داﻳﺮ ﻣﺎ دار‬

123

HD (#3) ﺑﺮا‬vs. (#26) ﺑﺮات‬, EB (#2) ﺑﺮا‬berra>: ﻓﺒﻌﺪ ﴍﺑﻪ اﳌﺮﻗﻪ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻳﻄﻠﻊ ﺻﻮب ﺑﺮاء‬he drank the soup and then asked to go outside” (HD 155v20), وﻃﻠﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺮات ﺑﺎب اﻟﺪﻳﺮ‬and we went outside the convent” (HD 4v1), “je suis bien faible et le docteur ne me permet pas de quitter la maison que dans une huitaine de jours” (EB 50); LP uses both (LP 214) and ﺑﺮاة‬LP 214 n.2).

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124

HD (#1) ﺑﺮاين‬and (#6) ﺑﺮاﻧﻴﻪ‬, EB (ø): ﰲ ﺑﺎب اﻟﴫاﻳﺎ اﻟﱪاين‬in the external door of the main Palace” (HD 145r10), ﺑﻴﺴﺤﺒﻮا ﺣﺒﻞ ﻣﺮﺳﻴﺖ اﻟﱪاﻧﻴﻪ‬they pull the external rope” (HD 39r1). 125

HD (ø), EB (ø).

126

HD (#2) ﻓﻮﻗﺎين‬and (#3) ﻓﻮﻗﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬, EB (#1) : ﻓام ﻗﺪروا ﻳﺸﻠﺤﻮين ﺛﻮب اﻟﻔﻮﻗﺎين‬they couldn’t take of my external cloth” (HD 127r2-3), ﻋﺒﺎﻳﺘﻪ اﻟﻔﻮﻗﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬his overcoat abeya” (HD 5r7), “arrachez-moi cette dent” (upper tooth) (EB 65). 127 HD (#2) ﺗﺤﺘﺎين‬and (#1) ﺗﺤﺘﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬, EB (#1) : اﻟﺘﺤﺘﺎين ﺑﻮاب‬he ordered him to stay in the convent lower entrance as a doorkeeper” (HD 3v3), ﻓﺤﻄﻴﺖ ﺣﻮاﻳﺠﻲ داﺧﻞ اوﺿﻪ ﺗﺤﺘﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬I put my stuff inside the lower room” (HD 150v15),

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“ma montre va mal ... Les aiguilles se touchent” (EB 63). 128

HD (#16), EB (ø): واﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮا ورا ﺻﺎروا‬

129

HD (#1) ﻗﺪاﻣﻴﻪ‬, EB (ø). وﺿﻌﺖ رﺟﲇ ﰲ ﺣﻴﺎﺻﺘﻪ اﻟﻘﺪاﻣﻴﻪ‬I put my foot in

130

HD (#2) ﺧﻠﻒ‬vs. (#11) ورا‬, EB (ø): وﻣﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎن ﺧﻠﻒ اﻟﺴﺘﺎرہ ﻣﻮﺟﻮد ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬and I didn’t know that behind the curtain there were women” (HD 16v4-5), وﻛﺎن ورا اﻟﺒﺎب ﺑﻴﺖ زﻏري‬behind the door there was a small house” (HD 3v3). 131

HD (#4), EB (#1): وداﻳﺮﻫﻢ‬surrounded by skull” (HD 50r1); < > “a few days later we glimpsed the island of Crete” (10v8).134 R (#8) < > “and we cut about three quarters of qinýâr of wood” (11v4).135

‫ﻓﺒﻌﺪ دﻟﻚ ﻛﺎم ﻳﻮم ﻛﺸﻔﻨﺎ ﺟﺰﻳﺮة ﻛﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎم‬

‫وﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎ ﻳﺠﻲ ﺗﻼت ارﺑﻊ ﻗﻨﺎﻃري ﺣﻄﺐ‬

Lexical features Among typical of colloquial items and ghost-words, only few examples were selected with a view to illustrating as briefly as possible: a) non-semitic lexemes and vogue suffixes; b) very colloquial lexemes and expressions; c) Christian Arabic vocabulary. The selected units were picked up only when they were found in R Sbath 89. As to local and socio-culturale words, transcribed in italic but not translated, they are illustrated in the following Glossary. Translated words drà دراع‬R 2r2) (HD 34v18), ْد َرا‬idra > “archine” (EB 65), pl. ادرع‬R

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khandek amla?> “y-a-t-il un fossé” (around it) (EB 55). In HD داﻳﺮ‬occurs (#13) as a present participle واﻧﺎ داﻳﺮ‬while I was going around” (7r10), ﻓﻴﻮ ًﻣﺎ وﻧﺤﻦ داﻳﺮﻳﻦ‬one day, while we were going around...” (49v9). 132

HD (#3) (‫)ﺣﺪ‬, (#2) ﺣﺪي‬vs, (#12) ﺣﺪا‬+ suffixe, EB (ø). اﱄ ﺣﺪ اﻟﺰﻧﺎر‬up to the belt level” (HD 123v13-13), واﻧﺎ ﻧﺎﻳﻢ ﺣﺪي ﻓﺮاﺷﻪ‬while i was laying down next to his bed” (HD 58r18), اﺟﻠﺲ ﺣﺪاي‬sit down next to me” (HD 53v5). 133 HD (#15), EB (ø): وﻻ ﺗﺴﺎل ﻋﻦ اﻟﻜﺮوم اﳌﻮﺟﻮدہ‬don’t ask how many vineyards are in those mountains, they are so many!” (HD 15r-4-5) . 134 HD (#3) ﻛﻢ‬vs. (#64) ﻛﺎم‬vs. (#1) ﻛﺎم ﻣﻦ‬, EB (ø): وﻛﺎن ﻣﻮﺟﻮد ﻫﻨﺎك ﻛﻢ واﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﻠﺒﻴﻪ‬ “there I found some people from Aleppo” (HD 7v4), ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﺎم ﻳﻮم ﺧﺮﺟﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑريوت‬a few days latter we left Beirut” (HD 12v16), وﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﺎم ﻣﻦ ﻳﻮم ﺳﺎﻓﺮ اﳌﺮﻛﺐ‬and after few days the boat sailed” (HD 71v3). 135

HD (#2), EB (ø): ﻓﺮاﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﻪ ﻛﺒريہ ﻃﻮﻟﻬﺎ وﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺠﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﻗﺪم‬so I saw a big pool, almost one hundred feet tall and large” (HD 52r17).

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THE TRAVEL ACCOUNTS OF RA‘D TO VENICE

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2r10). According to Wehr √ðr دراع‬cubit = in Aleppo ca. 68 cm” pl. ادرع‬arabic “ðirâ pl. اذرع‬aðru arm; forearm ...” See also √dr in Barth.

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kmàj ﻛامج‬R 18r11), (HD 40r1) “unleavened bread, dry bread?” ﻛامج‬. The same word was used in 1606 Egyptian by Yûsuf al-Maøribí as ﻛﻮﻣﺎﺟﺎ‬kumâóa / kumâga “dry bread” and by Steingass 1892: 1064 ﻛﻮﻣﺎج‬kûmâj, ﻛﻮﻣﺎݘ‬kûmâch, as unleavened bread. See Zack 2009: 287288. It’s unlikely that “unleavened bread” could be so common in Venice out of the Ghetto. I believe that Ra d intended Venitian dry bread. kurra ﻛﺮﺗني‬in ﻳﻌﺎدل ﻛﺮﺗني ﻣﺎل‬R 15r1) could be the dual of the Arabic ﻛﺮة‬ “pail, bucket, globe, sphere” or the Italian “carta”? Or that of ﻗرياط‬ > qírâýeyn “bag of 24 carats.” According to Barth. √qrý. “1° … le titre d’un objet d’or ou d’argent s’indique en qírâý ou en vingt-quatrième de métqâl; le — vaut …; le κεράτιον pesait 24 centigrammes. 2° le — est la vingt-quatrième partie du métqâl (= carat français)… cf. le fr. ‘sot à vingt-quatre carats’ ”. Translating the same word, that is present in the ms. BAV Sbath 108, where kurra is mentioned by Elias al-Mûsili in his travel from Mosul to Colonial Spanish America, Farah (2003:16, n. 44) wrote that “karat is valued at 100,000 units (Turkish piasters) of currency” and that kurra (Id. 10, n. 22) is “An Arabic word for a device that measures by scoop or volume, used in Iraq, each being the equivalent of 100,000 units of currency – unspecified in value....”

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jukha ﺟﻮﺧﻪ‬óûæa] (R 14r7) “a roll of cloth or wool / piece of baize / frock coat-dress / broadcloth.” Dozy (1843-1845: 131) says “je dois faire observer que le ‫ﺟﻮخ‬, d’où dérive ‫ﺟﻮﺧﺔ‬, est le mot turc ‫ﭼﻮﻗﺔ‬, qui désigne le drap…,” see more details Id. 127-131. qintàr ﻗﻨﻄﺎر‬qinýâr> (R 18v1) pl. ﻗﻨﺎﻃري‬R 11v4) “arl. qinýâru- d’où notre mot “quintal,” poids de cent livres anciennes soit de 48 kg. 951 gr.; du syr. qanýírâ, lat. centenârius, par l’intermédiaire d’un mot grec.” Bart. √qnýr. According to the EB: “the Etymology: Middle English, from Middle French, from Medieval Latin quintale, from Arabic qinýâr, from Late Greek kentênarion, from Late Latin centenarium, from Latin, neuter of centenarius consisting of a hundred — more at centenary Date: 15th century 1: hundredweight, 2: a unit of weight equal to 100 kilograms (about 220 pounds.” ‫ ﻗﻨﻄﺎر‬qinýâr pl. ‫ ﻗﻨﺎﻃري‬qanâýír “kantar, a varying weight of 100 ‫ رﻃﻞ‬raýl (in Eg. = 44.93 kg, in Tunisia = 53.9 kg, in Syria = 256.4 kg)” Wehr √qnýr. qirsh ﻗﺮش‬qirš] (R 14v10) “coin / piastre,” pl. ﻗﺮوش‬R 18r1); ﻏﺮش‬HD 24r8) vs. pl. ﻏﺮوش‬HD 19r1), ﻗ ْﺮ ْش‬kirsh> “piastre” (EB 59). guru› “a

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piastre, the one hundredth part of a Turkish pound” (Redh 1342). From german Groschen common, to Turkish, Arabic and many NA dialects. This word was translated only when its contextual value was realy clear in Ra d وﻳﺎﺧﺪ ﻗﺮش ﻓﻀﻪ وﻳﻘﺼﻪ‬R 16v8). It is worth mentioning that all references to “coin / piastre” are made using /‫ق‬/ in R #5 ﻗﺮش‬R 14v10) vs. /‫غ‬/ in HD #35 ﻏﺮش‬HD 12r9).

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ratl رﻃﻞ‬raýl] (R 15v7-8), pl. ارﻃﺎل‬HD 36r13), “livre” (EB 66). According to (Wehr √rýl), “rotl, a weight … in Beirut and Aleppo = 2.556 kg.).” According to (Barth. √rýl) “ráýél, pl. rýál …” le ráýél atìq d’Alep qui est aussi de Beyrouth est de 800 déʹrhem ou 2 éqqa ou 12 uqíʹye, soit 2 kg. 566 gr..” √rýl رﻃﻞ‬rotl, a weight (in Beirut and Aleppo = 2.556 kg.).”

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َ٘ /‫( >رﺑﻌﻴﺔ‬R 14r1-2). International decimal sysrub iyye رﺑﻌﻴﺔ‬reb iyye] “piastre” (EB 59) pl. ﻗﺮوش‬R 18r1), ﻏﺮش‬HD 24r8) vs. pl. ﻏﺮوش‬HD 19r1). ﺗﻔﻨﻜﻪ‬gun” (R 10r14), pl. ﺗﻔﻨﻚ‬HD 42t16) also دﻓﻨﻚ‬HD 74v3), ﺗ ُ َﻔ ْﻨﻜْﭽﻰ‬toufenqutschi> “armurier” (EB 69). ﻃﻮب‬cannons” (R 10r8), (HD 63v6) pl. ﻃﻮﺑﺎت‬R 15v3) vs. َﻣ ٰﺪا ِﻓ ْﻊ)ﺗﻮپ‬madafi a (top)> “canons” (EB 55). زﻧﺒﻴﻞ‬basket” (R 2v15), (HD 37r6).

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Elements typical of colloquial register اﺟﺎ‬he came” (HD 3r11), pres. ﻳﺠﻮ‬they come” (R 18r4). ﺑﻄﻞ‬to cease” (R 10v10) (HD 100r12), pres. ﻳﺒﻄﻞ‬R 15v2) (HD 152r2). ﺿﻞ‬to remain” (R 10v11) (HD 133r4), pres. ﻳﻀﻞ‬R 17r4). ﻓﺎت‬to enter” (HD 83r5), pres. ﻳﻔﻮت‬R 6r12). ﻓﻠﺖ‬to free oneself ” (HD 5v16), pres. ﻳﻔﻠﺖ‬ (R 17v3). ﺗﻔﺮج‬to watch, to give a look,” pres. ﻳﺘﻔﺮج‬R 17r5) (HD 11r15), n. ﻓﺮﺟﺔ‬spectacle” (R 18v14). ﺧﻠﺺ‬to finish” (HD 19r5), (R 11r10), (EB 69), pres. ﻳﺨﻠﺺ‬HD 166v16). أﺣﺴﻦ‬to be able to ...” (common as an auxiliary verb) (HD 140v20), pres. ﻳﺤﺴﻦ‬ َ /‫“ >ﻣﺎ‬we were not able to rest” (R 12r15). ﺣﻂ‬to place, to put over” (R 2v14) (HD 12r19) (EB 66), pres. ﻳﺤﻂ‬R 18v1). ﺣﻮش‬courtyards” (R 18r11) (HD 16r1) n. “maison” (EB 67). ﺟﺎب‬to bring” (R 14r11) (HD 8r9), pres. 136

See (EB 8) “qui ait été au service d’un Européen” frendj> (EB 60).

‫< ﻳﻜﻮن ﺧﺎ ِدم اﻟ ِﻔ َﺮﻧْﺞ‬iequoun kjadimil-

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ﻳﺠﻴﺐ‬R 15r19) (HD 26r14) (EB 55). اﺳﺘﻜﺮا‬to rent” (R 12r3) (HD 9r2), pres. ﻳﺴﺘﻜﺮي‬HD 51r19), n. ﻛﺮوہ‬rental” (HD 41r1) ﻛَ ٰﺮا‬quera> “rétribution” (EB 59), ﻣﻜﺎرى‬muleteer” (HD 15v13), (EB 59). ﻟﻘﺶ‬to talk, to speak” (HD 148v14), pres. ﻳﻠﻘﺶ‬R 16v3) (HD 14v5) ﻳﻼﻗﺶ‬HD 16r11), n. ﻟﻘﺶ‬HD 174r9), adj. ﻟﻘﻴﺶ‬HD 45v1). ﻧﻄﺮ‬pres. ﻳﻨﻄﺮ‬to wait, to survey” (R 13v10) (EB 68). ﻗﺸﻊ‬to see” (R 14v4) (HD 52r18) pres. ﻳﻘﺸﻊ‬R 10r11) (HD 52r4). ﺻﻔﺮہ‬banquet, lavish meal” (R 16r11), (HD 124r15). ﺷﺎل‬to pick out” (HD 30v8), pres. ﻳﺸﻴﻞ‬R 17r3), (EB 53). ﺗﺎﺑﻮت‬coffin” (R 17r9) (HD 125r5). زﻋﻖ‬to shout” (R 11v7) (HD 7v19), pres. ﻳﺰﻋﻖ‬R 17v11). √zør زﻏري‬small” (HD 3v3), pl. زﻏﺎر‬R 3r5). Christian Arabic lexical Many terms are not common in both R or HD for two main reasons: a) R is too brief compared with HD, b) R is Greek Orthodox, HD is Maronite; in the first case loanwords passed mainly from Greek, in the latter from Syriac or Greek through Syriac: اﻛﻠﻴﻞ اﻟﺸﻮك‬The crown of thorns” (R 3v9-10) (HD 98v1). اﻧﺒﻠﻦ‬ambones” (R 3v11). اﻳﻘﻮﻧﺔ‬icon” (R 15v6) (HD 79v15) = ﻗﻮﻧﺔ‬R 19r4) (HD 79v15). اﻟﺒﺎﻋﻮت‬Easter Monday” (R 3r6). اﳌﺒﺘﺪﻳﻦ‬noviciates” (HD 1r10). اﻟﻔﺼﺢ‬Easter” (R 16r18) vs. ﻋﻴﺪ اﻟﻜﺒري‬ (HD 13v14). اﻟﺨﻮرص‬the choir” (R 4v14). ﺧﻮري‬curate” (R 19v17) (HD 78r18). ﻣﺮﻓﻊ اﳌﻴﻼد‬Christmas fasting” (R 13v18) ﻣﺮﻓﻊ اﻟﻜﺒري‬Easter fasting” (R 18v16). ﻧﺪر‬votive offerings” (R 14v16) (HD 81v8). ﻧﺎﻗﻮس‬church bell” (R 1v12) (HD 91r15), pl. ﻧﻮاﻗﻴﺲ‬R 8r12) (HD 99v2) = ﻧﺎﻗﻮز‬HD 1v15). ﻗﺪاس‬mass” (R 14r12) (HD 28v1) pl. ﻗﺪادﻳﺲ‬HD 6v13). ﻗﺴﻴـﺲ‬ “curate / monk” (R 14r12), ﻗﺲ‬HD 1r13). ﺷامس‬deacon” (R 19v15) (HD 105v13), pl. ﺷامﻣﺴﻪ< = >ﺷامﺳﻪ‬HD 82v15). اﻟﺼﻠﺒﻮت‬the crucifixion” (R 3v1) (HD 78v17). ﺷﻤﻌﺪان‬candlestick” (R 3v14) (HD 97r18).

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CONCLUSION

Aleppo Christians suffered many discriminations and at least two persecutions before and after Ra d’s travel to Venice. Like many Oriental Christians, he felt home, free and protected into the Byzantine-Western Venice. It is worth to notice the deep religious faith of Ra d, his simplicity and Orthodox ardor, calling by their names the Byzantines’ Saints and ignoring the other Saints he visited during his trip:

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ﺑﻄﺮك ﻗﺴﻄﻨﻄﻴﻨﻴﻪ‬R 15r9-14). “After that we asked for the blessing of the body of Saint John, the merciful. /10/ It was as though he was just sleeping. We were blessed in the chapel of Saint Saba./ It was as though he was just sleeping. We also visited other chapels like that of: Saint Gregory of Nyssa, and Proclo, Patriarch of Constantinople/ and of Zechariah, the prophet whose bones are there and of many other saints whose names I didn’t know…”

his positive impressions of Venice and his indigenous description of Venitians’ habits: وﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ ﻫﺪہ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﳾ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺻﻒ‬R 15v12-14). “The beauty of this city is a thing that one cannot describe / or evaluate…”

‫ وﻻ‬/20/ ‫ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻮت اﻟﺸﺎﻣﻲ ارﺑﻊ ﻛﺎﺳﺎت وﻣﺎ ﻳﴩب‬/‫واﻫﻞ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﴩﺑﻮا ﻣﺎء اﻻ ﻧﺒﻴﺪ‬ ‫( >ﻳﻌﻄﺶ اﻻ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎ ﺑﻴﺘﻌﺸﺎ وﺑﻴﴩب وﺑﻴﻨﺎم‬R 15v18-20). “The people of the city don’t drink water but just wine./ They take four glasses like taking the juice of Damascus blackberry. After which they don’t drink /20/ and are not thirsty until evening. When they dine they drink and go to bed…”

fabled descriptions, measures and numbers that remind Ibn Óubayr and many Arab travellers: ﻓﻮق‬R 5r1-4).

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“So, enter the church and take a look: it is one hundred fifty dràʿ long,/ one hundred fifty dràʿ wide and over one hundred fifty dràʿ high...”

ﻻن ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﺗﻨﺎ ﻋﴩ اﻟﻒ‬R 15v13-14) “because there there are 12,000 bridges and 12,000 boats” Ibid.

Today as in the past, many sub-dialectal variables are present in almost all dialects, due to diatopical, diastratic, diaphasic, religious, ethnic and socio-linguistic factors. As very few means are available to detect them in their Arabic historical context, much more data must be analysed before confirming or denying their frequency of use. In spite of all these limitations, our sources reveal the following evolutionary trends in the highly colloquializing MA of Aleppo in the period 1656-1980. The óím was and still is affricated [d¯]. The shift from uvular qâf to the “emphatic glottal âf ” consolidated during the 19th century. is still written ق‬in the Syrian dialectal literature even when pronounced [ ]. Some Lebanese exceptions are Akl and Awwàd post 2008. Dental fricatives (interdentals) shifting into alveolar plosives is a very old habit, but their alveolar fricative (sibilant) shif [õ>s, ð>z and ð̣>ÿ] was still very rare in the 19th century, as it was limited to SA and Turkish loanwords. Elision of the short vowel in the first unstressed syllable is well attested. The widespread imâla of the long vowel /â/, considered by Behnstedt (2009, IV:404) as one of the shibboleth of the modern Aleppo dialect was hardly attested even in the 19th century transcription of EB. Vocalic raising of the ending ‫ ة‬is conditioned. The preservation of the vowel /a/ in the prefix of the 1st person singular and the elision of the verbal prefix y- in the 3rd masculine person are well attested. The genitive and ﺷﻴﺔ‬are attested only in (LP 220) even though the latter could be much older. The relative اﻟﲇ‬was spoken, but often avoided in the written MA style. The invariable demonstrative apocope form ha- preceding the definite article was very frequent. The main interrogative form is اﻳﺶ‬, and the basic negative particle is ﻣﺎ‬deprived of the –š suffix. The split morpheme (ma..-š) and the negative particle (‫ﻣﻮش؟‬/‫ )ﻣﺶ‬are absent, probably for stylistic reasons.

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Aramaic and Turkish are well present in Syrian dialects. The Aleppo dialect and many Syrian varieties show some Aramaic elements such as the pl3 personal pronoun hinne, hinnen, common lexical items: óéwa “inside,” barra “outside,” šôb “heat” and even some syntactic constructions, such as eltillo la ébno “I told his sun.” Besides many Turkish loans, the Aleppo dialect conserves several Turkish suffixes, such as -ói/çi, -lí and -xâne.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY A.S. = Sabuni Abdulghafur (1980). Archiv. Ottom. = Archivium Ottomanicum = Halaski-kun, Archivium I, V, VII = Halaski-Kun Tibor (1969, 1973, 1982), “The Ottoman Elements in the Syrian Dialects,” in Archivium Ottomanicum, I (1969: 14-91), V (1973: 17-95), VII (1982: 117-267). Argenti, Filippo (1533), Regola del parlare turco et vocabulario di nomi et de’ verbi, Florence National Library, coll. Magliabechiana, Class. III, ms. 58, ed. Luciano Rocchi, Ricerche sulla Lingua osmanlı del XVI secolo. Il corpus lessicale turco del manoscritto fiorentino di Filippo Argenti (1533), Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz Verlag, 2007. Barth. = Barthélemy Adrien (1935-1970), Dictionnaire arabe-français, dialectes de Syrie: Alep, Damas, Liban, Jerusalem, 6 fasc., Paris, P. Geuthner. Behnstedt, Peter (2009), “Syria,” Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics, IV, Brill, Leiden – Boston, 402-409. Behnstedt Peter (1989), “Christlich-Aleppinische Texte,” Zeitschrift für arabische Linguistik, 43-96. Behnstedt, Peter (1997), Sprachatlas von Syrien (+ Beiheft), Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz. Berésine, Elie (1857), Guide du voyageur en Orient. Dialogues arabes d’après trois principaux dialectes: de Mésopotamie, de Syrie et d’Egypte, Moscou et St.-Pétersbourg, Imprimerie de l’Université Impériale. Bérézine, Ilya Nikolaevitch (2006), Voyage au Daghestan et en Transcaucasie, Traduction présentée et annotée de Jacqueline Calmard-Compas, Paris, Geuthner. Bickerman, Elias J. (1980), Chronology of the Ancient World (Aspects of Greek & Roman Life) (2nd sub ed.), Ithaca, N.Y., Cornell Univ. Press. Blau, Joshua (1966-1967), A Grammar of Christian Arabic, based mainly on SouthPalestinian texts from the first millennium, 3 vols., (Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 267 / Subs. 27) Louvain, Peeters. Blau, Joshua (1981), The Emergence and Linguistic Background of Judaeo Arabic, a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic, 2nd ed., Jerusalem, Ben-ZVI Institute for the Study of Jewish communities in the East; 1st ed., 1964, Oxford, Scripta Judaica V. Calmard, Jean (1990), “Berezin,” Encyclopaedia Iranica. IV, ed. Ehsan Yarshater, London & New York, Routledge & Kegan Paul. DE = Dizionario Etimologico on line (2013). Deniz. = Denizeau, Supplément = Denizeau Claude (1960), Dictionnaire des parlers arabes de Syrie, Liban et Palestine (Supplément au Dictionnaire arabe-français de Barthélemy), Paris, G.P. Maisonneuve. Dozy (1843-1845) = Dozy, vêtements = Dozy Reinhart (1843-1845), Dictionnaire détaillé des noms des vêtements chez les Arabes, Amsterdam, J. Müller, reproduction de l’édition originale, Beyrouth, Librairie du Liban.

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Dozy = Dozy, Supplément = Dozy Reinhart (1881), Supplément aux dictionnaires arabes, Leyde, E. Brill. Reproduction de l’édition originale, Beyrouth, Librairie du Liban, 1991. EB (2005), Encyclpaedia Britannica, CD-ROM Edition v.1.0 © 2005. EB = Elie Bérézine = Bérézine / Berézine 1857. EI (1999), Encyclpaedia Islamica, CD-ROM Edition v.1.0 © 1999 Leiden, Koninklijke Brill NV. Farah, Caesar E. (2003), An Arab’s Journey to Colonial Spanish America. The travels of Elias al-Mûsili in the Seventeenth Century, Translated from the Arabic and Edited by Caeser E. Farah. Feodorov, Ioana (2012), “Ifranóí / Firanóí: “What Language Was Paul of Aleppo Referring to in His Travel Notes?” in Romano-Arabica, new Series, 12: 105-116. Garbell, Irene (1958), “Remarks on the Historical Phonology of an Eastern Mediterranean Arabic Dialect” in Word, 14/2-3: 303-337. Halaski-Kun, Tibor 1969, 1973, 1982 “The Ottoman Elements in the Syrian Dialects,” Archivium Ottomanicum, I (1969: 14-91), V (1973: 17-95), VII (1982: 117-267). HD = Üanna Dyâb, BAV - ms. Sbath 254. IPO = Traini, Renato (1966), Vocabolario arabo-italiano, Roma, Istituto per l’Oriente, (ristampa fotomeccanica), 1993. Kallas, Elie (2012), “The Aleppo Dialect According to the Travel Accounts of Ibn Raʿd (1656) Ms. Sbath 89 and Üanna Dyâb (1764) Ms. Sbath 254”, in M. Meouak, P. Sánchez, Á. Vicente (eds.), De los manuscritos medievales a internet: la presencia del árabe vernáculo en las fuentes escritas, Zaragoza, Universidad de Zaragoza, pp. 221-252. Kampffmeyer, Georg (1901), “Étude sur le langage vulgaire d’Alep. Par le P. Léon Pourrière d’Alep, O.F.M.,” Mittheilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen, 4:2, 202-227. Lentin, Jérôme (1997), Recherches sur l’histoire de la langue arabe au Proche-Orient à l’époque moderne, Thèse pour le Doctorat d’Etat ès lettres, Université de Paris III. Levin, Aryeh (2002), “The Imâla in the modern Arabic dialect of Aleppo,” Sprich doch mit deinen Knechten aramäisch, wir verstehen es!,” 60 Beiträge zur Semitistik: Festschrift für Otto Jastrow zum 60, Geburtstag, ed. Werner Arnold / Hartmut Bobzin, Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 431-446. LP = Léon Pourrière, see Kampffmeyer (1901). Maranini, Giuseppe (1931), La Costituzione di Venezia, 2 vols., Venezia, La nuova Italia Editrice. Men. = Meninski, Thesaurus = Meninski Franz Mesgnien (1680), Thesaurus linguarum orientalium turcicae-arabicae-persicae. Lexicon turcico-arabico-persicum, I-III, Vienna (repr. Istanbul 2000). Menavino, Giovanni Antonio (1548), Trattato de costumi et vita die Turchi, Firenze. MM = Bustâní, Muüíý = Bustâní Buýrus al- (1977), Muüíý al-Muüíý, Beirut, Librairie du Liban (1st ed. 1870). Molino = Molino, Turchesco = Molino Giovanni (1641), Dittionario Italiano, Turchesco, Roma, Antonio Maria Gioiosi.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Norwich, John Julius (1982), A History of Venice, Ed. by Allen Lane, in one volume, London, The Penguin Press. R = Raʿd, Aleppo = Ms. Vat. Ar. – Sbath collection n. 89 (= written account of Raʿd’s trip to Venice 1656). Raines, Dorit (2003), “Cooptazione, aggregazione e presenza al Maggior Consiglio: le casate del patriziato veneziano, 1297-1797,” Storia di Venezia, Rivista, 1:164. Redh.1 = Redhouse, Lexicon = Redhouse, Sir James W. (ed.) (1890), A Turkish and English Lexicon, Beirut, Librairie du Liban. Redh.2 = Redhouse, Dictionary = Redhouse, Sir James W. (1999), Türkçe-Ìngilizce Redhouse sözlüg˘ ü – The Redhouse Turkish-English Dictionary, Istanbul, SEV Matbaacilik ve Yayincilik. Úabbâø (1886) = Úabbâø, Risâla = Úabbâø, Miæâʾíl (1886), Míæâʾíl’s Úabbâø’s Grammatik der arabischen Umgangssprache in Syrien und Ägypten, (ar-Risâla ʾt-tâmma fí kalâm al-’âmma wa-l-manâhij fí ʾaüwâl al-kalâm ad-dârij), ed. H. Thorbecke, Strasbourg, (ms. 1812). Sabuni, Abdulghafur (1980), Laut-und For menlehre des arabischen Dialekts von Aleppo. Heidelberger Orientalistische Studien, Bd. 2. Frankfurt a.M., Bern and Cirencester, Verlag Pater D. Lang. Spiro = Spiro, Dictionary = Spiro, Socrates (1895), An Arabic-English Dictionary of the Colloquial Arabic of Egypt, Le Caire. (Reprinted, Beyrouth, Librairie du Liban, 1980). Steingass = Steingass, Dictionary = Steingass, Francis Joseph (1988), A comprehenive Persian-English Dictionary, London – New York (1st edition 1892). Storia di Venezia, Rivista (2003-) Firenze University Press, on line. Talmon, Rafael (2000), “Mixâ’íl Úabbâø’s Manual of Arabic Dialectology (Paris, 1812): A Systematic Description of its Grammatical Material,” Oriente Moderno, nuova serie, XIX (LXXX), 183-208. Viguier 1790 = Viguier, Lexique = Stachowski, Stanisław (2002), Lexique turc dans le vocabulaire de P.E. Viguier (1790) [Eléments de la langue turque ou tables analytiques de la langue turque usuelle, avec leur développement, dédiés au Roi, Costantinople, Imprimerie du palais de France, Mars 1790], Kraków, Ksiègarnia Akademicka. Wehr = Wehr, Dictionary = Wehr, Hans (19792), A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, Wiesbaden, Otto Harrassowitz. Wright, William (1981), A Grammar of the Arabic Language, 3rd ed. 2 vols., Cambridge, University Press, reproduced in Beirut by the Librairie du Liban. Zaborski, Úabbâø = Zaborski, Andrzej (1993), “Some Egyptian Words in Miæâ’íl Úabbâø’s Treatise on the Dialects of Syria and Egypt,” in Proceedings of the Colloquium on Arabic Lexicology and lexicography, part I, The Arabist / Budapest Studies in Arabic 6-7: 137-151. Zack, Liesbeth (2009), Egyptian Arabic in the seventeenth century: a study and edition of Yûsuf al-Mal-Maøribí’s (Daf al-iúr an kalâm ahl Miúr), ACLC: LOT, Netherlands Graduate School of Linguistics. Zenker = Zenker, J. Th. (1866-1876), Türkisch-arabisch-persisches Handwörterbuch, Leipzig.

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‫رﺣﻠﺔ ”رﻋﺪ“ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻠﺐ إﱃ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﺔ‬ The trip of Ra‘d from Aleppo to Venice f. 1v

In the name of God, the Creator, always and evidently Alive

݅ ‫ﺑﺴﻢ اﻟـﻠﻪ اﻟﺨﺎﻟﻖ اﻟﺤﻲ اﻟﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬

Concerning the beginning of the construction of Venice1

‫ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ اﺑﺘﺪا ﻋامرة اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ‬

In the year four hundred and twenty one / after the Incarnation of Jesus, Re Altun2 started /5/ laying the foundations of Venice from its basis on. / In the year 800 after the Incarnation of Jesus they built the Church / of the Evangelist Mark and the Doge’s Palace.3 / In the year eight hundred and thirty two they brought the body / of the Apostle Mark4 from Alexandria to

‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺠﺴﺪ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺎ ﻳﺴﻮع اﳌﺴﻴﺢ‬ ‫ اﺑﺘﺪأ‬.‫ وواﺣﺪ وﻋﴩون ﺳﻨﻪ‬/‫ﺑﺎرﺑﻌامﻳﻪ‬ ‫ ﰲ ﻋامرة اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ‬/5/ ‫رآاﻟﻄﻮن‬ ‫ ﺳﻨﻪ متﺎمنﺎﻳﻪ ﻟﺘﺠﺴﺪ‬/‫ وﰲ‬.‫اﻻﺳﺎﺳﺎت‬ ‫ ﻣﺮﻗﺺ اﻻﻧﺠﻴﲇ‬/‫اﳌﺴﻴﺢ اﺑﺘﻨﻮا ﻛﻨﻴﺴﺔ‬ ‫ وﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ متﺎمنﺎﻳﻪ‬/.‫واﻟﺒﻼط اﻟﺪي ﻟﻠ ّﺪوﻛﺎ‬ ‫ اﻟﺮﺳﻮل‬/ ‫اﺗﻨني وﺗﻼﺗني اﺣﴬوا ﺟﺴﺪہ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻗﺺ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪرﻳﻪ اﱄ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ‬

1 On the construction of Venice, see Maranini (1931). On its history, see Norwich (1982) and Storia di Venezia, Rivista (2003-). 2< > (R 1v4). I’m rather sure that Raʿd mistook the name of the most famous bridge of Venetian “Rialto,” built in the closing years of the 16th century, with the name of an imaginary king “it. Re” he named “Altûn” who would have started laying the foundations of Venice. It’s unlikely that this “king” [doge] could be Ottone Orseolo, who was the Doge of Venice from 1008 to 1026. More unlikely that could be the “syr. أﻟﻂون‬fil d’or pur” (Barth. ʾlýwn) from Turkish آﻟﺘﻮن‬Redh.2). 3 The Doges’ Palace was erected over many years after the burning of the original 9thcentury structure in 976. Most of the present building dates from the 14th to the 16th century. Saint Mark’s Basilica church in Venice that was begun in its original form in 829 (consecrated in 832) as an ecclesiastical structure (to house and honour the remains of St. Mark that had been brought from Alexandria) was attached to the Doges’ Palace and was completed in about 1071. It was traditionally the private chapel of the doges and effectively a political building. 4 Mark Evangelist, traditional author of the second Synoptic Gospel. According to EB “The only unquestionably reliable information is in Philemon 24, where a certain Mark is mentioned as one of St. Paul’s fellow workers ... The Egyptian church claims Mark as its founder... Other places attributing their origin to Mark are the Italian cities of Aquileia and Venice, of which he is the patron saint. His symbol is the lion... and his attribute of a winged lion in time became the official symbol of the Venetian Republic.”

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42

f. 2r

THE TRIP OF RA‘D FROM ALEPPO TO VENICE

Venice /10/ on the thirtieth of January. / In the year 1141 they built / the great tower to ring the bell.5 / Paul was the first doge to ascend the throne of Venice / after being delegated by the people in the year 7976 /15/ after the Incarnation of Jesus. He governed / eighteen years, one month and five days. |f. 2r|

.‫ ﰲ ﻳﻮم اﻟﺘﻼﺛﻮن ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺘﺎين‬/10/ ‫ اﻟﻒ وﻣﺎﻳﻪ وواﺣﺪ وارﺑﻌني‬/‫وﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ‬ ‫ اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻻﺟﻞ ﻗﺮع‬/‫اﺑﺘﻨﻮا اﻟﱪج‬ ‫ ﺑﻮﻟﺺ اﻟﺪوﻛﺎ‬/‫ وﻛﺎن ﺟﻠﻮس‬.‫اﻟﻨﺎﻗﻮس‬ ‫ اﻟﻌﺎﱄ‬/‫اﻻول ﻋﲇ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ ﰲ اﻟﻜﺮﳼ‬ ‫اﻟﺪي اﻧﺘﺪﺑﻮہ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺳﺒﻌامﻳﻪ‬ ‫ ﺳﺒﻌﻪ وﺗﺴﻌني ﻟﺘﺠﺴﺪ اﳌﺴﻴﺢ‬/15/ ِ ‫ متﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﴩ ﺳﻨﻪ‬/‫اﻟﺮﻳﺎﺳﻪ‬ ‫وﻋﺎش ﰲ‬ (‫أ‬۲ ‫وﺷﻬﺮ وﺧﻤﺲ اﻳﺎم )ورﻗﺔ‬

The description of the Basilica of Saint Mark the Evangelist

‫ﺻﻔﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺴﺔ ﻣﺮﻗﺺ اﻻﻧﺠﻴﲇ ﰲ‬ ݅ ‫اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ‬ ‫اول ﻗﺪام اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﻪ ﻃﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﺘني‬ ‫ وﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ دراع واﻟﱪج اﻟﺪي‬/‫دراع‬ ‫ ﰲ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﺒﲇ واﻳﻀﺎ‬/‫ﻳﺪﻗﻮا اﻟﻨﺎﻗﻮس‬ ‫ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ دراع‬/5/ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﻪ ﻳﺠﻲ ﻃﻮﻟﻬﺎ‬ /‫اﱄ ﺣﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ وداﻳﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪور اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋامرات ﻛﻠﻬﺎ رﺧﺎم وﺷﺒﺎﺑﻴﻚ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﻠﻮر‬ ‫ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ اول واﻧﺖ واﻗﻒ‬/‫ﻣﺘﺼﻠﻪ‬ ‫ اﺑﻮاب اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﻪ‬/‫ﰲ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ ﺑﺎب ﺷﺒﺎك ﻳﻜﻮن‬/‫ﺛﻼت اﺑﻮاب وﺑني ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ ﺑﺎب‬/10/ ‫ﻳﻘﺎرب اﻟﺒﺎب ﰲ اﻟﻘﺪر وﻳﻜﻮن‬ ‫اﻟﻮﺳﻄﺎين ﻃﻮﻟﻪ ﻋﴩة ادرع وﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﻔﺢ ﻧﺤﺎس وروس‬/‫ﺧﻤﺲ ادرع‬ ‫ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺒﻊ‬/‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﺎس روس ﺳﺒﺎع وﰲ ﻓﻢ‬

First of all, in front of the Basilica there is a square whose length is two hundred drà / and whose width is one hundred drà . The bell’s Tower / is on its southern side in front of it there is a square whose length is nearly /5/ one hundred drà which borders on the sea. All around the square are / marmoreal edifices with windowpanes connected / between them. Standing in the Square you can see / the Basilica’s western portals. There are three portals, between each of them / there is a window of almost the same dimension. /10/ As to central portal, it’s length is ten drà and its width five drà , / fully copper plated, adorned with lions’ heads, from

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5 ﻧﺎﻗﻮس‬nâqûs] “religious bell” (R 1v12) (HD 91r15), pl. ﻧﻮاﻗﻴﺲ‬R 8r12) (HD 99v2) = ﻧﺎﻗﻮز‬HD 1v15). Saint Mark Evangelist bell tower: the campanile, separated from the church, was originally begun under the doge Pietro Tribuno (d. 912). It was adapted into its present familiar form early in the 16th century. In 1902 it collapsed but by 1912 had been rebuilt on its original site. See later its description (R 8r1). 6 Bûluú, (Italian Paolo) “1st doge of Venice?” According to tradition, the first doge was Paolo Lucio Anafesto (697-717), but he was elected in 697 as an official over the entire lagoon of Venice.

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TEXT

f. 2v

the mouths of each of which / hang a copper ring weighing almost a ratl. As to portal threshold, it is made of marble / each step is copper covered; in front of these are porphyry7 copper plates with incisions in white. / Above the high threshold there are six /15/ adjoining arches: the first is in marble; the second in yellow stone, / they are all sculpted and incised with twelve towers, the images on them portraying / the activities carried out by people month per month. |f. 2v| The third arch is in marble; the fourth is full of birds and animals of all kinds; / the fifth is in marble and the sixth which is above the others / shows people working in all sorts of occupations / in the world. Above the door there is a high wall depicting /5/ the second coming of the Messiah for the Final Judgment. There are some angels flying about the sky, / while others shout as they blow horns for the Resurrection of the dead. Next, as you descend, / the portals can be seen. Around these, lower down, there are five columns / on one side and five on the other all in porphyry. / And it is like this above and around the windows. /10/ There are also ten columns below, each fifteen drà high / Above, there are columns each of which is ten drà high. / The same goes for the second. The third portal is also / columned, and the Apostle Mark, the Evangelist, is depicted above the right door / as he is carried away from his sepulchre in Alessandria, placed /15/ in

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‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺤﺎس ﺗﺠﻲ رﻃﻞ وﻋﺘﺒﺔ اﻟﺒﺎب‬ ‫ وﻣﺼﻔﺤﻪ درج ﻧﺤﺎس وﻗﺪاﻣﻪ‬/‫رﺧﺎم‬ ‫ ﻧﻘﺶ وﻓﻮق اﻟﻌﺘﺒﻪ‬/‫ﺑﻼط ﺳامق واﺑﻴﺾ‬ ‫ ﰲ‬/15/ ‫اﻟﻔﻮﻗﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺳﺘﺔ ﻗﻨﺎﻃﺮ ﻗﻨﻄﺮہ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻦ ﻗﻨﻄﺮہ اول ﻗﻨﻄﺮہ رﺧﺎم ﺗﺎين‬ ‫ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﻔﺮ‬/‫ﻗﻨﻄﺮہ ﺣﺠﺮ اﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫اﻻﺗﻨﺎ ﻋﴩ ﺑﺮج ﻣﺼﻮرﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺼني ﰲ‬ ‫ ﺑﺮج اﻳﺲ ]اﻳﺶ[ ﺑﻴﻌﻤﻠﻮا اﻟﻨﺎس‬/‫ﻛﻞ‬ (‫ب‬۲ ‫ﰲ ﻫﺪاك اﻟﺸﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻟﺖ )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﻄﺮہ رﺧﺎم راﺑﻊ ﻗﻨﻄﺮہ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻃﻴﻮر‬ ‫ اﻻﺟﻨﺎس ﺧﺎﻣﺲ‬/‫ووﺣﻮش ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬ /‫ﻗﻨﻄﺮہ رﺧﺎم ﺳﺎدس ﻗﻨﻄﺮہ اﻋﻼﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﺻﻮر اﻧﺎس ﺑﻴﺸﺘﻐﻠﻮا ﻛﻞ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ ﰲ اﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ وﻓﻮق اﻻﺑﻮاب ﺣﺎﻳﻂ‬/‫اﻟﺪي‬ ‫ ﻣﺠﻲ اﳌﺴﻴﺢ اﻟﺘﺎين‬/5/ ‫ﻋﺎﱄ ﻣﺼﻮر ﻓﻴﻪ‬ ‫ وﻣﻼﻳﻜﻪ‬/‫ﻟﻠﺪﻳﻨﻮﻧﻪ وﻣﻼﻳﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﻄﻮا اﻟﺴام‬ ‫ﻳﴫﺧﻮا ﰲ اﻟﺒﻮق وﻗﻴﺎﻣﺔ اﻻﻣﻮات ﺗﻢ‬ ‫ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ اﻻﺑﻮاب ﺣﻮاﱄ اﻻﺑﻮاب‬/‫ﺗﻨﺰل‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺪا اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ‬/‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺧﻤﺲ ﻋﻮاﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫وﺧﻤﺲ ﻋﻮاﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻻﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ ﺳامق وﻓﻮق ﻣﻨﻬﻢ اﻳﻀﺎ ﻛﺪﻟﻚ‬/‫ﺣﺠﺮ‬ ‫ ﻛﺪﻟﻚ ﺗﺤﺖ‬/10/ ‫وﺣﻮاﱄ اﻟﺸﺒﺎﺑﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﴩ ﻋﻮاﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻮد ﻃﻮﻟﻪ ﺧﻤﺲ‬ ‫ دراع وﻓﻮق ﻋﻮاﻣﻴﺪ ﻃﻮل ﻛﻞ‬/‫ﻋﴩ‬ ‫ واﻟﺒﺎب اﻻﺧﺮ ﻛﺪﻟﻚ‬/‫واﺣﺪ ﻋﴩ ادرع‬ ‫ اﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻴﺪ‬/‫واﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺪﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫وﻣﺼﻮر ﻓﻮق اﻟﺒﺎب اﻻميﻦ اﻟﺮﺳﻮل‬ ‫ اﻻﻧﺠﻴﲇ اﺧﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﱪ ﻣﻦ‬/‫ﻣﺮﻗﺺ‬ ‫ ﰲ زﻧﺒﻴﻞ‬/15/ ‫اﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪرﻳﻪ وﺣﻄﻮہ‬

7 ﺳامق‬summâq] (R 2v8-9) “sumac (rhus; bot.)” … ﺣﺠﺮ ﺳامق‬üajar summâqí porphyry” (Wehr √smâq).

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Fig. 1 – Giovan Battista Brustolon da Antonio Canal detto il Canaletto, Presentazione del doge nella Basilica di San www.torrossa.com Marco, incisione ad acquaforte e bulino, serie Feste veneziane, Venezia, Teodoroapply. Viero, 1791 - For non-commercial usedalla by authorised users only. License restrictions (Cicognara XI 3978, int. 4, tav. 1).

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Fig. 2 – Giovan Battista Brustolon da Antonio Canal detto il Canaletto, Discorso del doge al popolo in piazza San Marco, incisione ad - acquaforte e bulino,use dalla serie Festeusers veneziane, Venezia, Teodoroapply. Viero, 1791 www.torrossa.com For non-commercial by authorised only. License restrictions (Cicognara XI 3978, int. 4, tav. 2).

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48

f. 3r

THE TRIP OF RA‘D FROM ALEPPO TO VENICE

a basket8 under pork meat, and transported out through the door / of the city; the guards9 who search the basket are shown that it contains / pork meat, while underneath, at the bottom, there was the body of the saint |f. 3r| with small straw twigs on it. Then the guards running away, disgusted at seeing pork meat / and the basket lowered from the top of the rocks to the sea aboard the / sloop. The left10 portal, also circumvented above and below by columns, / represents the arrival of the mortal remains of the apostle Mark /5/ in Venice, while the sea was covered with small boats, which welcome and lead him / to the Basilica during the Easter Monday11 procession / The height of the doors, / the columns and the arches is twenty five drà / and above the arches, the columns and the doors is a corridor five drà wide /10/ with a marble balustrade12 all around the church. And in the corridor, above the central portal, / are four columns in

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‫وﺣﻄﻮ ﻓﻮﻗﻪ ﻟﺤﻢ ﺧﻨﺰﻳﺮ وﻃﻠﻌﻮا ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﻪ واﻟﻴﺴﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺸﻮا اﻟﺰﻧﺒﻴﻞ‬/‫ﺑﺎب‬ ‫ ﰲ اﻟﺰﻧﺒﻴﻞ ﻟﺤﻢ ﺧﻨﺰﻳﺮ وﺟﺴﺪ‬/‫ﺑريوﻫﻢ اﻧﻪ‬ (‫أ‬۳ ‫اﻟﻘ ّﺪﻳﺲ ﰲ اﺳﻔﻞ اﻟﺰﻧﺒﻴﻞ )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﻴﺴﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ وﻓﻮﻗﻪ ﻗﺶ زرع‬ ‫ﱠ‬ ‫ ﻣﻘﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻪ‬/‫ﻓﺮوا ﻣﻦ ﻟﺤﻢ اﻟﺨﻨﺰﻳﺮ‬ /‫ودﻟﻮہ ﻣﻦ راس ﺻﺨﺮہ اﱄ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﱄ‬ ‫اﳌﺮﻛﺐ وﺑﺎب اﻟﺸامﱄ ﻛﺪﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ ﺗﺤﺖ وﻣﺼﻮر اﺗﻮ ﰲ‬/‫اﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻴﺪ ﻓﻮق‬ ‫ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ‬/5/ ‫ﺟﺴﺪ اﻟﺮﺳﻮل ﻣﺮﻗﺺ اﱄ‬ ‫واﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻣﺮاﻛﺐ زﻏﺎر اﱄ ﻟﻘﺎہ‬ ‫ ﻓﻴﻪ وﻫﻢ داﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﰲ ﺟﺴﺪہ ﰲ‬/‫وﻋﱪوا‬ ‫ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ داﺧﻠني ﻓﻴﻪ‬/‫اﻟﺒﺎﻋﻮت وﻣﺼﻮر‬ ‫ واﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻴﺪ‬/‫اﻟﻴﻬﺎ وﻳﻜﻮن ارﺗﻔﺎع اﻻﺑﻮاب‬ /‫واﻟﻘﻨﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﻤﺴﺔ وﻋﴩون دراع وﻓﻮق‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻨﺎﻃﺮ واﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻴﺪ واﻻﺑﻮاب ﻣـﻤﺸﺎ‬ ‫ ﺑﺪراﺑﺰون ﺣﺠﺮ‬/10/ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻤﺲ ادرع‬ /‫رﺧﺎم داﻳﺮﻣﺎ دار اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ وﻓﻮق اﻟﺒﺎب‬ ‫اﻻوﺳﻂ ﰲ اﳌﻤﺸﺎ ارﺑﻊ ﻋﻮاﻣﻴﺪ ﺳامق‬

8 زﻧﺒﻴﻞ‬zanbíl] “basket” (R 2v15), (HD 37r6); “zambí́l pl. znêbí́l ‘panier non rigide, en natte.’ Arabic. zinbílu et zibbí́lu-; syrian zanbílâ et zebbílâ, persian zambíl et zambí́r (Barth √znbl); zembil ‘sporta’ (Argenti 1533: 480); (Men. 2470); zembilci ‘sportaio’ (Argenti 1533: 480); < Osmanli zembilci ‘sportaro, che fa le sporte’ (Men. 2471). 9 ﻳﺎﺳﻘﻲ‬yâsqi] “guard” pl. ﻳﺴﻘﻴﻪ‬yâsqiyye] (R 2v16). See Arabic ﻳﺴﻘﺠﻲ‬guardia armata, gendarme” (IPO), Syrian ﻳﺴﻘﻲ‬Barth.), Egyptian > ﻳﺰيك‬and ﻳﺴﻘﺠﻲ‬Modern Turkish yasakçı, Osmanli-Turkish ﻳﺎﺳﺎﻗﺠﻲ‬Redh.2). 10 Concerning Ra d’s sense of direction, I doubt that ha was able to distinguish North ʿ from South. For this reason the word ﺷامل‬, meaning “Nord” and “left,” was translated according to the context, subordinating it to the opposite direction mentioned by the Author, e.g. وﺑﺎب اﻟﺸامﱄ‬R 3r3) vs. اﻟﺒﺎب اﻻميﻦ‬R 2v13). See also راﻳﺢ ﻋﲇ اﻟﻴﻤني ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﻘﺒﻠﻪ‬R 5v11). 11 اﻟﺒﺎﻋﻮت‬el-bâ ût] Easter Monday (R 3r6) “élbâεû́t et élbâεû́d “prières du lundi de ʿ pâques.” d’où tnên élbâεû́t “le lundì de Pâques…” || Syr. bâεûθâ “demande, prière” (Barth. √bʿt). 12 دراﺑﺰون‬drâbzûn / darabzûn] “balustrade” (R 3r10) (HD 94r17); “darâbzû́n ‘balustrade, garde-fou, parapet’ < gr. τραπέζιον ‘table’ (Barth. √drbzwn), “darabazín ‘railing, parapet, banisters, balustrade’ (Wehr √drʾbzyn).

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porphyry, / five drà high each supporting a golden horse. / Each of the four golden horses has the size of a large horse. / They look as if they are running without reins, leaving observers dumbfounded. /15/ Right behind them there is an arch twenty five drà in height above the central door. / In the centre [of the arch] one can find the wall of the Resurrection and above this |f. 3v| the sky and the stars. And in the same way, above the doors and the windows is the Crucifixion, / the Messiah raising Adam and Eve and the Messiah rising from the sepulchre with the guards / who appear to be dead. Above the arches, in between this and that arch, / can be found six seats with four columns. /5/ The figure of an apostle in marble on each one, / above each one a marble dome.13 On top of the central arch / and above all is the Messiah erecting his cross. At the top / of the cross is a flag, and here and there some angels: / one is holding the spear, another the sponge, another the column and the other the crown. /10/ of thorns. And even along the southern versant of the church, as already / mentioned, are the columns and the ambones,14 the

‫ ﻃﻮﻟﻪ ﺣﻤﺲ ]ﺧﻤﺲ[ ادرع‬/‫ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻮد‬ ‫ ﻗﺪ‬/‫وﻓﻮق ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻮد ﻓﺮس ﻣﻦ دﻫﺐ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺮس اﻟﻜﺒريہ ارﺑﻊ اﻓﺮاس ﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ ﺗﻨﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻬﺎ راﻛﺪہ ﺑﻼ ﻟﺠﻢ‬/‫اﻟﺪﻫﺐ‬ ‫ اﻻﻓﺮاس‬/15/ ‫ﺗﺤري اﻟﻨﺎﻇﺮ اﻟﻴﻬﻢ وﺧﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﻄﺮہ ﻋﻠﻮﻫﺎ ﺧﻤﺲ وﻋﴩون دراع‬ ‫ اﻻوﺳﻂ وﻣﺼﻮر ﰲ وﺳﻄﻬﺎ‬/‫ﻓﻮق اﻟﺒﺎب‬ (‫ب‬۳ ‫ﺣﺎﻳﻂ اﻟﻘﻴﺎﻣﻪ وﻓﻮﻗﻬﺎ )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴام واﻟﻨﺠﻮم وﻛﺪﻟﻚ ﻓﻮق اﻻﺑﻮاب‬ ‫ واﳌﺴﻴﺢ ﻧﺎﺷﻞ‬/‫واﻟﺸﺒﺎﺑﻴﻚ اﻟﺼﻠﺒﻮت‬ ‫ادم وﺣﻮي واﳌﺴﻴﺢ ﻗﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﱪ‬ ‫ وﻓﻮق اﻟﻘﻨﺎﻃﺮ ﺑني‬.‫ ﻣﺜﻞ اﳌﻮيت‬/‫واﻟﺤﺮاس‬ ‫ واﻟﻘﻨﻄﺮہ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺪا‬/‫اﻟﻘﻨﻄﺮہ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮن‬ /5/ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﺘﺔ ﻛﺮاﳼ ﺑﻌﻮاﻣﻴﺪ ارﺑﻌﻪ‬ ‫وﻛﻞ واﺣﺪ ﺟﺎﻟﺲ ﻓﻴﻪ رﺳﻮل ﺻﻮرﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ وﻓﻮق راﺳﻪ ﻗﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺠﺮ‬/‫ﺣﺠﺮ رﺧﺎم‬ ‫ ﰲ‬/‫ وﻓﻮق اﻟﻘﻨﻄﺮہ اﻟﻮﺳﻄﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬.‫رﺧﺎم‬ ‫راس اﻟﻜﻞ اﳌﺴﻴﺢ واﻗﻒ وﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻪ‬ ‫ اﻟﺼﻠﻴﺐ ﺑريق وﻣﻦ ﻫﻮن‬/‫وﰲ راس‬ ‫ ﻣﺎﺳﻚ اﻟﺤﺮﺑﻪ‬/‫وﻣﻦ ﻫﻮن ﻣﻼﻳﻜﻪ واﺣﺪ‬ ‫اﺧﺮ اﻟﺴﻔﻨﺤﻪ ]اﻟﺴﻔﻨﺠﻪ[ اﺧﺮاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻮد‬ ‫ واﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﻦ‬.‫ اﻟﺸﻮك‬/10/ ‫اﺧﺮ اﻛﻠﻴﻞ‬ َ٘ ‫ دﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﻣﻦ‬/‫اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮہ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﲇ‬

ʿ

ʿ

f. 3v

13 ﻗﺒﺔ‬qebbè] “dome” (R 3v6) pl. ﻗﺒﺐ‬R 4r13) is used by Ra d with the following ʿ meanings “cupola, dome; cupolaed structure, dome shape edifice; dome shrine” ﻗﺒﺔ اﻟﺠﺮس‬ q. al-jaras belfry, bell tower.” 14 اﻻﻧﺒﻠﻦ‬el- anbalòn] (R 6v8) اﻻﻧﺒﻠﻮﻧني‬dual [ibid.] “ambo pl. ambos, ambones.” Accorʾ ding to the EB, ambo is, in the Christian liturgy, “a raised stand formerly used for reading the Gospel or the Epistle, first used in early basilicas... By the Byzantine and early Romanesque periods, it had become an essential part of the church plan. By at least the 11th century, double ambos appeared and were normally placed on either side of the choir, with the north ambo used for the reading of the Epistle and the south for the Gospel....” According to the DE, “Ambóne lat. ambone (m) dal gr. àmb-on qualunque cosa protuberante e di figura specialmente convessa sopra una superfice, che alcuno annoda alla radice del gr. òmρη-alos =

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f. 4r

THE TRIP OF RA‘D FROM ALEPPO TO VENICE

seats and The Madonna, / portrayed in the centre; in front of her are candles burning in the name of / the one who is absent, the one who has gone on a journey to another place. / They light a candle in a candlestick-holder in the open air, and if it goes out immediately, /15/ they think he is dead and if / it continues to burn to the end they believe he is alive. The people |f. 4r| stand in the square below watching. The northern facade is analogous/ as regards columns and ambones. The church also has/ another door as big as the afore-mentioned ones; there is yet another through which/ the Ducal Palace can be reached, and still another on the other side. /5/ So the portals of the church we have described are seven in number./ What can be seen from the outside, from the square,/ must be, with the doors and windows, big and small,/ three hundred columns in all. Then going through the central entrance,/ there are four steps to ascend towards the interior and three more doors can be seen opposite /10/ the outside ones already mentioned./ The external and internal doors are fifteen drà apart while their length/ is equal to the width of the church from north to south./ Seven are the domes: looking to the right/ one can see the first dome which depicts God in the act of creating the world as is cited in the Old Testament; /15/ the second portrays the universal flood, Noah and the Ark;

ʿ

َ٘ ‫اﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻴﺪ واﻻﻧﺒﻠﻦ اﻟﻜﺮاﳼ‬ / ‫واﻟﺴﻴـﺪہ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮرہ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺳﻂ وﺑﻴﺸﻌﻠﻮا ﻗﺪاﻣﻬﺎ‬ ‫ اﺳﻢ اﻟﺪي ﺑﻴﻜﻮن ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﰲ‬/‫ﺷﻤﻊ ﻋﲇ‬ َ٘ ‫ﻏري ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ ﺑﻴﺸﻌﻠﻮا اﻟﺸﻤﻌﻪ‬/‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ‬ /15/ ‫ﰲ ﺷﻤﻌﺪان ﺗﺤﺖ اﻟﺴام ان ﻛﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﺎت دﻟﻚ اﳌﺴﺎﻓﺮ اﻧﻄﻔﺖ اﻟﺸﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ ﻛﺎن ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻴﺎہ ﺧﻠﺼﺖ‬/‫ﻟﻠﻮﻗﺖ وان‬ (‫أ‬٤ ‫اﻟﺸﻤﻌﻪ وﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻄﻔﻲ واﻟﻨﺎس )ورﻗﺔ‬ .‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ واﻗﻔني ﰲ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻪ ﻳﻨﻈﺮوﻫﺎ‬ ‫ اﻟﺸامﱄ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻴﺪ‬/‫وﻛﺪﻟﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ ﺑﺎب اﺧﺮ‬/‫واﻻﻧﺒﻠﻦ واﻳﻀﺎ اﱄ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪ اﻻﺑﻮاب اﳌﺪﻛﻮرہ واﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﺎب اﺧﺮ‬ ‫ اﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ اﻟﺪي ﻟﻠﺪوﻛﺎ وﺑﺎب‬/‫ﻳﻌﱪ‬ ‫ اﻻﺧﺮ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ‬/5/ ‫اﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ وﺻﻔﻨﺎہ‬/‫ﺳﺒﻌﺔ اﺑﻮاب ﻛﺒﺎر ﻫﺪہ اﻟﺪي‬ /‫اﻟﺪي ﺗﻨﻈﺮہ واﻧﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮہ ﰲ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮن ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﻋﻮاﻣﻴﺪ اﻻﺑﻮاب واﻟﺸﺒﺎﺑﻴﻚ‬ ‫ وﻛﺒﺎر ﺛﻠﺜامﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﻮد ﺛﻢ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ‬/‫ﺻﻐﺎر‬ ‫ ارﺑﻊ درﺟﺎت اﱄ ﺟﻮا‬/‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎب اﻻوﺳﻂ‬ /10/ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﺮ اﻳﻀﺎ ﺛﻼت اﺑﻮاب اﺧﺮ ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫اﻻﺑﻮاب اﻟﱪاﻧﻴﺎت اﻟﺪي دﻛﺮﻧﺎﻫﻢ وﺑني‬ ‫ اﻟﱪاﻧﻴﺎت واﻟﺠﻮاﻧﻴﺎت ﻗﺪر‬/‫اﻻﺑﻮاب‬ ‫ ﻃﻮل ﻋﺮض‬/‫ﺧﻤﺲ ﻋﴩ دراع واﻟﻄﻮل‬ /‫اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﲇ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ اﱄ ﺷامﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫وﻫﻨﻪ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ ﻗﺒﺐ اول ﺗﻨﻄﺮ ]ﺗﻨﻈﺮ[ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫ ﻗﺒﻪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﻮر اﻟـﻠﻪ‬/‫ﻳﺪك اﻟﻴﻤني اول‬ /15/ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ اﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﻛام ﻣﺪﻛﻮر ﰲ اﻟﺘﻮراہ‬ ‫ﺗﺎين ﻗﺒﻪ ﻣﺼﻮر اﻟﻄﻮﻓﺎن وﻧﻮح واﻟﺴﻔﻴﻨﻪ‬

lat. umb-ilícus umbelico …, altri meglio ritiene detto ànabon comp. di anà sopra e baìno vado (v. Base). – Cattedra, Pulpito; Tribuna nelle antiche al disopramo a sinistra dell’entrata del coro, ove si leggeva l’evangelo e il vescovo predicava....”

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in the third/ Abraham and his vicissitudes can be seen; in the fourth the Prophet Joseph, and the events |f. 4v| with his brothers and the Pharoah; the fifth shows the vicissitudes of the Prophet Moses; / the sixth that of David and Solomon and his (their) adventures. On your right / there is an chapel as big as church and above the external door / and the inside one, between the two domes, a gallery15 which is sixty drà high. /5/ On the upper side, the throne [of God], the Saints and the Paradise are decorated, / and below, Hell and suffering can be seen. Then seven steps up, / one narrower16 than the next, take to the church door, the first is ten drà long. / Behind the doors, here and there, there are some doors / through which, after the corridor that is above little domes /10/ one can reach the four golden horses that we have mentioned, by going up for thirty steps. Just before ascending, / you’ll see a door, from which you can enter a corridor, above columns / and pillars, with a marble banister on either side. / The corridor is three drà wide and ends / above the choir and the altar. It is the same on the other side /15/ as far as the apse. Then, if you go through the church door we have spoken about, / you’ll see it all in dark17 silver, bigger than the external door |f. 5r|

‫ اﺑﺮاﻫﻴﻢ واﺧﺒﺎرہ راﺑﻊ ﻗﺒﻪ‬/‫ﺗﺎﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻪ‬ (‫ب‬٤ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ اﻟﺤﺴﻦ واﺧﺒﺎرہ )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻊ اﺧﻮﺗﻪ وﻣﻊ ﻓﺮﻋﻮن ﺧﺎﻣﺲ ﻗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ ﺳﺎدس ﻗﺒﻪ داوود‬/‫اﺧﺒﺎر ﻣﻮﳼ اﻟﻨﺒﻲ‬ ‫ اﻟﻴﻤني‬/‫وﺳﻠﻴامن واﺧﺒﺎرہ وﻋﲇ ﻳﺪك‬ َ٘ ‫ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﻗﺪر‬ /‫ﻛﻨﻴﺴﻪ وﻓﻮق اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﱪاين‬ ‫واﻟﺠﻮاين ﺑني اﻟﻘﺒﺘني ﻗﺒﻮ ﻋﺎﱄ ﺳﺘني دراع‬ ‫ وﻣﺼﻮر ﻓﻮق اﻟﻌﺮش واﻟﻘﺪﻳﺴني‬/5/ ‫ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ واﻟﻌﺪاب ﺛﻢ‬/‫واﻟﺠﻨﻪ وﺗﺤﺘﻪ‬ ‫ امل ﻣﻦ‬/‫ﺗﻄﻠﻊ ﰲ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ درﺟﺎت واﺣﺪہ‬ ‫واﺣﺪہ ﻃﻮل اول درﺟﻪ ﻋﴩ ادرع اﱄ‬ َ٘ ‫اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﺧﻠﻒ اﻻﺑﻮاب ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮن‬ /‫ﺑﺎب‬ ‫ ﺗﻄﻠﻊ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ اﱄ‬/‫وﻣﻦ ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ اﺑﻮاب‬ /10/ ‫اﳌﻤﺸﺎ ﻓﻮق ﻗﺒﺐ اﻟﺰﻏﺎر اﱄ ﻋﻨﺪ‬ ‫اﻻرﺑﻊ اﻓﺮاس اﻟﺪﻫﺐ اﻟﺪي دﻛﺮﻧﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ ﺑﴚ‬/‫>ﺗﻼﺗني درﺟﻪ< وﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻄﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﺎب ﺗﻌﱪ ﻣﻨﻪ ﰲ ﻣـﻤﺸﺎ‬ ‫ وﻋﻀﺎﻳﺪ ودراﺑﺰون ﻣﻦ‬/‫ﻓﻮق ﻋﻮاﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ رﺧﺎم ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬/‫ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ وﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺠﺮ‬ /‫اﳌﻤﺸﺎ ﺗﻼت ادرع اﱄ ان ﺗﻨﺘﻬﻲ اﱄ‬ ‫ﻓﻮق اﻟﺨﻮرص واﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ وﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﺤﻨﻴﻪ‬/15/ ‫اﻻﺧﺮ ﻛﺪﻟﻚ اﱄ‬ ‫اﻟﻬﻜﻞ ]اﻟﻬـﻴﻜﻞ[ ﺛﻢ ادا ﻋﱪت اﱄ ﺑﺎب‬ ‫ اﳌﺪﻛﻮر ﺗﻨﻈﺮہ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻓﻀﻪ‬/‫اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ‬ (‫أ‬٥ ‫دﻟﻐﻢ اﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﱪاين )ورﻗﺔ‬

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ﻗﺒﻮ‬qabu] “gallery” (R 4v4) pl. اﻗﺒﻮہ‬R 5r6) is used by Raʿd with the following meanings: “vault; vaulted or arch ceiling, tunnel, gallery.” 16 ﺍﻟﻢ‬alamm] “narrower” (R 4v7), see Wehr √lmm “to gather… to arrange … to straighʾ ten out…. √lmlm “to gather, gather up.” 17 دﻟﻐﻢ‬maybe [‫“ ]دﻟﻬﻢ‬dark?” (R 4v16).

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THE TRIP OF RA‘D FROM ALEPPO TO VENICE

and covered in drawings of the Holy Bishops. / So, enter the church and take a look: it is one hundred fifty drà long, / one hundred fifty drà wide and over one hundred fifty drà high. / The floor is all in mosaic /5/ the design of which is dazzling to the sight. The church has five big domes. / In between which are huge arches and galleries as wide as / the domes. The central dome is higher than the other four which stand on each side. / In the arches all the saints and martyrs are depicted / with golden, blue and red mosaic pieces, /10/ as big as a fingernail, none of them is felt-tip pen painted but true glass pieces. / The glass dazzles one’s sight because of the sparkling of the designs on the wall / and inside the domes. Just after going through the silver door mentioned towards the church, / on the right hand side, you can see a covered altar which top isn’t raised / but is lower than the high dome. Opposite, /15/ to your left side, there’s another covered altar with the top |f. 5v| not touching the superior dome, but is lower than it. Going through the door made of silver / a square pillar with four corners four drà / each side is ten drà beyond this stands a column / then a pillar and another column /5/ and again a pillar and yet another column until the altar is reached; / The pillars and the columns are thirty drà high. / The afore-mentioned corridor is above this colonnade. / Identical columns and pillars are repeated in the other area, to the left / with the corridor above. This is a third of the church

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‫وﻛﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﻮر ﻛﺎﻓﺔ روﺳﺎ اﻟﻜﻬﻨﻪ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﺴني‬ ‫ اﱄ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﻟﻬﺎ‬/‫ﺗﻢ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ‬ ‫ وﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬/‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪ وﺧﻤﺴني دراع‬ ‫ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬/‫وﺧﻤﺴني دراع وارﺗﻔﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﻓﻮق‬ ‫وﺧﻤﺴني دراع واﻟﺒﻼط ﻛﻠﻪ ﻓﺴﻴﻔﺴﻪ‬ ‫ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﻫﺶ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ واﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ‬/5/ ‫ ﻛﺒﺎر وﺑني اﻟﻘﺒﻪ واﻟﻘﺒﻪ‬/‫ﺧﻤﺲ ﻗﺒﺐ‬ ‫ اﻟﻘﺒﻪ وﻗﺒﺔ اﻟﻮﺳﻄﺎ‬/‫اﻗﺒﻮہ رواﻗﺎت وﺳﻊ‬ ‫ اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ وﻣﻦ‬/‫اﻋﻼﻫﻢ واﻻرﺑﻌﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺪا‬ /‫ﻫﺪا اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ واﻻﻗﺒﻮہ ﻣﺼﻮرﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﻴﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﻮر‬ ٘ ‫اﻟﻘﺪﻳﺴني واﻟﺸﻬﺪا‬ ‫ اﻟﻀﻔﺮ ﻣﺪﻫﺐ وازرق واﺣﻤﺮ‬/10/ ‫ﻗﺪر‬ ‫ ﺑﻴﺪﻫﺶ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬/‫ﺑﻐري ﻗﻠﻢ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺒﻠﻮر‬ ‫ اﻟﻘ ُـﺒﺐ‬/‫ﳌﻴﻊ اﻟﺤﻴﻄﺎن اﳌﺼﻮرہ وداﺧﻞ‬ ‫اول ﺗﻌﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎب اﻟﻔﻀﻪ اﳌﺪﻛﻮر اﱄ‬ ‫ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﺑﺮاﺳﻪ ﻋﲆ‬/‫اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ ﻓﻮق ﻟﻜﻦ‬/‫ﻳﺪك اﻟﻴﻤني ﻏري ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ اﱄ‬ ‫اوﻃﻲ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺒﻪ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ وﺗﻨﻈﺮﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﺸامل ﻋﲇ ﻳﺪك‬/15/ (‫ب‬٥ ‫اﻟﺸامل اﻳﻀﺎ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﺑﺮاﺳﻪ )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﻏري ﻻﺻﻖ ﰲ اﻟﻘﺒﻪ ﻓﻮق ﻟﻜﻦ اوﻃﻲ‬ ‫ اﻟﻔﻀﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻀﺎدہ‬/‫ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﺎب‬ ‫ ﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ‬/‫ﻋﲇ اﻟﻴﻤني ﻣﺮﺑﻌﻪ ارﺑﻊ ﻗﺮاين‬ ‫ارﺑﻊ ادرع راﻳﺢ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﴩة ادرع‬ ‫ راﻳﺢ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻋﻀﺎدہ راﻳﺢ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬/‫ﻋﺎﻣﻮد‬ ‫ ﻋﻀﺎدہ اﻳﻀﺎ‬/5/ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻮد اﺧﺮ اﻳﻀﺎ‬ ‫ وﻃﻮل‬/‫ﻋﺎﻣﻮد اﱄ ان ﻳﻨﺘﻬﻮا اﱄ اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ‬ /‫اﻟﻌﻀﺎدہ واﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻴﺪ ﺗﻼﺗني دراع‬ ‫واﳌﻤﺸﺎ اﳌﺪﻛﻮر اوﻻً ﻓﻮق ﻣﻨﻬﻢ وﰲ‬ ‫ اﻻﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺸامل ﻣﺜﻞ دﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ‬/‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ واﳌﻤﺸﺎ ﻓﻮق ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬/‫اﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻴﺪ واﻟﻌﻀﺎﻳﺪ‬

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/10/ and stands opposite the extremities of the two altars mentioned. Then to the right continue / southwards for forty drà / below the gallery mentioned. Above this can be found a large high arched ceiling / made in one piece forty drà in size. One sees the door of the church / through which one comes from the Palace, and in front on the left side, /15/ what has been mentioned can be seen and a covered altar / opposite the door of the Palace which gives access to the Basilica. |f. 6r|

َ٘ ‫ ﻓﻴﻜﻮن‬/10/ ‫اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴـﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪا ﻳﻜﻮن ﺗﻠﺖ‬ ‫ ﺗﻢ‬.‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ اواﺧﺮ اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻠني اﳌﺪﻛﻮرﻳﻦ‬ ‫ راﻳﺢ ﻋﲇ اﻟﻴﻤني ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﻘﺒﻠﻪ ﻓﻮق‬/‫ﺗﻌﱪ‬ ‫ ﺗﺤﺖ اﳌﻤﺸﺎ اﳌﺪﻛﻮر‬/‫ﺑﺎرﺑﻌني دراع‬ ‫ ﻓﺮد ﺷﻘﻔﻪ‬/‫وﻓﻮق اﳌﻤﺸﺎ ﻗﺒﻮ ﻋﺎﱄ‬ ‫ اﻟﺪي‬/‫ارﺑﻌني دراع وﺗﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﺎب اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﱪ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ وﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ اﻟﺸامل ﺗﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ دﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ‬/15/ ‫ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎب اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ اﻟﺪي‬/‫ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﺑﺮ َ٘اﺳـﻪ‬ (‫أ‬٦ ‫ﻟﻠﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﻴﻜﻮن ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ )ورﻗﺔ‬

Here under the vast dome in the middle of the church, towards the door / of the Palace, a dome can be found and to the left there is another. Beyond the door made of silver, / as soon as you go through it, there is a dome and another above the central altar, the one which has / the vault and which has been mentioned. Near the walls there are innumerable columns. /5/ And even above the corridor there are columns and arches. The arches / under the corridor are ten drà wide. Those above it / are eight drà wide. Above everything huge tall arches can be found / all forty drà . At the centre of the arches, above / the southern door that gives access to the Palace, every /10/ round window is forty drà high and forty drà wide / and it’s all in iron with windows in coloured glass.18 It is also like that further down and to

‫ﺗﺤﺖ اﻟﻘﺒﻪ اﻟﻜﺒريہ ﻧﺼﻒ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻪ وﺷامل ﻗﺒﻪ‬/‫وﺻﻮب ﺑﺎب‬ ‫ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﱪ ﻗﺒﻪ‬/‫وﺟﻮات ﺑﺎب اﻟﻔﻀﻪ اول‬ /‫وﻗﺒﻪ ﻓﻮق اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ اﻟﺼﺪراين اﻟﺪي اﻟﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻨﻴﻪ وﻛﻞ ﳾ دﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺤﻴﻄﺎن‬ ‫ ﻋﺪد وﻓﻮق اﳌﻤﺸﺎ‬/5/ ‫ﻋﻮاﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻬﻢ‬ ‫ اﻟﻘﻨﻄﺮہ‬/‫اﻳﻀﺎ ﻋﻮاﻣﻴﺪ وﻗﻨﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺮض‬ /‫ وﻓﻮق اﳌﻤﺸﺎ‬.‫ﺗﺤﺖ اﳌﻤﺸﺎ ﻋﴩ ادرع‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﻃﺮ متﺎن ادرع وﻓﻮق اﻟﻜﻞ اﻻﻗﺒﻮہ‬ ‫ ﻛﻞ ﻗﺒﻮ ارﺑﻌني دراع وﰲ ﺻﺪر‬/‫اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ ﺑﺎب اﻟﻘﺒﲇ اﻟﺪي ﻳﺪﺧﻞ‬/‫اﻻﻗﺒﻮہ ﻓﻮق‬ ‫ ﻣﺪور ﻃﻮﻟﻪ‬/10/ ‫ﻟﻠﴪاﻳﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺷﺒﺎك‬ /‫ارﺑﻌني دراع وﻋﺮﺿﻪ ارﺑﻌني دراع‬ ‫وﻛﻠﻪ ﺣﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻗامري ﺑﻠﻮر وراﻳﺢ ﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ ﻛﺪﻟﻚ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻔﻮت راﻳﺢ ﻣﻦ‬/‫ﻛﺪﻟﻚ وﻏﺮب‬

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18 ﻗامري‬coloured glass” ﻗامري ﺑﻠﻮر‬R 6r11). “qmarí́ye, pl. ât́ “petite ouverture ronde et garnie de verre de couleur, percée dans le dôme d’un üammấm pour donner du jour”… (Barth. √qmr).

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the west. / Then, go through the door of the Palace and to the east you will see / an uncovered and isolated altar and in front of it, on your left, there’s another altar / which is uncovered and isolated. Next to the altar is a marble staircase /15/ with ten steps that bring us to the choir. In the same way the altar on the east side / has a small staircase with fifteen steps on the side |f. 6v| of the altar that bring you to the ambone that fits fifty men sat on / seats; and on the other side there is a similar ambone. / Then walk to the middle of the church where a light, about the size of a millstone, is hanging / on a peeling copper chain. /5/ From the centre of the church, go up ten steps / of porphyry shaped in a semicircle, every time you go up one step, / the one above is narrower,19 taking you to the choir. Above the door of the choir, / to the side of the two ambones mentioned before — between which / are a multitude of marble columns — and above them twelve /10/ Disciples — carved in marble — stand in a row. There’s a cross above the door / of the choir, three drà long and three drà wide and on this / there is the crucified Messiah. The choir extends for forty drà / and is fifteen drà wide. You can see another door of the church / towards the Palace, from which you can reach the middle of the choir and leave by the opposite

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‫ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ وﺣﺪہ‬/‫ﺑﺎب اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ ﻣﴩق ﺗﻨﻈﺮ‬ /‫ﻣﻜﺸﻮف وﻗﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﺸامل ﻫﻴﻜﻞ‬ ‫اﺧﺮ وﺣﺪہ ﻣﻜﺸﻮف وﰲ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ‬ ‫ ﻋﴩ درﺟﺎت ﻳﻄﻠﻊ‬/15/ ‫درج رﺧﺎم‬ /‫اﱄ اﻟﺨﻮرص وﻛﺪﻟﻚ اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ اﻟﺸامﱄ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ دﻟﻚ درج وﺗﻄﻠﻊ اﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﺨﻤﺲ‬ (‫ب‬٦ ‫ﻋﴩ درﺟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ اﱄ اﻧﺒﻠﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﺎع ﺧﻤﺴني رﺟﻞ‬ ‫ ﻛﺮاﳼ وﻛﺪﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬/‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫ ﺛﻢ ﺗﻌﺎود اﱄ‬/‫اﻻﺧﺮ اﻧﺒﻠﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ دﻟﻚ‬ ‫ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ‬/‫ﻧﺼﻒ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻗﻨﺪﻳﻞ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﺎس ﻣﺨﺮﻣﻪ ﻳﺠﻲ ﻗﺪر ﻓﺮدة ﻃﺎﺣﻮن‬ ‫ وﺗﺼﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺼﻒ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﰲ ﻋﴩ‬/5/ ‫ ﺳامق ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻨﺼﻒ اﻟﻜﺮہ‬/‫درﺟﺎت ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ امل ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬/‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻃﻠﻌﺖ ودرﺟﻪ اﻻﺧﺮہ‬ /‫ﺗﺼﻌﺪ اﱄ اﻟﺨﻮرص ﻓﻮق ﺑﺎب اﻟﺨﻮرص‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻻﻧﺒﻠﻮﻧني اﳌﺪﻛﻮرﻳﻦ ﺑني اﻻﻧﺒﻠﻦ‬ ‫ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻋﻮاﻣﻴﺪ رﺧﺎم وﻓﻮق ﺻﻒ‬/‫واﻻﺧﺮ‬ ‫ ﺗﻠﻤﻴﺪ واﻗﻔني ﻣﻦ‬/10/‫ﺻﻒ اﻻﺗﻨﺎ ﻋﴩ‬ ‫ اﻟﺨﻮرص ﻃﻮﻟﻪ‬/‫رﺧﺎم وﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﻓﻮق ﺑﺎب‬ /‫ﺗﻼت ادرع وﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺗﻼت ادرع وﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫اﳌﺴﻴﺢ ﻣﺼﻠﻮب ووﺳﻊ اﻟﺨﻮرص ارﺑﻌني‬ ‫ وﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻤﺲ ﻋﴩ وﺗﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﺎب‬/‫دراع‬ ‫ ﻟﻠﴪاﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﱪ ﻣﻨﻪ ﰲ‬/‫اﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ‬ /15/ ‫وﺳﻂ اﻟﺨﻮرص وﺗﺨﺮج ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎب‬

19

امل‬ʾalamm] “narrower” (R 4v7), “to gather… to arrange … to straighten out…. √lmlm “to gather, gather up.” Wehr √lmm. 20 Having no similar pattern or linguistic, religious or cultural reference for “organum pipes” Raʿd mentioned three times a composed sui generis nominal syntagm اﻻت اﻟﻘﻴﺘﺎرہ‬ “quitars’ instruments” to denominate the “organum pipes.”

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door /15/ to the north. To the east of the door there is another altar whose summit is / uncovered and yet another door. In front of it to the left |f. 7r| is another altar nearby, on the east side, similar to the one described. / Above this is the afore-mentioned walkway. A group of “quitars’ instruments” [organum pipes]20 are situated above / this altar and another group opposite, above the second altar. / Some of these “quitars’ instruments” [organum pipes] /5/ are three drà high; in the centre are four large, tall ones / and then another four, a bit shorter and another four shorter still and thinner. / The other side is the same. Behind this is a pump / which is five drà by five in width. It is made to work / by means of a big wooden stick until it blows air through the “quitars’ instruments” [organum pipes]. /10/ The believers pray to the notes of its sweet and lovely melody. / Then can be seen the altar, the high vault and the Holy Communion table of the altar / which is ten drà long and ten drà wide / and all the Saints portrayed. When they uncover them, / raising (sic.) [the curtain] like a shop door, the Saints remain /15/ upright; the Holy Communion table dazzles one’s sight / all covered with images of seated Bishops made of pieces of gold and |f. 7v| precious stones each as big as a broad bean. All the pearls, as big as chickpeas, are set21 / in the images which are arranged in compartments.22 / The

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f. 7v

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55

‫اﺧﺮ ﻗﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﰲ اﻟﺸامل وﴍﻗﻲ اﻟﺒﺎب‬ ‫ ﻣﻜﺸﻮف واﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﺎب‬/‫اﻳﻀﺎ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﺑﺮاﺳﻪ‬ (‫أ‬٧ ‫اﺧﺮ اﻟﺪي ﻗﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﰲ اﻟﺸامل )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻜﻞ اﺧﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﴍق ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺪي‬ ‫ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ اﳌﻤﺸﺎ اﳌﺪﻛﻮر‬/‫دﻛﺮﻧﺎہ وﻓﻮق‬ ‫ ﻫﺪا اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ‬/‫واﻻت اﻟﻘﻴﺘﺎرہ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻪ ﻓﻮق‬ ‫ اﻻت‬/‫واﺣﺪہ وﻗﺒﺎﻟﻪ اﻻﺧﺮ ﻓﻮﻗﻪ اﻳﻀﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻴﺘﺎرہ واﺣﺪہ واﻻت اﻟﻘﻴﺘﺎرہ ﻃﻮل ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ واﺣﺪہ ﺗﻼت ادرع ﰲ اﻟﻮﺳﻂ ارﺑﻌﻪ‬/5/ ‫ وارﺑﻌﻪ اﻗﴫ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﴚ‬/‫ﻃﻮال ﺗﺨﺎن‬ ‫ وﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬/‫ﻗﻠﻴﻞ وارﺑﻌﻪ اﻗﴫ وارﻓﻊ‬ ‫ ﻗﺪر‬/‫اﻻﺧﺮ ﻛﺪﻟﻚ وﺧﻠﻒ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﻔﺎخ‬ [‫ﺧﻤﺲ ادرع ﰲ ﻋﺮض ﺣﻤﺴﻪ ]ﺧﻤﺴﻪ‬ ‫ ﻋﻮد ﺧﺸﺐ ﻛﺒري ﺣﺘﻲ‬/‫وﺑﻴﺤﺮﻛﻮہ ﰲ‬ ‫ اﻟﻘﻴﺘﺎرہ‬/10/ ‫ﻳﻨﻔﺦ وﻳﻌﱪ اﱄ اﻻت‬ /‫وﻳﺼﻠﻮا اﳌﺼﻠﻴـني ﻋﲇ ﻧﻐﻤﺘﻪ اﻟﻠﻄﻴﻔﻪ‬ َ٘ ‫اﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻨﴬ اﱄ اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ اﻟﺤﻨﻴﻪ‬ ‫ وﺗﻨﻈﺮ اﱄ اﳌﺎﻳﺪہ ﻋﴩ ادرع‬/‫ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ‬/‫ﻃﻮل ﰲ ﻋﴩ ادرع ﻋﺮض‬ َ٘ /‫اﻟﻘﺪﻳﺴني ﻣﺼﻮرﻳﻦ ﺛﻢ ادا ﻛﺸﻔﻮﻫﻢ‬ ‫راﻓﻌني اﱄ ﻓﻮق ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺎب اﻟﺪﻛﺎن ﺗﺒﻘﺎ اﱄ‬ ‫ ﻓﻮق ﻣﺮﻓﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ اﳌﺎﻳﺪہ ﺗﺪﻫﺶ‬/15/ ‫ ﺻﻮر روﺳﺎ اﻟﻜﻬﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺴني‬/‫اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ‬ َ٘ (‫ب‬٧ ‫ﻛﺴـﺮ دﻫﺐ واﺣﺠﺎر )ورﻗﺔ‬ َ٘ ‫ﻧﻔﻴﺴـﻪ ﻗﺪر اﻟﻔﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺠﺮ واﻟﻠﻮﻟﻮ‬ ‫ اﻟﺼﻮر ﻗﺪر اﻟﺤﻤﺼﻪ‬/‫ﻛﻠﻪ ﻣﺒﺴـَ٘ﻤﺮ ﰲ‬ ‫ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﻪ ﺗﺤري اﻟﻌﻘﻞ‬/‫وﻫﻮ ﺑﻴﻮت ﺑﻴﻮت‬

21

ﻣﺒﺴـَ٘ﻤﺮ‬mbasmar] “set, fixed” < ar. musmmar. ﺑﻴﻮت ﺑﻴﻮت‬Litt. houses and houses.” Even if mosaic and icon Art are Bysantine, Raʿd forged a composed sui generis nominal syntagm to denominate compartements. 22

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way they are made fills the mind with wonder. At the centre of the altar, / in the Episcopal chair23 position, stands a chair /5/ with ultrawhite glass columns and at the centre of this the body / of the Apostle Mark, the Evangelist. One day / the Venetians forbade a foreigner to enter the city / and threw out all foreigners. They looked for the body of the Saint / but were not able to find him; they asked the Lord /10/ to clarify this matter, whereupon they saw the hand / of the Saint protrude from a wall of the south altar, / from the area of the door that leads to the Palace, / and then disappear. Since then a lamp has been lit on that wall. / As far as the objects in the church and the vessels are concerned, /15/ their beauty is indescribable. End. |f. 8r|

‫ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻜﺎﺗﺪرا‬/‫وﰲ ﺻﺪر اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ ﰲ‬ ‫ ﺑﻠﻮر‬/5/ ‫ﻛﺮﳼ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﻮر ﺑﻌﻮاﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ /‫اﺑﻴﺾ ﺟﺪا ً وﰲ وﺳﻂ ﻫﺪا ﻛﺎن ﺟﺴﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺳﻮل ﻣﺮﻗﺺ اﻻﻧﺠﻴﲇ وﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫ اﻟﺒﻨﺎدﻗﻪ ﻣﻨﻌﻮا ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻳﻌﱪ اﱄ‬/‫اﻻﻳﺎم‬ ‫ وﻃﺮدوا اﻟﻐﺮﺑﺎ ﻓﻄﻠﺒﻮہ ﺟﺴﺪ‬/‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ ﻣﺎ وﺟﺪوہ ﻓﻄﻠﺒﻮا ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﺪ‬/‫اﻟﻘﺪﻳﺲ‬ ‫ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻫﺪا اﻻﻣﺮ‬/10/ ‫اﳌﺴﻴﺢ ان‬ ‫ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﺧﺎرﺟﻪ‬/‫ﻓﺒﻌﺪ دﻟﻚ ﻧﻈﺮوا ﻳﺪ‬ ‫ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬/‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﻂ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ اﻟﻘﺒﲇ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ وﻏﺎﺑﺖ‬/‫اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﺪي ﻳﺪﺧﻞ اﱄ اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ‬ /‫ﻓﻤﻨﺪ اﻻن ﺑﻴﺸﻌﻠﻮا ﻗﻨﺪﻳﻞ ﰲ دﻟﻚ‬ ‫اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ وﻣﺤﺎﺳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻴﻂ واﻣﺎ اﻻت‬ ٘ ‫ واواﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﳾ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻮﺻﻒ ﺗﻢ دﻟﻚ‬/15/ (‫أ‬٨ ‫)ورﻗﺔ‬

Description of the Belfry

‫ﺻﻔﺔ اﻟﱪج اﻟﺪي ﻟﻘﺮع اﻟﻨﺎﻗﻮس‬

f. 8r

ʿ ‫ﻋﺮض ﻫﺪا اﻟﱪج ﺗﻼﺗني دراع وﻃﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ ﺟﺪا ً ﺗﻌﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎب اﻟﱪج ﻗﺒﻮ ﻣﻘﺒﻲ‬/‫ﻋﺎﱄ‬ ‫ ﺑﻌﻀﻪ ﺑﻌﺾ داﻳﺮ ﻣﺎ دار وﰲ‬/‫ﻓﻮق‬ ‫ ﻣﻘﻮر وﺗﺤﻤﻞ اﻟﺒﻐﻞ ﺣﻤﻞ‬/5/ ‫اﻟﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻃﻠﻌﺔ دورہ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ‬/‫ﻳﻄﻠﻊ ﻓﻴﻪ‬ ‫ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ اول‬/‫ﻃﺎﻗﻪ اﱄ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ ﻗﺪام اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﺗﺎين‬/‫دورہ اﻟﺒﻼط اﻟﺪي‬ ‫ اﱄ ﺣﻴﻄﺎن اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ‬/‫دورہ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ ﻃﺎﻗﻪ‬ ‫ ﻧﺼﻒ اﻟﱪج‬/10/ ‫ﺗﻢ دور ﺑﻌﺪ دور اﱄ‬

The width of the tower is thirty drà and its height is very imposing. / From the door of the tower you cross a vault / with arches overlapping — all around it — and hollow in the centre. /5/ To transport a load high up you have to put it on the back of a mule. / Every time you go around you see a little window on the church side. / The first time you go round you can see the stone pavement / in front of the church; on the second floor you can

23

اﻟﻜﺎﺗﺪرا‬Principal chair / episcopal chair” from Italian “catedra.”

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see a little window / near the walls of the church; then continue on and on, until halfway /10/ up the tower, where you can see the domes of the Basilica opposite you. / And then go on round and round, until you get to the top / of the tower and you’ll see four bells with ropes that hang down / to the base of the tower. At the top of the tower, fixed on the summit, / is a figure of an angel with copper wings, /15/ which turns with the direction of the wind, wherever it is blowing from. / It is ten drà high. |f. 8v|

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‫ ﺗﻢ دور‬/‫ﺗﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ اﻟﻘﺒﺐ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ اﻟﱪج‬/‫ﺑﻌﺪ دور اﱄ ان ﺗﻄﻠﻊ اﱄ راس‬ /‫ﺗﻨﻈﺮ ارﺑﻊ ﻧﻮاﻗﻴﺲ وﻓﻴﻬﻢ ﺣﺒﺎل ﻧﺎزل‬ /‫اﱄ اﺳﻔﻞ اﻟﱪج وﰲ راس اﻟﱪج ﺻﻮرة‬ ‫ﻣﻼك ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﺎس ﺑﺠﻨﺎﺣني ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﰲ‬ ‫ اﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺐ اﻟﺮﻳﺢ‬/15/ ‫راس اﻟﱪج‬ ‫ وﻃﻮﻟﻪ ﻋﴩہ‬/‫ﻳﻨﺪار اﱄ ﺻﻮب اﻟﺮﻳﺢ‬ (‫ب‬٨ ‫ادرع )ورﻗﺔ‬

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f. 9r-v

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f. 10r

Description of our Journey to Venice on Franks land. In the Adam’s year 716424 [1656] / I, poor Ra d, and Abd el-Masìü / left in the direction of the Franks25 land towards Venice. /5/ We went from Aleppo to Tripoli, where we stayed for /

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‫وﺻﻒ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎ اﱄ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ ﺑﺒﻼد‬ ‫اﻻﻓﺮﻧﺠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﳌﺎ ﻛﺎن ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ اﻻف وﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ وﺳﺘني ﻻدم ﺳﺎﻓﺮﻧﺎ اﻧﺎ اﻟﻔﻘري‬/‫ارﺑﻌﻪ‬ ‫ اﳌﺴﻴﺢ اﱄ ﺑﻼد اﻻﻓﺮﻧﺞ اﱄ‬/‫رﻋﺪ وﻋﺒﺪ‬ ‫ ﻓﴪﻧﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻠﺐ اﱄ‬/5/ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ‬

24 Anno Mundi (AM) refers to a Calendar based on the biblical Genesis in which God Creates the first human named Adam. Two dominant dates for creation using such models exist, about 5500 BC and about 4000 BC. By the late tenth century the Byzantine era, which had become fixed at 1 September 5509 BC since at least the mid-7th century (differing by 16 years from the Alexandrian date, and 2 years from the Chronicon Pascale. Bickerman (1980: 73). 25 ﺑﻼد اﻻﻓﺮﻧﺞ‬Europe (Italy)” (R 10r4), ﻓﺮﻧﺠﻲ‬Frank vs. Rûm greek” (HD 7v10), EB (p.8) translates it as a European “qui ait été au service d’un Européen” (EB 60); ‫ ﻓﺮﻧﺞ‬frándj n. coll. “Francs, Européens” (Barth. √frnó). According to Lewis, EI (1999 √ʾfrandj) “Ifrandj or Firandj, the Arabic term for the Franks… Between the 16th and the 19th centuries, ‘Frank’ came to be the common term, in most Muslim countries, for Christian Europeans in general. It was however limited … to Catholics and Protestants; ‘Russians, Greeks, Bulgarians, Serbs and other orthodox peoples are not called Frank’. See also the recent article of Feodorov (2012).

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THE TRIP OF RA‘D FROM ALEPPO TO VENICE

forty days, and from Tripoli we set sail on the galleon of Captain / Martin26; It was the night of The Festival of the Cross. Our companions said goodbye to us / and we set off early in the next day. The captain fired a canon27 and we left. / After four days we glimpsed the island of Cyprus and on the seventh day /10/ we went beyond it sailing toward the open sea / until we could see neither land nor the island. The captain ordered / the helmsman to veer round and avoid the headland of Crete / seeing that it was besieged by the Turkish military. Seven days later, / towards evening, we saw several birds over the boat. [The captain] shot with his gun28 /15/ and hit two which, being as yellow as chickens, I think they were / quails.29 We were looking at the birds when all of a sudden we saw the coast near / us. It would have taken us a quarter of an hour to join the coast and fell / prisoner; being close to Berber land in the Maghreb area |f. 10v|.

‫ ارﺑﻌني‬/‫ وﻗﻌﺪﻧﺎ ﰲ ﻃﺮاﺑﻠﺲ‬.‫ﻃﺮاﺑﻠﺲ‬ ‫ وﻧﺰﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮاﺑﻠﺲ ﰲ ﻏﻠﻴﻮن‬.‫ﻳﻮم‬ .‫ ﻣﺮﺗني وﻛﺎن ﻟﻴﻠﺔ ﻋﻴﺪ اﻟﺼﻠﻴﺐ‬/‫ﻗﺒﻄﺎن‬ ‫ وﻗﻠﻌﻨﺎ ﻋﲇ ﺑﻜﺮہ‬/‫ﻓﻮدﻋﻮﻧﺎ اﻻﺻﺤﺎب‬ َ٘ ‫وﴐب اﻟﻘﺒﻄﺎن ﻃﻮب‬ ‫ ﻓﺒﻌﺪ‬/‫وﺳﺎﻓﺮﻧﺎ‬ ‫ ﻓﺒﻌﺪ‬.‫ارﺑﻌﺔ اﻳﺎم ﻛﺸﻔﻨﺎ ﺟﺰﻳﺮة ﻗﱪص‬ ‫ اﻳﺎم ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎ ﺟﺰﻳﺮة ﻗﱪص‬/10/ ‫ﺳﺒﻌﺔ‬ ‫ ﻋﺪﻧﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻊ‬/‫وﺳﻠﻜﻨﺎ ﰲ اﳌﻮاﺳﻄﻪ وﻻ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺑﺮ وﻻ ﺟﺰﻳﺮہ وﻛﺎن اﻟﻘﺒﻄﺎن ﻳﺎﻣﺮ‬ ‫ ﻣﺎﺳﻚ اﻟﺪﻓﻪ ان ﻳﺤﻮل ﺻﻮب ﻓﻮق‬/‫اﱄ‬ ‫ ﻻﻧﻪ ﻛﺎن ﻣﺮﺑﻮط ﻣﻦ‬/‫ﻋﻦ راس ﻛﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ ﻋﻨﺪ‬/‫ ﻓﺒﻌﺪ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ اﻳﺎم‬.‫اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ اﻟﱰك‬ َ٘ ‫اﳌﺴﺎ ﻧﺮي ﻃﻴﻮر ﻓﻮق اﳌﺮﻛﺐ ﻓﴬب ﰲ‬ ‫ رﻣﺎ اﺗﻨني وﻛﺎﻧﻮا ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺠﺎج‬/15/ ‫ﺗﻔﻨﻜﻪ‬ َ٘ /‫ﺻﻔﺮ واﺿﻨﻬﻢ ]واﻇﻨﻬﻢ[ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺴـﻠﻮي‬ /‫ﻓﻨﺤﻨﺎ ﻧﻨﻈﺮ اﻟﻄﻴﻮر واﻻ ﻧﺮي اﻟﱪ ﻗﺮب‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎ ﻓﻜﻨﺎ ﻟﻮﻻ رﺑﻊ ﺳﺎﻋﻪ ﻟﺼﻘﻨﺎ اﱄ اﻟﱪ‬ ‫ﴪي وﻛﺎن ﺑﻼد اﻟﱪﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ َ ‫ ﻳ‬/‫واﺧﺪوﻧﺎ‬ (‫ب‬١٠ ‫ﺟﻬﺔ اﳌﻐﺎرﺑﻪ )ورﻗﺔ‬

So we turned the boat back round, but the wind was strong / and the front

‫ﻓﺪرﻧﺎ اﳌﺮﻛﺐ راﺟﻌني اﱄ ﺧﻠﻒ وﻛﺎن‬ ‫ ﻓﺎﻧﺨﻠﻊ اﻟﺼﺎري اﳌﻘﺪم‬/‫اﻟﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬

26 ﻣﺮﺗني‬is the name of a galleon called Captain Martin or owned by some Martin. It’s unlikely that this Martin could be Martini-Henry whose Maxim guns were first chambered in 1891 with 45-inch cartridge. 27 ﻃﻮب‬ýûb] “cannons” (R 10r8), (HD 63v6) pl. ﻃﻮﺑﺎت‬R 15v3) vs. ﻣﺪٰا ِﻓﻊ )ﺗﻮپ‬ ْ َ “canons” (EB 55). From turkish ýốb pl. ýwấb “canon” (Barth. √ýwb), top ‘bombarda’ (Argenti 1533: 97), ‘palla’ (Argenti 1533: 352), topçı ‘bombardiere’ (Argenti 1533: 97); from Osmanli topçı ‘cannoniere’ (Men. 3135). 28 ﺗﻔﻨﻜﻪ‬tfinkè] “gun” (R 10r14), pl. ﺗﻔﻨﻚ‬HD 42r16), also دﻓﻨﻚ‬HD 74v3), ﺗ ُ َﻔﻨﻜْﭽﻰ‬ ْ “armurier” (EB 69). Arabic ﺗﻔﻨﻚ‬Dozy); ﺗﻮﻓﻜﺠﻲ‬armaiolo” (IPO); Egyptian ﺗﻮﻓﻜﺠﻰ‬Syrian ﺗﻔﻨﻚ‬coll.) tfange (Archiv. Ottom. VII). From T.-Pers. tufang (Barth.); (Deniz.); tüfeng, vulg. tüfek ‘any firearm used from the shoulder’ (Redh 1890). Actually tüfek ‘rifle, gun’ (Redh 1999). 29 [salwa] “quails” (R 10r17) “‫ ﺳﻠﻮى‬salwâ (n. un. ‫ )ﺳﻠﻮاة‬pl. ‫ ﺳﻼوى‬salâwâ quails (zool.)” (Wehr √slwâ) “hébr. salâw, pl. salwím “caille” arl. salwâ” ﺳﻠﻮى‬Barth. √slw).

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main mast fell forwards. The boat / began to rock to and fro. Night fell / and certain that we were going to sink, we bade farewell to one another without any hope /5/ of staying alive. After that we pulled down the leaning mast, / and dragged it onto the boat which all of a sudden stopped / rocking and dipping. We sailed on, turning back, / and a few days later glimpsed the island of Crete, that is / “Iqrtiš”, and reached about halfway along the island, stopping /10/ a stone’s throw from it, and then the wind ceased and abated. / We stayed there for two days. Then God sent us / the wind and we left from the versant of the island and, having set sail again, / seven days later we passed Crete and went through in the open sea. / After that we sailed close to the island of Moorea, which is /15/ the island of the Peloponnese and we sailed by that for the next seven days. / And then the wind, blew strongly, so we got in time to join the vicinity of a small island / close to which we moored. It was a Maghrebian outpost. / The captain spread a net of meshed iron over the top of the boat |f. 11r| and took out some pikes30 whose tips were like big needles. / He gave everyone a pike and said: “keep a lookout, so that no-one sleeps / and when you see someone on the net, strike him from below with the pike.” / After that, when morning came, [we felt safe? we got up?]31 and abandoned that place.

‫ ﻫﺪا‬/‫ﻗﺪام وﺑﻘﺎ اﳌﺮﻛﺐ ﻳﻘﻠﺐ اﱄ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ واﱄ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻻﺧﺮ وﺻﺎر ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ واردﻧﺎ اﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻐﺮق وودﻋﻨﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻨﺎ‬/‫اﻟﻠﻴﻞ‬ َ٘ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﻴﺎہ وﺑﻌﺪ دﻟﻚ‬/5/ ‫واﻳﺴـﻨﺎ‬ ‫ ﺑﻘﺎ ميﻴﻞ وﻋﱪﻧﺎہ‬/‫ﺳﺤﺒﻨﺎ اﻟﺼﺎري اﻟﺪي‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻤﻮج‬/‫اﱄ اﳌﺮﻛﺐ وﻫﺪي اﳌﺮﻛﺐ‬ /‫واﻻﺿﻄﺮاب وﴎﻧﺎ راﺟﻌني اﱄ ﺧﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﺒﻌﺪ دﻟﻚ ﻛﺎم ﻳﻮم ﻛﺸﻔﻨﺎ ﺟﺰﻳﺮة‬ ‫ اﻗﺮﻳﻄﺶ ﻓﻮﺻﻠﻨﺎ‬/‫ﻛﺮﻳﺖ اﻟﺪي ﻫﻲ‬ /10/ ‫اﱄ ﻗﺮب ﻧﺼﻒ اﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮہ وﺑﻘﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺎ وﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ رﻣﻴﺖ ﺣﺠﺮ وادا اﻟﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﻄﻞ‬ ‫ ﻓﻀﻠﻴﻨﺎ واﻗﻔني ﻳﻮﻣني وﺑﻌﺪ‬/‫وﻫﺪي‬ ‫ اﻟﻴﻨﺎ اﻟﺮﻳﺢ ﻓﺨﺮﺟﻨﺎ‬/‫دﻟﻚ ارﺳﻞ اﻟـﻠﻪ‬ ‫ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ‬/‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﻨﺐ اﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮہ وﴎﻧﺎ ﻓﺒﻌﺪ‬ /‫اﻳﺎم ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎ ﺟﺰﻳﺮة اﻗﺮﻳﻄﺶ وﺳﻠﻜﻨﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﻮاﺳﻄﻪ وﺑﻌﺪہ ﻗﺮﺑﻨﺎ اﱄ ﺟﺰﻳﺮة ﻣﻮرہ‬ ‫ ﻫﻲ ﺟﺰﻳﺮة ﺑﻠﺒﻮﻧﺲ ﻓﴪﻧﺎ‬/15/ ‫اﻟﺪي‬ ‫ واد اﻟﺮﻳﺢ‬/‫ﻣﻊ اﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮہ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ اﻳﺎم‬ /‫ﻗﻮي ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﻓﻠﺤﻘﻨﺎ وﻋﱪﻧﺎ ﻗﺮب ﺟﺰﻳﺮہ‬ ‫ﺻﻐريہ ﻓﺮﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﻘﺮﺑﻬﺎ وﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻂ‬ ‫ ﻓﻈﺮب ]ﻓﴬب[ ﻓﻮق اﳌﺮﻛﺐ‬/‫ﻟﻠﻤﻐﺎرﺑﻪ‬ (‫أ‬۱۱ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺪ زردﻳﻪ )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫وﻃﻴﻠﻊ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﺗﻪ ﺣﺮﺑﺎت روﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ َ٘ ‫ وﻣﺴﻚ ﻛﻞ واﺣﺪ ﺧﺸﺖ وﻗﺎل‬/‫اﳌﺴﻼت‬ ‫ وادا راﻳﺘﻮ اﺣﺪ ﻓﻮق‬/‫اﺳﻬﺮوا ﻻ اﺣﺪ ﻳﻨﺎم‬ /‫اﻟﺸﺒﻜﻪ اﻧﺤﺮوہ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﰲ اﻟﺨﺸﺖ‬ [‫وﺑﻌﺪ دﻟﻚ ﳌﺎ ﻃﻠﻊ اﻟﺼﺒﺎح اﻣﻨﺎ ]ﻗﻤﻨﺎ؟‬ ‫ اﳌﻮﺿﻊ وﴎﻧﺎ‬/5/ ‫وﻗﻠﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ دﻟﻚ‬

30 ﺧﺸﺖ‬æešt] “pike” (R 11r2) pl. ﺧﺸﻮﺗﻪ‬R 11r1). “(pers. ‫ﺧﺸْ ﺖ‬ ِ ) pl. ‫ ﺧﺸﻮت‬pique (arme), Bc."Dozy √æšt. “}ušt pl. }šût javelin” Wehr √æšt. 31 اﻣﻨﺎ وﻗﻠﻌﻨﺎ‬R 11r4) is it really اﻣﻨﺎ وﻗﻠﻌﻨﺎ‬ammana w qalla na] “we felt safe and started ʾ ʿ

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Fig. 3 – Giuseppe Baroni da Luca Carlevariis, Regata in Canal Grande in onore del re Federico di Danimarca, incisione all’acquaforte in- Il gran teatro di Venezia Raccolta delleonly. principali e pitture che in essa www.torrossa.com For non-commercial use ovvero by authorised users Licensevedute restrictions apply. si contengono, Venezia, Domenico Lovisa, c. 1720 (Cicognara IX 3459A, tav. 58).

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/5/ We sailed for five days so reaching the island of Zante / which was in the hands of the Venetians’ Franks during their first governing. / We spent three days there, and left, entering the Adriatic Sea, / which is the Venetian Sea, and sailed for seven days. The wind got up and / we came to a port a mile from the coast and at /10/ once set back off continuing for seven days, finishing the last of the drinking / and cooking water, we made an effort to get to an isolated / port between the mountains, dropped anchor and lowered the galleon’s sloop. / Five men and myself disembarked. / I was entrusted with the rudder while they had the oars. /15/ We visited about thirty islands looking for water / but we didn’t find any. We were perplexed, and didn’t know what to do, / what to do and how to cook. After that we saw on the sea shores / some big basins full of rain water |f. 11v| made salty from the spurting of sea water. / We filled the barrels with that water and returned / to galleon as dusk was falling. The next day we went up the mountain / and cut about three or four qintàr of wood. /5/ After that we left the place [sailing] for five days, when the wind got up / and the boat was out on the open sea with waves as high as mountains surrounding us. / We were about to sink so we shouted at the Captain saying: “But can’t you see that nearby / there is a port; let’s take shelter!” He took his binoculars and ran his eye over / a small port and

/‫ﺧﻤﺴﺔ اﻳﺎم ﻓﻌﱪﻧﺎ اﱄ ﺟﺰﻳﺮة زاﻧﺪہ‬ ‫وﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺪ اﻻﻓﺮﻧﺞ اﻟﺒﻨﺎدﻗﻪ اول ﺣﻜﻤﻬﻢ‬ َ٘ ‫ ﺗﻼت اﻳﺎم ﻓﴪﻧﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬/‫ﻓﺮﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ اﻟﺪي ﺑﺤﺮ‬/‫وﻋﱪﻧﺎ ﰲ ﺑﺤﺮ ادرﻳﺎﺗﻴﻜﻮم‬ َ٘ ‫اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﴪﻧﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ اﻳﺎم ﻓﺘﺎر‬ ‫ ﻓﺮﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪہ ﻋﻦ اﻟﱪ‬/‫اﻟﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ ﻗﻠﻌﻨﺎ وﴎﻧﺎ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ‬/10/ ‫ﻣﻴﻞ وﺑﻌﺪ دﻟﻚ‬ ‫ ﻛﻨﺎ‬/‫اﻳﺎم ﻓﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻨﺪﻧﺎ اﳌﺎء اﻟﺪي‬ ‫ﻧﴩب ﻣﻨﻪ وﻧﻄﺒﺦ ﻓﺒﻌﺪ اﻟﺠﻬﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻨﻘﻄﻌﻪ ﺑني ﺟﺒﺎل‬/‫ﻋﱪﻧﺎ اﱄ‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻐﻠﻴﻮن‬/‫ورﺳﻴﻨﺎ وﻧﺰﻟﻨﺎ اﻟﻘﺎرب‬ /‫وﻧﺰﻟﻨﺎ ﺧﻤﺴﺔ رﺟﺎل وﻧﺰﻟﺖ اﻧﺎ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ‬ ‫وﻣﺴﻜﻮين اﻟﺪﻓﻪ وﻫﻨﻪ ﻳﻘﺪﻓﻮا ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎدﻳﻒ‬ ‫ ﺗﻼﺗني ﺟﺰﻳﺮہ ﺻﻐﺎر وﻧﻄﻠﻊ‬/15/ ‫ﻓﺪرﻧﺎ‬ ‫ ﻧﻘﺸﻊ ﳾ ﻣﻦ‬/‫ﻓام‬ َ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﺶ ﻋﲇ اﳌﻴﻪ‬ /‫اﳌﺎء ﻓﺤﺮﻧﺎ وﺗﺤريﻧﺎ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻧﻌﻤﻞ وﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻳﻦ ﻧﴩب وﻧﻄﺒﺦ ﻓﺒﻌﺪ دﻟﻚ راﻳﻨﺎ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫ اﺟﺮان ﻛﺒﺎر وﻓﻴﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎء‬/‫ﺣﻔﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ‬ (‫ب‬۱۱ ‫اﳌﻄﺮ واﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﳌﺎ ﻳﻘﺪف )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﻄﺮش وﻳﻠﺤﻖ اﳌﺎء اﻟﺪي ﻣﻦ اﳌﻄﺮ‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎء اﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﻓﻌﺒﻴﻨﺎ‬/‫ﻓﺼﺎر ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﻮﺣﻪ‬ ‫ اﱄ‬/‫اﻟﱪاﻣﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ دﻟﻚ اﳌﻄﺮ ورﺟﻌﻨﺎ‬ َ٘ ‫اﻟﻐﻠﻴﻮن ﻋﻨﺪ‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺎ وﺗﺎين ﻳﻮم ﻃﻠﻌﻨﺎ اﱄ‬ ‫ وﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎ ﻳﺠﻲ ﺗﻼت ارﺑﻊ ﻗﻨﺎﻃري‬/‫اﻟﺠﺒﻞ‬ ‫ ﴎﻧﺎ ﻣﻦ دﻟﻚ‬/5/ ‫ﺣﻄﺐ وﺑﻌﺪ دﻟﻚ‬ /‫اﳌﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻤﺴﺔ اﻳﺎم ﻓﺘﺎر اﻟﺮﻳﺢ وﺑﻘﺎ‬ ‫اﳌﺮﻛﺐ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺳﻂ واﳌﻮج ﺣﻮاﻟﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ وﻛﻨﺎ راﻳﺤني ﻣﻨﻐﺮق ﻓﺰﻋﻘﻨﺎ ﻋﲇ‬/‫اﻟﺠﺒﺎل‬ ‫ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻧﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ‬/‫اﻟﻘﺒﻄﺎن ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﺻﻐريہ‬/‫اﻟﻐﺮق ﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﰲ اﻟﻨﻈﺎرہ رااي‬ /10/ ‫ﻓﻘﺎل ﻫﺪہ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﺤﻤﻞ اﻟﻐﻠﻴﻮن‬

sailing?” or the inchoative ﻗﻤﻨﺎ وﻗﻠﻌﻨﺎ‬ʾemna w qallaʿna] “we got up and sailed/ we started sailing?” where /q/ shifted into [ʾ] in ﻗﻤﻨﺎ‬but not in ﻗﻠﻌﻨﺎ‬

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said: “but this port is not big enough to moor a galleon. /10/ I’m afraid it wouldn’t be able to get out,” and we replied, “So all of us must drown / to save your boat!” Then he turned the helm towards the coast and / in this way we arrived, dropped anchor and saw ten small boats / moored near that island. Before daybreak / people began shouting from the small boats: “Get up /15/ and leave before the wind abates and you will no longer be able to free / our course.” So we left that small port. / Our boat followed a sure course always keeping close to the coast. / Seven days later we reached a town called Bulat [Pola] |f. 12r| and moored; there was an island nearby, about one mile far, where the Captain went off / and enlisted a local boatswain, since / the one aboard was not able to steer the boat from this place onwards / because the sea was beginning to get low and there were canals there /5/ which the locals knew. Two days later we left that / town. The new boatswain began his work: he had a rope in his hand / to which a sounding-lead was tied and he measured the depth every hour saying / to the helmsman: “Veer to the right, veer to the left” and / three days later we caught sight of the mountains of German lands in the distance. /10/ A day later we saw the tops of towers that are in / Venice and then in the evening Venice itself, so the Captain ordered us / to drop anchor; we dropped four: to the east, to the west, / to the south and to the north seeing as there were no ports and no dock either. And we looked [around] and there

‫ﻳﺮﳼ وﺑﺨﺎف ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻮد ﻳﻄﻠﻊ ﻓﻘﻠﻨﺎ ﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ ﻧﻐﺮق ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎن ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻚ ﻓﻘﺎم دار‬/‫ﻛﻠﻨﺎ‬ ‫ ﻓﻮﺻﻠﻨﺎ ورﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬/‫اﻟﺪﻓﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﱪ‬ ‫ ﻣﺮﺳﻴني ﰲ‬/‫وراﻳﻨﺎ ﻋﴩ ﻣﺮاﻛﺐ ﺻﻐﺎر‬ ‫ وادا‬/‫دﻟﻚ اﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮہ ﻓﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻃﻠﻊ اﻟﻨﻬﺎر‬ ‫ﻛﻞ اﳌﺮاﻛﺐ اﻟﺼﻐﺎر ﻳﺰﻋﻘﻮا ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﻗﻮﻣﻮا‬ ‫ اﻗﻠﻌﻮا ﻗﺒﻞ ﻳﺒﻄﻞ اﻟﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻮدا‬/15/ ‫ درﺑﻨﺎ ﻓﻘﻤﻨﺎ وﺧﺮﺟﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ‬/‫ﺗﻄﻠﻌﻮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ وﺻﺎر ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻨﺎ ﻣﺴريہ‬/‫دﻟﻚ اﳌﻴﻨﺎ اﻟﺼﻐريہ‬ ‫ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ اﻳﺎم‬/‫ﺑﺎﻣﺎن ﻣﻊ اﻟﱪ اﻟﱪ وﺑﻌﺪ‬ (‫أ‬۱۲ ‫وﺻﻠﻨﺎ اﱄ ﺑﻠﺪ اﺳﻤﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﻟﻂ )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻗﺮب ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺰﻳﺮہ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻴﻞ وراح‬ ‫ اﱄ ﻗﺮب اﻟﺒﻠﺪ واﺳﺘﻜﺮا رﻳﺲ‬/‫اﻟﻘﺒﻄﺎن‬ ‫ اﻟﺪي ﰲ اﳌﺮﻛﺐ ﻣﺎ‬/‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻻن اﻟﺮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ ﺗﺪﺑري‬/‫ﻋﺎد ﻣﻦ ﻫﺪہ اﻟﺒﻠﺪہ ﻳﻘﺪر ﻋﲇ‬ ‫اﳌﺮﻛﺐ ﻻن اﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﺑﺪا ﻳﺮق ﻣﻮاﺿﻊ‬ ‫ ﻫﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻌﺮﻓﻮﻫﺎ وﺑﻌﺪ‬/5/ ‫وﻟﻪ دروب‬ ‫ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﻪ وﺑﺪا‬/‫ﻳﻮﻣني َ٘ﴎﻧﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺪہ‬ /‫رﻳﺲ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﰲ ﻳﺪہ ﻣﺮﺳﻪ وﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮط رﺻﺎﺻﻪ و ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﻋﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﺲ‬ ‫ ﳌﺎﺳﻚ اﻟﺪﻓﻪ اﻧﺪار ﻋﲇ‬/‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ وﻳﻘﻮل‬ ‫ ﺑﺜﻼت‬/‫اﻟﻴﻤني اﻧﺪار ﻋﲇ اﻟﺸامل وﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺎم ﻛﺸﻔﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﺒﺎل ﺑﻼد اﳌﺎن‬ ‫ وﺑﻌﺪہ ﺑﻴﻮم راﻳﻨﺎ روس اﻟﺼﻮاﻣﻊ‬/10/ ‫ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ وﻋﻨﺪ اﳌﺴﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻧﺎ‬/‫اﻟﺪي ﰲ‬ َ٘ ‫ اﻟﺮﻳﺲ اﻧﻨﺎ‬/‫اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﳼ ﻓﺮﺳﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ وﻗﺒﻠﻪ وﺷامل‬/‫ارﺑﻊ ﻣﺮاﳼ ﴍق وﻏﺮب‬ ‫ َ٘ﺳﺖ‬/‫ﻻن ﻻ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ وﻻ دروہ وﻧﻈﺮﻧﺎ وادا‬ ‫ﻣﺮاﻛﺐ ﻣﺮﺳﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻨﺎ وﺑﺘﻨﺎ ﻟﻴﻠﻪ‬ َ٘ /15/ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻗﺪ ﻣﻦ وﺧﻔﻨﺎ ﻻن‬

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THE TRIP OF RA‘D FROM ALEPPO TO VENICE

/ were six boats moored near us. The night passed /15/ but because we were afraid, we were not able to rest. In actual fact, anchor chains often break / with the ship turning backwards and break. At sunrise / the fog got thicker until we were no longer able to tell one / from another anymore. And then twenty-five of those big boats |f. 12v| came out of Venice to tow the ships / that were moored. Our boat started to fire cannon after cannon / in order to call them toward us and moor our boat first / because it was the smallest. They came towards /5/ us and our Captain convinced them to tow our ship, / so they tied a big rope to the prow of our boat / and fixed twenty-five other cables to that rope, each / one tied to a boat. Every boat then started to tow ours. / Each Captain had, at the head of all, a lance in his hand /10/ and every quarter of an hour he took measure plunging the lance and telling them / to go “To the left” and after another quarter of an hour re- evaluating and saying / “Go to the right.” We went ahead from early morning until the evening in this way. / Then we arrived and saw land and gardens / on all sides. In the sea, there was a canal, wide enough, to welcome a ship /15/ on its way. In and there were towers32 on one side and the other. / We were told “Tie your boat to a tower” and so we did / and they went

‫ واﳌﺮﻛﺐ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ اﱄ‬/‫ﻛﺜري ﺗﻨﻘﻄﻊ اﳌﺮاﳼ‬ ‫ ﺻﺎر‬/‫ﺧﻠﻒ وﻳﻨﻜﴪ ﻓﻠام ﻃﻠﻊ اﻟﻨﻬﺎر‬ ‫ﺿﺒﺎب ﺿﺒﺎب ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻘﺎ اﺣﺪ ﻳﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ وادا ﺑﺨﻤﺴﻪ وﻋﴩون‬.‫ ﺑﻌﺾ‬/‫ﺑﻌﻀﻪ‬ (‫ب‬۱۲ ‫ﻗﺎرب ﻣﻦ اﻟﻜﺒﺎر )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﺎرﺟني ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻌﱪوا‬ ‫ ﺑﻴﻜﻮن ﻣﺮﳼ ﻓﺒﺪا‬/‫ﻟﻠﻤﺮﻛﺐ اﻟﺪي‬ ‫ ﻃﻮب ﺣﺘﻲ‬/‫ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻨﺎ ﻳﴬب ﻃﻮب ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ ﻻﻧﻪ‬/‫ﻳﺠﻮا اﱄ ﻋﻨﺪﻧﺎ وﻳﻌﱪوا ﳌﺮﻛﺒﻨﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎن اﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻏريہ اﳌﺮﺳﺎﻳني ﻓﻘﺪﻣﻮا‬ ‫ ﻧﺤﻮﻧﺎ وﺑﺪا اﻟﻘﺒﻄﺎن ﻳﺮاﺿﻴﻬﻢ‬/5/ ‫اﱄ‬ ‫ واﻧﻬﻢ رﺑﻄﻮا ﺣﺒﻞ‬/‫ﻋﲇ ﻋﺒﻮر ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻨﺎ‬ ‫ ﰲ‬/‫ﺗﺨني ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪم ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻨﺎ ورﺑﻄﻮا‬ ‫دﻟﻚ اﻟﺤﺒﻞ ﺧﻤﺴﻪ وﻋﴩﻳﻦ ﺣﺒﻞ‬ ‫ دﻟﻚ رﺑﻄﻮہ ﰲ ﻗﺎرب‬/‫وﻛﻞ ﺣﺒﻞ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ وﻳﺴﺤﺒﻮا‬/‫وﺑﺪوا ﻳﻘﺪﻓﻮا ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻗﺎرب‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻨﺎ وﻛﺎن رﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﻗﺪام اﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﺎﺳﻚ‬ ‫ ﺑﻴﺪہ رﻣﺢ وﻛﻞ رﺑﻊ ﺳﺎﻋﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﺲ‬/10/ ‫ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻋﲇ اﻟﺸامل ورﺑﻊ‬/‫اﻟﺮﻣﺢ وﻳﻘﻮل‬ ‫ ﻳﻘﻮل ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻮا‬/‫ﺳﺎﻋﺔ اﺧﺮي ﻳﻘﻴﺲ اﻟﺮﻣﺢ‬ /‫ﻋﲇ اﻟﻴﻤني وﺿﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻜﺮہ اﱄ اﳌﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﲇ ﻫﺪہ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻢ وﺻﻠﻨﺎ ﻧﺮي ارض‬ َ٘ ‫ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮن وﻫﻮن وﻣﻌﱪ ﻣﻦ‬/‫وﺑﺴﺎﺗني‬ َ٘ ‫اﻟﺒﺤﺮ‬ ‫ ادا ﻋﱪ واﺑﺮاج‬/15/ ‫ﻳﺴﺎع اﳌﺮﻛﺐ‬ /‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﺪا اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ وﻣﻦ ﻫﺪا اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺎﻟﻮا ﻟﻨﺎ ارﺑﻄﻮا ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻜﻢ ﰲ اﺣﺪ‬

32 In this case I believe that Ra d means by pl. [ abrâó] the “Italian briccola,” “venʾ ʿ itian bricola” a “dolpin” made of one or more piles of wood, connected above the water level to provide a navigable information, like advertising dry access facility, directions and navigation information.

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f. 13r

off abandoning us. Well, we tried to get to sleep but weren’t able to, |f. 13r| for the tide ebbs and flows of the sea reach Venice upwards, / but is pushed back at every point. It has three exit points / the point where we slept was called Malamocco.33 / When the water rose from under our boat, it raised /5/ it then lowered it. In the morning, those / who had towed us joined us; they tied up our boat and crossed that passageway / in a bowshot. All of a sudden we saw the vast sea for as far / as the eye could see; and then a host of boats moored, / a stone’s throw from one another, full of men and guards /10/ of the Lagoon.34 We fired a cannon as a ritual salute / and they fired back. Every time we passed by / a boat, we did this, until we had passed twenty galleons. / Then we caught sight of Venice / and dropped anchor a mile away, before reaching it. Afterwards the Captain took /15/ the letters and went down onto the boat and headed for the seat of the government, through / a pontoon bridge, about half a mile long, built over several boats. / He threw the letters to them from afar, |f. 13v|

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‫ وﻣﻀﻮا وﻋﱪوا وﺗﺮﻛﻮﻧﺎ‬/‫اﻻﺑﺮاج ﻓﺮﺑﻄﻨﺎہ‬ (‫أ‬۱۳ ‫ﻓﻨﻤﻨﺎ ﻟﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻏﻤﻀﺖ )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺎ ﻋني ﻻن اﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﺟﺰر وﻣﺪ ﻳﻌﱪ وﻳﻄﻠﻊ‬ ‫ وﻣﺤﺼﻮر ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ اﻟﺠﻮاﻧﺐ‬/‫اﱄ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ‬ ‫ وﻫﺪا اﳌﻮﺿﻊ‬/‫ﻟﻪ ﻣﺨﺮج ﺗﻼت ﻣﻮاﺿﻊ‬ ‫ ﻓﻠام ﺑﻘﺎ‬/.‫اﻟﺪي ﺑﺘﻨﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ اﺳﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﻻﻣﻮﻛﻮ‬ ‫ﻳﻄﻠﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻨﺎ ﻳﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻨﺎ اﱄ‬ ‫ وﻳﻨﺤﺪر اﱄ اﺳﻔﻞ ﻓﻠام اﺻﺒﺢ‬/5/ ‫ﻓﻮق‬ ‫ ﻋﱪوﻧﺎ ورﺑﻄﻮا ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻨﺎ‬/‫اﻟﺼﺒﺎح اﺗﻮا اﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ ﻳﺠﻲ رﻣﻴﺔ ﺳﻬﻢ‬/‫وﻋﱪوا ﺑﺪﻟﻚ اﳌﻌﱪ‬ ‫ اﻟﻌني‬/‫وﻧﻈﺮﻧﺎ وادا اﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﻛﺒري ﻣﺪت‬ /‫واﻟﻨﻈﺮ وادا مبﺮاﻛﺐ ﻣﺮﺳﺎﻳني ﺑني ﻛﻞ‬ ‫واﺣﺪ وواﺣﺪ رﻣﻴﺖ ﺣﺠﺮ ﻛﻠﻬﻢ رﺟﺎل‬ ‫ ﻟﻠﻜﻮن ﻓﺮﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻃﻮب‬/10/ ‫اﺟﻨﺎد‬ ‫ وﻫﻨﻪ اﻳﻀﺎ ﻇﺮﺑﻮا‬/‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﺎدہ اﻟﺴﻼم‬ ‫ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ‬/‫ﻃﻮب وﺑﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻨﻊ ﻛﺪﻟﻚ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﱪﻧﺎ ﻋﲇ ﻋﴩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ وﺑﻌﺪ دﻟﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻧﺎ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ ﻓﻘﺒﻞ‬/‫ﻏﻠﻴﻮن‬ .‫ ﻣﻘﺪار ﻣﻴﻞ رﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻨﺎ‬/‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺼﻞ اﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ اﳌﻜﺎﺗﻴﺐ وﻧﺰل ﰲ‬/15/ ‫ﺛﻢ اﺧﺪ اﻟﻘﺒﻄﺎن‬ ‫ وﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬/‫اﻟﻘﺎرب وﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ دار اﻟﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻪ ﻋﲇ ﻣﺮاﻛﺐ وﺟﴪ ﻳﺠﻲ ﻧﺼﻒ‬ ‫ ﻓﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬.‫ ﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻟﻬﻢ اﳌﻜﺎﺗﻴﺐ‬/‫ﻣﻴﻞ‬ (‫ب‬۱۳ ‫ﳾ ﺗﺼﻞ اﻟﻴﻬﻢ )ورﻗﺔ‬

33 Malamocco: from old Metamaucum, is one of the three narrow inlets in the enclosing coastal dune bar that connect the Venitian lagoon with the Adriatic Sea. It’s situated at the southern end of the Lido island. 34 Lagoon, cognate from Latin lacus, the Venetian Lagoon, is the enclosed bay of the Adriatic Sea. Originally formed by the interaction of Adriatic tidal currents and the waters of several Alpine rivers (Piave, Sile, Bacchiglione, and Brenta). Venice Lagoons’ tides, subject to high variations in water level, the most extreme being the spring tides known as the acqua alta (Italian for “high water”), has served as protection and as a natural sewerage system, with the tides flushing out the city’s canals twice daily.

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THE TRIP OF RA‘D FROM ALEPPO TO VENICE

then they picked them up with pincers and dipped them in vinegar for fear / of the plague and cholera, believing that its scent was disinfecting, / doing so they wet35 the outer sheet. So they read the letters of the Consul / of Tripoli and looked at the number of men who were /5/ aboard and how many goods they had in order to register them, / then they send one of themselves onto the ship to check who / was on board and to keep an eye on them for forty days so that none of them / enter the city. The merchants who had come by ship were sent / to a place a mile away from the city called /10/ Lazzaretto,36 and they sent with them a person to watch over them for forty days, / who ate and drank their food, for which they paid forty thirds [of?], / a third every day. They carried us like this on a boat / that carried us to a certain place. There were thirteen of us merchants, because / at Zante some Frenchmen got on board with us. /15/ They took the merchandise that we had and transferred it / to the Lazaretto, where they scattered it under the sun for / sixty days. Since the day we had sailed from Tripoli to when we arrived in / Venice, sixty days had passed and it was during [the last fasting day(s)37] before Christmas. |f. 14r|

‫ﻓﺎﺧﺪوﻫﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻠﻘﺎط وﻏﻄﻮﻫﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺨﻞ‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮﺑﺎ واﻟﴬﺑﻪ ﻻﻧﻬﻢ‬/‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ‬/‫ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮا ﻫﺪا رﻳﺤﻪ ﻓﺘﺸﺖ‬ /‫اﻟﱪاﻧﻴﻪ وﻳﻘﺮوا ﻣﻜﺎﺗﻴﺐ ﻗﻨﺼﻞ اﻟﺪي‬ ‫ﰲ ﻃﺮاﺑﻠﺲ وﻳﻨﻈﺮوا اﻳﺶ ﻗﺪر رﺟﺎل‬ ‫ ﻫﺪا اﳌﺮﻛﺐ واﻳﺶ ﻗﺪر‬/5/ ‫ﺟﺎووا ﰲ‬ ‫ وﻳﺮﺳﻠﻮا ﻣﻦ‬/‫ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﺑﻀﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﻴﻜﺘﺒﻮﻫﻢ‬ /‫ﻋﻨﺪﻫﻢ واﺣﺪ اﱄ اﳌﺮﻛﺐ ﻳﻨﻄﺮ اﻟﺪي‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻳﻦ وﻳﻨﻄﺮﻫﻢ ارﺑﻌني ﻳﻮم ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ ﻳﻌﱪ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪ واﻟﺘﺠﺎر اﻟﺪي ﺟﺎووا‬/‫ﻣﺎ اﺣﺪا‬ ‫ اﱄ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﻦ‬/‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﻳﺮﺳﻠﻮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ ﻻزارت‬/10/ ‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻣﻘﺪار ﻣﻴﻞ واﺳﻤﻬﺎ‬ /‫وﻳﺮﺳﻠﻮا ﻟﻬﻢ واﺣﺪ ﻳﻨﻄﺮﻫﻢ ارﺑﻌني ﻳﻮم‬ ‫وﻳﺎﻛﻞ وﻳﴩب ﻣﻦ ﻋﻨﺪﻫﻢ وﻳﻌﻄﻮہ‬ ‫ ﻛﻞ ﻳﻮم ﺗﻠﺖ ﻓﺎﺧﺪوﻧﺎ ﰲ‬/‫ارﺑﻌني ﺗﻠﺖ‬ ‫ اﳌﻮﺿﻊ وﻛﻨﺎ ﺗﺠﺎر‬/‫ﻗﺎرب وﺻﻠﻨﺎ اﱄ دﻟﻚ‬ ‫ زﻧﺪہ ﻧﺰل‬/‫ﺛﻼت ﻋﴩ واﺣﺪ ﻻن ﻣﻦ‬ /15/ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﰲ اﳌﺮﻛﺐ اﻧﺎس ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎوﻳني‬ ‫واﺧﺪوا اﻟﺒﻀﺎﻋﻪ اﻟﺪي ﻣﻌﻨﺎ وﺟﺎﺑﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ اﻟﻼزارت وﻧﴩوا اﻟﺒﻀﺎﻋﻪ ﰲ‬/‫اﱄ‬ ‫ ﻳﻮم وﻛﺎن ﻣﻦ ﻳﻮم ﻧﺰﻟﻨﺎ‬/‫اﻟﺸﻤﺲ ﺳﺘني‬ ‫ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ‬/‫ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮاﺑﻠﺲ اﱄ ان وﺻﻠﻨﺎ اﱄ‬ ‫ )ورﻗﺔ‬.‫ﺳﺘني ﻳﻮم وﻛﺎن ﰲ ﻣﺮﻓﻊ اﳌﻴﻼد‬ (‫أ‬۱٤

35 ﺗﺶ‬see ﺗﺸﺘﺶ‬táštaš ytášteš, … v. tr. “détemper, ramollir dans un liquide (le pain, le biscuit…) (Barth √tštš). 36 The Lazzaretto Vecchio is an isolated island located near the Lido of Venice. It was called such after the parable of Lazarus the Beggar and was used as a quarantine, housing a hospital which cared for people during the plague epidemics and as a quarantine station for maritime travellers. 37 ﻣﺮﻓﻊ‬marfa ] “last fasting day(s):” ﻣﺮﻓﻊ اﳌﻴﻼد‬R 13v18) “the last fasting day(s) before ʿ Christmas.” ﻣﺮﻓﻊ اﻟﻜﺒري‬Easter last fasting day / Shrove tuesday” (R 18v16) “the day immediately preceding Ash Wednesday (the beginning of Lent in the Christian churches ....”. Bart.

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On the first day of that fasting we had a rub iyye of lentils, / which I went down to rinse38 in the sea. But the one who had been keeping watch over us came and / took them from me and said “Come, I’m going to get you out / some water from the rain cistern; wash them with it because if you rinse them /5/ in sea water it could reach Venice and provoke a disastrous epidemic.” / He went up and opened our bag, scattering our things in the sun / even the [dress materials] shàsh, the jukha and the sàyeh. The same even for a box we had on board, / he said “Open it! It might be smelling”, so we did and / he put it in the sun. After that, on the Sunday, he took us to pray. /10/ We entered and stood in the corner of the church. / And then another guardian entered with his group and he made them cross over to the other corner. / The priest began the mass carrying / a paten which he put on the ground near the door of the altar; / he pushed it towards us so our guardian took it and passed it round among us /15/ so that everyone gave an offering. He put the paten / on the ground again and pushed it towards the other group / so it was taken up by the other guardian who passed it round his group collecting their offerings. / Then he put it on the ground / and pushed it towards the door of the altar, where it was taken by the priest. |f. 14v|

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‫ﺗﻢ اﻧﻨﺎ اول ﻳﻮم ﰲ ﺻﻮم اﳌﻴﻼد ﻛﺎن‬ َ٘ /‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ رﺑﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺪس ﻓﻨﺰﻟﺖ اﻧﻨﻲ اﺻﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ ﻛﺎن ﻳﻨﻄﺮﻧﺎ ﻓﺎﺧﺪہ‬/‫ﰲ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﻓﺠﺎ اﻟﺪي‬ ‫ ﻣﻴﻪ‬/‫ﻣﻨﻲ وﻗﺎل ﺗﻌﺎل اﻧﺎ ﺑﻄﻴﻠﻊ ﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎء اﳌﻄﺮ وﺻﻮﻟﻪ ﻻن‬ ‫ ﰲ ﻣﺎ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﺑﻴﻌﱪ اﱄ‬/5/ ‫ادا ﺻﻮﻟﺘﻪ‬ ‫ وﻃﻠﻊ ﻓﻜﻨﺎ‬/‫اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ وﺑﻴﺼري وﺑﺎ ﴐﺑﻪ‬ /‫ﺣﻮاﻳﺠﻨﺎ وﻧﴩﻫﻢ ﰲ اﻟﺸﻤﺲ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﺎش واﻟﺠﻮﺧﻪ واﻟﺼﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺎن‬ ‫ ﻗﺎل اﻓﺘﺤﻮﻫﺎ ﻻﻳﻜﻮن ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬/‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻤﺲ‬/‫رﻳﺤﻪ ﻓﻔﺘﺤﻨﺎﻫﺎ وﻧﴩﻫﺎ‬ ‫وﺑﻌﺪ دﻟﻚ ﻳﻮم اﻻﺣﺪ اﺧﺪﻧﺎ اﱄ اﻟﺼﻼہ‬ َ٘ .‫اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ وﻋﱪﻧﺎ وﻗﻔﻨﺎ ﰲ ﻗﺮﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ‬/10/ ‫ اﺧﺮ ﺟﺎب ﺟامﻋﺘﻪ وﻋﱪ‬/‫وادا ﺑﻮاﺣﺪ‬ ‫ اﻻﺧﺮہ وﺑﺪا‬/‫ﻓﻴﻬﻢ وﻗﻔﻬﻢ ﰲ ﻗﺮﻧﺔ‬ ‫ ﺻﻴﻨﻴﻪ‬/‫ﻴﺲ ﰲ اﻟﻘﺪاس وﺟﺎب‬ ٘ ٘ ‫اﻟﻘﺴ‬ /‫ﺣﻄﻬﺎ ﻋﲇ اﻟﺒﻼط ﻣﻦ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺑﺎب اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ‬ ‫ودﻓﻌﻬﺎ ﻟﻌﻨﺪﻧﺎ ﻓﺎﺧﺪﻫﺎ اﻟﺪي ﺑﻴﻨﺘﻄﺮﻧﺎ‬ ‫ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﻓﺤﻂ ﻛﻞ واﺣﺪ‬/15/ ‫ودار‬ ‫ اﻻرض ودﻓﻌﻬﺎ‬/‫ﺻﺪﻗﻪ وﺣﻄﻬﺎ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫ ودار ﻋﲇ‬/‫اﱄ ﺟامﻋﺔ اﻻﺧﺮہ ﻓﺎﺧﺪﻫﺎ‬ /‫ﺟامﻋﺘﻪ ومل ﺻﺪﻗﻪ وﺣﻄﻬﺎ ﻋﲇ اﻻرض‬ ‫ودﻓﻌﻬﺎ اﱄ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺑﺎب اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ ﻓﺎﺧﺪﻫﺎ‬ َ٘ َ٘ ‫اﻟﻘﺴ‬ (‫ب‬۱٤ ‫ﻴﺲ )ورﻗﺔ‬

√rfʿ ﻣﺮﻓﻊ اﳌﻴﻼد‬marfaε elmílâd] “la veille du jeûne de la Noële”; [marfaε ellaüm] proprt le lieu ou le temps où l’on supprime, la viande, pour préparer au carême, par suite le carnival…” 38 ﺻﻮل‬úâwwal> “to rinse” اﺻﻮﻟﻪ‬R 14r2) “[úawwal] … laver à eau froide (du riz, des grains de blé, des lentilles, du sésame) pour les débarrasser de leur poussière” || arl. [úawwala] (Bart. √úwl).

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f. 15r

THE TRIP OF RA‘D FROM ALEPPO TO VENICE

As soon as the mass was over we returned to our place and the commanding officer / of the Lazzaretto arrived and took a seat. We went up to him one at a time and he searched us. / There was a thin man with us, whom he made take off his clothes / to his shirt and pants and inspected him afraid that he might be sick but he noticed nothing. /5/ After forty days the one we were staying with at / the Lazzaretto came and took us to Venice to the place / where we were going to stay and put us up for that night. He said, “Do you want / to eat with me or on your own?” We told him we would eat on our own because / whoever ate with him had to pay a third /10/ of a qirš a day. Twenty days later they brought our merchandise and we sold it / in two days. We stayed in Venice for a year waiting for / a boat directed to Tripoli to take us home. Then when we were / at sea and about to drown, we invoked the great Saint / Atanasio saying: “Oh Saint of our Lord, save us, /15/ and the week we return to Venice we will go to your church, / and ask for the blessing of your body and deposit our votive offerings.” / Sailing on, we crossed the sea towards the area [where his body was lying]. / We asked for the blessing of his body which was crowned with a host of pearls, |f. 15r| precious stones and a crown worth two kurras of money. We embarked / to go to our quarters; the wind was blowing hard and we were not able to set out / to sea. We turned back and started crying again saying: “Oh Saint, we are foreigners, where / will we sleep

‫ﺗﻢ ﻛﻤﻞ اﻟﻘﺪاس ورﺟﻌﻨﺎ اﱄ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ اﻟﻼزارت وﻗﻌﺪ ﻋﲇ‬/‫ﺛﻢ اﻧﻪ ﺟﺎ اﻏﺔ‬ ‫ ﺗﻢ‬/‫ﻛﺮﳼ وﻗﺪﻣﻨﺎ واﺣﺪ واﺣﺪ ﻓﺘﺸﻨﺎ‬ ‫اﻧﻪ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻌﻨﺎ رﺟﻞ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻓﻘﻠﻌﻪ ﺗﻴﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ ﻟﻠﻘﻤﻴﺺ واﻟﻠﺒﺎس وﻓﺘﺸﻪ‬/‫ﺣﺘﻲ اﻧﻪ‬ ‫ ﺷﺎي‬/5/ ‫ﻻﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﴬوب ﻓام ﻗﺸﻊ‬ ‫وﺑﻌﺪ ارﺑﻌني ﻳﻮم ﺟﺎ اﻟﺪي ﻣﻨﻨﺰل ﻋﻨﺪہ‬ ‫ اﻟﻼزارات واﺧﺪﻧﺎ اﱄ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ اﱄ‬/‫اﱄ‬ ‫ ﻧﺰﻟﻨﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ وﺿﻴﻔﻨﺎ ﺗﻠﻚ‬/‫اﳌﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺪي‬ ‫ ﺗﺎﻛﻠﻮا ﻣﻌﻲ اﻻ‬/‫اﻟﻠﻴﻠﻪ وﻗﺎل ﺑﱰﻳﺪوا‬ /‫وﺣﺪﻛﻢ ﻗﻠﻨﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻛﻞ وﺣﺪﻧﺎ ﻻن‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺤﺴﺐ‬ ‫اﻟﺪي ﺑﻴﺎﻛﻞ ﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻞ رﺟﻞ‬ ٘ ‫ ﻗﺮش وﺑﻌﺪہ‬/10/ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻳﻮم ﺗﻠﺖ‬ /‫ﺑﻌﴩﻳﻦ ﻳﻮم ﺟﺎﺑﻮا ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻓﺒﻌﻨﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﻣني وﻗﻌﺪﻧﺎ ﺳﻨﻪ ﰲ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ اﱄ ﻃﺮاﺑﻠﺲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺮﺟﻊ‬/‫ﻳﻄﻠﻊ‬ ‫ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﳌ ّﺎ ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﺮﻳﺪ‬/‫ ﺛﻢ اﻧﻨﺎ ﰲ‬.‫ﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ اﺛﺎﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮس‬/‫ﻧﻐﺮق اﺗﺸﻔﻌﻨﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﺲ‬ /15/ ‫اﻟﻜﺒري وﻗﻠﻨﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﻳﺲ اﻟـﻠﻪ ﺧﻠﺼﻨﺎ‬ ‫وﺟﻤﻌﺔ اﻟﺪي ﻣﻨﺪﺧﻞ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ ﻧﺮوح‬ َ٘ ‫ وﻧﺘﺒﺎرك ﻣﻦ‬/‫اﱄ ﻛﻨﻴﺴﺘﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺪك‬ ‫ وﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎ‬/‫وﻧﺤﻂ ﻧﺪرك ﻓﺮﻛﺒﻨﺎ ﻗﺎرب‬ /‫اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﱄ ﺣﺎرة اﻟﺪي ﻫﻮہ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ وﺧﺮﺟﻨﺎ‬ ‫وﺗﺒﺎرﻛﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺴﺪہ وﻛﺎن ﺟﺴﺪہ ﻣﻜﻠﻞ‬ (‫أ‬۱٥ ‫ﰲ ﻟﻮﻟﻮ )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﳾ ﻛﺜري واﺣﺠﺎر متﻴﻨﻪ وﺗﺎج ﳾ ﻳﻌﺎدل‬ ‫ اﻧﻨﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺮوح اﱄ‬/‫ﻛﺮﺗني ﻣﺎل وﻧﺰﻟﻨﺎ‬ /‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻨﺎ ﻓﺘﺎر اﻟﺮﻳﺢ وﻣﺎ ﻗﺪرﻧﺎ ﻧﻨﺰل‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﻓﻌﺪﻧﺎ ﻧﺒيك وﻧﻘﻮل ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﻳﺲ‬ ‫ ﻣﻨﺎم ﰲ ﻫﺪہ اﻟﺤﺎرہ‬/‫ﻧﺤﻨﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﺎ اﻳﻦ‬ ‫ اﻟﻘﺎرب‬/5/ ‫واﻻ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﻫﺪي ﻓﺰﻋﻖ ﺑﺘﺎع‬

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in these parts?” And all of a sudden the sea was calm and the man on board /5/ shouted to us: “Come on board!” We crossed the water in the direction of Saint / Mark’s and went out into the open sea. It was then that other boats started following us; / they were all in the open sea, when the wind started to rage and overcame five boats / which capsized. We thanked the Saint who had saved us. / After that we asked for the blessing of the body of Saint John, the merciful. /10/ It was as though he was just sleeping. We were blessed in the chapel of Saint Saba. / It was as though he was just sleeping. We also visited other chapels like that of: Saint Gregory of Nyssa, and Proclo, Patriarch of Constantinople / and of Zechariah, the prophet whose bones are there and of many other saints whose names I didn’t know. /15/ They were many. In the fifth week of Lent we visited a church / that carries the name of the divine blood that dripped down the hands and feet of the Lord / at the moment of the crucifixion. This blood can be found in a little bottle, almost / half full hanging in a golden dome. / Robed clergymen pray there. Each one bringing a bunch /20/ of thin, red candles gives it to the priest who touches them to the blood. |f. 15v|

/‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ اﻧﺰﻟﻮا ﻓﻘﻄﻌﻨﺎ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﱄ ﺟﻬﺔ َ٘ﺳﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﻮ وﻃﻠﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ وادا ﻏري ﻗﻮارب‬ ‫ ﻓﻬﻨﻪ ﰲ ﻧﺼﻒ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ واﻻ‬/‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮا ﻟﺤﻘﻮﻧﺎ‬ ‫ ﻗﻠﺒﻮا‬/‫ﻫﺎج اﻟﺮﻳﺢ ﻓﻐﺮق ﺧﻤﺲ ﻗﻮارب‬ .‫اﱄ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﻓﺸﻜﺮﻧﺎ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﺲ اﻟﺪي ﺧﻠﺼﻨﺎ‬ ‫ ﺑﻌﺪ دﻟﻚ ﺗﺒﺎرﻛﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺴﺪ ﻳﻮﺣﻨﺎ‬/‫ﺗﻢ‬ ‫ ﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﻢ وﺗﺒﺎرﻛﻨﺎ‬/10/ ‫اﻟﺮﺣﻮم وﻛﺎن‬ ‫ وﻛﺎن‬/‫ﰲ ﻛﻨﻴﺴﺔ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﻣﺎر ﺳﺎﺑﺎ‬ َ٘ ‫ﺟﺴﺪہ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﺤﺴﺐ اﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﻢ وﻏري ﻛﻨﺎﻳﺲ‬ ‫ ﻏﺮﻳﻌﻮرﻳﻮس ﻧﻴﺼﺺ وﺑﺮﻛﻠﺲ‬/‫اﻟﻘﺪﻳﺲ‬ ‫ وزاﺧﺮﻳﺎ اﻟﻨﺒﻲ ﻣﻦ‬/‫ﺑﻄﺮك ﻗﺴﻄﻨﻄﻴﻨﻴﻪ‬ /15/ ‫ﻋﻀﺎﻣﻪ وﻗﺪﻳﺴني مل اﻋﺮف اﺳﻤﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﳾ ﻛﺜري وﰲ ﺧﺎﻣﺲ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻮم‬ َ٘ ‫اﻟﻜﺒري‬ ‫ ﻋﲆ اﺳﻢ اﻟﺪم اﻻﻟﻬﻲ‬/‫ﻛﻨﻴﺴﻪ‬ /‫اﻟﺪي ﻧﺰل ﻣﻦ ﻳﺪي ورﺟﲇ اﻟﺴﻴﺪ‬ ‫اﳌﺴﻴﺢ وﻗﺖ اﻟﺼﻠﺐ وﻫﻮہ ﰲ ﻗﻨﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ ﻧﺼﻔﻬﺎ وﻫﻮہ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﰲ‬/‫ﺻﻐريہ ﻳﺠﻲ‬ ‫ وﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻻﺑﺴني وﻫﻨﻪ‬/‫ﻗﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ دﻫﺐ و‬ ‫ ﺷﻤﻊ‬/20/ ‫ﻳﺼﻠﻮا وﻛﻠﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻗﺔ‬ ‫رﻓﻴﻊ اﺣﻤﺮ ﺑﻴﻌﻄﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻜﻬﻨﻪ وﺑﻴﻠﺼﻘﻮﻫﺎ‬ (‫ب‬۱٥ ‫ﻟﻠﺪم )ورﻗﺔ‬

They take these candles, so when it gets cold all over the country, / they light them and this prevents cold and also lightning. Then / on the days of festivity, cannons are fired and the happiness / is indescribable. We were

‫وﺑﻴﺎﺧﺪوا دﻟﻚ اﻟﺸﻤﻊ ادا ﺻﺎر ﰲ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ ﺑﻴﺸﻌﻠﻮا اﻟﺸﻤﻊ ﻳﺒﻄﻞ‬/‫اﻟﺒﻼد ﺑ ْﺮد ﻓﺎﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ ﰲ ﻳﻮم‬/‫واﻟﺰواﻋﻖ ﺗﺒﻄﻞ اﻳﻀﺎ ﺗﻢ ان‬ /‫اﻻﻋﻴﺎد ﻳﺼري ﴐب ﻃﻮﺑﺎت وﻓﺮح ﳾ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﻴﻠﻴﻮس اﻟﻜﺒري‬ ٘ ‫ﻳﻮﺻﻒ وﺗﺒﺎرﻛﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺪ‬

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THE TRIP OF RA‘D FROM ALEPPO TO VENICE

blessed by the hand of Basil the Great /5/ and the body of Anastasius the Persian martyr who is carried in a procession around the / city. Every Saturday they go around with an icon of the Madonna / portrayed by the evangelist Luke which is framed by about twenty / ratl of gold. Four priests carry this on their shoulders / in procession and go around with the blood from the bottle gushing from the icon /10/ of Jesus, that was transfixed by the Jew. / We asked for a blessing from the icon of the Madonna which had healed the hand of John, / the priest from Damascus.39 The beauty of this city is a thing that one cannot describe / or evaluate, because there there are 12,000 bridges and 12,000 boats, / and the narrow streets are half in the sea and half on firm ground. /15/ Those who walk on the ground go over the bridge towards the other quarter; / those who go by boat get to the other quarter by going under the bridge. / There’s no mud nor slime on the streets: / they are clean. The people of the city don’t drink water but just wine. / They take four glasses like taking the juice of Damascus blackberry. After which they don’t drink /20/ and are not thirsty until evening. When they dine they drink and go to bed. |f. 16r|

‫ ﺟﺴﺪ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ اﻧﺴﻄﺎﺳﻴﻮس‬/5/‫وﻣﻦ‬ ‫ ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ وﻛﻞ‬/‫اﻟﻔﺎرﳼ ﺑﻴﺪورو ﻓﻴﻪ‬ ‫ اﻟﺴﻴﺪہ‬/‫ﻧﻬﺎر َ٘ﺳﺒﺖ ﻳﺪوروا ﰲ اﻳﻘﻮﻧﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺪي ﺻﻮرﻫﺎ ﻟﻮﻗﺎ اﻻﻧﺠﻴﲇ وﻫﻴﻪ ﻳﺠﻲ‬ ‫ رﻃﻞ دﻫﺐ داﻳﺮ ﻣﺎ دارﻫﺎ‬/‫ﻋﴩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ اﻛﺘﺎﻓﻬﻢ‬/‫ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮا ارﺑﻌﺔ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫وﻳﺪوروا ﰲ اﻟﺪم اﻟﺪي ﺧﺮج ﻣﻦ اﻳﻘﻮﻧﺔ‬ ‫ اﳌﺴﻴﺢ اﻟﺪي ﻃﻌﻨﻬﺎ اﻟﻴﻬﻮدي وﻫﻴﻪ‬/10/ َ٘ ‫ وﺗﺒﺎرﻛﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻳﻘﻮﻧﺔ‬/‫ﰲ ﻗﻨﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪہ‬ ‫ اﻟﻘﺲ اﻟﺪﻣﺸﻘﻲ‬/‫اﻟﺪي ﺷﻔﺔ ﻳﺪ ﻳﻮﺣﻨﺎ‬ /‫وﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ ﻫﺪہ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﳾ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺻﻒ‬ َ٘ ‫وﻻ ﻳُﻘﺪر ﻻن ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﺗﻨﺎ ﻋﴩ اﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﴪ‬ ‫ اﻟﻒ ﻗﺎرب واﻟﺰﻗﺎق ﻧﺼﻔﻪ‬/‫واﺗﻨﺎ ﻋﴩ‬ ‫ اﻟﺪي ﺑﻴﻤﴚ‬/15/ ‫ﺑﺤﺮ وﻧﺼﻔﻪ ارض‬ َ٘ ‫ﰲ اﻻرض ﺑﻴﻄﻠﻊ ﻓﻮق‬ /‫اﻟﺠﴪ اﱄ ﺣﺎرة‬ ‫اﻻﺧﺮي واﻟﺪي ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎرب ﺑﻴﻌﱪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ َ٘ ‫ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ اﻻﺧﺮ وﻻ ﰲ اﻟﺰﻗﺎﻗﺎت‬/‫اﻟﺠﴪ اﱄ‬ ‫ اﻻ ﻧﻀﻴﻔﻪ واﻫﻞ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬/‫ﻻ ﻃني وﻻ وﺣﻞ‬ ‫ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻮت‬/‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﴩﺑﻮا ﻣﺎء اﻻ ﻧﺒﻴﺪ‬ /20/ ‫اﻟﺸﺎﻣﻲ ارﺑﻊ ﻛﺎﺳﺎت وﻣﺎ ﻳﴩب‬ ‫وﻻ ﻳﻌﻄﺶ اﻻ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎ ﺑﻴﺘﻌﺸﺎ وﺑﻴﴩب‬ (‫أ‬۱٦ ‫وﺑﻴﻨﺎم )ورﻗﺔ‬

39 Does he mean Saint John of Damascus, Latin Johannes Damascenus? (born c. 675, Damascus – died Dec. 4, 749, San Saba, near Jerusalem). “Eastern monk and theological doctor of the Greek and Latin churches whose treatises on the veneration of sacred images placed him in the forefront of the 8th-century ... and whose theological synthesis made him a preeminent intermediary between Greek and medieval Latin culture.” The EK.

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TEXT

f. 16r

The Prince, the forty vizier and the nobles of the city / are used to going to the Strait of Venice the bògàz40; they pray there / and throw a precious gold ring into the canal.41 / From previous evening the Prince prepares a sumptuous feast with all kinds /5/ of dishes, all with a basis of sugar, red meat, fish, various types of crustacean and / limpets presented as big as a whole plate, red pears / red and white grapes, plums, peaches, apricots, apples and / a lot of sweetmeats. / The feast is laid here and there all over the centre of the Palace. /10/ In the city there is no man or woman who does not come / to admire this royal banquet worth / at least ten thousand qirš. I have seen pregnant women / with a desire to eat something, but nobody could / touch anything. At midday /15/ the Prince and the vizier arrive back from the strait, take up their places at table / and dine. [After dinner] Each vizier takes some food home / for his children. This custom is repeated every year [at the Prince’s Palace]. / Whatsmore, after Easter the Prince and the vizier usually walk around |f. 16v|

71

‫وﻟﻬﻢ ﻋﺎدہ ﺑريوﺣﻮا اﱄ اﻟﺒﻮﻏﺎز اﻟﺪي‬ ‫ اﻻﻣري واﻻرﺑﻌني وزﻳﺮ واﻛﺎﺑﺮ‬/‫ﻟﻠﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ‬ ‫ ﻫﻨﺎك وﺑريﻣﻮا ﰲ اﳌﻌﱪ‬/‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻪ وﺑﻴﺼﻠﻮا‬ ‫ اﻻﻣري ﺣﻈﺮ‬/‫ﺧﺎﺗﻢ دﻫﺐ متني وﺑﻴﻜﻮن‬ ‫]ﺣﴬ[ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﺪہ ﻣﻜﻠﻔﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ّ ‫ اﻟﻄﻌﺎﻣﺎت ﻛﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺮ‬/5/ ‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻻة‬ َ٘ ‫ﺑﺎﻃﻠﻴﻨﺲ‬ /‫ﻟﺤﻢ اﺣﻤﺮ ﺳﻤﻚ اﺷﻜﺎل ﺻﻔﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺒﻚ ﻗﺪر اﻟﻄﺒﻖ اﻧﺠﺎص ﻣﺼﺒﻮغ‬ ‫ ﻋﻨﺐ اﺣﻤﺮ واﺑﻴﺾ ﺧﻮخ دراﻗﻦ‬/‫اﺣﻤﺮ‬ ‫ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﳌﻮاﻛﻴﻞ‬/‫ﻣﺸﻤﺶ ﺗﻔﺎح وﻣﻦ‬ /‫اﻟﺪي ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺮ وﻣﺼﻤﻮدہ‬ ‫اﳌﺎﻳﺪہ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮن وﻫﻮن ﰲ وﺳﻂ اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ‬ ‫ وﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻀﻞ ﰲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻻ رﺟﺎل وﻻ‬/10/ ‫ وﻳﺘﻔﺮﺟﻮا ﻋﲇ ﻫﺪہ‬/‫ﻧﺴﺎ اﻻ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﺠﻮا‬ ‫ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ‬/‫اﻟﺼﻔﺮہ اﳌﻠﻮﻛﻴﻪ اﻟﺪي ﻣﻜﻠﻔﻪ‬ /‫ﻋﴩ اﻻف ﻗﺮش وﺑﻘﻴﺔ اﻗﺸﻊ اﻟﻨﺴﻮان‬ ‫ﺣﻮاﻣﻞ ﻳﺸﺘﻬﻮا ان ﻳﺎﻛﻠﻮا ﻣﻦ دﻟﻚ ﻓام‬ َ٘ /‫ﻳﻘﺪر اﺣﺪ‬ ‫ميﺲ ﳾ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ وﻋﻨﺪ ﻧﺼﻒ‬ ‫ اﻻﻣري واﻟﻮزر ﺟﺎووا‬/15/ ‫اﻟﻨﻬﺎر ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮا‬ ‫ اﳌﺎﻳﺪہ وﻳﺎﻛﻠﻮن‬/‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﱪ وﻳﻄﻠﻌﻮا اﱄ‬ ‫ اﱄ ﺑﻴﺘﻪ‬/‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ وﻛﻞ وزﻳﺮ ﻳﺤﻤﻞ وﻳﺎﺧﺪ‬ ‫واوﻻدہ ﻫﺪہ اﻟﻌﺎدہ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻨﻪ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫ واﻳﻀﺎ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻋﺎدہ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﻔﺼﺢ‬/‫اﻻﻣري‬ (‫ب‬۱٦ ‫ﻳﺪور اﻻﻣري واﻟﻮزر )ورﻗﺔ‬

40 ﺑﻮﻏﺎز‬bôgâz] “strait” (R 16r1), (HD 20v18). According to Dozy √bwø z (turc) pl. ﺑَ َﻮا‬ ʿ “bras de mer, détroit; – embouchure d’un fleuve.” See also MM √bwgâz; < t. bogaz (boghas) ‘gola’ (Argenti 1533: 228) || < Osm. bogaz ‘gola’ (Men. 931). Raʿd calls bûøâz the San Nicolò di Lido Canal. 41 The Festa della Sensa “Festa dell’Ascensione di Cristo” (Jesus Ascension Day Festival) commemorates a historical event that took place on Ascension Day, May the 9th 1000. On that day, the 26th Doge Pietro Orseolo II left Venice at the head of a great fleet, to defend the inhabitants of Zara and Dalmatia against the incursions of the Croatians and Narentines. Before leaving, the Doge boarded the ceremonial galley, the Bucintoro, and set out to sea along the San Nicolò di Lido canal, while the Bishop of Venice gave his blessing to the Adriatic. Having reached the mouth of the harbour, the Doge then threw a golden ring into the sea to symbolically marry Venice to the sea and demonstrate the Serenissima’s domination of the gulf. His victory is celebrated in May.

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72 f. 16v

THE TRIP OF RA‘D FROM ALEPPO TO VENICE

St. Mark’s Square, or rather that of the Apostle Mark the Evangelist. The Prince passes with nearby a poor dressed in old ragged rags. / Every two steps, he exchanges a few words with him and the vizier do the same: / each one walking nearby a poor and doing as the Prince does. After this /5/ they let them have lunch, offering them a meal and give them a deed of gift, this being a sign of humility. / They are also used to helping those who can’t bring up a child by themselves / by baptising them and dividing pieces of a silver coin into two. / On one they engrave the name of the child and the date / of the baptism and hang it round the neck of the young one. Before dawn they take him /10/ into Saint Mark’s square and leave him there in a basin / and go away. Then, a vizier, or one of the nobles arrives, takes the child / and entrusts him to a breast-feed and bring him up until he is seven years old. / At that point the father arrives to the home with the other half of the coin / and goes towards the house of the one who have brought up his child. He kisses his hands /15/ saying “Oh my lord give me my son” and the other replies “Give me / the other half of the coin.” The father offers his half coin and the other takes that which is around / his son’s neck and puts the two pieces together making a whole coin. / Then he takes his son and goes home, after leaving a present. They also continue a tradition that, / if the Prince dies, they bury him at night after /20/ someone has come and made a wax model of his face, chin and moustache. |f. 17r|

‫ﰲ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﺳﺎن ﻣﺮﻛﻮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ اﻟﺮﺳﻮل ﻣﺮﻗﺺ‬ ‫ وﻳﺪور اﻻﻣري وﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﻘري‬/‫اﻻﻧﺠﻴﲇ‬ ‫ وميﴚ ﺧﻄﻮﺗني‬/‫ﻻﺑﺴﻦ ﺧﻠﻘﺎن ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ /‫وﻳﻠﻘﺶ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻔﻘري ﻛﻠﻤﺘني واﻟﻮزر‬ ‫اﻳﻀﺎ ﻛﻞ واﺣﺪ وﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﻘري ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ ﻳﻐﺪوﻫﻢ وﻳﻌﻄﻮﻫﻢ‬/5/ ‫اﻻﻣري وﺑﻌﺪہ‬ ‫ واﻳﻀﺎ ﻟﻬﻢ‬/.‫ﺻﺪﻗﻪ ﻫﺪا ﻻﺟﻞ اﻻﺗﻀﺎع‬ ‫ﻋﺎدہ ادا ﻛﺎن اﻟﻔﻘري ﻣﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻮہ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫ وﻟﺪہ ﻳﻌﻤﺪ اﻟﺼﺒﻲ وﻳﺎﺧﺪ ﻗﺮش‬/‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ اﻟﻨﺼﻒ وﻳﻜﺘﺐ اﺳﻢ‬/‫ﻓﻀﻪ وﻳﻘﺼﻪ ﰲ‬ /‫اﻟﺼﺒﻲ ﰲ ﻧﺼﻒ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ وﻳﻮم اﻟﺪي‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪہ وﻳﻌﻠﻘﻪ ﰲ رﻗﺒﺔ اﻟﺼﺒﻲ وﻳﺎﺧﺪہ‬ ‫ اﱄ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﺳﺎن ﻣﺮﻛﻮ‬/10/ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺼﺒﺎح‬ ‫ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬/‫وﻳﺤﻄﻪ ﰲ ﺟﺮن ﻫﻨﺎك وﻳﺒﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺠﻲ اﺣ ًﺪا ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮزر او ﻣﻦ اﻻﻛﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ وﻳﺠﻴﺐ ﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺿﻌﻪ ﺗﺮﺿﻌﻪ‬/‫ﻓﻴﺎﺧﺪہ‬ ‫ ﺳﻨني ﻓريوح‬/‫وﻳﺮﺑﻴﻪ اﱄ ان ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ‬ /‫اﺑﻮہ وﻳﺎﺧﺪ ﻧﺼﻒ اﻟﻘﺮش اﻟﺪي ﻋﻨﺪہ‬ ‫وﻳﺮوح اﱄ ﺑﻴﺖ اﻟﺮﺟﻞ اﻟﺪي اﺧﺪ وﻟﺪہ‬ ‫ وﻳﻘﻮل ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺪي‬/15/ ‫وﻳﻘﺒﻞ اﻳﺎدﻳﻪ‬ ‫ اﻟﻨﺼﻒ‬/‫اﻋﻄﻴﻨﻲ وﻟﺪي ﻓﻴﻘﻮل ﻟﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻌﻄﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﺠﻴﺐ اﻻﺧﺮ اﻟﺪي ﻛﺎن ﰲ‬ ‫ اﻟﺼﺒﻲ وﻳﺠﻤﻊ اﻟﺘﻨني ﻓﻴﺒﻘﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻪ‬/‫رﻗﺒﺔ‬ ‫ اﺑﻨﻪ وﻳﺮوح ﺑﻌﺪ ان‬/‫ﻓﺮد ﻗﺮش ﻓﻴﺎﺧﺪ‬ ‫ ادا ﻣﺎت‬/‫ﻳﻜﺮم ﻋﻠﻴﻪ واﻳﻀﺎ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻋﺎدہ‬ /20/ ‫اﻻﻣري ﻓﺎﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﻘﱪوہ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ان‬ ‫ﻳﺠﻲ واﺣﺪ وﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻤﻊ وﺟﻬﻪ‬ (‫أ‬۱٧ ‫ودﻗﻨﻪ وﺷﻮارﺑﻪ )ورﻗﺔ‬

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The body is stretched out on a high bed and four vizier sit on chairs around him. / If the prince owed anyone money,42 this one brings a sheet of paper / with the sum written on it and he fixes it with a needle in a way that it cannot be removed / until the vizier have paid his debts. /5/ None of the men or women misses the occasion of watching the body that is exposed for three days. / After three days every parish community goes with its priests / to take part in the funeral procession. They bring the body down from the Palace and go around / the square and back to the door of St. Mark the Evangelist’s church. / They stop near the door and lift the coffin above their hands /10/ counting from one to ten; then they carry him and proceed / along the facade of the church, [while] the vizier and the nobles / go on to the Palace, and then to the Great Hall.43 / They put some small black balls44 in a sack and, among these, forty / small balls of silver. Then they stand up one by one and each one stretches out /15/ his hand towards the sack and takes a small ball. If he fishes out a black one he throws it back / and goes off; if he fishes out a silver one he is locked in a house until / all the forty balls of silver have been extracted by forty men. Then they put another / twelve balls of silver and twenty-eight black ones into the sack,

‫وميﺪدوہ ﻋﲇ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻋﺎﱄ وﺑﻴﻘﻌﺪ ارﺑﻊ‬ ‫ ﺣﻮاﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﺎدا ﻛﺎن‬/‫وزر ﻋﲇ ﻛﺮاﳼ‬ /‫اﺣ ًﺪا ﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﻪ دراﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﺠﻴﺐ ورﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮب ﻗﺪر اﻟﺪراﻫﻢ وﻳﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺮہ‬ ‫ اﻻ ان ﻳﻮﻓﻮا اﻟﻮزر‬/‫ﻓام ﻳﻘﺪروا ﻳﺸﻴﻠﻮہ‬ ‫ او‬/5/ ‫دﻳﻨﻪ وﻣﺎ ﻳﻀﻞ اﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮﺟﺎل‬ َ٘ ‫ﻧﺴﺎ اﱄ ان ﻳﺠﻲ وﻳﺘﻔﺮج ﻓﻴﻀﻞ ﺗﻼت‬ ‫ اﻟﺤﺎل وﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺜﻼت اﻳﺎم‬/‫اﻳﺎم ﻋﲇ ﻫﺪہ‬ ‫ ﻓﻴﻤﺸﻮا‬/‫ﻳﺠﻮا ﻛﻞ اﻟﻜﻨﺎﻳﺲ وﻛﻬﻨﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺟﻨﺎزﺗﻪ وﻳﻨﺰﻟﻮہ ﻣﻦ اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ وﻳﺪورو‬ ‫ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻪ اﱄ ان ﻳﺠﻴﺒﻮہ اﱄ ﺑﺎب‬/‫داﻳﺮ‬ ‫ وﻳﻘﻔﻮا ﻋﲇ‬/‫ﻛﻨﻴﺴﺔ ﻣﺮﻗﺺ اﻻﻧﺠﻴﲇ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺎب وﻳﺮﻓﻌﻮا اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻮت ﻓﻮق اﻳﺎدﻳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ وﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮا واﺣﺪہ ﺗﻨﺘني اﱄ اﻟﻌﴩہ‬/10/ ‫ ﻓﻴﻪ اﱄ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬/‫وﻳﺎﺧﺪوہ وﻳﻌﱪوا‬ /‫اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ وﻳﻌﱪوا ﻛﻞ اﻟﻮز]ر[ واﻻﻛﺎﺑﺮ‬ َ٘ ‫اﱄ‬ ‫اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ وﻳﻌﱪوﻫﻢ اﱄ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺪﻳﻮان‬ ‫ وﻳﺤﻄﻮا ﰲ ﻛﻴﺲ ﻛﻠﻞ ﺳﻮد‬/‫اﻟﻜﺒري‬ ‫ ﻓﻀﻪ وﺑﻴﻄﻠﻌﻮا‬/‫وﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ارﺑﻌني ﻛﻠﻪ‬ /15/ ‫واﺣﺪ واﺣﺪ ﻛﻠام ﻃﻠﻊ واﺣﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺪہ ﻟﻠﻜﻴﺲ وﺑﻴﺎﺧﺪ ﻛﻠﻪ ان ﻃﻠﻌﺔ‬ ‫ وﻃﻠﻊ راح وان ﻃﻠﻌﺔ ﻓﻀﻪ‬/‫ﺳﻮدہ رﻣﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ ان ﻳﻄﻠﻌﻮا اﻻرﺑﻌني‬/‫ﺣﺒﺴﻮہ ﰲ ﺑﻴﺖ اﱄ‬ ‫ ﻳﺤﻄﻮا‬/‫ واﻳﻀﺎ‬.‫ﻓﻀﻪ ﻣﻊ ارﺑﻌني رﺟﻞ‬ ‫اﺗﻨﺎﻋﴩ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻓﻀﻪ ومتﺎﻧﻴﻪ وﻋﴩﻳﻦ‬

42 درﻫﻢ‬pl. دراﻫﻢ‬R 17v20) Ra d uses only the generic plural of dirham as a synonyʿ mous of flûs “money.” 43 On Venice election works, see Raines (2003). 44 ﻛﻠﻪ‬gé́lle] ﻛﻠﻞ ﺳﻮد وﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ارﺑﻌني ﻛﻠﻪ‬R 17r13) “ﻛﻠﺔ‬kulla pl. ﻛﻠﻞ‬kulal bullet; canon ball…” Wehr √klt. “ﮜﻟﻞ‬gé́ll, pl. glấl “bille (à jouer), gé́lle, pl. gé́lal et gellất, “boullet (de canon)”; qqf. “balle de fusil” || t. galle; p. gile, gulule.” Barth. √gll.

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Fig. 4 – Giovan Battista Brustolon da Antonio Canal detto il Canaletto, Cerimonia dello sposalizio del mare durantewww.torrossa.com la festa della Sensa, incisione ad acquaforte bulino, dalla serie veneziane, Venezia, - For non-commercial use byeauthorised users only.Feste License restrictions apply.Teodoro Viero, 1791 (Cicognara XI 3978, int. 4, tav. 6).

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76

THE TRIP OF RA‘D FROM ALEPPO TO VENICE

then / everyone stands up, stretches out the hand and takes one. |f. 17v| f. 17v

Those who have fished out the twelve white [silver] ones are kept in a room. / Then they put in another four silver ones and eight black ones and fish. Those / who draw the black ones are allowed to leave, while the four who have drawn / the silver ones are taken and kept in a house, inside another house which is in another house. /5/ They close all windows for fear that / some vizier could throw in a sheet of paper to them asking to be elected. [Fearing this] they block the door of the Palace, / kept under surveillance by fifty armed men. They draw / the figure of the Messiah and the Madonna high up and below them Mark the Evangelist. / The four men who have been held get inside /10/ on their knees ask for a prince to be given them. The four men / draw lots and extract one of the vizier. Then they call out loud to / those at the door of the Palace who open for them, so they announce: “Such was chosen by lot / to be Prince.” So they run off home to tell him, at home, the good news. / An hour later the other vizier come and take him to the church of Mark the Evangelist; /15/ they dress him a velvet horn-like bonnet45 and

‫ ﰲ ﻛﻴﺲ وﻳﻄﻠﻌﻮا ﻛﻠﻤﻦ ميﺪ ﻳﺪہ‬/‫ﺳﻮدہ‬ (‫ب‬۱٧ ‫ﻳﺎﺧﺪ واﺣﺪہ ﻓﺎﻟﺪي )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﻄﻠﻊ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ اﻻﺗﻨﻲ ﻋﴩ اﻟﺒﻴﺾ‬ ‫ ﻳﺤﻄﻮا‬/‫ﻳﺤﺒﺴﻮﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺑﻴﺖ واﻳﻀﺎ‬ ‫ارﺑﻌﻪ ﻓﻀﻪ ومتﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺳﻮد وﻳﻄﻠﻌﻮا‬ ‫ ﻳﺎﺧﺪوا اﻟﺴﻮد ﻳﻔﻠﺘﻮﻫﻢ واﻻرﺑﻌﻪ‬/‫اﻟﺪي‬ ‫ اﻟﻔﻀﻪ ﻳﺎﺧﺪوﻫﻢ‬/‫اﻟﺪي ﻃﻠﻊ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ‬ /5/ ‫وﻳﺤﺒﺴﻮﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺟﻮا ﺑﻴﺖ ﺟﻮا‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ وﻳﺴﺪوا اﻟﻄﻮق ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ وﺧﻒ ﻻ‬ ‫ اﻟﻮزر ﻳﺮﻣﻲ ﻟﻬﻢ ورﻗﻪ ان‬/‫ان اﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ وﻳﻨﻄﺮوہ‬/‫ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮہ وﻳﻘﻔﻠﻮا ﺑﺎب اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﺴني رﺟﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺤﺮب ﻣﻌﺪدﻳﻦ‬ ‫ ﺻﻮرہ اﳌﺴﻴﺢ ﻓﻮق واﻟﺴﻴﺪہ‬/‫وﻳﺼﻮروا‬ ‫ ﻣﻨﻪ واﻻرﺑﻊ‬/‫وﻣﺮﻗﺺ اﻻﻧﺠﻴﲇ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫رﺟﺎل اﻟﺪي ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺳني ﺳﺎﺟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫ رﻛﺒﻬﻢ ﻳﻄﻠﺒﻮا ان ﻳﻌﻄﻴﻬﻢ اﻣري‬/10/ ‫ ﻳﺮﻣﻮا ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﺼﻞ‬/‫واﻻرﺑﻊ رﺟﺎل ﺟﻮا‬ ‫ ﻋﲇ‬/‫ﻋﲆ واﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮزر ﻓﻴﺰﻋﻘﻮا‬ ‫اﻟﻮاﻗﻔني ﻋﲇ ﺑﺎب اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻔﺘﺤﻮﻟﻬﻢ‬ ‫ اﻟﻘﺮﻋﻪ ﻋﲇ اﻟﻮزﻳﺮ ﻓﻼن‬/‫وﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮا ﻃﻠﻌﺔ‬ ‫ ﺳﺎﻋﻪ‬/‫ﻓريﻛﺪوا ﻳﺒﴩوہ ﰲ ﺑﻴﺘﻪ وﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺗﻮا ﺑﺎﻗﻲ اﻟﻮزر وﻳﺠﻴﺒﻮہ اﱄ ﻛﻨﻴﺴﺔ‬ َ٘ ‫وﻳﻠﺒﺴﻮہ دﻟﻮ ﻣﻦ‬ /15/ ‫ﻣﺮﻗﺺ اﻻﻧﺠﻴﲇ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻤﻞ وﻳﻘﻒ ﰲ ﺑﺎب اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ وﻳﻘﻮل‬

45 دﻟﻮ‬R17v15 from ar. “pail, bucket” see syr. “dálw, dálu, … 1° seau fait d’une peau de chèvre ou d’agneau” Barth √dly; دﻟﻮ‬was used by Raʿd as a Dodge cap because it seems like a pail اﻟﺪﻟﻮ اﳌﺨﻤﻞ‬velvet Doge cap” R17v15 and R18r7. From the 14th century onwards the ceremonial crown and well-known symbol of the doge of Venice was called corno ducale, a kind of a Ducal hat “horn-like bonnet,” a classical symbol of liberty, inspired to the bust of Attis wearing a Phrygian cap (Parian marble, 2nd century AD). See the portrait of Doge Leonardo Loredan (Doge of Venice from 1501 to 1521), in his ceremonial garments with the corno worn over a linen cap. An Oil on panel, by the Italian Renaissance master Giovanni Bellini, dating from 1501. It is on display in the National Gallery in London. See Ballarin (1987).

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he stands up on the threshold of the church and announces: / “Oh Christians, I have been elected your Prince. / Do not betray our Lord Jesus and the Vergin Mary who procreated him.” / After this, two beams, already prepared, with a seat in the centre for the Prince / and two either side for two vizier; twenty men carry the wooden pulpit /20/ and while moving away from the church, the person sitting on the left throws money: |f. 18r| many quarters, thirds, halves coins. The people fell all / over themselves to catch the money in their caps.46 / In front of them are people with sticks to make way for them. All of them go around the whole square / heading towards the Ducal Palace door, where the nobles stand. /5/ The other vizier starts to scatter around Venetian Ducat gold and so they go / through the door of the Ducal Palace, attached to the church of Saint Mark the Evangelist. / Next, they take off his horn-like bonnet and crown him with golden headgear, / encrusted with precious stones and put him onto the throne. From that moment he becomes a / resident of the Palace. After this, the nobles and visier are introduced with their respective wives /10/ who greet and congratulate him. For seven days [From high above], they use to throw kmàj bread onto the Palace courtyards / where the people, poor and rich, pick it up, this is one of their habits. Every Saturday [the newly-elected] leaves /

‫ اﳌﺴﻴﺤﻴني ﴏت ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ اﻣري اﳌﺮاد‬/‫اﻳﻬﺎ‬ ‫ ﺧﻼف رﺑﻨﺎ ﻳﺴﻮع‬/‫ﻣﻨﻜﻢ ﻻ ﺗﻄﻠﻌﻮا ﻣﻦ‬ /‫اﳌﺴﻴﺢ وﻣﻦ واﻟﺪﺗﻪ اﻟﻌﺪري܀ ﺛﻢ اﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮا ﻣﺤﴬﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﺒﺘني وﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﻛﺮﳼ‬ ‫ وﻛﺮﳼ ميني وﺷامل‬/‫ﰲ اﻟﻮﺳﻂ ﻟﻼﻣري‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻮزﻳﺮﻳﻦ وﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮا ﰲ اﻟﺨﺸﺐ ﻋﴩﻳﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ واﻟﺪي‬ ‫ وﻳﻄﻠﻌﻮا ﻣﻦ‬/20/ ‫رﺟﺎل‬ ٘ ‫ﻋﲇ اﻟﺸامل ﻳﺮش ﻋﲇ اﻟﻨﺎس دراﻫﻢ‬ (‫أ‬۱٨ ‫)ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫ارﺑﺎع واﺗﻼت واﻧﺼﺎف وﻗﺮوش واﻟﻨﺎس‬ ‫ ﻋﲇ ﺑﻌﺾ واﻧﺎس‬/‫ﺗﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ‬ ‫ اﻧﺎس‬/‫ﻳﺴﺘﻼﻗﻮا ﰲ اﻟﱪﻧﻴﻄﻪ وﻗﺪاﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﴢ ﻳﻔﺘﺤﻮا ﻟﻬﻢ اﻟﺪرب وﻳﺪوروا‬ ‫ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ وﻳﺠﻮ ﻳﻌﱪ اﱄ ﺑﺎب اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ‬/‫اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻪ‬ ٘ ‫ ﻓﻴﺒﺪا ﻳﺮش‬/5/ ‫واﻗﻔني ﻋﻨﺪہ اﻻﻛﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫وزﻳﺮ اﻻﺧﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ دﻫﺐ ﺑﻨﺪﻗﻲ ﺗﻢ‬ ‫ ﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ ﻻﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﺴﺔ‬/‫ﻳﻌﱪوا‬ ‫ اﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﻘﻠﻌﻮہ اﻟﺪﻟﻮ‬/‫ ﺛﻢ‬.‫ﻣﺮﻗﺺ اﻻﻧﺠﻴﲇ‬ /‫اﳌﺨﻤﻞ وﻳﻠﺒﺴﻮہ ﻗﺒﻊ اﻟﺪﻫﺐ اﳌﺮﺻﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺣﺠﺎر اﳌﺘﻤﻨﻪ وﻳﺠﻠﺴﻮہ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫ اﱄ اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ وﺑﻌﺪہ‬/‫اﻟﻜﺮﳼ وﻳﻨﻘﻞ ﺑﻴﺘﻪ‬ /10/ ‫ﻳﺠﻮا اﻻﻛﺎﺑﺮ واﻟﻮزر ﻣﻊ ﻧﺴﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫وﻳﺴﻠﻤﻮا وﻳﺒﺎرﻛﻮا ﻟﻪ وﻳﻀﻠﻮا ﺳﺒﻊ اﻳﺎم‬ ‫ ﻓﻮق اﱄ ﺣﻮش اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ ﺧﺒﺰ‬/‫ﻳﺮﻣﻮا ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ ﻓﻘﺮہ واﻏﻨﻴﺎ ﻫﺪہ‬/‫ﻛامج وﻳﺎﺧﺪوا اﻟﻨﺎس‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ‬/‫ﻋﺎدہ ﻟﻬﻢ وﻛﻞ ﻧﻬﺎر ﺳﺒﺖ ﻳﻄﻠﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﴪاﻳﺎ وﻳﺪور ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮزر اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻪ اﱄ ان‬

46 “ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬bérnếta, pl. -ất “chapeau, casquette, casque. || cf. it. baretta, berretta; fr. barrette, berret et bonnet.” (Barth. √brnyta).

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the Palace and parades in the square with the visier as far as / the church. The priests carry the icon of the Madonna, done by Luke [the Evangelist]. /15/ Three princes died that year,47 so we assisted at their ceremonies. / The city of Venice rises above the sea while the great coast is about / two miles far. The people of the city collect a hundred of pieces of wood / and fix them one beside the other to make tables, similar to bed bases or platforms. / The sea water carries the platform away, transporting it to the water’s edge. |f. 18v| In this way they load huge quantities of coal onto a platform, as big as a big threshing floor:48 about 300 qintàr. / When the sea level starts to go up, the platform float on the sea / until reaching the city walls. Then, they take the coal off the platform; / the sea returns and transports the platform to the coast again. /5/ Every day this takes place in both directions. If you go up one of belfries / you can see the sea and the coast. / You can see the land around Venice for two miles westwards, two miles / eastwards and two miles northwards, all inundated by the sea; after six hours / it dries and you see mud everywhere. This happens day after day. /10/ Furthermore, the Thursday after Ascension Day they have the custom of building / about fifty huts in the square of the Basilica of Mark the Evangelist / with shelves where precious objects given in homage to the sovereign are exhibited. / Princes and nobles ac-

َ٘ ‫اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ واﻟﻜﻬﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻠني اﻻﻳﻘﻮﻧﺔ‬ /‫ﻳﻌﱪ‬ ‫ وﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺴﻨﻪ‬/15/ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪہ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻟﻮﻗﺎ‬ /‫ﻣﺎت ﺗﻼت اﻣﺎرا وﻧﺘﻔﺮج ﻋﲇ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ‬ ‫واﻣﺎ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ ﰲ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ واﻟﱪ‬ ‫ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﻠني واﻫﻞ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬/‫اﻟﻜﺒري ﻳﺠﻲ‬ ‫ وﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮﻫﻢ‬/‫ﻳﺠﻤﻌﻮا ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﻮد ﺧﺸﺐ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺑﺪﻓﻮف ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺨﺖ‬ ‫ ﻣﺎ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﻓﻴﻘﺪف ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﺨﺖ اﱄ‬/‫ﻓﺘﻌﱪ‬ (‫ب‬۱٨ ‫ان ﻳﻠﺼﻖ ﰲ اﻟﱪ )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺤﻄﻮا ﻓﻮﻗﻪ اﻟﻔﺤﻢ ﻗﺪر ﺑﻴﺪر ﻛﺒري‬ ‫ ﻓﺘﺒﺪا اﳌﺎ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ‬/‫ﻗﺪر ﺗﻼمتﺎﻳﺔ ﻗﻨﻄﺎر‬ ‫ اﱄ‬/‫ﻳﺨﺮج ﻓﻴﺒﻘﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﲇ وﺟﻪ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ‬ ‫ان ﻳﻠﺼﻖ ﰲ ﺣﻴﻄﺎن اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻓﻴﺎﺧﺪوہ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ اﻟﺘﺨﺖ ﺗﻢ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ وﻳﻘﺪف‬/‫ﻋﲇ‬ ‫ ﻳﻮم ﻃﺮﻳﻘني‬/5/ ‫اﻟﺘﺨﺖ اﱄ اﻟﱪ ﻋﲇ ﻛﻞ‬ /‫ﺗﻢ اﻧﻚ ادا ﻃﻠﻌﺖ اﱄ ﺻﻮﻣﻌﻪ اﻟﺪي‬ َ٘ ‫اﻟﻨﻮاﻗﻴﺲ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ واﻟﱪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﻗﻮا‬ ‫ اﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﻮاﱄ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﻠني‬/‫ﻓﺘﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ ﴍق اﱄ ﻣﻴﻠني ﺷامل‬/‫ﻏﺮب اﱄ ﻣﻴﻠني‬ ‫ ﺗﻨﺸﻒ‬/‫ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺮ وﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻋﺎت‬ .‫ﺗﻨﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻃني ﻫﻜﺪا ﻋﲇ ﻣﺪا اﻻﻳﺎم‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﺲ‬ ‫ ﺛﻢ ان ﻟﻬﻢ ﻋﺎدہ ﰲ‬/10/ ٘ َ٘ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺴﺔ‬ ‫ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ‬/‫اﻟﺼﻌﻮد ﻳﻨﺼﺒﻮا ﰲ‬ /‫ﻣﺮﻗﺺ اﻻﻧﺠﻴﲇ ﻳﺠﻲ ﺧﻤﺴني دﻛﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﻦ دف وﻳﺼﻤﺪوا ﻓﻴﻬﻢ ﻛﻞ اﻟﺘﺤﻒ‬ ‫ اﱄ اﳌﻠﻮك وﻳﺠﻮا ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ‬/‫اﻟﺪي ﻳﻨﻬﺪوا‬

47 Francesco Molino (1646 al 1655), Carlo Contarini (1655-1656) and Francesco Cornello (1656). 48 ﺑﻴﺪر‬threshing floor” see Wehr √bydr ﻗﺪر ﺑﻴﺪر ﻛﺒري‬R 18v1).

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companied by their wives come from all Franks countries / on the occasion of the adorable spectacle of these ten days and whoever wants to /15/ buy, buys. Furthermore, from Christmas / to Shrove Tuesday49 they are accustomed to creating performances and games of all sorts in the square; / as regards the churches, these are innumerable. And again / at the side of the square, if you keep still you can see only half of them. / At the centre there is the figure of the Madonna with Child in her arms, /20/ in the first half a circular clock with a stone at its centre can be seen. / In the center, the stone becomes white and grows as the moon does; |f. 19r| the moon can be seen gradually whitening until full moon, then it wanes, and so the stone begins to darken / following the waning moon. Every time the hour is struck two servants can be seen on their feet, / each with an iron hammer in hand, striking one / after another. Then a door opens on the side of the Madonna /5/ and the angel Gabriel is seen walking before the Three Magi Kings, / carrying gifts, until he arrives in front of the Madonna and points to / Jesus in the arms of his Mother and then goes in. Following this one of the Three Magi Kings enters, / stops in front of Jesus, bows, rises and then the other two come up / and do the same. After this a door beside the Madonna opens, /10/ they enter through it and it closes. As soon as the children hear the striking / of the hour, they gather

‫ واﻛﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﻊ ﻧﺴﺎﻫﻢ‬/‫ﺑﻼد اﻻﻓﺮﻧﺠﻴﻪ اﻣﺎرا‬ ‫اﱄ ﻓﺮﺟﺔ ﻫﺪہ اﻟﻌﴩة اﻳﺎم واﻟﺪي‬ ‫ واﻣﺎ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻋﺎدہ‬.‫ ﻳﺸﱰي ﻳﺸﱰي‬/15/ ‫ اﱄ ﻣﺮﻓﻊ اﻟﻜﺒري ﻓﺮج‬/‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﻴﺪ اﳌﻴﻼد‬ ‫ اﻻﺷﻜﺎل‬/‫وﻟﻌﺐ ﰲ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬ /‫واﻣﺎ اﻟﻜﻨﺎﻳﺲ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻋﺪد واﻳﻀﺎ ان‬ ‫ﰲ ﺟﻨﺐ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻪ واﻧﺖ واﻗﻒ ﺗﻨﻄﺮ‬ ‫ وﺑﺎﻟﺼﺪر ﺻﻮرة اﻟﺴﻴﺪہ واﺑﻨﻬﺎ‬/‫ﻧﺼﻴﻒ‬ ‫ اول اﻟﻨﺼﻴﻒ ﺳﺎﻋﻪ‬/20/ ‫ﰲ ﺣﻀﻨﻬﺎ وﰲ‬ ‫ ادا اﻟﻘﻤﺮ‬/‫داﻳﺮہ وﺣﺠﺮ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫اﺳﺘﻬﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ ﻟﻠﺤﺠﺮ اﺑﻴﺾ ﻗﺪر اﻟﻘﻤﺮ‬ (‫أ‬۱٩ ‫اﱄ ان ﻳﺼري )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺪر ﺗﻨﻈﺮ اﻟﻘﻤﺮ اﺑﻴﺾ ﺗﻢ ﻳﻨﻘﺺ ﺗﻢ‬ ‫ ﻧﻘﺺ اﻟﻘﻤﺮ وﻛﻠام‬/‫اﻟﺤﺠﺮ ﻳﺒﺪا اﺳﻮد ﻗﺪر‬ ‫ وﻛﻞ‬/‫دﻗﺖ اﻟﺴﺎﻋﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ واﻗﻔني ﻋﺒﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﺑﻴﺪہ ﻣﺮزﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺪ وﻳﺪق ﻫﺪا‬ ‫ واﻻﺧﺮ دﻗﻪ ﺗﻢ ﻳﻨﻔﺘﺢ ﺑﺎب ﻣﻦ‬/‫دﻗﻪ‬ ‫ واﳌﻼك ﺟﱪاﻳﻴﻞ‬/5/ ‫ﺟﻨﺐ ﻗﻮﻧﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺪہ‬ /‫ﻣﺎﳾ ﻗﺪام واﳌﺠﻮس اﻟﺜﻠﺜﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻠني‬ ‫اﻟﻬﺪاﻳﺎ اﱄ ان ﻳﺼﻞ ﻗﺪام اﻟﺴﻴﺪہ‬ ‫ ﻋﲇ اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺑﺤﻀﻦ‬/‫ﻓﻴﺪﻟﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺻﺒﻌﺘﻪ‬ /‫واﻟﺪﺗﻪ وﻳﻔﻮت ﻓﻴﺼﻞ اﺣﺪ اﳌﺠﻮس‬ ‫اﱄ ﻗﺪاﻣﻪ وﻳﺴﺠﺪ اﱄ اﻻرض وﻳﻘﻮم‬ ‫ اﻻﺧﺮ وﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮا ﻛﺪﻟﻚ‬/‫وﻳﺘﻘﺪﻣﻮا اﻻﺗﻨني‬ ‫ﺗﻢ ﻳﻨﻔﺘﺢ ﺑﺎب اﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻨﺐ اﻟﺴﻴﺪہ‬ ‫وﻳﺘﺴﻜﺮ ﺛﻢ ان اﻻوﻻد ادا‬ ٘ ‫ وﻳﻌﱪوا‬/10/ ‫ اﻟﺴﺎﻋﻪ ﺑﻴﺠﺘﻤﻌﻮا وﻳﻘﻔﻮا‬/‫ﺳﻤﻌﻮا دق‬

49

See ﻣﺮﻓﻊ‬last fasting day(s)” ﻣﺮﻓﻊ اﳌﻴﻼد‬R 13v18) in a previous note).

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THE TRIP OF RA‘D FROM ALEPPO TO VENICE

and stand shouting: “shbàro”50 / which means “[Madonna] cheer up! Be glad!” And they do this every hour. / After this we stopped until the 1st of August, and bought / goods suitable for Aleppo and went aboard a galleon. /15/ We left Venice and in ten days arrived / in Zante and Corfu where you can find the body of Agios (Saint) / Spiridon. Sometimes the Turks, on board their ships, sailed around these parts / so he [they] come(s) out and say “Go back, / otherwise all your ships will be sunk.” Then, we sailed from Zante /20/ until we arrived in the neighbourhood of Moorea where we saw seven |f. 19v| Maghrebine patrol vessels laying an ambush. They followed us so we turned back towards Zante / and moored. We didn’t know how to get past them, but / then four galleons of war joined us / heading to defend Crete51; we left with them and managed to get past without being attacked. /5/ We left Moorea52 and Crete behind us and reached Cyprus. / We sighted a Frank galleon from Malta, which came towards us and asked / if we had any Turks or Jews on board. So we hided a Jew who was with us, who / had whimpered a lot and kissed

‫ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ اﻓﺮﺣﻲ اﻓﺮﺣﻲ‬/‫ﺻﺎرﺧني ﺷﺒﺎرو‬ ‫ ﺛﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ دﻟﻚ‬/‫وﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﻋﻪ ﻫﻜﺪا ﻳﴫﺧﻮا‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ‬/‫ﻗﻌﺪﻧﺎ اﱄ اول ﺷﻬﺮ اب وﺗﺴﻮﻗﻨﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﻀﺎﻋﻪ اﻟﺪي ﺧﺮج ﺣﻠﺐ وﻧﺰﻟﻨﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ وﺧﺮﺟﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ ﻓﺒﻌﺪ‬/15/ ‫ﻏﻠﻴﻮن‬ ‫ اﱄ زاﻧﺪہ واﱄ اﻟﻘﺮﻓﻮ‬/‫ﻋﴩة اﻳﺎم وﺻﻠﻨﺎ‬ ‫ ﺳﺒريﻳﺪون‬/‫وﰲ اﻟﻜﺮﻓﻮ ﺟﺴﺪ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﺲ‬ ‫ اﱄ‬/‫وﻛﺎم ﻣﺮہ اﻟﱰك ﻳﺠﻮا ﰲ ﻣﺮاﻛﺒﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺐ اﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮہ ﻓﻴﺨﺮج اﻟﻴﻬﻢ وﻳﻘﻮل‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮن اﻻ ﺑﻐﺮق ﻛﻞ‬/‫ﻟﻬﻢ ارﺟﻌﻮا‬ ‫ اﱄ‬/20/ ‫ ﺗﻢ ﻗﻠﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ زاﻧﺪہ‬.‫ﻣﺮاﻛﺒﻜﻢ‬ ‫ان وﺻﻠﻨﺎ اﱄ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻮرہ ﻓﻨﻈﺮﻧﺎ ﺳﺒﻊ‬ (‫أ‬۱٩ ‫ﻏﺮاﺑﺎت )ورﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎرﺑﻪ راﺑﻄني ﻓﻠﺤﻘﻮﻧﺎ ﻓﺮﺟﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ ورﺳﻴﻨﺎ وﻧﺤﻦ‬/ ‫اﱄ ﺧﻠﻒ اﱄ زاﻧﺪہ‬ /‫ﻣﺘﺤريﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻧﻌﱪ ﻋﲇ ﻫﺪوﱄ وادا‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺎ ارﺑﻊ ﻏﻼوﻳﻦ ﺑﺘﺎﻋني اﻟﺤﺮب ﻻن‬ ‫ ﻋﲇ ﻛﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﴪﻧﺎ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ‬/‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﺮﻛﺒﻪ‬ ‫ ﻳﻄﻠﻌﻮا‬/5/ ‫وﻋﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻓام ﻗﺪروا‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ وﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻮرہ وﻛﺮﻳﺖ واﺗﻴﻨﺎ اﱄ‬ ‫ وﻧﻈﺮﻧﺎ ﻏﻠﻴﻮن اﻓﺮﻧﺞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻄﻪ‬/‫ﻗﱪص‬ ‫ ان ﻛﺎن ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺗﺮك‬/‫ﻓﺎﺗﻮا اﻟﻴﻨﺎ وﺳﺎﻟﻮﻧﺎ‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ‬/‫ام ﻳﻬﻮد ﻓﺨﺒﻴﻨﺎ ﻳﻬﻮدي ﻛﺎن ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬

50 Šbàro does not mean “cheer up or rejoice!” It could be Ra d’s perception of the Italian ʿ “sparo” (start shooting, fire) where /p/ shifts into Arabic [b] so [sb] to [šb]. As to shifting of th Italian /s/ into [š] it is not Venitian, neither in the 17 century nor actually. It could be also a reminiscence of a sound listened many years ago. 51 The latter half of the 17th century saw also prolonged wars with the Ottoman Empire in the, after that (1645-1669). Venice lost its major overseas possession. In 1684, Venice initiated the Morean War which lasted until 1699 and in which it was able to conquer the Morean peninsula in southern Greece. 52 The latter half of the 17th century saw also prolonged wars with the Ottoman Empire in the, after that (1645-1669). Venice lost its major overseas possession. In 1684, Venice initiated the Morean War which lasted until 1699 and in which it was able to conquer the Moorea peninsula in southern Greece.

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TEXT

our feet; then they went and left us alone. / Next, we arrived to Tripoli safe and sound, so we went /10/, into the city and with friends coming to greet us. Following that, we went to Aleppo, / where we sold our merchandise. After a year Abd el-Masìh / returned to Venice and I stayed in Aleppo. / Then there was another calamity which we survived and Abd el-Masìh came back / to Aleppo. Then the Patriarch Macarius53 arrived from Moscow /15/ and appointed deacons and clergymen. He nominated me, poor Ra d, / as deacon and three years later made me curate / and then parish priest. [The Patriarch Macarius] died a year later in the mercy / of the Lord, who then called Abd el-Masìü to Himself too. |f. 19v|

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‫ﻛرث ﻳﺒيك وﻳﺒﻮس اﻗﺪاﻣﻨﺎ ﺗﻢ راﺣﻮا‬ ‫ اﱄ ان وﺻﻠﻨﺎ اﱄ ﻃﺮاﺑﻠﺲ‬/‫ﻓﴪﻧﺎ‬ ٘ ‫وﺧﻠﻮﻧﺎ‬ ‫ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ وﺳﻠﻤﻮا‬/10/ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻼﻣﻪ وﻃﻠﻌﻨﺎ اﱄ‬ ‫ وﺑﻌﻨﺎ‬/‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ اﻻﺻﺤﺎب ﺗﻢ اﺗﻴﻨﺎ اﱄ ﺣﻠﺐ‬ /‫ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺘﻨﺎ وﺑﻌﺪ دﻟﻚ ﺑﺴﻨﻪ ﻋﺒﺪ اﳌﺴﻴﺢ‬ ‫رﺟﻊ اﱄ اﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﻪ واﻧﺎ ﻗﻌﺪت ﰲ ﺣﻠﺐ‬ ‫ ﻛﺎن ﺣﴫة اﻟﺘﺎﻧﻴﻪ وﻃﻠﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ‬/ ‫وﺑﻌﺪہ‬ ‫ اﱄ ﺣﻠﺐ‬/‫اﻟﺤﴫہ وﺟﺎ ﻋﺒﺪ اﳌﺴﻴﺢ‬ ‫وﺟﺎ اﻟﺒﻄﺮك ﻣﻜﺎرﻳﻮس ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﻜﻮف‬ ‫ وﻋﻤﻞ ﺷامﻣﺴﻪ وﻛﻬﻨﻪ ورﺳﻤﻨﻲ‬/15/ ‫ ﺷامس وﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻼت ﺳﻨني‬/‫اﻧﺎ اﻟﻔﻘري رﻋﺪ‬ ‫ رﺳﻤﻨﻲ ﺧﻮري‬/ ‫رﺳﻤﻨﻲ ﻗﺴﻴﺲ وﺑﻌﺪہ‬ ‫ اﻟﺴﻴﺪ‬/‫وﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻨﻪ ﺗﻨﻴﺢ اﱄ رﺣﻤﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺴﻴﺢ وﺑﻌﺪہ ﺗﻮﻓﺎ ﻋﺒﺪ اﳌﺴﻴﺢ‬ (‫ب‬۱٩ ‫)ورﻗﺔ‬

53 Macarius III (Zaim) of Antioch, born in Aleppo, was the Orthodox Patriarch of the Church of Antioch from 1647 to 1672. In 1647, during persecutions and after high Ottoman taxation of the Christians by the governor, he had to flee from Aleppo a number of time. In 1652, he set out on a trip through Constantinople, Wallachia, Moldavia, Ukraine, and Russia, where he spent sixteen months in Moscow as guest of Tsar Alexis. After his return to Damascus in 1659, he was able to settle the debts of the patriarchate. After 1661, he frequently sent his greetings to the Roman pope and kept very good relations with the missionaries. In 1666, he was invited to participate in the Synod of 1666. He went back to Syria in 1672 and died in Damascus on June 12, 1672. The description of his travels, written by his son Paul of Aleppo (1654-1666), were translated in 1836 and printed by the Oriental Translation Fund of Great Britain and Ireland.

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Fig. 5 – Palazzo Grimani, incisione all’acquaforte in Il gran teatro di Venezia ovvero Raccolta delle principali vedute ewww.torrossa.com pitture che in essa- For si contengono, Venezia, Domenico Lovisa, 1720 (Cicognara IX 3459A, non-commercial use by authorised usersc. only. License restrictions apply.tav. 13).

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PHOTOGRAPHIC REPRODUCTION OF MANUSCRIPT SBATH 89, ff. 1r-19v

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